06513
V.9
1136146 I
OENEALOGY COLLECireFI
ii
DOCUMENTS
RELATIVE TO THE
COLONIAL HISTORY
STATE OF NEW-YORK
PROCURED IN
HOLLAND, ENGLAND AND FRANCE,
JOHK ROMEYN BRODHEAD, ESQ.,
UNDER AND BY VIRTUE OP AN ACT OF THE LEGISLATURE ENTITLED "AN ACT TO APPOINT AN AGENT TO
PROCURE AND TRANSCRIBE DOCUMENTS IN EUROPE RELATIVE TO THE COLONIAL HISTORY
OF THE STATE," PASSED MAY 2, 1830.
EDITED BY
E. B. O'CALLAGHAN, M. D.
VOL. IX.
ALBANY:
WEED, PARSONS AND COrPANT, PEINTEllS.
1855.
These Documents have been published under the direction of the Governor, Secretary of State,
and Comptroller of the State of Nevy-York, in virtue of an Act of the Legislature of the said State,
entitled " An Act to Provide for the Publishing of certain Documents relating to the Colonial History
of the State," passed March 30th, 1849.
The Documents in Dutch and French were translated by E. B. O'Callaghan, M. D., who was
employed by the State Officers above named for that purpose, and to superintend the publication
generally.
113614J
TRANSCEIPTS OF DOCUMENTS
ARCHIVES OF THE "MINISTERE DE LA MARINE ET DES COLONIES;" OF THE "MNISTERE DE LA
GUERRE," AND EST THE " BIBLIOTHEQUE DU ROI," AT PARIS.
PARIS DOCUMENTS, I-YIII.
1631-1744.
PARIS DOCUMENTS,
The Documents contained in these volumes, are copies of originals in the Archives of the Department
of the Marine and the Colonies ; in the Archives of the Department of War, and in the Royal Library
at Paris.
The general management of Canadian affairs was, for a long time, intrusted to the Department of the
Marine in France, which also included the Colonies under its jurisdiction. It was not until about
the year 1755, when a general war broke out in America between France and England, that the
Department of War appears to have had any particular communications with the French Agents in
America; at any rate, nothing of consequence has been found in its Archives previous to that date.
The Archives of the Department of the Marine and the Colonies are very rich in Documents relating
to the history of the French Colonies in America. Owing, however, to various causes (prominent among
which may be named the unbridled spirit of wanton destruction which seemed to possess the Revolutionists
of 1793), these Archives are, at the present moment ( 1843), in a state of deplorable confusion ; and the
toil and time required to examine and select from the vast mass of unarranged papers that load their
shelves, can scarcely be appreciated by any one who has not himself made personal investigations.
The papers relating to Canada and New- York, are contained in two separate divisions. The one
consists of a series of bound volumes, commencing with the year 1663, and ending very abruptly with
1737. This series numbers about seventy volumes, and contains the despatches of the King and his
Ministers to the Governors and other functionaries in the French Colonies. It is greatly to be regretted
that the volumes subsequent to 1737, are missing. The other, and by far the most fertile repository, is a
series of "Cartons," or Portfolios, in which are placed, loosely, hap-hazard, and without the slightest
attempt at arrangement, a vast mass of original Documents relating to Canada from 1630 to the period
of the Treaty of Paris, 10th February, 1763. There are upwards of one hundred of these " Cartons,"
each of which contains Documents enough to make two bound volumes of the usual size. It is scarcely
possible to conceive a task more appaling to the investigator than an e.xamination of these papers. Dusty,
decayed, without order, often without a date to identify the Document; a despatch of 1670 jostling a
paper relating to Dieskau's defeat, an account of the surrender of Quebec, pele-mele, with a letter of
Governor Dongan ; the expedition of 1690, mixed up with the attack on Forts William Henry, Fronlenac
and Duquesne, the Hurons and Manhattan, Boston and the Ottawas, side by side ; the contents of these
"Cartons" form, indeed, the materials of a brilliant Historical Mosaic, whose riches will repay the patient
investigator who does not allow their painful disorder to deter him from the research.
It must be evident that this state of things was embarrassing in no small degree. It not only very
greatly increased the labor of the investigations, but was found that, in a great many instances, valuable
papers were missing from the mass. If, therefore, the Historian, in looking over these Transcripts,
hereafter, should observe deficiencies in the series, he may feel assured that they have not been so left
without regret and mortification on the part of the collector.
The Archives of the " Department of War," however, present a gratifying contrast, in respect to
arrangement, to those of the " Marine and the Colonies." The papers are chronologically arranged in
vi PARIS DOCUMENTS.
bound ^ ilutnes; and tlieir examination was as agreeable and pleasant as that of the "Cartons" of the
Marine was laborious and annoying. The papers relate, chiefly, to the period between 1755 and the
Treaty of Paris, and comprise the correspondence of the Military Commanders in America with the
French Government.
In arranging these Transcripts (which were, of course, separately copied), a strictly chronological
order has been observed. The papers from the Department of the Marine and the Colonies have been
intermingled with those from the Department of War ; and whenever inclosures were found they have
always been placed next after the letter transmitting them.
John Romeyn Brodhead.
Paris, December, 1843.
LIST OF THE GOVERNORS OF CANADA,
1612 - 1763.
PKEPAKED, AND POLITELY COMMUNICATED TO THE EDITOR, BY LIEUTENANT-COLONEL JACQUES VIGEK, MONTREAL.
Names.
1. Samuel DE Champlain, 1612.
2. Makc Antoine de Bras-de-fer de Chasteaufort,.. 1635.
3. Charles Huault de Montmagny, 1636.
4. Louis d'Ailleboust de Coulonge, 1648.
5. Jean de Lauson, 1651.
6. Charles de Lauson-Charny, 1656.
7. Louis d'Ailleboust de Coulonge, Knight, 1657.
8. Pierre de Voyer, Viscount d'Argenson, 1658.
9. Pierre du Bois, Viscount d'Avaugour, 1661.
10. AuGUSTiN DE Saffrai'-Mesv, Knight, 1663.
11. Alexander de Prouville, Marquis de Tracy, 1663.
12. Datjiel de Remy de Courcelle, Knight, 1665.
13. Louis de Buade, Count de Paluan and de Frontenac,.. 1672.
14. Le Febvre de la Barre, 1682.
15. Jacques Rene de Brisay, Marquis de Denonville, . . . . 1685.
16. Count dk Frontenac, (Same as iVo. 13), 1689.
17. Louis Hector de Calliere, Knight, 1699.
18. Philippe de Rigaud, Marquis de Vaudreuil, 1703.
19. Charles le Moyne, Baron de Longueuil, 1725.
20. Charles, Marquis de Beauharnois, 1726.
21. Rolland Michel Barrin, Count de la Galissoniere, 1747.
22. Jacques Pierre de Taffanel, Marquis de la Jonquiere, 1749.
23. Charles le Moyne, Baron de Longueuil, 1752.
24. Marquis Duquesne de Menneville 1752.
25. Pierre Rigaud, Marquis de Vaudreuil-Cavagnal, 1755.
Remarks.
Died at Quebec, December 25, 1635.
At first. Commandant of Three
Rivers. His commission, as Gov-
ernor, has been lately discovered
by G. B. Faribault, Esq., of Quebec.
Knight of Malta.
Knight.
Son of No. 5.
Died at Montreal, 31st May, 1660.
Died at Quebec, May 5, 1665.
Viceroy; arrived at Quebec 1665.
Died at Quebec, November 28, 1698
Died at Quebec, May 26, 1703.
Died at Quebec, October 10, 1725.
Born at Montreal 1656; died at
Montreal, June 8, 1729.
Commissioned in 1746, but did not
come to Canada until 1749, as the
fleet he commanded was defeated
on the 3d of May, 1747, on its way
to Quebec, and he taken prisoner,
Died at Quebec, May 17, 1752.
Son of No. 19. Born at Montreal'
1686, and died at same place'
January 17, 1755.
Son of No. 18. Born at Quebec.
1698.
CONTENTS.
The dates of the following Documents are almost invariably according to the New Style.
1631. _ _ Pagb.
Abstract of the Fi-eneh and English discoveries in North America, between Virginia and Davis' Straits,
<feo., to the year 1631 : 1
1638.
February IS. Letter of King Louis XIIL, on the subject of the limits of command between Messrs. Charnisay and
de la Cour, in New France 4
1651.
June 20. Letter of the Council at Quebec to the Commissioners of New England, respecting the Indians, &c„ .... 5
Commission of the Rev. Father Druillettes and M. Jean Godefroy as Ambassadors to New England, ... 6
1663.
March. Edict of the King, for the creation of a Sovereign Council, <fec, in New France, t
May 1. Private instructions from the King to M. Gaudais, sent to inquire into the state of affairs in Canada, ... 9
August 4. Letter of M. Dubois d'Avaugour, Governor of Canada, to the Minister upon the state of affairs in the
Colony, <Ssc 13
November 19. Commission to Sieur de Prouville de Tracy, to be Lieutenant-geueral in America, during the absence
of the Vice-Roy, the Count d'Estrades, &C., 17
Memoir in relation to the fortifications necessary to protect Canada from the insults of the Iroquois,. . . 20
1664.
November 16. Extracts of a Despatch from the Minister to M. de Tracy 22
1665.
March 23. Commission to the Sieur Talon, to be Intendant of Justice, Police, and Finance, in Canada, &c 22
March 27. Instructions to M. Talon, 24
October 4. Letter of M. Talon to the Minister, upon Canadian affairs, 29
November 14. Tariff of prices at which the merchandise received by the vessels from France, is to be sold in Canada, 36
December 1. Explanation of the eleven presents made by the Iroquois Ambassadors, 37
December 13. Treaty with the Iroquois concluded at Quebec, this day, 39
1666.
April 6. Letter of M. Colbert to M. Talon on Canadian affairs 39
May 25. Treaty with the Senecas, concluded at Quebec this day 44
July 12. Treaty with the Oneidas at Quebec, this day 45
An account of the nine Iroquois tribes, with illustrative drawings, <fec., 47
September 1. Paper addressed by M. Talon, to Messrs. de Tracy and de Courcelles, on the question whether it is more
advantageous to the King to make war or to be at peace with the " Agniez," 62
November 1 3. Extract of a Memoir of M. Talon to M. Colbert, upon Canadian affairs 65
Abstract of the census of Canada in 1666 67
1667.
April 6. Extracts of a Memoir of M. Colbert to M. Talon, about Canadian affairs 68
October 27. Extracts of a Memoir of M. Talon to M. Colbert, upon the affairs of Canada, <fec.; 60
Abstract of the census of Canada for the year 1667, 61
^ Vol. IX. B
X CONTENTS.
1668. Page.
Abatract of tlie census of Canada for the year 1668 61
1669.
May 15. Extracts of a letter from M. Colbert to M. de Courcelles, npon Canadian affaire, 61
1670.
April 9. Letter of M. Colbert to M. de Courcelles, (extract,) 63
November 10. Extracts of a Memoir upon the affairs of Canada, addressed to the King by 51 Talon 63
November 10. Extracts of a Memoir addressed to M. Colbert, by M. Talon, 67
1671.
February. Extracts of a letter from M. Colbert to M. Talon — I.a Salle,. 70
March 11. Extracts of a letter from M. Colbert to M. de Courcelles, " 70
November 2. Extracts of a Memoir upon the affairs of Canada, addressed to the King by M. Talon, _ 71
November 11. Extract pf a Memoir upon Canadian affairs, addressed by M. Talon to the Minister, 74
An account of what occurred during the voyage made on Lake Ontario by M. de Courcelles, 75
1672.
April 7. Instructions of the King to M. de Frontenae, chosen by His Majesty to be Governor, <fee., in Canada,. . 85
June 4. Extracts of a letter from the Minister to M. Talon, on Canadian affairs 89
November 2. Extracts of a despatch of M. de Frontenae to the Minister, upon the affairs of Canada, the Iroquois, <fec., 90
1673.
June 13. Extracts of a letter of M. Colbert to M. de Frontenae, respecting the Iroquois, Jesuits, &c 95
A detailed account of M. de Frontenac's voyage, &c., to Lake Ontario, interviews with the Indians, &c.,
in June, July and August, 1673 95
1674,
May 17. Extract of a letter from M. Colbert to M. de Frontenae, 114
November 14. Extracts of the General Memoir addressed by M. de Frontenae to the Minister upon Canadian affairs,. 116
Petition of Sieur de la Salle for a grant of Fort Frontenae 122
1675.
March 15. Extracts of a letter from M. Colbert to M. de Frontenae 123
May 13. Decree of the King, accepting the propositions made by M. de la Salle, respecting a Colony in Canada,
and granting him Fort Frontenae 123
May 13. Patent of nobility to M. de la Salle, &c., 125
1676.
April 15. Extracts of a letter from the King Louis XIV., to M. de Frontenae, respecting new discoveries,.. 126
1677.
April 28. Extracts of a letter from the King to M. de Frontenae — to be on good terms with the English, <Ste. 126
1678.
May 12. Letters of the King, granting permission to M. de la Salle to make discoveries to the west of New
France, <fee., , 127
May 12. Extracts of a letter from the King to M. de Frontenae — the English — Iroquois, <fec., 128
1679.
April 26. Extract of a letter from the King to M de Frontenae — to maintain a good correspondence with the
English, &c '. 128
November 6. Extracts of a Memoir addressed to the King by M de Frontenae — the Indians — Orange — Manhattan —
Andros, <fec., 129
November 10. Extracts of a Memoir by M. Duehesneau, Intendant, &c., of Canada, to the Minister — commerce with
the Indians — census of Canada, &c 131
November 14. Extracts of a Memoir of M. Duehesneau to the Minister — news from Albany — Manhattan, &c., 137
Letter of M. de Saurel to M. Duehesneau, 138
1680.
April 29. Extract of a letter from Louis XIV. to M. de Frontenae — rupture with England — precautions to be
taken, &c 139
November 1 3. Extracts of a Memoir of M. Duehesneau to the Minister — commerce with the Indians — census, Ac, .... 140
1681.
November 2. Extracts of a letter of M. de Frontenae to the King— Iroquois— English, &o 145
November 13. Extracts of a letter of SI. Duehesneau to the Minister, upon Canadian affairs, &e., 149
November 13. Extract of a paper annexed to the foregoing, respecting trade with the Indians, <fec 159
November 13. Memoir of M. Duehesneau to the Minister upon the subject of the French and English trade with the
Western Indiane, Ac. 160
CONTENTS. • xi
1682. ' Page.
May 10. Extract of the Instructions of the King to M. de la Barre, appointed Governor, &a., in Canada 167
March 23. Abstract of the intelligence and opinions given at a Conference held ■with the Jesuits on the subject of
the news received from the Iroquois, &a 168
July 28. Letter from M. Duchesneau to M. de Frontenac — Iroquois, <fec., 174
August 5. Letter of M. de Fronteiiac's in reply 175
August 13. Account of an interview between M. de Frontenac and the Ottawas, &c., at Montreal 176
September 11. Interview between the deputies of the Five Nations and M. de Frontenac, 183
September 12. Replies of M. de Frontenac to the speeches of the deputies of the Five Nations, 189
September 16. Letter of M. de la Forest, Commandant at Fort Frontenac, to M. de Frontenac, upon the return of the
Indian Deputies, iSic 189
September 12. Memorial in regard to the disposition of the Indians towards the French, at the departure of M. de
Frontenac, from C/inada, 190
September 20. Letter of Father de Lamberville to M. de Frontenac 192
October 10. Account of the Assembly held at Quebec, by M. de la Barre, &c., with the officers in Canada, the
Jesuits, (fee. respecting the Indians, iSrc 194
November 12. Extracts of the Minister's Resume of the letters of M. de la Barre, 196
1683.
May 31. Letter of Captain BrockhoUs to M. de la Barre, 199
August 5. Extract of a letter from the King to M. de la Barre 200
November 4. Letter of M. de la Barre to the Minister — Iroquois — English, Ac, 201
Extract of a general Memoir on the subject of the frauds in the Indian trade, &c 211
1684.
Memoir addressed to M. Seignelay respecting the situation in which M. de la Salle left Fort Frontenac, 213
Another memorial respecting the expense incurred by M. de la Salle on Fort Frontenac 216
April 10. Extract of a letter of the Minister to M. de la Barre — reproaching him for his bad conduct, &e 221
April 10. Extract of a letter from the Minister to M. de Meules, lutendant in Canada 222
April 10. Further extract from same to same, - 223
April 10. Edict of the King, forbidding French suVijects to go to Albany, New-York, &c., 224
April 10. Edict of the King, for the punishment of French subjects who go to Albany, New-York, <fee 224
April 14. Commission from the King to M. de la Salle, to take command in the regions that shall become
subjected to France, west of Canada, &c., 225
June 5. Extract of a letter from M. de la Barre to the Minister (Seignelay,) 226
February 1 0. Letter from Father de Lamberville to M. de la Barre 226
July 8. Letter of M. de Meules, Intendant of Canada, to the Minister, 228
July 31. Letter of the King to M. de la Barre — war with the Indians, <fec 232
July 31. Despatch of the Minister to M. Barillon, French Ambassador at London, 224
August 14. Return of officers and soldiers, militia and Indians, at a review held by the Governor of Canada at Fort
Frontenac, 234
September 5. Interview between the Onondagas and M. De la Barre, at La Famine, 236
October 1. Memoir by M. de la Barre as to what had been done on the subject of a war with the Senecas, 239
October 1. Resume by the Minister of the foregoing Memoir of M. de la Barre, 244
October 7. Letter of M. de la Barre to the Minister, complaining of Ooh Dongan, &c 244
October 10. Letter of M. de Meules to the Minister — Iroquois — Ottawas, <tc., 244
November 9. Letter of M. de Callifire, Governor of Montreal, to the Minister 249
November 13. Extract of a despatch of M. de la Barre to the King — difficulties with Colonel Dongan, &c., 250
July 10. Letter from Father de Lamberville to M. de la Barre, dated Onondaga, : 252
July 11. Letter from same to same 252
July 13. Letter from same to same 254
July 18. Letter from same to same 255
August 17. Letter from same to same 266
August 28. Letter fj-om same to same 267
September 27. Letter from same to same 259
October 9. Letter from same to same, 260
June 15. Letter from M. de la Barre to Governor Dongan, 262
July 6. Letter from Colonel Dongan to M. de la Barre 262
July 24. Letter from M. de la Barre to Colonel Dongan, with a copy of the Instructions given to Sieur de la
Salvaye, his envoy to New- York, 262
xii CONTENTS.
1683 Page.
August 3. Letter of Colonel Dongan to the French at Pemaquid, 263
1B84.
November 14. Extract of a letter of M. de la Barre to the Minister, about Colonel Dongan, <fec 263
November 14. Extract of the Resume, by the Minister, of the letters received from Canada, &a., 264
1685.
February 25. Memoir by M. de Calliere addressed to M. de Scignelay, respecting the usurpations of the English in the
French Colonies in America 265
March 10. Letter of the King to M. de la Barre, recalling him 269
March 10. Extract of a letter of the King to M. de Meules, &.e .' 269
March 10. Letter of the Minister to M. Barillon, Ambassador at London, complaining of the conduct of the
Governor of New-York, &c., 269
February 18. Resume by the Minister, of the letters sent to Canada, (fee., - 270
March 10. Instructions of the King to the Marquis de Denonville, appointed Governor, <fec., in Canada, 271
November 12. Extract of the Reaum^, by the Minister, of the letters of M. de Denonville, of August, September and
November — with his notes 273
November 12. Memoir of M. de Denonville concerning the present state of Canada, and the measures to be taken for
its security, &c 280
Return of Beavers received from Canada, from 1675 to 1685, 267
1686.
May 8. Letter of M. de Denonville to the Minister, 287
1685.
October 13. Letter from Governor Dongan to M. de Denonville 292
1686.
June 12. Letter from M. de Denonville to the Minister — Indiana — Colonel Dongan, <Scc 293
November 8. Memoir by the Marquis de Denonville, respecting the present situation of Canadian affairs, and the
necessity of making war on the Iroquois, &c 296
Statement in support of the Right of the French to the Iroquois country and to Hudson's Bay 303
November 1 1. Letter of M. de Denonville to the Minister — war with the Indians, ifec, 306
November 16. Letter of M. de Denonville to the Minister, 308
1685.
May 20. Letter of Col. Dongan to Father de Lamberville, 311
May 22. Letter of Col. Dongan to M. de Denonville, ,. 311
June 20. Letter of M. de Denonville to Col. Dongan in reply , 311
July 27. Letter of Col. Dongan to M. de Denonville 312
September 29. Letter of M. de Denonville to Col. Dongan in reply, 312
December 1. Letter of Col. Dongan to M. de Denonville 312
Resum6 by the Minister of the letters received this year from Canada, and of the answers, 312
1686.
December 4. Commission of Major McGregory to trade in the Ottawa country, 318
1687.
January. Memoir for the Marquis de Seignelay, respecting the dangers that threaten Canada, the means of
remedying them, and of establishing religion, commerce, and the French power in North America,. 319
March 30. Extracts from the letter of the King to Messrs. de Denonville and Champigny — Iroquois— the English, &o., 322
June 8. Letter of M. de Denonville to the Minister — Iroquois— Col. Dongan, Ac, 324
June 17. Letter of the King to M. de Denonville, forbidding any efforts against the English, Ac, 330
July 16. Account by M. de Champigny of the expedition of M. de Denonville to Cataracouy, ifec 331
July 19. Proems Verbal of the taking possession of the Seneoas country by M. de Denonville 834
July 31. Proces Verbal of the taking possession of Niagara by M. de Denonville, 335
August 26. Letter of M. de Denonville to the Minister 336
June 11. Letter from Col. Dongan to M. de Denonville 344
August 22. Letter of M. de Denonville to Col. Dongan, in reply 345
August 22. Letter of M. de Denonville to Col. Dongan, 845
August 26. Resume by the Minister of M. de Denonville's letters, and of the replies thereto, 345
October 27. Memoir by M. de Denonville, respecting the present state of affairs in Canada, in reference to the war
with the Iroquois 346
October 2. Letter of M. de Denonville to Col. Dongan, 355
September 8. Letter of Col. Dongan to M. de Denonville, 866
CONTENTS. xiii
1687. Page.
October 12. Letter of M. de Denonville to Col. Dongan, in reply, 355
October. Detailed account of the expedition of M. de Denonville against the Seneoas 367
November. Memoir by M. de Calliere to the Minister, urging the necessity of war against the English in New-York, <fec., 369
December 13. Memoir presented by the French Ambassadors to the English Commissioners, concerning the rights of
France over the Iroquois, &e., 37 1
1688.
March 8. Instructions of the King to the Marquis de Denonville, upon the subject of the difficulties between the
French and the English, respecting their territorial claims in North America, 371
March 8. Extract of a letter from the Minister to M. de Denonville — Col. Dongan, <Ssc., 372
March 8. Extracts of the Minister's Resum6 of despatches to Messrs. de Denonville and de Champigny 373
May 8. Project for the termination of the Iroquois War, ...'. 375
May 16. Memoir by M. de Denonville, explanatory of the territorial rights of the French in North America, <fee., 377
June 16. Declaration of the Iroquois before M. de Denonville, at Montreal, of their desire to remain neutral
between the French and the English, Ac, 384
September 15. Statement, showing the present situation, &c., of Fort Niagara 386
October 30. Letter from Quebec, giving an account of the war, the difficulties with the Indians, Col. Dongan, &c., . . 388
1689.
Kesiim6 by the Minister of the letters of Messrs. de Denonville and de Champigny, with notes thereon, 393
Memoir showing the advantages of a fort at Niagara, &c 399
Explanatory paper in relation to the defences necessary in Canada, the means of increasing the Indian
trade, and the French influence, <fee 399
January. Memoir of M. de Calliere to the Marquis de Seignelay, upon the present state of Canadian afifairs, &c., 401
January. Project by M. de Calliere, of an expedition for the purpose of conquering New-York, <fec 404
Paper showing the difference in price of Indian merchandise at Albany and at Montreal 408
Tariff of prices at which Canadian merchandise might be sent to France, &c., 409
January. Abstract of the Project of M. de Calliere., 411
Feliruary. Memoir of M de Calliere to the Minister upon his Project 411
February. Estimate of arms, munitions, (fee, necessary to be sent to Canada for the proposed expedition against
New-York 412
February. Report to the Minister upon the foregoing Project and estimate 413
April 24. Observations addressed to the Minister, upon the proposed plan for the conquest of New- York, 415
May 1. Extract of a despatch of the King to Messrs. de Denonville and de Champigny, respecting the Indians — the
English possessions in America, &c 416
May 1. Extract of a despatch from the Minister to M. de Denonville 417
M.<iy 8. Exemplification of the Procds Verbal of the taking possession of the Baye des Puants and the Upper
Mississippi, <fec. .- 418
May 22. Memoir by M. de Calliere, respecting the proposed expedition against New-York 419
May. Further Memoir of M. de Calliere, urging a prompt execution of the proposed attack on New-York, Ac., . . 420
June 7. Instructions from the King to M. de Frontenac (appointed Governor of Canada,) respecting the proposed
conquest of New-York, giving full details of the views of the French government thereupon, <fec., . . 422
June 7. General Instructions from the King to the Count de Frontenac, appointed Governor and Lieutenant-
general of the French possessions in North America. (Extracts.) 427
November 8. Memoir of M. de Calliere upon the present state of Canadian affairs, 428
Statement of what has been put on boardthe ships le Fourgon and I'Ambuscade 430
November 18. Observations upon the state of Canadian affairs, nt the time of the departure of the vessels, this date, 431
November. Extracts of the Minister's resume of the letters received from Messrs. de Frontenac, de Denonville, de
Champigny, and up to the sailing of the ships in 1689, 434
1690.
January. Extract of a Memoir by the Marquis de Denonville to the Minister, upon the situation of Canada — the
expediency of the conquest of New-York, &e., 440
February 15. Memoir by M Duplessis upon the subject of the defence of Canada, war with the Indians, <fec 447
June. Message of M. de Frontenac to be delivered to the Ottawas, to dissuade them from forming an alliance
with the English, Ac , 448
July 14. Extract of a despatch from the King to Messrs. de Frontenac, and de Champigny — cannot undertake the
attack on New- York at present. Ac 452
July 14. Further extract from the King's despatch to Messrs. de Frontenac and de Champigny — the Iroquois, <fec., 452
October 23. An account of what occured in Canada during the English expedition against Quebec, October, 1690. . 455
XIV
CONTENTS.
1690. Page.
November 12. Extracts of a letter of M. de Frontenae to the Minister — details of the military operations in Canada, <fec., 459
November. An account of the most remarkable occurrences in Canada, from the departure of the vessels in the
month of November, 1689, to the month of November, 1690 462
Memoir of M. de Calliere to the Minister, upon the designs of the English — the attack of New-
York, (fee 492
1691.
April 7. Extract of the King's despatch to Messrs. de Frontenae and de Champigny, 494
May 10. Extract of a letter of M. de Frontenae to the Minister — Indian affairs, <fec 495
May 10. Extracts of a Memoir of M. de Champigny to M. de Pontchartrain — Canadian affairs, 491
May 12. Extracts of a " Memoir instruetif" upon Canada, by M. de Champigny, 600
May 12. Letter of M. de Champigny to the Minister — attack of the Iroquois upon Montreal, <fee 503
August 12. Letter of M. de Champigny to the Minister — Indian troubles, Ac 503
October 20. Extract of a letter from M. de Frontenae to the Minister, 505
October 12. Memoir by M. de Villebon to the Minister — proposing expeditions against New England, New- York, Ac, 506
Petition of M. de Calliere to the Minister, for an allowance equal to that of other Colonial Governors,. 507
Memoir on the present state of Canada, and tlie aid to be expended to it for its preservation 508
Remarks on what appears important to the Kmg's service for the preservation of New France, 510
November. Account of the most remarkable occurrences in Canada, from the month of November, 1690, to the
departure of the vessels in 1691 ' 513
1692.
February 17. Extract of the Memoir on the present state of Canadian affairs, 627
April. Despatch of the Minister to M. de Frontenae — M. de la Mothe Cadillac to be sent to France to give
intelligence, &a., 530
Sepf ember 15. Extracts of a letter from M. de Frontenae to the Minister — Boston — New- York — Port Royal, &e 531
October 5. Account of the military operations in Canada, from November, 1691, to October, 1692, by M. de
Champigny, 534
November 11. Extract of a letter from M. de Frontenae to the Minister 638
November 11. Memoir to M. de Pontchartrain on behalf of the Iroquois and other North American Indians, &c 539
Notes by the Minister, upon the projected attack of the English Colonies upon Canada, and the means
of opposing them, (fee 543
Extracts of a Memoir of M. de la Mothe Cadillac to the Minister, respecting Acadia, New England,
New-York, and Virginia 646
1693.
March 28. Despatch of the King to Messrs. de Frontenae and de Champigny, 549
August 17. An account of what has occurred in Canada in relation to the war with the English and the Indians,
since November, 1692, by M. de Champigny 550
Account of the most remarkable occurrences in Canada, from the month of September, 1692, to the
sailing of the vessels in 1693, 655
May 8. Despatch of the King to Messrs. de Frontenae and de Champigny. ( Extract. ) 573
August 20. Memoir of M. de Villebon to M. de Pontchartrain, on the proposed enterprise against Fort Pemaquid, 574
1694.
Memoir by M. de la Mothe Cadillac, of the occurrences in Canada this year, with the Iroquois, <fee 577
Note by the Minister, upon the Canadian intelligence of this year, 687
1695.
April 16. Letter of the Minister to M. de Frontenae — negotiations with the Iroquois, (fee ,. . . . 689
June 14. Despatch of the King to Messrs. de Frontenae and de Champigny 590
November 6. Memoir by Mons. de ChanipigTiy, concerning the fort at Catariicouy, (fee 691
Narrative of the chief occurrences between the French and the Indians, (fee, in Canada, in 1694, 1695, 694
Abstract, (submitted to the Minister,) of the Canadian despatches of 1695, in reference to the Iroquois,
English, (fee, 633
1696.
February 15. Ministerial memorandum on the subject of the Canadian despatches, and the preparations necessary to
be made thereupon 634
Mny 26. Despatch of the King to Messrs. de Frontenae, and de Champigny — Indian troubles — the English, (fee., 636
Octiiber 25 Letter of M. de Frontenae to the King — expedition against the Onondagas, (fee, 639
November. Account of the most remarkable occurrences in Canada, from the departure of the ships, in 1695, to the
beginning of November, 1696, 640
CONTENTS.
XV
1697. Page.
January 20. Project of an enterprise against Boston gnd New-Tort, presented to the Minister, by M. de Lngny 659
April 28. Despatch of the Minister to M. de Frontenae — approving hia conduct, etc., 662
October 18. Narrative of the moat remarkable occurrences in Canada, from the departure of the ships in 1696, to
October, 1697, 664
1698.
March 12. Despatch of the Minister to M. de Frontenae — news of peace of Ryswick, <fec., 677
May 21. Extract of a despatch from the Minister to M. de Frontenae — Indians, &e., 678
October 20. Narrative of the most remarkable occurrences in Canada, from 1697 to October, 1698, 678
Memorandum respecting the Sovereignty of the King of France over the Iroquois, 689
April 22. Letter from the Earl of Bellomont, Governor of New-York, to the Count de Frontenae 690
June 8. Letter of Count de Frontenae to the Earl of Bellomont, in reply, 690
August 13. Letter of Lord Bellomont to Count de Frontenae, 692
August 22. Letter of Lord Bellomont to the Count de Frontenae, 693
September 21. Letter of M. de Frontenae to Lord Bellomont, in reply 694
October 25. Letter of Messrs. de Frontenae and de Champigny to the Minister, 695
March
25.
April
29.
May
27.
1700.
May
5.
June
19.
July
18.
October
16.
September 3.
1701.
May
3L
August
4.
1702.
May 3.
November 4.
November 6.
November 11.
1703.
May 30.
November 14.
November 14.
1704.
November 16.
Despatch of the King to M. de Frontenae, respecting the Indians, &c 697
Despatch of the King to M. de Calliere^ directing him to observe the treaty of Ryswick, <fec., 698
Extract from a Memoir of the King to M. de Calliere, &c., — appointed Governor, cfec., of Canada, in
place of M. de Frontenae deceased 699
Memoir respecting the encroachments of the English upon the Territories of France in North America, 701
Despatch of the King to Messrs. de Calliere and de Champigny — peace with the Indians, &c 704
Council held by M. de Longueuil French commandant of Detroit, with the Indians, respecting a declara-
tion of war against the English (of Carolina), 704
Repliea of M. de Longueuil to the speech of the White River Indians 707
Interview between six Iroquois deputies, and the Chevalier de Calliere at Montreal 708
Letter of M. de Calliere to the Minister — the Iroquois— Mississippi^Lord Bellomont, &o 711
Interview between the Iroquois deputies and M. de Calliere at Montreal 715
Despatch of the King to Messrs. de Calliere and de Champigny — Iroquois — the Mississippi, &c 721
Ratification of the peace made in the month of September last between the Colony of Canada and the
Indians, , 722
Cabinet paper, containing details of a project for the conquest of New England, <fee., 725
Memoir by M. d'lberville, upon the situation of Boston, New- York, <fec., and the project for attacking
them, 729
Despatch of the King to M. de Calliere— Colonial affairs, <fec 735
Extract of a letter of M. de Calliere to the Minister — peace with the Indians — Orange — New-York, Ac, 736
E.\tract of a letter from M. de Calliere to the Minister — Onondagas — Orange — New-York, tfec, 739
Extracts of a letter of M. de Beauharnois, Intendant of Canada, to the Minister — Indian aflfairs, &c., . . 740
Extracts of a despatch of the King to Messrs. de Calli&re and de Beauharnois — Fort Frontenae — Detroit,
&c 742
Letter from M. de Vaudreuil to the Minister — death of M. de Calliere— menaces of the English, <fee.,.. 742
Interviews with the Indiana by M. de Vaudreuil, Ac, in July, September and October, and notes by
the Minister thereon 746
Resume of a letter of Messrs. de Vaudreuil and Beauharnois, of this date, and notes of the Minister
thereon 755
Succinct detail of what composes the twenty millions (of livres) which the Colony of Canada produces
yearly to the King and his subjects, 757
Extract of a letter from M. de Vaudreuil to the Minister — Abenaquis — Iroquois — Detroit — Albany — Peter
Schuyler, Ac 758
Extract of a letter of Messrs. de Vaudreuil and Beauharnois, to the Minister — Indian affairs — Jesuits —
,the English— Schuyler, Ac , 761
xvi CONTENTS.
Page.
1705.
June " 17. Extract of the King's despatch to M. de Vaudreuil— the Miamis— Onondagas, &a., 765
October 19. Extracts of a letter from M. de Vaudrueil to the Minister, '?66
August 16. Speech of the Indian deputies, to M. de Vaudreuil '?67
August 17. Answer of the Goveruor-geaeral to the speech of the Indian Deputies 768
October. Draft of a Treaty proposed by Colonel Vetch, on the part of Governor Dudley to M. de Vaudreuil, to
be made between the Colonies of New France and New England 110
1706.
Proposal to be presented to the King in favor of taking immediate possession of Niagara, &c., 773
April 28. Extract of a letter of M. de Vaudreuil to the Minister— Governor Dudley, <fec. 11 ^
June 9. Extract of a despatch from the Minister to M. de Vaudreuil— instructions in detail, <fec 776
November 4. Extracts of a letter of M. de Vaudreuil to the Jlinister—Ottawas— Iroquois— Detroit— the English, <fcc., 779
General Memoir, on the subject of the French dominion in Canada, from 1504 to 1706, with extracts
from the despatches of the Governors, Ac, 781
1671.
June 14. Minute of Sieur de St. Lusson, of the taking possession of the Western country for the King of France, 803
1707.
June 30. Extracts from a despatch of the Minister to M. de Vaudreuil— to keep at peace with the Indians, and
harass the English at Boston, &c. 804
June 30 Instructions from the King to M. de Clerambaut d'Aigremont^ Ac.- the forts at Oswego, Niagara, Detroit,
Ac 805
June 30. Extracts from the despatcli of the King to Messrs. de Vaudreuil and Raudot, 808
July 24. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to the Minister— Ottawas— Detroit, &c 810
1708.
June 6. Extract of a despatch from the Minister to M. Raudot, urging him to excite the Indians to a war with
the English, &a 811
June 6. Eytraots of the King's despatch to Messrs. de Vaudreuil and Raudot— His Majesty does not recognize
Queen Anne, &a 811
June 6. Extract of a despatch of the Minister to M. de Vaudreuil— Instructions, &c 812
November 5. Extract of a letter of M. de Vaudreuil to the Minister— Onondagas— Boston— New-York, Ac 814
May 24. Letter of Father d'Heu, to M. de Vaudreuil, dated Onondaga 815
November 12. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to the Minister 816
°^' ^ '. Letter of Colonel Peter Schuyler to M. de Vaudreuil, dated Orange, 818
October 7.
November 14. Report of M. de Clerambaut d'Aigremont to the Minister, concerning the advanced posts of Canada, &c., 819
1709.
April 27. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to the Minister— Schuyler— Onondagas— Orange, Ac 824
July 6. Extract of the King's despatch to Messrs. de Vaudreuil and Raudot — to act on the defensive, &o 826
July 6. Letter of the Minister to M. d'Aigremont, upon his Report of November 14, (supra) 826
November 14. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to the Minister— details about Schuyler— Lake Champlain, &c. 828
June 2. Examination of Samuel Whiting, taken prisoner by the French 835
June 16. Letter of Father de Mareuil, Jesuit Missionary at Onondaga, to Father d'Heu, 836
August 1. Examination of Querel Roulonse, by M. de Ramezay, at Crown Point 837
June 14. Letter of M. de Joncaire to the Commandant at Fort Frontenac 838
October 19. Letter of M. de Ramezay to M. de Vaudreuil— Schuyler— Grown Point, Ac, 838
November. General statement of the condition of Canada in November, 1709 840
1710.
May 1. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to the Minister— Chambly— Lake Champlain— Schuyler going to England, Ac, 842
May 10. Extract of a letter from the Minister to M. de Vaudreuil — Onondagas, Ac 844
June 7. Letter from the Minister to M. de Vaudreuil— designs of the English, Ac. 845
June. Notes by the Minister upon M. de Vaudreuil's letters, Ac 845
November 3. Extracts of a letter from M. de Vaudreuil to the Minister— Onondagas— Schuyler— Ottawas— Orange, Ac, 846
November 18. Extract of M. de Clerambaut d'Aigremont's report to the Minister — posts iu Canada, Ac 852
1711.
April 25. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to the Minister — New-York — Port Royal, Ac 863
July 7. Despatch of the Minister to M. ae Vaudreuil— approves his conduct in reference to New-York — Boston
— Indians, Ac,.
856
CONTENTS.
1711. .
October 25. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to the Minister — Albany — New-York — Boston — Onondagas — Port Royal, &«.,
1712.
June 28. Extracts of the despatch of the Minister to M. de Vaudreuil — precautions to be taken against the
English, &c
November 6. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to the Minister — Detroit — Onondagas — Fort Frontenac, &e
1713.
July 4. Extract of a despatch of the Minister to M, de Vaudreuil
17 U.
October 1. Memoir showing the advantages of the post at the Detroit to the King, &c.,
1716.
Febmary. Extracts of a general Memoir, addressed by M. de Vaudreuil, to the Regent, the Duke d'Orleans, upon
the state of affairs in Canada
October 15. Report by JI. Chaussegros de Lery, upon the fortifications of Quebec, &c
November 7. Memorandum of the " Conseil de Marine," approving M. de Vaudreuil's proposition respecting the fort
at Niagara, <fec
November 12. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to the Council — Detroit — Albany, <fec
1717.
June 26. Extracts of a despatch of the Council to M. de Vaudreuil, to watch the conduct of the English —
Governor Hunter, &c
XVll
Page.
1718.
January
1719.
May
October
1720.
January.
AprU
172L
January.
March
July
August
October
1722.
May
June
25. M. de Vaudreuil's account of his transactions with the Indians, 2-lth October, 1717, with the notes of
the Council thereupon,
Memoir on the subject of Acadia, in reference to the Abeuaquis, English, &c
1. Memoir of Father Lafitau, on the subject of the trade in spirituous liquors with the Indians, with the
order of the Council thereon. [In this paper is a copy of a letter of Francis Lovelace, Governor of
New- York, to Father Pierron, dated 18th November, 1668, ]
30. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to the Council — Indian affairs,
General Memoir respecting the Indians between Lake Erie and the Mississippi, with remarks upon their
territory, manners, habits, ifec,
23. Extract of the despatch of Louis XV. to Messrs. de Vaudreuil and Begon — limits of Canada — Acadia, Ac,
28. Extract of a letter from M. de Vaudreuil to the Council — Illinois — Miamis, &c.,
Memoir by Father Aubrey, upon the subject of the boundary between New France and New Enghind, &e.,
20. Census of Canada, according to M. Begon's return of 14th November, 1719
Report of the Council of Marine, approving Messrs. de Vaudreuil and Begon's proceedings respecting
Fort Niagara, <fec., .*
24. Census of Canada, according to M. Begon's return, 26th October, 1720,
11. Letter of Governor Burnet of New-York, to M. de Vaudreuil — Niagara,
24. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to Governor Burnet, in reply, defending the French occupation of Niagara, (fee,
8. Extracts of a letter of Messrs. de Vaudreuil and Begon to the King — English establishments in the Indian
country — forts — trade, <fec.,
24. Census of Canada, according to Messrs. de Vaudreuil and Begon's return, 4th November, 1721
8. Extract of a despatch of the King to Messrs. de Vaudreuil and J|gon — designs of the English upon Fort
Niagara, <fec., .
October 17. Memoir of Messrs. de Vaudreuil and Begon to the Council — ^Boston — the Abenaquis, &c
1723.
March. Memoir concerning the French Limits in America, drawn up and presented by Sieur Bob6
April 21. Extracts of letters of the Governors and Intendants of Canada, respecting the expeditions and
encroachments of the English, in Canada, since the treaty of Nimeguen, in 1678,
January 18. Rc8um6 of the letters of Messrs. de Vaudreuil and Begon — Abenaquis — New England — Iroquois, Ac
May 30. Extract of a Memoir of the King to Messrs. de Vaudreuil and Begon — the French must not appear in
the war between the English and the Indians, but their influence must be exerted, (fee
November 28. Letter of M de Vaudreuil to the Minister— English and Abenaquis, <fec
General Memoir upon the present state of the Abenaquis,
Vol. IX. c
CONTENTS.
1725.
April
April
August
August
7.
7.
1726.
May
7.
May
7.
May
7.
May
14.
May
July
August
October
16.
6.
16.
25.
1727.
April
April
August.
29.
September 25.
July 20.
August 8.
July U.
August 1.
July.
November 1.
December 21.
April
1728.
March
29.
6.
March
9.
May
9.
March
16.
May
14.
June
22.
1729.
January 25.
Page.
Extract of a letter of M. Begon to Count de Maurepas the Minister, on the subject of war betireen the
English and the Abenaquis, 941
Abstract of letters from M. de Vaudreuil and Father de la Chasse, on the subject of New England
troubles with the Abenaquis, <fec 945
Abstract of M. de Vaudreuil's letters respecting the Abenaquis — English at Boston — their ambition, Ac, 947
Abstract of letters of Messrs. de Vaudreuil and Begon of 22d May and 10th June — English at Oswego —
encroachments on the French Territory, <fee. 949
Cabinet paper respecting the English Fort at Oswego, and resumft of the letter of Messrs. de Longueuil
and Begon of 31st Octobei-, 1725, detailing the journey of the former to Oswego, Onondaga, <fec., . 952
Notes by the Minister upon the news from Canada about the war between New England and the
Indians, Ac, 955
Extracts from the Instructions of the King to the Marquis de Beauharnois, appointed Governor, ifec, in
Canada 966
Extraots from the King's despatch to Messrs. de Beauharnois and Dupuy — English at Oswego— the
Indians to be engaged against them, &c 957
Letter from the Duke of Newcastle to Mr. Walpole, about the French Fort at Niagara, 959
Letter of Governor Burnet to M. de Longueuil, about the French Fort at Niagara 960
Letter of M. de Longueuil, to Governor Bnrnet, in reply 960
Extracts of letters of the Governors and Intendants of Canada, respecting the limits with the English,
and the Iroquois, from 28th April, 1716, to 25th October, 1726 960
Letter from the Duke of Newcastle to Mr. Walpole, respecting the Fort at Niagara, 963
Extracts of a Memoir of the King to Messrs. Beauharnois and Dupuy — Fort at Niagara — Albany, Ac, 964
Letter from a Penobscot chief explanatory of the Treaty of peace concluded at Caskebay, between the
English and Indians 966
Letter of M. de Beauharnois to the Minister — Fort at Oswego, Ac 968
Letter of M. de Beauharnois to Governor Burnet of New-York 969
Letter of Governor Burnet to M. de Beauharnois, in reply 970
Summons jnade by M. Begon to the Commander of the Fort at Oswego, 973
Proccs Verbal of the delivery of the same 974
Speech of some Iroquois to Chevalier Begon on his way to Oswego 975
Resum6 of the Canadian letters on the subject of the Forts at Niagara and Oswego, in 1725, 1726, and
1727, and notes by the Minister and King thereupon 976
French answer to the memorial of H. B. M., respecting Fort Niagara, Ac 980
Resume of a Memoir of M. Dupuy, on the subject of the pretensions of the English in America, and
notes by the Minister thereon 985
Letter of the Board of Trade to the Duke of Newcastle, in reference to the French encroachments on
New-York, Ac 988
Extract of a Memoir of the King to Messrs. de Beauharnois and Dupuy — Abenaquis, 989
Resume, for the King, of the letters of Messrs. de Beauharnois and Dupuy, in reference to the Indians in
Canada — the English — their designs, with the Minister's report, Ac, 990
Memoir of the Hon. Mr. Walpole, to the Court of France, respecting the Fort built by the English at
Oswego 996
Memoir of the Hon. Mr. Walpole respecting the Fort at Niagara, presented to his Eminence the Cardinal
de Fleury 997
Abstract of the correspondence upon the subject of the Forts at Niagara and Oswego — the designs of
the English, with the Minister's Report, Ac 999
Extract of a despatch of the King to Messrs. de Beauharnois and Dupuy — Abenaquis — posts at Niagara
— Oswego — designs of the English — instructions 1002
Letter of the Hon. Mr. Walpole to the keeper of the seals, on the subject of the Forts at Niagara,
Oswego, Ac 1006
Summary of the proceedings of M. de la Chauvignerie, sent by the Governor of Canada to the
Onondagas 1007
Abstract of Mwsrfi., de Beauharnois and d'Aigremont's letters in relation to Oswego — Niagara —
proposed post at La Galette — the Shawneee on the Ohio, with the decision of the King, 1010
CONTENTS. X'i.v
1729. Pa..k.
October 26. Abstracts of letters of Messrs. de Beauharuois and Hoequart — Abenaquis — Lake Oulario — Scioux —
Iroquois, <fee 1014
1730.
October 10. Letter of M. de Beauli^iraois to Couat de Maurepas, the Minister, inclosing intelligence from Albany-
respecting the Indians, &c., 1018
October 16. Letter of Messrs. de Beauharnois and Hoequart, to the Count de Maurepas iu relation to the affair
of John Henry Lidyus, convicted of heresy, tampering with the Indians, &c 1019
1731.
February 5. Cabinet memoranda upon the subject of the establishment proposed to be be made at Crown Point, on
Lake Champlaiu, with a Memoir on the locality of that post 1021
April 24. Extracts of a letter from the Minister to M. de Beauharnois — views of the English, <fee., 1023
May 8. Extracts of a despatch of the King to Messrs. de Beauharnois and Hoequart — post at Oswego — St.
Lawrence — Crown Point — construction of a fleet — Louisiana, ifec, 1024
October 1. Letter of M. de Beauharnois to the Minister — Abenaquis — western Indians — Oswego — Crown
Point, <fec 1026
October 1. Letter of Messrs. de Benuharnois and Hoequart to the Minister — correspondence with Governor
Montgomerie of New-York, <$rc., 1029
October 1. Letter of Messrs. Beauharnois and Hoequart to the Minister— Indian trade, <fec 1030
October 23. Letter of Messrs. Beauharnois and Hoequart to the Minister — Accessories to the escape of the Niagara
Mutineers, &c. 1031
1732.
April 22. Extract of the King's despatch to Messrs. de Beauharnois and Hoequart — Crown Point — instructions as
to passports for English entering Canada — to be rigorously executed, &c., 1033
June 13. Protest of the Eai-l of Waldegrave, English Ambassador to the French government, against the Fort at
Crown Point, and demand that it be destroyed, &c., 1034
October 1 5. Letter of M. de Beauharnois to the Minister — Ohio — Iroquois — Intrigues of the English — Albany, &c., 1035
1733.
February 18. Cabinet memorandum respecting the designs of the English on Lake Champlain and the River
Ouabache, and approval of M. de Beauharnois' conduct, &c., 1037
1734.
October 10. Letter ( decyphered) of M. de Beauharnois to the Minister — projects of the English — Indians — Albany
— military affairs, &c., 1038
August 19. Conference between M. de Beauharuois and the Onondagas 1041
December 27. Resume of M. Beauharnois' despatch of the 10th of October (xupra ) 1044
Abstract of the general census of Canada, for this year, 1046
1735.
May 10. Letter of the Minister to M. de Beauharuois — precautions to be taken against the English— forts —
Indians to be induced to side with France, if possible — impossible to furnish supplies needed from
France, &e 1047
1736.
October 12. Extracts of a letter of Messrs. de Beauharnois and Hoequart to the Minister — forts — Indians — Detroit
— Mississippi — Acadia, &e., 1048
Enumeration of the Indian nations having relations with the government of Canada; with statement
of the warriors of each tribe, and their emblematical devices, &c 1052
1787.
May 10. Extract of the King's despatch to Messrs. de Beauharnois and Hoequart — navigation of Lakes Ontario
and Champlain — Detroit — Ottawas — Scioux — Iroquois — Abenaquis, &o 1069
1789.
January 16. Letter of the Earl of Waldegrave ( English Ambassador) to the Count de Maurepas, with memorandum
respecting a proposed French establishment at Wood creek, &e., 1061
January. Cabinet memorandum, in answer to the note of the Earl of Waldegiave, respecting a supposed
French fort at Wood creek, &c 1062
1740.
August Extract of proceedings of a Council held with the Indians at Albanj^, 1062
September 12. Speech of the Five Nations to M. de Beaueours, Governor of Montreal 1063
September 20. Answer of M. de Beauharnois to the speech of the Indians to M. de Beaueours, 1065
October 31. Letter ( decyphered ) of M. de Beauharnois to the Minister — precautions against the English, (fee 1068
1741.
September 21. Letter of M. de Beauharuois to the Minister — negotiations with the Indians— the English, ifec 1069
CONTENTS.
July
8.
July
30. J
August
3.
August
7.
August
12.
August
12.
August
17.
August
20.
September 1.
1742.
July
6.
July
18.
July
17.
July
31.
July
30.
1743.
October
13.
1744.
January.
March
4.
April
15.
March
2.
April
20.
1743.
December 26.
1744.
October
8.
October
29.
October
19.
November 7.
Page.
Message of M. de Beauharnois to the Ottawas of Michilimakinac 1072
Answer of M. de Beauliarnois to the Iroquois of Sanlt St. Louis, 1073
Message of M. de Beauharnois to the Iroquois of Sault St. Louis 1074
Message of the Seneeas to M. de Beauharnois 1075
Message of M. de Beaubarnais to the Indians of the Lake of the two Mountains, i'C, 1076
Answer of the Iroquois, &c., to the above speech 1079
Speech of the Onondagas and others to M. de Beauharnois 1081
Answer of M. de Beauharnois to the above speech, 1082
Reply of M. de Beauharnois to the message of the Seneeas 1083
Abstract of despatches from Canada respecting Oswego and the Western tribes, 1085
Speech of the Onondagas to M. de Beauharnois 1086
Answer of M. de Beauharnois to the Onondagas 1088
Speech of the Seneeas to M. de Beauharnois 1089
Answer of M. de Beauharnois to the Seneeas, 1091
Statement of the artillery in the various forts, &e., in Canada at this date 1094
Letter from M. de Beauharnois to the Minister — Indian affairs, Ac, 1095
Abstract of Messrs. de Beauharnois and Hocquart's despatch of October 10, 1743— Detroit— Iroquois, <fec., 1099
Cabinet memorandum — English on Lake Ontario— commerce, &c 1 100
Letter of M. de Beauharnois to the Minister, 1101
Proems Verbal by M. Beaubassin, of his journey to Fort Anne, 1101
Letter of M. de Beauharnois to the Minister, 1102
Message of the English to the Five Nations, this day, 1102
Letter of M. de Beauharnois to the Minister— English designs— posts at Niagara— Oswego— Acadia —
Indians — Missionaries, &o., 1103
Letter of M. de Beauharnais to the Minister, 1109
Intelligence brought to M. de Beaucours, by an Indian returned from Albany, 1109
Letter of M. de Beauharnois to the Minister— intelligence from Detroit— Niagara— Oswego, &c 1111
ILLUSTRATIONS.
Page.
Indun Totems, 45, 47
Indun Hieroglyphics, to face 49, 50
Plan and Elevation of the Fort at the mouth of the Oswego river. 1727 " 996
Map of Lake Chamflain, " 1022
PARIS DOCUMENTS
I-YIII.
French and English Discoveries in America. 1631.
Abstract of the Discoveries in New France, as well of those made by us as by
the English, from the Virginias to Davis Straits, and of what they and we
can claim, according to the report of Historians who have written thereof,
which will enable every one to judge dispassionately of the whole.^
The English do not deny us all New France and cannot question what the whole world has
admitted; they therefore only argue about boundaries, restricting us to Cape Breton, which is
in latitude of 45| degrees, not permitting us to go farther South, claiming to themselves the
entire extent from Florida to Cape Breton; and within these last years they have been desirous
to usurp, as they have done, even unto the River Saint Lawrence.
The foundation of their pretension is this: — About the year 1594, being on the Coast of
Florida, they arrived at a place called by the said English Mocosa, having found some rivers and
an agreeable country there, they began to build, giving it the name of the Virginias, but being
thwarted by the Savages and other accidents, they were forced to abandon it, having remained
there only two or three years. Nevertheless, the late King James of England ascending
the Throne since, he adopted the resolution to explore, settle and cultivate that country ; for the
encouragement whereof, he granted extensive privileges to those who would undertake this
settlement, and among the rest, extended their right of property from the SS"* to the 4:5'^ and
46"" degrees of Latitude, giving them power over all strangers they may find within that extent
of country and 50 miles Seaward. These Charters of the King were issued on the lO"- of
' Samtjel de Champlain, Geographer to the Kiog, would seem to have been the author of this Paper. It is found printed
at length in Part IL, p. 290, of his Voyages de la Nouvelle France Occidentale, 4to, Paris, 1632, under this title. "Abregfe des
Descovvertvres de la Nouuelle France, tant de ce que nous auons descouuert comme aussi les Anglois, depuis les Virginea
iusqu'au Freton Davis, & de ce qu'eux & nous pouuons pretendre, suiuant le rapport des Historians qui en ont descrit, que
ie rapporte cy dessous, qui feront iuger k m chacun du tout sans passion."
Vol. IX. 1
2 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
April, in the fourth year of his reign, and of grace 1607; 24 years ago. This is all that can
be learned regarding those Countries from their commissions and documents.
Here is what we answer them: —
That in the first place, their Royal Charters, on which they stand, contradict their
pretension, because this special exception is expressly stated therein — " We grant them all the
Countries to the 45"' degree which are not actually possessed by any Christian Prince." Now
it happens that at the date of these Charters, the King of France actually, and really possessed
of the said Countries at least as far as the fortieth degree of Latitude, where the Dutch
established themselves some years since; all the world knows it by Sieur de Champlain's
Voyages, printed with the Maps, Ports and Harbors of all the Coasts drawn by him of which
ever}' body since made use and adapted to Globes and Maps of the World {Cartes Universelles,)
which have been corrected according to this description. And 'tis to be seen by the said voyages
that they were in 1604 at Saint Croix, and in 1607 at Port Royal, which said Champlain
named, as well as several other places seen on the Maps, the whole settled by the late
Sieur de Mons, who, as his most Christian Majesty's Lieutenant, governed all the Country as
far as the fortieth degree.
Before the preceding year 1603, the said Champlain made the voyage to New France and
into the Great River Saint Lawrence, by order of his most Christian Majesty, to whom, on
his return he submitted a report thereof, which report and description he caused to be printed
at the time. He departed on the 15"" May of the same year, from Honfleur, in Normandy; at
that same time, the late Sieur Commander de Caste, Governor of Dieppe, was Lieutenant
General in the said New France, from the 40"" to the SS** degree of Latitude.
If the English say that they have possessed the Virginias not only from the year 1603, 4
and 7, but from the year 1594, when they discovered [it] as we have stated.
We answer, that the River they then began to possess, is at the 36"" and 37"' degrees, and
that this their hap-hazard allegation might avail, if there were question only of occupying that
river, and 7 to eight leagues on one and the other side of it, for so far may the eye be able
ordinarily to embrace ; but claiming by sovereignty, it is rather an over monstrous stretch of
the arm, or rather of cognizance, to extend thirty-six times farther than was explored. Let
us suppose it possible.
It would follow that Ribaut and Laudonniere having in the year 1564, 5, 6, gone well
equipped to Florida by authority of King Charles IX., to cultivate and settle the Country,
being there, founded Carolina at the 35"" and 36"" degree; thus the English are out of the
Virginias, according to their own machinery.
Why shall they, being at 36 or 37, advance to 45, rather than we being, as they admit, at
46, descend as far as 37? What right have they more than we? This is our answer to
the English.
And it is very certain and acknowledged by all, that his most Christian Majesty hath taken
possession of tiiose lands before any other Prince, and it is certain that the Bretons and
Normans first discovered the Great Bank and Newfoundland. These discoveries were made
in the year 1504, 126 years ago, as may be seen in Niflet's and Antoine Magin's History
printed at Douay.
And further, all confess that by command of King Francis, Jean Verrazan took possession in
the name of France of said Countries beginning from the 33'' degree to the 47"'. This was in
two voyages, the last of which was in the year 1523, 107 years ago.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 3
Besides, Jacques Cartier, was the first to enter the Great River S' Lawrence in two voyages
made thither, and discovered the greatest portion of the coasts of Canada; in the latter of his
voyages, in 1535, he ascended as far as the Great Sault Saint Louis of the said Great River.
And he made another voyage in the year 1541, as Lieutenant to M"' Jean Francois de la
Rocque, Sieur de Robert Val, who was Lieutenant General of said Cbuntry, this was his third
voyage when he remained. Not being able to live in the Country with the Savages who were
insufferable,' he concluded to return in the Spring, which he did in a vessel he had reserved,
and being past the Island of Newfoundland, he met said Sieur Robert-Val vrho was coming
with 3 ships in the year 1542. He caused said Cartier to return to the Island of Orleans
where they made a settlement, and having remained there some time, it is said that his
Majesty required him for some important affairs, and this enterprise by degrees failed, through
want of applying the requisite vigilance.
About the same time Alphonse Saintongeois was dispatched^ by the said S"" de Robert-Val,
others say by his Majesty, who discovered the Northern Coast of the Great bay, or Gulf of
Saint Lawrence, and the Strait between the Island of Newfoundland and the Continent to the
North up to the 52'' degree of Latitude.
Afterwards the Marquis de la Roche of Brittany was, in the year 1598, in these countries of
New France as his Majesty's Lieutenant; next Sieur Chauven of Honfleur in Normandy,
Commanders de Chaste and de Mons, as is stated — and Sieur de Pointrjncourt and Madam
de Quercheville, who had some department in Acadie, sent thither la Saulsaye with whom
were the Reverend Jesuit Fathers who, as well as Port Royal, were captured by the English,
the said Sieur Champlain having discovered and caused to be discovered 28 years since, divers
countries, over 4 to 500 leagues inland, as is seen by his preceding Relations printed from the
year 1603 to the present time 1631.
Let us come to what is found written respecting the voyages of the English, it is not
enough that they boast of being the first who discovered those countries : that they are, is
questioned. It is very certain when any natural discovery is made, people are sufficiently
curious to describe its epoch. The English have not neglected this, neither have other
Nations according to the memoirs sent to them, they forget nothing that has been done. But
we do not find in any author that the English ever took possession of the Countries of New
France until after the French.
It is true the English discovered on the North side towards Labrador and Davis Straits
some lands, islands and some passages from the 56"' degree towards the Arctic pole, as is seen
by the voyages printed as well in England as elsewhere ; showing of what they can avail
themselves, without usurpation, of which they have been guilty in several parts of New
France. We must be blind and ignorant not to perceive the truth that History teaches us.
In the first place, Sebastian Cabot was, by order of King Henry VII of England, in the
year 1499, to discover some passages towards Labrador, and returned unsuccessful ; and Mr.
Martin Frobisher, since in the years 1576, 77 and 78 made three voyages thither. Seven
years afterwards Honfroy Guibert was there. Next, John Davis discovered a Strait called
after his name. Etienne Permenud was at the Island of Newfoundland, on its North East side,
in the year 1583. Another, named Richard Witaabours, was sent shortly after to the same
coast; then a man called Captain George was there in the year 1590, towards the North.
From the latest memoir, an English Captain was in the year 1612 to the North where he
' and being unable to make any further discoveries. Champlain. — Ed. " towards la Brador. Ibid.
4 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
discovered a passage in the 63"* degree, as appears by the Map printed in England, and
experiencing difficulties in the discovery of the passage for which so many Navigators have
looked to go Westward to the East Indies for thirty-five years they have stretched as well to
the Virginias as to the Countries belonging to us.
Now the common consent of all Europe represents New France as extending at least to the
35"" and 36"" degrees of latitude, as appears by the Maps of the world printed in Spain, Italy,
Holland, Flanders, Germany, England, even when, if not since, they seized the coasts of
New France where lie Acadie, Etechemins,^ Almouchicois^ and the Great River of Saint
Lawrence, on which they have imposed, according to their fancy, the names of New England,
New Scotland, etc. But it is not easy to efface a thing that is known to all Christendom.
Louis XIII. to Sieur D''Aunay Oliarnisay.
Letter of King Louis IS"" on the subject of the boundaries of Sieur D'Aunay
Charnisay and Sieur Delacour's Commands in New France. 10 Feb'' 1638.
Monsieur D'Aunay Charnisay. Wishing a good understanding to exist between you and
Sieur de La Cour,^ and that the boundaries of the places where the one and the other of you will
be in command may not excite any controversy between you, I have thought proper to give
you particularly to understand my intention respecting the extent of said Countries, which is —
that, under the authority I have given to my Cousin, Cardinal Duke de Richelieu over all the
Countries newly discovered by means of Navigation, of which he is Superintendent, you be
my Lieutenant General on the Etchemins Coast beginning from the centre of the main land
on la Bale Francaise^ and proceeding towards the Virginias and the Governor of Pentagouet,
and that the government of Sieur de La Cour, my Lieutenant General on the Coast of
Acadie, be from the centre of the Bale Francaise to the Gut of Canseau. Thus you will not
have power to alter any arrangement in the Settlement on the River S' John made by said
Sieur de La Cour who in his economy and plantation will order as he thinks proper and the
said Sieur de La Cour will not take upon himself either, to make any change whatever in
the settlements of La Haiue and Port Royal or in any Ports. As for the Indian Trade
{la Trocque) it will be carried on as in the lifetime of Commander de Razilly. As regards
other matters, you will continue and redouble your care for the preservation of the places
which are within the limits of your charge, and especially take particular heed that no
foreigners establish themselves within the country and coasts of New France, of which the
Kings, my ancestors, have caused possession to be taken in their name. You will render me,
as soon as possible, an account of the state of affairs beyond there and particularly with what
' The Etchemins inhabited the country between the rivers Penobscot, Maine, and St. John, New Brunswick. Williamson's
History of Maine, I., 469. — Ed.
" Between Pentagoet and the Kenebeck, were, in former limes, some Indians called Armouchiquois. They retired towards
New England. Charlevoix Histoire de la Nouvelle France, 4to I., 134. Gallatin says they extended from Saco to Cape Cod.
Synopsis, 31. Williamson adds, that they were Etchemins, and have some villages at present on the river St. John. History of
Maine. I., 477.
' Now, the Bay of Fundy. ' La Tonr. Charlev.
PAEIS DOCUMENTS: I. 5
view and commissions some Foreigners have introduced themselves and formed settlements
on said coasts, so that I may provide and send you the orders I shall think necessary on that
suhject by the first vessels vphich will go to your quarter. Herein I pray God that he may
have you, Monsieur D 'Aunay, in his holy keeping.
Written at Saint Germain en Laye the 10 February.
Louis
BOUTHILLIER
Negotiations hetween Nefio France and Neio England.
Letter of the Council of Quebec to the Commissioners of New England.
Gentlemen: It is now several years since the gentlemen of Boston proposed to us to
establish commerce between New France and New England. The Council constituted by his
Majesty in these Countries, united their answers to the letters which our Governor had written
to your quarter, the tenor of which was, that we would willingly desire that commerce, and
at the same time the union of hearts and spirits, between your Colonies and ours, but that we
should wish to enter at the same time into a league offensive and defensive with you against
the Iroquois, our enemies, who would impede us in that trade, or would at least render it less
advantageous for you and for us. The obligation which, it seems to us, you are under to
check the insolence of those Iroquois Savages, who kill the Sokoquis^ and the Abenaquis your
allies, and moreover, the facility you can enjoy in this war by taking us the right way, are two
reasons which have induced us to prosecute this matter with you at your Court of Commissioners.
We have requested our Governor to write effectually to you. This is to unite our entreaties
to his, and to assure you of the disposition of our hearts and of all those of New France, for
this trade with New England, and for the prosecution of this war against the Iroquois who
ought to be our common Enemies. Besides Sieur Druillettes, who had already begun this
winter to negotiate this affair, we were very glad that Sieur Godefroy our fellow Councillor was
of the party. The Character of these two Deputies induces us to expect a successful issue of
this design. They are provided with the powers necessary for that purpose. I wish to say this
as much to knit trade effectually between you and us, as to lighten the expenses it will be
necessary to incur for the proposed war against the Iroquois Savages. We beg you to listen
to them, and to act with them as you would with us, with the frankness which is as natural
to Englishmen as to us French. We cannot doubt but God will bless both your arms and
ours, as they will be employed for the defence of Christian Indians, as well your allies as ours,
against barbarous Heathens, who have neither God nor Faith nor any Justice in all their
proceedings, as you will be able to learn more at length from the Gentlemen, our said Deputies,
who will assure you of the sincere desire we entertain that Heaven may always go on blessing
your Provinces and heaping its favors. Gentlemen, on you.
' Or Saeo Indians ; they were an Abenaqui tribe. Williamson, I., 465 ; Gallatin, 32. Some of them assisted at the burning
of Schenectady in 1690, in the destruction of the Mohawk castles in 1693, and accompanied Frontenae against the
Onondagas in 1696. After removing with the Abenaquis into Canada, they settled, La Potherie-says ( Voyages de VAmerique,
I., 309), at St. Francis in 1700. — Ed.
6 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Done in the Chamber of the Council established by the King, at Quebec in New France, this
twentieth of June One thousand six hundred and fifty-one, and .is marked Signed by the
Council, and on the back is written A M''K M'''. les Commiss''^ des provinces Uniez de la
Nouvelle Angletterre.
Collated with the minute found in the files (liasses) of the ancient Council, by me the
undersigned King's Councillor, Secretary and Greffier to the Sovereign Council at Quebec.
Signed: Penuset, with paraphe.
Extract from the Registers of the Ancient Council of this Country, of the
twentieth day. of June, one thousand six hundred and fifty-one.
The Council met at nine o'clock in the morning, at which assisted the Governor, the
Reverend Father Superior, Mess" de Mauze, de Godefroy, and Menoil, on the proposal to
the Council regarding certain rescript made by the Gentlemen of the Council in the year 1648,
to Mess" the Commissioners of the States of New England for a Union between the Colonies
of New France and New England for mutual trade.
The Council wishing to comply with their request, nominated and nominates Sieur de
Godefroy, one of the Councillors of the Council established by his Majesty in this Country, to
repair with the Reverend Father Druiliettes to the said New England to the said Sieurs
Commissioners, to treat and act with these agreeably to the power to them given by the
Gentlemen of the Council, Copy whereof is in the file, as well as Copy of the letter
written to the said Sieurs the Commissioners of New England by the Gentlemen of the Council.
And respecting the merchandize brought by a man named Thomas Jost, on the assurance and
good faith of the Reverend Father Druiliettes, the Council hath deliberated that a messenger
should be sent to meet him, in order to point out to him the place where he may deliver it,
and that at his convenience. Signed : Penuset. with paraphe.
Commission to the Rev-^ Father Druiliettes and M"' Jean Godefroy as Ambassadors
to New England.
Louis Dailleboust, Lieutenant General for the King and Governor of all etc. Health.
Having been requested and solicited as well by the Christian Savages depending on our
Government, as by the Abenaquis residing on the River Quinibeck, and others their allies, to
protect them against the incursions of the Iroquois their common enemies, as was formerly
done by the Sieur de Montmagny, our predecessor in this government, and having it represented
to us anew that all their tribes were in danger of being entirely destroyed if we did not quickly
apply a remedy ; Therefore, and for the good of this Colony and according to the particular
orders given us on the part of the Queen Regent, the King's Mother, to protect the Indians
against their said Enemies, We have, by and with the advice of the Council established by
the King in this Country, and of some of the most notable of the Inhabitants, deputed and
do depute Sieurs Gabriel Druiliettes, Preacher of the Gospel to the Indian Nations, and Jean
Godefroy, one of the Councillors of said Council, their Ambassador to the Gentlemen of
New England, to treat either with Mess" the Governor and Magistrates of New England, or
with the General Court of Commissioners and Deputies of the United Colonies, for aid in
men, munitions of war and provisions to attack the said Iroquois in the most proper and
PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 7
convenient places, as well as to agree upon the articles which may be deemed necessary for
the assurance of this Treaty, and to grant the said Gentlemen of New England the Trade
which they desired of us by their letters of the year One thousand Six hundred and forty-
seven, with the articles, clauses and conditions which they will consider necessary to make
therein, until the arrival of the Ambassador whom we shall send on our part to ratify and
finally conclude what they will have granted. We, therefore request all Governors, Lieutenant
Generals, Captains and others to allow free pass &c.
Collated with the Minute found in the files of the ancient Council by me the undersigned
His Majesty's Councillor, Secretary and Chief Greffier to the Sovereign Council at Quebec.
Signed: Penuset with paraphe.
Compared at Quebec, this 12"' 9"" 1712.
Vaudreuil.
Edict for the Creation of tlie Sovereign Council of Qiiehec.
Louis, by the Grace of God King of France and Navarre, to all present and to come. Health.
The property of the Country of New France, which did belong to a Company of our subjects
established to found Colonies there by virtue of concessions granted to them by the Treaty
executed the 29"' April 1628, by the late King, Our most honored Lord and Father of Glorious
memory, having been ceded to us by a contract voluntarily made by those interested in said
Company, in Our favor the 24"" February last; in order to promote the interests of the
said countries and to cause, at the same time, those who inhabit them to experience the same
repose and happiness Our other subjects enjoy, since it hath pleased God to grant us Peace,
We have deemed it expedient to provide for the establishment of Justice, as being the
commencement and a preamble absolutely necessary for the due administration of affairs, and
for the security of government, the stability of which depends as much on the maintenance of
the laws and of Our ordinances as on the strength of Our arms; and being well informed
that the distance of places is too great to admit of a remedy from hence in all matters with
the requisite diligence, the circumstances of said affairs being ordinarily changed when Our
orders arrive on the spot, and that the conjuncture and evils require prompter remedies than
those We can apply to them from so great a distance ; We have considered that we could
not adopt a better resolution than to establish a regulated Justice and a Sovereign Council
in said Country for the encouragement of law, the maintenance and support of the good,
the chastisement of the wicked, and the keeping each within his duty, causing the
observance as much as possible there, of the same form of justice as obtains in Our
Kingdom, and the said Sovereign Council to be composed of a number of officers suitable
for its functions. Be it known that We, for these reasons and others Us moving, by the
advice of Our Council at which were the Queen Our most honored Lady and Mother, Our
most dear and beloved only brother the Duke of Orleans, Our most dear and beloved Cousin
8 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
the Prince of Conde, and many other Princes, great and Noble Personages of Our said Council,
and of Our certain knowledge, full Power and Royal authority, have created, erected,
ordained, established, and by these presents signed by Our hand, create, erect, ordain and
establish a sovereign Council in Our said Country of New France, ceded unto Us, as is set
forth by the contract of cession from the Company to which the property thereof belonged, to
be the said Sovereign Council sitting in Our City of Quebec, reserving, nevertheless, unto
Ourselves the power of transferring the said Council to such town and other places of said
Country as shall appear to Us good, according to circumstances and occurrences; which
Sovereign Council We will to be composed of Our dear and beloved Sieurs de Mezi,' Governor
representing Our person; de Laval, Bishop of Petrde; Robert, Intendant, and four others whom
they shall name and choose conjointly and in concert; and of one, our Attorney to the said
Sovereign Council; and they shall cause them to take the oath of fidelity at their hands;
which four persons, chosen to fill the offices of Councillors, shall be annually changed or
continued as shall be deemed most proper and advantageous by the said Governor, Bishop and
Intendant. We have also given and granted, give and grant to the said Sovereign Council,
the power to try all civil and criminal cases, to judge sovereignly and in last resort, according
to the laws and ordinances of Our Kingdom, and to proceed therein, as much as possible in
the manner and form observed and practiced in the precinct of our Court of Parliament at
Paris, reserving to ourselves, however, to change, reform and amplify, according to our
Sovereign Power the said Laws and ordinances, to derogate from and abolish them, to make
new or such Regulations, Statutes and constitutions as We shall consider most useful for Our
service and for the good of Our subjects of the said Country; and inasmuch as there will be
need of a Greffier or Secretary for the preservation of the Minutes of arrets, judgments and
other acts and orders of Council, We, in like manner, will that the said Governor, Bishop
and Intendant shall appoint such person as they think proper to perform the functions of
Greffier and Secretary who, likewise, shall be annually changed or continued according as the
said Sieurs shall think fit: We, moreover, will that the four Councillors chosen by the said
Governor, Bishop and Intendant be empowered to decide suits and differences of minor
consequence and to have an eye upon, and superintend the execution of matters decided by
said Council, in order that the said Commissioners obtain a more intimate knowledge of the
afiiiirs which shall be proposed therein, reporting thither what they may be instructed by
the Syndics of the settlements in said Country, by the inhabitants thereof, strangers, sojourners
and others, to whom We will and expect that prompt justice shall be rendered: And in order
that those who shall be promoted to the honors, powers, authorities, pre-eminences, privileges
and freedoms to said offices appertaining, and to the salaries which shall be thereunto affixed
by the schedule We shall cause to be dispatched, shall enjoy said appointments, the officers
of said Sovereign Council being unable without Our permission to exercise any other
office, have salaries, or receive presents or pensions from whomsoever they may come,
other than those which shall be granted them by Us, We give it in command to Sieur
de Mezi, Governor, de Laval, Bishop of Petree, and Robert, Intendant, that this Our present
Edict which they have to execute and cause to be executed for the selection by them of said
' Chevalier de Mezt, Major of the Citadel of Caen, in Normandy, was originally a Calvinist His brilliant conversion and
extreme humility recommended him to the Bishop of Petr6e, through whose influence he was appointed in March, 1663,
Governor of Canada ; he sailed for that country in May following. Ilis administration was one of discord and troubles, from
which death relieved him at Quebec, on the 5th of May, 1665. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: I. 9
Councillors, Our Attorney and Greffier, these being assembled, shall by them be published
and enregistered, point by point, according to its form and tenor, and have the contents thereof
observed and obeyed, notwithstanding all obstacles, oppositions or appeals whatsoever if any
intervene, We reserve unto Ourselves the cognizance thereof, and have referred and refer the
same to the said Councillors of New France, and for this purpose interdict and forbid all Our
ancient Courts and Judges, And whereas the present Edict may be required in divers parts of
said Country, We will that the same credit be attached to the Copies collated by the Greffier
of said Council as to the Original, sealed, however, with the Seal of our Arms, as well as all
other the orders decreed by the said Council. We, nioreover, command all judges, officers,
inhabitants of said Country, sojourners and others to defer to and obey the Arrets which shall
be rendered by Our Sovereign Council, for such is Our pleasure: And in order that it be a
matter firm and established forever, We have caused Our Seal to be affixed to these presents,
saving in all things in a word Our right and that of others.
Given at Paris in the month of March in the year of Grace 1G63, and of our reign the 20"".
Signed, Louis, and lower down By the King, d= Lominie. Visa, Seguier. To serve for
Letters establishing a Sovereign Council in New France, and sealed with the Great Seal iu
Green Wax.
Instructions for Sieur Gaudais se?ii hy the King to Canada.
The first thing said Sieur Guadais must consider is, that intending to return with the same
vessels by which he will proceed to Canada, and which will probably remain there not longer
than a month or six weeks from the time of disembarking to that of setting sail to return to
France, it is necessary tiiat he particularly and constantly apply himself to collect in that space
of time information on all matters contained in the present Instruction.
Firstly, he must obtain exact information of the situation of the country; how many degrees
distant it is from the pole; the length of the days and nights; their greatest difference; the
good and bad quality of the air; the regularity or irregularity of the seasons and how that
country is exposed.
After these first particulars, he will do well carefully to inform himself as to the fertility of
the soil; for what it is adapted; what grain, seed or vegetables grow there with the greatest
facility; the quantity of arable land; what quantity can be cleared within a given time and
what manures are required.
And as the establishment which the King proposes for that country depends in some sort
on what has been accomplished by the Company which was organized for that purpose by
permission of the late King, it will be well to describe the three settlements of Quebec,
Montreal and Three Rivers, the number of families which compose them, and how many souls
there may be as well of the one as of the other sex ; to what particularly do the inhabitants
apply themselves, what does their commerce consist of, and their means of supporting
themselves and bringing up their children.
The said Sieur Gaudais is to understand that the principal thing to be examined for the
maintenance and augmentation of the Colonies of said country is, the clearing the greatest
Vol. IX. 2
10 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
possible quantity of land and inducing all the French settlers to live together in Villages and
not at a great distance the one from the other, because not only they cannot assist each
other in the several matters which regard the cultivation of their lands, but they are even
exposed to the insults of the savages, especially to those of the Iroquois, who by means of this
segregation are enabled to come almost under cover of the woods up to the settlements of the
French, easily surprising them, and as they cannot be assisted, massacring them and thus
laying waste the settlements scattered here and there. There is nothing, therefore, so
important as to endeavor to reunite said inhabitants into parishes or hamlets, and to oblige them
to clear their lands contiguous to each other, in order to afford one another mutual assistance.
And though these means be the most certain, he will assuredly find, when on the spot, that
the little care and knowledge the Company had of the country they formerly possessed, and the
cupidity of those who wished to settle there, who always craved extensive grants of land on
which they established themselves, have given rise to this dispersion of settlements. These
being at a great distance the one from the other, individuals who obtained those grants not
only have not been in circumstances to clear them, but have afforded great facilities to the
Iroquois to cut the throats, massacre the settlers and lay waste all the said settlements.
This has obliged the King to issue the Law (arret), copy of which is furnished to said Sieur
Guadais, and to have the Bishop of Petree, at the same time written to, to place in his hands
the original of said arret that it be published and posted every where, immediately after
his arrival.
And as it is evident, from the reasons above enumerated, that it is impossible ever to secure
that country and to make considerable settlements there, until those who have had those grants
be obliged to surrender them, and to unite in hamlets and parishes as numerous as possible, in
order to clear all the contiguous lands in the neighborhood, which must in that case be divided
anew and distributed to each hamlet or parish according to the number of families composing
it; he will endeavor to inculcate this truth, by every sort of means on the said Bishop,
Governor and principal men of said Country, in order that they may unanimously concur
in effecting the success of this design, which, he will give them to understand, is not only
absolutely necessary for their preservation, but that his Majesty will cause it to be executed
by a general revocation of all the Grants, unless those to whom the grants are made, set about
"clearing them altogether, and have begun to clear a large portion before the expiration of six
months indicated in said arret; the intention of his Majesty being, that the Sovereign Council
may, on petition, grant a further delay of six months only, which being terminated, it is His
will that all the said grants be declared null.
He will bring back, if possible, a roll of all the inhabitants as well men, women, boys, girls
as little children.
He will carefully inquire into the extent of country occupied by the French ; by each
settlement in particular, the number of families and of persons composing them, and their
situation, of which it will be necessary to sketch as exact a Map as possible.
He will mention the number of acres {arpens) enclosed and under tillage in each settlement
and the quality of those not cleared between the said settlements.
He will likewise inform himself of the quantity of grain the country raises on an average
year ; if it produce more than is required for the support of the Inhabitants, and if there be
any sort of prospect that it will increase or not, it being of an extreme consequence for the
people of said Country to cultivate the land so that it may furnish more grain than is necessary
PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. U
for their food in order that they may not be exposed for the future to the same inconvenience
that they have experienced up to the present time: an inability to feed the persons who yearly
emigrate thither unless flour be carried out at the same time for tiieir subsistance.
The said Sieur Gaudais will observe if women and girls are needed in said Country, so that
the requisite number may be sent tliitlier next year.
The Iroquois being the principal drawback experienced by the Inhabitants of the Country,
as they every moment unexpectedly attack the French and cruelly massacre them, there
being no means of preventing their surprisals except by invading them in their fostnesses,
and exterminating them in their own country, the King has resolved, should it be deemed
necessary, to send thither next year some regular troops to undertake this war, and to secure
his subjects in that quarter, once for all, from the violence and inhumanity of those barbarians.
Sieur Gaudais will, therefore, most carefully and sedulously inquire into the number of men
necessary to be sent thither, the munitions of war and provisions required, and the amount of
force the country will be able to furnish of itself, whereunto it will be well to prepare them
beforehand, in order that, when his Majesty's troops shall arrive on the spot, they will find
matters ready for vigorous action, and that no time be lost in making preparations necessary for
this war.
It being admitted that the quantity of timber existing in that Country is the cause of the
difficulty of clearing the land, and of the facility with which the Iroquois attack the French
settlements, it would be well to examine whether a large portion cannot be burnt in winter
by setting fire to windward. This is frequently done with great facility in the Royal forests,
and perhaps if this means be practicable, as it would seem, it will be easy, by laying bare a
large tract, to clear the land and prevent the ravages and surprisals of the Iroquois.
The King desires that the said Sieur Gaudais examine and inspect the state of all the
expenses to which the country is subject; such as the salaries of the governors, the pay of
officers and soldiers, the incomes of the Bishop, Priests and Jesuits, and other general
expenses, and the funds the said country possesses to defray them.
He will take cognizance of all the debts of said country; their nature; when, by whom,
for what cause and by what authority they have been incurred.
And whereas the principal revenue possessed by the Company arose from the purchase and
sale of peltries, which it held exclusively and ceded to the Colonists by a special treaty,
with the exception of one thousand Beavers yearly ; and as this cession is found very
injurious to tiie said Country inasmuch as the Inhabitants have turned the best part of their
attention to this trade, instead of applying it exclusively, as heretofore, to the clearing and
cultivation of the soil ; and the said peltry-trade being free to all the Inhabitants, and being
carried on only through Savages, they increase prices the one on tKe other as they please, so
that all the profit has passed to the Savages and all the loss to the French; the King wills that
the said Sieur Gaudais inform himself particularly of the means of retaining the said Trade
for his Majesty's profit, by acquainting the people that it is for their good and that he does
not propose deriving any benefit from the said country ; on the contrary, he will disburse a
very large sum there yearly, to maintain, support and people it.
Sieur Gaudais will observe all that can and ought to be done for the establishment of the
Rights of Sovereignty and Seigniory, direct and manorial, throughout the whole extent of
said country, however without grinding the said Inhabitants whom his Majesty wishes to
comfort in all things.
12 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Sieur Gaudais will inform himself if any Iron mine can be opened in that country as is
reported here, and what advantage may be derived from it, either to tlie King in undertaking
the worii, or to Individuals to whom his Majesty would give the privilege. But what should
be still more clearly verified is, whether there be found in that country a prodigious quantity
of trees, of an extraordinary height, whereof Masts can be made for ships of the greatest
Tonnage that the King has afloat, and whether others abound fit for all the parts of a ship;
so that it would be easy to construct some in said country at a small expense, provided it had
good carpenters and people experienced in the selection of said trees.
It having been represented to the King that, the property of the country having belonged to
the Company of his subjects wliich since surrendered its rights to his Majesty, there has not
been, up to the present time, any regular course of Justice in that Colony so that its authority
was not universally recognized ; and through lack of character in those appointed to administer it,
Judgment pronounced remained most frequently unexecuted, his Majesty resolved, some time
ago, to create a Sovereign Council in said Country, to be composed of the Governor, Bishop,
and five other persons whose Commissions have been, already^ delivered here to the said
Bishop. It is, therefore, very important that said Sieur Gaudais, carefully observe during his
sojourn in those parts, how the establishment of said Council will be made, the selection of
persons to perform its duties, the approval it will meet from the Inhabitants, and whether the
majority of the honest people among them, will be of opinion that, by means of said Council,
they shall be assured against the machinations of the wicked, the latter punished pursuant to
the severity of the laws, and wholesome justice be generally established and maintained there
amongst them.
As regards Religion, the Bishop of Petree being come here to render an account to the
King of what might be effected for the propagation of the Faith among the Indians of those
countries, for the good government of that new church, and for the cultivation of the favorable
disposition the French feel to conform themselves altogether to the maxims of Christianity, it
would be superfluous in Sieur Gaudais to trouble himself about that matter, because it is
particularly the sphere of said Bishop to whom his Majesty has given, and will hereafter give,
all the assistance he will require for the management of his flock, and for the advancement of
his pious designs.
Finally, as the said Sieur Gaudais will see more distinctly, on the spot, all the matters
which merit observation, as well for the advantage of the King's service as for that of his
Majesty's subjects in that country, he relies on his activity and vigilance to advise him
thereupon; on his prudence and discernment not to make any observations which do not
appear to him important, and on his zeal and exactitude not to omit any of those which he
will consider useful.
Done at Paris, the first of May, 1663.
Instruction to Sieur Gaudais, proceeding to Canada on behalf of the King,
relative to certain points upon which his Majesty desires he will take
secret information.
The King wishing correct information regarding the conduct of Sieur Avaugour, to whom
his Majesty had entrusted the Government of Canada, expressly orders said Sieur Gaudais to
take information in a spirit of disinterestedness as to the manner said Sieur Avaugour
PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 13
comported himself in that employment, so as, when he returns, to render a faithful report
thereof, and of the opinions entertained of hira by the Bishop of Petree, the Jesuits, tin;
principal inhabitants of the country and the entire people of the Colony generally, examining
the different motives on which their opinions are founded.
His Majesty wishes also that he inform himself of the conduct of the Bishop of Petree,' as
well in the spiritual government of his church as in the aifairs of the country and of the families
to which he is called, but it is necessary that this be with that prudence and discretion
requisite in like cases, so that it may, in no wise, appear that this order has been given him.
He will take the same information on that of the Jesuits, and especially endeavor to find
out the true reasons which have obliged them to complain of said Sieur d'Avaugour, and if it
be with justice or not.
He will observe also how the said Sieur de Mezy, the new Governor, will be received by
the inhabitants ; in what manner he will apply himself to the duties of his office and if there
be ground for concluding, from his apparent application to business, that he will acquit
himself worthily and to the satisfaction of the Inhabitants of said country.
He will particularly observe what manner of justice has been administered hitherto in that
country; if those who have been appointed for that purpose have acquitted themselves
honestly without yielding to corruption ; if manifest injustice hath not been committed, and,
in fine, if the people complain of it or not.
Done at Paris, the first day of May, 1G63.
Baron d'' Avaugour to the Minister.
Memoir on the Colony of Quebec, Placentia, Gaspe and Cape Breton.
My Lord,
In my first dispatch I described the beauty and fertility of the River Saint Lawrence.
In the second, I demonstrated the importance of the post of Quebec; and in Sieur Dumont's
memoirs I confirmed both these things and caused him to perceive their truth.
Through him I spoke of three places, Placentia, Gaspe and Cape Breton; and in his
Instruction I noted that it was politic to exaggerate more than ever the cruelties of the
Iroquois, in order the better to conceal the designs that might be adopted in this country ;
fearing lest English ignorance and Dutch weakness might be alarmed and have their jealousy
excited; and, moreover, that very little consequence should be made of the settlement there,
'Francois Xavier de Laval Montmorenct, Abbe de Montigny, waa born on the 30th April, 1623, at Laval, Department
of Mayenne, France, and ordained priest at Paris on the 23d September, 1 645. The Society for the Conversion of the Indians of
Canada being desirous that the religious interests of that colony should be superintended by a resident bishop, the Abbe
Montigny was selected for that high office. He was consecrated by the Pope's Nuncio on the 8th December, 1658, having
been previously nominated by Alexander YIL, Bishop of Petree, in partibus injldelium, and Vicar Apostolic of New France,
and arrived in Canada on the 16lh June, 1659. When Quebec was erected into a diocese, M. de Laval became its first
bishop, 1st October, 1674 He was succeeded in January, 1688, by M. de St. Valier. It was durinj; his administration that
parish priests were rendered immovable in Canada, and the tythe was fi.xed at the 261h part of the grain. He erected the
Quebec Seminary, in 1663, and had the misfortune of witnessing the destruction of that edifice twice by fire. His death
occurred at Quebec on the 6th May, 1708, in the 86th year of his age, and the fiftieth of his episcopacy.— Ed.
14 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
which, properly speaking, is but a fishing Coast of small consideration compared with the
Great State of America, of which the River Saint Lawrence is, as it were, the centre,
traversing it from one end to the other.
Since his departure, having considered the hope the King excites of taking care of the
country, I observed every thing more closely, in order that, with God's grace, the confidence
his Majesty reposes in the fidelity of my services may not be vain for his glory nor useless
for the advantage of his State.
I shall inform you, my Lord, accordingly, that the three posts above mentioned, Placentia,
Gaspe and Cape Breton ought not, at present, to be of any consideration, from the circumstance
that they are arid districts, incapable of subsisting of themselves, and it must be expected that
they will be supported from this, where efforts then will be made, in earnest, as well for the
preservation as for the usefulness of the mouth of the River.
There is no danger that other nations will settle there ; for if they come in numbers they
will eat themselves up, and if they come but few they will not remain there long. I reassert
the beauty and fertility both of the waters and of the banks of this Great river, as well as the
importance, likewise, of the post of Quebec, which I have heretofore named the mouth of the
finest and greatest State in the world. But I again repeat that it is of importance to preserve
henceforward the secret of the designs of this country, because of the heretics who are already
established there, and who, without doubt, will apprehend being one day driven therefrom.
Therefore, it will be expedient to make public in every way the extreme cruelty of the
Iroquois, in order that we may, by that truth, succeed more easily in establishing the Gospel
in the most healthy and favourable climate in the world.
And finally, in order to plant effectually the fleur de lys, there, I see nothing better than to
fortify Quebec; erect one fort at its right, on the opposite bank of the river, and another on
its left, at the River Saint Charles, and support these by a reinforcement of three thousand
men, as I have already communicated by Chevalier Du Cochet. Thus, this post would be
thoroughly secured, and thereby a very important matter commenced.
To effect it, two things are necessary; the first, one hundred thousand ecus for the
fortifications, and one hundred thousand francs for munitions of war and provisions.
Secondly, it will be requisite that the tliree thousand soldiers be selected not only for war, but
also for labor ; so that, on coming to this country, they may calculate on opening trenches at
one place and intrenching a camp, all which will appear very light to them when they shall
understand that it is for the making of their fortunes.
¥ox the success of the undertaking calculations must be made to support them three years,
and to furnish them seed grain the first year, from the crop of which they will save some for
the second, and from the surplus of the second, they will keep and place some in the public
store ; and, finally, from the fruits of the third, they will be able to five at their ease and then
be sufficiently established so as to be no longer a burthen to the King, except for some presents,
which it will please his Majesty to make to the principal officers.
The wiiole thus executed, I assert for the third time, that no power on earth can drive the
French from Quebec.
With the abovementioned sum I will be able, within six months, to put the three posts in a
good state of defence; and I pledge myself to do more in that time than ordinary theory can
effect in four years for four times as much money, provided master masons with a great
number of workmen of that craft are sent me. And not only that, but if occasion require, I
PARIS DOCUMENTS: I. 15
shall sustain those posts with half less men than other more usual and more expensive
works demand.
Quebec, thus fortified and thus sustained, must be regarded as the keystone of ten
provinces, as will be remarked from the rough draft of a map transmitted herewith, which
embraces an extent of three hundred leagues along the river. And these ten provinces,
established in the same manner as Quebec, may be considered the security of one
hundred others.
In a word, should the King conclude to establish these ten provinces, he may consider himself
master of America, and all the Heretics will remain there only so long as shall please him.
In case his Majesty will not yet prosecute this design, there will be no urgency for it should
Quebec be established. But without this, the settlement of the French must be counted as
nothing. It has been commenced too slightly for its maintenance and security without expense.
Finally, after mature reflection and earnest consideration on this country, you must be
firmly convinced that the three posts of Placentia, Gaspe and Cape Breton, those of the
English, Dutch and Swedes are not tlie main affair, no more than the defeat of the Iroquois.
All that is but a feeble accessory, and the time employed in it, is not only lost, but even does
harm to the chief matter.
In my opinion, the first step to be taken is, what I have stated above regarding Quebec;
to which I add a post at Bic, to receive more easily whatever comes from France, and to station
there the number of vessels the King may please, in order not only to be masters of the
River, but also to proceed towards the North to seek divers advantages which it is asserted
can be found there.
The second consideration is, to send, as soon as can be, three thousand effective men to the
Iroquois settlement not only to disperse that rabble {canaille) but to thwart, also, the progress
of the heretics, and to open, moreover, in that direction a communication with the sea, which
is not subject to be frozen as in these regions.
This can be easily accomplished in divers places, and particularly by constructing a fort on
the same River that the Dutch have built a miserable wooden Redoubt on, which they call
Fort Orange. This they ought not, nor cannot prevent, on the just grounds of the war which
the Iroquois have waged, without cause, against us.
The third outlay will be along the River Richelieu as far as Lake Champlain; and this
tliird post being between the other two, will serve as a very useful and very advantageous
means of communication.
Should his Majesty think proper to go further, let him, with all diligence, garrison the whole
ten provinces with the same care as the first, and he will, doubtless, be master of the finest
and greatest Empire in the World. In this truth every man of experience must concur. But
as the affair is of great importance, I resume it for the third time, and give it three aspects.
The first will be, that if the King does not think favorably of it and will not be pleased
with it, he need only leave the management of it to the Bishop and the Mis.sionaries who,
little by little, will extricate themselves from their misery as they will best be able.
The second ; if the King meditate on it at all, he cannot exhibit his care unless by incurring
the first expense, as early as possible, on Quebec, which will assuredly support itself.
Thirdly; if he desire to proceed further, he must not hesitate. He must calculate on four
hundred thousand francs yearly, for ten years, and three thousand infantry, with their support,
for three years.
16 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
I doubt not there are people who wish, first, to see the profits of things before they take
the trouble to reason on these plans in their low minds, but to listen to them is nothing save
a decoy, as good sense will never believe that all that is found on earth is not met with in the
vastest and finest of its parts; tliat, if the outlay be considerable, 'tis certain that the usefulness,
like the glory, will in future be incomparably greater.
As to the former I shall leave it to laborers, carpenters and explorers after mines to speak
of it; and for the latter I shall make use of one instance.
The city of Geneva which would, otherwise, have been but an intrenchment for a force of
twelve thousand men, has become very considerable by reason of its situation on a Lake
of twenty-six leagues circumference, surrounded by its allies who can easily succor it. If
this, then, be the case with so mediocre a post, what will it be with several on divers lakes of
the vastest magnitude. And, moreover, what will it be with those provinces settled entirely
on the Great River Saint Lawrence, whose waters witli all those lakes make but one ; which
hath no other entrance than Quebec, unless in simple bark canoes.
The King, who, by the grace of God, was born at the most important crisis and who
overcame it at an age unexampled in history, will perceive the difference and discern the
advantages better than any one else in his kingdom; and I doubt not, but He, who has
conferred on him the merit, preserves him also for this great work.
When I reflect on the object of the wars of Europe for fifty years, and the progress to be
made here in ten, my duty not only obliges, but impels, me to speak boldly. After which
nothing more remains for me than to beg of God the grace of His spirit, to adore eternally
with praises His will [as manifested] in his Majesty's thoughts and in those of all who have
the honor of approaching him, in order to gather fruits abandoned for so many ages in a
place where, every day, the samples show us that they are more abundant than elsewhere.
The summary description of the River Saint Lawrence is, to wit — that from Gaspe to
Quebec is one hundred and twenty leagues; from Quebec to Montreal, more than sixty; seven
or eight leagues above Montreal it divides into two branches, one of which meets, at forty
leagues, a lake called Ontario — which signifies, in Indian, "The beautiful Lake" — two
hundred leagues in circumference; which spreads its waters Southwardly towards New
Netherland and New Sweden.
The other branch goes to the Huron Country, two hundred leagues from which it discharges
itself into a Lake called, on account of its extreme vastness, the Fresh Sea (^a Mer douce)
whose circumference is estimated at over five hundred leagues.
One hundred leagues beyond that, is met another, called Lake Superior, the waters of which
it is believed flow into New Spain; and this according to general opinion, ought to be the
centre of the country.
Thus, this River could not be less than eight hundred leagues long — to wit, from Gaspd,
to the centre of Lake Superior to which no other important Power has any entrance except
through here.
I am much mistaken if that does not suffice to establish a vast design, and to doubt it I
must have forgotten all the idle expenditure that I have seen at divers points.
On the fifth of February we had an Earthquake, which continued during half a quarter
of an iiour, sufficiently strong to extort from us a good act of contrition. It was repeated
from time to time during nine days, and was perceptible until the last of the month, but
always diminishing. And as these extraordinary events bring Christians completely to their
duty, it is probable that they carry terror and fear powerfully into the hearts of others.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: I. 17
particularly among that scum of Americans who, to discover the future, are accustomed to
sacrifice to the Devil.
After the above was written, a vessel arrived here on the 7"" July, informing me, by some
letters from my friends, that the King's orders relative to this country were changed, and,
instead of an aid of two thousand soldiers, that some women and servants only were coming.
Five days after, four deputies from our enemies came to me suing for Peace and asking
assistance from me against their foes, and had that from his Majesty arrived, I dare say I
might have been able in three months time to free the country from the bondage under which
it has groaned for more than sixty years. But nothing save time has been lost, as there is
nothing in the world easier, provided his Majesty will please to meet the expense. And that
is so true, that, to render a more exact account thereof and to obey the orders which are
coming to me for my retirement, I have not thought proper to wait any longer for them,
leaving at Quebec some very good officers and orders necessary to maintain and give a good
account of things to all those who bring them.
As for the rest, my Lord, you will learn that it is entirely contrary to my orders that my
Secretary importuned you for a justification against people who are too ignorant of
my profession, to be judges of it. When I permitted them to repair to court, I in no wise
doubted but they would have composed verses in my praise, but the interest of the King's
service, and forty years experience acquired under the bravest men that ever commanded,
appeared to me a strong protection against such base spirits. To terminate this bickering, I
shall content myself, tlirough the respect I owe their cloth, by assuring you, my Lord, that
I have served, by God's grace, not only well and faithfully but right honestly, according to
my means, and that my acts, when better understood, will never excite the King's wrath, nor
that of the Queen Mother. With the most profound respect, My Lord
Your most humble
and most obedient Servant
Gaspe 4. August 1663. Dubois d'auaugour.'
Commission of the Marquis de Tracy to he Lieutenant -General in America.
Commission for Sieur de Prouville Tracy as Lieutenant General in America,
pending the absence of the Vice Roy.
Louts by the grace of God, King of France and Navarre, to all those who shall see these
Presents, Greeting. Having considered that whilst Sieur Count d'Estrades, Viceroy and Our
' Baron Dubois d'Avaugoue succeeded Viscount Argenson, as Governor of Canada, in 1661. He had already distinguished
himself in the wars of Hungary, and brought to the government of Canada that strictness and inflexibility of character
which he originally acquired in the camp. In 1662 he concluded a Treaty with delegates from the Onondaga, Cayuga and
Seneca Nations. His administration is, however, particularly noted for the serious and unfortunate misunderstanding which
existed between him and the Ecclesiastical authorities of the country on the question of the sale of spirituous liquors to the
Indians, which finally led to his recall. On returning to Europe, he entered into the service of the Emperor of Germany
against the Turks, and was killed in the course of the following year whilst bravely defending Serin, or Zrin, a fortress in
Croatia, on the Unna, or Sunna, a tributary of the river Save. Charlevoix adds that he had been over forty years in the
public service. — Ed.
Vol. IX. 3
18 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Lieutenant General in America is in Holland, occupied as Our Ambassador with Our affairs, it
becomes necessary, in order for the satisfaction of the desire we feel not only to watch over the
preservation of the places in America under our obedience, but to make new discoveries and
new colonies there, to appoint some person of authority to rule, enlarge and preserve those
places in the absence of said Count d'Estrades, and by extending our dominion in the country,
aid materially in the spread of Christianity and the amelioration of Commerce there; and
satisfied that Sieur de Prouville Tracy, Councillor in our State and Privy Councils, formerly
Commissary General of Our army in Germany, and Lieutenant General in Our armies,
possesses all the qualities adapted for acquitting himself worthily of this employment, and
having every reason to believe, after the proofs he has given of his bravery in the commands
he has held in Our troops in Germany and elsewhere, and of his prudence in the negotiation
confided to him, that We cannot make a better selection than of his person to command in
said Country: These and other considerations Us moving. We have constituted, ordained and
established, and by these Presents signed by our hands, do constitute, ordain and establish the
said Sieur de Prouville Tracy Our Lieutenant General in the entire extent of territory under
Our obedience situate in South and North America, the continent and islands, rivers, ports,
harbors and coasts discovered and to be discovered by Our subjects, for, and in the absence
of, said Count D'Estrades, Viceroy, to have command over all the Governors, Lieutenant
Generals by Us established, in all the said Islands, Continent of Canada, Acadie, Newfoundland,
the Antilles etc. likewise, over all the Officers and Sovereign Councils established in all the
said Islands and over the French Vessels which will sail to the said Country, whether of War
to Us belonging, or of Merchants, to tender a new oath of fidelity as well to the Governors and
Sovereign Councils as to the three orders of the said Islands ; enjoining said Governors, Officers
and Sovereign Councils and others to recognize the said Sieur de Prouville Tracy and to obey him
in all that he shall order them; to assemble the commonalty when necessary; cause them to
take up arms ; to take cognizance of, settle and arrange all differences which have arisen or may
arise in the said Country, either between Seigniors and their Superiors, or between private
inhabitants; to besiege and capture places and castles according to the necessity of the case;
to cause pieces of artillery to be dispatched and discharged against them; to establish garrisons
where the importance of the place shall demand them ; to conclude peace or truces according
to circumstances either with other Nations of Europe established in said Country, or with the
barbarians ; to invade either the continent or the Islands for the purpose of seizing New
Countries or establishing New Colonies, and for this purpose to give battle and make use of
other means he shall deem proper for such undertaking ; to command the people of said
Country as well as all our other Subjects, Ecclesiastics, Nobles, Military and others of what
condition soever there residing; to cause our boundaries and our name to be extended as far
as he can, with full power to establish our authority there, to subdue, subject and exact
obedience from all the people of said Countries, inviting them by all the most lenient means
possible to the knowledge of God, and the light of the Faith and of the Catholic Apostolic
and Roman Religion, and to establish its exercise to the exclusion of all others; to defend the
said Countries with all his power; to maintain and preserve the said people in peace, repose
and tranquillity, and to command both on sea and land ; to order and cause to be executed all
that he, or those he will appoint, shall judge fit and proper to be done, to extend and preserve
said places under Our authority and obedience; and generally that he do, and order in the
absence of said Count d'Estrades, Viceroy, all that appertains to the office of our Lieutenant
PARIS DOCUMENTS: I. 19
General in said Country; to hold and exercise the same ; to enjoy and make use of the honors,
powers, authorities, pre-eminences, prerogatives, franchises, liberties, rights, fruits, profits,
revenues and emoluments thereunto belonging, and of the wages and salaries which shall be
assigned him. Therefore We charge all Our Governors and Lieutenant Generals in all the said
Islands and Continent of Canada, Acadie, Newfoundland, Antilles and elsewhere, the officers of
the Sovereign Councils established in all those Islands and all others Our Justices and Officers
each as far as it shall him concern, that they shall acknowledge the said Sieur de Prouville
Tracy, whose oath we have received, in such case required and accustomed, him obey, suffer
and permit to enjoy and make use of the said State and office. We will that he be paid in
cash by the Treasurers of Our Treasury or other proper officers to whom it shall belong, the
said wages and salaries every year, at the times and in the manner accustomed, according to
the orders and statements thereof, by Us expedited and signed ; the same producing, with
these presents or copy thereof duly collated, only once, and receipt thereupon sufficing: We
will, that all which shall have been paid him on that occasion be passed and allowed in the
accounts of those who shall have made the payment, by Our trusty and well beloved Our
accountants at Paris, whom We enjoin so to do without difficulty, terminating and putting an
end to all troubles and obstructions to the contrary. We command and order Our very dear
and well beloved Uncle the Duke de Vendosme, Peer, Grand Master, Chief and Superintendent
General of the Navigation and Commerce of France, his Lieutenants and others to whom it
will appertain, to give the said Sieur de Prouville Tracy, or those by him commissioned or sent
to America, all conges and passports that sea-going ships and vessels are obliged to take, going
and coming from the said Countries, Coasts and Islands, with the merchandise with which
they shall be freighted, and the men and women to be conveyed thither in them, without any
trouble or obstruction being offered, made or given them. We command and enjoin,
moreover, on all others Our officers and subjects whom it may concern, being in the said
countries of America, to acknowledge the said Sieur de Prouville Tracy in the said quality of
Our Lieutenant General in said Country and him to obey and hear in all things the said office
concerning, on pain of disobedience ; For such is Our pleasure. We request and require all
Kings, Potentates, Princes, States and other Our good friends, allies and confederates, their
Ministers and Officers, and all others not Our subjects, to afford him and all those by him
commissioned and delegated, all aid, favor and assistance required of them for the execution
of what precedes, offering to do the same in like case for those who shall be recommended to
Us on their part. In Witness whereof. We have caused Our Seal to be affixed to these
Presents. Given at Paris the 19"» day of November, in the year of Grace 1663, and of our
reign the 21".
Signed Louis
and in the fold.
By the King
DE LlONNE.
Mem. a nearly similar Commission to the foregoing issued to Sieur de Couroelles, as Governor, &c., of Canada ( in place of
Sieur de Mezi, who is recalled ) dated at Paris, 23d March, 1665. Sieur de Mezi was probably appointed Governor of Canada
at the same time that Tracy was commissioned Vice Roy, though no record of the Commission appears in the Marine.
J. B. B.
Chevalier de Mezi was commissioned Governor of Canada iu March, 1663. See Edict establishing the Council,
mpra, p. 8. — Ed.
20 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Meport of Baron (TAvaugour on the Forts required in Canada. 1663.
Memoir regarding the fortifications required in Canada against the Iroquois.
First. A fort is required on the bank of the Great River, opposite Quebec; but one of the
smallest would suffice in that quarter, even a redoubt, provided it were strong and well palisaded.
Two are required twelve leagues above Quebec, one on each side of the river which may
be a quarter of a league wide at this point ; to wit, one at la Roche brulee and the other at
Cape Lauzon. It would be necessary to furnish these two forts with some artillery. As for
the rest, they could be erected without much expense. However they ought to be stronger
than the first.
Opposite Three Rivers, thirty leagues from Quebec, another fort w*uld be necessary on the
other or South side of the river, similar to that opposite Quebec.
Three leagues above Three Rivers where Lake Saint Peter is situate, the land is very good,
and is all allotted to the inhabitants of the country, but they cannot till it, on account of the
Iroquois who pounce on this district more than on any other. Two forts ought to be erected
here on both sides of the River; one at the Point of Lake Saint Peter; the other opposite at
the mouth of the River Nicolet, half a league across the river, the one from the other. These
ought to be furnished with artillery, and both of them ought to be good and much stronger
than the preceding. However, they would no more require to be regular than those before
mentioned, but only demi-bastions facing the river and lake, and the remainder in form
of redoubt.
There had been formerly, twelve leagues from Three Rivers, a fort called Fort Richelieu,
having four good bastions very regular and well faced. This was a prodigious annoyance to
the Iroquois, as it was well supplied with artillery, and the river being at that point narrower
than at any other, the Iroquois were absolutely unable to pass by way of the River, and
were obliged to make a detour of three or four leagues through the woods, in order to get
down into the country. They, consequently, came seldom there and left us more at peace. Now,
if said fort were rebuilt, they would be still less troublesome than heretofore, in consequence
of the other forts; on the supposition of building these lower down as I proposed above. The
Country having been considerably abandoned for many years, and the Iroquois undertaking
the surprise of said fort, on account of the inconvenience it was to them, they very easily
effected their purpose in consequence of the slender garrison stationed there of late, so that
they captured it, burned the houses and completely razed the fortifications. Now it would be
necessary to rebuild a fort there, of four good and regular bastions, and to furnish it with
artillery ; this point being of more importance than any other. But with a view to economy,
I think it would be sufficient to construct the fortifications of earth with good palisades,
without facing them with stone.
From thence to Montreal, eighteen leagues, no fortifications would be necessary, and as for
the little district (•petit pays) of Montreal; there are already several redoubts which would
suffice, provided a trifle were expended on them, to put them in order and garrison them.
Not wishing, or not being able to invade the country of the Iroquois, this is the only means
to protect us from their insults, for all the said forts being well garrisoned, constant detachments
would be sent out from them to guard the banks of the river from one fort to the other.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 21
As for cutting trees and laying them athwart, or setting up palisades for the protection of
our country, that would be apparently useless, considering that the tract of country necessary
to be palisaded, or traversed by trees is of prodigious extent. With the fifteen hundred men
the King proposes to send hither, it would be impossible to defend it so completely as to
prevent the Iroquois easily cutting an entrance for themselves, at such point as they please,
for each of them carries an axe as his principal weapon.
As for starting from Quebec to go and fight them in their own country, the thing appears
almost impossible, as it is two hundred leagues from one place to the other, and numerous
water-falls or rapids in the Great River intervene, which render it totally unnavigable for the
transport thither of the necessary equipments of war; the savages being constrained at those
points to land, and carry their Canoes beyond the Saut ; and as for going thither by land, the
entire country being nothing but forests and mountains, sufficient must be first cleared for a
road. This would be a matter requiring stout lungs and a very considerable outlay, or rather
it would be impossible as the country is not sufficiently peopled to furnish in a short time a
suitable force for the execution of so vast a work.
If the Dutch would give a passage to the King's troops, the thing would be very easy by
disembarking the troops in the Dutch country, which is only twelve leagues distant irom that
of the Iroquois, and where there is running directly into the said Iroquois country, a large
and very navigable river on which the said troops with all their equipments could be
easily transported.
The Major of Boston, the Capital city of the English in that country, who is called Major
Quebin, formerly proposed for the sum of only twenty thousand francs, to undertake the total
destruction of the Iroquois. Inquiry might be made as to whether the English are still in
the same mind, and were the King to give the English a much larger sum than that, to
destroy the Iroquois, he would still be assuredly a great gainer, and would place the country,
in a short time, in" a condition to be extensively cultivated and much increased in value.
If it were deemed desirable to calculate the expense of constructing the forts of which I
have spoken above, it must not be forgotten that it will be necessary to build in each a
number of houses sufficient to lodge the officers and soldiers. •
It would, moreover, be necessary to oblige the inhabitants of the country to clear, within
one year, all the land granted to each, in default whereof, the remainder at the end of that
time ought to be given to be cleared to those, who will be sent anew into the country; so that
by this means, settlers would be nigher each other, and the country being cleared would
become more open, which would be a very great advantage against the Iroquois.
The Gentlemen of the Company have warehouses on the River side (sur le bord de la Marine).
In the arrangement which the King will make with the said Company, it will be necessary
that these warehouses return to his Majesty, as they would be particularly necessary for us,
and on their leaving here we ought to have an order from the King, to obviate all difficulty
on the part of their commissaries placing them in my hands.
Again, in the plan entertained to send families hither this year, it must be noted to send as
many casks (poingons) of flour as there will be mouths, foe their support, until the lands they
may clear shall furnish crops, inasmuch as the country produces but just enough for those
who are already in it.
When troops shall be sent, the same measures must be adopted regarding their stores, not
to depend on the country.
22 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
M. de lAjonne (^Hugues)^ Minister of Marine^ to M. de Tracy.
Extracts of a Memoir dated 15 Nov' 1664.
1" Extract. " The first thing to advise you of is, that as the King takes, himself,
" cognizance of all affairs, it will be necessary to address him directly ; to report to him
" and receive his orders. It will be well for you to observe this, if you please, iu future, for
" though I inform him of all things written to me, those who, like you, have posts of
" confidence, are interested in establishing for themselves the maxim, to have their chief
" communication with his Majesty ; the correspondence they hold with the persons who
" have the hanor of entering into his Councils, being but a consequence and a dependence
" on the first."
After having complimented M. de Tracy on the direction he is giving the affairs of the
Colony, the Minister instructs him as to the rights of the West India Company established by
an Edict this year; then invites him to see that, for the security of the inhabitants, houses be
not built so far apart; recommends him again to endeavor to avoid quarreling with the Jesuit
fathers, which has caused the recall of Mess" d'Avaugour and de Mezy from the Government.
But whilst managing those, he must take care not to suffer them to encroach on the authority
confided to him by the King, against his Majesty's interests. — Here follows the second Extract:
" Before going farther it is well that I observe to you, that M' de Petree and the Jesuit
" fathers have forbidden, on pain of Excommunication, all the Inhabitants of Canada giving
♦' liquor to the Indians, because, becoming intoxicated to excess and thus depriving themselves
" of the use of reason, they fell into mortal sin. This prohibition is so strictly observed that
" no Frenchman dared give a glass of Brandy to an Algonquin or a Huron. This is doubtless
" a good principle, but one which is very ruinous to trade, because the Indians being
" passionately fond of these liquors, instead of coming to trade their peltries with us, go trade
" them among the Dutch who supply them with brandy. This also is disadvantageous to
" Religion. Having wherewith to gratify their appetites, they allow themselves to be catechised
" by the Dutch Ministers, who instruct them in Heresy. The said Bishop of Petree and the
" Jesuit Fathers persist in their first opinions, without reflecting that prudence, and even
" Christian charity inculcate closing the eyes to one evil to avoid a greater, or to reap a good
" more important than the evil."
The memoir closes with some points of rivalry between the French and the English
regarding the Islands of America.
Commission of Sieur Talon to be Intendant of Canada.
Louis, by the Grace of God, King of France and Navarre, to our trusty and beloved
Councillor in our Councils, Sieur Talon, Greeting. Considering it expedient for the good of
Our people, and the regulation of Justice, Police and Finances in Our Country of Canada, to
PAEIS DOCUMENTS : I. 23
establish in the ofBce of Intendant on the spot, a person capable of worthily, serving Us, We
have to this end laid eyes on you by reason of the special confidence We repose in your
experience, good conduct and integrity, qualities of which you have given proofs on all
occasions in which you were called to manifest your affection for Our service. For these and
other reasons Us moving, We have commissioned, ordered and deputed, and by these presents
signed by Our hand, commission, order and depute you Intendant of Justice, Police and
Finance in Our Country of Canada, Acadie and the Island of Newfoundland and other
Countries of Northern France; to assist in that quality at the Councils of War which shall
be holden by Our L' General in America, and by the Governor and our L' General in said
Country of Canada, to hear the complaints which shall be made to you by Our people of
said Country, by the military and all others of excesses, wrongs and violences ; render them good
and quick justice; take information touching all enterprises, practices and intrigues committed
against Our Service ; proceed against those guilty of any crime of what quality or condition
soever they may be ; prosecute and perfect the trial unto definitive Judgment and execution
thereon inclusive ; to call to you the number of Judges and Graduates fixed by the ordinances ;
and take cognizance generally of all crimes and delicts, abuses and malversations that may be
committed by whomsoever he may be, in Our said countries; to preside in the Sovereign
Council in the absence of Sieur de Tracy, Our Lieutenant General in America, and of
Courcelles Governor and Our Lieutenant General in Our said countries of Canada; to judge
sovereignly alone in Civil matters and to order every thing as you shall see just and fit,
confirming from this present time as well as then the judgments which shall be rendered thus
by you, in the same manner as if they had issued from our Sovereign Courts, all exceptions,
citations (■prisedimrtie) Edicts, ordinances and other things tcf the contrary notwithstanding. We
will likewise that you superintend the direction, management and distribution of Our funds
destined, and hereafter intended for the support of the military; also of the provisions,
ammunition, repairs, fortifications, contingencies, loans and contributions which may have
been, or may be, made for the expenses therein and other disbursements which will be made
there for our service; to verify and adjust (arreter) the statements and ordinances thereof
which shall be expedited by Our Lieutenant General in chief, and in his absence by Our other
Lieutenant Generals, to the payers whom it shall concern ; to cause to be reported to you the
rolls and musters, to check and register them ; and in all the above circumstances and
appurtenances, to do and order what you shall deem necessary and expedient for the good and
advantage of Our service, and what will relate to the duty and exercise of the Office of
Intendant of Justice, Police and Finances in Our said Country, the honors, powers, authorities,
prerogatives, pre-eminences appertaining thereunto, We intend that you enjoy, with the
appointments which shall be ordered you by Us ; to do which We give you power, authority,
commission and special order ; We command the said Sieurs de Tracy and de Courcelles to
place you in the enjoyment of the effect and contents of these Presents ; We order the Officers
of the Sovereign Council and all others Our officers, justices, subjects to acknowledge, hear
and obey you in said quality; to assist you and lend you efficient aid and prisons if necessary,
for the execution of these presents: For such is our pleasure. Given at Paris, the 23'' day of
March in the year of Grace 1665, and of our Reign the 22'*
Signed Louis,
and lower down: —
By the King d'Lionne
and sealed with the Great Seal in yellow jtvax.
24 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
' Instructions to M. Talon.
Memoir of tlie King to serve as Instruction to Sieur Talon proceeding to New
France as Intendant of Justice, Police and Finance.
His Majesty having made choice of the said Sieur Talon to fill that office, has considered
that he had all the qualities necessary to take complete cognizance of the state of said
Country; of the manner Justice, police and the finances have been administered there to the
present time; to reform their abuses and in so doing, to maintain the people composing that
great Colony, in the legitimate possession of their properties, and in a perfect union among
themselves, which will produce in time a considerable augmentation of the said Colony, which
is the principal object his Majesty desires to accomplish.
For that purpose, the said Sieur Talon will be informed, those who have made the most
faithful and disinterested Reports on the said Country, have always stated that the Jesuits,
whose piety and zeal have considerably contributed to attract thither the people who are
at present there, have assumed an authority there that transcends the bounds of their true
profession, which must regard only consciences; To maintain themselves therein, they were
very glad to nominate the Bishop of Petree, who was entirely dependent on them, to discharge
the Episcopal functions, and they have nominated, even up to the present time, the King's
Governors in that Country, where they have made use of all appliances possible to have
those recalled who had been chosen for that office without their participation; so that it being
absolutely necessary to preserve in a just equilibrium the temporal authority resident in the
person of the King and in those who represent him, and the Spiritual, which resides in
the person of the said Bishop and Jesuits, in such a manner always as that the latter be
subordinate to the former, the first thing the said Sieur Talon shall well observe, and on
which it is proper that he have correct ideas on leaving here, is, to understand perfectly the
actual position of these two authorities in the country, and that which they ought naturally
occupy. To obtain this, he will have to see the Jesuit Fathers here, who have been in said
country, and who have all its correspondence ; also the Attorney General and Sieur Villerey,^
who are the two principal members of the Sovereign Council of Quebec, who, it is said, are
entirely devoted to the said Jesuits; from whom he will learn what they may know, without,
however, letting his object be discovered.
It is important that he be aware that the said country had been granted to a Company,
formed in the time of the late Cardinal de Richelieu's Ministry in 1628 ; that that Company not
having strength enough to sustain the country, resigned, in 1664, to the Inhabitants the trade in
Peltry, the sole advantage it derived from it, on condition only of receiving one thousand
Beavers yearly as Seigniorage ; and the said Company being composed, in 1662, of no more than
45 out of the 100 shares of which it consisted at its commencement, the interested in those 45
parts surrendered them wholly to the King, being unable to meet the great expense which
it was necessary to incur, without deriving any profit there from it. Since the year 1662
' Sieur Bourdon, one of tlie principal inliabitants of Quebec, accompanied Father Jogues in his mission to the Mohawks,
and was sent ten years afterwards overland to Hudson's bay to take possession of that country for France, in 1646; he
became Attorney-General under De Mezy.wlio summarily dismissed him and sent him to France, where he became one of that
Governor's accusers. He returned to Canada and acted subsequently as an agent of Be la Barre. Villerey was a member
of De Mezy's Council, and was dismissed and sent to France along with Bourdon, where they aided considerably in eflfeeting
the Governor's overthrow. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 25
aforesaid, his Mnjesty has included said country in the Grant he made to the West India
Company, whose patent it is necessary Sieur Talon should see, whereby the Company is
empowered to name the Governor and all the other officers; And as the Company was well
aware that they could not find persons of sufficient merit and authority to occupy these posts
and worthily fill them, it was well pleased that the King made these nominations, until that
Colony increasing considerably through the continuation of his Majesty's goodness and
protection, the company miglit, then, itself find persons proper to be sent thither.
It is well that Sieur Talon siiould know all these things in order to understand that it is the
King's intention and will, that he protect, support and endeavor as much as possible to
establish firmly the Company's authority in the said country; to aflbrd him the greatest
amount of information thereon, he can see the Instructions given to Sieur de Tracy; the Edict
establishing the Sovereign Council; the order of Council issued on the subject of granting
and clearing lands, and all the letters written since a year by Sieur de Mezy, Governor, the
Bishop of Petree and the officers of the Sovereign Council, by which he will be amply
informed of the misunderstandings that have arisen among them.
To give him a succinct account tiiereof, he will learn that the Jesuits made so many
complaints two years ago against Baron du Bois d'Auvaugour, then Governor of the country,
and since killed whilst defending with great valor Fort Serin on the confines of Croatia
against the Turks, that the King, to satisfy them, resolved not only to recall him, but even to
leave them the choice of another Governor. They then set eyes on Sieur de Mezy, Major
of the town of Caen, who made profession of a devotee and whom they doubtless believed
would be guided by their opinions. But they found themselves mistaken in their calculations
when he was in possession of the government; for not only divers passions of anger and of
avarice, which he had concealed in the beginning, burst forth, as they represent, to the injury
of the King's service and of the Colony, so that he several times suspended and reinstalled,
according to his pleasure, the officers of the Sovereign Council, but what seems important in
this dispute is, that within 24 hours time, he caused Sieurs Bourdon, Attorney-General, and
Villerey, Councillor, to embark and depart, so that it being impossible for the King to approve
this violent conduct, his Majesty ordered commissions to be issued to the said Sieur de Tracy,
and Sieur de Courcelles, whom he sends in place of said de Mezy, and to Talon to take
information, by persons not suspected of partialit}s of the truth of the complaints made against
him, and in case they be well founded, to arrest him, to prosecute and complete his trial unto
definitive judgment exclusively, and to send him afterwards a prisoner to France, being a
satisfaction the King deems due to his Justice and to the peace of his people in those quarters.
The Iroquois, who are divided into divers nations, and who are all perpetual and
irreconcilable enemies of the Colony, having by the massacre of a number of French,
and the inhumanity which they exercise towards those who fall into their power, prevented
the country being more peopled than it is at present, and by their surprisals and unexpected
forays always keeping the country in check, the King has resolved, with a view of applying
a suitable remedy thereto, to carry war even to their firesides in order totally to exterminate
them, having no guarantee in their words, for they violate their faith as often as they find
the inhabitants of the Colony at their mercy. With this view he has ordered Sieur de Tracy
to repair thither from the Antilles, with four companies of Infantry of the regular Troops, to
command the expedition, and in addition to that, sends one thousand good men under the
orders of Sieur de Saliere, ancient M' de Camp of Infantry, with all the munitions' of war and
Vol. IX. 4
26 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
provisions considered necessary for that enterprise, an ample Report whereon he hath handed
to Sieur Talon, together with funds collected as well for this purpose as for the other
expenses to be incurred in the country, wliich also will furnish 3 or 400 soldiers conversant
with the mode of fighting tiiose savage people.
As it is the King's intention that he assist in all the Councils of war to be held in the
course of this expedition, and he will thus become exactly informed of the resolutions which
will be adopted, his chief attention ought then to be directed to provide against the failure of
any of the necessaries for the service and comfort of the troops, and to supply by his vigilance
and his industry for unforeseen incidents: And this expedition terminating to the glory of his
Majesty's arms and the safety of the Colony, the said Sieurs de Tracy, de Courcelles, de
Saliere and the other Chiefs will perhaps deem it expedient to construct some forts for the
preservation of the places which shall be occupied; he shall in that case turn, in like manner,
all his attention to supplying them with provisions and munitions necessary for their defence
and the subsistence of the soldiers who may be left there.
Before quitting Quebec on this expedition it will be well that he acquire, as far as time will
allow, all the knowledge possible regarding both the administration of Justice and the number
of families, in order, if there be anything to be redressed in the first department, and it were
posssible for him to work usefully in the second, he may do it before setting out on that
journey. As he will be more at liberty on his return, being released from the principal
business of the war, and as pursuant to the power given him, and the said Sieurs de Tracy
and de Courcelles, they will either have dissolved the Sovereign Council, to compose it of
other persons, in case they remark them not to have done their duty; or will be content to
remove some of them, or in fine have confirmed all of them, if in effect, they shall have
perceived that they are well disposed and meditate only the good of Justice. It is important
that he continually bear in mind that this same Justice constituting the happiness of the
people, and fulfilling the first intention of the King, his first object ought to be to establish it
without any distinction whatsoever, by taking care that the Sovereign Council administer
it always with integrity, without any cabal or expense: And though the power of judging
civil cases, alone sovereignly and in the last resort, be conferred on him, it will be well
notwithstanding that he do not exercise it except in case of absolute necessity, it being of
consequence to dispose of business in its natural order, and not to abandon that except
on indispensable occasions.
As the Colony will derive another very considerable advantage from the establishment
of a good police, regarding as well the administration of the public funds, the cultivation of
lands, as the manufactures which can be established there, the said Sieur Talon will contrive,
with the Officers who shall compose said Sovereign Council and the principal Inhabitants of
the country, the means of forming some fixed regulations on that subject, to have them
inviolably observed, founding them, if possible, on the example of those in force in the
cities of the Kingdom, where order is best established. A statement of the Revenue of
the country and of its application to the present time, is furnished him ; also of the debts
which have been contracted and of the interest paid annually thereon. But as he may be able
to acquire still further information respecting it, being on the spot, the King's pleasure is,
that he endeavor to investigate this subject so far as to know with certainty, to the last
sous, the actual amount of this revenue ; and also if any abuse be committed, that he
inform himself thereof in order that the guilty be punished if found to have committed
serious malversations.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 27
One of the causes which have retarded the peopling of Canada has been that the Inhabitants,
who have gone thither, have settled down wherever they pleased, and without using the
precaution of uniting together and making their clearances contiguous, in order to afford each
other help when necessary. They have taken grants for an amount of land they have never
been able to cultivate in consequence of its vast extent; and being thus scattered, they become
exposed to the ambuscades of the Iroquois, who by their fleetness have always committed
their massacres before those whom they surprized had been able to obtain assistance from their
neighbors. For this reason, therefore, the King had an order of Council issued two years ago,
copy of which will be delivered to said Sieur Talon, whereby His Majesty ordained as a
remedy for tiiese, that no clearances should be made thereafter except contiguous the one to
the other, and that the settlements should be reduced as much as possible to the form of our
Parishes and towns (bourgs). This, however, has remained without effect, inasmuch as, to
bring the inhabitants within the bounds of villages, would obligate them to make new
clearances and to abandon their own. However, as this is an evil for which some remedy must
be found to guarantee the King's subjects against the incursions of the savages who are not
their allies, his Majesty leaves it to Sieur Talon's prudence to consult with Sieur de Courcelles
and the Officers of the Sovereign Council of Quebec, on whatever will be practicable to
accomplish so necessary a good.
The difficulty experienced, as above stated, in the execution of this Edict for the reunion of
the settlements in form of parishes, having prevented the execution of a matter the most
salutary for the country, and which can best contribute to render that Colony flourishing, it
will be important that Sieur Talon, without stopping to put that Edict rigorously in force, act
in concert with the inhabitants to execute it partially, if it cannot be fully carried out; and
the condition possibly to be agreed upon may be, for example, that an inhabitant with a grant
of 500 arpens^ of land, who has cleared only 50 arpens, abandon one hundred arpens of it to the
Frenchmen who shall newly come to settle in the country, which if he object, he may be
threatened with the loss of all he has not yet cultivated ; and in fact, a declaration will, if
required, be sent to be enregistered at the said Sovereign Council of Quebec to the effect, that
the said inhabitants shall be obliged to clear all the lands that have been granted them, if not,
and in default of so doing, the 10"' or 15"" shall be retrenched annually therefrom to be given
to new Colonists. By these means it is to be hoped that, in a few years, all the granted lands
will be generally put under cultivation.
One thing more remains to be done in the same matter, which will greatly promote the
augmentation of the Colony. This is, that the King desires that the said Sieur Talon cause
to be prepared, in the course of each year, 30 or 40 settlements for the reception of as many
new families, by felling the timber and sowing the ground which will have been cleared at his
Majesty's expense.
The King considering all his Canadian subjects, from the highest to the lowest, in the light
almost of his own children, and wishing to satisfy the obligation he is under to make them
sensible, equally with those in the heart of France, of the mildness and happiness of his reign,
Sieur Talon will study solely to solace them in all things, and to encourage them to industry
and commerce which alone can attract abundance into the country, and render families of easy
circumstances. And inasmuch as nothing can better contribute thereunto than entering into
the details of their little affairs and of their household, it will not be mal-a-propos if, after
' An arpent of land contains 100 square perches, of eighteen feet long each. — Ed.
28 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
being established, he visit all their settlements, the one after the other, to understand their
true state, and afterwards provide as much as possible for the necessities he will have noticed
there, so that in performing the duty of a good master of a household, he may expedite for
them the means of realizing some profits and of undertaking the cultivation of the wild lands
lying nearest those already placed under tillage.
He will observe tiiat tlie establishment of manufactures and the attraction thither of
fabricators of articles essential to purposes of life, constitute one of the greatest wants
of Canada; for either through the necessity of cultivating the land for the support of
themselves and their families, they made this tiieir sole and most important occupation; or in
consequence of the want of zeal and industry in those who have hitherto governed them, it
has been found necessary, up to the present time, to export to that country the cloth to cover
the people and the very shoes for their feet. He will therefore inquire into all the means that
can be adopted for the introduction of a matter so useful to the country, to which his Majesty
will contribute by opening his coffers, being well persuaded that he cannot employ a large
sum of money to a better purpose.
The education of Children being the first duty of fathers in their regard, the said Sieur
Talon will encourage these to inspire the former with piety and a great veneration for things
relating to our Religion (notwithstanding the Bishop of Petree and the Jesuits apply themselves
thereto with great fruit); and afterwards with profound love and respect for the Royal person
of his Majesty, and then to accustom them early to industry; for experience has always
unerringly demonstrated, that the idleness of early life is the true source of all the disorders
that mar it, whilst industry produces a contrary effect among those who avoid sloth at this
early season.
The expedition against the Iroquois being finished, the King desires Sieur Talon to invite the
soldiers as well of the Carignan Regiment as of the four companies of Infantry who have
already gone to America under command of Sieur de Tracy, to remain in the country, by
presenting each a slight gratuity in his Majesty's name, to enable them the better to establish
themselves there, and to procure for themselves from the old settlers some cleared land, in
addition to what he shall grant them for purposes of cultivation.
The Bishop of Petree, who labors with much zeal and fervor for the propagation and
perfection of Christianity in New France, carried with him, at the last voyage he made to
Court, an Edict of Council by which the King established Tythes on the fruits of the earth,
and permitted him and his clergy to take the SO"" for the support of the Seminary and of the
Ecclesiastics who perform the parish duties (foncdons curiales) at Quebec, Montreal, Three
Rivers and other settlements of the Colony. Tlie King then deemed this burthen not too
heavy on the. said Inhabitants, inasmuch as the Church takes the Eleventh for the tythe in
most parts of the Kingdom; his intention, nevertheless, is, that the said Sieur Talon examine
with Sieurs de Tracy and de Courcelles if tiiis establishment be, in fact, too burthensome on
the country; for in that case it would be necessary to look to the modification requisite to be
made therein, as his Majesty would rather contribute from another source to the support of
said Seminary and of the Priests who compose it.
From all the reports sent from Canada 'tis certain that a vast quantity of timber is found
there fit for all sorts of purposes, and even for the construction of all the parts of a ship, and
that there are trees of the thickness and height necessary for masts. As this is a treasure
most carefully to be preserved, in order to erect in time some yarJs for building King's ships,
PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 29
it will be well when new clearances are made, to prevent the felling of timber of superior
growth fit to be employed as aforesaid. Nevertheless, Sieur Talon will render a service to
the King which will be most acceptable to him, and contribute at the same time to the
establishment of trade in the Colony, if he can induce the inhabitants, in the most easy
circumstances, to undertake some vessels on their own account; for which they will find even
the more facility in the opening of the copper, lead and iron mines that have been proved,
by explorations that have been made, to be very abundant.
Sieur Talon will moreover report if the land by its fertility produces much grain, and if
having in that way in the country more tiian is required for the food of all the settlers in the
Colony and their families, it would not be more advantageous for the inhabitants to sow
hemp and vegetables; and, if he should deem it necessary, he will be able, with the
participation of the Governor and Sovereign Council, to draft a law to be afterwards enforced.
And as the foddering cattle, for which the country is well adapted by the salubrity of the
waters and the vast extent of the prairies, will contribute greatly to the advantage of
the Colony, it will be well if the said Sieur Talon examine with the assistance, also, of said
Governor and Council, whether it may not be proper to prohibit the slaughtering of Oxen,
Cows, Calves, Sheep, Hogs and generally all sorts of Cattle for a time to be agreed on.
Moreover, Sieur Talon ought to be very particular to inform the King of everything that
may occur in said Country, and send his Mnjesty the observations he shall have made on the
present Instruction.
Done at Paris the 27"" day of March 1665.
(signed) Louis,
and lower down
DE LlONNE
M. Talon to the Minister.
Sir,
If you please to review, one after the other, the answers I have given to each article of
the Instruction you furnished me, you will make closer application of this despatch and see
that, explaining myself on the first answer, I say, that if the Jesuits in times past balanced
the temporal, by the spiritual authority, they have greatly reformed their conduct, and there
will be no need of being guarded against them, provided they always comport themselves as
they now do. I shall watch them however, and prevent as much as in me lies, their
proceedings being prejudicial to his Majesty's interest, and I believe that in so doing I shall
not have any trouble.
The second answer would require that I should, indeed, draw out an exact plan of the
whole country, and amplify in this despatch on all its productions. But as the King's ships,
which return to Rochelle, are on the point of sailing, and as M. de Tracy proposes to ascend
the River within a couple of days to inspect the forts, and put the troops in winter quarters,
I must attend principally to loading twelve sloops and thirty or forty bateaus with every
thing necessary for their wintering, as the preservation of the troops and the expedition
against the Iroquois depend thereon. I therefore, postpone to the return of the Dieppe vessel,
30 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
informing you fully of all the advantages that God for his glory, and the King for his state
may expect from this country. Nevertheless, in order to furnish you with a rough sketch,
I shall have the honor to inform you: —
That Canada is of a very vast extent; that I know not its limits on the North, they are so
great a distance from us, and on the South there is nothing to prevent his Majesty's name and
arms being carried as far as Florida, New Sweden, New Netherland and New England; and
that through the first of these Countries access is had even to Mexico.
That the whole of this country, diversely watered by the river Saint Lawrence and by
beautiful rivers, which, at its sides, discharge into its bed, communicates by these same rivers
with several Indian Nations, rich in furs, particularly those who inhabit the North ; that if
the Southern Nations, to whom we can ascend by Lake Ontario, if the portages, with which
we are not yet acquainted, are not very difficult, a thing however not irremediable; if they
do not abound in peltries as much as the North, they may have more precious commodities;
and if we are not acquainted with these, it is because our enemies the Iroquois intervene
between us and the countries that produce them.
That the Climate, which causes a residence in the country to be feared on account of the
excessive cold, is nevertheless so salubrious that people are seldom sick here, and live here
very long; that the land, very unequal on account of its mountains and valleys, is covered
with trees which form but one forest, stifling in my opinion, rich and beautiful products. Its
fertility in grain is evident to us by the abundant harvests furnished every year by cleared and
cultivated lands; more especially as receiving the seed only from the close of the month of
April up to the IS"" May, they produce their fruits at the end of August and beginning
of September. Thus as regards the necessaries of life, they can be looked for in abundance
from this country alone if cultivated. I say more, that when it will once be supplied
with all sorts of animals, agricultural and domestic, for the raising of which it is well adapted,
it will have in 15 years a sufficient surplus as well in grain, vegetables, meat as in fish, to
furnish the Antillas of America, even the places on the continent of this vast quarter of the
globe. I do not advance this lightly, and do not state it until after having well examined
the strength of the soil in a state of nature, and before it receives the aid and help which
manure affords that of France. A minot' of wheat here most commonly produces fifteen,
twenty, and reaches as far as thirty; even more than this in favorable places.
I pass from the fertility of the soil to its fecundity, and from its fruits to its minerals, and
say that if the Founder sent us by the gentlemen of the Company, by your orders, is as skilful
an artisan, as he represents himself to be, in the knowledge and discrimination of the true
from the apparent minerals, you ought to expect great advantages from this country for his
Majesty. I have had several private conferences with this Founder on all that I had collected
going up the river Saint Lawrence and landing at places at which I expected to find particular
productions either of the soil or climate; showed him specimens of mines, marcassites and
something purer that I took from several places, which the river detaches from rocks, or
produces in and washes along its bed. If the judgment he pronounces on what he has seen is
that of an experienced man, gold and silver exist in the places which produce those marcassites.
In exploring for those, I intend to labor with assiduity; making the discovery of minerals,
whether of rich or poor materials, part of the King's affairs and the Canadian establishment.
I do not ask you to approve my incurring the expense necessary for that purpose, as I cannot
containing three bushela. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 31
receive your orders on every matter for this current year. I sliall act, as much as possible, for
the ^ood of his Majesty's service, and, as I believe, for your satisfiiction ; nevertheless v^ith all
possible economy, as I shall assume to myself all the ill success for this year; and as regards
the future, should you be of opinion, after testing the marcassites I send you, and those I have
placed for greater safety in the hands of this Founder, which he considers the best specimens,
that in the resolution I adopt, I push my zeal too far, you will arrest it if you please, by
limiting it, and indicating to me how far it may go, both in this regard and in all the
undertakings I shall consider useful to the state, none of which I shall enter upon without
the advice of Mess" de Tracy and de Courcelle.
This Founder will depart to-morrow with the Company's General Agent, in a sloop I had
equipped for Gaspe, where he expects to find silver, not from what he has seen in France, but
from a view of a rock I showed him, which I broke off myself when passing said Gaspd.
His expectation appears plausible. The important point is to know, such being the case,
whether there will be metal enough to render men's labor profitable, and if the hardness of
the rock which contains the mine, will not render its opening very difficult and expensive.
My opinion is, that it will require powerful machines to make a good opening, unless there be
some particular secret, or that working it in the woods which cover it, render it more moist
and ductile.
The ease with which the Founder pretends to work in a deep rock, and the great advantages
he promises from his labour, united to the expectations of mines of gold and silver with
which he flatters us, especially from what I showed him, induce me to say, it is well to test
him, and find out if he will realize the hopes he creates, particularly as to mines of gold and
silver, which he is almost certain must be found in this country.
Though you can well understand from my answer to the 4"" article of my Instruction, if it
be for the King's advantage to surrender to the Company the property of this vast country
with the right of government, or to reserve the one and the other to his Majesty, I explain
myself as to the motive that might have led him to make this surrender to the Company and
say, — that if it were to increase the profits by furnishing him large means to meet his first
expenses; to augment the number of his vessels, and to carry on an extensive commerce, useful
to his state, without having in view the extending settlements and the multiplying colonists in
this country, it is, in my opinion, more advantageous to the King to leave this property to the
Company without any reserve. But if he have regarded this country as a fine field on which
to establish a great Kingdom, or to found a Monarchy, or at least a very considerable State, I
cannot persuade myself he will succeed in his design, if he leave in other hands than his own,
the Seigniorage, the property of the soil, the nominations to parishes and dependencies
(adjoints), and even the trade which constitutes the soul of the establishment. What I have
seen from the time of my arrival to this moment, has convinced me fully of what I advance;
for, since the Company's agents have given it to be understood that it would not suffer any
freedom of trade, — neither to the French who were in the habit of coming to this country
with merchandise from France, nor to the proper inhabitants of Canada, — even so far as to deny
them the right of importing on their own account the products of the Kingdom which they
make use of, as well for their own support, as in trade with the Indians, which alone will ruin
the most considerable of the Inhabitants, to whom agriculture does not afford sufficient
inducements to make them remain here with their families, I clearly perceive that the
Company, by pushing its power to the extreme it pretends, will doubtless profit by
32 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
impoverishing the country ; and will not only deprive it of the means of self-support, but will
become a serious obstacle to its settlement, and that Canada will in ten years be less populous
than it is to-day.
The Company has been put in possession not only of honorary and seigniorial rights, but also
of all those of any utility. As for trade, I apprehend it will push that to too great an extent.
For that purpose, it will take advantage of its terms of the charter, which confers on it that
privilege to the exclusion of all others; and I fear it will, thereby, discourage the most
numerous and considerable portion of the inhabitants of Canada. As its pretension and the
orders the King has given me by my instruction, wherein his Majesty commands me to
stimulate the said inhabitants to trade, do not harmonize too well,^ shall hold things, as
much as possible, in an equilibrium, to encourage in minds I find beaten down, some hope of
gain and profit, until his Majesty next year, explain his intentions more fully on this subject,
on which I shall further enlarge in my next despatches.
It has not been deemed proper to proceed against M' de Mezy after his death ; the Bishop
and other individuals whom he offended by his behavior, taking no further steps therein.
We were of opinion, Mess" de Tracy, de Courcelle and I, that his Majesty would not be sorry
were his fault buried with his memory. However, as regards civil suits, satisfaction will be
given to those who claim to have suffered damage by the conduct he pursued, and if his
Majesty wish any thing further, when it will be communicated to me by your letters, which I
hope to receive next year, I shall on my part, do as you on behalf of his Majesty order me.
I will not enlarge either on the war, nor on the troops referred to in the T"" Article of my
Instruction, because I am persuaded that Mess" de Tracy and de Courcelle render you an
exact report thereon. I shall only observe in this place, that though our voyage was very
tedious, some vessels, among others, those on board of which we were, having been one hundred
and seventeen days at sea, reckoning from the time of embarkation, the troops arrived here
in pretty good condition ; and in the whole passage we did not lose one officer, and only
about eight soldiers died. Yet, several ships, especially ours which was very small, much
incumbered and considerably crowded with people, were filled with sick, of whom I saw as
many as 80; so that had we not gone to the North, the heat of the South would have
engendered a plague on board of our vessel. It is important that more room be furnished the
troops which his Majesty may please to send out in future.
The companies composing the Carignan Regiment^ are, with the exception of four which
came from America, as yet almost more than complete. There are, among others, some of
66 men. All will be distributed for the winter among the forts which have been commenced,
and the three settlements, this, Three Rivers and Montreal. I shall give my best attention
to their preservation, and for this purpose shall send them, if the river does not freeze soon,
in addition to what is necessary for their subsistence, some luxuries to charm away the rigors
of the winter, so that Mess" de Tracy and de Courcelle may find them ready to act against
the enemy.
' The Carignan regiment participated in the war of the Fronde and in the bloody affairs of Elampes and of the Faubourg
St. Antoine, Paris, on the side of ihe Royalists, and served under Turenne at Auxerre. It formed part of tlie 4,000 men sent
by France under Counts de Coligni and de la Feuillade, in 1664, to the aid of the Emperor Leopold against the Turk?. At
the decisive battle of St Godart. they drove the latter from the banks of the Raab, and afforded effectual support to the
German army, who were very nearly overwhelmed. On the retiirn of the regiment from Hungary it emliarked for Canada,
■where most of the soldiers settled, with their officers, as Colonists. Oarncau's Histoire du Canada, 2d ed., L, 203. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: I. 33
I say nothing of the provisions consumed by the supernumeraries, besides the volunteers of
the country, the sailors and other people employed in the transportation of munitions of war
and supplies, nor of the expenses which of necessity must be greater than you expected,
inasmuch as my industry as well as my obligation, binds me to supply all deficiencies. You
have the service at heart, and I am persuaded you will not have us spare what is necessary
for its advancement.
As considerable of the munitions of war and provisions destined for us are missing, as
appears by the memoir M. de Terron has placed in my hands ; and as many of the things we
have received are damaged and good for nothing, either on account of the little care taken
by those who have had charge of them, or because the sea has caused the loss in the number
and weight, as well as the damage in the quality, I send back to the said M'' de Terron, copy
of the said statement, verified, article by article, by the Storekeeper General whom he sent
hither on his behalf; as he requires it of me in order that he may take fuller information as
to what has caused the losses I mention.
I think I have explained myself sufficiently as to what regards the administration of Justice
in this country; and I do not suppose that you will be less informed by M. de Tracy's
despatches as to the causes which have prevented the arrangement of the Council to the
present time. It will doubtless be composed much more judiciously on returning from
the journey M. de Tracy is about to make, than it could have been before we had collected
information of the capability, talent and merit of persons who ought to enter this Body.
You may, however, rest assured that, as far as it is in my power to administer justice
consularly and summarily, I shall do it with care, for the reasons given in my answers to the
Instruction I have received from his Majesty.
I do not see any further answer requisite to the article of my Instruction which speaks
of the administration of the public moneys of the establishment, of the police and of
manufactures. I postpone 'till my next despatches sending you a memoir as to what I shall
have received, possible to be manufactured and fabricated here usefully ibr the State; and I
insist now only on the item of the fourth of the peltries claimed by the Company's General
Agent as a thing ceded without any reserve for forty years, the limits of the charter granted
by his Majesty. This droit constituting, as I observed, the whole of the public revenue from
which are defrayed the indispensable charges of the country, and the aids essential to its
safety in urgent occasions, I have thought it necessary to demand of you, as regards the future,
an explanation of his Majesty's intentions in this regard, and I shall ask of M. de Tracy that at
least a Comptroller be appointed to keep a register of the receipts of said duties, so that if his
Majesty think proper to retain them, on demanding- an account of the charges of the country,
such may be faithfully rendered him. If, however, his Majesty wishes to surrender them
absolutely, he will at least have a more complete knowledge of the Company's profits, and I
say not this without reason ; for I have before remarked, that this fourth has already appeared
to Mess" de Tracy, de Courcelle and me to have been very productive. The Company's
Agent does not willingly admit that it is very profitable; and he even makes a difficulty in
paying certain charges, which, he says, are not included in the statement of those to be
defrayed by this fund.
You have truly remarked that whilst settlements are not made contiguous, the country will
not be in a state to sustain itself against the attacks of its irreconcilable enemies the Iroquois.
A remedy will be applied as eflectually as possible to the past evil, and the same
Vol. IX. 5
34 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
inconvenience will be avoided for the future. I am devising a plan of a clearance for the
erection of the first hamlet. When finally determined on, I shall send you the design.
I hope you will consider the declaration I request of you in my answer to the King's
Instruction; if it be not necessary, it will be at least useful to the establishment of the country,
inasmuch as it cannot but stimulate the inhabitants to industry. I therefore expect you
will order it to be sent me.
Arrangements can be always made in good season to send families to this country next
year, on the assurance I give that settlements will be provided for them ; and if the King will
please to have a greater number in readiness for the next, instead of the forty you order me
to prepare the current year, I shall have as many arranged as his Majesty pleases, if I be
furnished on his part with the necessary help.
I say nothing further on the article ordering me to encourage the inhabitants to commerce,
as I have already stated that I shall feed their minds with the hope of the gain to be realized
by them in this way, in opposition to the dread created by the Company, who wish to deprive
them of the means to acquire it. And I have already begun to collect some people to work
at the fishery ; to prepare timber necessary to construct some small vessels, and in default of
the commodities which were not to be had in the Company's stores before the arrival of the
ship from Dieppe, I even sent to Montreal a portion of goods I purchased to trade here on my
own account, because specie does not go as far as commodities for the subsistence of people;
and I added, by the advice of M. de Tracy, some supplies drawn from the King's stores, to be
distributed at Montreal for the comfort of the Inhabitants, though for the advantage of his
Majesty, as I expect in return to receive grain and vegetables for the subsistence of the
soldiers, and even Moose Skins ( Peaux (T Oiigncaux) with which to construct large canoes, better
adapted to navigation than those of bark. I shall see by this and other experiments that I
shall cause to be made with the savages, what benefit may accrue from barter, so as to be
able to give you fuller information.
I postpone, until the return of the Dieppe vessel, communicating to you the memoir I
intend drawing up on all the manufactures that can be introduced into this country; on the
means to be proposed and the aid necessary to be demanded for putting them into practice.
You may rely, Sir, on the assurance I give you that for carrying out the King's pious
intentions and seconding yours, I shall direct my main efforts to lead not only the children,
but even the'- heads of families, to Divine worship; to inculcate the veneration they owe the
Ministers of our Religion, and the respectful love they are obliged to preserve for his
Majesty's sacred person.
I think, without pledging myself too much, that I can answer for it, if I do but a very little
more for the soldiers of the Carignan Regiment, that many of them will remain in this
country, should his Majesty resolve to recall that corps.
Although I remark in the answer I make to the article of the Instruction relating to Tythes,
that I shall send you a memoir, you will not find it here, as I defer forwarding it to you until
the sailing of the Dieppe ship. I calculate that vessels adapted to navigation can be built
some day here, especially when we shall have settled farther to the South, where the trees
are of finer growth, and the oaks are less scarce than here ; especially as the Founder, of whom
I have spoken, assures me that he will bloom the iron sand (sable de fcr) discovered here in
considerable abundance. Herewith is a small bag of it for the purpose of an experiment, at
which this same Founder can work if you order him. He could have done it here, had he the
PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 35
tools which he says are required for that purpose. Besides, as respects rigging, you will learn
by the last answer given to the Instruction that at least as much hemp can be expected from
these lands as is procured from those of France, inasmuch as they are as well qualified to
produce it. And if I discover the means to make tar and resin, which I dare not as yet hope,
you will find every thing in this country necessary for a ship, without drawing from without
for any of its parts. . J_ J 'sGJ ^ 6
I notice such feeble health in M. de Tracy that I justly fear we shall lose him, either by
death or by the retirement he meditates in the hope that the King will give him his con^e; if
his Majesty consider his age, and the inconveniences a long and fatiguing voyage has caused
him, and which I believe two climates, very opposite, In which he lives and has lived, will
seriously aggravate, I fear his loss, the rather, as in the midst of the attacks he sufl^ers from
his disease, he relaxes in no wise his labors, so as not to detract any thing from his zeal ;
triumphing over his age and infirmity, he acts just as if he enjoyed perfect health and was
only thirty years of age. I assure you, Sir, he astonishes me, and though I should mar the
design he entertains of returning to France next summer, I cannot but tell you that, with his
genius singularly adapted to the establishment of a new country, as to its reformation when
badly managed, and the energy with which he embraces every thing that can reflect glory on
the King or advantage to his state, I doubt much if his Majesty grant him the retirement I know
he desires, if he reflect on the advantage of M. de Tracy's sojourn in this country and the need
in which we shall still be of his presence to sustain the vast work the King has commenced.
Should his Majesty, however, incline to grant it, so as not to offend him by an absolute refusal,
I believe he might be induced honorably to continue his application and attention, if, leaving
him at liberty to return, he should be ordered not to avail himself of such permission until he
should have satisfactorily perceived that his retirement will not cause any prejudice to his
Majesty's service throughout the whole extent of the country.
Should the frigate which brings M. de Tracy's supplies be lost, as it is supposed, I greatly
pity him. He has indeed already sold a portion of his stores to purchase necessaries ; and I
believe that however resolved he may have been not to borrow from any person, he will be
obliged to accept aid from those who are more at ease, in order to defray his expenses. From
his known character, I doubt much if he will inform you of his wants.
Chevalier de Chaumont, Captain of M. de Tracy's guards, who serves assiduously and very
usefully near his person, has been favored by his Majesty with a commission of Aid-de-camp,
for the allowances of which he has applied to me. You know. Sir, I have no fund for that.
He expects payment thereof from his Majesty through your intervention.
You will find annexed a memoir of observations I made on the voyage. As I am aware of
the great danger in navigating the river Saint Lawrence, I reflected considerably, in order to
ascertain the measures to be adopted to improve it, so as to diminish the difficulty Captains
of ships experience in steering securely there, when they undertake to do so without a
thorough knowledge of the river. I send a duplicate of this Memoir to M. du Terron, so
that he may confer with the most experienced pilots, in order, if it be found useful, that each
of the vessels leaving Rochelle may bring a copy of it along. I believe it would not be
mal-a-propos to send as many to Normandy for the ships leaving there.
I must not close this despatch without bearing testimony to the attention M. de Courcelle
gives to every thing relating to the King's service. I can assure you, Sir, that he powerfully
36 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
seconds M. de Tracy, and I trust he will greatly comfort him in the expedition against
the Iroquois.
I am, with all due respect,
Your most humble, most obedient
and most obliged Servant
Quebec 4"' S*-" 1665. Talon.
Prices of European Goods in Cariada.
Prices of the Goods brought by the India Company's ships to be delivered to
the Inhabitants of Quebeck.
14th November, 1665.
At a meeting of the Council, where M. de Tracy presided — at which Mess" de Silly,
d' Amours, Denis, de la Chesnaye and de Maze Councillors; the King's Attorney General were
present — was arranged the tariff and prices of the goods arrived in the West India Company's
ships and in others of the Merchants of Rochelle, which are to be delivered to the inhabitants
by the Commissary of the general warehouse
At Quebec :
Wine, per barrel, @ 51.
Brandy, per barrel, @ 140.
Vinegar, per ton, @ 180.
Salt, per barrel, @ 14.
Poitou Serge, the ell, @ 4. 5.10,
Linen de Meslis, the ell, @ 1. 9. 9.
Coarse ditto, the ell @ 1. 8. 1.
Large Biscay axes, each, 1.11. 5.
Small axes @ 19. 10.0. each, 19.10.
For Three Rivers.
The barrel of Wine, 56.
The barrel of Brandy, 154.
The barrel of Vinegar, 49 . 10 .
Tiie barrel of Salt, 15. S.
Poitou Serge, the ell, 4.14.6.
Linen de Meslis, the ell, 1.11.
Large Biscay axes, each, 1.14.2.
Small axes, each, 1. 2.
For Montreal.
The barrel of Wine, 61.
The barrel of Brandy, 168.
The barrel of Vinegar, 64.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 37
liv
The barrel of Salt, 5. 3.
Fine Meslis linen, the ell, 1.16.
Coarse Meslis linen, the ell, 1 .14.2.
Large Biscay axes, each, 1.17.9.
Small axes, each, 1. 4.
Done and enacted in said Council the day and year aforesaid.
The present Tariff will serve for Liquors, until the arrival of the next vessels in the year
1666, and the salt which will be delivered at Three Rivers and Montreal will be sold
as usual.
Explanation of the Eleven Presents of the Iroquois Ambassadors.
1« December, 1665.
The First present is made to reply to the three that the said Ambassadors received from
M. de Tracy at their first audience. {The first of which was to wipe their eyes, so that they
may see the features of Onnontio'^ (i. e., M. de Tracy) full of honor and humanity; the second, to
open their mouths and cleanse their throats, so that they may speak, with more ease, mildness
and agreeableness; the third, to strengthen their hearts, so that they might express their
sentiments and discover their thoughts sincerely and without disguise.)
The Second to congratulate us upon the return of Sieur Le Moyne, whom they had a
prisoner, and whom they restore in health, without even one of his nails being torn off or any
part of his body being burnt ; and explaining, by the same present, all the kindnesses they had
shown, particularly by Captain Garagonsie to Sieur Lemoyne, and to all the French who have
been prisoners in the Iroquois villages.
The Third, to testify that with the Dead of their Nation they have interred the memory of
the injuries and wrongs perpetrated against them by the French, in killing them, or allowing
the Algonquins and the Hurons to massacre them; and generally, all the wrongs they
have received either by the violation of the Treaty or bad treatment experienced by their
Ambassadors, or by the retention of their presents without replying to them; in a word,
forgetting generally the whole of the past, so as not to retain any resentment about it.
The Fourth indicates that they remember right well that there have been frequent Treaties
of peace between them and the French; that they come not to demand a new, but to confirm
the old treaty, and testify the passion or desire they of the three Upper Nations feel to preserve
it inviolably.
The Fifth invites the French to grant them two Black-gowns — they mean by this term,
Jesuits — an Armorer to repair their broken guns, and a Surgeon, whom they require to dress
their wounded, recollecting that they often received charitable and useful aid from the French
physicians, who often restored them again to life : 'Tis thus they designate their cures.
' Literally, Great Mountain; an epithet originally applied by the Indians to M. de Moutmagny, Governor of Canada, of
■whose name, it wUl be seen, it is a translation. Relalion of 1640, 1, p. tT. — Ed.
38 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
The Sixth: having learned with great grief the bad news of Father Le Moyne's death, they
wish to resuscitate him; and with this present invite the appointment of a successor, who
would have the same disposition as the said Father for their instruction in Christianity and
in the principles and mysteries of our Religion.
The Seventh demands an Iroquois squaw, a prisoner, and a child captured by the
Mohegans (Loups^) to be restored to Captain Garagonqui, so that returning with this mark of
the consideration entertained for him by the French, he may be able, when occasion presents,
to convince his nation of the good faith of the said French, and of the gratitude they evince
for the care he has taken to preserve their brothers; the said Garagonki earnestly desiring
that this favor be granted him, the rather as being frequently employed to procure the liberty
of French prisoners by redemption and a multitude of presents, he has been always reproached '
that the French had no gratitude, and that he should lose his influence if he returned without
bringing back this squaw and this little child, who are prisoners ; assuring, moreover, that he
should always preserve a warm friendship for the French, and a like inclination to assist
them in all their necessities.
The Eighth, to obtain the liberty of a Huron Squaw belonging to a family of the same
Nation domiciled with the Iroquois, who was captured by the Algoaquins, and who is at
present in the Huron fort; in order to make manifest his influence in like manner, and to show
that he experiences as favorable treatment as those Frenchmen experienced at his hands,
whose freedom he procured when they fell into the power of the Iroquois.
Tiie Ninth, to testify that he no longer proposes peace like that of times past, which he
says held the French only by the fringe of the coat; but that he clasps them around the waist,
promising the observance of this peace, not only in the names of the old men but also of the
young, who often disturb it mal-a-propos, contrary to the opinion of the Ancients; therefore
he demands, in the name of those same young men, that the Algonquins and the Hurons
do not trouble them on their side, nor get up any war parties against them, nor obstruct
their hunting.
Tlie Tenth, to give assurance that though the Oneidas have not given them presents to
demand peace, not having been aware of the coming of the three Upper nations, he of that
tribe who is present with this Embassy being here only by accident, yet they warrant
that they will do nothing to disturb the peace, and that they will not form any war party.
Therefore he demands that they be treated in the same manner as the three Upper Nations.
The Eleventh, to suspend hostilities against the Mohawks, who not being advised of the
arrival of the French and of the design they formed to destroy the five Iroquois Nations, have
not sent an Embassy, promising that, as soon as they shall have notice of it, they will not
fail to do so; and to demand time necessary for Captain Garagonki to repair with advice to
the said Mohawks, which is promised to be done immediately, with assurance that if they
do not concur in the same Treaty of Peace when he will have spoken to them, those Upper
Nations will abandon them.
' " This nation was formerly settled on the River Manhatte, in New -York, and it seems they are originally from there."
Charlevoix, III., 121. They were hence known as the River Indians. The French name is a mere translation of that of the
tribe ; Mahigan meaning " Wolf," in Algonquin. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : I.
Treaty of Peace hetwcen the Iroquois and Governor de Tracy.
[ Already printed in Vol. III., 121 - 126. ]
M. Colbert to M. Talon.
Sir,
I received your despatches of the 4"' October and 12"" November of last year, with all the
Memoirs annexed thereunto and the answers to your Instructions ; and after having submitted
the whole of them to the King, and his Majesty having made the necessary observations on all
your arguments, he has commended me to explain to you his intentions on all the affairs of
Canada in the manner following:
The King cannot concur with you in the whole of your reasoning as to the means of
rendering Canada a great and powerful State, perceiving many obstacles thereto which cannot
be overcome except by a long lapse of time; because, even though he sliould have no other
business and could direct both his application and his power to that object, it would not be
prudent to depopulate his Kingdom, which he should do to people Canada. Besides tliis
consideration, which will appear important to you, there remains yet another, namely, that if
his Majesty removed thither a greater number of men than what the land, now cleared,
could feed, 'tis certain that if they did not all perish at once they would at least sufi^er great
privations, which, reducing them to continual langor, would weaken them little by little ; and
besides the inconveniences they would themselves endure, they would increase those of the
old inhabitants, who, without this augmentation of Colonists, would live by their labor and
the cultivation of the soil. You will understand sufficiently, by this observation, that the true
means of strengthening that Colony is to cause justice to reign there, to establish a good
police, to preserve the inhabitants in safety, to procure them peace, repose and plenty, and to
discipline them against all sorts of enemies; because all these things, which constitute the
basis and foundation of all settlements, being well attended to, the country will get filled up
insensibly, and in the course of a reasonable time may become very considerable, especially
as his Majesty will afford it all the assistance in his power according as he shall have more or
less occupation within his Kingdom.
You ought always bear in mind and never depart from the plan I trace for you in a few
words, which agrees with that laid down more at length in your Instructions and in the
conversation I had with you here; because it is notoriously impossible that all these ideas of
forming vast and powerful states could succeed if useless people are to be conveyed to places
where they are to be settled.
The other argument you use respecting the King's abandoning the country to the West
India Company, and the inconveniences you apprehend from it, may also be combated by a
reason capable, by itself, of destroying all the others you advance to the contrary. That is,
that we have seen, by experience, that this Colony fell into the languishing condition in which
it has been up to the present time, only because the old Company was too feeble, and because
=40 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
that Company had abandoned it afterwards to the inhabitants; and if you study well what
has occurred on that point, you will concur that these two causes have produced the desertion
of the old colonists and prevented others establishing themselves there, which they would
assuredly have done had they been supported by a powerful Company like this.
It is unquestionable that you will experience great difficulties in the beginning, in
consequence both of the inexperience and perhaps of the cupidity of the Company's Agents and
Commissaries. But you will soon be rid of them through the remedies which the Company
itself will have applied and by the care it will take to recall those of their agents and clerks
who will be in any way insolent, to substitute, in their stead, others of more moderation.
It is not by these precautions only that the King wishes to limit the means of sustaining the
inhabitants of Canada. His Majesty has induced the Company to divest itself, in their favor,
of the trade with the Indians, though entitled to it by the ternfs of its Charter, and though
it might perhaps be more advantageous to leave it to it, as 'tis to be feared that in consequence
of trading the inhabitants may remain a great part of the year in idleness, whilst, had they
not the privilege to pursue it, they would be under the necessity of cultivating their farms.
What you allege in order to prove that it would be more advantageous to leave commerce
to the disposal of all the inhabitants than to confine it within the hands of the Company alone,
being founded particularly on the bad administration of Agents and Commissaries, it would
seem that the precautions to be hereafter used in making good selections would suflSce to
convince you of the contrary. But to give you an opportunity to form an opinion thereupon
with more accuracy, the Company, on my representation, has granted liberty of trade to all
sorts of persons indiffiirentiy for this year, though it is much to be feared that those private
traders will send from France only goods and commodities from which they will derive profit,
and leave the country ia want of those which perhaps it will most need; besides, the Beaver
being in several hands, sales, it is certain, will be effected at a miserable price.
As to the receipt of the fourth of the Beavers, and of the tenth of the Moose Skins made
over to the Company, the King having granted it Canada and all the other Countries in its
Charter, in full seigniory and property, reserving only the sovereignty thereof, his Majesty
has no ground to claim these two duties ; neither the mines which concern only the Company
or the commonalty {communaute) of the country, having assigned them to it to satisfy the
charges for which it was responsible in virtue of the agreement entered into with the old
Company of New France.
You will further observe that the said Company of New France, to the rights of which that
of the West Indies has been substituted, had the monopoly of the fur trade, by means whereof
it paid the expenses of the country as it pleased; and that the inhabitants, being unable to
abstain from trading, the commonalty of said inhabitants negotiated therefor, and it was
ceded to them on condition that they should be obliged to pay all the public expenses, and
a thousand Beavers annually, to be delivered in France, or a sum to be agreed upon ; for the
payment of which charges and of this annual rent the Commonalty imposed the duty of
one-quarter on the Beavers and two sols per pound (pour livrc) on the Moose Skins, (Orignaux)
payable in kind, so that the West India Company, having the rights of the old Company of
New France, can legitimately claim the exclusive trade in peltries, or, when executing its
surrender to tiie inhabitants, demand at least the annual rent of one thousand beavers.
Whereupon it is, nevertheless, proper to consider that as the (fur) trade will increase also in
value by the formation of new settlements and the augmentation in the number of Colonists,
PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 41
it is just that it should not only regularly bear the ordinary charges, but supply something for
the extraordinary; covenanting, already, to form an annual fund of two thousand livres to
defray incidental items, and even to contribute to whatever expenses may be necessary to be
incurred should the King conclude on any enterprise by which his own interest and that of
the country might equally be promoted.
The same reason that justifies the Company reserving the duty of one-fourth of the
Beavers — that is, having surrendered to the inhabitants the [Indian] trade which was
the seigniorage ((e droit seigneurial), that trade duty must now supply its place — will oblige
you to determine, in your incertitude, to make out all deeds (infiodadons) in the Company's
name, and to proceed to the completion of the Grand Roll (Papier Terrier) at its General
Agent's request.
The various experiments made at the desire of the Directors of the same Company on the
Marcassites extracted from the mines, which you forwarded, having produced nothing certain,
and the experiment with the sand having been also unsuccessful, in consequence of its very
small quantity, they send you back the German smelter, who had returned to France, with
the implements necessary to make all sorts of experiments on the spot, and particularly at the
Gaspe mine.
The King has approved your having erected his arms at the extremity of the territory of
Canada, and your having prepared at the same time the Records (proces verbaux) of the taking
ppssession, as his sovereignty is thus always extended; doubting not but you have on this
occasion concluded with Mr. de Tracy and the other officers that it would be much better to
restrict yourselves to a tract of country tiiat the colony will, of itself, be able to maintain,
than to embrace too vast a quantity, a portion of which we may perhaps be obliged one day
to abandon, to the decrease of his Majesty's reputation and that of his crown.
As all the necessaries of life are produced in Canada with the same ease as in France, and
as some of them, such as wheat, give much greater returns, it is desirable that the inhabitants
T)f the country profit by a circumstance so fortunate for their subsistence, by cultivating all
their farms and increasing their clearances, confining them within the neighborhood of the
settlements, and making them only contiguous one to the other. The means of establishing
manufactures there consist rather in their industry and labor than in the aid which the
King is able to furnish. In the present conjuncture, when his Majesty is obliged to maintain a
heavy war against the English, whom none of his predecessors had ever before attacked on the
sea, the forces of that Nation having always appeared formidable to all others on that element,
that assistance would not be as considerable as if he were in profound peace as well abroad
as at home. Therefore, you must use economy and calculate principally on what you can
effect with articles and commodities the country furnishes in pretty considerable abundance ;
also by prohibiting, either by an Edict of the Sovereign Council, or by your own special
ordinance, the slaughter of lambs, and even of the females of each species of animal, so that
they may be multiplied in less time, as it is certain that when Canada will be stocked with
a large quantity of sheep and horned cattle, from their fleeces and skins can be manufactured
cloths and other stuffs and leather capable of being converted to divers purposes for the
convenience and advantage of the inhabitants.
Grain being often at a low price in Canada, a portion of the new clearances can be sown
with hemp, and at the end of some years a linen manufactory can be established there, which
from the quality of the hemp will become perhaps as flourishing as that of Lower Brittany.
Vol. IX. 6
42 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
And as this is a point to which the King in your Instructions has recommended you to
diligently apply yourself, I doubt not but you have already disposed the inhabitants to prepare
some of their lands for that purpose.
The hope you have given me, that timber will be found in large quantities suitable for the
construction of ships, has highly gratified the King ; and in order to secure a certain supply,
his Majesty has ordered Mr. Colbert de Terron to have two or three carpenters sent to Canada
to examine closely the quality of the timber and to see if enough can be found there for each
piece and part of a vessel; for on their report, his Majesty may either build in that country
on his own account, or at least cause to be dressed and prepared the greatest number possible
of those parts and pieces to remove them to his shipyards in France, to be made use of in
the construction of his ships. I shall say to you further on this head, that it appears to
me the inhabitants of Canada might find it much to their advantage to make a large quantity
of staves. For the King reserving all the timber in his kingdom fit for shipbuilding, and not
permitting the manufacture of staves, parties are obliged to go for these to Norway and every
part of the North ; whence the conveyance is at least as long and as difficult as it would
be from Canada, and where, doubtless, they purchase them dearer than they could in
that Colony.
From the manufacturing of Staves the country will derive a double advantage. In the first
place, clearances will be increased, and in the other, a profit will be derived from an article
the preservation of which had not been thought of up to the present time. Thus I am
persuaded that you cannot direct your attention more to the advantage of the inhabitants
than by exciting and encouraging them to this work, the profit on which being certain and
near, must be much more acceptable than others of which they have immediately but a tardy
and distant hope.
You understand that freedom of Guilds (lettres de MaUrise) was introduced with a view to
exclude inferior manufactures and to give circulation only to those that were good ; and on
that principle, I believe, it is of more importance to attract to a growing Colony like Canada
all sorts of Mechanics indifferently, than to think of receiving in the beginning only those
who succeed in each art. It is not but your proposition is good in one sense, that is, when
you have, hereafter, a sufficient number of each trade, you should confer these freedoms with
the consent of the officers of the sovereign Council and the principal inhabitants of the
country ; for it is of importance that these sort of things be always done, as much as possible,
with the agreement and consent of the whole country.
It would be impossible to send you as large a number of sheep as you mention, because, in
addition to the difficulty of the voyage, several vessels would have to be freighted for their
conveyance alone; and you will appreciate what I tell you on this head — the Spaniards, in
their conquest of Mexico, Peru and other countries which they hold in America, contented
themselves with carrying, in the different fleets they sent from Europe, a few animals of the
species which multiply with most facility. By the great care they took to preserve these,
and by the succession of a few seasons, they became as common as in the places from whence
they had been conveyed. Therefore, the true means to promote the multiplicity of sheep,
horned cattle and other domestic animals, is to prohibit the slaughter of the females, and
even of a good portion of the males, until the frequent multiplication of each species may
permit it.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: I. 43
Every precaution possible will be observed in the selection of new colonists, particularly of
girls, to be hereafter sent you. But it can scarcely be expected that any can be got from
Normandy during the war with England, because tiie Channel being occupied by the naval
force of the King of that nation and by that of the Dutch, there would not apparently be much
safety in the voyage.
I shall expect the proces-verbal which you make me hope for, concerning tlie individuals
who claim to be creditors of the commonalty of Canada, in order to make my report thereon
to the King; I shall, however, advise the Committee of tlie Council tiiat has been named
to make that settlement, not to trouble itself about any petition on their part except by
his Majesty's order, doubting not, but in sending it to me, you will annex an exact census of
all the Inhabitants of the Colony, which is essential to enable the King to understand clearly
the strength of the country and give him the means of forming a better opinion of the
resistance it is capable of making in case of necessity, or what it might undertake
when necessary.
In order to strengthen the Colony in the manner you propose, by bringing the isolated
settlements into parishes, it appears to me, without waiting to depend on the new colonists
who may be sent from France, nothing would contribute more to it than to endeavor to
civilize the Algonquins, the Hurons and other Indians who have embraced Christianity, and
to induce them to come and settle in common with the French, to live with them and raise
their children according to our manners and customs.
I am astonished at the error which has been discovered in the munitions of war, supplies
and provisions sent through the care of Mr. Colbert de Terron, knowing the exactness he
applies to all things. But as there is scarcely any remedy in matters of this sort, I content
myself to write to him to inquire who sent them on board, and whether they acted in good
faith, and to take better care regarding what will be sent you hereafter.
I have ordered Sieur de Lamotte to be paid the sum of Thirteen thousand five hundred
livres, according to a private letter of which he was bearer, out of the fund created for the
support of the troops in Canada up to the end of the current year, an account of which you
will find hereunto annexed for your fuller information.
The King has been very glad to see by your and Mr. de Tracy's dispatches that the greater
number of the soldiers composing the four companies, who already went to America under the
command of Sieur de Tracy, and the regiment of Carignan-Salieres, are much inclined to settle
in the Country if they be somewhat aided in establishing themselves there ; for his Majesty
deems it so important to the good of his service and of that Colony, that he wishes they
should all remain in Canada.
The King has formed a fund for Mr. de Tracy's allowances for rations and those of Mr.
de Courcelles till the end of the year; and moreover, he has granted twelve hundred
ecus to Chevalier de Chaumont, who acts as Aid-de-Camp ; twelve hundred livres to Sieur
Berthier, Captain in L'AUier's regiment, and as much to your Secretary, and has in addition
made a considerable present to Sieur de Tracy, in consideration of the loss he experienced of a
bark freighted with supplies and provisions which he was importing from France, and which
was shipwrecked in the river Saint Lawrence.
His Majesty writes to Mr. de Tracy in the terms you suggested, in order to oblige him
to remain in Canada until next year, unless his health forbid it ; and is moreover very happy to
44 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
learn both from him and from you that the Bishop of Petree and the Jesuit Fathers have only in
view the advancement of Christianity in the country, the maintenance of the inhabitants in the
purity of the faith and of morals, and to raise their children in the fear of God, by inculcating
among them a love of work and a dislike of idleness. He is also of opinion that you have
acted prudently in burying t.he late Sieur de Mezy's fault with his memory; in reserving to
yourself to have justice done to the parties to whom he is justly indebted, out of the effects he
may have left at his death; and I must assure you that the trouble you take to inform me that
you will not trade at all on your own account is entirely useless, as he is well persuaded
that you study in your department only the improvement of the Colony and the means of
pleasing him, and that you did not go to Canada with a view and idea of profiting by the
opportunities in your power, for the purpose of forwarding some trivial interests there which
might be personal to you.
I am, Sir,
Your most humble and
most affectionate servant
Versailles, S'" April, 1666. Colbert.
Treaty between the Senecas and the French.
On the 22'' of the month of May, of the year 1666, the Iroquois of the Seneca Nations above
Onontae being come down to Quebec to sue for peace by ten of its Ambassadors, named
Garonheaguerlia, Sagaaechiatonk, Osendst, Gachioguentiaxa, Hotiguerion, Ondegsaronton-
Sosendasen, Tehaoug«echa»enion, Honag«est8i, Tehonneritague, Tsohaien, after having
communicated by the mouth of their Orator Garonhiaguerha, their chief, the subject of their
embassy by thirty-four words, expressed by as many presents, have unanimously demanded
that, being always under the protection of the most high, most puissant and most excellent
Prince Louis the Fourteenth, by the Grace of God, Most Christian King of France and Navarre,
since the French discovered their country, it may please his Majesty to continue it to them, and
to receive them among the number of his faithful subjects, praying that the Treaty, made as
well for the Onnontae Nation as for theirs, have for them full force and entire effect, ratifying
it on their part in all its points and articles, which were read to them in the Iroquois tongue
by Joseph Marie Chaummont, Priest and Member of the Society of Jesus, named in the Huron
language Tchechon; adding, moreover, to all the said. articles, which they protest to execute in
good faith, what they proposed by their said presents, especially to cause to be sent to Quebec,
Three Rivers, and Montreal some of their families, to serve as a closer bond by their persons
and wills to the orders of those who shall have, in this country, the authority of the said
Lord the King, whom they acknowledge from this present time as their Sovereign; demanding
reciprocally, among other things, that some French families be sent among them and some
Black-gowns, that is to say, Jesuits, to preach the Gospel and make known to them the God
of the P'rench, whom they promise to love and adore; with assurance that they will not only
PARIS DOCUMENTS : I.
45
prepare cabins to lodge them, but will labor to construct forts for them to shelter them from
the incursions of the common enemy, the Andastaes and others; and, that the present Treaty
concluded by them in ratification of the preceding, may be stable and manifest to all, they
have signed with the different and distinctive mark of their Tribes, after what they had asked
of the said Lord the King had been accorded them in his name by Messire Alexander de
Prouville, Knight, Lord de Tracy, King's Councillor in his Councils, Lieutenant General of
his Majesty's Armies both in the Island and on the Continent of South and North America, as
well on sea as on land, in virtue of authority to him given, mention whereof is made at the
present Treaty, in the presence and assisted by Messire Daniel de Remy, Seigneur de Courcelle,
King's Councillor in his Councils, Lieutenant General of his Majesty's Armies, and Governor
of Acadie, the Island of Newfoundland and Canada, and of Messire Jean Talon, also King's
Councillor and Intendant of Justice, Police and the Finances of New France, who have signed
with the said Lord de Tracy, and as Witnesses Fran9ois Le Mercier, Priest, Superior of the
Society of Jesus, and Joseph Marie Chaumonnot, also Priest of the same Society, Interpreters
of the Iroquois and Huron Languages. Done at Quebec, the 25 May, 1666.
Treaty between the Oneidas and the French.
On the seventh of the month of July, of the year one thousand six hundred and sixty-six, the
Iroquois of the Oneida Nation, having learned from the Mohawks, their neighbors and allies,
and from the Dutch of Fort Orange, that the troops of Louis the Fourteenth, by the grace of
God, Most Christian King of France and Navarre, had, in the month of February of the said
46 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
year, carried his Majesty's arms, over tiie snow and ice, near unto Fort Orange in New
Netheriand, under the command of Messire Daniel De Courcelle, Lieutenant General of his
armies, pursuant to orders received from Rlessire Alexandre de Prouville, Knight, Lord de Tracy,
member of his Majesty's councils, and Lieutenant General of his armies, both in the Islands
and main land of South and North America, as well by sea as by land, to fight and destroy the
Mohawks, which probably they would have accomplished, had not the mistake of their guides
caused them to take one road for the other, came down to Quebec to solicit peace, as well in
their own name, as in that of the Mohawks, by ten of their Ambassadors, by name Soenres,
Tsoenser«anne, Gannonksenioton, Asaregsanne, Tsendiagon, Achinnhara, Togonk«aras,
Oskaraguets, Akyehen, and after having communicated by the mouth of their Orator and
Chief, Soenres, the object of their Embassy by ten talks, expressed by as many presents,
and having handed to us the letters from the officers of New Netherland, have unanimously
requested, acknowledging the - force of his Majesty's arms and their weakness and the
condition of the forts advanced towards them, and moreover aware that the three upper
Iroquois Nations have always experienced great benefit from the protection which they formerly
received from the said Lord the King, that his Majesty would be pleased to extend to them the
same favor by granting them the same protection, and receiving them among the number of his
true subjects, demanding that the Treaties fomerly made, as well by the said Nations as by
theirs, have the same force and validity as that of the Mohawks, who have required them to
solicit this of us, with great importunity, as they should have themselves done by means of their
Ambassadors, had they not been apprehensive of bad treatment at our hands, ratifying, on
their part, all the said Treaties in all their points and articles, which have been read to them in
the Iroquois tongue by Joseph Marie Chaumonot, priest, member of the Society of Jesus ; adding,
moreover, to all the said articles, which they protest they execute in good faith, what they
offered by their said presents, especially to restore all the Frenchmen, Algonquins and Hurons
whom they hold prisoners among them, of what condition and quality they may be, and as
long as any are detained there, to send families even from the Mohawks, to serve, like those
of the other nations, as the most strict hostages for their persons and dispositions to obey
the orders of those who shall, in this Country, have authority from the said Lord the King,
whom they acknowledge from this time as their Sovereign; demanding, reciprocally, among
all other things, the restoration to them, in good faith, of all those of their Nation who are
prisoner's at Quebec, Montreal and Three Rivers; that French families and some Black
gowns, that is, Jesuits, be sent them, to preach the gospel to them, and make known to
them the God of the French, whom they promise to love and adore ; also that trade and
commerce with New France be open to them, by Lake Saint Sacrement, with the assurance,
on their part, that they will provide in their country a sure retreat, as well to the
said families as to the Traders, not only by preparing cabins to lodge them in, "but also by
assisting to erect forts to shelter them from their common enemies, the Andastracronnons
and others. And that the present Treaty, made on their part in ratification of the preceding,
may be stable and known unto all, they have signed it with the separate and distinctive marks
of their tribes,* after which, what they solicited from the said Lord the King has been granted
to them in his name by Messire Alexander de Prouville, Knight, Lord de Tracy, Member of
the King's Councils, &• (as above) in the presence and assisted by M'" Daniel De Remy
Seigneur de Courcelles, King's Councillor, &c., &c., and of M''' Jean Talon, also Councillor,
&c., who have signed with the said Lord de Tracy, and as Witnesses, Francois le Mercier,
Tjn^ave^sPrmrertby .
PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 47
Priest, &c., &c., and Joseph Marie Chaummont, likewise Priest and Member of the said
Society, Interpreters of the Iroquois and Huron languages. Done at Quebec the 12
July 1666.
Tie' Nine Iroqxiois Tribes. 1666.
The Iroquois Nation consists of Nine tribes, which form two divisions ; one of four tribes
and the other of five.
They call the first division Gueyniotiteshesgue, which means the four tribes; and the
second division they call it Ouiche niotiteshesgue, which means the five tribes.
The first is that of the Tortoise, which calls itself Atiniathin. It is the first, because they
pretend when the Master of Life' made the Earth, that he placed it on a Tortoise, and that
when there are earthquakes,. it is the Tortoise that stirs.
The Second tribe is that of the Wolf, and calls itself Enanthayonni, or Cahenhisenhonon,
and is brother of the Tortoise tribe. When there is question of War they deliberate
together, and if the affair is of great moment they communicate it to the otlier tribes, to
deliberate together thereupon; so of all the other tribes. They assemble in the hut of a
War-chief when the question is of war, and in the hut of a Council-chief when it is for
ordinary matters of state.
The Third tribe is that of the Bear, which they call Atinionguin.
The Fourth tribe is that of the Beaver, and brother to that of the Bear. These four tribes
compose the first division, which they call Guey niotiteshesgue.
Second Division.
The Fifth tribe is that of the Deer, which they name Canendeshe.
The Sixth is that of the Potatoe, which they call Schoneschioronon.
The Seventh is that of the Great Plover, which they call Otinanchahe.
The Eighth is that of the Little Plover, which they call Asco, or Nicohes.
The Ninth is that of the Kiliou,> which they call Canonchahonronon. They call these five
tribes Ouicheniotiteshesgue.
These nine tribes formerly occupied nine villages, which were finally collected together in
order to sustain war more easily.
' Signifies a Hawk, ia some of the Iroquois dialects. — Ec.
48 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
The ninth tribe derives its origin from a cabin that was in the interior (dans les terres), and
composed of several tires or households. In the middle of the cabin was a partition which
divided it in two.
"Weary of knowing no one, and consequently unable to marry, they all married among
themselves, which is the reason that their name signifies Two cabins united together.
Each tribe has, in the gable of its cabin, the animal of its tribe painted; some black,
others red.
When they assemble together for consultation, the first division ranges Itself on one side of
the fire in the cabin, and the other division on the other side.
"When the matter on which they have met has been discussed on one side and the other,
they accompany the decision with much ceremony.
The division which decides the matter gives two opinions, so that the best may be adopted,
and offers all possible opposition in proposing its opinions, in order to show that it has well
considered what it says.
They adopt, usually, the first opinion, unless there be some strong motive to the contrary.
"When they do go to war, and wish to inform those of the party who might pass their path,
they make a representation of the animal of their tribe with a hatchet in his dexter paw;
sometimes a sabre or a club; and if the same party is made up from several tribes, each
draws the animal of his tribe, and their number, all on a tree, from which the bark is removed.
The animal of the tribe which heads the expedition is always foremost.
They generally have a rendezvous when they propose tg strike a blow, where, in case of
pursuit, they leave a part of their clothes and ammunition. "When they fight they are highly
painted, and have merely the breechcloth on, with a pair of Mocassins on the feet.
"When the expedition is numerous, they often leave a party a hundred or a hundred and fifty
leagues' from the village which they are about to attack. "When they have finished, if they
have casse-tetes or clubs, they plant them against the corpse, inclining a little towards the
village of the slain.
On their return, if they have prisoners or scalps, they paint the animal of the tribe to which
they belong, rampant (dcbout), with a pole on the shoulder, along which are strung the scalps
they may have, and in the same number. After the animal are the prisoners they have made,
with a Chicicois^ in the right hand. If they be women, they represent them with a Cadenet
or Queue and a waistcloth.
If there be several tribes in the war party, each paints the animal of his tribe with the
scalps and prisoners they have made, as before, but always after that which is head of the party.
"When they have scalps they give them to one or two men, who suspend them behind to
their girdle.
The men who carry these scalps follow the others at a distance; that is to say, at a quarter
of a league, because they pretend that when they have taken and retain scalps, if these precede
the others they cannot march any further, because they are seized with terror at the sight
of the dripping blood. But this is only the first day; sometimes the second and third when
they are pursued.
When they come again together, they proceed to notify the others, and then each one takes
his station or awaits the enemy. When night falls they make a hole in the earth where they
kindle a fire with bark to cook their meat, if they have any, and that during three or four days.
' lieuei, qy. paces ! ' i. e., a gourd filled with beans to rattle. — Ed.
^
PARIS DOCUMENTS: I. 49
They tie the prisoners to stakes set in the ground, into which they fix the leg, or rather
foot, and this stake is closed by another; these are lied together at a man's height. They
place a man at each side, who sleeps near and is careful to visit the prisoners from time to time
during the night.
When they have lost any of their party on the field of battle, they sketch men with the legs
in the air, and without heads, and in the same number as they have lost; and to denote the
tribe to which they belonged, they paint the animal of the tribe of the deceased on its back,
the paws in the air; and if it be the chief of the party that is dead, the animal is without '
the head. ,
If there be only wounded, they paint a broken gun, which, however, is connected with the
stock, or even an arrow; and to denote where they have been wounded, they paint the animal
of the tribe to which the wounded belong with an arrow piercing the part in which the wound
is located; and if it be a gunshot, they make the mark of the ball on the body of a
different color.
If they have sick and are obliged to carry them, they paint litters,' of the same number
as the sick, because they carry only one on each.
When they are thirty or forty leagues' from their village, they send notice of their approach
and of what has happened them. Then every one prepares to receive the prisoners, when
there are any, and to torment each as they deem proper.
Those who are condemned to be burnt are conveyed to the cabin which has been
appropriated to them. All the warriors assemble in a war cabin, and afterwards send for
them to make them sing, dance, and to torture them until they are carried to the stake.
During this time two or three young men are preparing the stake, placing the fuel near, who
keep their guns loaded.
When every thing is ready, the prisoner is brought out and tied to the stake and finally
burnt. When he is burnt up to the stomach, they detach him, break all his fingers, raise
the scalp which was left hanging behind by a small tongue of skin to the head. They
put him to death in these agonies, after which each takes his morsel and proceeds to
make merry.
Explanation of the Designs.
A. This is a person returning from war who has taken a prisoner, killed a man and a
woman, whose scalps hang from the end of a stick that he carries.
B. The prisoner.
C. Chichicois (or gourd), which he holds in his hand.
D. These are cords attached to his neck, arms and girdle.
E. This is the scalp of a man ; what is joined on one side is the scalp lock.
F. This is the scalp of a woman; they paint it with the hair thin.
G. Council of war between the tribe of the Bear and that of the Beaver; they are brothers.
H. A Bear.
I. A Beaver.
' Boyarda — hand-barrowa, used at cod-fisheries. — Ed. " Three or four miles. Colden.
Vol. IX. 7
50 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
L. Is a belt, which he holds in his paws to avenge the death of some one, and he is conferring
about it with his brother, the Beaver.
K. Council for affairs of state.
M. The Bear.
N. The Council fire.
O. The Tortoise; so of the other tribes, each ranges at its own side.
P. Canoe going to war.
Q. Paddles. They know hereby how many men there are in the Canoe, because they place
as many paddles as there are men. Above these is painted the animal of the tribe, to which
they belong.
R. The Canoe.
S. This is a man returning from hunting, who has slept two nights on the hunting ground
and killed three does; for when they are bucks, they add the antlers.
What is on his back is iiis bundle.
T. Deer's head. This is the way they paint them.
V. This is the manner they mark the time they have been hunting. Each mark, or rather
each bar, is a day.
Y. Fashion of painting the dead ; the two first are men and the third is a woman, who is
distinguished only by the waistcloth.
As regards the dead, they inter them with all they have. When it is a man they paint some
red calumets, peace calumets on the tomb; sometimes they plant a stake on which they paint
how often he has been in battle; how many prisoners he has taken; the post ordinarily is only
four or five feet high and much embellished.
a. These are punctures on his body.
b. This is the way they mark when they have been to war ; and when there is a bar
extending from one mark to the other, it signifies that after having been in battle he did not
come back to his village, and that he returned with other parties whom he met or formed.
c. This arrow, which is broken, denotes that they were wounded in this expedition.
d. Thus they denote that the belts which they gave to raise a war party and to avenge the
death of some one, belong to them or to some of the same tribe.
e. He has gone back to fight without having entered his village.
f. A man whom he killed on the field of battle who had a bow and arrows.
g. These are the two men whom he took prisoners, one of whom had a hatchet and the
other a gun in his hand. »
gg. This is a woman, who is distinguished only by a species of waistcloth.
h. This is the way they distinguish her from the men.
Such is the mode in which they draw their portraits.
to iifii://r>ii ///rf//// ///r// //r/u/\ /r//,t7/ n//// A/Z/r^f ,
PARIS DOCUMENTS : I.
51
A. This is the manner the tribe of the Potatoe must be designated, and not as it is on the
other plate.
b. Is a stick, set in the ground, to the extremity of which two or three pieces of wood are
attached, to denote the direction in which they went hunting; and on the nearest tree
they paint the animal of the tribe to which they belong, with the number of guns they have;
that is to say, if they are three men they paint three guns, if they are more and there are
some who have a bow and no gun, they put down a bow.
When they return from hunting and are near the village they do the same thing, and add
the number of beasts they have killed; that is to say, they paint the deer and the stag from
the head to the neck; if some are male they add antlers; they paint the other animals entire;
if they are some days at the chase they mark the number as you see on the other plate.
c. Club which they use to break the skull when they are at war.
Stake to tie the prisoners. They place
his leg between these two posts, in the
hollow of the larger; that is, the two posts
catch the leg above the ankle, and they
afterwards join one to the other and tie
them at a man's height, sometimes higher,
so that it is impossible to withdraw the
foot without untying the cords.
52 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
M. Talon to Messrs. de Tracy and de Courcelles.
[ D6p6t da Minist^re des Affaires Etrang^res ]
Propositions submitted by M' Talon to Mess" de Tracy and de Courcelles,
whether it be more advantageous for the King's service to wage War
against the Mohawks than to make peace with them.
For War.
Suppose, what is universally conceded in Canada, that a permanent Peace can never be made
with that nation, which respects it only so long as it finds it its interest, or fears that its
violation may cause it some damage, I think War is more advantageous than Peace, for the
following reasons:
First. The King having sent to Canada a Regiment of Twelve hundred men, and regular
troops commanded by brave Officers, with orders to fight that barbarous Nation, by which the
establishment of the French Colony is so much retarded, 'twill be more glorious for his
Majesty and more profitable to the Country that an effort be made to destroy them than to live
at peace with them.
Second. That repeated experience inculcates the conviction, that the treaties of Peace made
with those Infidels are broken on the first opportunity that presents itself to them to obtain an
advantage over the French. The death of Mess" de Chazy and Travery and of Sieurs
Chamot and Morin furnish evidence thereof as disastrous as it is recent, inasmuch as they
have been attacked and killed at a time when Ambassadors of the Oneida Nation were at
Quebec treating for that of the Mohawks.
Third. That though that Nation may not be always meditating or attempting to Adolate
peace as often as it is disposed and believes it for its advantage, whether on account of its
aversion to the French, Algonquins and Hurons, or as a consequence of its inhuman and
barbarous nature, the proximity of the English, who stimulate their designs, must make us
apprehend that sooner or later that European Nation will, when at war with the French, excite
the said Mohawks and Oneidas to come p a rupture with us at the Upper part of the river,
in order to divide our strength, whilst it will attack us at the mouth, or in the course
of the river Saint Lawrence.
Fourth. That the present conjuncture appears the most favorable of all those that can be
hereafter expected; because there is no other season for the destruction of that Nation except
this, or the winter, or next spring.
Winter, in the opinion and according to the representation of those who, in the last season,
had accompanied the expedition of Mr. de Courcelles, is too rigorous and too destructive to
the troops.
Spring is much less adapted than Autumn ; for in addition to the extraordinary heats, the
bites of the Musquitoes create such severe inflammations as sometimes incapacitate a soldier for
fighting; and besides, the waters are ordinarily so high in that season, that the rivers
separating us from the Mohawk Nation are impassable, expect by constructing bridges of trees
or bateaux.
Moreover, M. de Saurel having been, with three hundred troops, within a day's journey of
the Mohawk village, with the design of sacking it, and having returned without committing
any act of hostility, on meeting the Dutch Bastard who was sent on a mission of peace, it is to
PARIS DOCUMENTS: I. 53
be presumed with reason that the said Mohawks are not on their guard and do not expect
danger, as an Indian of the Mohegan tribe (Loups) sent back by tlie said Sieur Saurel, was to
have told them that he should retire, assuring them of a firm peace just concluded at Quebec
with the said Dutch Bastard. Thus it is to be hoped that these barbarians will be found
divided, and those discovered in the Wigwams be either in a profound sleep or off their guard.
Fifth. As to the conclusion of Peace between England and France, inasmuch as we shall
not be able to have any news of it next Spring, we ought always calculate on war, which the
King in his letters says he has declared. On this account, prudence suggests the distribution
of the troops and their withdrawal from the Forts adjoining the Iroquois, in the Spring, when
the English are more to be feared than now, so as to preserve Quebec and the interior of the
Colony of Canada.
Sixth. That the Winter, always severe in this Country, will certainly take off some of the
soldiers and weaken the Troops in point of numbers, besides rendering them, by its
inconveniences, less adapted to the fatigues of war.
Seventh. That at present we have all the munitions of War and supplies necessary for this
expedition, and it is not certain that we shall have them in spring, as we have, as yet,
received but a small part of what will be required for the subsistence of His Majesty's troops;
and the remainder, on board three ships, is still at the mercy of the winds and sea.
Eighth. That on occasions of war where more is to be hoped for than feared, the policy of
attack is the best. That it must be granted that this expedition promises more success than
mischance, inasmuch as we can attack the enemy with such a force as cannot be resisted by
the whole of theirs together.
The Ninth and last. That the success of the expedition against the Mohawks opens the
door for the seizure of Orange, the rather as the Dutch may be found inclined to unite with
the King's arms in aiding the attack and capture of that fort. We may at least expect that
when his Majesty's troops will have accomplished an action so bold as that proposed, within
view of the English Colonies, that nation, more numerous in these Countries than the French,
and capable of undertaking the ruin of Canada by an invasion, may be diverted therefrom,
were it made sensible, by seeing us at it's gate and in the centre of its settlements, that
we are in a position to carry the war into its midst.
Reasons for Peace.
First. It is to be feared that the English may be in the River, and have already captured
some of the three vessels which are due, and have not arrived, though the season is advanced;
therefore Quebec and its environs cannot be stripped without exposing the Colony.
(Answer to this Article.) Though it were true that the English were in the River, there is
no reason for believing they would hazard an invasion of a country which, they are convinced,
has twelve hundred soldiers, independent of the settlers who, they know well, are more than
twice as many; and it is well established that Boston has but very few regular troops, and
that its militia are not capable of an action of that nature. Moreover, in the present season
and that of the ice, the time is short.
Second. To carry on the war, the militia must be called out, which cannot be done during
the season of the harvest, except by postponing the cutting of the crops, or injuring them.
( Answer to the Objection. ) This evil, how serious soever it may be, is always much less than
that caused by the forays of the Iroquois when they pass from peace to war. And though the
country should suffer the loss of the grain that the militia (guerriers) will not reap, it will be
54 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
better for it that the said militia attend to the war rather than to the harvest, which, however,
will be saved by all the other Inhabitants, and for this purpose a police ordinance shall
be issued.
Third. That the Algonquins and other savages will not, perhaps, feel disposed to return to
this war, as they appeared dissatisfied because they had not the disposal of the prisoners
demanded by the Ambassadors.'
Answer. That the Algonquins and other savages can be ordered to the war by authority, or
prevailed on by argument and presents, which will indemnify them for the advantages they
would have reaped from the prisoner.s they had made, had these been left to them.
Fourth. That the Mohawks who seem to demand peace with a sincere intention to maintain
it faithfully, will never listen to it again if they perceive that war was designed whilst they
were bearers of the Message of peace.
Answer. That it is belter to have open war with the Mohawks, than an uncertain peace,
dependent for its continuance on the pleasure of the most capricious among them; satisfied
that it is more desirable that the French soldiers and all others regard them as avowed enemies,
than to suppose them friends, since between them and us there is no more good faith than
between the most ferocious of animals.
Fifth. That the English and Dutch, who, up to this time, have committed no act of hostility,
will possibly declare war against us if they see us destroy an Indian tribe which appears to be
under their protection.
Answer. So far from fearing that the Dutch would be jealous of the success of the King's
arms, we may be persuaded, from all the steps they have taken to the present time, that they
will joyfully receive them; and possibly, they await an occasion such as this, to avenge the
usurpation unjustly committed upon them; weary as they, moreover, are of the insupportable
domination of the English, [War] being declared between France and England, it is not
reasonable to believe that the English will require new pretexts to obtain over us all the
advantages possible by force of arms or otherwise. Therefore the attack on the Iroquois will
not render them any more inimical to us than they now are.
Sixth. That to proceed in a secure manner in the destruction of the Mohawks, it will be
necessary to select the best officers and soldiers in the forts, which will greatly reta;rd the
conveyance of provisions.
Answer. If the expedition against the Mohawks be successful, the forts will require
one-half less supplies, because one-half less troops will be necessary, and though it should
not, the posts can be resumed next spring. In a decisive move, a part is risked without
risking the whole.
Answers, as annexed, may be given to each of these reasons.
I doubt not but the peace party may advance, also, other reasons than these. It is, therefore,
well to adduce them, in order to balance the one by the other, so as to adhere to those of
most weight.
This is what Talon most humbly craves Mess" de Tracy and de Courcelles, to examine.
Done at Quebec, the 1" September, 1666.
'The text is unintelligible. It is, "lis ont paru malcontents de ce qu' on ne leur a pas laisse la disposition des
Ambassadeurs fails par les prisonniers." The translation approaches somewhat nearer to common sense. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 55
M. Talon to M. Colbert. •
Extracts of a Memoir on the Condition of Canada, addressed by M. Talon to
M. de Colbert.
I. I ought to furnish you, in this place, with a detail of the expenses to which this country
is subject, but in truth I dare not, what I have done is in such confusion, and I am so much
afraid that I sliall not appear a good steward of the King's property. Since my arrival 1 have
been obliged to furnish Mr. de Tracy and Mr. de Courcelle, for the war, with one hundred and
fifty-two bateaux capable of carrying fifteen men with their stores, and the freight alone of
the munitions of war and provisions, which must be sent up by the lakes and rapids to all the
frontier posts, costs nearly twelve thousand livres a year. You can conclude from this. My
L^rd, what the other expenses of Canada may amount to, for which I have not received, this
year, a sou. I shall, nevertheless, do my best to maintain the success of the King's arms, and
to dispose the country to produce something useful, in the hope, I entertain, that you will have
the goodness not to abandon us. I find by Mr. Terron's return of provisions that there might
have been an excess in some. I shall husband them to meet the most urgent demands,
however solicitous the officers of the troops may be that I should give the whole to the
soldiers. I have sold and turned some Brandy into wheat, with which I am well pleased.
II. Police regulations applied to the Christian Indians.
Some time after my arrival here I proposed to make police regulations for the Algonquin
and Huron Indians, to regulate their manners according to those of the French in the
view you pointed out to me, and to have the right to punish tliem when they will contravene
the ordinances; giving them the enjoyment, in other respects, of the advantages which the
French here possess ; among the rest tiie use of liquor, which has been prohibited them up to
this time. But I have experienced some difficulty, which I shall endeavor to remove this
winter. 'Tis true, they ought to have been taught our language long ago, and not oblige the
King's subjects to study theirs, in order to be able to communicate with them.
III. I believe I have already sufficiently explained myself respecting the supply of timber
the King may derive from Canada for his French Navy. Notwithstanding, I add, that all the
information I receive convinces me that it can be greater in amount than I have noted.
I shall verify what I have stated only on the reports of others, when I shall have examined
for myself, in the voyage I intend making.
I confirm what I have noted regarding hemp ; and I assert, that if it be sown as abundantly,
and cultivated with the same care, as in Low Brittany, this country may be expected to
produce, some day, nearly as much of it as old France.
As there is here a quantity of pine and fir (sapin), pitch, resin and incense may be got from
these, and from those, tar. I shall commence next spring some experiments on the one and
the other, and I shall have the honor of communicating to you the result.
'Tis quite certain that there are very fine masts here, but the greater portion are not on the
banks of the river; nevertheless, as the whole of this country is penetrated with very fine
streams, which disembogue into the said River (Saint Lawrence), it is to be expected that the
said streams will facilitate the conveyance of the masts into it. The want of industry
displayed hitherto in developing the country is the reason we are now ignorant of its
56 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
productiveness. It will not be for lack of care on my part that you will not become acquainted
therewith. May God grant that it be satisfactory to you.
IV. One of the great advantages I remark in this country is, that it will be able to furnish
hereafter a large number of seamen if it become populous, the inhabitants being greatly and
much inclined to navigation.
V. I have sent back to Mr. Colbert de Terron all the muskets and cross-belts I could
withdraw from the Troops here and at Three Rivers, to be returned to the Navy Store, as he
advised me it would be for the King's advantage to do so. I should have sent all that the
Carignan regiment has of them, if the remainder were not in the forts, where a portion may
be of considerable use.
I cannot omit acquainting you that the frequent and numerous Iroquois embassies, some of
which number one hundred and twenty and more, with the support of prisoners of that
nation, twenty-two of whom are still under guard, have caused almost as much expense as
three companies of the King's troops.
I say nothing of the extraordinary expenses of two war expeditions, in which, especially
the latter, it was necessary to feed French settlers, Algonquins, Montagnez and Hurons in
great numbers. The King will make such allowance as he pleases for these extras, which I
must meet, and I shall be content with whatever His Majesty will order.
Mr. de Tracy and Mr. de Courcelles have returned from their expedition. The Iroquois
having concluded to withdraw and abandon their settlements, Mr. de Tracy has not been
able to effect more than to burn their forts and lay every thing waste. It is for these two
gentlemen to inform you of all that occurred throughout the journey, which occupied fifty-three
days' march. What I learn from the public voice is, that nothing that was possible to be done
could have been added to what has been effected, and that the King's orders would have been
executed and his wishes completely realized, had these Savages kept tlieir ground. Indeed,
it were desirable that a portion had been defeated and some others taken prisoners.
Mr. de Tracy's advanced age must greatly enhance the merit of the service he has rendered
the King, by undertaking, in a broken frame like his, a fatigue of which no correct idea can
be formed. I am" assured that throughout the entire march of three hundred leagues,
including the return, he suffered himself to be carried only during two days ; and then he was
forced to do so by gout. Mr. de Courcelles, though stronger than he, could not dispense with
being carried in the same manner, having been attacked by a contraction of the nerves.
Both, indeed, endured all the fatigue human nature is capable of.
Mr. de Tracy incurred some expenses on his march for the carriage of the cannon and other
extraordinary services rendered by the Troops; I wished to repay him, but his modesty would
not suffer it.
Not having been a witness of what was done in this enterprise against the Iroquois, I cannot
note the merit of each of the officers employed in that expedition. It is for Mr. de Tracy and
Mr. de Courcelles to advise you thereof. What I know by a public account is, that all have
acquitted themselves therein in the manner his Majesty may expect from the most zealous of
his subjects.
If his Majesty, effecting an arrangement between Holland and England, should stipulate
for the restitution of New Netherland, and find it convenient previously to bargain with Mess"
the States General for it, I think he could do so on reasonable terms; and that country, which
PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 57
is not of much importance to them, would be of considerable to the King, who would have
two entrances into Canada, and would thereby give the French all the peltries of the North, of
which the English have now partly the advantage, by means of the communication with the
Iroquois, which they possess by Manatte and Orange, and would place these barbarous tribes
at his Majesty's discretion, who could, moreover, approach (New) Sweden when he pleased, and
hold New England confined within its limits. I thought it my duty to submit this idea here.
VI. When the King ordered me to Canada, his Majesty did me the honor to tell me that he
should leave me there only two years. My discharge cannot come before that time. I pray
you most humbly. Sir, to have the goodness to obtain it for me. I should not ask it, had I
sufficient genius and talent to acquit myself efficiently in the employment you did me the
favor to procure for me, and to mould a rising state without such aid as that of Mr. de Tracy.
Should his Majesty, nevertheless, believe that I can be useful to him, I have no other will than
his and yours. Command, and though infirm, I shall obey, sacrificing entirely my person
to his service and to your satisfaction.
I know well I am not here with the consent of the whole world; and it is this, coupled with
my own indisposition, that induces me to ask the King for my discharge. Should you wish
to know who these are who may be dissatisfied with my conduct and wherefore. Chevalier
de Chaumont and the Company's general Agent will be able to acquaint you, and to inform
you that if I would leave the Church on the footing of authority I found it, I should
experience less trouble and more approbation.
Talox.
xiij November, 1666. •
Census of Canada. 1666.
Abstract of the Roll of Families in the Colony of New France.
Quebec.
Five hundred and fifty-five polls, 665
Beaupre.
Six hundred and seventy-eight, 678
Beaufort.
One hundred and seventy-two, 172
Island of Orleans.
Four hundred and seventy-one, 471
St. Jean, St. Francois and St. Michael.
One hundred and fifty-six, 166
SiLLERT.
Two hundred and seventeen, 217
Vol. IX.
58 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Notre Dame des Anges and River St. Charles.
One hundred and eighteen, 118
Cote de L'Auzon.
Six, 6
Montreal.
Five hundred and eighty-four, 5S4
Three Rivers.
Four hundred and sixty-one, 461
Total, 3418
Return of the number of men capable of bearing arms from 16
to 50 years of age, 1 344.
There are, no doubt, some omissions in the Roll of families, which will be corrected during
the winter of the present year, 1666.
(signed) Talon.
M. Colbert to M. Talon.
(Extracts.) Saint Germain en Laye, 6 April, 1667.
I. The King orders a new war against the Iroquois, to frighten them if they cannot
be destroyed.
The King is entirely satisfied with the care you have taken to supply the troops with
necessaries, in order to their efficient action in their different expeditions against the Iroquois,
of the success of which his Majesty is very glad to be informed. But as the effect of the
King's arms on them, however considerable, is not sufficient to guarantee the Colony against
their invasions, they not being destroyed ; and as it is, moreover, to be feared that they will
return with more ferocity than ever, to commit their usual massacres in the scattered
settlements, which cannot be succored in consequence of their remoteness, his Majesty expects
that you will, by your counsel and all other means at your disposal, induce M. de Courcelles to
undertake a new expedition during the next summer against them, for the purpose of utterly
destroying them, if possible, or at least of increasing the terror they entertain of his Majesty's
forces, and placing them in a position not to trouble the Country, however desirous they may
feel to do so.
II. Of the Treaty made with the Iroquois and the conduct to be observed towards them.
I have seen the Treaty which, with M. de Tracy and M. de Courcelles, you have entered
into with some of those Iroquois Nations, who, having no connection, and being detached from
those they had, with the Mohawks, have voluntarily come to demand peace and to submit to
the King's obedience; well remarking that you had principally in view to acquire a possession
adverse to the actual or future pretensions of the European nations. Therefore his Majesty
PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 59
has given it his entire approbation. As the greater portion of those people are properly
savages, having, q^iasi, nothing human but the figure, I believe that when they will
determine hereafter to send Ambassadors, it will not be necessary to put the King or his
principal Officers, nor the country, to any but a very trifling expense, being certain that, to
keep them in check, they ought to be treated haughtily; the consideration in which they
might have been held, having contributed to render them more insolent.
As to the produce of the farming of the duty levied on tlie Beaver, and of the tenth
of the Moose ( Oiignaux), I clearly understand that, in consequence of the operations of the
troops, and the occasion of the war, which has been carried even to the Iroquois settlements,
it has been impossible for you to avoid disbursing the whole of it. But as it is very just that
the Company, which is at great expense to support New France, should derive some advantage
from the grant the King made it, it is important, and it is his Majesty's pleasure, that you
hereafter reduce all the expenditure, which has hitherto been charged against that Farming, to
the sum of Thirty-six thousand Livres annually, without paying attention to the Regulations
made heretofore by Sieur du I'ont Gaudais, except in urgent and indispensable necessity, such
as undertaking a new expedition for the destruction of the Iroquois, it being well understood
that you will take great care to have it employed with strict economy; the rather, as before that
grant those expenses of the Country paid from the same fund, did not amount to Twenty
thousand francs, and since the Grant to 29 thousand livres ; being the sole advantage that
Company can derive from the Colony to compensate for all the different outlays it is obliged
to make.
III. Fortification of Quebec and the Colony.
It is of great importance for the security of the Colony to devise practicable means to place
principally the fort of Quebec in a state of defence, by constructing a regular fortification
there, and stocking it with an efficient artillery and all sorts of munitions of war, so that it
might not only not be insulted, but be capable of a vigorous defence, even though the most
experienced nations of Europe laid a regular seige to it. The same attention ought to be
paid to the other forts recently erected, and it ought to be a constant study to improve them.
And as it would tend very much to the preservation^ of the country if powder could be
manufactured there, let inquiries be made if saltpetre is to be found there.
IV. Recommendation to mould the Indians, settled near us, after our manners and language.
I confess that I agreed with you that very little regard has been paid, up to the present time,
in New France, to the police and civilization of the Algonquins and Hurons (who were a long
time ago subjected to the King's domination,) through our neglect to detach them from their
savage customs and to oblige them to adopt ours, especially to become acquainted with our
language. On the contrary, to carry on some traffic with them, our French have been
necessitated to attract those people, especially such as have embraced Christianity, to the
vicinity of our settlements, if possible to mingle there with them, in order that through
course of time, having only but one law and one master, they might likewise constitute
only one people and one race.
Your most humble
and most affectionate servant,
Colbert.
60 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
M. Talon to M. Colbert.
(Extracts.) 27 October, 1667.
L As long as all the nations of Iroquois, enjoying the benefit of the Peace granted to them
on behalf of his Majesty, will allow the French Colony to spread itself in this country and
labor in profound tranquillity at the cultivation of the soil, we consider it inexpedient to wage
war against them during the winter; we therefore wait the King's orders, should his Majesty
desire for the reasons set forth in your despatch, that a second invasion be made on those of
the Lower Nation, notwithstanding the treaty concluded with them.
The means, in my opinion, to secure the whole Colony more effectually against either the
Europeans or the savages, would be to give Manatte and Orange to the King by conquest
or acquisition, as I had the honor to propose to you on the grounds submitted in the
annexed memoir.
II. Agreeably to your idea, T render the fee of the three villages which I caused to be
formed in this vicinity, to strengthen this principal post by a greater number of Colonists, a
dependency of Fort Saint Louis of Quebec;^ and the King, or, at his Majesty's pleasure, the
Company, will remain the Lord proprietor thereof, holding domaine utile and the rights which
I stipulated in the contracts of settlement distributed to the soldiers, to the recently arrived
families and to the volunteers of the country who have married the young women you sent
me. I even caused the land, I had prepared at the King's expense, to be given to them on
condition that the occupants will do as much in the space of three years for the benefit of the
families sent from France, whom my successors shall have orders to establish, supposing that,
at the expiration of that time, the country will have a certain and perpetual fund for the support
of the majority of the families dependent on it. My principal object is hereby to people the
neighborhood of Quebec with a good number of inhabitants capable of contributing to its
defence, without the King having any of them in his pay. I shall, as much as possible, practice
the same economy in all the places at which I shall form towns, villages and hamlets, mingling^
thus, soldiers and farmers, so that they may mutually instruct one another in the cultivation
of the soil and be aiding to each other when necessary.
III. The return realized by some Fishermen, who, by fishing at one place and another have
given me some idea of the profit derivable from fixed fisheries, has favored the project I
entertained of establishing some such ; and already four of the principal inhabitants and I have
agreed to put it into operation next spring. Should my Secretary demand of you some
commissions for the execution of this design, I very respectfully request you. My Lord, to
cause them to be granted him. I agree with you. My Lord, that we shall excite the envy of
some now devoid of it, and that the profit I caused to be realized by nine of the Colonists,
who were employed by rae in fishing for Cod for the use of the troops and for the trade with
the Islands of South America, will serve as a powerful attraction.
Talon.
' Conformement a votre sentiment, j'attache au fort de Saint Louia de Quebec la raouvance des trois villages, Ac. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: I. 61
Census of Canada. 1667.
Abstract of the Roll of Families of New France.
Families, 749
Total of persons composing them, 4312
Men capable of bearing arms, 1566
Men of a marriageable age, 84
Girls above fourteen years, 55
Roll of cultivated Farms and of Cattle.
Farms under cultivation, Arpens, 11,174
Horned Cattle, 2,136.
Census of Canada. 1668.
Abstract of the number of Families, of persons composing them, and of Men
capable of bearing arms, of cleared lands, of the produce of the harvest,
and of Cattle in Canada, in the year 1668.
Families, 1,139
Persons composing them, 5,870
Men capable of bearing arms, 2,000
Arpens of land cleared, 15,642
Horned Cattle, 3,400
Minots of grain saved, 130,978
It will be observed that neither the 412 soldiers who settled this year, nor the 300 of the
four companies who remained in Canada, are included in the present Roll.
Sir,
M. Colbert to M, de Courcelles.
15"' May, 16G9.
You will learn by Sieur Talon's return that his Majesty has granted freedom of trade to the
said country (Canada), so that it will now be able to import with more facility those
provisions and commodities it will require. But you must at the same time excite the
inhabitants to seek out merchandise which may induce the French to supply them in exchange
with said provisions and commodities. And that is the more necessary, as the kingdom being
62 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
at present stocked with a vast quantity of peltries, the French would perhaps become soon
disgusted with furnishing them supplies, should there be no other goods to give them
in exchange.
I have nothing to say regarding M. BoutteroiieS as his Majesty has resolved to send back
M. Talon, who himself is the bearer of this dispatch. But perhaps time would have enabled
you to discover better qualities in him than you have already done, with so short an experience
as you have had at the date of your letters. At least, I can assure you that he is a person
much esteemed here, and who in time would have worthily performed the duties of his office;
and though I am persuaded he would not in the end be so absolutely dependent on the
Bishop and the Jesuit Fathers, yet I believe he is much to be esteemed on account of
the deference and regard he has had for them. * # # # You will perceive that your
resolution to appear occasionally at Montreal conforms to the King's intentions ; but he desires
that you extend this design further ; that is to say, that you go, if possible, as far as the
Iroquois country every two years, or oftener if you think it fit, with all the forces you can
collect, it being certain that we must impress on the minds of these tribes a great opinion of
our nation, in order to restrain them within their duty; and this high opinion can never be
sufficiently impressed until they shall have had the whole of the French forces 3 or 4, and
perhaps 5 or 6 times within their country. And when that reputation shall be onc^firmly
established, not only the inhabitants of that Colony will derive from it the advantage of never
again being disturbed in their labor and trade, but that advantage, being known within the
kingdom, will induce a considerable number of French to repair thither annually, so that the
country will be peopled and will augment without difficulty.
Though you will learn from M. Talon all that the King does this year for said Country, I
shall not forbear telling you, in three words, that his Majesty has employed more than
200"lb. for all that he has considered necessary to do there ; that he sends one hundred and
fifty girls to be married there ; six effective companies of fifty men each, with more than thirty
officers or gentlemen, all to settle there, and more than 200 other persons who go over, also
with like intentions. You clearly perceive that so considerable an effort indicates effectually
the regard his Majesty entertains for that country, and that he will favorably consider the
services which will be rendered him to advance it.
M. Talon has the King's order to testify to the Bishop of Petree and the Abbe de Queilus^
that they can do nothing more agreeable to him than to continue to labor as they have begun,
by instructing the children of the Indians, and civilizing them so as to qualify them for uniting
themselves to the French under the obedience of those who bold legitimate authority from
his Majesty. And hereunto I think you can greatly contribute by your care.
Regarding the too great authority assumed, as you experience, by the Bishop of Petrde and
the Jesuits, or, to speak more correctly, by the latter in the name of the former, I must
inform you that you will have to act with great prudence and circumspection in that matter,
especially as it is of such a nature that, when the country will increase in population,
' This gentleman acted as Intendant during Mr. Talon's brief absence in France.
'Rev. Gabriel dk Quatlus, Abbe de Loc-Dieu, came to Canada, in 1657, as representative of the Seminary of Saint
Sulpice, Paris, which had become proprietor of the Island of Montreal, where he founded the Seminary of which he
was the first Superior. Under pretended authority from the Archbishop of Rouen, he claimed certain jurisdiction over
the Clergy, which, having been found to conflict with that of Bishop de Laval, Abb6 de Qunylus withdrew to France in
1659, a few months after the Bishop's arrival in Canada. He returned, however, in 1668, to Montreal, where he labored
for a few years and then retired to his native country. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. " 63
assuredly the Royal will predominate over the Ecclesiastical authority, and resume its true
extent. Meanwhile, without either any rupture between you, or partiality on your part being
perceptible, you will be always able adroitly to prevent the too vast undertakings they may
attempt ; whereupon you can always consult M. Talon and act in concert with him.
If. Colbert to M. de Oour
S' Germain, 9*" April, 1670,
I received your letters of the 10 July, first September and 11"" Nov' of last year. * # #
His Majesty is very glad to learn from your letters that the Iroquois have continued to
observe peace and trade with us, and to abandon all thoughts of war. Your zeal in
encouraging the people to the practice and exercise of arms, and even in causing them to
make journeys sometimes into the interior, will assuredly contribute a great deal to bring all
those tribes into the King's obedience, and consequently to strengthen the Colony and give it
the means of extending itself. This is what his Majesty desires you will direct all your
attention to.
His Majesty orders me to say to you, in a few words, that you ought to occupy yourself
continually to preserve the people in peace, and to guarantee them against all violences of
their enemies; encourage them to industry and the cultivation of the soil, and still more to
the commerce of the seas in every way you consider best; sedulously insist that justice be
impartially administered to them, so that each preserve his property, and the weak be not
oppressed by the powerful.
That you take great pains to encourage them all to early marriage, so that by the
multiplication of children the Colony may have the means of increase within itself.
That you likewise carefully stimulate them to the fisheries and marine trade, and that you
assist, with all the authority the King has committed to you, the exploration Sieur Talon is to
make of the Iron and Copper mines, as well as for timber necessary for the construction of his
Majesty's ships, and for all other establishments advantageous to the country, the detail of
which I shall not explain any further to you, referring you to what Sieur Talon shall say
to you.
M. Talon tcr the Ki\
Extracts of a Memoir addressed by M. Talon to the King on the affairs
of Canada.
Demand for Troops in case of war against the Iroquois.
Part loth 8ber ^^ ^^ Iroquois, rendered more insolent by the retirement of the Troops who
'"■ were recalled when I went to France, do not become more pliable by the return
64 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
of those -whom his Majesty has ordered hither next year, there is reason to suspect some
violation of the peace on their part. This suggests the observation that as the three designs,
the building ships, making tar and exploring the iron mines, appear important, as well as the
establishment of the Colony, which grows beautiful in peace, it appears important also to
send hither a further force of two hundred troops.
The fund his Majesty allowed for the subsistence and maintenance of the six companies
which he sent out this year, from the first of July 1670, to the first of July 1671, not being
sufficient to complete the establishment of the companies, his Majesty is very humbly
It will be necessary supplicatcd to grant them a second and third year, in order that they may place
to see how much that , ^ , . ° . . , ^ ... •,,..,
year amounted to. themselvcs m a positioH to sustam the Country by their arms and their industry.
Another Extract. One of the sources of population in Canada.
Good. Of all the girls who arrived this year, numbering nearly one hundred and sixty-
five, thirty do not remain unmarried.
Good. 150 girls. The soldiers who have come this year will incline to get married when they
To M. Baiienzaui ^\\\ h^ye labored to make a home ; wherefore it were well if his Maiesty would
to Speak of It to ' *j j
Gen^rarHoSp'itai.''^ please Send out again one hundred and fifty to two hundred girls.
Another Extract. Dispatch of Adventurers for the discovery of New Countries.
Since my arrival I have dispatched persons of resolution, who promise to penetrate further
than has ever been done ; the one to the West and to the North West of Canada, and the others
to the Southwest and South. These adventurers are to keep journals in all instances, and reply,
on their return, to the written instructions I have given them; in all cases they are to take
possession, display the King's arms and draw up -proces verbaux to serve as titles. His Majesty
will probably have no news of them before two years from this, and when I shall return
to France.
Establishment on Lake Ontario.
In addition to my being informed, both verbally and in writing, that the Iroquois threaten
a rupture, I perceive that they ruin the trade of "the French; hunt for Beavers in the country
of the Indians who have placed themselves under the King's protection, perpetrate robberies
on them and despoil them of their peltries. I am strongly persuaded that if an Establishment
be formed on Lake Ontario, which I designed to make before my departure for France, the
Iroquois will more easily be kept, with one hundred men, in order, respect and dread. If his
Majesty approve my having a small vessel built in form of a galley, which could move by sails
and oars, and be seen in all parts of the Lake through which all those savages carry on their
entire trade. I shall explain myself better by the last ship ; yet should she not arrive in
safety, it would only be necessary that his Majesty send me three blank commissions; one for
the commandant of this little vessel, and the two others to authorize persons to command at
the two posts which it will be well to occupy &t the North and South of that Lake; and order
M. de Courcelles to afford me all the assistance of which I shall stand in need to render this
design successful.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 65
Extracts from the Addition to tiie present Memoir. 10"" November, 1670.
Coureurs de bois.'
The Edict enacted relative to marriages has been enregistered, and, proclaiming the intention
of the King, I caused orders to be issued that the volunteers (whom on my return, I found in
very great numbers, living, in reality, like banditti) should be excluded from the [Indian] trade
and hunting; they are excluded by the law also from the honors of the Church, and from the
Communities ICom.rmmautcs'] if they do not marry fifteen days after the arrival of the ships from
France. 1 shall consider some other expedient to stop these vagabonds; they ruin, partially,
the Christianity of the Indians and the commerce of the French who labor in their settlements
to extend the Colony. It were well did his Majesty order me, by Icttre de Cachet, to fix them in
some place where they would participate in the labors of the Communautc.
Of the means of recovering the profit of the Beaver trade which passes to the English
and Dutch.
If the observations that I have myself made and caused others to make, be correct, the
English of Boston, and the Dutch of Manatte and of Orange who are subject to them, attract,
by means of the Iroquois and other Indian tribes in their neighborhood, over tvi^elve hundred
thousand litres of Beaver,^ almost all dry and in the best condition, part of which they use in
their trade with the Muscovites, either themselves or through the Dutch. As all this Beaver
is trapped by the Iroquois in countries subject to the King, we can more freely speak of
those throughout which he alone can prescribe law, and Europeans cannot penetrate if the
smallest precaution be taken to secure the most favorable posts. I find considerable occupation
in diverting the greater part of this trade, naturally and without violence, to the benefit of his
Majesty's subjects; and if he will please grant me the company of one hundred picked soldiers,
which I ask for in my Memoirs, with one payment of fifteen hundred livres, as well for levying
as for subsisting them; or the commission to empower me to raise fifty men at my own
expense, and to have a sort of galley built for the security of Lake Ontario ; there is reason
to hope, not only that the duties derived from this commerce would indemnify his Majesty and
benefit the Company, but also that he would, through this means, be assured of Lake Ontario
by two settlements which I should make, one at the North and the other at the South of the
Lake. These posts would favor the passage of the Outawas when descending with their fat
Beavers, of which, otherwise, they will often be despoiled by the Iroquois; would keep in
check the five Upper Nations, to the most of whom we ascend by the lake, and would make
the first openings towards Florida across the interior. By means of those two posts which
I propose establishing, and of the vessel I suggest, with whose expense I charge myself, I
anticipate, through the Indian trade, a very large profit. This I do not solicit for myself; but
when realized, I propose to employ it to lighten the expense the King is obliged to incur for
the support of this Colony.
' Forest Rangers, so called from employing their whole life in the rough exercise of transporting merchandise to the Lakes
of Canada, and to all the other countries of that continent, in order to trade with the Savages. La Hontan, I., 277. In Kew
England they are called Swampiers. Douglas' Summary, II., 245. By the Dutch they were called Bos Loopers. — Ed.
" Pour plus de 1,200,000 livres de Castor.
Vol. IX. 9
66 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
In order to attain success in this design, I require an order to M. de Courcelles to furnish
me, in the way of troops, with every assistance I need ; and a general order to the officers to
act in those establishments conformably to my instructions.
I say no more about Manatte and Orange, since these two posts cannot, by any arrangement,
be the King's, though, in my opinion, they would be of very great utility to him ; we must shut
against them the Road to the River (S' Lawrence), and secure for his Majesty all the outlets of
the Lakes and of the Rivers communicating therewith, in order that the Europeans may lose
all desire they may feel to share with his Majesty so beautiful and so vast a Country, could
they easily effect it.
Another Extract, alio.— Of a War against the Iroquois.
From all I have read and heard of the humor of the Iroquois, we may be persuaded that
that Savage Nation, though humbled by the King's arms, has not forgotten its arrogance ; and
if it do not at present wage war against the French Colony, it is because it has on its hands
the Andastogues, a tribe bordering on f\ew Sweden, well adapted for war. In my opinion it
would be prudent to anticipate them by attacking them in their own country, if tilings on this
side could be placed in a situation to support this enterprise, or if the two posts I propose to
establish, the one on the North, the other on the South side of Lake Ontario, with the
galley I intend building, do not alarm these barbarians sufficiently to restrain them within
bounds, which is what I hope, with good reason. Therefore, I incline much more to the
commencement of the Establishments I propose, than to coming to an open rupture, for which
complete arrangements will be necessary so as to be able to succeed with certainty; not but
that his Majesty can afford such aid that nothing would be impossible. The thing depends
on what he would be willing to do.
To sustain or wage this war, as well as for any other unforeseen enterprise, I think it would
be well that his Majesty should order to be sent hither six iron twelve-pounders, one or two
mortars, and fifty shells of a proportionate calibre; and at the same time a gunner capable of
perfectly managing artillery, who especially would be thoroughly conversant with the effect
of powder from the mortar and of shell, so admirable in attacking Indian Villages; also,
fire-works for burning their palisades.
Two Indian Tribes, one called the Mohegans (Loups) and the other the Socoquis, inhabit
the country adjoining the English, and live, in some respect, under their laws, in the same
manner as the Algonquins and Hurons do under those of his Majesty. I perceive in these two
tribes, by nature arrant and declared enemies of the Iroquois, a great inclination to reside
among the French." I am of opinion that it would be well to encourage and strengthen this
inclination, in order" both to profit by the peltries they carry to the English, and to oppose
them, when necessary, to the Iroquois, if these be disposed to an open rupture, the rather as
the English may adopt the policy, which they have attempted, to reconcile those hostile tribes
in order to bring them all down upon us.
Mess" Dolier and Galinee's Voyage to Lake Ontario.
I return to new discoveries, and I say that already Mess" Dolier and Galin^e, priests of Saint
Sulpice, Missionaries at Montreal, have traveled all over Lake Ontario and visited unknown
tribes. The Map I annex hereunto, under the letter C, will show their route and how far
they have penetrated. The small proces verbal, letter D., which they drew up somewhat hastily,
and without giving all its form, will furnish evidence that they have taken possession of all
PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 67
that dritrict. I shall correct, as far as possible, that Instrument, and shall cause to be planted in
every quarter, where the King's subjects will go, his Majesty's arms, with the sign of his
religion, under the impression, if these precautions be not at present of use, they may become
so at another time. I am assured that it is the Iroquois practice to pull down the arms and
written placards attached to trees in the places of which possession is taken, and convey them
to the English, whereby that Nation may learn that we pretend to remain masters tiiereof.
It is for his Majesty to determine if this practice of posting up notices is to be continued or
interrupted, until he be perfectly assured of all the important posts in the Country.
Talon.
Quebec, 10"- 9^" 1670.
M. Talon to M. Colbert.
Extracts from the Memoir addressed by M. Talon to Monseigneur Colbert.
Oood.
I. You will understand. My Lord, by the Memoir I furnish the King, that some
adventurers have set out to discover unknown countries and to seek out things which may be
of use to his state. According as I have advices, I shall despatch others, with the precaution
necessary to such enterprises.
I learn by the return of the Algonquins, who will winter this year at Tadoussac, that two
Good. .European vessels have been seen very near Hudson's bay, where they wigwam
(cabanent) as the Indians express it. After reflecting on all the nations that might have
penetrated as far North as that, I can light only on tlie English, who, under the guidance of a
man named Des Grozeliers, formerly an inhabitant of Canada, might possibly have attempted
that navigation, of itself not much known, and not less dangerous. I intend dispatching
thither over land some man of resolution to invite the Kilistinons, who are in great numbers in
the vicinity of that Bay, to come, down to see us, as the Ottawas do, in order that we may
have the first pick of what the latter savages bring us, who, acting as pedlers between those
nations and us, make us pay for a round-about of three or four hundred leagues.
The proposal made to me by Captain Poullet of Dieppe ought to be mentioned here. This
man, wise by long practice and experience acquired from an early age, and become a skilful
navigator, offers to undertake the discovery, if not yet accomplished, of the passage between
the two seas, the Southern and Northern, either by David's Strait or by that of Magellan,
which he thinks more certain. After having doubled the opposite coast of America, as far as
California, he will take the western winds, and, favored by these, re-enter by Hudson's bay or
David's strait. I have given him a letter which he is to present to you, if he have not
To examine thu altered the plan, which would be to penetrate as far as China by one or the
proposal. other of those passages. If you desire to hear him, my secretary will have him
repair to you.
Good. II. All the girls sent out this year are married, except about fifteen whom I
caused to be distributed among families of character, until the soldiers, who solicit them,
have formed some establishment and acquired wherewith to support them.
68 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
To promote the marriage of those girls T made them a present, as is my custom, of tlie sum
Good. of fifty livres, Canada currency, in necessaries suitable for their house keepii>g,
in addition to some provisions
Good. Miss Etienne, appointed their Matron by the Director of the General Hospital,
An extract of this ^\\\ retum to Frauce to take charare of those to be sent this year, should his
article must be fur- ~ J
mshed to M Beiiin- jyjjjjggty have the goodness to let some come; in which case it will be well to
recommend strongly that those destined for this country be in no wise naturally deformed;
that they have nothing exteriorly repulsive ; that they be hale and strong for country work, or
at least that they have some aptness for hand-labor. I write in this sense to Mess" the
Directors. Three or four young women of good family (naissance) and distinguished for
their accomplishments, would tend, perhaps, usefully to attach by marriage some officers who
are interested in the Country only by their allowances and the profit of their lands, and
who do not become further attached in consequence of disproportion of rank.
The girls sent last year are married, and almost all pregnant or mothers; a proof of the
fecundity of this country.
A slight present of one hundred and fifty or two hundred ecus to Miss Etienne would
be well employed.
Should the King send other young women or widows from Old to New France, it is well
that they be provided with a certificate from their Parish Priest, or the Justice of thiir place
of abode, to the effect that they are free and in condition to marry. Without this, the
Clergy here object to confer this sacrament on them; indeed, not without reason, two or
three marriages having been acknowledged here. The same precaution might be observed
regarding widowers ; and that ought to be the business of those who will be entrusted
with the passengers.
Tobenotedin Speaking of girls, we ought not lose sight of the comfort of the hired laborers
the extract. g^ very ncccssary in this country, both as assistants in their work to the
farmers who are at their ease, and as new Colonists after the expiration of their ordinary
term of three years.
Good. in. On this head I must observe that if all the money which the King orders
for Canada were transported hither, and made use of in specie, this country would not only
Supplies must be uot be accommodated, but expenses would be double. This practice of turning
lotion.' " ' the King's money into commodities suitable for nourishment or clothing, for
providing furniture for the establishments of soldiers and young women who marry, and of
new families who come here, is not agreeable to the merchants, who would like every thing
to be got from themselves, good or bad, and at so high a rate that it would require double the
expense, were people reduced to what they wish.
Good. Goods are of use also to be exchanged for grain ; and it is for this purpose
I sent some into certain places to be distributed among the farmers at a distance from
Quebec, in order that, by finding at home those articles which they need, they may not be
obliged to come to Quebec in search of them, and abandon their families for three and
sometimes four days ; and in order, also, that the grain to be received in payment may be
conveyed here in a single vessel.
I dwell on and explain this article, because I have been informed that a Rochelle Merchant
has complained to M. de Terron that I busied myself too much with trade, and that I
had Magazines established in Canada. I add that had I not had them, several of the
PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 69
settlements, either commenced or completed, would be entirely ruined ; and some people
would desire nothing better.
Good. IV. I must not forget to acquaint you, that the Abbe de Queylus applies himself
zealously to the reorganizing of his Clergy, to the increase of the Montreal Colony, and to
providing subjects for the Missions, who, by the discoveries they make, acquit themselves
worthily and usefully for the King. He pushes his zeal further, by the care he takes to
recover the Indian Children who fall into the hands of the Iroquois, in order to bring them
up — the boys in his Seminary, the girls among persons of the same sex who form at Montreal
Good. Thisestab- a sort of Congregation to instruct youth in reading, writing and little handiwork
e'ncOTraged."" ( ouvrages de main). The Princess de Conty is the principal promoter of this pious
action. She made me the depository last April, in Paris, of her intentions, which she backed
by a first donation of twelve hundred livres. Other persons of a like disposition, feeling
themselves urged by charity, gave me to understand that they would willingly participate in
this pious work; if you approve my engaging in it I shall do so, and I have reason to hope
with some success, without my application thereto detracting in any way from what I owe the
affairs you place in my charge. Four lines, indicating to M. de Queylus and his community
To write to the ^^^ pleasure with which the King learns from my despatches the zeal they evince
Abbfe de Queylus. ^^j. Christianity and his Majesty's service, would have a very good effect. He
will perhaps have need of your authority to draw his income from France ; he hopes you will
grant him your protection in such cases as justice shall be on his side.
I found greatly diminished, on my return, the number of little savages brought up by the
Good. Bishop and the Fathers; but I must say their zeal for this charity revives, and
that they are about looking up new subjects to rear them according to our manners, language
and maxims. It would be well to encourage the disposition they evince for this work by two
or three approbatory lines.
v. M. de Courcelles, to whom I communicated the King's desire that he should exercise the
Good. inhabitants from time to time, collecting them together for the management and
carrying of arms, has promised to do so, and assures me that he will not fail therein; I think
it will be well to distribute some standards to them after they shall have been enrolled under
Good. a chief in form of a company. On the supposition • that his Majesty would
approve it, I told my secretary to meet the expense thereof, as well as of what would be
necessary for the purchase of some swords, of moderate value, to be offered to them as prizes,
in order to encourage them in manoeuvring and firing correctly on Sundays and holidays.
Good. Here I must say, that if it do not render the Royal medals too common
to distribute some of them to those who will undertake great enterprizes or useful discoveries,
Good. Some must either of new countries or of mines, or of forests, I would ask a dozen to
'"'''°'' serve as an incentive to induce persons to accomplish difficult undertakings
to whom money would not be so strong an inducement. This description of reward is more
economical, and often times more powerful than any other.
VI. In order to contribute in fact, as well as by counsel, to the settlement of Canada, I
Good. have, myself, afforded an example by the purchase of a tract of land covered
with timber, except two arpens which were found cleared. I have had it cultivated and
improved in such a manner that I can say it is the most considerable in the country. 1 still
propose to enlarge it; it is of sufficient extent to admit of some hamlets; it is in the vicinity
70 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
of Quebec and may be of use to that town. It could receive a title if his Majesty pleased to
give it one; and to render it more susceptible of a mark of honor, which I expect from his
Majesty, he can annex to it, under such names as he shall please, the three Villages which I
have caused to be erected. He will not, perhaps, be displeased with beginning by me to
create emulation among the oflScers and wealthy colonists, who will labor zealously to extend
their lands in the hope of receiving some title.
Good. You know, My Lord, that M. Berthelot has directed me to expend, in his behalf,
ten thousand livres in clearing a farm for him ; other persons in France solicit me to do the
same for them, at a small expense, 'tis true. These Titles which I propose, and to which
the lands should be proportionate, would be a very useful means to advance the Colony.
VII. When I was in France the King did me the honor to say to me that he wished a coin
to be struck here suitable for the country and which should remain here in circulation.
Good. and you inform me such would be your sentiment. When you will please to
issue the necessary orders, that work shall be prosecuted. It will be of the highest utility
to the Colony.
Done at Quebec, this tenth of Nov"", 1670. Talon.
M. GoTbert to M. Talon.
The King has entirely approved the proposition you have made to enter into a good and
intimate correspondence with the English of Boston, and even to carry on some trade with
them in commodities which you will mutually require. But as regards the fisheries,
which they will prosecute in view of the country under the King's obedience, his Majesty
desires that they shall experience the same treatment as his subjects receive from them on like
occasions, and this conduct must be observed as well in the trade they may pursue with the
savages around Pentagouet as in that which the King's subjects shall prosecute with the Indians
around Boston; that is to say, that you should establish reciprocity between the two Nations.
The resolution you have taken to send Sieur de la Salle towards the South and Sieur de
S' Luisson to the North, to discover the South Sea passage, is very good ; but the principal
thing to which you ought to apply yourself, in discoveries of this nature, is to look for the
copper mine. Were this mine once discovered, and its utility evident, it would be an assured
means to attract several Frenchmen from Old to New France.
February, 1671.
M. Colbert to M. de Courcelles,
Paris, 11"- March, 1671.
Sir. •
Since you do not find it convenient to undertake the journey into the Iroquois country
which the King referred to you, and which was in no manner compulsory, you may dispense
PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 71
therewith. But his Mnjesty thinks that nothing is so essential to the quiet of his subjects of
New France as to keep always in a state of alarm the several Savage tribes that may
trouble them, being certain that nothing but the apprehension of a severe punishment can
prevent them violating the peace his Majesty has granted them.
As for your proposal to send some companies hence to repair to the outlet of Lake
Ontario and prevent the incursions which the Iroquois may make on the other Indian
Nations under the King's protection, his Majesty does not consider it necessary for the good
of his service ; yet he refers, notwithstanding, to you and to M. Talon what will be most
convenient, being well persuaded that you will execute, with your ordinary iirmness, whatever
resolution you may jointly adopt.
Nothing can better promote the good of that Colony than to take care that the inhabitants
shall exercise themselves in the management of arms at such time as will be most convenient
for them; and his Majesty has instructed me to say to you, on this head, that it is of no less
importance to his service to review said inhabitants from time to time, and to encourage them
to such training by some prizes, than to excite them to the clearing and cultivation of the land,
and to the undertaking the construction of Vessels to reap the advantages of maritime commerce.
M. Talon to the King.
Extracts from the Memoir addressed by M. Talon to the King On the State
of Canada.
Peace prevails both within and without this Colony. The Iroquois, after having grumbled
somewhat at the Indians who placed themselves under the King's protection, and against
whom they waged war, have, in fine, remained within their duty; and except some brute
among them who, in his drunkenness, cracks a skull, there is reason to believe that the mass
will always prefer peace to war.
The English of Boston and of the other seacoasts enjoy the same tranquillity as we, and,
far from incommoding, evince a warm desire to live in peace with us, and a disposition to
establish some correspondence, which we have already begun on our side, and which it will
be much the more easy to keep up, as I understand, by persons who have gone to Pentagoiiet
and returned, that the passage across the country is no more than sixty leagues. Wherefore
I hope to be able to settle some twenty persons, at intervals, so that factories, shelter and
refreshments may be found from place to place.
II. I shall execute, as much as will lay in my power, the instructions given to my Secretary
by M. Colbert, on his Majesty's behalf, especially as to what regards the marine, to which I am
assured Acadia can furnish great assistance ; and if I can, I shall have some conversation with
Colonel Temple, who appears to me much disgusted with the Boston government, which is more
Republican than Monarchical. To Sieur de Marson, whom I had sent to Boston to demand
the restitution of a Vessel which had been pirated by an Englishman, that officer expressed
a desire to retire within the King's dominion, and to live there under his protection and
72 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
obedience. He has even some useful domains' wliicii lie abandoned in the receded country,
the property of which had been granted him. I shall await his Majesty's orders as to what I
ought to do in regard to this Colonel, who promises me, by his intermediation, great facility in
recalling the French families established among the English. I am also encouraged to hope that
I may obtain, through him, some sailors, some ship carpenters, and mechanics capable of
constructing Saw-mills, of which the country is in great need. If I find it easy to introduce
there those mechanics of that nation, to the number of twenty, 1 presume it cannot be
disagreeable to the King, as they will not fail to be useful to his service.
ITT. A month ago or more I dispatched, at two several times, and by two different canoes
and different routes, Sieurs de Saint Lusson and la Nauraye, to continue the opening of the road
hence to Pentagout and Port Royal, and to convey at the same time some Instructions which
his Majesty's service demanded, and to prepare new memoirs, until I could furnish him more
correct information before my voyage. I expect their return every moment.
Sieur de La Salle has not yet returned from his journey to the Southward of this country.
But Sieur de Lusson is returned, after having advanced as far as five hundred leagues from
here, and planted the cross and set up the King's arms in presence of seventeen Indian nations,
assembled, on this occasion, from all parts ; all of whom voluntarily submitted themselves to
the dominion of his Majesty, whom alone they regard as their sovereign protector. This
was effected, according to the account of the Jesuit Fathers who assisted at the Ceremony,
with all the pomp and eclat the country could afford.' I shall carry with me the record of
taking possession prepared by Sieur de Saint Lusson for securing those Countries to
his Majesty.
The place to which the said Sieur de Saint Lusson has penetrated is supposed to be no more
than three hundred leagues from the extremities of the Countries bordering on the Vermilion or
South Sea. Those bordering on the West Sea appear to be no farther from those discovered
by the French. According to the calculation made from the reports of the Indians and
from Maps, there seems to remain not more than fifteen hundred leagues of navigation to
Tartary, China and Japan. Such discoveries must be the work either of time, or of the King.
It can be said that the Spaniards have hardly penetrated further into the interior of South,
than the French have done up to the present time into the interior of North America.
Sieur de Lusson's voyage to discover the South Sea and the Copper Mine will not cost the
King anything. 1 make no account of it in my statements, because having made presents to
the Savages of the Countries of which he took possession, he has reciprocally received from
them in Beaver what can balance his expense.
Three months ago I dispatched with Father Albanel, a Jesuit, Sieur de Saint Simon, a
young Canadian gentleman, recently honored by his Majesty with that Title. They were to
penetrate as far as Hudson's bay; draw up a memoir of all that they will discover; drive a
trade in furs with the Indians, and especially reconnoitre whether there be any means of
wintering ships in that quarter, in order to establish a factory that might, when necessary,
supply provisions to the vessels that will possibly hereafter discover, by that channel, the
communication between the two seas — the North and the South. Since their departure, I
received letters from them three times. The last, brought from one hundred leagues from
here, informs me that the Indians, whom they met on the way, have assured them that two
' Tliis meeting was held at the Falls of St. Mary. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 73
English vessels and three barks have wintered in the neighborhood of that bay, and made a
vast collection of beavers there. If my letters, in reply, are safely delivered to the said
Father, this Establishment will be thoroughly examined, and his Majesty will have full
information about it. As those countries have been Igng ago (anciennement) originally
discovered by the French, I have commissioned the said Sieur de Saint Simon to take renewed
possession, in his Majesty's name, with orders to set up the escutcheon of France, with which
he is entrusted, and to draw up his proces verbal in the form I have furnished him.
It is proposed to me to dispatch a bark of sixty tons hence to Hudson's bay, whereby
it is expected something will be discovered of the communication of the two seas. If the
adventurers who form this design subject the King to no expense, I shall give them hopes of
some mark of honor, if they succeed; besides idemnifying themselves from the fur trade which
they will carry on with the Indians.
IV. His Majesty will be able to see by the abstracts of the Registers of Baptisms, which I
have entrusted to my Secretary, that the number of children born this year is between six and
seven hundred; that hereafter a considerable increase may be expected, and there is reason to
believe that, without any further aid from French girls, this Country will furnish more than
one hundred marriages in the first year, and a great many more according as time progresses.
I think it inexpedient to send out girls next year, in order that the farmers may marry off
their daughters more easily among the soldiers who are settled and disengaged. Neither
is it necessary to send out any young ladies, having this year received fifteen so qualified,
instead of four that I asked for, to form engagements with the officers or principal
inhabitants here.
V. I am no Courtier, and assert, not through mere desire to please the King nor without
just reason, that this portion of the French Monarchy will become something grand. What
I discover around me causes me to foresee this; and those colonies of foreign nations, so
long settled on the Sea-board, already tremble with affright, in view of what his Majesty has
accomplished here in the interior within seven years. The measures adopted to confine them
within narrow limits, by the taking possession which I have caused to be effected, do not allow
them to spread without subjecting themselves at the same time to be treated as usurpers, and
to have war waged against them ; and this, in truth, is what they seem, by all their acts,
greatly to fear. They already are aware that the King's name is spread so far abroad among
the Savages throughout all those Countries that he alone is there regarded by them as the
arbiter of Peace and War ; all detach themselves insensibly from the other Europeans, and
with the exception of the Iroquois, of whom I am not yet assured, we may safely promise
ourselves to make the others take up arms whenever we please.
Done at Quebec, this 2^ November, 1671. Talon.
Vol. IX. 10
74 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
M. Talon to M. Colbert.
Extracts of a Memoir addressed by M. Talon to the Minister, On the State of
Canada, dated ll"- Q^" 1671.
I am more firmly convinced at present than when I wrote my last dispatch that Acadia and New
France will in a few years be in a condition to furnish the Antilles with the salted provisions
necessary for their use. And in order that this aid be more prompt, I think it would
be necessary to interrupt, without violence, the trade the English carry on with the King's
subjects inhabiting Port Royal, from whom they obtain, yearly, quantities of sahed meat in
exchange for some druggets and other stuffs of Boston manufacture. This, in my opinion,
can be naturally enough effected by sending from France or hence to Port Royal some few
stuffs to supply the most urgent demands; also some looms, which the Colonists demand, to
weave their sheep's wool, and the flax produced by the aid of their hand-labor from the soil.
For my part I shall provide for these wants as much as my health permits.
II. I have placed in my Secretary's hand one of the first four lettres de cachet which the
King had issued on my return here last year, whereby his Majesty ordered the Captains of
his ships or others to do as I should direct them for his Majesty's service. I think it would be
as beneficial to renew them this year, and to forbid those Captains to take any persons on
board, to return to France, without a permit from me ; on the ground that should the people
return, this Colony would scarcely increase, whatever pains you would take to augment it.
Several persons have returned this year; but a considerably greater number expect to go back
next season, in consequence of the facility with which passports are given.
III. After closing my dispatches, the Abbe de Queylus proposed to me to found an hospital at
Montreal for the support and treatment of sick and aged Indians, and offers to make, for that
purpose, an original endowment of ten thousand Hvres. In addition to the glory which may
accrue to God from this work of piety, it may also afford facilities to win the children, who,
feeling themselves near the chiefs of their tribes, will more easily detach themselves from their
other relatives. I did not promise to write you on this proposition, until I had been requested
to do so by the Bishop of Petree, by the Abbe de Queylus and the Mother Superior of the
Ho.ipitalieres, who promises to furnish Nuns for the management of this establishment, for
which they solicit only the King's consent, and a charter at the proper time; having on my
part, neither promised nor excited hopes of anything except this permission, if the proposal
appear reasonable to you.
IV. Whilst concluding this memoir, Sieur de S' Lusson returns from Pentagouet, but so
broken down by the fatigue of his journey, and so enfeebled by the hunger he suffered, that I
doubt his ability to go to France, whither I should be very glad he would repair to have the
honor to inform you, in person, what he saw at the Rivers Pemcuit and Kinibiki, both covered
with handsome English settlements, well built and in beautiful valleys. The Colonists of
those districts, though for the most part English by birth, received him in princely style;
saluted him with Musketry and Cannon, and all regaled him the best they could with
demonstrations of evident joy at seeing that Pentagouet and the title to the lands were in the
King's possession. Whether this extreme joy be an effect of the fear they entertain in
PARIS DOCUMENTS: I. 75
consequence of the vicinity of the French, or of a real desire to pass under his Majesty's
dominion, I cannot determine; they have authorized Sieur de Saint Lusson to make proposals
to me on this subject, whicli I forbade him to communicate to whomsoever. He is the bearer
of the Memoirs to you.
If the project submitted to me by M. Le Tourneur, one of the Directors of the General
Hospital, and which I consider, in some parts, practicable, could be effected, I know no quarter
better adapted than those Rivers to render it successful for the relief of the hospital and
the advancement of the Colony; a mixture of French among the English would attach to the
King's service those who would not naturally belong to his Majesty on the restitution which
has been made to him of that quarter.
I am assured that the English will urge the settlement of the Boundaries between Pentagouet
and Boston. Should his Majesty give me any orders on that subject, I shall do my best to
execute them on taking charge of his instructions. I am likewise assured that Colonel
Temple 1 repairs to Old England, with the design to return. I would have desired a conference
with him before he had undertaken that voyage.
Talon.
Narrative of Governor de Courcelles' Voyage to Lake Ontario.
^ [ From an Original paper in the Eoyal Library, Paris. ]
An Account of what occurred during the Voyage of Monsieur de Courcelles,
Governor of New France, to Lake Ontario. 1671.
They, into whose hands this Narrative may happen to fall, will wonder, perhaps, that
their time should be taken up with the perusal of a voyage which possesses nothing
remarkable either in battles or in victories, and is rather a promenade than a voyage of
public utility.
But I am confident their surprise will cease when I shall have placed before their eyes the
difficulty of voyages in New France, whether by land or water ; the grand designs which
induced the Governor of that Country to undertake this one; and, in fine, the great good
which has resulted therefrom ; so that I have only to request my Reader to suspend his
' Sir Thom.is Teuple was a kiasinan of Lord |Say. Having obtained, with others, from Oliver Cromwell, in 1656, a grant
of Acadia, bounded east by the River St. George, and including Nova Scotia, he purchased of Stephen la Tour all the right
the latter inherited to that country from his father, and came to New England in 1657, when ihe persecution of the Qualiers
was at its height He endeavored most humanely, though ineffectually, to save the lives of those of that sect who were
condemned to be executed, oflering to remove and provide for them at his own charge. He was recommissioned Governor
of Nova Scotia and Acadia by King Charles II., in 1662, in which year he visited New Amsterdam ( New- York ) and Fort
Orange (Albany), to suppress the incursions of the Mohawks into his territory. This, however, was soon after ceded
to France by the Treaty of Breda, and possession thereof was demanded on the 21st October, 1668, of Sir Thomas
Temple, who declined to comply with the requisition on the ground of the non-payment of the sum of £16,200, which
the Crown agreed to allow him as an indemnity for the loss of his property. A special order from the King, in 1669, forced
him to submit; and he signed an instnmient at Boston, on the 9th of July, 1670, whereby the whole of the country, from
the River Muscongus in Maine, to Cape Breton inclusive, was restored to France. Sir Thomas, thereupon, returned to
England, and died in 1674, having devised his interest to his nephew, William Kelson, who transferred it, in 1730, to Samuel
Waldo, of Boston. The indemnity, however, has never been paid. Charlevoix' Histoire Nouvelle France, I., 416; Hutchinson's
History of Massachusetts, I., 184, 190, 236; Holmes' Annals, I., 368; Haliburton's History of Mva Scotia, I., 64, 66; Wil-
liamson's Maine, I., 428. — Ed.
76 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Judgment until the close, in order to make him agree with me that it was of importance to
place before the eyes of the People of that Colony the pains and fatigues endured by the
Governor, through regard for them, so as to render them more disposed to testify towards him
the obedience they owe him.
To commence, then, this account. It is well to understand that the River Saint Lawrence
on which people journey, is one of the most considerable rivers in the World, since at its
mouth, situate in it is nearly thirty leagues wide, and growing
gradually narrower for the space of 120 leagues up to Quebec [where it is only half a
league;]' it preserves that width not only as far as Montreal, which is the last of the French
settlements, sixty leagues above Quebec, but for the space of more than seven hundred
leagues, spreading now into lakes of an appalling magnitude, anon confining itself within the
bed of a simple river of the width I have stated.
Lake Saint Peter, the first lake formed by this River, is 33 leagues above Quebec; it is
about four leagues wide. The second is Lake Saint Louis, four^ leagues above that of
Saint Peter, and is six leagues long by two leagues wide. Five leagues farther up is met
a third — Lake Saint Francis — twelve leagues long by two leagues wide. Forty leagues
beyond that is found Lake Ontario,^ of an oval figure, 120 leagues long by 30 leagues in
breadth. 35 or 40 leagues beyond the latter is found Lake Erie, called by the Indians
Techaronkion, whose length from East to West is 140 leagues, and the width twenty-
five to thirty. Fifteen leagues higher up is met another lake, quite circular, twelve leagues
in diameter. Fifteen or sixteen leagues farther on is seen the Lake of the Hurons, 250
leagues long and of an irregular width ; at one place ten, at another twenty, and in a thir*
place thirty or forty leagues. 3 leagues beyond this is seen the lake called Lake Superior,
150 leagues long. Into this disembogue ten or twelve large streams, which must be ascended
to their source before the true head of this River (Saint Lawrence) can be determined. The
writer relates only what he has seen; he therefore cannot be doubted.
But what is most astonishing in this River is, that neither the great weight nor rapidity of
its waters has been able to scoop out a bed where it can spread and flow in an easy and equal
stream, but in many parts are found rocks so hard that, not being able to break or soften
them, after having collected above a sufficiently large volume of water to rise to their level,
it passes finally over and forms in these places Cascades, the more beautiful as it is not the
water of a simple canal, formed by the hand of man that constitutes them, but a vast River
which, as I have already stated, is a full half league in width. These falls are not all of an
equal height; and to describe them in order —
The first four are in front of the Island of Montreal, and form what is called the Sault Saint
Louis. At this point the River, in less than a quarter of a league, has a fall of over thirty
feet, so loud that we cannot hear one another speak.
The second Sault, in ascending the stream, is where the River enters into Lake Saint
Louis. It has a perpendicular fall of about three feet.
The 3"^ is half a league higher up, and falls about four feet.
The 4"' is another half a league higher, and falls about four feet.
The fifth is twenty leagues higher than the last, and falls four or five feet.
' The words within brackets are translations of notes appended to this document by the French copyist, to supply parts
of the text which are pared off in the original. — Ed.
i" go in the text^ Query. Twenty-four ? " Literally, " The Great Lake ;" from the Huron lontare, Lake, and lo, great.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 77
The sixth is 20 leagues higher than the last, and falls at several points more than forty feet.
The seventh is between Lake Ontario and the Techaronkion ; it falls perpendicularly more
than sixty feet.
Finally, the eighth is between Lake Huron and Lake Superior, and is similar to the Sault
Saint Louis.
I mention here only the water-falls to be met in the River, without counting the violent
rapids which are continually encountered in it between and lake Saint
Louis, from Lake Saint Louis to Lake Saint Francis, and from the latter to the place called
Otondiata,* near Lake Ontario.
What is called a rapid in this Country is not a simple current of water, but a current caused
by a pitch so great that the water combs violently up, breaking sometimes three or four feet
high. I have seen some such leap over eight or ten feet, so that the hair of the head stands
on end when one is obliged to pass these places.
But if Navigation on this river is, as we have seen, so difficult, the vessels in use render
it so dangerous that a prudent man cannot expose himself, unless obligated either by the
the service of God or that of his King.
The River Saint Lawrence is navigable to Quebec for vessels of 500 Tons. From Quebec
to Montreal vessels cannot be taken up of more than 150 tons; but above Montreal no person
ever attempted to take more than a flat bateau, on account of the Sault Saint Louis, which
at that point entirely bars the river.
This difficulty has caused the savages, and after them the French, whom the necessity of
their aifairs has obliged to pass those places, to invent a species of vehicle the most spiritual,
but at the same time the most perilous that can be imagined.
Thtse vessels are made simply of birch bark, which covers a frame (Gaharis) of cedar
wood that sustains this bark, and gives it the form necessary to transport on the water a
considerable amount of men and baggage; they are so fragile, withal, that if they happen to
strike against a rock or be rudely handled in removing them or launching them into the water,
they are seriously injured; so unsteady that 10 pounds on one side more than on the other
causes them to lurch, which renders it necessary to remain kneeling or in a sitting posture ;
so light that a man, or, at most, two, can carry them ; and yet so useful that there are some
which contain as many as six to eight men with their provisions and baggage.
In fine, these vessels are not rigged nor steered as our bateaux. A particular skill is requisite,
which is not acquired except by long practice ; and for want of this skill many have lost
their lives.
On arriving at these dangerous points of the river, which I have mentioned above, it is not
attempted to pass them by paddling; but, plunging into the water, the bateau or canoe is
taken with the hand and thus drawn along the shore, avoiding the rocks, and thus forcibly
dragged to surmount the rapi'dity of the water. But in places where there are falls we land,
unload the canoe, and, shouldering it, carry it until a convenient point of re-embarkation is
met with.
Navigation on this river being so dangerous, as we have stated, the Governor could not
undertake the voyage to Lake Ontario, which includes the most dangerous passes on the River,
without powerful motives.
' Five or six leagues from La Galette is an island called Tonihata. Charlevoix, III., 194. It is supposed to be Grenadier
Island, Leeds county, C. W., and is laid down in the Map accompanying Kalm's Travels in America; also in Jeffery's Chart
of the River St. Lawrence. La Galette is a little below Ogdensburgh. —Ed.
78 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
To explain these in a few words, it is necessary to know that the French are established in
New France, in a Canton belonging to Indian people called Algonquins, who received us
among them in order that we should aid them in their wars against another people, also
Indians, called the Iroquois, of whom they were for a long time the enemies. In the beginning,
the French did not find any inconvenience from those wars. They were here only for the
Beaver Trade, without caring about making any settlement or clearing any land. They
occupied a strong fort, well supplied with provisions and arms, and not being obliged to leave
it through any necessity, thus found themselves beyond the reach of the Iroquois, who never
dared to attack a French fort that they thought any way capable of defence.
The manner of life of these people is so heteroclitical, that it will not be useless here to
make some remark on it.
They have neither Religion, nor King, nor Laws, nor Justice; and each is so far master of
his will that he can execute whatever comes into his head without fearing reproval from any
one soever. The sole rule of morals among them is a certain point of honor, which causes
them to abstain from certain things or to pursue others, because they are esteemed or
contemned by their Chiefs.
This is the reason that, regulating themselves by the natural law alone, they esteem good
and hate evil. They are not observed to attach themselves to vices evidently opposed to this
law ; and if it happen that some one does so, he is so much despised as to be considered
unworthy to be heard in the Councils relating to the affairs of his tribe.
But notwithstanding their complete independence, the one of the other, this does not
prevent them, when some affair is being prepared, such as undertaking a war, treating of
peace, distributing prisoners, or such like things; it does not prevent them, I say, assembling
a sort of Council, which the old men, and those who have rendered themselves commendable
by some great achievement, have alone the right to attend, and the remainder of the people,
ordinarily abide pretty faithfully by the decision of that Council, and if any one assumes the
liberty of contravening it, he passes for a man devoid of understanding.
The resolution to make war being adopted, the Kettle is immediately hung, and all
the young men are invited to the feast; and before the distribution of the meats, one of the
company, in whom most confidence is reposed, rises and commences singing the War-Song,
saying he is about to proceed against such a people, and that those who have courage wiH follow
him. His song ended, those among the young men who take a notion to join him, rising one
after the other, sing each a song, containing nothing but a recital of the great actions they
intend performing in that war.
The engagement being taken, a day of departure is fixed. The women prepare small sacks
of flour for the Warriors, who carry them on their shoulders, with their gun, axe, powder
and ball. Arrived in great silence in the enemy's country, they skulk along, afraid of being
discovered, seeking an opportunity to strike their blow, so that their wars and battles consist
only of surprisals. A man will leave the village to hunt or to work; they unexpectedly
surround him and take him prisoner. A vfoman will go into the woods in search of fuel ;
they endeavor to approach her without noise, and to take her prisoner. But if they perceive
a party approaching whom they can advantageously attack, they hide, each behind a tree,
awaiting until the party passes their place of ambuscade, and having fired a volley, they
pounce on them, hatchet in hand, and endeavor to capture them; for their glory consists in
carrying off with them as many as they can. But if any of the enemy remain pa the field
they pull the scalp off his head and take it with them, in order to
PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 79
The Warriors having returned, the old men assemble, to whom the prisoners are presented for
disposal. If any have lost a son, nephew or relative in that war, a prisoner is presented to
him to replace the dead ; but if the person to whom he is given do not accept him, or feel
disposed to wish the death of his relative avenged, which happens but too often, he
condemns his prisoner to death, which is executed with a horrible cruelty, appalling even in
its description.
The first torture they inflict on the unfortunate man is to tear away some of his nails; to cut
some of his fingers off with flints, in order to increase his sufftirings, or to apply some coals of
fire to his body, to force him to sing. Having tortured him five or six hours in this style, they
conduct him to a stage in the public square, where, having tied him hand and foot to a stake,
they commence burning him with an old gun barrel, red hot, applying it, successively, from
the heels to the head, for a space of eight or ten hours, so that not a particle of the body
remains unroasted. This done, they untie him and let him run through the square, where the
young men wait with brands, and kettles full of hot ashes or boiling water, which they throw
on him, whilst others stone him. In a word, they worry him to such a degree that he falls
down exhausted, when they rush on him and tear him limb from limb, each taking away a
piece to his lodge to feast on. I here describe only the least cruel kind of death, for they
sometimes perpetrate cruelties so dreadful that I dare not relate them lest I excite horror.
I mention all these things only to give an idea of a portion of the cruelties the Iroquois
have committed against the French, and the impossibility the latter [experienced to extend
their Colonies whilst] the war continued. Every day the enemy was seen charged with our
spoils ; carrying some of our people away prisoners, whom they afterwards pitilessly burned.
These misfortunes were for us frequent, and without remedy had not the King's goodness
commisserated our wretched condition and sent troops to our aid, who, under the guidance of
Monsieur de Tracy and Monsieur de Courcelles, our Governor, carried the war, with great
fatigue, into the enemy's country, captured their forts, burned their villages and finally
obliged them to sue for peace, which was granted them. This is known to all the world.
Therefore I pass lightly over it.
Those we call Iroquois are a people inhabiting along the South side of Lake Ontario; divided
into five nations. The nearest to us are the Mohawks ; those which follow are the Oneidas ;
next the Onoutagues, the Cayugas, and finally the Senecas. These Five Nations can turn out
about two thousand warriors. They are so inclined to war that they wage it not only against
their neighbors, but against tribes more than six hundred leagues distant from them. It is
surprising th.at they have observed the peace they have made with us. The terror they
entertain of our arms may alone constrain them to it, for as regards friendship for us,
they have none. Therefore our attack was directed, in the first place, against the Mohawks,
which is the most warlike nation ; these were so severely handled that the others were
terror stricken.
Nevertheless, as those Iroquois, though at peace with us, have not ceased waging war
against the Outawacs, our allies, who have for a long time been in the habit of coming to trade
with the French settlements, and by that means obstructed the freedom of their commerce,
attacking them when they were coming to trade and despoiling them of their beavers, Monsieur
de Courcelles thought it necessary for the good of the Colony to oblige the Iroquois to make
peace with them, and for its greater security obliged the one and the other to exchange the
prisoners who happened to be still alive.
80 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
The Iroquois acted in bad faith on this occasion, for they selected the least useful among
their prisoners, such as a few women and children. They brought these to the Governor, to
the number of twelve or fifteen, and retained more than a hundred good men, whom they would
not restore, saying they preferred waging war against the French to giving them up so great
a number of men whose absence essentially weakened them ; so that three or four times last
year they brought news here that the Onontagues and Senecas were preparing in earnest to
make war on us ; principally relying on their position on the borders of the Ontario, as we
have stated, whither the Governor could not bring his troops to them, being obliged for the
transportation of supplies to make use, French fashion, of bateaux, the management of which
seemed to them impossible, on account of the rapids and water-falls which, we have seen,
intervene between us and the Ontario.'
The Mohawks, who felt that they could be reached, since they were once already
devastated, took good care not to join the enterprise of the other nations, their allies. On the
contrary, they always protested that they acknowledged the King of France as the Lord of
their country.
This shows the importance of the voyage taken this spring by our Governor, to prove to
these insolent fellows that he could ruin them at his pleasure, since it was not impossible for
him to have a large plank Bateau taken up as far as Lake Ontario, with such great dispatch
as to be astonishing were such diligence used even with bark canoes.
This was not the sole utility expected to be derived from this voyage. There are others no
less important.
It is well known that the Iroquois nations, especially the four upper ones, do not hunt any
Beaver or Elk. They absolutely exhausted the side of Ontario which they inhabit, that is,
the South side, a long time ago, so that they experience the greatest difficulty in finding a
single beaver there ; but to get any they are obliged to cross to the North of the same lake,
formerly inhabited by the Hurons, our allies, whom they defeated or drove off"; so that
it may be said the Iroquois do all their hunting, at present, on our allies' lands, which belong
in some sort to the French, who ought by the Treaties be subrogated to the rights of the Hurons.
The Iroquois, however, trade scarcely any with us, but carry all their peltries to New
Netherland, depriving us thereby of the fruits of our land; that is to say, of the peltries which
they take from us on the lands belonging to us.
Wherefore some means were sought, a long time ago, to prevent the Iroquois going to New
Netherland to trade; and the best assuredly would be to establish a post as far up as the
mouth of the Ontario, to command the pass through which these people go to trade when
returning from their chase, and thus the French would absolutely control it. For this purpose,
it was necessary to reconnoitre the place, examine the most convenient sites and the finest
land; and this the Governor has done in this voyage.
I shall add here a reason for this voyage, of no trifling importance. Two years ago, two
Ecclesiastics left here [to visit] divers Indian Nations, situated along a great River called by
the Iroquois, Ohio, and by the Outawas, Mississippi. Their design did not succeed on
account of some inconveniences very usual in these sorts of enterprises. They learned,
however, from the advances they made towards the River, that it was larger than the River
'It IB certain that the Iroquois war could never have been more injurious to us than at present. The eettlementa
being dispersed along the River, each being obliged to live on his farm, to make it of any value, would enable them to
take off a great deal of people before we were in a position to resist them everywhere. Nott by the Author of the Memoir.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 81
Saint Lawrence, that the tribes settled along its banks were very numerous, and that its
ordinary course was from East to West. After having closely examined tlie Maps which we
have of the coast of New Sweden, of the Floridas, of Virginia and Old Mexico, I did not
discover any River's mouth comparable to that of the River Saint Lawrence.
This leads us to think that the river of which we speak disembogues into another sea — to
determine where, I leave to the judgment of the more learned. Nevertheless, it is probable
it waters those countries towards New Spain, which abound in gold and silver.'
The shortest and easiest route to this River is that of Lake Ontario, which would be not a
little facilitated by the planting of a Colony at the entrance of that Lake; and this was not one
of the least of the Governor's plans in his arduous voyage.
We must not wonder if all these grave reasons made so strong an impression on his mind
as to cause him to set at naught the most extraordinary fatigues a man of his rank could
endure. But it were well to detail some of these.
No sooner was the river free of ice, last spring, thai#the Governor went up to Montreal,
whither he was followed by all the Officers and Gentlemen of the Country. It was at
that place he proposed to them the plan he entertained to make the Ontario voyage, not in
bark canoes as the savages were accustomed to make it; but that his design was to
demonstrate to the tribes inhabiting the shores of the Ontario that the French could
accomplish something they were incapable of; and that he could go when he pleased in
wooden bateaux, which we ordinarily make use of, and set fire to and slaughter all in their
villages. This novelty so surprised every body, that the French and the Indians at first
considered it impossible.
One flat bateau of about two or three tons burthen was, notwithstanding, by the Governor's
order, prepared, loaded with provisions, and the command of it given to a brave Serjeant of
Monsieur Perrot's company, named Champagne, who had eight soldiers as his crew. It was
also furnished with a strong rope to haul it along bad places.
Every thing being ready, the Governor left Montreal on the second of June. He went by
land as far as the head of Sault Saint Louis, whither all those who were to be of the voyage,
to the number of fifty-six persons, repaired in thirteen bark canoes, and the flat bateau of
which we have spoken, prepared to set out on the morrow. But as every one was convinced
of the perils he was about to encounter in this voyage, each wished to shrive his conscience
before departing; following, therein, the example of the Governor, who had invited an
Ecclesiastic of Montreal, named Monsieur Dollier, to join the party. This gentleman performed
the duties of Chaplain during the entire voyage.
It is inconceivable with what joy every body embarked on the 3* of June, and how pleasing
a sight to behold all those [little embarkations proceed] regularly to the sound of two
trumpets. Monsieur Perrot, Governor of Montreal, Monsieur de Varennes, Governor of Three
Rivers, Monsieur de Loubias, Captain of Infantry, with several Officers, and a number of young
Gentlemen of the country, performed wonders. No person is exempt from the paddle in these
little vessels. Every one must contribute in person, and there is no room for the idle. Lake
Saint Louis was traversed that day ; and a shower having begun at noon, we landed at the foot
of the first rapid, at the mouth of the River of the Iroquois. No sooner landed, than each taking
an axe in hand, hurried into the woods to look for poles suitable to build a little hut, as a shelter
from the ill effects of the air. This frame of poles is covered with bark stripped from the trees
'This last phrase was in the margin, and half obliterated. Note by the Copyist.
Vol. IX. 11
82 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
when in sap, and we lie under it alongside of the fire. But as the woods are at this season
infested with a species of fly, similar to tlie French gnat, so tormenting that a vast number of
them are constantly around you, seeking only an opportunity to light on the face or parts of the
body protected merely by a slight covering easily pierced by their sting, and are no sooner
down than they suck blood, in place of which they deposit a species of poison that excites
a strange itching, with a small tumor which lasts three or four days. As, I say, tliere is a
vast quantity of these flies at this season, the Governor, to protect himself from them, had
a little arbor made on tlie ground, three or four feet wide and two feet high, and covered
with a sheet, the extremities of which trailed on the ground on all sides, to close perfectly
all the points by which these little insects could penetrate; and here, [under this arbor, the
Governor] had an opportunity to sleep; a favor denied to all those who travel at this season,
unless extreme fatigue or want of rest for four or five nights so prostrate them that they
fall asleep through very drowsiness, insensible to the frequent bites of the Musquetoes. All
those of the Governor's suite followed his example and found the advantage of it.
Next day, the4"' June, preparations were made to overcome the first chute. The canoes passed
by drawing them in the water; but when it came to the bateau an effort was made to drag
it by means of the rope we had brought, which the violence of the current breaking three
or four times, those who were on board saw themselves in danger ; and no person offering
to tow them, as was done with the canoes, the Governor himself plunged in, and taking hold
of the bateau, was immediately aided by a number of brave fellows sufficient to force it
up the rapid. The same day we came to the foot of a chute which we despaired of
surmounting in consequence of a big rock that lay close to the shore, and formed at this
point a frightful breaker (bouillon). Nobody knowing what to do, the Governor bethought him
of having an attempt made with levers to force this rock aside. Some long ones were got,
which could be used without going into the current, whose rapidity would not permit a
foothold ; and so successful were these efforts, that the rock was removed far enough to allow
a free channel capable of permitting the bateau to pass, but with indescribable trouble.
The whole of this day's journey was only two leagues and a half.
On the 5"" only two or three leagues more were accomplished, in consequence of very bad
roads, and we met a missionary of Montreal going to the Iroquois.
The G"" a dense fog arose on Lake Saint Francis, which we had to pass, so that the Governor
had his canoe steered by the compass, causing the Trumpets to sound, in order that all should
collect together, and not stray away in that mist And we made such
way that we arrived at the Islands at the head of the Lake, at the Southwest extremity,
where a hunt came off, the like of which is never seen in France. 'Tis arranged thus: As
soon as ever an Island is discovered, strict silence is observed approaching it; then, having
put some persons ashore at one end, the canoes proceed towards the other. Then those who
are on the Island commence making a noise, and in this way force the animals that arc there
to throw themselves into the stream to gain the main land. At that moment the canoes in
advance pursue them, and, having overtaken them, seize them by the ears and lead them
where they please, and when near the shore give them their death wound, either by a cut of
a sword or a shot from a gun. It is in this way we had the satisfaction to-day to kill an Elk,
which contributed somewhat to refresh the party.
Sunday, the seventh of June, after Mass, resumed the voyage among the Islands, which
would have been very agreeable had the River not been so rough. The land appears to be
remarkably good.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 88
The S"" of June we passed, as usual, through extremely rugged rapids.
The 9•^ passed the Great Sault, a frigiitful place, where the breakers in the middle of the
river leap twelve to fifteen feel high.
The lO"", passed the last Sault between Montreal and Ontario, and arrived at a place
called Otondiata, quite celebrated in this country, because there terminates the arduous
labors of those who ascend to the Iroquois, in going to whom nothing more remains to be
passed than beautiful tranquil water, almost without a ripple. It was here the Governor left
his bateau under a guard, in order to proceed in a canoe to the mouth of the lake.
The 11"", being near a place called the Eel fishery, in consequence of the great quantity of
that fish caught there, he dispatched a canoe with some Frenchmen to where some Iroquois
were, to reassure the Indians who happened to be there, so that they should not take flight
on seeing the French canoes; and, in fact, this precaution was necessary. There were a
goodly number of Iroquois there, to whom the Governor sent word by a gentleman of this
country, named Monsieur Le Moyne, who understands and speaks their language thoroughly,
that his object was not to quarrel with them, but that he had learned that they spoke of
waging war against our allies and ourselves too, if we thought it our duty to assist them,
and that 'he had come to give them carte blanche to do so, and to show them that, if he found no
difficulty in coming to their country for pleasure, he could as easily come to destroy them did
they depart from their duty; and after having regaled them with some French presents he
proceeded on. The Iroquois would not leave him, but embarked to follow him.
The l^"", arrived at the mouth of the Ontario, which appears from this place like an open
sea, without any bounds. The Governor here dismissed the Iroquois who had accompanied
him, to whom he gave letters for the Missionaries residing in their Villages, in which he
ordered them to publish throughout the country the reason of his voyage, as ffe had
represented it to those whom he met at the Eel Fishery. Started from this place the same
day, on being somewhat refreshed, to return to the bateau, and arrived there on the 13"" June.
Here we learned a portion of the astonishment which this voyage created in the minds of
the savages; for having met the [Montreal] Missionary, of whom we spoke [and v^ho was
accompanied by some Iroquois], this Ecclesiastic remarked that the Iroquois carefully examined
all the coves in the River, and all the little bays, to see if they could find any thing. This
caused him to inquire the reason ; and they answered him that they were examining where
Onontio (as they called the Governor) had left his bateau; for, said they, he will never
get it up to OTondiata. But when they saw it there, it is impossible to conceive their
wonder. The Governor remarked at this place a stream, bordered by fine land, where there
is sufficient water to float a large bark. This remark will be of use, perhaps, hereafter.
The 14"', began to descend the rapids to return to Montreal. It is here that the danger is
the greatest, because of the fright which frequently seizes the canoe-men on seeing the
immense breakers over which they must pass with an incredible swiftness, and which,
depriving tiiem of their self-possession, prevents them making use of ordinary skill either to
avoid the trees or rocks encountered in these places, or to steer their canoe so that the
breakers may not swamp it. It occupied only three days to get to MontreaJ, where the
whole world was greatly surprised to see that in 15 days a large bateau was carried up to,
and brought back from Otondiata, without the loss of a man. Thanks were given to God;
and the Governor, before returning to Montreal, wished to visit the establishment of Monsieur
Perrot, Governor of that place, where Monsieur de Chailly, Ensign of Monsieur Perjot'a
84 " NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Company, had a canoe. Having learned that some Frenchmen at the foot of the Long Sault,
in the River of the Outawacs, were contravening the orders of the Sovereign Council of New-
France, selling Brandy there, with which they intoxicated the savages, he proceeded thither
and had spnie arrested to inflict an exemplary punishment on them. After these expeditions
he returned to Montreal, where he was received with tokens of joy, which every one felt, for
the care he took for the preservation and advancement of the Country.
A few days after returning from the voyage, the Outawacs arrived. They were delighted
to lenrn what the Governor had achieved for the maintenance of peace between them and the
Iroquois. They thanked him for it by presents in the usual manner, and requested a
continuance of his good will towards them.
Several Missionaries arrived afterwards from the Iroquois, who related that the news of the
Governor's voyage had so scared them, that those of the small villages wanted to abandon
them, having previously threatened to crack the skulls of the French who were among them ;
that those of the large villages had retained the young men who were on the eve of setting
out on a war expedition against the Indians of New Sweden, called the Antastosi ; that they even
had recalled those of their young braves who had already departed. Having learned, however,
that the Governor had returned, they resolved to send deputies the ensuing spring to Onontio,
to learn from him the motives of his voyage, and what they were to expect.
"We must not omit remarking here that one of the principal advantages the Governor
anticipated from his voyage, and which was in fact realized, was to prevent the Outawacs
going to trade their peltries with the Dutch.
At the opening of the Autumn of the last year, 1670, some Iroquois went in the company
of some Frenchmen to the Outawacs' country, to carry some presents thither to confirm their
union^as they said. They wintered there; and the Outawacs having inquired of the Iroquois
the prices of merchandise among the Dutch, learned they were much lower than among the
French, and that a Beaver among the former brought as much as four here. This news
inflamed them greatly against the French, and caused them to adopt the resolution to endeavor
to open a trade with the Dutch. They consulted with the Iroquois about it, who told them
that if they pleased to come to meet them next spring, they would conduct them thither. The
Iroquois' proposal was received with joy by the Outawase youth, who only desired to see the
country. The news, however, reached Quebec, where it was considered of the last
importance for the country to prevent this commerce, and it was effectually prevented; for
though wishing these two nations to be at peace, it was not desirable that they should be so to
the extent of familiar intercourse. The Governor wrote to all the Missionaries of both Nations
to give them to understand that they could not unite together for that trade without running
the risk of a war more sanguinary than heretofore; that their tempers and mode of acting
did not accord; to the Iroquois that it was dangerous for them to receive so considerable a
number of their enemies among them, who nourished still in their hearts resentment for the
slaughter of so many of their relatives in past wars, and who were coming, less in search of
merchandise than to learn the location of their villages and their hunting grounds, so as to
come some day to teach them that they must always look upon them as their enemies; the
Outawacs we caused to be told that they ought to remember all the treacheries the Iroquois
had been guilty of towards them and the infinite number of treacherous ambuscades in which
they witnessed the destruction of a great many of their finest young men ; that the Iroquois
were desirous to attract them into their country; that they might return from it, perhaps the
PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 85
«
first year; but after that, being once enticed, frigiitened,
they would behold themselves some day so effectually surrounded by their enemies that they
would find no way to extricate themselves out of their meshes; that then they would repent of
not having followed the counsels of the French, and of having so lightly confided in the faith
of their enemies.
These were the speeches that the Governor put into the mouths of the Missionaries of the
two nations in order to prevent them confiding the one in the other. The Indians, more
especially the Iroquois, fell so easily into the snare, that they pictured to themselves continually
the Outawacs coming, arms in hand, to butcher them even in their lodges, so that they
experienced, during the winter, several panics on this account, which obliged them to fortify
themselves more strongly against the enemy who were held up so near their view. They
finally protested to the French, during the winter, that they would ne.ver suffer the Outawas
to pass through their country to trade with the Dutch. However, notwithstanding all their
fine protestations, we saw a band of twenty-five young Ottawacs arrive this spring in the
Iroquois country, who traded there as much as they could for clothes and arms; but having found
only some very poor ones, they came back greatly dissatisfied. Nevertheless, they failed not to
promise to return thither, not to trade with the Iroquois, but to accompany them to the Dutch.
The French who happened to be at that trade were in too small a number to prevent it. But
they failed not to say to the one and the other that if they were bold enough to return
thither against the orders of Ononthio, they would find the French sufficiently numerous to
prevent them passing, and to plunder them. It was at this conjuncture that the Governor
arrived, whose presence induced the one and the other to obey his orders.
Imtruciions to Count de Frontenac.
The King's Instructions to Count de Frontenac, whom his Majesty has chosen
as his Governor and Lieutenant General in Canada.
Sieur de Frontenac must first be informed that the peace and tranquillity of the Colonies of
New France having been frequently disturbed by the expeditions and cruelties of the savage
tribes, and particularly of the Iroquois, against the Inhabitants thereof, at the time his Majesty
began to turn his care and attention to the re-establishment of commerce and navigation
within his kingdom, he adopted the resolution to appropriate a fund annually to supply the
wants of those of his subjects who were settled in those countries; and though considerable
sums have been expended to meet the proposed augmentation of those Colonies, the fruit of
his labors and of that expense has been a long time retarded by massacres, from time to time,
of those inhabitants by the Iroquois, so that the care for the preservation of their lives and
those of their families has for a long time diverted them from a proper application to the
clearing and cultivation of the soil.
But as his Majesty affords equal protection to all his subjects, and has nothing more strongly
at heart than to cause them to feel the effects thereof, Sieur de Frontenac ought to be informed
that his Majesty, being desirous to deliver the whole of the inhabitants of said country, once
for all, from the cruelty of said Iroquois, resolved, in 1665, to send to said country the
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Regiment of Carignan Salieres composed of a thousand men, with all the arms and ammunition
necessary to wage war against said Iroquois and oblige them to sue for peace.
That undertaking was entirely successful; and that expedition having been prosecuted under
the care of Sieur de Tracy, Lieutenant General in America, and of Sieur de Courcelles,
Governor and Lieuteant General in New France, he had the satisfaction to learn that the most
of those savage nations submitted to his obedience ; that the settlers (habitans) had no longer
the mortification to see themselves disturbed in' their establishments by the cruelty and
barbarity of the Iroquois; and as his Majesty then deemed the most effectual plan of increasing
considerably those Colonies to be to disband the companies of said Regiment in that country,
and to make grants to the Captains and soldiers who would settle there voluntarily, this plan
having succeeded, and the greater portion of those officers and soldiers having taken up
settlements, those colonies received such an augmentation that they are at present able not
only to support themselves, but also to furnish the Kingdom, in a few years, with a greater
quantity of products than they have hitherto done.
His Majesty has since caused a considerable number of persons, of both sexes, to be sent
every year to that Country, and in 1669, accepted the proposal, made by six Captams of
Infantry, to convey thither their full companies to settle there in like manner. Thus, it is easy
to understand that when those colonies are supplied with a considerable number of disciplined
settlers, they will be able to impose sufficient dread on those Iroquois as to confine them within
the bounds of their duty and the obedience they owe his Majesty. Wherefore, said Sieur de
Frontenac must take particular care to maintain the Inhabitants of said country in the exercise
and management of arms, and cause them to be frequently reviewed, so as to keep them in a
condition not only to repel any insults the Iroquois may commit against them, but even to
attack them whenever the service of his Majesty and the peace of the Colony may require it.
After this first duty, wliich is indispensable for the defence and preservation of these colonies,
Sieur de Frontenac must particularly apply himself to procuring for all the Inhabitants thereof
the same peace and repose which his Majesty's other subjects enjoy, by the establishment of
Justice among them, so that every one may reap the fruit of his labor and his pains.
He must likewise be informed that at Quebec has been established a Sovereign Council,
composed of the Lieutenant General, the Bishop of Petree, the Intendant of Justice, Police and
Finance in said Country, and of a number of Councillors ; and as that Tribunal has not been
formed except with a view solely to prevent the oppression of the Poor by the more Powerful
and the more Wealthy among the said Inhabitants, Sieur de Frontenac will take particular
care that his Majesty's good intentions in this regard be punctually carried out; and in case
he observe any fault in the conduct of the Judges and public men, it will be necessary that he
notify them thereof. But should any grave disorder occur, he will not fail to inform the
King of it.
Thougli no epidemic has prevailed, up to the present time, in New France, should any
occur, Sieur de Frontenac will have an inquiry instituted into the causes thereof with great
care, in order to apply a prompt remedy to it, as it is important to his Majesty's service
to convince the inhabitants of said country that their preservation is dear to his Majesty and
useful and necessary to the public.
As the augmentation of said Colonies is to be the rule and aim of Sieur de Frontenac's ■
entire conduct, he must bethink himself constantly of the means of preserving all the
inhabitants, of attracting to that country the greatest number of people possible; and as
PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 87
the good treatment of those who are already established there will induce divers other
Frenchmen to repair to the said country to make it their home, he will apply himself
strenuously to allay all differences, as well general as particular, and to govern the people with
that spirit of mildness which obtains in his Majesty's conduct.
Sieur de Frontenac must encourage the inhabitants, by all possible means, to the cultivation
and clearing of the soil; and as the distance of the settlements, the one from the other, has
considerably retarded the increase thereof, and otherwise facilitated the opportunities of
the Iroquois for the success of their destructive expeditions, Sieur de Frontenac will examine the
practicability of obliging those Inhabitants to make contiguous clearances, either by constraining
tiie old colonists to labor at it for a certain time, or by making new grants to the French who
will come to settle in said country.
The King having granted divers privileges by the arret of his Council of the S"* April, 1GG9,
in consideration of the fecundity of the families, and of the marriage of young men at twenty
years and under, and of the girls at fifteen, let Sieur de Frontenac advantageously use these
means to prevail on all the inhabitants to get married, in order that the colonists receive a
considerable augmentation thereby.
As the establishment of stationary fislieries in the river S' Lawrence or in the adjoining
seas will be of great utility to tiiose Inhabitants, as well by their abundance as by the
facilities they aff"ord for trading .to the Antilles or to France, he will earnestly encourage
them to apply themselves thereto ; he will give them to understand, at the same time, that by
exporting their fish, provisions and staves to those Islands, they might derive a two-fold benefit
therefrom, by the returns in sugar which they would then import into Canada.
As it is necessary to have vessels for this purpose, and as all timber adapted to ship building
abounds in that country, Sieur de Frontenac will profit by this disposition to induce them to
apply themselves thereto ; these two points being very important for the increase of
the Colonies.
He is well aware what great convenience families derive from raising cattle. He will,
therefore, strenuously encourage all heads of families to keep the greatest number possible, so
that the country may not be obliged to have recource to the cattle of the Kingdom for its
subsistence and for the cultivation of the soil ; and as there is at present a very considerable
number of all species on the coast of Acadia, and as the King has already formed a fund to
begin the road, which is essential for communicating between that country and New France,
Sieur de Frontenac will use all diligence in his power to urge forward this work, which will
be of mutual advantage by the sale and consumption of provisions and merchandises, the
conveyance of which from one Country to another will become feasible.
His Majesty having invested Sieur de Grandfontaine' with the Government of the province
of Acadia, which extends from the River Saint Lawrence to New England, and Sieur de la
Poippe with that of Fort Placentia in the Island of Newfoundland, Sieur de Frontenac will
be aware that it is necessary he should cause them to render him an account of all that
each will do in his department, whether for the King's service or for the government of
his subjects, and that he recommend them to have great care for the augmentation of his
' Hubert d'Andiqnt de Grant) Fontaine was the French plenipotentiary at Boston in 1670, when England re-ceded Acadia.
He continued to govern that colony, with the title of Commandant only, Bays Charlevoijc, until 1673, whun he was succeeded
by M. de Chambly. His head quarters were at Penobscot. — En.
88 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Colonies, being certain that his Majesty will appreciate their services in proportion to the
multiplication of Inhabitants that they will have eflected.
The Jesuit fathers who are established at Quebec being the first who carried the light
of the faith and of the Gospel of New France, and by their virtue and piety contributed to
the settlement and augmentation of that Colony, his Majesty desires that Sieur de Frontenac
have great consideration for them ; but in case they desire to carry Ecclesiatical authority
further than it ought to extend, it is proper he should give them kindly to understand the
conduct they must observe, and in case they do not correct themselves, he will skilfully
oppose their designs in such a manner that no rupture nor partiality be apparent, and advise
his Majesty of every thing, in order that he may apply a suitable remedy.
The Colony of Montreal, situate above that of Quebec, deriving great comfort and
consolation from the Ecclesiastics of the Seminary of S' Sulpice, who are settled there, Sieur
de Frontenac will afford them all the protection in his power, as well as to the Recollect
Fathers! who have settled in the city of Quebec ; it being necessary to support these two
Ecclesiastical bodies in order to counterbalance the authority the Jesuit fathers might assum
to the prejudice of that of his Majesty.
As the end of all his conduct and of the service he can render his Majesty in that
employment must be the increase and multiplication of people in that country, he must take
care and have an exact census made every year in all the Parishes, either by tiie Officers
appointed to administer Justice in each canton, or by the Parish Priest (Cures), which census
shall be divided into Men, Women, Children of twelve years, and under and over, and domestics,
and sent every year to his Majesty, in order that he may know the ratio of increase in population,
every year, in that Colony.
As nothing maintains and augments population in a country so certainly as the administration
of Justice, whereby his Majesty's authority is always exerted for the preservation of every
one in his rights, Sieur de Frontenac must particularly see that Justice be well administered
by the ordinary officers in the first instance, and by the Sovereign Council in case of appeal,
without, however, interfering therein, except in quality of, and officially as President of said
Council, to the exercise of which office he will confine himself, leaving the Judges who compose
it entirely at liberty to give their opinions, and will attend particularly to exalt that Tribunal,
and impress on the people the respect and obedience they owe the Judgments it will pronounce,
and the Officers composing it.
Done at Versailles, the V"" April, 1G72.
(Signed) Louis.
And lower down
Colbert.
■ The Recollect, or Grey friars, were a branch of the order of St. Francis, and instituted by F. John of Guadaloupe, in
Spain, in the year 1500, received into Italy in 1525, and in France in 158'1. They came to Canada in 1616. The name,
" Recollects," was given them because they were first instituted in certain solitary convents, devoted to the strictest retirement
and recollection. Alban Buller. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 89
M. Colbert to M. Talon.
S' Germain, 4"> June, 1672.
Sir,
The King saw, before his departure, all the letters and memoirs brought by your Secretary,
whereupon his Majesty has ordered me to communicate his intentions to you.
As, next to the increase of the Colony of Canada, there is nothing more important for that
country and his Majesty's service than the discovery of the passage to the South Sea, his
Majesty wishes you to offer a large reward to those who shall make that discovery; but it
seems it may be difficult to the inhabitants of that country, as it cannot be effected without
ships, of which they have but a very small number.
Respecting the Copper, Lead, Iron and Coal mines, tar and all sorts of manufactures, as
you are well informed of his Majesty's intentions regarding the advantage of that country,
and as there can be nothing more profitable to the Inhabitants, he leaves entirely to you what
is to be done for the discovery of mines and the establishment of all sorts of manufactures.
His Majesty does not wish Tobacco to be planted, as that would not be in any way
profitable to the Country, which has much more need of whatever can direct the inhabitants
to trade and navigation, to fixed fisheries and to manufactures, and as the cultivation of that
plant would be prejudicial to the Islands of America.
His Majesty wishes that you would always encourage the increase of cattle; and with this
view desires that the Sovereign Council forbid by its ordinance the slaughter thereof, until
sufficiently numerous. He is very glad to hear that 700 ciiildren were baptized last year ;
also the opinion the Bishop of Petree communicated to him, that there would be 1100 this
year. But he would liiie to have been informed of the number of marriages contracted
last year, and how many boys and girls were born in the country.
The decrease in the fur trade last year is not surprising, considering that the decrease and
diminution of all commerce, of whatever description soever it be, is caused by divers accidents.
But it always happens that when one trade is for some years at a low ebb, it afterwards recovers,
and this must be left to the industry and necessities of men, the rather as, if Canada lose this
trade, the Inhabitants would be disposed to apply themselves to fixed fisheries, and others to
the exploration of mines, and to manufactures, which would be much more profitable to them.
His Majesty will take into special consideration the proposal to have coin struck especially
for said country of Canada; and if he deem it good and advantageous, will issue his orders to
have it coined and sent out next year.
His Majesty sends the allowances for the shipwrights maintained in Canada. He desires
you should promptly fit out the Vessel that has been begun, and would be very glad if you
could embrace the opportunity it affords to return with M. de Courcelles to France.
As you perceive clearly that nothing is of greater advantage to that country than
commerce by sea, his Majesty wishes you to use every means in your power and all your
energy to induce the inhabitants to build ships, and themselves to export their commodities
to the French American Islands.
In regard to the French who return annually to France, his Majesty considers it a serious
disorder, which an effort must be made to remedy; and with this view he writes to M. de
Frontenac, forbidding him to permit the return of any Frenchmen to this Kingdom, who, on
Vol. IX. 12
90 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
asking that permission, have not a Wife and Cliildren and a considerable establishment in that
country; his Majesty always deferring to his prudence to enforce tliis order as he will consider
proper for the good and advantage of that colony; it being important that the B'rench should
not feel themselves detained by force in those countries, as that perhaps might prevent a great
many repairing thither, and as it is not expedient to have recourse to force until all other
means fail.
After having replied to all the points in your despatches, according to the order the King has
given me, nothing remains for me, but to assure you that I am.
Count de Frontenac to M. Colbert.
Extracts of the Memoir of Monsieur de Frontenac to the Minister.
L Interesting Point respecting the Population of Canada.
This scarcity of workmen and servants obliges me to request you to have tlie goodness
to remember to send us some of all sorts, and even young women to marry a number of
persons who cannot find any wives here, and who create a thousand disorders in the settlements
of their neighbors, and especially in the more distant places, where the women are very glad
to have several husbands, when the men cannot get even one wife.
Had there been a hundred and fifty girls and as many servants here this year, they would
all have found husbands and masters within one month.
I have been informed that the Grand Hospitals of Paris and Lyons proposed to send some,
at their expense, provided tliey were granted some lands here. It will remain for you to
examine with your usual prudence what utility and advantage can be derived from
their proposals.
IT. Importance of clearing and sowing lands — Necessity of securing the country against the
incursion of the Iroquois and the disorders of the Coureurs de hois — M. de Frontenac
requests the Minister to encourage the exportation of provisions, of which the Country
already has an excess; otherwise, he says, " it is to be feared that the Inhabitants will
neglect agriculture, finding no vent for their grain, which is the sole means the majority
of them possess to purchase their necessary clothing."
According to my imperfect light, I see only two ways of remedying this evil. The first, to
establish a permanent trade between here and the Islands — this has favorably commenced
this year, two vessels having gone thither with their cargoes ; and the other, to send hither
people to settle, and even some troops, who would be very necessary if the Iroquois and other
savages are to be restrained within their duty, and peace is to be maintained in this Country by
preventing the disorders of the Coureurs de bois, who will finally become, if care be not taken,
like the banditti of Naples and the Buccaneers of Saint Domingo — their number augmenting
every day, as M de Courcelles may inform you, despite of all the ordinances that have been
made, and which I have, since coming here, renewed with more severity than before. Their
insolence, as I am informed, extends even to the formation of leagues, and to the distribution of
PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 91
notices of rendezvous ; threatening to build forts and to repair towards Manatte and Orange,
boasting that they will be received and have every protection there. They have begun last
year to carry their peltries thither, which essentially prejudices the Colony. But I shall go
early in the spring to Montreal, to watch them nearer, and I assure you I shall endeavor to
make so severe an example of them as will serve ever after. I beg of you, nevertheless,
to consider that, however well disposed I may be to execute your orders and carry out all your
intentions, a Governor, such as I find myself here, is hardly in a condition to effect it.
Miiita state of the ^^^* ^ ^"^ '^^''^ without troops, without Warlike stores or ammunition, liaving
Colony. jjj jjj] pi^iy tj^j-ee or four thousand pounds of powder, said to belong to the King.
There is not a single arm in the magazine, except some forty old muskets, all broken, not
worth the cost of mending. The funds of the current year are all exhausted ; and M. Taloii
assures me that he is obliged to furnish, from his own property, what the Company allows for
the payment of the Garrison, which, to the present time, had not been very regular, whereof the
troops complain. There is not in store a single pair of snow shoes, a canoe or bateau — things
which cannot be done without when any expedition is on foot. The Governor has not a single
boat at his disposition — the few vessels said to belong to the King, consisting of some barges
(bagarres), and a bark called La Suisse, which have never been inspected, so that how zealous
soever he may be, he will find it difficult to make all the movements necessary to preserve a
country so vast in extent as this is, and so difficult of communication.
I proposed to Monsieur Talon to make a plan for building a very light brigantine, with
fourteen to sixteen oars, for the use of the Governor and Intendant to go from Tadoussac as far
as Montreal, whenever the King's service required, to visit the settlements in safety and with
some sort of dignity; for I assure you, however accustomed I may already be to a Canoe, 'tis
rather the vehicle of a savage than of a King's JMinister. It would not be difficult even to man
such a brigantine expeditiously with all the Criminals, Coureurs de bois and with Volunteers
here, where, I think, it would not be mal-a-propos were they to behold a species of Scola, as
they call the Galley at Venice, which lies always opposite S' Mark's place.
IV. Of the Iroquois and the Establishment on Lake Ontario — Demand for Troops.
After having demanded a vessel of one hundred and eighty tons, and indirectly asked the
King to do for Canada what he does for the smallest of the towns taken from the Dutch, he says :
"For besides having no longer to dread any incursion from the Iroquois, whose fickleness and
inconstancy you know, and who, perceiving our weakness, may through their natural inclination
for war very easily violate the peace they have with us — a circumstance that depends only on one
of their old women's dreams — the troops may also be employed in divers works that will never
be executed without a very great expense, such as the road from here to Acadia, and the
fortifying certain posts which will be very necessary here. Mr. de Courcelles will mention one
to you that he projected on Lake Ontario to prevent the Iroquois carrying to the Dutch the
peltries for which they go to the Outawas, and to oblige them, as is just, to bring their furs to
us, since they hunt on our lands. I shall endeavor to visit the place next spring, the better
to understand its site and importance, and to see if, notwithstanding our actual weakness, it
be not possible to form some establishment there that would also strengthen the Mission the
Gentlemen of Montreal have already at Quintay; for I beg of you, my Lord, to be persuaded
that I shall not spare either my care or trouble, or even my life itself, if it be necessary, in
the effort to accomplish something pleasing to you, and to prove to you the gratitude I shall
entertain, through the whole course of my life, for the obligations I am under to you.
92 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Military condiiion ^0'' ^^^^ puFpose I shall employ all the means I shall be able to devise, and
of iiie Colony. apply myself carefully to have the Inhabitants drilled, and arranged and formed
into companies in the places where such is not already done. But though there are some who
have not forgotten the profession of the soldier by having become Colonists, you know better
than I the difference between disciplined soldiers and people who find it difficult to leave
their wives and children; who think rather of their household than of the orders they receive,
and who being, for the major part, almost without arms, having sold their guns either through
poverty or negligence, are scarcely fit for any expedition except at the time of their harvest
or that of their planting, which, on the one hand, would be doing an injury to the Colony at
a season when, on the other, it would be desirable to do it a service.
If peace be concluded as gloriously for the King as there is reason to expect, we shall have
greater hopes of obtaining that favor through your means.
The troops can hardly cost the King in this country more than they cost him in France;
and I will guarantee to have them well supported for six French sous per day, without being
under the necessity of sending anything from France except the necessary stuffs and cloths
for their apparel, which would be deducted from their pay, and could be freighted to this
place gratis.
But in order to be of advantage to the Country, I should think they ought to get their
money and be paid in advance, as is done everywhere, instead of maintaining them, as has
heretofore been the custom here ; because the whole profit of the provisions consumed by
them has remained in F'rance, and this country has not experienced the advantage of it. At
present we have sufficient wheat and pork, provided salt does not fail, as it did this year by
the loss of one vessel, and the leakage that occurred in the others. This will be a great
disadvantage to the farmers, who, in consequence of their eel and cod fisheries, would require
one year's salt in advance, so as not to experience a recurrence of the inconvenience ; that is,
about two or three thousand minols, which is nearly the quantity they consume. It has been
distributed with the greatest ord6r possible ; and its price fixed at an ecu the minot, in order
to obviate the abuses the merchants might commit. Yet, with all the precautions that have
been adopted, it will be difficult to prevent the Inhabitants suffering greatly this year. I
request M. du Terron in my letters to oblige the first ships coming hither next year to bring
out to us the greatest quantity possible of it.
V. Dispatch of Sieur Joliet, to discover the Mississippi.
He (Chevalier de Grandfontaine, Governor of Acadia and of Pentagouet) has likewise
judged it expedient for the service to send Sieur Joliet to the country of the Maskouteins,' to
discover tlie South Sea, and the Great River they call the Mississippi, which is supposed
to discharge itself into the Sea of California. He is a man of great experience in these sorts
' Father Allouez, who visited this tribe in February, 1670, says " they were called the Fire Nation ;" Skoote or Ashkoote
being the Algonquin word for " fire," to which the article m' and the termination enk being added, gives us Mashkoutenc —
tlie country, or p)ace, of Fire. But Charlevoi.x says this is an erroneous derivation; for, he adds, the word Muskoutenec
means an open country or prairie. The Maskoutens were, therefore, Prairie Indians, who dwelt on a river of the same
name, which falls into Lake Winnebago, and is called the Wolf river in modern maps of Wisconsin. It is possible, however, to
reconcile the meaning given by Father Allouez to the word, by supposing that fire was the agent by which the country
became originally divested of its timber, and that it was to this circumstance the Hurons also referred when they called these
Indians AssUta Ect Aeronnons, or the people of the Fire Country. Relation, 1069, 70. It is proper to add, that Mr. School-
craft corroborates the statement of Charlevoix. Hennepin ( Voy. i., 132 ) says that they and the Outagamis lived, in 1680,
on the River Mellioki (now Milwaukie ), which runs into the lake in 43° of K. latitude. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 93
of discoveries, and has already been almost at tiiat Great River, the mouth of which he
promises to see. We shall have intelligence certainly from him this summer.
VI. A Passage, the greater portion of which is in Cipher, wherein M. de Frontenac
communicates to the Minister what he has done to keep in check the ever active
ambition of the Jesuits.
I send you, under Letter G., copy of the passport in which, you will perceive, I obliged
Father Crespieu, Jesuit, to have his name inserted. They were not in the liabitof doing this,
and passed and repassed into all the different countries, and even to France, without any
passports or permits. But having let the Father Superior adroitly and civilly know that such
was not in order, and that they ought to be the first to show the example of submission, he
forthwith sent Father Crespieu to me — (Ciphers explained: 82. 7. I believe you will approve
that I acted thus by them, and that it is well to prevent them arrogating special privileges to
themselves — 18. 17. — ) I expressed forcibly to them my astonishment at seeing that, of all the
Indians that are with tliem at Notre Dame de Foi, which is only a league and a half from
Quebec, not one spoke French, though associating with us, and told them that they ought, in
their missions, bethink themselves, when rendering the savages subjects of Jesus Christ, of
making them subjects of the King also; that for that purpose it would be necessary to inspire
them with a desire to learn our language, as the English taught them theirs ; to endeavor to
render them more sedentary, and make them abandon a life so opposed to the spirit of
Christianity, and that the true means to render them Christians, was to make them become
men. (Ciphers: 86. 33. 17. — But whatever pretence they manifest, they will not extend that
language, and, to speak frankly to you, they think as much about the conversion of the
Beaver as of souls; for the majority of their missions are pure mockeries, and I should not
think they ought to be permitted fo extend them further until we see somewhere a better
formed church of those savages. * I strongly exhorted the Geiitlemcn of 65.28.88 * the
Seminary of Montreal so to manage them at Quintay, and to inspire their savages with those
sentiments, which they promised me they would do. This, perhaps, will excite the others,
through jealousy, to do the same.
Ciph.) If you will hint as much also to Father Ferrier, perhaps what he may write would
produce some eifect. Another thing that displeases me is the complete subserviency of the
Priests of the Seminary of Quebec and the Bishop's Vicar general' to the Jesuit Fathers,
without whose order they do not the least thing. Thus they are indirectly the masters of
whatever relates to the Spiritual, which, as you are aware, is a great machine to move all
the rest. They have, if I mistake not, gained over even the Superior of the Recollets, who
has no more than three or four Friars in his Monastery, which the Jesuit Fathers would be
very glad to see entirely abolished, and where it would be necessary to have able Friars of
sufficient talent to balance somewhat that of the others. You will bear in mind, if you deem
fit, to say something about it to the Bishop of Quebec and to the Provincial of the
Recollets.— 13. 91. 20. 17.
* The words in italics are written, after which are ciphers again.
'Very Rev. Henri, de Beexiere.s, nephew of the Treasurer-general of the same name, came to Canada in 1659, in company
with Bishop de Laval, by whom he was ordained in the spring of the following year, and appointed to the parish of Quebec
in 1664. He was afterwards Superior of theSeminary, and the iirst Dean of Quebec. He died 5th December, 1700. The Very
Kev. Jean Dudouyt is also mentioned as one of the Vicars-general of Quebec at this time. — Ed.
94 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Here the Ciphers terminate ; and in case persons in the interest of the Jesuits should read the
Memoir, M. de Frontenac, to conceal his game, continues in letters thus :
First Assembly ^ have, personally, every reason in the world to be pleased with the civility
hoiden at Quebec ^^^ urbanity of the Reverend Jesuit Fathers, who gave me a token thereof at a
meeting I held, some days ago, of the Gentlemen of the Clergy, Noblesse, Judiciary and Third
Estate, for the purpose of having therii take a new oath of fidelity, having offered me their
New Church, without my asking it of them, and decorated it as much as lay in their power.
I considered, as the like thereof was never done here before, that all the pomp and eclat that
the country could contribute ought to be displayed on that occasion, in order to impress more
strongly on the public mind the respect and veneration they-ought to entertain for his Majesty.
I endeavored then to give a form to what they never had had before, and to compose a sort of
corps of the Clergy, Noblesse, Judiciary and Third Estate. I was first disposed to adjoin the
Religious Communities with the Gentlemen of the Seminary, and the Jesuit Fathers had agreed
to it in the beginning. But the Vicar General having afterwards thrown great difficulties in
my way, though he, too, had consented, I at once understood they came from them,
notwithstanding he alleged to me only that it was not the custom in France for them to mix
with the Clergy. I did not, therefore, think it proper to force them, for fear of disobliging the
one and the other. For the Noblesse, I selected two or three gentlemen here, whom I united
to as many of the officers, and the ordinary Judges and the Syndic of the farmers with the
principal merchants and burgesses of Quebec, having organized their little Body, we held a
meeting the most brilliant ever seen in Canada, at which there was a concourse of more than
a thousand persons. I endeavored to inculcate on them the sentiments of obedience and
fidelity they owed the King, and to make them understand, also, the obligations they were
under to you, for all the aid you every day procured for them. They appeared convinced of
the one and the other, and with all the tokens of joy possible took the oath I demanded
of them, copies of which I send you under letter H. I had the Gentlemen of the Sovereign
Council to take it in almost the same terms on the first day I sate among them. Several
Hurons attended that ceremony, and were so much afiected by it, that on the next day they
asked me to take the same Oath, which I allowed them. Mr. Talon was not present, because,
unfortunately, he was somewhat unwell.
VII. A Mr. de Villeray, intending to solicit the office of Farmer General from the Sovereign
Apropos of Council, M. de Frontenac warns the Minister that though this man lacks not
the inBuence °
of the Jesuits, undcrstandmg nor knowledge, he is to be feared as a busybody, but particularly as
attached to the Jesuits. He writes the following in cipher:
It is openly stated here that he (242 is of the number of those who, without wearing the
uniform, have not omitted taking the vows.) (Letters:) I therefore consider it my duty to
advise you thereof, in order that you should see whether, after having been at so much trouble
to (ciphers:) deprive the Jesuit Fathers of the knowledge and direction of aflTairs in
this Country, it would be expedient to open to them a door by which they could again
enter indirectly.
Quebec, this 2'' Novemb^ 1G72, Frontenac. •
PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 95
M. Colhert to Count de Frontenac. •
Paris, 13"' June, 1673.
Sir,
In respect to the Iroquois, as the Colony is very numerous, his Majesty doubts not your
easily restraining them within their duty and the terms of their obedience, which they have
sworn and promised to his Majesty. But you must not expect that his Majesty can send you
troops from here, inasmuch as he has not considered that necessary, and desires you punctually
to execute what is contained in your Instruction to discipline the inhabitants of that Country,
by dividing them into Companies and having them drilled as often as possible, so as to enable
you to make use of them on all the occasions you may require.
The assembling and division of all the inhabitants into three orders or estates, which you
had done for the purpose of having them take the oath of fidelity, may be productive of good
just then. But it is well for you to observe, that as you are always to follow, in the
government and management of that country, the forms in force here, and as our Kings have
considered it for a long time advantageous to their service not to assemble the States General
of their Kingdom, with a view perhaps to abolish insensibly that ancient form, you likewise
ought only very rarely or — to speak more correctly — never give that form to the corporate
body of the Inhabitants of that country; and it will be necessary even in the course of a
little time, and when the Colony will be still stronger than it now is, insensibly to suppress the
Syndic who presents petitions in the name of all the Inhabitants, it being proper that each
speak for himself, and that no one speak for the whole.
The Provincial of the Recollets has, within eight days, dispatched two Friars who are to
embark to join their Monastery in Canada ; and with a view to the continued increase of their
number, I had the same Provincial informed to-day to send thither two others of the most
efficient; and I shall also take care that he send some over every year, in order to be able
thereby to counterbalance the excessive authority the Jesuits have assumed in that country.
Journal of Goimt de Frontenads Voyage to Lalce Ontario in 16V3.
The intelligence received by the Count de Frontenac, on arriving in Canada, of the Treaty
the Iroquois were negotiating with the Outaoiiaes, was of too great importance to the trade of
the country not to oblige him to prevent its ratification. By this Treaty, in which the
Iroquois were urged forward principally by their neighbors, they offered to supply the
Outaoiiaes with all the goods they required, and the latter were to carry to them generally all
their peltries, and the exchange was to take place on Lake Ontario.
The only means to traverse and upset this negotiation was, as had been frequently before
proposed, to establish a Post on the same Lake, which would prevent the communication of
the Nations of the South with those of the North, and force the latter to continue to bring us
not only all the peltries that usually came by the River of the Long Saut, but even those
96 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
our neighbors profited by, through the facility of being able to cross the Lake without any
impediment. Count de Frontenac found himself much embarrassed in the adoption of a
resolution, seeing himself without troops, without money, without ammunition, without
canoes, and arriving in a country, to the situation of which, and the humor of its inhabitants,
he was almost an entire stranger, and where he had not, as yet, sufficient friends to enable
him to undertake, on his own credit alone, what thoseVho had preceded him dared not execute
with all the knowledge and all the aid they were masters of.
He was of opinion, however, that the loss of the trade would infallibly entail in a short
time the rupture .of the peace, since the Iroquois and the Outaoiiaes, being in a position to
dispense with us, and finding greater facility in their hunting and trade, would more easily
resume that inclination they naturally feel for war, inasmuch as they had an idea that
they could undertake it with less risk on the arrival of a new Governor, who they knew had
no troops.
These considerations, and the letters received by Count'de Frontenac, in the course of the
winter, from the Reverend Jesuit Fathers who are missionaries among the Iroquois, who
advised him that these people were not over and above well disposed, finally determined and
obliged him, despite all the obstacles and all the difficulties he anticipated in the execution of
that design, to resolve on undertaking it as soon as the river would be free of ice, and the
water sufficiently warm for navigation. Nevertheless he considered, for divers reasons, that he
ought not to give entire publicity to it, and contented himself with letting it be understood that
he had determined, ia the course of the next spring, to visit the whole extent of his
government ; to become acquainted with the country, and in that way with the Indians who
inhabit it, to assure them of his Majesty's protection provided they observed the peace
with us.
And as his predecessors had never undertaken similar voyages, except with a considerable
number of men and canoes, so as not to expose themselves imprudently to the insults of the
Indians, whose fickleness is ever to be dreaded, he declared he would invite the officers who
had settled in the country to accompany him on the voyage, and would order out canoes and
people from each settlement, so as to be in a state to defend themselves against all the Indians
might undertake; and by manifesting to them some evidence of Onontio's power, induce them
the more readily to confine themselves within their duty.
To impress these sentiments the more strongly upon them, and to show them that the Sauts
and Ilapids, which obstructed the River in many places, were not an insurmountable barrier
by which the French could be prevented reaching them when necessary, he resolved to take
with him two fiat bateaux, similar to that Mr. de Courcelle had some years previously
carried to the head of the Rapids, and even to mount them with some small pieces of cannon,
in order to achieve something new which may inspire the Savages with more respect and awe.
He therefore caused two to be constructed of a particular model, capable of containing
sixteen men, with considerable provisions, and had them painted in a fashion unlike any
thing seen before in the whole country, and ordered canoes to be pressed, and directed the
Hurons to make some others of burk found in the public store.
But in order that the Iroquois, who are very suspicious, may not be alarmed by these
preparations, he thought proper to send some person of credit to them to advise them of
his intention to go as far as Kente to visit the French Mission and establishments, and to
exhort them, at the same time, to send thither deputies from each Nation, to whom he would
PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 97
confirm, on the part of his Mnjesty, all that had been promised them in his name by the
Onontios, iiis predecessors, and receive from them new tokens of the obedience and submission
they owed iiim.
For this purpose he selected Sieur de Lasalle as a person qualified for such a service by the
different journeys he had made into that country and by his acquaintance with the Indians. He
sent him orders to leave Montreal as soon as the navigation would permit, and to proceed to
Onontague, the place where all the Nations assemble for business, and to invite them to send
delegates to Kente towards the end of June; he was to carry the same message, should he
think proper, to the four other villages.
However, as soon as the very severe frosts were over, Count de Frontenac had the
construction of the bateaux prosecuted with great care and assiduity; the necessaries for his
expedition collected, and orders issued to hold the canoes in readiness all along the shore, and
to engage persons suitable for such an enterprise, so that every thing may be ready in the
latter end of May to depart for and repair to Montreal, which was to be the general rendezvous.
The voyage had to be postponed for a month in consequence of bad weather and the delay
of the spring sowing, which put Count de Frontenac to the necessity of despatching Sieur de
Hautmeny anew to the Indians to change the rendezvous, and to defer it to between the
IS"- and 20"' of July.
June the S"* was the day finally fixed for his departure from Quebec. He had a sloop' sent to
Montreal, some days before, with the munitions of War and other articles he was taking from
Quebec; and having left orders with Sieur Prevost, Town Major, to follow him with all the
Brigades from the River sides and adjoining places, and to reach Montreal on the 24"", he led
the van with a part of the Castle garrison, his guards, staff", and some volunteers. He
visited all the officers on his route, who endeavored to outstrip each other in entertaining him,
and arrived on the 15"" June, about 5 o'clock in the evening, at Montreal, where he was received
by Mr. Perrot, the Governor, amidst the roar of all the cannon and musketry of the people
of the Island, who were under arms, and was addressed on the beach by the Officers of Justice
and the Syndic of the Inhabitants, and finally by the Clergy at the door of the church, where
the Te Deiim was sung.
Passing Cape de la Magdelaine, the Reverend Father D'Ablon, Superior of the Jesuits,^ who
was returning from visiting his missions, informed him that he had learned from the Indians
that some Dutch ships had arrived at Manath, of which place they had made themselves Masters
after a feeble resistance; that it was to be feared they would afterwards repair to the mouth
of the River S' Lawrence, to exclude French vessels from it,' and would attempt ascending
even to Quebec, should they learn that he was at a distance with the main force of the country.
But Count de Frontenac, seeing no foundation for this intelligence, continued his route, and
requested the Father not to divulge the news ; and in case it should spread, to encourage those
' Une Gribane ; a sea Tessel from 30 to 90 tons. Diet, de Richelet.
'Rev. Claude Dablon amred in Canada in 1655, and was immediately sent missionary to Onondaga, wliere he continued,
with a brief interval, until 1658. In 1661 he set out overland for Hudson's Bay, but succeeded in reaching only the head
waters of the Nekouba, 300 miles from Lake St John. In 1668 he accompanied Marquette to Lake Superior, and preached
the gospel in Wisconsin; assisted, in 1671, at the great council held by St. Lusson with the Indians {mpra, 72), at the
Falls of St. Mary, and was Superior from 1670 to 1680, again in 1685, 1688, and as late as July, 1693. See IV., 48. He
compiled the Relation of 1671, 2; and many of his MSS., of interest and value to the early history of the Weitern States,
are still extant — Ed.
Vol. IX. 13
gg NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
who may feel alarmed. He did not omit, however, sending orders by him to Sieur de Tilly,
whom he left Commandant of Quebec and the circumjacent places, to hold all the militia in
readiness at the first news he should receive from him, with particular instructions what to do
at the least intelligence of the enemy's approach, and sent two canoes to Tadoussac, so as to
be promptly advised of the appearance of vessels in the river. He also commanded carriages
to be made for the guns which were on the ground and in very bad order at Quebec, whither
he assured Father D'Ablon that he should return with all possible diligence on the first news he
should receive of the approach of this pretended fleet, and would arrive there soon enough to
prevent the enemy effecting any thing.
During the ten or twelve days he remained at Montreal he thought of nothing but regulating
what was required, as well for the construction of the Fort he designed, as for the division of
the Troops and Canoes into brigade's and squadrons, and the supplying them with Commanders;
he had considerable trouble in arranging the ranks and the line of march in such a way as
not to leave any one dissatisfied. He divided them into nine sections, including the detachment
of the Hurons who desired to accompany him, and composed each of ten to twelve canoes;
so that, including those of his staff, he found he had nearly one hundred and twenty
canoes with the two flat bateaux, and about four hundred men.
He next gave orders to have a wagon road constructed overland from Montreal to a place
called La Chine, distant about 3 to 4 leagues, so as to avoid the Sauts in the river between
Montreal and that place, there being none more dangerous, and to provide for the carriage of
all the necessaries for the expedition over that road. After every thing had been successfully
accomplished through his vigilance and assiduity, he caused all the troops who had arrived on
the preceding day to take up their line of march on the 26"' and 27"", and arrived there,
himself, on the evening of the 28"".
June 29"". Finished putting all the munitions of war and provisions on board the canoes
. and bateaux ; and Count de Frontenac, having chosen M. de Chambly as a most efficient, and
the oldest officer in the country to command the troops under him, detached him with three
canoes, with orders to encamp on the South shore at the foot of the first Rapids, which are at
the head of Lake S' Louis, and departed with all the squadrons intending to join him there.
But having discovered, in passing, that the Indians were creating some disorder, having got
drunk at the house of a Montreal settler, he was obliged to land for the purpose of
punisiiing the Indians, and the man named Roland who had given them drink contrary to
the prohibitions repeatedly issued, whom he ordered to accompany him on the expedition.
The consequence was, he could camp only at the head of the Isles de la Paix,' whence he sent
orders to Sieur de Chambly to proceed, with his squadron, beyond the first three Rapids.
30«''. Passed the first two with incredible labor and fatigue in consequence of the bateaux,
the dragging and towing of which required more than fifty men, who were up to the shoulders
in water. This caused him much uneasiness, tempered, however, with great satisfaction on
beholding the manner the officers acted and the alacrity with which every body toiled.
The Hurons, whom Count Frontenac brought with him, set the example; they achieved
wonders; and those conversant with their humor, acknowledged they performed without any^
difficulty, for him, what no one had ever before dared to propose to them. He, therefore, had
them and the whole fleet regaled at night with some Brandy and Tobacco, for which the
Hurons sent two of their oldest chiefs to return thanks, and to protest to him that their young
' On the south side of Lake St. Louis, and in front of the Seigniories of Chateauguay and Beauharnoia. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: I. 99
braves were ready to do all he ordered them, and that, in obedience, they would never be
behind any of the French. Camped at the foot of -the S"* Rapid.
First of July, passed tiiis Rapid in the morning with much difficulty, on account of a Sault
in It. Tlie bateaux found in some places scarcely any water, and tlie roci<s cut the feet of the
people hauling them, who in other places were up to their armpits in water. Nevertiieless,
their good humor never diminished, and after having towed the same bateaux all the afternoon,
for more than a league with the water up to their waist, encamped at the Islands to the
South, a league and a half distant from the outlet of Lake St. Francis.
July 2"*. Completed the passage of the two Rapids which intervened between us and our
entrance into this Lake, wHere we arrived at noon ; and as the crews of the bateaux were very
much fatigued, and several of the canoes had been damaged by towing. Count de Frontenac
commanded others to relieve the men with some canoes for an escort, and sent them along
the North shore to a Point' two leagues further up, and encamped with the remainder
of the troops at the outlet of this Lake.
3*. There could not be finer navigation or more favorable weather than on the S* ; a light
Northeaster having sprung up, gave the bateaux an opportunity to go as fast as the canoes, so
that we arrived at the Islands at the head of the Lake time enough to repair the bateaux,
which had been injured by the rocks in the Sauts and at those places where they had to
be dragged.
4"". Continued the route, and passed through the most deliglitful country in the world. The
entire river was spangled with Islands, on which were only oaks and hard wood; the soil is
admirable, and the borders of the main land on the North and South banks are equally
handsome, the timber being very clean and lofty, forming a forest equal to the most beautiful
in France. Both banks of the River are lined with prairies full of excellent grass, interspersed
with an infinity of beautiful flowers; so that it may be asserted there would not be a more
lovely country in the world than that from Lake S' Francis to the head of the Rapids, were
it cleared.
Made three leagues this forenoon, and halted at a spot more delightful than any we had
yet seen : it was near the little channel leading to the Long Sault on the North side, and
opposite the mouth of a River by which people go to the Mohawks.^ The Great River, here,
is only a musket shot across. Sieur Le Moine was sent to examine that which goes to
the Mohawks, and reported that it formed a large, circular, deep and pleasant basin behind the
Point^ in front of which we had halted, and that the Iroquois, whom he found there, had
informed him that there was five days' e'asy navigation in that river, and three when the waters
were lower.
After having dined and rested awhile, the march was resumed, and it was resolved to keep
to thtf South shore, the design being to go and camp above the Long Sault, and at three-
quarters of a league below it to cross over; but the^ rain which supervened obliged Count
de Frontenac to cause the entire fleet to come to anchor at the North side, at the place where
we intended to cross over, and he had time only to get the bateaux to do so and to encamp
himself with the three Rivers brigade and his staff' on the South shore, opposite the place
where the other sections had anchored. We found in the Western forest, or Camp, a
white flower as beautiful as can be seen, with an odor similar to that of the Lily of the
Valley, but much finer. It was sketched through curiosity.
" Point au Baudet, Soulanges county, C. E. ^ Supposed to be Grass river, St Lawrence county, N. Y.
' MasBena Point, St. Lawrence county, N. Y. — Ed.
100 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
S"". Rain threatening, we contented ourselves in despatching the bateaux at the break of day
to get them past the Rapid of the Long Saut, and the order was sent to tlie fleet at the North
not to cross until the weather was settled. Therefore, it having cleared about 10 o'clock, the
fleet crossed over and advanced to the foot of the 1" Rapid of the Long Sault; but one-half
having passed, a storm sprung up which obliged the Count to go by land as far as the Rapids,
to hasten on those who were in the centre, and to prevent those in the rear going further on ; so
that four only were able to pass, and these camped half a league above. He sent the others
into a cove, after he had remained more than two hours under the rain, without a cloak, very
uneasy about the bateaux, which experienced much difficulty in ascending the Rapid; one of
them would have run adrifc in the current, had not the people behind thrown themselves into
the stream with incredible promptness and bravery.
It is impossible to conceive, without witnessing, the fatigue of those who dragged the
bateaux. They were, for the most part of the time, in the water up to the armpits, and
walking on rocks so sharp that many had their feet and legs covered with blood. Yet their
gaiety never failed; and they made such a point of honor of taking these bateaux up, that as
soon as they had arrived, in Camp, some among them commenced jumping, playing Prison
base (jouer aux barres), and other games of like nature.
The night of the S"" and 6"" was so rainy that the Count could not sleep through fear of
the biscuit getting wet, insomuch that having ordered Sieur de Chambly not to allow the
canoes to start until he saw settled weather, and to push on only the bateaux with experienced
hands, as they did not carry any provisions capable of spoiling, he waited until noon to set
out; the weather having cleared up, with the appearance of no more rain; but a league had
not been traveled, nor the bateaux overtaken, before a tempest burst, so furious that all thought
the provisions would be wet. With care, however, very little harm happened, and after
halting about three hours, he proceeded on with some five or six canoes, to find out a place to
camp, to give [time] to relieve the people in the bateaux, in order that they might follow him
with all the troops; and though there were three or four ugly rapids to be passed, they did
not fail to surmount all those difficulties, and to arrive before sundown at the head of the Long
Saut, where Count de Frontenac had traced out the Camp opposite a little Island,' at the end
of which the North channel unites with that on the South.
7"'. Started the Canoes very early, with orders to cross from the North side at the place
where they should find the river narrower and less rapid; and left, with all the Canoes, two
hours afterwards, and proceeded until eleven o'clock in better order than during the preceding
days, because the navigation was easier. Stopped three or four hours, about a quarter of a
league from the Rapid called the Itapide plat.
The weather appeared the finest in the world ; this induced us to determine on passing the
Rapid, which is very difficult on account of the trees on the water side tumbling into
the river, obliging the canoes to take the outside and go into the strongest of the current. He
detaciied six canoes in consequence, and ordered ail those in them, and two carpenters whom
he sent along, to take axes to cut all the trees that might obstruct the passage of the bateaux,
and took with him the Three Rivers brigade and his staff' to lay out the camp, having left
two brigades with the bateajix and the rest for a rear guard. But on landing at five o'clock in
the afternoon there came a storm, accompanied with thunder and lightning, more furious
than all the others that preceded it; so that it was necessary to dispatch orders in all haste to
PARIS DOCUMENTS: I. 101
the bateaux and to all the fleet to cast anchor wherever they happened to be ; which it was very
difficult to effect, in consequence of some of the bateaux being in the midst of the Rapid.
The rain Ihsted the whole night, during which the Count was extremely uneasy, lest
precautions should not have been taken to prevent the provisions getting wet.
Next morning, at break of day, having sent for intelligence, news was brought about seven
o'clock that there was not much harm done, through the care every one took to preserve
his provisions; and the bateaux arrived a quarter of an hour afterwards at the Camp. As
every one had suffered considerably from the fatigue of the night, it was resolved not to
leave the Camp before ten or eleven o'clock, in order to collect all the people and give them
time to rest. The weather was so unsettled that, through fear of rain, we waited until noon,
and though a pretty strong South West wind arose, and the river was very rough, we failed
not to make considerable head way, and to camp at the foot of the last Rapid.
9"". We had proceeded scarcely an hour when the Montreal brigade — detached by Count
de Frontenac from our S"* encampment, and sent by Lieutenant De la Valtrie, under the
direction of Ensign Morel, to make a second convoy and carry provisions beyond the
Rapids — was found in a place which it had been ordered to occupy as a depot. As soon as
our fleet was perceived, he crossed over from the South to the North, and came on board
the Admiral.
The Count wrote by him to M. Perrot, Governor of Montreal, to whom he sent orders to
have new canoes furnished to Sieur Lebert to join this Fleet, and to ^ndeavor to bring in one
voyage what he had at first resolved to have brought in two.
Two hours afterwards, arrived at the place Sieur de la Valtrie selected to build a Storehouse.
It was a Point at the head of all the Rapids, and at the entrance of the smooth navigation.'
The Count strongly approved Sieur de La Vaitrie's selection, and resolved to sojourn there the
whole day, to allow the troops to refresh, and to have leisure to send off a second canoe to
Montreal with new orders, and to hasten the return of the canoes which were to bring up the
provisions. At six o'clock in the evening two Iroquois canoes arrived, bringing letters from
Sieur De La Salle, who, having been sent into their country two months before, advised the
Count that after some difficulty, founded on the apprehension the Indians entertained of his
approach, they had in fine resolved to come to assure him of their obedience, and that they
awaited him at Kent^ to the number of more than two hundred of the most ancient and
influential, though they had considerable objection to repair thither, in consequence of the
jealousy they felt on seeing Onontio going to Rente, as it implied a preference of that Nation
to the others.
This obliged him to request the Abbes de Fenelon and d'Urfe to go in all haste to Kente
to invite the Iroquois to the mouth of Katarakoiii, twenty leagues below Rente, which he
had resolved to visit, having judged by the Map, after considerable consultation and different
opinions, that it would be a very suitable place on which to erect the proposed establishment.
Though Count de Frontenac had appointed this interview with the Lidians only with that
purpose, he did not omit, however, taking advantage of the jealousy they entertained in their
minds; and requested those gentlemen to assure them that he expected them in that place
only to let them know that he did not prefer the one to the other, and that he should be
always their common father so long as they remained in the Obedience and Respect they
owed the Ring.
' Presumed to be Chimney Point, in the present town of Lisbon, St Lawrence county, New-York. — Ed.
102 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
lO"-. Left the Camp about five o'clock in the morning; and though Count de Frontenac
had determined on the preceding day, and before he received the news of the approach of the
Iroquois, to leave the bateaux with the greater portion of the Troops behind, and*to take with
him only two or tiiree brigades to reconnoitre as quickly as possible the outlet of the Great
Lake, and the post he was about to fortify at the mouth of the River Katarakoiii, he changed
his design, and concluded he ought to proceed with more precaution until he should be better
informed of the intention of the Iroquois. We therefore proceeded in a body, and in closer
column than heretofore. The weather was so serene and the navigation so smooth, that we
made more than ten leagues, and went into camp at a cove about a league and a half from
Otondiata, where the Eel fishery begins.
We had the pleasure, on the march, to catch a small Loon, a bird as large as a wild goose
(OutardeJ, of the most beautiful plumage, but so difficult to be caught alive, as it plunges
constantly under water, that it is no small rarity to be able to take one. A cage was made
for it, and orders were given to endeavor to raise it, in order to be able to send it to
the King.
ir"". The weather continuing fine, a good day's journey was made, having passed almost all
that vast group of Islands with which the river is studded, and camped at a point above a
River called by the Indians Oanondokoui,' up which many of them go a hunting. It has
a very considerable channel. Two more loons were caught alive, and a Scanohton,^ which is a
sort of Deer, with headland antlers, however, handsomer than those of the deer of France.
12"". Broke up camp very early in the morning, and, having proceeded until 10 o'clock,
halted three hours to eat and rest. On approaching the first opening of the Lake, the Count
wished to proceed with more order than had been already done, and in line of battle. He
accordingly arranged the whole fleet in this wise :
Four squadrons, composing the vanguard, went in front and in one line.
The two bateaux followed next.
After these came Count de Frontenac at the head of all the canoes of his guards, of his stafl",
and of the volunteers attached to his person ; having on his right the squadron from Three
Rivers, and on his left those of the Hurons and Algonquins.
Two other squadrons formed a third line and composed the rear guard.
This order of sailing had not been adhered to for more than half a league, when an Iroquois
canoe was perceived coming with the Abbe d'Vrfe.^* who, having met the Indians above the
River Katarakoui, and having notified them of the Count's arrival, they were now advancing
with the Captains of the Five Nations.
They saluted the Admiral and paid their respects to him with evidence of much joy and
confidence, testifying to him the obligation they were under to him for sparing them the
trouble of going farther and for receiving their submissions at the River Katarakoui, which is
a vecy suitable place to camp, as they were about signifying to him.
After Count de Frontenac had replied to their civilities they preceded him as guides, and
conducted him to the mouth of the River Katarakoui, into a bay about a cannon shot from
the entrance, which forms one of the most beautiful and agreeable harbors in the world,
' Supposed to be now Gannrtniiolcoui. ' Oskennonton U the Mohawk for a Deer. — Ed.
' Rev. Lascaris d'Urkk, Dean of tlie Cathedral of Piiy, came to Canada in 1668, and was detached to the Indian mission at
the Bay of QuIutiS. This having been abandoned by the Sulpitians, Abbi- d'Urf6 returned to France in 1678. He, however,
came again to Canada in 1685, and in 1686 was in charge of one of the frontier parishes in the district of Montreal.
St. Vallier. Slat present, 3, 21, 69; Faillon. Vie de Aide. Baurgeoyn, I., 179. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 103
capable of holding a hundred of the largest ships, with sufficient water at the mouth and in
the harbor, with a mud bottom, and so sheltered from every wind that a cable is scarcely
necessary for mooring.
The Count, enraptured at finding a spot so well adapted for his design, immediately landed,
and after having examined, during two or three hours, the shore and situation, he re-embarked
in a canoe to explore both sides of the entrance to the river and some points which jut out
into the Lake, so that he did not return until 8 o'clock in the evening.
The Iroquois impatiently awaited for him to present him their respects in his tent, but as it
was late, he sent them word to postpone it imtil the morrow, when it would be more
convenient to see and entertain each other, to which they willingly consented.
13"". Beat the reveille at day break, and at seven o'clock every body was under arms;
pursuant to the orders issued the preceding evening, all the troops were drawn up in double file
around Count de Frontenac's tent, extending to the cabins of the Indians. Large sails were
laid in fi-ont of his tent for them to sit on, and they were made to pass between the two files.
They were astonished at seeing such preparations, seemingly new to them, as well as all those
guards with their watch-coats, none of which they had ever before seen. There were more
than sixty of the oldest and most influential of the sachims. After having sat, and, as is their
custom, smoked some time, one of them, named Garagontie, who has always been the warmest
friend of the French, and who ordinarily acted as spokesman, paid a compliment, expressing
in the name of all the Nations the joy they felt on learning, from Sieur de La Salle, Onontio's
design to come and" visit them; that though ^ome evil disposed spirits had endeavored to
excite jealousy among them at his approach, they could not hesitate to obey his orders, and
to come to meet him in the confidence they felt that he wished to preserve peace always
with them, and to protect them against their enemies, treating them as a Father would his
children; that they were then coming as true children to assure him of their obedience, and
to declare to him the entire submission they should always manifest to his commands; that
he was speaking in the name of the Five Nations, as they had only one mind and one thought,
in testimony whereof the Captain of each Tribe intended to confirm what he had just stated in
the name of the whole.
Each Captain in particular accordingly complimented the Count, and told him the same thing
in substance, though in different and very eloquent terms, which is very remarkable, adding only
that they were much obliged to Onontio for having abridged the voyage to Kente and for having
been pleased to receive them at Katarakoiii; that they did not intend to pay their respects to
him by these preliminary compliments, presented whilst waiting his orders and the day he
should appoint for them to hear the proposals he would be pleased to make them.
Each Captain presented, at the conclusion of his speech, a Belt of Wampum, which is
worthy of note, because formerly it was customary to present only some fathoms of
stringed Wampum.
Count de Frontenac having had a fire lighted near the place where they were seated,
answered them in terms adapted to their manner of speaking.
Children! Onnontagues, Mohawks, Oneidas, Cayugas and Senecas. lam pleased to see
you come hither, where 1 have had a fire lighted for you to smoke by, and for me to talk to you.
O, but 'tis well done. My Children, to have followed the orders and commands of your
Father. Take courage, then, my children ; you will hear his word, which is full of
tenderness and peace; a word which will fill your cabins with joy and happiness; for think
104 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
not that war is the object of my voyage. My spirit is full of Peace, and she walks in company
with me. Courage, then, My Children, and rest yourselves.
The Count thereupon presented them with six fathoms of Tobacco, and added :
Children : You have taken great pains to come to see me, and I regret to have given you the
trouble of so long a voyage, which I, however, tried to abridge by not obliging you to go to
Kente and by lighting the fire for you at Katarakoui. Let not fear close your ears, or disturb
your minds. I am aware that there have been plenty of ill disposed persons desirous to
persuade you that Onontio was coming into these Cantons only to devour your Villages, But,
Children, that is not true; those are busy-bodies who would break the peace and union that
exist between us, and you will never find in me any other than the feelings of a real father,
so long as you will act like true children and continue obedient. Cheer up, then, your spirits,
and be persuaded that I had no other de?ign in this voyage than to visit you, as it was very
reasonable a Father should be acquainted with his Children, and the Children with their Father.
1 cannot, however, sufficiently testify to you the joy I feel to see that you not only fully
obeyed my orders with promptness, and liave come in great numbers to meet me, but that you
have also brought your wives and children with you, because this is a certain mark of
the confidence you place in my words. One regret only remains, that I cannot speak your
language, or that you cannot understand mine, so that there might be no necessity for
Interpreter or Spokesman. *
But in order that you may be fully informed of all I have said to you, I have selected
Sieur Lenioine, to whom I shall communicate' in writing what I have stated to you, so that lie
may explain it to you, word for word, and that you may not lose any of my remarks. Listen,
then, attentively to him. Here is something to open your ears, in order that you may be
disposed, in a day or two, to hear the thoughts of Onontio.
The Count then handed the paper he held to Sieur Lemoyne, and presented to each nation
a gun, a quantity prunes and raisins for the women, with some wine, brandy
and biscuit.
The Indians appeared highly pleased with the speech, which Sieur Lemoyne explained to
them, and with the presents made to them in the commencement, and which appearing,
according to their fashion, considerable, caused them to hope that magnificent ones would be
made them at the close, when Onontio would communicate his intentions to them. It was
remarked that their countenances were much changed, and that Toronteshati, their orator, the
most astute, most spiritud, and most influential man among them, from being sad and pensive
before, assumed a gaiety not usual to him. He has been always an enemy to the French and
greatly in the interest of the Dutch. Count de Frontenac was obliged, in consequence, to
pay him particular attention and to keep him to dinner with him.
Sieur Rendin was busy meanwhile tracing out the fort at the place designated by the Count,
and according to the plan that had been approved of by him, and as soon as they had dined,
men were ordered to work at the trench, where pickets were to be set until it should be
determined in what manner the troops were to be employed, and until the tools were put
in order. He then embarked in a Canoe to visit the banks of the river or harbor, and was
delighted to find at the head of the bay a prairie, more than a league in extent, as handsome
and level as any in France, and to see the river winding through its centre, very wide, and
capable of admitting barks and vessels for over three leagues continuously.
He returned to the camp in great spirits on perceiving that he had found every thing
according to his wishes, and that God had seemingly blessed his enterprise; but what
PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 105
increased his joy still more, was to find every body so impatient for work, and so anxious to
advance their undertaking, which he hoped to bring soon to an end. This ardor thus
exhibited by them caused him to alter his resolution to divide the troops into four brigades,
and to have them relieved every two hours, in order that the work should not intermit, and
he accepted their proposal to divide the labor among them, each undertaking what might be
allotted to him. This had so good an ettect that, early in the evening, they began to make a
clearing, with such energy that the officers found difficulty in drawing the people off to rest and
sleep, so as to be able to work the next morning.
li"". Day had scarcely broken when the entire brigade fell to work according to the allotment
that had been made, and all the officers and soldiers applied themselves to it with such
heartiness and zeal that the site of the Fort was nearly cleared.
Sieur Lempyne had orders from the Count to bring him,'at each meal, two or three of the
principal Iroquois, whom he entertained at his table. He fondled their children every time he
met them, and had bread, prunes, raisins, &c., distributSd among them, which so gratified the
Indians that they would not leave his tent, no m9r«' than the women, whom he treated to
induce them to dance in the evening. /^
IS"". The work was continued with the sanj|^^eal ; but the rain which fell throughout the
morning of the IG"" prevented operations until noon, when every effijrt was made to recover
lost time. The Indians were astonished to see the large clearance that had been made; some
squaring timber in one place ; others fetching pickets ; others cutting trenches, and that
different operations advanced at the same time. In the evening he caused notice to be given
to the Captains of the Five Nations that he would^rant them an audience the next day, at
eight o'clock in the morning. W
17"". Every thing being prepared to'receive them, they came to see the Count in the same
manner as the first time, when he submitted to them, in his speech, all the conditions he desired
of them, as may be seen from the annexed copy of his address, which was accompanied by
magnificent presents in Indian fashion.
Count de Frontenac's Speech to the Iroquois:
First Word. Children ! Onnontagues, Mohawks, Oneidas, Cayugas and Senecas. I signified
to you the other day the joy I felt to see you arrive here with all the proofs of submission that
Children owe their Father, and with such entire confidence that you had brought even your
wives and little ones.
You alleviate, in truth, thereby, all the trouble and fatigue I encountered on my voyage, and
oblige me, by the respect you have for my commands, to give you every assurance that you
can desire of my friendship, and of the King my master's protection, if you continue to observe
faithfully his will, of which I am the interpreter and executor. I have even reason to persuade
myself that you will not fail therein after the protestations you have given me and the
knowledge you have afforded me of the good understanding in which all the Nations now live,
inasmuch as you have informed me that they were all of the same spirit and had but the one
opinion. But as 'tis the duty of Children to be obedient to their Father, 'tis likewise the duty
of a good Father to communicate to his Children Instruction and Information the most useful
and necessary for them.
lOG NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Children! Onnontagues, Mohawks, Oneidas, Cayugas and Senecas. I cannot give you any
advice more important or more profitable to you than to exhort you to become Christians, and
to adore the same God that I adore. He is the Sovereign Lord of Heaven and of Earth; the
absolute Master of your lives and properties; who hath created you ; who preserves you ; who
furnishes you food 'and drink; who can send death among you in a moment, inasmuch as
He is Almighty, and acts as he willeth, not like men who require time, but in an instant, and
at a word. In fine. He it is who can render you happy or miserable, as he pleaseth. This
God is called Jesus ; and the Black Gowns hero, who are his Ministers and Interpreters, will
teach you to know Him whenever you are so disposed. I leave them among you and in your
Villages only to teach you. I therefore desire that you respect them, and prevent any of
your young braves daring or presuming to injure them in the smallest degree, as I shall
consider the injuries done them as personal to myself, and such I will punish with the
like severity. •
Hearken, then, well to the advice ^ive you, and forget it not, as it is of great importance,
and you ought to be aware that in giving it I labor more for you than for myself, and I study
only your happiness. The Hurons, here present in great number, must incline you thereto,
since you see with your own eyes that they have learned to honor and serve the God of
whom I speak to you.
Ancients! Give herein the example to your Children, as your judgment must be sounder
than theirs ; or if you be not yet disposed to become Christians, at least do not prevent them
becoming such, and learning the Prayer and the Commandments of that great God which the
Black Gowns will willingly teach them.
These consist only of two points, very easy of observance. The first is to love Him with
your whole heart, and your whole soul, and your whole strength.
Ancients ! Is there any thing more easy than to love what is perfectly beautiful, what is
sovereignly amiable, and what can constitute all your happiness?
The second thing he requires of us is, to love our Brothers as we love ourselves. That is to
say, that we assist them in their necessities, and furnish them drink, and meat and clothing
when they are in need of them, as we would wish should be done to ourselves.
Again, Ancients, for to you I address myself, believing your minds to be sufficiently endowed
to comprehend it, tell me frankly, is there any thing more just and reasonable than this
Commandment?
As I am obliged to observe these by my profession as a Christian, you ought to be more
easily persuaded that I come not here save with a heart filled with gentleness and peace to
communicate these to my children, to assist them in all things, and to give them a proof of a
true and sincere friendship.
Children! Onnontagues, Mohawks, Oneidas, Cayugas and Senecas. Take courage, then.
Lend not an ear to the counsels of certain busy-bodies, who, at my approach, desire to
excite distrust aud suspicions, and who, assuming to be your friends, meditate only your ruin
and destruction.
Listen to me and trust my words. I am frank and sincere, and shall promise you nothing
but what I will exactly perform, desiring that you on your side may do likewise.
The dread I feel of disturbing the peace I promise you prevents me even reproaching you
with the various treacheries you formerly committed against my nephews. No, I will not
dispel from your countenances that joy which I there behold. I content myself with telling
PARIS DOCUMENTS: I. 107
you only to reflect on the past and on the present ; consider well the greatness and power of
Onontio; behold the number of persons accompanying and surrounding him, the ease and
celerity with which he has surmounted all your Sauts and rapids, and passed bateaux mounted
with Cannon over them, which you never could have imagined possible for him to have steered
through the smoothest and most tranquil of rivers, and that in a voyage made only for
pleasure and without any necessity. Infer from this what he could effect if he desired to
wage war and to crush any of his enemies. If you reflect seriously on all these things, you
will acknowledge he is a good Father, who is not cruel, and that he is the absolute arbiter of
War and Peace.
My predecessors concluded the latter with you, and I now ratify it, assuring you that every
thing they promised you shall be faithfully observed, but on the same conditions they did
impose on you. These, I understand to be, that, besides the French, all the Indians under the
protection of the King, my Master, and his Allies, shall participate in that same peace, and
that the first who will break it shall be hanged. I shall set my hand to it on my side ; do you
the same. Ancients; for if any of your youth insult any Indian under the King's protection, or
any of his Allies in the Countries under his dominion, I shall deem myself injured, and shall
avenge it in the same manner; and you should not be surprised at this, for what confidence
can you have in the assurances I give you of my friendship and protection, if you perceive
me capable of abandoning those to whom my predecessors granted the same for so long a time,
and who are my friends ?
Here, then, is something to make you remember my first speech, which in two words
consists in exhorting you, as much as lies in my power, to become Ciiristians, by listening
with respect and submission to the instructions the Black Gowns will give you on that subject,
and then like Christians, or even as good politicians who wish the preservation and advantage
of your Country, to observe strict peace on your part, as I shall do on mine, by chastising the
first who will happen to violate it.
Fifteen guns, a quantity of powder and lead of all kinds, with gun flints, were thereupon
presented to them. The Count then resumed his speech:
secondword. Children! Oonontagues, Mohawks, Oneidas, Cayugas and Senecas. I pretend
not to persuade you by mere words; I will make manifest my good intentions to maintain a
true and solid peace with you by more effectual evidence, and I do not think I can afford you
a stronger proof of that than by the settlement I am about to make at Katarakoiii, where I have
already spread the mat on which I am seated, and where I have lighted the fire to which I
have iuvited you to come and to smoke. I intend to make it considerable in a little while,
and to have goods brought thither by my nephews, in order to spare you the trouble of carrying
your peltries so far as you have done. You will find here all sorts of refreshments and
commodities, which I shall cause to be furnished you at the cheapest rate possible, as I do not
intend that you be treated otherwise than as Frenchmen.
But you must consider that it is a matter of expense to convey goods so far, and that your
obtaining all your supplies at your door will save you considerable trouble, as you will not be
obliged to go and seek them more than a hundred leagues from your villages, over rough
and bad roads.
I shall induce all my Nephews to love you, and to do nothing but what is just. Otherwise
I shall chastise them. I beg of you to do the same, on your side. Invite your Nephews to
respect all the French, and to aid them as far as they are able, supplying them, for payment,
108 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
with Indian Corn and other provisions, if they require them, and if such can be easily brought
from your Country. You will thereby console me, and show yourslves to be my children, and
that you are disposed to live as Brethren with my Nephews. This is my second word; this
present will oblige you to give it some consideration.
Twenty-five large overcoats were presented to them ; and some time afterwards. Count de
Frontenac, continuing his speech, added:
Third -Word. Children! Onnontagues, Mohawks, Oneidas, Cayugas and Senecas. As I am
the common Father of all the Nations, how can I avoid reproaching you with the treachery
and cruelty you have exhibited towards your Brethren, the Hurons, preventing them visiting
their relatives; and how can I refrain from telling you that it is not good, inasmuch as you
treat them as slaves, and threaten to split their skulls?
See you not that I act towards them alike? I treat them like other Frenchmen, as my true
children. Inquire of them — there are numbers of thenr here — they will tell you I make no
distinction between the one and the other.
Do not behave so again, for I insist that they be free to live wherever they please. Have
you not been allowed the same liberty? And your people, do they not remain at Montreal and
every where else as long as they like, going and coming whenever they think well, without
any objection? Prevent, then, complaints being made hereafter to me on this subject, fori
shall become angry, and I insist that you, Iroquois, Algonquins and other nations who have me
as Father, live henceforth as Brothers. Otherwise, those who act differently, will feel the
effects of my wrath.
But to prove to you that I require nothing more than a perfect union between you all and
the French, I conjure you most earnestly to let your children learn the French language,
which the Black Gowns can teach them. That would unite us more strongly, and we should
have the satisfaction to understand each other without an Interpreter.
To begin with a matter that I consider most advantageous for both Nations, I invite you to
give me four of your little girls, of from seven to eight years old, and two of your little boys,
whom I shall have instructed with all possible care, and taught French and writing, which arp
of so great importance. I know it is not a trivial request that I make, being aware of the love
you bear your children; but I can say, that I shall take as much care of them as if they were
mine own; I shall adopt them as such; shall keep the boys by me, and place the girls with
the Nuns at Quebec, where the Hurons already have some of theirs, and where, they can
assure you, that they are well reared; I shall frequently visit them, and you can come and
see them there whenever you please; promising you to restore them when you require
them back, should you not wish to have them married with some of the French, when they
have attained a proper age. If you grant me this request, I am sure you will be hereafter
pleased at having done so, and at seeing them in the position in which I shall place them.
I conclude my third word and ray third present, by repeating to you that I shall thereby
know the friendship you entertain for me, since you cannot give me any greater mark thereof.
Twenty-five shirts, twenty-five pair of stockings, five packages of glass beads and five coats
were given them as a third present, and then the Count said to them:
That he forgot to stale that he had recently learned that some Frenchmen among them
endeavored to persuade them that they were persons of great importance among us, and even
Nephews of Onontio; but that they were rogues and worthless fellows, whom he should
PARIS DOCUMENTS: I. • ... 109
chastise as soon as he could catch them. Let them not be stopped, then, by what those knaves
might tell them, and let them be assured that when he desired to communicate his intentions
to them, he should send some person of character, such as Sieur de La Salle, or write to the
Black Gowns to inform them of his wishes; that, in fine, to prevent the disorders their young
men created in their Cabins, and which may cause some difficulty among us if they pretended
to do the same in ours, they must be on the alert to keep them from committing excesses
or getting drunk, as there was nothing so unbecoming rational men of well regulated minds,
and that we had such profound contempt for drunkards, and that if they acted in like manner
towards their young men, they would infallibly correct them of that habit.
As soon as Count de Frontenac had finished his discourse, the Hurons, who were present
at the audience, took up the word, and in a speech, which had nothing barbarous in it, addressed
the Iroquois, telling them that they were very glad to confirm what Onontio had just said to
them on the advantage they would derive from being Christians, and the good treatment they
experienced, as well in their own persons as in those of their children, by the education
which was given them; that it was one of the greatest obligations they were under; and
when the Iroquois would perceive the advantage theirs would derive therefrom, they could
never thank Onontio sufficiently for the favor he offered them. They hoped the permission
requested, to let their relatives return to them, would not be refused; and as they all regarded
him to-day as their common Father, they were very desirous to live henceforward together in
good intelligence, and as true brethren ought to live.
This speech was accompanied by a belt of Wampum which they offered the Iroquois, and
it is impossible to conceive the effect it had on their minds, nor the joy of the Count on
witnessing the proceedings the Hurons had adopted of their own voluntary motion, and without
advising him thereof until an hour previous to the audience.
The Iroquois tlianked him for what he had just said, evincing every mark of satisfaction
that could possibly be expected, and requesting until to-morrow to communicate their
resolution more fully. They appeared highly gratified that Onontio had at the first and second
audience addressed them as children, and thereby had bound himself to act towards them as a
Father; the other Onontios not having made use of that mark of authority, and they having
never consented to be addressed otherwise than as Brothers.
The works were meanwhile continued with the same diligence as on the preceding day, and
the Three Rivers detachment having completed the excavation of the French, began to set
up the pickets, and completed one of the flanks of the fort.
IS"'. The Iroquois were expected to assemble in the morning, but not being ready until very
late, the matter was postponed until the afternoon, when the Count received them as heretofore.
The five deputies spoke, one after the other, and each testified, in his harangue, the joy
experienced at meeting a real Father in Onontio, whom they conjured to be persuaded that
they too would be most obedient children ; that they well understood that all the suspicions
which were endeavored to be fomented among them were but chimeras, since he had not
proposed any thing to them but what was for their advantage; that they thanked him for having
especially exhorted them to become Christians, as it was the greatest advantage that could
ever accrue to them ; that they promised him also to do what they could to influence their
young men and children in that regard, and that they would themselves endeavor-to show them
the example by receiving respectfully the Instructions of the Black Gowns, and preventing any
of their people offering the smallest insult to them.
110 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
After which they made their presents, each of a Belt of Wampum, in answer to Onontio's
first word.
They then resumed their speech, and said they saw with equal joy the establishment he
had commenced at Katarakoiii, and they clearly perceived the benefit they should derive from
a Cabin so convenient to theirs, where they could obtain their supplies and not be obliged to go
so far to seek, them as they were forced heretofore to do. But there was one thing that
Onontio seemingly forgot, and which they requested him to declare; that was the price he
would fix on the merchandise, in order that, by informing their young men of it, they may more
easily persuade them not to carry their peltries where they had been in the habit of taking
them, but come to Katarakoiii for all their supplies; they insisted particularly thereupon, and
the Captain of the Cayugas, more eloquent than the others, added, in an address which
exhibited nothing barbarous, that it was true that the news they had heard of the ruin of the
Dutch and of the King's conquests in their Country had much afflicted them, sympathizing in
the disgrace of a Nation which had been friendly with them, through whom they had received
their supplies, but they liad reason to console themselves, since for one friend they lost they
found a Father who promised to assist them in all their. necessities ; this it was that caused
them to hope he would take care of them, for it being his interest not to have roguish children,
he doubted not that a price so reasonable would be set on all the supplies to be furnished them
that they should have every cause to be satisfied. And this was their second word, which was .
followed, like the others, by presents similar to the first.
In the third, they earnestly exhorted Onontio to assist them against the Andostaguez, the
sole enemies remaining on their hands, as he had ordered them to live in peace with all
the other tribes, and it would be a shame for him to allow his children to be crushed, as they
saw themselves about to be; the Andastoguez being strongly fortified with men and canoes,
and they not having the means of going to attack them in their fort, which was very strong,
nor even of defending themselves if the others came to attack them in their villages.
In the fourth speech they protested that they would blindly follow the orders of Onontio
relative to the Hurons, Algonquins and other nations ; and that henceforth they would leave
them at full liberty to go wheresoever they pleased, without retaining them by force or
offering them any violence.
And in the fifth speech, which related to the little girls and little boys, they represented that
the affair was important, and they could not come to any resolution on it until tliey had
returned to their villages, promising him to propose it to all the Tribes; to point out to them
the advantage they should derive from it ; to use all their efforts to oblige them to give Onontio
that satisfaction, by assuring them that the word he had pledged them would be punctually
executed, and that their children would be restored as soon as they should demand them back.
They concluded by repeating their thanks for the civilities and good treatment they had
received from Onontio, congratulating themselves on the affability and urbanity with which he
treated them, even to their children, acknowledging that they had never before experienced
such in their Country.
Each Deputy, in particular, returned thanks to the Hurons, and offered them a present,
assuring them that in compliance with Onontio's wishes all would hereafter live as brothers,
and they should have full liberty to go and come whenever they thought proper.
Count de FrOntenac having forthwith recapitulated all the heads of their answers, invited and
urged them again to become Christians, and to have their children instructed, recommending
PARIS DOCUMENTS: I. HI
them especially to respect the Black Gowns, and to prevent drunkenness among their youth,
as that was the chief cause of the greatest disorders that occurred.
Secondly, he assured them they should be advised of the orders he would issue for the
establishment at Katarakoiii, and the price to be fixed on the merchandise, which he could not
determine at present, as he did not precisely know how much the freight would amount to,
since it would be higher at so distant a place, accessible only by a difficult navigation ; but that
he assured them in advance that they should be favored as much as possible, and that being
considered as his children, he did not pretend they should be treated otherwise than as
Frenchmen. In regard to the war against the Andostaguez, they might very well believe he
would never suffer them to be oppressed, as it was a point of honor with him, and a duty
he owed his children not to let them perish, but as the season was already advanced to go
on the War path this year, and as some preparation was necessary for such purpose, they
should concert together when they would come to Quebec to communicate to him their
resolution on the demand he had made them to give him some little boys and girls to
be instructed.
He rejoiced to see them disposed to do all he told them relative to the Hurons, Algonquins
and other Nations, and this was the true means to oblige him to maintain always with
them the peace he had promised them.
He did not take it ill their declining to give a decisive answer to the request he had
made for their little girls and little boys, as it was an affair that could not be arranged except
in the presence of all the Nations and in their villages, but he implored them to acquaint him
promptly of the decision they should adopt, and to believe that his request arose only from
the friendship he bore them, and from his desire to receive a proof of theirs.
In reply to their statement, that some of their tribes had already complied with his request
by sending a few of their daughters to Quebec when peace was concluded, he was very glad
to tell them that there was considerable difference between the demand Onontio had then
made and the one he was now proposing ; for then, some of their girls were required as pledges
and hostages for the promise they had given to observe peace; now, the request was made
through pure friendship and desire to unite more intimately both Nations, by causing those
young children to be taught the language, and to be brought up according to the manners and
customs of the French ; and as he intended to restore them as soon as they should be required
back, he understood, at the same time, that when he should restore them, they would furnish
others, and thus a perpetual exchange would be established, which would finally and insensibly
lead them to accommodate their manners and customs to ours; that it was quite just that a
Father should always have some of his children by him ; and the same tenderness which
made it so painful for them to furnish him with some of their children, created in him also the
desire of soliciting them. That the comparison of the Hedge-hog, which some of them used
in their speech, pointing to the young men who acted as Onontio's guard, and expressing
surprise at the readiness with which their Fathers had given them up, was in no way
applicable, since so far from having done so through want of tenderness for them, as was the
case of the Hedge-hog in abandoning its young, they, on the contrary, considered that
they could not give them a greater proof of friendship than to place them near a person who
could do them a service and procure advantages for them ; and that Onontios, such as he,
found more embarrassment in refusing those offered by their parents, than difficulty in asking
for them.
112 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Count de Frontenac rose, after having spoken to them in this wise, and told them they could
remain or return to their own Country whenever they pleased ; to which they replied, that
they would occupy a day or two more in preparations for their departure, and would then
come and receive his commands.
The whole day was employed in great industry at the Fort; half the palisades were set,
and Count de Frontenac sent his two bateaux in the morning with Sieur de Brucy to take
whatever had been left at Sieur de La Valterie's post.
ID"". Finished the fort; and as the entire ground was to be inclosed on the following day,
he told the Commanders of the detachments that he required of each no more than an acre
and a half of abatis, after which he should send them home. The consequence was, that
two squads finished the task assigned them that night, and the others were far advanced
with theirs.
20"". The Indians came in the morning to take leave of Count de Frontenac. One set went
to the great village ; others went down to Montreal, and the remainder to Ganeious and Kent6.
He had previously spoken in private to each Captain and Chief of the Five Nations, to whom
he made presents, as well for themselves as for their little children, and all departed so
satisfied that they could not desist from praising the frankness and mildness with which
Onontio treated them.
The Count, perceiving after dinner that the Three Rivers and Saurel detachments had
completed their task, permitted them to leave next morning, and resolved to send away also
those of Du Guay, S' Ours and La Durantaye, he himself resolving to wait, with his
guards, his staff and some volunteers, composing about twenty canoes, the arrival of the
convoy which was sailing from Montreal. But at night he received news which tended to
delay the departure of the squadrons. The Abb6 de Feneloni sent him word that the
Deputies of Ganatoheskiagon, Ganeraski, Kente and Ganeious,^ proposed coming to
Katarakoui, to the number of more than a hundred, on Friday night or Saturday morning at
latest, to present him their respects.
Notwithstanding the officers offered to delay and postpone their departure, he did not wish
to deprive them of the pleasure of returning, and persisted in his first resolution, judging from
' Rev. Francois dk Salignac de Fenelon arrived in Quebec on tlie 27th of June, 1667, and was ordained Priest by Bishop de
Laval, on the 11th of June, 1668. On the loth of September following, he was sent Missionary to an Iroquois tribe ou
the north shore of Lake Ontario. In order to perpetuate the memory of his labors there, his name has been given to a
township in the county of Victoria, C. W. In 1670 he returned to France, in the same ship with Mde. Bourgeoys, foundress
of the Congregation Nunnery at Montreal. Vie de la Scear Bourgeoys, I., 212. In 1673 he accompanied Count de Frontenac
in the expedition above mentioned. Ou his return to Montreal, he sided with Governor Perrot, in the misunderstanding
that occurred between that officer and Count de Frontenac, whose conduct M. Fenelon severely censured in a sermon he
prsached at Easter, 1674. He was, in consequence, cited before the Council at Quebec. On appearing before that body,
he insisted on his privilege of remaining seated and covered when addressing the Council, whose jurisdiction he refused to
acknowledge, and declined to a*nswer all interrogatories. He was thereupon committed to prison, whither M. Perrot had
already been sent. Their coBfiiiement was but short, however, for the whole affair was referred to the King, and nothing
more was heard of the prosecution. Garneau, I., 216, 218. Abb6 Fenelon is said to have returned Innally to France, but at
what precise time is not stated. He was still in Canada in 1676, accordmg to Hennepin. Nouvelle Decouve'rte, Amsterdam,
1694. p. 14. This author confounds him with the celebrated Archbishop of Cambray, and the mistake has been lately
repeated by various writers. That prelate was born in 1651, and ordained at Paris in 1675, by Mgr. de Harlay (Abb^
Ferland's Observations, p. 15), seven years later than the Indian Missionary, who was the Archbishop's half brother. Faillon.
Vie de la Soeur Bourgeoys, I., 178. — Ed.
' Ganadatsiagon, Ganaraskc and Gannejouts will be found mentioned on Vaugondy's map of Canada, 1763, in Mitchell's
map of North America, and in that accompanying Kalm's Travels. Ganatoheskiagon was near Darlington, or Port Hope,
in the Newcastle district; Ganarask6 was the mouth of the river Trent, and Ganneious is now Nappano — all on the north
side of Lake Ontario. Kente is still preserved on modern maps. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 113
the proceedings of the Indians that it was not necessary to take much precaution against
thetn, nor to retain a greater force than he had proposed to keep by liim.
21*'. Therefore, tlie Three Rivers and Saurel squadrons left in the morning, followed in the
afternoon by those of Contrecoeur and Bertier; Count de Frontenac having ordered them to
proceed to Montreal in the same order in which they had come, and to wait the one for the
other in the Rupids, so as to assist each other and to be able to pass through without accident.
The clearing of the interior of the Fort and the construction ol the barracks were continued,
and there arrived two or three canoes of Indians who had left to go to Ganeious. Among
these was the Captain General of all tiie Five Nations, who returned to assist the delegation,
on bging informed that the Deputies of Ganatcheskiagon and the other Northern Villages
were to come to Katarakoiii, in order to assist also at tiieir deliberations. Count de Frontenac
was much pleased at this, perceiving thereby that he persevered in the sentiments of
submission and peace which he assured him he should ever entertain, though naturally lie
might be induced to wage war, and his interests may obviously lead him thereto.
In the evening arrived the Delegates from Ganatcheskiagon, Ganeraske Kente and Ganeious,
to offer the same compliments as the others, so that it may be said that all the Nations to the
North and South of Lake Ontario evinced the same submission to his orders.
22''. The brigades of Dugue, S' Ours and La Durantaye departed at day break; and after
dinner. La Chevrotiere. whom Count de Frontenac dispatched to Montreal from the head of
the Rapids to hasten the Convoy which was to leave that place, brought intelligence that the
canoes would start without fail on the 17"" of this month. This afforded him much pleasure,
hoping, as he did, that he should not have long to wait for them.
23''. Sieur de Brussy returned at eight o'clock in the morning from the post at the head
of tiie Rapids with the two bateaux freighted with provisions which had been left there in
passing, and reported having met one of the brigades on its return ; it had the wind aft and
was making great headway.
Count de Frontenac gave audience, about ten o'clock the same day, to the Deputies of
Ganatcheskiagon, Ganeraske, Kente and Ganeious, who spoke to him in nearly the same
terras as the others, and assured him of their respect and submission.
Having replied forthwith thereto, and expressed his displeasure at their not being in
attendance at the same time as the rest to hear what he had to say, he recapitulated all the
requests he had made, on which he enlarged at considerable length, having exhorted them
particularly to become Christians and to maintain a firm peace and a good understanding with
the French. This they promised to do, assuring him that they should all have but one mind
and one will to obey him.
24"" and SS"". Continued the works as usual, every man exerting himself to forward them ;
and Count de Frontenac designated the Garrison and workmen whom he was to leave in the
Fort after his departure.
26"". Caused to be removed into the store he had constructed, the provisions and ammunition
which were to be left there, and directed what work was to be done during the winter.
2VK He resolved to depart, hoping the Convoy would arrive soon, and that he should meet
it the first day. He accordingly embarked at eight o'clock in the morning, and camped at
Otondiata without hearing of the Convoy, which caused him great uneasiness.
25"". Though the wind was Northeast the camp was broke up at day break ; we had not
made three leagues when the Convoy was perceived to the number of twenty-five Canoes.
Vol. IX. 15
114 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
This gave him the more pleasure, as he learned by the officer in command that every thing
he required had been put on board and was in good condition, except four bags of biscuit
which had been lost in a Canoe that had upset.
Count de Frontenac delayed this officer as little as possible, so that he might not lose the
favorable wind, whereby he could at an early hour the same day reach the fort, which would,
by means of this fleet, have a supply of provisions for one year.
The wind, however fair for those ascending the river, was so contrary for us that we were
forced to halt, half an hour after passing the convoy, and to wait until seven o'clock in the
evening, when, it becoming more calm, we continued the voyage, and after sailing until more
than two hours after midnight, we arrived at the head of the Rapids, at the place called La
Galette, where Sieur de La Valterie was stopping.
29"". Left about eight o'clock in the morning, and, nolfc'ithstanding the excessive heat,
succeeded in passing the Long Sault Rapid and in camping at the Islands at the head of Lake
S' Francis.
SO"". A Northeast wind rose up so strong that we were obliged to remain and wait for fair
weather to cross the Lake. This we did the next day and slept at La Chine.
The first of the month of August. Arrived at Montreal about ten o'clock at night, to the
entire satisfaction of Count de Frontenac ; as out of one hundred and twenty canoes that had
accompanied him, not an accident had occurred to a single one, notwithstanding the perils
ordinarily incurred throughout all the Rapids which must necessarily be passed in such
voyages. To the special protection of God are we indebted for this, as well as for the
successful execution of an enterprise whose importance will, no doubt, be better developed in
the course of time ; since, independent of its securing the entire Country, it also obliges the
Iroquois to keep the peace despite themselves; affiDrds full liberty for the Missionaries to
continue their missions without fear, and secures the trade, which was going to utter ruin.
But what must be more glorious to him is to have effected it by his energy and skill alone ;
and to have executed without troops, without any funds from Court, and without any other
assistance than that afforded by the officers who have settled in the Country, what had
heretofore been considered very difficult, and what people had contented themselves merely
in projecting with considerable aid and means.
'Tis true that justice to all the officers requires us to proclaim that, next to God, whose
will it seemingly was Himself to conduct this enterprise, its principal glory belongs to them,
and that Count de Frontenac is under obligations to preserve for them an eternal gratitude,
and that in no Regiment, however well disciplined and paid it may have been, was there
ever greater vigilance, activity, zeal and obedience observable than were manifested by all
these gentlemen.
M. Colbert to M. de Frontenac.
(Extract.) Paris, 17 May, 1674.
Sir,
Your principal study ought to he to increase the number of the Inhabitants of that country,
as his Majesty has been surprised to see, by the returns you have sent me, that there are only
PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 115
6,705 men, women and children tlitoiighout the whole extent of Canada, and is therefore
satisfied that whoever made up those returns committed a very great error, as the country
contained, ten years ago, more people than at present. Hereafter His Majesty wishes you to
see that those returns are more correct, in order that he may be better informed of the number
of People in that Colony.
His Majesty desires, moreover, that you continue to discipline them by accustoming them to
the constant exercise of arms, and dividing them into companies, according to the Instruction
furnished you previous to your departure.
As to the request the Jesuits made to continue their Missions in the far countries, his
Majesty thinks 'twould be more advantageous both for the Religion and his service if they
attended to those more near, and whilst converting the Indians, lead them to civilized society,
and to abandon their manner of living, in which they can never become good Christians. His
Majesty, however, does not pretend that these good Fathers be in any wise circumscribed in
their functions. He merely desires that you would communicate to them, and gently
encourage them to second, His Majesty's views.
You will readily understand by what I have just told you, and more especially by the state
of affairs in Europe, which I have explained to you at the commencement of this letter, that his
Majesty's intention is not that you undertake great voyages by ascending the river S' Lawrence,
nor that the inhabitants spread themselves, for the future, further than they have already
done. On the contrary, he desires that you labor incessantly and during the whole time you
are in that country to consolidate, collect and form them into Towns and Villages, that they may
be placed in a position the more easily to defend themselves successfully, so that should even
the state of European affairs be altered by a happy and advantageous peace, to his Majesty's
glory and satisfaction, he deems it much more agreeable to the good of this service that you
apply yourself to the clearing and settlement of those tracts which are most fertile and nearest
the sea coasts and the communication with France, than to think of distant discoveries in the
interior of the Country, so far off that they can never be settled nor possessed by Frenchmen.
This general rule may have its exceptions in two cases: — The one, should the countries of
which you take possession be necessary to the trade and traffic of the French, and be open to
discovery and occupation by any other Nation tliat may disturb French commerce and trade.
But when such a category does not exist, his Majesty is always of opinion that you may and
ought to leave the Savages at liberty to bring you their peltries, without giving yourself the
trouble of going so far in search of them.
The other is, that the countries you might discover may approximate you to France by
communicating with some sea, more Southerly than the mouth of the River S' Lawrence, such
as would be the case with Acadia.
The reason for this is, as you are perfectly aware, that the greatest drawback to Canada is
the mouth of that River, which being very much to the North, is open to vessels only for
four to six months in the year.
His Majesty likewise desires that you continue to encourage the Jesuits, the Recollets, the
Montreal Seminary to take young Indians, to rear and instruct them in the Faith and lead them
to associate with the French.
He likewise wishes you to see that the Vessel, which has been begun, be completed as soon
as possible and be ready for its freight to be sent to France; and he desires that this Vessel
may be an example to induce the Inhabitants to build some others for their own trade.
116 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
In regard to Sieur de Villeray, his Majesty has always «nderstood that he was the wealthiest
of all the inhabitants of Canada, the most extensive merchant, and even that he already had
some vessels at sea which had opened a trade with the American Islands; and as his Majesty
has invariably stated to you that nothing was more important and necessary than such
establishments, those, therefore, who apply themselves thereto ought assuredly possess the
greater share of your confidence and good graces, in order that, by the favorable treatment they
experience at your hands, they may be invited to increase that trade, and their example
induce others to apply themselves thereto. This assuredly is the rule and order you ought to
observe ; and though you may meet with some imperfections in these sort of people, it is
necessary to dissimulate and bear with them, inasmuch as the good of which they are capable
greatly exceeds the harm; and as the Company had commissioned said Villeray to receive
the ten per cent duties, you ought not to give that office to any other, on the pretext that said
Villeray is attached to the Jesuits.
Count de Frontenac to M. Colbert.
Extracts from the General Memoir addressed to the Minister, by M. de
Frontenac, On the State of Canada in 1674.
froq'u. .i»°8mong ih/ ^- Hiiving received your orders very late, and given instructions quite recently
Jesuits BiDce last ^^^ taking the Census, which had been already begun, I know not whether it can
be finished before the departure of the vessels, nor whether I shall have it in my power to send
it to you this year. But you shall have it next year, at farthest, with as much exactness as
possible, for I shall not seek to conceal anything from you. You will find at the settlement of
La Prairie de la Madelaine, belonging to the Jesuit Fathers, a considerable increase of Iroquois,
who have come to settle there since last year, and are resolved to make a fixed and
permanent abode there.
t^'peopie'{hfc™n-' N° person can desire more earnestly than I the increase of the number of
ihirnbawiantj'.''''"'' inhabitants in a Country which I have the honor to command, and therefore it is
that I shall use my every effort, both to discipline them and accustom them to the use of arms,
there being a greater necessity than ever for it, and the example of what occurred at Acadia
(of which I shall have the honor of speaking to you by and by) warning us to be more on
our guard for fear of being surprised.
With that view, I have renewed the orders I had already issued to all the Governors,
Commandants and Seigniors of the settlements to have their people drilled as often as possible,
who are divided into Companies, to which I have appointed Officers, Sergeants and Corporals.
But I find it very difficult to constrain them to keep arms, powder and lead, as much in
consequence of the poverty of the most part of them, as on account {of 90 — 20. 21. 39. 69 18
Want of arms, pow- ^'''•' '''^ Scarcity of arms and amtiiunilion existing this year in the Country, where only
deranuhad. three vessels have arrived, and brought scarcely anij.^
' The words in italics are in ciphers in the oiiginaL
PARIS DOCUMENTS: I. 117
You will please to observe, My Lord, that a great quantity of arms and powder is every year
absorbed by the Indian trade, and the hunting wliich is prosecuted every winter by the French,
who, in their necessity, part even with their guns, for which they find a ready sale; neither do
the merchants ever bring enough of these, and had not the King reserved some in his stores
for unforeseen use, the same difficulties would always recur.
It is several years since any poivder or other muni/ions have been sent hither, and therefore
what remained is consumed, notwithstanding I economized it as much as possible since I have
been here.
I found here only about 4,000 pounds of coarse, and a hundred pounds of fine powder, as you may
see by the returns I sent you the first year I came here; and you will judge from these that
there cannot be imich rcmahi'mg. You will have also seen the number of balls, which is very small,
and though a ball has not been fired, we should not have enough for two days, were we attacked.
I see no remedy for that, except such as it will be in your power to supply from France,
should the War, and other more important affairs, allow you to provide for those of this
Country, which is deeply interested in wishing for a solid and permanent peace.
I have not failed to order all the merchants to retain half the powder and guns they received
this year, and not to part with them before the summer, nor until we shall have heard what
the Dutch intend to do in our River, which, I think, is one of our strongest defences, in
consequence of the difficulty in ascending it.
fenaTa'''from''Nrdo ^^- ^^ ^^^ ^^^^ Same zcal that led me last year to undertake the voyage to
toTakeOnVrST L^kc Ontario, the effect and utility of which have been perceptible this year,
since the way I managed the Indians, and the post I erected, are the sole causes that prevented
the Iroquois adhering to the Dutch, who sent twenty Ambassadors this year among them, to
engage them to renew the war against us; but they remained faithful to the promises they
gave me ; have come this year in solemn Embassy to Montreal to give me eight of their
children, belonging to the principal and first families of their Villages; have there ratified all
the conditions of the Treaty concluded last year with them; have promised to prevent the
Mohegans of Taracton, a Nation bordering on New Netherland, continuing hostilities against
the Outawacs, seven or eight of whom they killed, which may be of important consequence;
and promised not to prosecute the Trade that, I advised you last year, they had begun at
Gandaschekiagon with the Outawas,' and which would have ruined ours by carrying to the
Dutch the peltries they might collect. In fine, they evinced such thorough submission, were
80 affected by the good treatment, presents and entertainments they received, that every
body in this Country is surprised to see them in these sentiments. But what creates more
profound astonishment is, to see that they have granted me what they invariably refused all
Governors, and what M. de Tracy and M. de Courcelles never could obtain from them, after
haying defeated them, and after having gone to burn them in their Villages.
The Jesuit Fathers, who know them better than any one, were at first deceived, and could
never believe, until they had seen it, that they had resolved to give me their children.
Nevertheless, here are eight that I have in my hands, who are so many hostages, responsible
to me for the peace so necessary to this Colony, and which they would not dare, henceforward,
to break.
'SeeBupra, Note 2, p. 112. The water communication north of Rice Lake, in Canada West, through which this trade
was probably carried on, will be found laid down in Bouchettes Map of Canada, 1831. — Ed.
118 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
The alms the King has been pleased to bestow on the Ursuline Nuns has arrived quite
L^retaryTibiiSs Seasonably for the support of these children, as I had placed the fourteen* girls
mtended to write ^j^j^ ^jjgjj-,^ which, with the six Hurou girls they already had, naake at present ten
little female savages, vs'hom they instruct so successfully as to edify every one.
I have agreed with them that eight of those children shall be supported out of the thousand
livres the King gave, which is about forty ecus each, and that I should pay the board of the
other two from the charities some private persons sent me from France, in consequence of
what I had written to them.
In regard to the four Iroquois boys, I placed two of them, who are very young, to board
with a woman who has great care of them, where they are supported on the remainder of
the charity I have received ; the other two, who are about nine or ten years old, I shall rear in
my own family, at my own expense, and send them for Instruction, daily, to the Jesuit Fathers.
If it be his Majesty's intention to continue the thousand livres annually to the Ursulines,
they offer to establish a Seminary of Female Indians, where the King will always have eight
supported; this number will be increased by other private charities of those who will be
inclined to aid in so pious a work, which I consider the most meritorious in the sight of God
and the most useful for this Colony that can ever be proposed.
Be pleased, My Lord, to communicate your intentions hereupon to the Bishop of Quebec,
before he return to this Country, in order that those good Ladies may be able to arrange
their plans accordingly, and have the clothes and other necessaries for that establishment
brought from France next year.
If the erection of Fort Frontenac has been productive of the effects that I have described to
you above, and (insured) the safety of the Missionaries among the Iroquois, who are never
weary of thanking me, as the Secretary by whom I send this can show you from several of
their letters, it has also been not less advantageous to commerce, for never since the French
came to Canada have so many Indians been seen down in Montreal as this year. The
Iroquois, who used to come hither only in spring and towards summer, and not leave it
the whole winter, and the Outawacs, who came there towards the month of July to attend the
Great Trade, have come down this year in such great numbers that there were as many as
eight hundred at one time. It was a pleasure to see them mingled with the Iroquois, who had
accompanied their ambassadors, and who had been formerly their bitterest enemies, and to
remark the submissiveness with which they observed all the regulations I had made to prevent
any disorders in trading. Therefore, never has so quiet a sale been witnessed; not a single
complaint having been made by an Indian against a French person, nor by the French against
an Indian. All the French, as well simple traders as wealthy settlers (gros Jiabitans), made
profitable purchases there, and the Indians, on their side, were satisfied at the prices at which
goods were sold them.
They received no less attention, presents, and public festivities, at which they assisted "to
the number of 800, and private entertainments which I always had during their stay; and
if the expectations they had conceived, on receipt of the news of what passed last year at
Cataracouy, had attracted hither this season four or five new tribes, who had never before
descended thus far, I hope there will be a great many more of them next year.
Foniwcna"' •'^ " those Considerations coinciding with the two that you have
laid down to me in your dispatches, relative to new establishments, united witli the
representations of Sieurs Bazire and Le Ber, who with the principal people of the Country are
PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. UQ
persuaded that the security and preservation of the Trade depend on that of this Post, have
determined me to find the means to support it without any charge to the King, since he will
not in the present state of his affairs incur any extraordinary outlay. And as I could not
support it any longer at my own expense, as I have done for tlie last year, I placed it in their
hands according to the terms you will find in the agreement I made with them, and which I
send you, marked letter D.
If you grant them the privileges they ask, and which, costing the King nothing, will in no
wise prejudice the country, they will continue the undertaking, unless you absolutely desire
that post to be abandoned. I shall go next year and pull down the Fort, if necessary, with as
much alacrity as I had pleasure in seeing it constructed.
Grants of land in No person is morc persuaded than I that the good of this Colony demands
Canada nn longer r r n j
TO^Iifn "n\be exi *'^'^'- d^ants ( CoTicessions ) be not extended except in the cases you point out to
anuEngiuh.''"'"'' ™^* I*- '^ ^ gospel I have preached ever since I came to this Country, where I
have not made any new grants of land, except in the vicinity of the old ones, to the increase
of which they may contribute. For it is certain that the Country will never be thoroughly
formed until it will have towns and villages.
This, however, will never be accomplished unless by following the example the English and
Dutch have set in their country; which is, to designate the place where the Indian trade will
be carried on, with a prohibition to pursue it in private settlements, or to take possession of
Rapids and carrying places, as persons of all sorts of professions are in the habit of doing here,
by virtue of grants they formerly obtained, and which ought to be revoked, so as to force them
to settle in the towns, where the Indians would be obliged to come, as there would be nobody to
stop them on the way.
It is thus our neighbors have built up Manatte and Orange; and we, too, would have towns
in this Country had we observed the same strictness. But to effect that, the people must
be accustomed to less license; more authority must be given, or larger means to chastise
them afforded.
Capture of Penta- HI- Though I bc Overwhelmed with despair in having to speak to you of all
by"ihe'"Buccaneera thcse coutcsts, and to have nothing but disagreeable news to communicate, I
of Saint Domingo. r i o o
The English of Bo9- canuot forbear advising you of the misfortune that has overtaken M. deChambly;
ton co-operate in ° J J '
?8\yTilppr>fhg a ^^ '^'^ wound and of the capture of Pentagouet, and of Gemseq on the River Saint
Pilot to the Pirates. JqJ^^^ jjjjJ ^f gigur dc Marsou, who commanded there. What I know of it, from
a letter Sieur de Chambly wrote me, is, that he was attacked on the lO"" August by a
Buccaneering Vessel which came from Saint Domingo and had touched at Boston ; that she
bad one hundred and ten men on board, who, after landing, kept up their attack for an hour;
that he received a musket shot through the body, which put him hors de combat, whereupon
his Ensign and the remainder of the Garrison, consisting, with the settlers, of only thirty
ill affected and badly armed men, immediately surrendered at discretion ; that the pirates
plundered the Fort, removed all the cannon, and were to carry Sieur de Chambly to Boston
( with Sieur de Marson, to capture whom they sent a detachment into the river Saint John),
having demanded from him a ransom of a thousand Beavers. As I did not receive this news
until the close of September, by Indians whom Sieur de Chambly dispatched to me with
his Ensign to conjure me to give orders for his ransom, and as only one month of navigation
remained, I was unable to send help to Acadia, even had I the articles necessary for that
purpose. I contented myself with sending some persons with Canoes to endeavor to obtain
120 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
information as to the condition tlie fort was left in, and whether any attempt was made against
Port Royal, with orders to bring back Miss de Marson and those who remain on the River
Saint John; and to send bills of Exchange lo a correspondent at Boston, that Sieur Formont
furnished me, for the ransom of M. de Chambly, which I am obliged to instruct my Agent at
Rochelle to pay, considering that it is not for the honor of the King, for which I shall always
sacrifice whatever little property I possess, to abandon a Governor, in presence of our neighbors,
to the mercy of pirates, who would have taken him along with them and perhaps killed him ;
this poor gentleman, moreover, assuredly deserving, by his merits and long service, a better fate.
I also wrote a letter to the Governor of Boston to express my astonishment at seeing him,
whilst Peace existed betvfeen his Majesty and the King of England, furnishing a retreat to
Pirates and Ruffians without a commission, after liaving so gravely insulted us; and that for
mine own part, had I acted so, I should deem myself failing in the orders I received to cultivate
a good correspondence with them. I am persuaded those of Boston have employed these
people to perpetrate this outrage on us, having supplied them even with an English Pilot to
conduct them, bearing with impatience our vicinity and the constraint which this places upon
them in their fisheries and trade.
Frontenac, IV. I havc Conformed to the orders you gave me to continue to encourage the
icra he has re- Jesuits, the Seminary of Montreal, and the RecoUets to take vounar Indians for
ved, inviles the ■' ' J O-
feuto^rea^upfJuMg ^^^ purposc of instructing them in the faith and civilizing them. The last ask
ludians. nothing better, and exert themselves in that way at tlie Cataracouy Mission,
where they assuredly will succeed. As for the others, I have shown them an example, and
demonstrated to them that, whenever they are disposed to make use of the credit and influence
which they have with the Indians, they will civilize them, and have, like me, some of their
children.
hi"e"pi'riencr8*'''il! ^^^ '^Js a thing they never will do, unless absolutely constrained thereto by
Jesuu F"ihe*l!" ""* reasons I have already stated to you, and which it is useless to repeat.
They will act in like manner respecting the extent of their missions, on which subject I
have spoken to them in the manner you ordered, but in vain, they having declared to me they
were here only to endeavor to instruct the Indians, or rather, to get Beavers, and not to be
Parish priests to the French.
They have affirmed the same within eight days, and withdrew two Fathers whom they
always kept at their settlement at Cape de la Madelaine, one of the most populous in this
country, because a sufficient number of Indians do not resort there at this moment; and when
I wished to represent mildly to the Father Superior the inconvenience the people were subjected
to for want of spiritual aid, he did not hesitate to give to me the same reasons that I have
already stated to you.
Nevertheless, after having resolved not to leave any of their Fathers there, the charitable
admonitions 1 addressed to them have obliged them, within a few days, to alter their
determination, and the Superior has since come to inform me that they would leave one there,
but I believe that will be only for this winter, and to permit the great noise it has made to
blow over.
Demands Recoiiet If the RecoUet Fathers were more numerous, and were employed, they would
Fathers to oppose ji i i .^ ./
the Jesuits; that assurcdly do wonders in the missions; but the two whom you did me the honor
order already excites ^ '^ "^
theirenvy. {q inform me that you demanded last year did not come, nor the four this year.
I presume they were retarded by some mysterious means, as there begins to be great jealousy
of them, however fair a face be shown them.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 121
They require active members, and to be more numerous, and that you should tejl the
Bishop that you desire him not to allow them to remain idle, but that he send them into
adjoining and distant missions. The Superior who came last year is a very great Preaciier;
he has cast into the shade and given some chagrin to those in this country, who certainly are
not so able.
V. I would mention a great many other matters to you were I not ashamed of the length of
this despatch, and were not my Secretary in a position to give you the information in case you
desire it. I shall merely say, that we have not a single gunner here. This is a very necessary
person, whenever the King will be pleased to incur this expense. Two Interpreters, one for
the Huron, another for the Algonquin language, are not less necessary, in order that we may
• Jesuits, no doubt, not pass through the hands of the 212* when treating with the Indians,
especially as we can have faithful persons who are attached to the King's interests and service,
to tell them what is proper for them to hear; and to know, also, exactly their answers
and sentiments.
South sea!"™"^ ° to dispatch for the discovery of the South Sea, has returned three months ago,
and discovered some very fine Countries, and a navigation so easy through tiie beautiful rivers
he has found, that a person can go from Lake Ontario and Fort Frontenac in a bark to the
Gulf of Mexico, there being only one carrying place, half a league in length, where Lake
Ontario communicates with Lake Erie. A settlement could be made at this point and another
bark built on Lake Erie.
These are projects which it will be possible to effect when Peace will be firmly established,
and whenever it will please the King to prosecute these discoveries.
He has been within ten days' journey of the Gulf of Mexico, and believes that water
communications could be found leading to the Vermilion' and California seas, by means of the
river that flows from the West into the Grand River that he discovered, which runs from North
to South, and is as large as the Saint Lawrence opposite Quebec.
I send you by my Secretary the Map he has made of it, and the observations he has been
able to recollect, as he has lost all his minutes and journals in the shipwreck he suffered
within sight of Montreal, where, after having completed a voyage of twelve hundred leagues,
he was near being drowned, and lost all his papers and a little Indian whom he brought from
those Countries. These accidents have caused me great regret.
He left with -the Fathers at the Sault S'= Marie, in Lake Superior, copies of his journals;
these we cannot get before next year. You will glean from them additional particulars of
this discovery, in which he has very well acquitted himself.
Quebec, this 14 November, 1674. Frontenac.
' The Gulf of California was calLid by the Spaniards Mar de Cortes, or more commonly Mar Bermejo, from its reseitiblance
in shape and color to the Red Sea. In ignorance of this fact, the French translated Bermejo by the word " Vermeille." Shea'»
Discovery of the Mississippi, 4. — Ed.
Vol. IX.
122 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Sieur de la /Salle's Petition for a grant of Fort Frontenac. 1674.
Memoir for the maintenance of Fort Frontenac.
The proposer, aware of the importance to the Colony qf Canada of the establishment of
Fort Frontenac, of which he was some time in command, and desiring to employ his means
and his life in the King's service and for the augmentation of the Country, offers to support it
at his expense, and to reimburse its cost on the following conditions, to wit:
That his Majesty be pleased to grant in Seigniory to the Proposer the said Fort, four
leagues of country along the border of Lake Frontenac, the two Islands in front named
Ganounkouenot and Kaouenesgo and the interjacent Islets, with the same Rights and
Privileges obtained hitherto by those who hold lands in the country in Seigniory, with the
right of fishing in Lake Frontenac and the adjoining Rivers, to facilitate the support of
the people of said Fort, together with the command of said place and of said Lake, under
the orders and authority of His Majesty's Governor, Lieutenant General in the Country; on
which condition the proposer will be bound:
1". To maintain the said fort; to place it in a better state of defence ; to keep a garrison
there at least as numerous as that of Montreal, and as many as fifteen to twenty laborers
during the two first years to clear and till the land ; to provide it with necessary artillery,
arms and ammunition, and that so long as the proposer will command there in his Majesty's
name, and until some other persons be authorized to settle above the Long Saut of the River
Saint Lawrence, through which people pass to said fort; without being charged with similar
expense, or to contribute to that which the Proposer will be obliged to incur for the
preservation of said Fort.
2*. To repay Count de Frontenac, His Majesty's Governor and Lieutenant General in
Canada, the expense he incurred for the establishment of said Fort, amounting to the sum of
twelve to thirteen thousand livres, as proved by the statements thereof prepared.
S"". To make grants of land to all those willing to settle there in the manner usual in said
Country; to allow them the trade (la trake), when their settlements will be in the condition
required by the edicts and regulations of the Sovereign Council of said Country.
4"". To attract thither the greatest number possible of Indians ; to grant them land for
villages and tillage ; to teach them trades, and to induce them to lead lives more conformable
to ours, as the proposer had begun to do with some success when he commanded there.
S"-. To build a Church when there will be one hundred persons; meanwlTile, to entertain
from this moment one or two Recollet Friars to perform divine service and administer the
Sacraments there.
6"". His Majesty, accepting these proposals, is very humbly supplicated to grant to the
Proposer Letters of Noblesse, in consideration of the voyages and discoveries which he made
in the Country at his expense during the seven years he continually lived there, the services
he rendered in the Country and those he will continue to render ; and all the other letters
necessary to serve him as titles possessory to said Seigniory.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 123
M. Colbert to Count de Frontenac.
St Germain en Laye, 15 March, 1675.
Sir,
I shall commence answering the letter you wrote me on the 14"" Nov'' last by notifying you
that you will have to write, for the future, directly to the King, and not to me, as you now
do; and that you will be required to render his Majesty an exact and detailed account, not
only of every thing that passes in New France, but of every thing you think, necessary to be
done there for the good of his service, in whatever may relate to war, justice, police, and the
increase of the Colony, and you will receive in return letters and orders from his Majesty.
I shall say further, that you who are Lieutenant General of the King's Armies and
Commander-in-Chief of a Country, ought not to style me My Lord, but, simply. Sir. This I
omitted to communicate to you until now. #*##*•
You cannot do any thing more agreeable to his Majesty than to labor continually to increase
settlers. You can easily effect this by keeping them at peace with the Iroquois and other
Indian Nations of said Country. The post you have occupied at Lake Ontario will, doubtless,
accomplish this; and his Majesty has been much pleased to learn that the Iroquois have given
you eight of their Children as hostages of the Peace they are to observe, and that more than
eight hundred Indians came down to Montreal last year. He is fully persuaded that by
treating them well, and giving them to understand that he will cause those to be severely
punished who violate the Peace which has been conceded to them, they will not only be
disposed to associate with his subjects, but will even increase the fur trade which is the sole
means to strengthen and enrich the Colony. *#»***
His Majesty is also confident that the example you have given the Jesuits and the Montreal
Seminary, by assuming the charge of some little Indians, will induce them also to rear and
instruct some others in our customs and the principles of Christianity ; and his Majesty orders
me to mention to you on this point the propriety of exciting those Ecclesiastics to take charge,
voluntarily, of those little Indians, but that it is not feasible to constrain them to do so.
Grant of Fort Frontenac to- Sieur de la Salle.
Decree accepting the Proposals to Robert Cavelier, Sieur de la Salle.
Compeigne, 13 May, 1675.
The King having caused to be examined, in his Council, the proposals made by Robert
Cavelier, S' de la Salle, setting forth that if it should please his Majesty to grant him, his
heirs, successors and assigns, the Fort called Frontenac, situate in New France, with four
leagues of adjacent Country, the Islands named Ganounkouesnot and Kaouonesgo, and the
adjoining Islets, with the right of hunting and fishing on said lands, and in the Lake called
Ontario or Frontenac, and circumjacent Rivers, the whole by title of Fief, Seigniory and
justice, appeals from the judges of which will lie to the Lieutenant General of Quebec^with
124 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
the Government of said Fort Frontanac, and letters of Noblesse, he would cause considerable
property he possesses in this Kingdom to be transported to the said country of New France,
for the erection and establishment there of settlements which may, in the lapse of time,
contribute greatly to the augmentation of Colonies in said country; said de la Salle offers to
reimburse the sum of ten thousand livres, the amount expended for the construction of said
Fort Frontenac, to keep in good order the said Fort, and the garrison necessary for the defence
thereof, which cannot be less than that of the Fort of Montreal ; to maintain twenty men
during nine years' for clearing the land which shall be conceded to him; and, until he shall
have a church built, to keep a Priest or Friar to perform Divine Service and administer the
Sacraments ; which expenses, &c., the said de la Salle will defray at his sole cost and charges,
until there be established above the Long sault, called Garonouoy. some individuals with
similar Grants to that he demands, in which case those who will have obtained said grants
shall be bound to contribute to the said expenses in proportion to the lands which will be
granted to them. And having heard the Report of Sieur Colbert, Councillor of the King in
his Royal Council, and Comptroller General of Finances, his Majesty in Council hath accepted
and doth accept the said de la Salle's offers, hath in consequence granted to him the propriety
of said Fort called Frontenac, and four leagues of adjacent country, computing at two thousand
toises each league, along the lakes and rivers above and below said Fort, and half a league, or
one thousand toises, inland; the Islands named Ganounkouesnot and Kaouonesgo, and the
adjacent Islands, with the right of hunting and fishing on said Lake Ontario and circumjacent
rivers; the whole by title of Fief, and in full seigniory and justice, on condition that he cause
to be conveyed immediately to Canada all the effects he possesses in this Kingdom, which
cannot be less than the sum of ten thousand livres in money or movables; that he produce a
certificate from Count de Frontenac, his Majesty's Lieutenant General in said country;
reimburse the sum of ten thousand livres expended in the construction of said Fort; put
and maintain it in a good state of defence; pay and support the garrison necessary to guard and
defend it, which is to be equal at least to that of Montreal ; likewise maintain tvpenty men
during two years to clear the land, who shall not be otherwise employed during that time ;
cause a church to be erected within the six first years of his grant, and meanwhile to support a
Priest or Friar for the administration of the Sacraments; also, induce the Indians to repair
thither, give them settlements and form Villages there in society with the French, to whom he
shall give part of said land to be cleared, all which shall be cleared and improved within the
time and space of twenty years, to be computed from the next 1676 ; otherwise his Majesty
shall be at liberty, at the expiration of said time, to dispose of the lands which will not have
been cleared or improved. His Majesty wills that appeals from the judges (to be appointed
by the said de la Salle within the limits of the said Country conceded by his Majesty) lie to the
Lieutenant General of Quebec; and to that end his Majesty wills that all Donatory and
Concessionary Letters hereunto necessary be issued to the said de la Salle, together with
those for the government of said Fort Frontenac, and letters of Noblesse for him and
his posterity.
' Further down tlie text is Iwo years.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. 125
Patent of Nolnlity for Sieur Cavelier de la Salle.
Louis, by the Grace of God King of France and of Navarre, to all present and to come.
Greeting. The Kings, our predecessors, having always esteemed honor to be the most
powerful motive to stimulate their subjects to generous actions, have been careful to
distinguish by marks of dignity those whose extraordinary virtue hath rendered them deserving
thereof; and as We are informed of the worthy deeds daily performed by the people of
Canada, either in reducing or civilizing the savages, or in defending themselves against their
frequent insults and those of the Iroquois, and, finally, in despising the greatest dangers,
in order to extend Our name and Our empire to the extremity of that new world; We
have considered it but just on our part to distinguish by honorable rewards those who have
rendered themselves most eminent, in order to excite others to deserve like favors.
Wherefore, being desirous to treat favorably Our dear and well beloved Robert Cavelier,
Sieur de la Salle, on account of the good and laudable report that has been rendered of
the worthy actions he has performed in the country of Canada, where he has been some
years settled, and for other considerations Us moving hereunto, and of Our special grace,
full power, and royal authority, We have ennobled, and by these presents, signed by Our
hand, do ennoble and decorate with the title and quality of Nobility, the said Cavelier,
together with his wife and children, posterity and issue, both male and female, born and to
be born in lawful wedlock. We will, and it is Our pleasure, that in all acts, as well inclusive
as exclusive of judgment, they be taken, deemed and reputed noble, bearing the rank of
Esquire, with power to reach all ranks of knighthood and gendarmerie;' to acquire, hold and
possess all sorts of fief and seigniory and hereditaments noble, of what title and quality soever
they may be, and enjoy all honors, authorities, prerogatives, preeminences, privileges,
franchises, -exemptions and immunities which the other Nobles of Our kingdom enjoy and
are wont to enjoy and use, and to bear such arms as are affixed thereunto, without the said
Robert Cavelier paying Us or Our successors, kings, herefor any fee or indemnity, be the
amount thereof what it may; We have discharged and do discharge him, and have donated and
do hereby donate him the whole, for causes and reasons entered in the arret of Our Council,
issued this date in Our Presence, copy whereof shall remain annexed hereunto under the
counterseal of Our Chancery. Therefore We command our loving and faithful Councillors,
those composing Our Court of Parliament at Paris, Chamber of Accounts, Court of Aids at
the same place, that they do Enregister this present Patent of Nobility, and allow and
permit the said Robert Cavelier, his children and posterity, born and to be born in lawful
wedlock, to use and enjoy the contents thereof, fully, peaceably and perpetually, determining
and putting an end to all troubles and obstructions, all edicts and declarations, arrets,
regulations and other things to the contrary notwithstanding, which we have derogated, and
by these presents do derogate. For such is Our Pleasure. And in order that this be firm,
stable and everlasting. We have hereunto affixed Our Seal. Given at Compeigne, the 13"" of
May, in the year of grace One thousand six hundred and seventy-five, and of Our Reign
the thirty-third.
' Gendarmerie; a sort of royal cavalry, consisting of the king's, queen's and dauphin's companies, &c. They were com-
manded by the king, queen and princes, whose names they bore. Their arms were a sabre, musquetoon and stone pistols;
their uniform a scarlet jacket with velvet facings. Diet, de Richelet. — Ed.
12-6 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Louis XIV. to Count de Frontenac.
S' Germain, 15 April, 1676.
Monsieur le Comte de Frontenac.
You ouglit to attend to the punctual execution of the order I gave Sieur Duchesneau to
have a general Census of all the Inhabitants, of ail ages and sexes, prepared, as I cannot
persuade myself that there are only 7,832 persons, men, women, boys and girls, in the entire
Country, having caused a much greater number to be sent over within the fifteen or sixteen
years that I have had charge of it. A considerable portion of the Inhabitants must of necessity
have been omitted. I wish, therefore, that a more exact enumeration be made, and that I be
carefully informed, every year, of the number of children which will be born in the course of
each year, and of the boys and giris, natives of the Country, who will have been married.
In regard to new discoveries, you ought not to turn your attention thereunto without urgent
necessity and very great advantage, and you ought to hold it as a maxim, that it is much better
to occupy less territory and to people it thoroughly, than to spread one self out more, and to
have feeble colonies which can be easily. destroyed by any sort of accident.
On the subject of Commerce and the Indian trade, I am very happy to tell you that you
must not suffer any person, invested with Ecclesiastical or Secular dignity, or any Religious
Community, to follow it in any wise, under any pretext whatsoever, nor even to trade in any
peltries ; and I consider it unnecessary to tell you that, for the sake of example, you ought not
to allow any of your domestics, nor any other person, in your name or by your authority, to
do so ; and I even forbid you ever to issue any license or permit for the (Indian) trade.
Louis XIV. to Count de Frontenac.
Dunkirk, 28 April, 1677.
Monsieur le Comte de Frontenac.
I cannot but approve what you have done in your voyage to Fort Frontenac to reconcile
the minds of the Five Iroquois Nations, and to clear yourself from the suspicions they had
entertained, and from the motives that might induce them to wage war. You must exert
yourself to maintain peace and good understanding between those people and my subjects;
without, however, so far relying on the precautions you adopt for that purpose as not to be,
and not to place the said Inhabitants, in a position vigorously to oppose and effectually to
repel all incursions those people may make.
Moreover, I wish you to cultivate a good understanding with the English, and to be careful
not to give them any cause of complaint — without, however, permitting any thing contrary to
the Treaties I have concluded with the King, their Master.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : 11. 127
It only remains for me to repeat to you the orders I have issued, each preceding year,
continually to encourage the Inhabitants to Maritime Commerce, to the establishment of
Manufactures and fisheries, being certain that these three points are very easy means to
produce abundance in the country, and the consequent multiplication of the Inhabitants.
Doubting not your exact conformity hereunto, I pray God to have you, Monsieur le Comte
de Frontenac, in His holy keeping. Written at Dunkirk, the 2S"' day of April, 1677.
( Signed ) Louis.
and lower down,
Colbert.
License to Slew de la Salle to Discover the Western part of Neto France.
Louis, by the grace of God King of France and of Navarre, To Our dear and well beloved
Robert Cavalier, Sieur de la Salle, Greeting: We have favorably received the most humble
petition presented to Us in your name, to permit you to endeavor to discover the Western part
of New France; and We have the more willingly assented to that proposal as there is nothing
We have more at heart than the Discovery of that Country, where there is a prospect of
finding a way to penetrate as far as Mexico, the success of which, to Our satisfaction and the
advantage of Our subjects in that Country, We have every reason to expect from the application
you have exhibited in clearing the lands We granted you by the Arret of Our Council of the
IS"" May, 1675, and Letters Patent of the same date, in forming Settlements on said lands,
and in placing Fort Frontenac, whereof We have granted you the Seigniory and government,
in a good state of defence. These and other causes Us moving hereunto. We have permitted,
and by these Presents, signed by Our hand, do permit you to labor in the Discovery of the
Western part of New France ; and for the execution of this undertaking, to construct forts in
the places you may think necessary, whereof We will that you enjoy the same clauses and
conditions as of Fort Frontenac, according and conformably to Our said Letters Patent of the
13"" May, 1675, which We have, as far as necessary, confirmed, and by these Presents do
confirm. We Will that they be executed according to their form and tenor; on condition,
nevertheless, that you complete this enterprise within five years, in default whereof, these
presents shall be null and void ; and that you do not carry on any Trade with the Savages
called Outaouacs and others who carry their Beavers and other p.eltries to Montreal ; that you
perform the whole at your expense and that of your associates, to whom We have granted, as
a privilege, the trade in Cibola skins. We command Count de Frontenac, Our Governor
and Lieutenant-General, and Sieur Duchesneau, Intendant of Justice, Police and Finance, and
the Officers composing the Sovereign Council in said Country, to aid in the execution of these
Presents, For such is Our pleasure. Given at S' Germain en laye, the twelfth day of May,
1678, and of our reign the 35"'.
^ Louis.
Colbert.
128 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Louis XIV. to Count de Frontenac.
S' Germain en Laye, 12 May, 1678.
Monsieur le Comte de Frontenac.
I am well pleased to learn that you have always maintained my authority in the different
treaties you have entered into with the Iroquois and other Indian tribes, and in regard to the
pretension of the General Major Anglois;' my intention is that you always contribute whatever
lies in your power to maintain peace between the two Nations, without, however, allowing
any encroachment on the countries under my domination.
I am equally well pleased that the education of the Indian children continues. Endeavor
to increase their number; and though it be proper to give their parents to understand that
they are not restalned by force, it is well to retain the greatest number possible of them.
I highly approve your having given orders to Sieur de Marson, commandant of Acadia, to
keep on good terms with the English, in order that no rupture may occur.
Louis XIV. to Count de Frontenac.
Monsieur le Comte de Frontenac,
Do not fall to advise me frequently of what transpires between the Indians and the
European nations established near New France, and the success of the war that exists
between them.
I desire, morever, that you constantly maintain peace, friendship and good correspondence
with the English and Dutch, without, however, foregoing any of the rights and advantages
appertaining either to my Crown or my subjects in that country; wherefore, I rely on your
observing the prudence necessary for my service and that of my subjects.
I recommend you likewise to keep my subjects always in peace and union among themselves
as much as lies In your power, and in any difficulty you may experience there, exert yourself
to preserve them safe from dangers without, and always to take care that justice be well
administered within; you will effect this end more easily than you imagine, particularly if you
take care that crime be certainly punished, and if you break up Coureurs des bois and
hunters who contribute only to the destruction of the Colonies and not to their prosperity, and
thereby oblige every person to apply himself to Agriculture, the clearing of land and the
establishment of Manufactures and Trade.
Written at S' Germain en Laye, the SS"" day of April, 1679.
Louis.
«
' " Le General Major Angloia." I presume this last word ought to have been Androa ; but I have followed the text. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. 129
Count de Frontenac to the King.
Extracts of a Memoir addressed to the King by M. de Frontenac.
Quebec, 6 November, 1679.
Sire
I. All tbe wonders that constantly attended your Majesty's arms, from the commencement of
this War, could be surpassed only by a prodigy as surprising as that of the glorious Peace'
which you have just given to all Europe.
This grand work fills your subjects of New France with universal joy, in the hope they
entertain of soon experiencing the effects of that goodness with wiiicii your Majesty is pleased
to promise them that he will think of the preservation and increase of this Colony.
I shall not omit, Sire, whatever depends on my care to encourage those composing it to
labor with still greater ardor in tlie cultivation of their lands, in Trade and the establishment
of Manufactures, and principally in maintaining them in that peace and union among
themselves which your Majesty inculcates in all your despatches.
If hitherto I have been fortunate enough to prevent what might disturb this tranquillity
without, I hope I may not be less so within, and that with your Majesty's aid every thing
shall be peaceable there as well as on the part of the Indians.
I have received divers advices from the Jesuit Fathers and other Missionaries, that General
Andros was soliciting the Iroqouis, underhand, to break with us, and was about convoking a
Meeting of the Five Nations, to propose, it was reported, strange matters there, of a nature to
disturb our Trade with them and also that of the Outawas and the Nations to the North
and West.
Nevertheless I learn, from the last letters I have seen, that this meeting did not take place,
and that the Small Pox, which is the Indian plague, desolates them to such a degree that they
think no longer of Meeting nor of Wars, but only of bewailing the dead, of whom there is
already an immense number.
As they have brought this disease from Orange and Manatte, it will be a reason to dissuade
them as much as possible from continuing their trade there, [and to invite them to pursue it
much more with us.
The same letters. Sire, state that General Andros has issued orders at Orange to remove the
Frenchmen who retire thither to Manatte, whence he afterwards sends them to the Island of
Barbadoes ; but that he has retained there and even well treated a man named Pere, and
others who have been debauched from Sieur de la Salle, with the design to employ and send
them among the Outawas, to open a Trade with them.
It is to be desired that the dread of transportation to those Islands, and the prohibition this
same General has, as is reported, issued against trading with the French, may deter the latter
from going to that quarter, as some have lately done ; and even that the Indians who are
amongst us, and especially those of the Mission of La Prairie de la Madelaine, who are very
numerous and on the road, may not carry their peltries thither as they ordinarily do.
But what precautions soever I use, and though I sent Sieur de Saint Ours, one of the Captains
in the troops your Majesty formerly had in this Country, and a relative of Marshal d'Estrades,
'The peace of Nimeguen, July SI, 1678.
Vol. IX. 17
130 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
to Chambly, which is the principal pass, to keep watch there, he cannot q/fect any thing
unless he have some men. May it, therefore, please your Majesty to maintain a garrison at
that place, which is one of the most considerable in the country, through which almost the
whole communication with New England is carried on.
It is not less difficult, Sire, to put in execution, as punctually as I should wish, your Majesty's
reiterated orders against those who trade with the Outawas. Their number increases every
year, and the country is so open, and the difficulty so great to ascertain precisely when they
depart or when they return, in consequence of the secret correspondence they keep up with
the Inhabitants, and even with the principal Merchants, that unless men are stationed at all
the passes to await them there in the Summer, when they go up and come down, the Provost-
marshal's aids, the soldiers and guards that I give him when he requires them, are insufficient
to check the course of this disorder.
II. If your Majesty do not think proper to send hither some regular troops, who, while
securing the country against all mariner of insults, would likewise, being well employed,
contribute to its increase, and to the clearance of the land, the number of men proposed. to be
sent out will be a very great advantage, provided they be good workmen. The scarcity of
these and high wages cause the planting and the harvest to be deferred so long, that continual
miracles of fine weather are necessary to complete the one and the other.
III. Since I came to this country there is nothing I have labored at more zealously than to
induce every body, whether ecclesiastic or secular, to rear and maintain some Indian children,
and to attract their fathers and mothers to our settlements, the better to instruct them in the
Christian Religion and French manners. I have joined example to my exhortations, having
always brought up some in my own family and elsewhere, at my own expense, and impressed
incessantly on the Ursuline Nuns and Jesuit Fathers not to inculcate any other sentiments in
those under their control.
Nevertheless, the latter having pretended that the communication with the French corrupted
the Indians and was an obstacle to the Instruction they were giving them. Father Fremin,'_
Superior of La Prairie de la Madelaine, f\ir from conforming to what I told him was your
Majesty's Intentions, has since three years removed all the Indians who were intermingled
there with the French to a distance of two leagues further off, on the lands obtained from M.
Du Chesneau on his arrival in this country, the title to which I did not think proper to give
them until I should learn your Majesty's pleasure, for reasons I had the honor to submit which
are of importance for his" service, and for the advantage and safety of the country.
I hope the Mission established by the Ecclesiastics of the Montreal Seminary within half a
league of their town, will be an example to all others, and induce those to visit it who have
been most opposed to it, either from interest or otherwise.
Frontenac.
' Rev. Jacques Fremin is said to have arrived in Canada in 1655. He accompanied Dablou the year following, to Onondaga,
where he remained until 1658, after whicli, his labors were confined to Canada until 1667, when he was sent Missionary to
the Mohawks. In October, 16G8, he went to the Sonecas, which tribe he attended until 1671, when he was recalled to take
ehar^'e of the Indians iit Lapniirie. Charlevoix, L, 323, 398, 402, 452. This Mission was removed to the Sault St. Louis in 1676,
and in 1679 Father Fj 6min visited France to procure some aid for it Faillon; Vie de S. Bourgeoy), I., 256. He was again
in Canada in 1682, and died at Quebec on the 2d July, 1691. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 131
M. Dii CJiisneau to M. de Seignelay.
[ Archives du Minisl&re de la Marine. ]
Extracts of the Memoir addressed by M' Duchesneau to the Minister, dated
10 Nov''" 1679.
( V- Extract. )
I recur, My Lord, to what relates to the disobedience of the Coureurs de bois, and I must
not conceal from you that it has at length reached such a point tiiat every body boldly
contravenes tiie King's interdictions ; that there is no longer any concealment, and tiiat even
parties are collected with astonishing insolence to go and trade in the Indian country.
I have done all in my power to prevent tliis misfortune, which may be productive of the ruin
of the Colony. I have enacted ordinances against the Coureurs de bois; against tlie merchants
who furnish them with goods ; against the gentlemen and others who harbor them, and even
agaiast those who have any knowledge of them and will not inform the justices nearest the
spot. All that has been in vain, inasmuch as several of the most considerable families in this
country are interested therein, so that the Governor lets them go on, and even shares iu
their profits.
You might have understood it. My Lord, from all that T have taken the liberty to write to
you these late years; from the information of the Bailiff of Montreal; from that I continued
to transmit; from the interrogatories of those arrested by an association under color of
making peace with the Sioux, and from the extracts of the letters of tliose who furnished
me information.
Those which reached me this year confirm it; they state particulars which merit attention.
These are —
That the Coureurs de bois not only act openly, but that they carry their peltries to the
English, and endeavor to drive the Indian trade thither.
That Du Lut, the leader of the refractory, and who has ever been the Governor's
correspondent, keeps up an epistolary intercourse, and shares whatever profits he makes with
him and Sieur Barrois, his secretary, who has a canoe among his. Whereupon, it is apropos
to advise your Lordship that this Du Lut has for three years past a brother-in-law near the
Governor and an officer in his guards.
That the Governor takes the precaution to pass his Beaver in the name of merchants in his
interest; and that if Du Lut experiences difficulty in bringing them along, he will take
advantage of the agency of foreigners.
That he applies to the Governor for Tobacco and beads for presents, and desires that a
quantity of Indian goods be imported next spring, even though they be dear.
That he guarantees to forward then a quantity of Beaver, and will send down some canoes
towards the end of September. Several have, in fact, come down loaded with peltries, and
returned freighted with merchandise.
And it is one of the causes of the Governor's sojourn at Montreal from the month of July
to the beginning of October, though he made the news he pretended to have received — that
the English General, Audros, wished to debauch the Iroquois — the pretext of his stay.
That the Indians complained to the Governor, in the Council held at Montreal, that the
French were in too great numbers at the trading posts, and that he had curtly rebulTed them.
132 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
The man named La Taupine,' a famous Coureur de bois, who set out in the month of
September of last year, 1678, to go to the Outawacs with goods, and who has been always
interested with the Governor, having returned this year, and I being advised that he had traded
in two days 150 beaver robes in one single village of this tribe, amounting to nearly nine
hundred beavers, which is a matter of public notoriety, and that he left with Du Lut two men
whom he had with him, considered myself bound to liave him arrested, and to interrogate
him; but having presented me with a license from the Governor, permitting him and his
comrades, named Lamonde and Dupuy, to repair to the Outawac nation to execute his
secret orders, I had him set at liberty; and immediately on his going out, Sieur Prevost,
Town major of Quebec, came at the head of some soldiers to force the prison, in case he were
still there, pursuant to written orders he had received from the Governor, couched in
these terms :
"Count de Fbontenao, Councillor of the King in his Council, GoTcrnor and Lieutenant General for his Majesty in
" New France.
"Sieur Prevost, Major of Quebec, is ordered, in case the Intendant arrest Pierre Moreau, alias La Taupine, whom TVe hare
"sent to Quebec as bearer of our despatches, upon pretext of his having been in the bush, to set him forthwith at liberty,
"and to employ every means for this purpose, at his peril. Done at Montreal, the 5th September, 1679.
"Signed
" Frontenac.
" and lower down, by my Lord,
"Baerois."
It is certain, My Lord, that the said La Taupine carried goods to the Outawas; that his
two comrades remained in the Indian country, apparently near Du Lut, and that he traded
tiiere; that he saw so many Coureurs de bois that he could tell me neither their number nor
their names.
Sieur Bizard, Major of Montreal, to whom the King has even this year given a gratuity of
300", and who has only within a year ceased to be the Governor's servant, so far from punishing
those who have disobeyed the King, and attending to the execution of his orders, himself sets
the example of violating them and sends people into the bush.
You will learn all I wish to tell you, My Lord, from the extracts of the letters I have
received and signed, the originals of which I reserve to exhibit to you whenever you so order;
from the interrogatories of the said La Taupine, which he refused to sign, declaring that he
did not know how to do it, though he writes well ; from the ingenious answers of the
constable named Genaple, from the said Bisard's letters, and from the answers of a merchant
named Garos.
M. De Siss^,' a man of rank. Priest of the Seminary of Saint Sulpice, established in the
Island of Montreal, whose private affairs take him to France, will tell you, if you will please
to give him the honor of an audience *
That the man named P6re having resolved to range the Woods, went to Orange to confer
with the English and to carry his beavers there, in order to obtain some Wampum beads to
return and trade with the Outawacs; that he was arrested by the Governor of that place and
sent to Major Andros, Governor General, whose residence is at Manatte; that his plan was to
propose to him to bring him all the Coureurs de bois with their peltries, if he would receive
them, and it is even supposed that he undertook to join Du Lut, and that they should
' The Tawuy.
' Rev. AuGUSTE Meulande de Cic£ came to Canada, it is said, in 1668, and was some time Missionary among the Indians at
Kentfe. Faillon; Vie de Mde. Baurgeoyt, I., il i. — 'Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. 133
head all the Coureurs de bois; that it is even suspected that the said Pere gave hopes of
turning all the trade of the Outawas over to the English, which would bring about the ruin
of the Colony, and that the said Perre, as is understood, has returned to the Outawacs, after
having been well received and greatly caressed by Major Andros, and brought with him the
man named Poupart, a settler of this country, and one Turcot, a long time a French refugee
among the English in order to escape the punishment of the crimes he had committed.
It is therefore evident. My Lord, and every one agrees in the opinion, that there is an
almost general disobedience throughout this Country. The number of those in the Woods is
estimated at nearly five or six hundred, exclusive of those who set out every day. They are
the best qualified to improve and defend the Colony; they have Du Lut as their leader, well
adapted to act treacherously, and to engage them not only to carry their peltries to the
English, as they have already begun to do, but even to divert thither the Indian trade ; and
all this evil arises from the neglect of the Governor, who has the power in his hands to
prevent it, and who, on the contrary, clandestinely encourages it. This is so true. My Lord,
that when he acted in good faith every body obeyed him.
Be pleased to bear in mind. My Lord, that there was a general complaint, the year previous
to my arrival in this country, that the great quantity of people who went to trade for peltries to
the Indian country ruined the colony, because those who alone could improve it, being young
and strong for work, abandoned their wives and children, the cultivation of their lands and the
care of rearing their cattle; that they became dissipated; that their absence gave rise to
licentiousness among their wives, as has often been the case, and is still of daily occurrence;
that they accustomed themselves to a loafing and vagabond lile, which it was beyond their
power to quit; that they derived but little benefit from their labors, because they were induced
to waste in drunkenness and fine clothes the little they earned, which was very trifling, those
who gave them licenses having the larger part, besides the price of the goods, which they
sold them very dear, and that the Indians would no longer bring their peltries in such
abundance to sell to the honest people, if so great a number of young men went in search of
them to those very barbarians, who despised us on account of the great cupidity we manifested.
The following year, when the King first farmed out the trade, the farmers complained that
this great license in ranging the woods was ruinous to them, because the peltries were taken
to foreigners; that those which were brought in did not fall into their hands in discharge of
the debts they contracted for the advancement of the colony, because the Runners hid
themselves from them and took their merchandise elsewhere; that they therefore were
overwhelmed with letters of exchange and defrauded of their rights.
In 1676 his Majesty interdicted the Governor, by his Ordinance, from giving Licenses to
trade in the Interior, and in the Indian country.
The Sovereign Council, before whom I laid the King's Ordinance, issued an Edict by which
it was set forth that by the diligence of the King's Farmers the Ordinance would be made
known to the French Traders among the Indians of the farther nations, enjoining them to
return to their settlements by the month of August of the following year, under the penalties
contained in the said Ordinance, which would be affixed in the villages of the Nipissingues,
S' Mary of the Falls, S' Ignace of Lake Huron, and S' Francis Xavier of the Bay des Puants.'
'The Mission of St. Maryw&s at the foot of the Falls of that name, between Lakes Huron and Superior; that of St. Ignace
was originally on the North shore of the Straits of Michilimakinao, but was afterwards moved to the South side, or extreme
point of the peninsula of Michigan; and that of St. Francis Xavier on Fox river, between Green Bay and Lake
Winnebago. The earlier Missionaries gave the name of " St. Francis" both to the river and to the lake. — Ed.
.134 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
The Governor, though he made a great clamor because this Edict was rendered — in
consequence of the urgency of the affair, in his absence and when he was at Montreal — could
not dispense with issuing orders, conjointly with the Council, for the return of the Coureurs
de bois, almost all of whom did return in fact, with the exception of three or four.
Meanwhile, the Governor, in order to elude the prohibitions laid down in the King's
Ordinance, and yet not to appear in contravention thereunto, issued licenses to hunt, which
served as a pretext to nullify those orders; his Majesty, as was just, again remedied this by
his last Ordinances.
Since that time, the Governor has done nothing to oppose the Coureurs de bois, and he has
contented himself with saying that the evil was so great as to be irreparable; that it was only
the consequence of his being deprived of the privilege of issuing licenses, and that its
continuance could only be obviated by granting an amnesty. In expectation of this, every
body licensed himself, and thus disobedience has become almost universal.
The Provost, who is a very worthy man, and who desires much to do his duty, has labored
in vain; and though he has frequently received good information, the delinquents have always
received better than he.
For my part, my Lord, who can only order, I have done every thing consistent with my
duty, but without any success ; and all the trouble I have taken has served but to increase the
aversion the Governor entertains to me, and to cause my ordinances to be contemned.
Such, my Lord, is the true state of the disobedience of the Coureurs de bois, concerning
which 1 had the honor of twice speaking to the Governor. I could not avoid telling him, with
all possible deference, that it was a disgrace to us and the Colony that our Master, who is so
redoubtable to the whole world, who had just dictated the law to the whole of Europe, whom
all his subjects adored, should have the affliction to learn that his orders were despised and
violated in a country which had received so many proofs of his bounty gnd paternal tenderness,
and that a Governor and Intendant sate, with folded arms, and contented themselves with
saying that the evil was irremediable, and did not make use of the garrisons maintained by his
Majesty, nor of a provost, nor his aids, nor guards, nor of the assistance which could be
drawn from the settlers, to crush the rebellion and to make a memorable example which would
remain on the minds of the people, in order to keep them in the respect, fidelity and obedience
they owed to so good and so great a Prince.
In return for this representation, I drew down on myself words so full of contempt and
insult that I was forced to quit his study- to allay his wrath. I returned, however, the next
day, and I there found the King's farmers, with whom we continued to speak on this subject.
I, notwithstanding, had the ordinance published anew, copy of which I sent you, and
shall do all in my power towards its strict execution ; but as the Governor is interested with
several of the Coureurs de bois, all that we shall do will be done in vain.
The Trade that is carried on at Montreal is sufficiently important to advise you of its
disorders.
The Governor has imperceptibly rendered himself master of it, and so soon as the Indians
have arrived he furnishes them guards, which would be well enough if these did their duty
and saved them from being tormented and plundered by the French, instead of being employed
for the purpose of learning the amount of. their peltries, in order to take more assured steps
on the strength of that information.
The Governor obliged the Indians, afterwards, to pay his guards for the trouble they took
to protect them, and he never granted those Indians the privilege of trading with the Inhabitants
PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. I35
until they had given him a certain number of bundles of beaver, which he has always exacted
of them, and which he calls his presents.
His guards have traded openly in the public Fair, their belts on their shoulders, after having
persuaded the Indians, whom they guarded, to come and meet them in their barracks.
The common report is, that the Governor had goods sent up to Montreal, which private
persons disposed of for his account, and that he allowed foreign Merchants to trade contrary
to the prohibitions laid down in the regulations and Edicts of Council.
So that, if we compute the beaver received by the Governor from the Indians as his presents;
that which is given to his guards; that which these same guards trade voluntary or by force;
what he trades on his private account through individuals, and finally, what the foreign
merchants obtain in barter or get underhand by intermediary settlers, it will be seen that the
greater part of the Beaver brought by the Outawas does not turn to the profit of the Colony,
and all this is notorious.
But not to occupy myself save with what has taken place this year in the said Trade, every
one has seen that a small portion of Indians only having come down, and in separate parties,
they were constrained to make as many presents as there were parties, though they had
sometimes but four or five canoes together.
The Indians having included in their presents to the Governor some old Moose hides and a
belt of Wampum, which they appreciate highly, and which the French do not value as much
as they do Beaver, he caused his Interpreter to tell them, according to their mode of
speaking, that such did not open his ears, and that he did not hear them except when they
spoke with Beaver. This the Indians were obliged to do in order to have the liberty to trade.
A Rochelle Merchant, named Chanjon, who is under the protection of and employed by
the Governor, having carried to Montreal a great many goods recently received from France,
and of which there was but few in the Country, has himself traded and carried on traific
through the medium of the Governor's Interpreter, named Vieuxpout, and of other persons,
to whom he made a pretended sale of his goods, and he got more than 1-5,000'' worth of
Beaver, to the knowledge of all the Inhabitants, who dared not complain of him.
And as it was out of my power to go up to Montreal, in consequence of the affairs of the
Council which detained me in this city, to calm the minds and terminate whatever diflerences
might occur, I sent my ordinance to Sieur Migeon, the bailifi" there, to prevent this violation.
But he dare not have it executed, and the matter having been laid before the Governor he
laughed at it.
During the continuance of the Trade, a little Savage having got into difficulties with a
Frenchman's boy, some disorder had nigh occurred, as each took sides with his Nation. But
the Governor having called the people to arms, the affair was settled by means of seven
packages of Beaver which the Outawacs were obliged to give him.
When there was a question about paying his guards, the Indians offered him forty-five
Beavers; this did not satisfy him, though the present was considerable enough, and all sorts
of artifices were made use of, even threats, to oblige them to add to the number. Sieur de
Lusigny, Du Lut's brother in law, an officer of the guards, had half of it; the other they
divided between them.
I most humbly beg of you. My Lord, to permit me to assure you anew, that everything I have
now had the honor of writing to you is the pure truth, which I have not told with any design
to injure the Governor ; but considered myself obliged thereunto, because none but myself
136 NE\Y-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
dare acquaint you with the state of the country, and I am bound in honor and conscience, and
by the fidelity I owe you, to let you see that it is time to remedy it.
I had rather die a thousand deaths than deceive you, and render myself unworthy, through
fraud, of the confidence you have been pleased to repose in me for more than 18 years, that
I have devoted myself to you; and whatever is done to discredit me in your estimation, I hope
you will find, at the end, that I am obedient, faithful and sincere in all that you command me.
(2d Extract.)
I send you, my Lord, the General Census, with the number of Marriages and Baptisms.
There are nine thousand four hundred persons.
Five hundred and fifteen in Acadia.
Twenty-one thousand nine hundred arpens of land under cultivation.
Six thousand nine hundred and eighty-three horned cattle.
One hundred and forty-five horses.
Seven hundred and nineteen sheep, ewes and wethers.
Thirty-three goats.
Twelve asses.
Eighteen hundred and forty guns, and
One hundred and fifty nine pistols.
I have separated the Census of the Indians who have quitted the villages and settled among
us, with the remarks you have ordered.
Exclusive of what I send you of tliose who have formed villages, there are still some others
who resort to the French in Spring and Summer; but as they are vagrant, and do not come
steadily, I have not been able to procure their names after the receipt of your letters, because
they had already left for the chase. I shall go myself in Spring to all the places where there
are any, and punctually perform whatever you ask. of me in this regard.
I communicated to the Religious communities, both male and female, and even to private
persons, the King's and your intentions regarding the Frenchification of the Indians. They
all promised me to use their best eflTorts to execute them, and I hope to let you have some
news thereof next year. I shall begin by setting the example, and will take some young
Indians to have them instructed.
(S** Extract.)
I can assure you, My Lord, that the gratuity is very well employed by the Ursuline nuns,
who instruct French and Indian girls; by the Grey nuns (hospi(aliercs), whose houses are a
refuge for all the sick French and Indians ; and by the Congregational nuns of Montreal, who
have devoted it to the construction of a building they are erecting at the Montreal Mountain,
where there is an Indian mission, so as to be nearer to it, and better enabled to instruct the
little girls there.
My Lord,
Your most humble, most obedient and
most faithful servant
Quebec, this 10'" Nov""-- 1G79. Dv Chesneau.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 13 7
M. Du Chesneau to M. de Seignelay.
My Lord,
The Goveruoi- and I are just advised -that it is reported at Orange, a town of New
England, and which is the nearest to us, that war has heen declared between France and
Old England; that they are alarmed there, and are taking precautions at that place
to prevent us attacking them.
I had the honor to confer with the Governor on this subject, and it has been deemed prudent
to content ourselves, until the receipt of more certain intelligence, with merely giving orders to
the people to be on their guard, and dispatching, at the opening of the spring, a bark to Isle
Percee, in order to obtain early and assured information.
I thought. My Lord, to give you in this communication a brief detail of the condition
of the English in this Country, and that you would permit me the liberty to inform you that
they have three pretty considerable posts on the seaboard at the South.
The first is the town of Boston, distant twenty leagues from Peintagoiiet which belongs to
the French.
The second, Manatte, a city situate at the mouth of a river, distant nearly one hundred
leagues from Boston.
And the third. Orange, on the same river, fifty or sixty leagues from Manatte.
Towards the North Sea, they have some forts at Hudson's bay.
Boston is a pretty large town, filled only with merchants, where, it is said, some of the
accomplices in the death of the late King of England have retired. Their government is
democratic; and it is a Republic, under the protection of England, faintly recognizing his
Britannic Majesty. It has a Sovereign Council, which it elects, as well as the Governor, who
is chosen annually, yet can be continued for as long a period as they are satisfied with him.
General Lebret filled this office for many years past. He is an old man, ill qualified for war.^
Its harbor is ordinarily filled with a number of merchant vessels. A disastrous fire broke
out there two or three months ago ; it consumed nearly two hundred houses, and even several
ships. This loss is estimated at Three Millions.
The town is indifferently fortified. Its Inhabitants apply themselves altogether to commerce,
and are so ill trained to arms that a handful of savages, of late years, committed such serious
devastation among them that they were obliged to purchase peace. It would not be difficult
for the French of this country to make themselves masters of that town, aided by the
Indians, who are still greatly inclined to recommence the war, were vessels sent from France
to burn those found in its harbor.
Manatte is entirely independent of Boston. It acknowledges the King of England, and the
Governor who acts there on behalf of the Duke of York. This place is pretty regularly
fortified, and Major Andros, Governor of the country, has some reputation. It has likewise
a few vessels in its harbor.
Orange — which is a small town nearer to us, and adjoining the Iroquois, by means of whom
the English attract to themselves the trade of the Indians in that direction, to our prejudice —
has a local governor, who is subject to Major Andros. It is not capable of much resistance,
which circumstance causes them already to seek out means to prevent us attacking them.
' Mr. Leveret continued governor, by annual election, from 1673 until his death, March 16, 1678. Hutchinson, I., 323. — Ed.
Vol. IX. 18
138 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Towards Hudson's bay, as I already have had the honor to inform your Lordship, the
English have some forts for trading only, in which, as we are informed, there are sixty men to
carry goods to the Indians and to receive their peltries. This will eventually ruin our trade
with the Outawacs, which is the most considerable, and constitutes the subsistence and wealth
of the Colony.
You perceive clearly, My Lord, from all I have the honor to write you, that the English
cannot do us much hurt, and that war with them would be for our advantage, because we
could assuredly drive them from the places in which they are established to our injury, and
which they have usurped from us.
The inhabitants of this country are hardy, intrepid, and naturally warriors, and, moreover,
very alert of limb, and capable of enduring great fatigue.
It were very desirable, in that event, that the Coureurs de bois should return home, they
being, without contradiction, the best qualified for enterprizes. I do not think. My Lord, that
we have anything to fear by land from the English on this continent. What we would have
to dread would be only from the ships of Old England cruising at the mouth of the River
Saint Lawrence, to capture those coming to Canada or returning to France.
I doubt not. My Lord, but the Governor requires of you the necessary articles for the
preservation of this country. I shall do all in my power to discharge well my duty, and will
sacrifice therein even my life.
I considered it my duty. My Lord, to send you the copy of the letter that has been written
to me, which will show you the alarm of the English, and entirely satisfy you that the Coureurs
de bois were conveying their peltries to Orange, to the prejudice of the Colony and the
complete ruin of the Revenue of the King's farm.
I am, with most profound respect,
My Lord,
Your most humble, most obedient
and most faithful Servant,
Quebec, this 14"" Nov', 1679. Duchesneau.
M. de Saurel to M. Du
Letter written to Intendant Duchesneau, of New France, by Sieur de Saurel,
and which he received the 14"" Novemb'', 1679.
Sir,
The news arrived from Orange are curious enough to be communicated to you. They are
quite recent, for Lafleur, an Inhabitant of Saint Louis, brought them. He was on his way from
Montreal, where M'' Perrot and M' d'Ollier' advised him to be the bearer himself of them to the
' Eev. FRAN9013 DoLLiEtt DE Casson was born about the year 1620, and came to Canada about 1668. In 1670 he explored
Lalce Ontario, iu company with Father Gallince. Supra, p. 66. He succeeded M. de Queylus ( Supra, 62 ), as Superior of the
Seminary of St. Sulpice, at Montreal, but resigned that office in 1676, when he was obliged, by ill health, to go bacli to
France. After his return to Canada he resumed the oflfice, and died 26th September, 1701, aged 80 years. He left behind
him a History of Montreal, including the first thirty years of that settlement. It was written about the year 1673, and is
preserved among the Manuscripts of the Mazarine Library ( H, 2706, folio). Faillon ; Vie de Mdt. Baurgeoys. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. I39
Count, notwithstanding they •would, themselves, write to him; and this he was doing, hut a
pain in the side having seized him here, he begged of me to send the letters to the Count,
and gave me the particulars of his Journey, which are: Having gone to Lake Champlain to
hunt for Ranontons, he met Guillaume David, who resided about two years ago in these
parts, and who went with a big boy, his son-in-law, his wife and several small children to
New Netherland, where he lives at present. Lafleur inquired the news from his country; to
which David answered him that Mde. the Governess of Manatte dining at one Mainvielle, a
French Merchant's, told him that news had come of a French fleet having entered the Thames
and captured the English Admiral, and sunk a number of ships in sight of London ; that
the French have no longer freedom to trade at Orange, and that as soon as they arrive there
they are sent to Manatte and thence to Barbadoes. Lafleur was at Orange to learn the
confirmation of this news, which he found to be true. They wanted to send him to Manatte,
but he escaped in the night and came back. He says it is whispered about, that war is
proclaimed between France and England. The English, at Orange, are alarmed, for they
have sent a certain M"" Philippes to examine the roads leading towards them. He had two
Savages for guides. It is expected that they will throw trees into a little stream by which
people go to their country, and by that means obstruct our road. This is all the news,
Sir. There is a good deal of other unfavorable intelligence come into these parts. M"'
de Boivinet's information will have made you acquainted with it. You will permit me to
assure you that I shall be, all my Ufe, Sir, your most humble and most obedient Servant,
Desaurel.
Compared with the original remaining in our hands at Quebec, the 14"' November, 1679.
DUCHESNEAU.
Louis XIV. to Count de Frontenac.
S' Germain, the 29 April, 16S0.
Mons' le Comte de Frontenac,
You have learned, since your letters were written, that the news you received of the rupture
between me and the King of England had no foundation. Therefore you have no precautions
to take on that subject ; and you ought to be assured that, on all occasions of this importance,
I shall have you punctually advised of what you will have to do.
It is very important that you always keep ray subjects, throughout the whole extent of
country where you command for me, in a proper state of military discipline, so that, being
divided into regular Companies, they may be in a position to defend themselves and secure
that freedom and repose which they need. But, particularly, banish from your mind all the
difficulties which you but too easily and too lightly allowed to arise there. Consider well the
post in which I placed you, and the honor you have of representing my person in that country,
which must elevate you infinitely above all those difficulties, and oblige you to^ear with
many things, on the part of the public and of individual settlers, which are of no account in
140 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
comparison to the submissive obedience they render to my orders, with which I have every
reason to be satisfied ; and when this principal point of obedience and submission is so well
established as it is, you ought to act with all moderation, and rather suffer errors of trifling
consequence, in order to reach the object which must be your principal aim — to increase
and strengthen that Colony, and draw thither numbers of inhabitants by the protection
and good treatment you afford the old settlers. And you perceive, clearly, that your
maxims are far from those which you have hitherto observed, driving away the principal
inhabitants, and obliging many other persons, through special discontent, to return to France.
But reflect more particularly, that to accomplish these ends neither interest nor favor, for any
one, is necessary. To afford an extensive freedom to all merchants and all ships that carry
any trade thither; to excite, continually, all the inhabitants to agriculture, commerce,
manufactures, fisheries, and other profitable enterprises whereby they may be confined to
their work and settlements, and prevented wandering through the woods in search of an
advantage which tends to the entire ruin of the Colony, and of the little commerce it may
have ; in these few words consist the burthen and end of your entire duty, and of what you
can do to render your services agreeable to me.
M. Du Chesneatb to M. de Seignelay.
[ Arobives de la Marine et des Colonies en France. ]
Extracts of the Memoir addressed by M. Duchesneau to the Minister, 13 Nov''",
1680.
(1" Extract.)
As his Majesty and you. My Lord, are convinced of the great injury the Coureurs de bois
inflict on the Country, there is no further question except to discover the best means to oblige
them to return without prejudice to the absolute obedience due to the King's will.
It would appear there are no other than to notify them to return home, and that if they make
a sincere and frank declaration in court of the time they have been absent, for what persons
they have been trading in the Indian Country, who has furnished them goods, how many
peltries they have had, and how they disposed of them, such grace shall be granted them as
shall be pleasing to his Majesty, who will be very humbly supplicated to send orders on this
point by the first vessels coming from France next year ; and if they be found guilty of
deception, or if they refuse obedience, they shall be punished with all the rigor set forth in his
Majesty's ordinances, which assign corporal punishment in case of repetition of the offence.
This proceeding appears the most natural and most proper, because it preserves the King's
authority, and does not destroy those who have disobeyed ; who, through despair, and the
facility of escape in the woods, and the difficulty of being taken, may be driven to pass over
to the English, which would be a general loss to the Country, since there is not a family of
any condition and quality soever that has not children, brothers, uncles and nephews
among thiin.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 141
I have conferred with the Governor on this plan, and put it in writing, for his perusual, as
he desired.
I cannot refrain from adding, My Lord, that it appears to me important that it should not be
wholly neglected, because it is an assured means of your becoming acquainted with the manners
of this Country, and of thoroughly informing yourself of the causes of the rebellion and of what
has so long fomented it.
I never can agree. My Lord, to the pardon of the leaders, such as Dulut and Perrde, who
ought to be made an example of, for those who will experience the effects of the King's mercy,
as they gave them the example of revolt and disobedience.
Count de Frontenac and I have already commenced together the prosecution of the Coureurs
de bois, of those who outfit or protect them. In concert with him I renewed my ordinances
on this subject, and 1 issued one to oblige the Justices to inform against those disobeying the
King's wishes, copies whereof I furnished. On this head. My Lord, I think it would be
necessary, in order to secure better obedience to his Majesty, that his Ordinance were extended
to those who fit out and harbor the Coureurs de bois.
Sieur Perrot, Governor of Montreal, was the first who (on the complaint of a Merchant
whom he had caned) had the misfortune to be • prosecuted for infraction of the King's
Ordinances and of those I issued in consequence, which have been transmitted to you,
and are now sent again with the rest. Pursuant to the order you gave me respecting local
Governors, I waited on Count de Frontenac to notify him of it, so that justice may be done.
He was of opinion that I should order, at the foot of the petition presented to me, that the
said Merchant should make his complaint to him, which I did ; and by the Ordinance he issued
afterwards, he reserved to himself what regarded the violence that had been committed by the
said Sieur Perrot, and referred to me what appertained to the disobedience of his Majesty's
Ordinances. This affair is presently under investigation, and the Council has not yet
terminated the proceeding.
There are great complaints against said Sieur Perrot, as well on account of his violent conduct
as for his open trading. He is accused of having excited a sedition at Montreal, with a view
to obtain the repeal of the King's Ordinance forbidding subordinate Governors imprisoning
people. This sedition I allayed. But as all these complaints have likewise been made to
Count de Frontenac, 1 shall not speak further of them to you, but content myself with sending
the pieces I have concerning them to Monsieur Tronson, Seignior of the Island of Montreal,
who will not fail to communicate with you thereupon.
A similar accusation of violating his Majesty's Ordinances has been brought within eight
days against Sieur Migeon, Judge at Montreal. The Governor, on the petition presented to
him by Sieur Boisseau, agent for the Farmers, has likewise referred this affair to me; it
is entered.
The said Agent has also been accused of like violation, of which information has been
taken, and seven Coureurs de bois have been arrested, who are under Interrogatories, and will
be judged at the earliest day.
I think, My Lord, after all the pieces which I have sent you in support of my belief that the
Governor protected several Coureurs de bois, you will not blame me for having strong suspicions
thereupon; and although the formal promise he made me to prosecute them persuades me that
he is no longer so disposed, yet I believe my fidelity towards you requires me to advise you
that it is generally stated that he keeps up a written correspondence with Du Lut, and that it
is true he receives presents from him, and has been unwilling that I should imprison the man
142 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
named Patron, uncle to the said Du Lut, who receives his peltries, and who knows the object
of his enterprise, to which, I am assured, Monsieur Dollier, Superior of the Montreal Seminary,
who is a very honest man, is not altogether a stranger ; he will not fail, perhaps, to advise
Monsieur Tronson of it.
I shall further tell you, My Lord, that the Governor has forbidden Interpreters to let me
know, without his permission, what the Indians, belonging to foreign tribes, would wish to
have communicated to me ; that he has commaYided the Provost, who is a very worthy man,
and who is very anxious to acquit himself of his duty properly, not to arrest any Coureur de bois
pursuant to my Ordinances, without sending him word; and that he has dispatched again that
famous Coureur de bois, La Toupine, whom I had arrested last year, and whose Interrogatory
I sent you. It is he whom he employs to carry his orders and to trade among the Outawas
Nations, and also to bring down the peltries left there by one Randin, who was that pretended
Ambassador with wiiom, and his associates, the Governor had made a Convention respecting
the Trade; copy of which, compared with the Original, I send you.
You can. My Lord, have the pieces in corroboration of everything I have just written to
you. I send them to Monsieur de Bellinzany.
In all things I have observed silence and obeyed the Governor even with greater deference.
I laid before him the declaration of the Montreal Judge, which is one of the pieces I make use
of to prove what I advance, because I received it on the information he had furnished me, and
because mention was made therein, among other things, of the embassy of the said La Toupine.
This declaration has afforded the Governor occasion to illtreat that Judge, and he writes that
the prosecution against him is an effect of his vindictiveness.
(Second Extract.)
In respect to the King's orders to inquire, with great care, into the increase or diminution
of the Inhabitants, and to reproach myself by comparing the five or six last years, I can truly
say. My Lord, if there be any decrease because I have not executed the King's orders, that
I have done all in my power for the advantage and advancement of the Colony.
Permit me, if you please, to repeat to you what I had already taken the liberty to state to
you, that all the pains which His Majesty and you. My Lord, will take for this Country, will
be unattended by the success expected from them, if not directed by honest and disinterested
persons. You can not conceive the injury done by the bad example and trafficking of
those who ought to be regarded only as the fathers of the people, and studying solely to
promote their happiness.
I have not been able to make up my mind to send you the census of this year, because I
dare not certify it to be correct. There are eight hundred persons or more in the bush,
whatever may be stated to you to the contrary, and I have not been able to obtain the
precise number, inasmuch as all those who are interested with them conceal it.
The country suffers so seriously from the scarcity of people, that many farms lie uncultivated.
This induces me to supplicate you. My Lord, if you still entertain any commisseration for this
wretched country, to send hither two hundred work people.
Permit me. My Lord, to communicate to you the increase of the Colony, by the statement
of Baptisms and Burials, to which I have annexed that of the Marriages. By last year's
census, it would appear that there were nine hundred and forty persons in Canada,' exclusive
'So in the MS., but evidently an error for 9,400. See previoua dispatch of M. Du Chesneau, dated 10th November, 1679.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. I43
of 515 others at Acadia, of whom I have not received any enumeration this year; 21,900
arpens of land under cultivation, 6,983 horned cattle, 145 horses, 319 sheep,' 33 goats, 12
asses; 1,840 fusils and 159 pistols.
On account of the absence of the Coureurs de bois, it is not to be expected that the
cultivation of the soil should be increased, nor that the cattle should multiply, ovcing to
the unfavorableness of the seasons, and the want of people to take care of them; and as it is
to be presumed that each Coureur de bois will have carried a gun, there will be a decrease of
at least eight hundred fusils.
404 children, to wit, 193 boys and 211 girls, have been baptized; and 85 persons of all ages
have died. There ought to be, consequently, an increase of 319 in the population. Therefore
the colony ought to reckon nine thousand seven hundred and nineteen souls, exclusive of the
515 of Acadia.
There have been sixty-six marriages.
(Third Extract.)
I shall not repeat to you, my Lord, all the abuses that are committed, because I did not
omit any last year. I shall merely say that they are renewed this year.
Among others, that of the trade prosecuted within the camp and confines of the Indians,
and even in their Wigwams, by the Governor's guards, his domestics, the soldiers belonging
to the garrisons of Quebec and Montreal, by several privileged persons, even the local
Governor of said place.
This disorder has reached such a point that the inhabitants presented their complaints to
me against it, which I proposed laying before the Governor, but he did not approve of it.
This obliged me to withdraw without doing anything further. 1 drew up my statement
thereof, in order to advise you of the truth, and to protect myself against representations to
the contrary that may be made to you, and had it certified by some gentlemen or Seigniors of
Fiefs, who were of the Governor's suite, when I spoke to him, all of whom are in the interest
of the Coureurs de bois.
It again happened that the Guards and soldiers, in their lust for gain, ill treated all those who
were opposed to their designs. One of the Guard intended to kill an Indian, whom he seriously
wounded, and a soldier beat a settler, even in my presence. All this excited fresh tumult. I
repaired anew to the Governor, who contented himself with surrendering the soldier into my
hands, to have justice done him.
I have not drawn up a minute of this last action, because a Priest belonging to the Montreal
Seminary was present^ who gave me notice of this disorder. He informed his superior, M.
Dollier, thereof, who will be able to give the facts in his report to Monsieur Tronson, and the
latter will tell you the truth, if you ask him.
After I had examined the afiair of the soldier, I condemned him to some reparation, and
to the costs appertaining therein to the witnesses and bailiffs. After his condemnation, the
Governor sent the Town Major of Montreal to demand him of me, as he had something for
him to do; I prayed him solely to make the application in writing, in order to my own
justification. The next day the said Major went to release him, and left with the Gaoler an
order, which, with my judgment, I send to M"' Bellinzany.
' In previous dispatch, 719 sheep. — Ed.
144 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
If you have the goodness, My Lord, to listen to me touching the remedy applicable to what
I have pointed out to you, I shall observe, if you please, that on the arrival at Montreal of the
Indians, they are placed on a little Island separated by a small creek from the houses of
the citizens, against whose advances it is necessary to set some Guards, to prevent insult or
violence by the French. Three or four men, at most, suffice for that purpose.
This being the case. My Lord, it seems that if the Governor's Guards, his servants, and the
soldiers are permitted to trade, they ought to erect their booths with the other citizens in
the Common, which is the site for the fair, and not have the liberty to offer violence themselves
to the Indians, since they ought to prevent it.
His Majesty orders me, a second time, to pay an entire deference to the Governor's will, and
to inculcate tiiis conduct on the Sovereign Council, except in the administration of justice
between Individuals.
I reiterate to you. My Lord, all the assurances I have already given that I shall absolutely
and with a good heart do all that is commanded me, and avoid every thing that may embroil
us. I assure you, My Lord, you will be satisfied with my conduct and with that of the Officers
of the Council, for whom, as well as for all the officers of Justice and myself, I ask again of
you entire freedom to perform our duties without being insulted, intimidated or menaced by
the Governor and his people.
(Fourth Extract.)
The farmers ( of the Revenue ) have much more reason to complain than the Coureurs de bois ;
and the trifling police in Canada is the cause that the peltries go to the Countries inhabited
by the English. This is so true, that persons not only get the French to carry them thither,
under the pretext of hunting Moose (Chevreuils Sauvages), to be sent to the King, but even
employ Indians to carry their Beaver there; and this is what induced me, three months ago,
to issue the ordinance I send you. What will increase the disorder is, that the English pay
for the Beaver double what is paid at the Farmers' store, and that in Cash or Wampum, on
which they have a profit; and what is worse, those in the highest authority pursue this trade.
You will learn the truth from the declaration of the Montreal judge whom I have mentioned
to you. Pardon me. My Lord, if I presume to say to you that it is important that even the
King express himself strongly on this matter.
In answer to his Majesty's orders to me, to examine with the Farmers whether, besides
the dispersion of the Coureurs de bois, there be not some expedient to attract the peltries to
this Country and to increase the revenue.
After having conferred several times on this subject with Sieur de hS. Chesnaye, one of the
interested, who has spent over twenty-six years in this Country, we are agreed on two points —
First. That the King and you, My Lord, have the goodness to recommend to the Governor-
General and to private persons not to evince so much anxiety to obtain peltries, and not
to constrain the Indians, as they have done frequently, and even this year, to make
considerable presents, giving them almost nothing in return. This discourages them, and
forces them to repair to Foreigners, by whom they are better received and treated.
Secondly. When the Coureurs de bois are extirpated, and no further trouble, that it may
please the King and you to issue twelve, fifteen, or at most twenty licenses per annum, for as
many canoes, each manned by two or three men; to be distributed, not through favoritism
but in turn, to those families who may have need of them, and to be granted like the
concessions (of land), in order that they be bestowed only on those deserving them ; and this
PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 145
would be beneficial to the Country, because we should be informed of every thing transpiring
among tiie most distant Indian tribes, who would be invited to bring their peltries by a small
number of Frenchmen, who will neither harrass nor alarm tiiem.
The third, to which I cannot consent, is, that it please the King and you. My Lord, to
permit the Farmers to establish 'magazines at some frontier posts. This appears too prejudicial
to the Country for me to sanction it, because the greater part of tlie peltries would fail into
the Farmers' hands, to the exclusion of the Inhabitants.
(Fifth Extract.)
I send you the Census of the Indians settled among us. I have designated the Christians
and those who still continue heathens; by whom they are instructed, and in what government
their Villages are situated. I have been among them every where myself, and can therefore
assure you, My Lord, that it is correct. They amount to nine hundred and sixty persons,
men, women and children.
Your most humble, most obedient
and most faithful Servant,
Quebec, this 13"" Nov"" 1680. Duchesneau.
Count de Frontenac to the King.
Sire,
The Amnesty which your Majesty has been pleased to grant to the Coureurs de bois, and the
goodness you have had at the same time to permit licenses to be issued annually for twenty-five
Canoes, will reestablish order and restore every one to his duty. But to avoid the recurrence
of fresh confusion, I have considered it prudent to postpone the issue of these licenses until
next spring, when the majority of those still in the woods will be collected together, and those
at the greatest distance can be informed of Your Majesty's will that they return to the French
settlements within the time fixed by the law which the Sovereign Council iias promulgated.
Therefore I contented myself with sending an Officer, or one of my guards, to three different
villages of the most distant Nations, to carry thither and cause to be published Your Majesty's
Orders, and, whilst recalling the French, to note the sentiments the Indians entertain towards
us, either for peace or war, and to invite them to come down next year to Montreal with the
greatest quantity of peltries possible, by offers even of escorting them hither, in order to
assure them against all attacks evil disposed Savages may this year meditate against them, and
which have prevented them coming as usual, and greatly injured the trade of the majority
of the Inhabitants.
The practice for some time past of certain individuals, who resort among the Indians, of
conveying Beaver to Orange by a place called Chambly, and bringing back money and
merchandise, would cause serious injury to Your Majesty's treasury, if not promptly remedied.
I have made most strenuous efforts against it this summer, but they have been badly
seconded by M. du Chesneau and the Council, who, in my absence, have discharged those
Vol. IX. 19
146 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
whom I caused to be arrested, though they admitted their guilt, and declined deciding whether
this trade was lawful or not; as if there could be a doubt whether it was~ allowable to go
trading without license beyond the settlements, and to cheat your Majesty's treasury of the
fourth of the Beaver, by conveying it elsewhere than to the Farmers' Magazine, and even
preventing iis entrance into Your Majesty's kingdom when in the hands of Foreigners.
The sole difficulty, Sire, to be encountered was to know, previous to your Majesty being
pleased to prescribe, the course we should observe towards the Indians, and especially towards
the Mohegan^ [Lotq)s'\ and the Iroquois of the Five Nations, who have pursued this trade
for a long time by means of those of their tribe who have settled at Saut S' Louis, near
Montreal, which is, as it were, their entrepot for this traffic, as I have had already the honor
of advising Your Majesty; but to this I did not consider it my duty to oppose hitherto
any thing but remonstrances, through fear that the seizure either of them or their merchandise
would cause some rupture, which the Country is not in a condition to sustain.
Nevertheless, this tacit tolerance towards the French, observed by the Council, having
encouraged others to imitate those who, it was remarked, were allowed to go unpunished, and
being advised that some were preparing to follow this example, I communicated the matter to
the new agent of the Revenue. He having thought.proper to establish an office, with some
guards, at Chambly, I immediately dispatched orders to the settlers to receive them ; and to
Sieur de St. Ours, whom I had some two years ago appointed commandant, to observe what
occurred, to support them in all things, and to endeavor to execute, with tl>em, my
recommendations to him for tlie interruption of this trade, until Your Majesty should consider
whether it be not necessary that a Governor and some sort of garrison be stationed at that
post; it being the frontier of the country, and on a river through which the Mohawks can
with the greatest facility visit us, and by which Mess" de Tracy and de Courcelle proceeded to
wage war against them.
Sliould Your Majesty adopt this resolution, Sieur de St. Ours, who is married and settled
iu the neighborhood, and who caine to this country Captain in the troops which were sent
hither, would be very well adapted for this office. He is a relative of Marshal d'Estrades.
Tlie profit derived. Sire, from this trade may cause it to be continued, if not opposed; for
though it does not become me to object to anything your Majesty does me the honor to order
nie, I cannot forbear representing to you, as it is the truth, and I consider it my duty not to
conceal it from you, that the English rate the Beaver carried to Orange and elsewhere one-
third higher than it is rated at the office of Your Majesty's revenue (Ferme), and that they pay
ordinarily in dollars, without making any of the 'distinctions customary here, and when
merchandise is preferred, they furnish it at a lower rate, by half, than our merchants do.
This is a matter of public notoriety, whatever may iiave been represented to your Majesty
to the contrary; and all those who reside and trade in this country will confirm the same thing.
Had the representations made regarding the occurrences last year at the Montreal fair been
thus sincere, your Majesty would have understood that the obstacles I was represented as having
created, by that tolerance of soldiers' booths, are imaginary, and that those Savages who, it is
pretended, were ill-treated there, had been so only because they endeavored to force the
sentries, and to go and pillage the Outaouaos in their wigwams, or trade with them Wampum
beads for Beaver to be carried to Orange; as the whole could have been easily proved by the
information I caused the Provost to collect, and which I sent.
Those are calumnies. Sire, that my enemies impute to me in the endeavor to blacken my
conduct in your Majesty's estimation at the time I apply greater care and application to the
PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. ]47
execution of Your orders; but I shall never appreliend any effect from their nialiee, provided
Your Majesty be so good as to desire to probe tlie matter, as 1 am contident that t4ie investigation
will always revert to their cc^jlfusion and to my advantage.
The Mohawks have done nothing in violation of the promises of the ambassadors whom they
sent last Autumn; but the Onondagas and the Senecas have not appeared, by their conduct, to
be similarly minded and disposed.
The artifices of certain persons, to which the English, perhaps, have united theirs, have
induced them to continue the war against the Ilinois, notwithstanding every representation 1
had made to theui. They burnt one of their villages, and took six or seven hundred prisoners,
though mostly children and old women. What is more vexatious is, that they wounded, with
a knife, Sieur de Tonty, who was endeavoring to bring about some arrangement between
them, and who had been left by Sieur de la Salle in this same village, with some Frenciimen,
to protect the post he had constructed there. A Recollet Friar, aged seventy years, was also
found to have been killed whilst retiring. So that, having waited the entire of this year, to
see whether I should have any news of them, and whether they would not send to offer me
some satisfaction, I resolved to invite them to repair next year to Fort Frontenac, to explain
their conduct to me.
Though of no consideration, they have become. Sire, so insolent since this expedition
against the Ilinois, and are so strongly encouraged in these sentiments, in order that they may
be induced to continue the War, under the impression that it will embarrass Sieur de la Salle's
discoveries, that it is to be feared they will push their insolence farther, and on perceiving that
we do not afford any succor to our allies, attribute this to a want of power that may create
in them a desire to come and attack us.
Although persons who pass here as the most sensible would wish to engage me to anticipate
them, I considered that I ought not to do so before previously receiving the orders of Your
Majesty, whose great prudence can foresee the consequences of such a step, and who can
prescribe to me what I shall have to do, after receiving the advices I take the liberty
to communicate.
I most humbly supplicate you to consider that I have, for ten years, maintained all those
Savages in an obedient, quiet and peaceful temper only by a little address and management;
that when one is deprived of every means, it is difficult to do any more, and to anticipate
things which would be easily remedied had there been any aid; that the Savages become more
experienced as to what I can say to them to retain them within their duty; that all the
Voyages they see me make almost every year, to Fort Frontenac, afford them no longer
the same cause for astonishment as at the beginning; that it is constantly whispered in their
ears that they perceive no effect from what those among them, who are in our interest, caused
them to fear, nor the arrival of any troops from France, with which they were sometimes
menaced when exulting over their prowess and pointing at the weakness of our Colony; that
therefore they may recommence the war against us with as much advantage as ever; and a
hundred other discourses of this kind, which excite the passions of the turbulent and of tiieir
young men, and prevent these listening to the Counsels of those who are older and wiser.
Five or six hundred soldiers would very soon dispel all these different ideas, and it would
be necessary only to show them, and promenade them through their lakes, without any other
hostile act, to insure ten years' peace.
They would afford the means, also, of occupying posts on Lakes Frontenac and Erie, and,
with vessels there, prevent the Iroquois openly carrying their Beaver to New Netherland;
148 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
and the increase which would accrue to your Majesty's Revenue would exceed the expense of
the troops, independent of the security they would afford to the Nations under your Majesty's
protection, and of the other advantages to be derived from op^ng roads and clearing lands.
The war waged by the Indians called Cannibas,' who dwell in the neighborhood of Pemekuit
and Pentagouet in Acadia, against those of Boston, has been terminated by the address of the
English in detaching against them some Iroquois, to whom they gave a passage across their
Country. This obliged the former to come to an arrangement. The Governor of Pemekuit
always claims the River S' Croix as his limits, and sends vessels to fish and trade along the
coasts appertaining to your Majesty.
It will be difficult to prevent them doing so, and those of Port Royal from continuing their
inclination towards them, in consequence of the privation they experience of all sorts of
aid from France, and of the assistance they derive from the English, unless your Majesty
have the goodness to provide therefor, by establishing a Governor there, and giving him the
means of subsistance and of applying a remedy to many disorders.
Sieur de la Valliere does every thing he can in the case; but that Province being vast in
extent, he cannot go to every point at his own expense, nor do every thing that is necessary
in order to restrain those people entirely within what is right.
The last intelligence I had. Sire, from Sieur de la Salle, was to the effect that, despite of all
the obstacles thrown in his way and the misfortunes he had encountered, he still was in a
position to accomplish his discovery, and that if he were a living man he would proceed next
spring to the South Sea, and return with the news thereof the ensuing autumn. I communicated
to him your Majesty's orders regarding those licenses which it was reported he had issued;
that matter was represented as much more criminal than it really was, inasmuch as he did
not issue but two or three to persons who aided in the carriage of things he required, and
only in the places where your Majesty granted him the privilege of sending to trade.
Had the complaints. Sire, made against me to your Majesty respecting Sieurs Chartier, de
Lobiniere, de Vitre Councillor and the Clerk (Griffier) of the Council, been explained, you would
have been aware of their injustice, and of the malice of those who invented them; and I most
humbly supplicate you to be pleased, if they are repeated, not to condemn me without
allowing my wife and friends the favor to prove by incontestable evidence the blackness and
wickedness of those who bring forward such unfounded accusations.
Your Majesty will clearly conceive that I never suffered more than when represented as
violent and as a man who disturbed the Officers of Justice in the performance of their duties,
as I always was particular in the observance of what was prescribed to me, which was to
exhort them to do their duty when I observed them negligent. This drew down on me such
atrocious insults, as well on their part as on that of M. du Chesnau, that, when they will
have been investigated, your Majesty will find it difficult to believe them, and will be pleased
do me justice in that regard.
I should not be doing justice to the gentlemen of the Seminary of Montreal if I did not
assure your Majesty of the pains they continue to take to increase their Indian Mission, and
to induce the Savages to abandon their barbarous customs and adopt ours. The Memoir I
send, according to your orders, will more fully explain their success.
' The Kennebec Indians were so called by the French. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 149
This progress begins to produce good effects in the other Missions, at which the Indians,
after the example of the former, already have fowls, hogs and French grain. This is what I
always expected.
The favor which your Majesty, Sire, has bestowed on the Recollet Fathers, by granting
them the Seneschal's lot, would be very useful to the citizens of Quebec, if our Bishop were
not advised to nullify it, by restricting them to the privilege solely of erecting a house
thereupon for the sick members of their order, and celebrating mass for tiiese in private,
without allowing them to build a Chapel there and performing Divine Service according to the
wishes of the people for their consolation. And as they lost by the shipwreck of the S' Joseph,
last year, the masons and carpenters who were coming to build their establishment, with
your Majesty's donations of several years, and divers other things necessary for the
construction of their churches and buildings; the pension allowed them for the support of
their Friars will scarcely suffice to repair their losses, if your Majesty will not have the
goodness to add to it some new charity, the rather as they are obliged to bring over four
Priests and two lay brothers to sustain their Missions and attend on the people.
It only remains for me. Sire, to supplicate you most humbly to be persuaded, that I do not
presume to represent all these things, save only in consequence of the extreme zeal I have for
the preservation and support of this Colony; that I shall always feel great interest for every
thing that regards your Majesty's service; and that I shall cause all my glory to consist in
searching out occasions of evincing the very profound respect and entire submission with
which, I am,
Sire,
Your Majesty's
Most humble, most obedient
and most faithful subject and servant,
Quebec, this 2^ November, 16S1. Frontenac.
M. Du Chesneaii to M. de Stignelay.
(Extracts.)
My Lord.
I received, with all the respect of which I was capable, the King's orders and the letter you
were pleased to do me the honor to write me on the 2"* May last. New France has great
reason to hope favorably for repose and happiness, since your Father has been pleased to
devolve on you. My Lord, the care — full of tenderness — which he has always taken of her,
and since you have the power and inclination to assist her.
I must also deem myself fortunate in being able to evince to you my fidelity and obedience
to your commands, and to renew to you the most respectful assurances of my most humble
services, which you had the goodness to accept the first time I had the happiness to offer them
to you, as a creature of your illustrious house.
I shall endeavor, My Lord, to respond, exactly, to every thing the King and you order me, and
to inform you, afterwards, of the state of this Country, and of what occurred in it after the
150 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
departure of last year's ships. I shall, assuredly, do so with all the fidelity I owe you, and in
pure truth, without the occurrences that have taken place causing any other emotion in me
than the desire of performing my duty and of acquitting myself of obligations which his
Majesty's service and the good of the Country impose on my conscience.
You will perceive. My Lord, by the census of the Indians that I have taken this year, that
their number is increased by two hundred and seven persons. I make bold to state to you
that, amidst all the plans presented to me to attract the Indians among us and to accustom
them to our manners, that from which most success may be anticipated, without fearing the
inconveniences common to all the others, is to establish Villages of those people in our midst.
It appears even that 'tis the best, since at the Mission of the Mountain of Montreal, governed
by the gentlemen of the Seminary of Saint Sulpice, and in that of the Saut of la Prairie,
de la Madelaine, in its vicinity; in those of Sillery and Loretto in the neighborhood
of Quebec, all three under the direction of the Jesuit Fathers, the youth are all brought up
a la Francaise, except in the matter of their food and dress, which it is necessary to make
them retain in order that they be not effeminate, and that they may be more at liberty and less
impeded whilst hunting, which constitutes their wealth and ours.
A commencement has been made in all these Missions to instruct the young boys in reading
and writing; at that of the Montreal Mountain, the Ladies of the Congregation devote
themselves to the instruction of the little girls, and employ them in needle-work ; the Ursulines
■ at Quebec act in the same way towards those given to them, whom they receive indifferently
from all the Missions, whether established among us or in the Indian Country under the
direction of the Jesuit Fathers.
On this point. My Lord, you will permit me, if you please, to state two things to you: First,
those Missions cannot be too much encouraged, nor too much countenance be given to the
gentlemen of Saint Sulpice and the Jesuit Fathers among the Indians, inasmuch as they not
only place the Country in security and bring peltries hither, but greatly glorify God, and
the King, as eldest son of the Church, by reason of the large number of good Christians
formed there.
Secondly, his Majesty may, perhaps, have it in his power to increase, essentially, this great
good, were he to order me to make, in his name, a few presents to the Indians of the Villages
established among us, so as to attract a greater number of them ; and were he to destine a small
fund for the Indian girls who quit the Ursulines, on being educated, to fit them out and
marry them, and establish Christian families through their means.
I shall not fail, My Lord, to exhort the Inhabitants to rear Indians, and shall not be
discouraged giving them the example, notwithstanding three have already left me, after I had
incurred considerable expense on them, because I would oblige them to learn something. The
Jesuit Fathers have been more fortunate than I, and have some belonging to the most distant
tribes, such as Illinois and Mohegans (Loups), who know how to read, write, speak French
and play on Instriiments.
You will perceive, My Lord, by the letter I have written to the proprietors of lands injustice
and in fief, as well for themselves as for their settlers, that after having conferred with the
Bishop, as you ordered me to do in every thing regarding the spiritualities of this Country,
and in obedience to the King's intentions and to yours, the tythe alone is to constitute the
support of a Parish Priest (Cure,) who has been furnished with a district supposed to be large
PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. " 151
enough for that purpose, and even the extent of this has been submitted to the decision of the
proprietors and settlers, in order that if by them considered too large it should be curtailed,
and likewise, if not sufficiently large, it should be increased.
Nevertheless, My Lord, the proprietors of fiefs and Seigniories, and the settlers have
represented that by increasing the extent of the Parish the people would be rendered more
destitute, because, as heretofore laid out for each Cun', the settlers constituting it had mass
usually but one Sunday in a month or six weeks; that the tythe even would not increase in
consequence of adding to the Mission, because the settlers, being visited more rarely, would
declare against paying tythe .except in proportion to the attendance they might receive.
Their good faith must also be depended on, as it was impossible to rent the tythe out in
consequence of the difficulty of collection, unless at a great expense, owing to the situation of
the localities.
The Parish priests have, on the other hand, represented that they are already surcharged
with work, being obliged to be incessantly traveling, now on snow shoes over the snows in
winter, and anon during the summer in a canoe, which they paddle the whole daylong;
and that if their Missions, already too extensive, be enlarged, they would not be able to
stand such excessive fatigue. ,
Nevertheless, My Lord, all those difficulties have not prevented me making known his
Majesty's intention and yours ; and the Bishop has sent back the priests to the place's they
have been in the habit of attending, and ordered them to be content with the simplest living
and the merest necessaries for their support. Some of the proprietors of fiefs and seigniories
have offijred to board them in their families, and they are to provide for their entertainment.
But as this is merely voluntary, and independent of the tythes, there is no certainty that it
will continue.
You will permit me. My Lord, to represent that what is done in France cannot form any
certain rule, since, assuredly, the expense is very different in this country. Did I not fear
fatiguing you, I should lay before you a statement which would convince you of this truth.
I shall content myself by merely remarking to you that wine, which costs only X"" the cask
in France, sells here for fifty, sixty and seventy Uvres ; o^her liquors in proportion. Clothes
cost double; Clergymen wear out a good deal of these, in consequence of their frequent
journeys and the length of the winter. Shoes sell for a hundred sous and six Uvres. A servant
who earns only ten, twelve, and fifteen ecus wages, has fifty here; and, finally, firewood,
which scarcely ever enters into the expenses of a clergyman in France, costs in the
settlements at least three Uvres, and in Qwebec a hundred sous, or six francs the cord ;
and the consumption of it is very large, in consequence of the severity and length of the
winter. The King and you, my Lord, shall, notwithstanding, be obeyed, and I shall do
everything to confine the support of the Cures to the tythe alone, as has been commanded me.
As I ought not deceive you. My Lord, I must inform you that there is not a single person
in this country who is capable of endowing a Church with iiilb., but is able even to build it
substantially at his own private expense. Everybody here is puffed up with the greatest
vanity ; there is not one but pretends to be a patron, and wants a Cure on his farm ; and all
these persons are steeped in debt, and in the extremest poverty, with one exception, and
he is the poorer because he is a sordid miser.
Exclusive of that of Quebec, there are, throughout the entire Country, but seven parochial
Churches with stone walls. These are in the Seigniories of the Bishop, of the , of
152 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
the gentlemen of Saint Sulpice, and in two private Seigniories. They were built partly from
the funds which his Majesty appropriated for that purpose ; partly from heavy contributions
of those gentlemen, and the charities of Individuals. The rest are constructed of timber and
plank at the expense of the proprietors of the fiefs, and of the settlers; the Bishop refuses to
consecrate them, because, as he says, it is his duty and obligation not to consecrate any
buildings except such as are solid and durable.
Thus, My Lord, if the tythes be sufficient for the Cure's subsistence, there will not be any
necessity that the patrons contribute thereunto, which they are not in a condition to do, since,
except the persons I have just named to you, there is not an individual in this country in a
condition to begin to build Churches of any sort whatsoever. They will say readily enough
that they'll do it; but it is not within their means to perform it. Some told me they would
build the chancel of strong pieces of timber, and that they would oblige their settlers
to build the nave in the same style ; and they hoped that therefore they would obtain the
advowson. I think that by the King's edict they ought to build the church altogether; and
it would be an inconvenience, if a wooden building sufficed, unless the Patron bound himself
to keep it in repair. You will oblige me, my Lord, by letting me know your pleasure on
these two points.
I have received the statement of the gratuities it has pleased his Majesty to allow to
Converts (Communautcs), Churches and to individuals in this country. I continue to assure
you, My Lord, that a good use is made of them, and such as I communicated in former years.
I expended only 3,000 livrcs for marriages this year. I account for what I expended last
year, and for fifteen hundred livrcs for the Church at Montreal.
H. Coureurs de hois.
In regard to the Coureurs de bois, and the protection which I last year stated had been
given them by M. de Frontenac, and the interest he had in common with them, I could
not help reporting it, since what I stated on this point was not advanced without reflection,
and I had transmitted the proofs thereof; and the Governor's conduct again this year, which
I shall explain to you in course, will convince you that the affair of the Coureurs de bois
was his.
I assure you, My Lord, that I caused to be punished as many of the violators of the King's
orders as I could catch. They are sixteen in number. The Provost has likewise done his
duty, whatever may be said to the contrary. But what could I do without aid and force, and
what could the Provost effect when he had the Governor's order to give him notice every time
he went to make a search by my command? In this way he was always anticipated and
labored much without success.
I think I can hardly be mistaken in the number of Coureurs de bois ; and assuredly, My
Lord, whoever reported that they were not absent from their families five or six months in
the year, and that there is nothing more easy than to ascertain the fact, and to arrest them on
their return, has not reflected on the matter, for the Coureurs de bois are at least two and
sometimes three years and over on their voyages, and it is very difficult to arrest them.
And in order. My Lord, that you may be convinced of it, permit me to inform you that
there are two sorts of Coureurs de bois. The first go to the original haunts of the Beaver,
PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. • 153
among the Indian tribes of the AssinibouetsS NadoussieuxS Miamis, Illinois and others, and
these cannot make the trip in less than two or three years. The second, who are not so
numerous, merely go as far as the Long Sault, Petite Nation, and sometimes to Michilimakinac,
to meet the Indians and French who come down, in order to obtain, exclusively, their peltries,
for which they carry goods to them, and sometimes nothing but Brandy, contrary to the King's
prohibition, with which they intoxicate and ruin them. The latter can make tlieir trips in the
time indicated to you, nearly, and even in a much shorter period. It is not easy to catch
either the one or the other, unless we are assisted by disinterested persons ; and if favored
but ever so little, they easily receive intelligence, and the woods and the rivers aflbrd them
great facilities to escape justice. This has occurred within four years.
The foregoing has given me the idea, My Lord, of informing you exactly of all the nations
from whom we obtain peltries ; of tlieir interests, and how to attract ail this trade. But as
this subject is too extensive to be disposed of in one letter, I shall prepare a special Memoir
thereupon to be presented to you. I shall take occasion to speak in it of Acadia, which is
neglected ; of the advantages to be derived from that and the country inhabited by the English,
and shall annex to that Memoir the Map, divided into four parts, of all the places I shall
mention. I pray you, My Lord, to accept it as a present, indicative to you of my most humble
service.
May God grant that the orders issued by the King and by yourself. My Lord, to the
Governor, to employ his guards and the soldiers of the garrisons in detaining the Coureurs de
bois, may be executed better than those given to prevent the Runners, who had come down on
the news of the Amnesty, returning before its publication into the distant Indian Settlements,
as they have done in very great numbers. It is the opinion at present that more than sixty
canoes have started.
All the means employed by the King and yourself, my Lord, to keep these vagabonds within
their duty, and the orders transmitted on this subject, are not only the best, but they are even
full of goodness and indulgence for those wretches, did not people take upon themselves the
liberty to explain them away, to amplify them, and not to follow them, only insomuch as their
application accords with the private interest of those who explain them. This is what you
'Otherwise called Assiniboins, or Sioux of the Rocks; the name being derived from Assine, "stones," and Bwan, the
Indian name for the Sioux or Dahcotahs, from whom they revolted, probably in the sixteenth century. They originally
inhabited the country around Lake Winnepeg and the head waters of the Mississippi, and are by some autliors called Hohays,
from the Dahcotah words Ho he, fishermen. A continual war exists between them and the parent tribe, in consequence of
which they have removed, a part to near the mouth of the Yellow-Stone, and others to the head of the Assiniboin
river. Though many of them died in 1847, of starvation, they are reported to number still about 7,000 souls. By some
authors they are called "The Weepers," from the custom of constantly bewailing their dead.
' The proper name of these is Dahcotahs, or Sioux. When the French visited the Falls of St. Marj^ in 1G41, they met
the Poutawatamies, who were flying from their Nadawessi, or "enemies." The French took this to be the name of the tribe,
and applied it to distinguish the Dahcotahs, or the "Confederates," who, they were told, lived to the west or northwest of
the Falls, about 18 days' journey, the first nine across a large lake (Superior); the other nine up a river (St. Louis)
which leads inland. Their villages were larger and better fortified than those of the Hurons, in consequence of tlieir
wars with the Killistiuons, Irinions and other populous tribes. Their language was different from the Algonquin and Huron.
This nation, called by Father AUoiiez "the Iroquois of the West," is the most powerful Indian tribe in North America. It
consists of seven bands, each independent, under a separate chief, but united in a confederacy for the protection of their
territories; which send deputies to a general council, whenever the concerns of the nation or the safety of any particular
Bub-tril)e require it. It originally possessed the country around the head of the Mississippi and neighboring lakes; was
peaceable and little used to war before the Hurons and Ottawas, flying from the fury of the Iroquois, took refuge in their
country. Those derided their simplicity, and made them warriors to their own cost. Governor Ramsay, of Minnesota,
made a very interesting Report to the Indian Department, in 1849, on this and the other Western tribes. — Ed.
Vol. IX. 20
54 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
will acknowledge, My Lord, when I shall give you an account of the enregistration and
execution of the letters of Amnesty, and of the Edict for the punishment of those who will
contravene the King's orders.
What I have written on the subject of the number and long absence of the Coureurs
de hois, My Lord, justifies sufficiently my representation that this country was diminishing in
population and that the farms were uncultivated. Two years' absence of five hundred persons
(according to the lowest calculation), the best adapted to farm work, cannot increase
agriculture; and this is confirmed by the complaints I have received from proprietors of
Seigniories, who do not participate in the profits of the Coureurs de bois, that they cannot find
men to do their work.
As regards my representation that the French themselves sell our peltries to the English, and
that the latter buy them at an advance of almost one-half more than we do, and sell their
wares much cheaper, you will be- too clearly convinced of it if you will take the trouble,
My Lord, to examine the proofs in support thereof, which will expose those who encourage
that trade; and they will demonstrate also to you that, if the importation of Beaver into the
Kingdom has not fallen off within five or six years, it would have increased, had this trade
been prevented. This letter. My Lord, would be too long, did I not reserve, for special
Memoirs, the detail of what I have submitted to you in gross.
As Count de Frontenac has declared that he would not grant any licenses to trade with the
Indians in their settlements until next year, and that the King's and your intention is that I
should vise them, I pray you, my Lord, to have the goodness to inform me wliether it be
not his Majesty's and your intention that those who obeyed the King's orders have the first
licenses in preference to others.
My Lord, as to what regards the representation I transmitted relative to the conduct of
Sieur Perrot, Governor of Montreal, of which His Majesty informs me I did not send any
proofs, you will admit. My Lord, by those I send you this year, that I have not written
anything but the truth.
I always have performed. My Lord, whatever was in my power for the King's service and
the good of the Colony, so far as preventing any violence being done to his Majesty's native
subjects, and to the Savages under his dominion, in order to render this country happy by
the union of the one and the abundance caused by the vast number of the others whom I have
endeavored to attract hither. But the authority which his Majesty is desirous I should
employ for such purpose, in the execution of the duties of my office, as well as that of the other
officers of Justice, lias been taken away from us, inasmuch as the Governor does not permit
the execution of our orders except so far as pleases him. This is one of the points, the
explanation of which I reserve for a separate Memoir.
The orders his Majesty and you. My Lord, give to Governors, not to exact any present from
the Indians, are highly advantageous to the Colony. There have not been any great complaints
this year, on this score, nor of the irregularities that have for some years prevailed in the
Montreal trade, because we have forbidden the coming down of ninety Canoes belonging to
Outawas, heavily laden witii peltries, through apprehensions of the small pox (peste), which
was introduced among that people by well-known vagabonds (libertins), against whom the
Governor was unwilling that informations should be lodged.
Had not the Coureurs de bois, who, for three or four years did not dare to come down,
arrived and brought large quantities of beaver, it would have been impossible to supply the
PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. I55
farmers of the Revenue what was necessary for them to send to France. But what is to be
deplored is, that ahnost the whole of the peltries has fallen into the hands of three or four,
and the trade is ruined; this I hope to demonstrate clearly to you in a special Memoir.
I issued an Ordinance, conformably to the King's and your orders. My Lord, relative to the
poor, dry beaver, which must be taken at its weight. But a difficulty has arisen through what
I consider a misconception in this passage of the King's letter: "It must be enforced without
hesitation, and the farmers must take the beaver at the full weight, deducting 20 sous from the
price of 4''"' 10 sous, at which the half-green (demi-gras) beaver ordinarily sells."
As I entertain profound respect for whatever is contained in the King's letter, and dare
not permit myself the liberty to explain it, and as I, notwithstanding, clearly perceived that
his Majesty's intention was, not to confound the poor, dry beaver, which sells for only iii"
X. sous, with the good, dry and smooth beaver, which sells at iiii" x. sous, and that there was
no question about the half-green beaver which does not sell for iiii'' x. sous, as the said letter
states, but for CX. sous,' I ordered that the said dry beaver should be taken at its full weight,
@^ iii "''x.^ subject, nevertheless, to the condition that the settlers and Merchants who might
bring half-green beaver to the bureau of the King's collector should submit, if so ordered
by his Majesty, to restore what overplus they may have received per pound weight previous
to its appearing to be affected by the King's orders contained in the said letter, as the Agent of
the Farmers (of the Revenue) claimed.
Nevertheless, My Lord, permit me to tell you that it would not be fair to allow them any thing
on this pretension, because the profits realized by the said Farmers off the settlers, by allowing
them only a pound and a half for their dry beaver, though it often weighed two, amounted, at
most, to five or six thousand livres a year, and were the half-green beaver reduced 20 sous, in
addition to the embarrassment which this reduction would create, and the continual differences
which would arise relative to green and half-green beaver, it would cause a loss to the settlers
of more than sixty thousand livres, contrary to my advice of the 20 S^", 1636,^ to the effect
that the poor, dry beaver should be diminished 20 sous per pound on 4.10 sous, at which
price all the beaver was then indifferently selling, and then taken at its full weight; that
the good, dry and smooth beaver should continue at the said 4 francs ten sous, and that, in
order to obviate any difference that might arise, the fat and half-fat beaver, without distinction,
should be increased to CX sous; which advice was confirmed by a Decree of the King's
Council of State of the 16 May, 1677.
A year ago I received the King's orders not to obligate, for the future, the Farmers [of the
Revenue] to purchase Ashes, and I have not done so since. I assure you. My Lord, that 1
endeavor, with all my might, to induce the settlers to manufacture potashes, and I promise
you, anew, that I will again endeavor to persuade them, and shall myself aid, according to my
poor ability, tl^ose who will undertake it.
In reference to the reproach which his Majesty and you, My Lord, make respecting the
trade from this Country to the American Islands, I will tell you truly that there never went as
many vessels from this Country as since I came here. There has been as many as four in one
year, and at least two in the others, except this year, in which only one went, and last year,
when one of the two that were going thither was wrecked.
' Cent dix sous — 110 sous. ' This must be a mistake ; probably 1 67 6. — Ed.
156 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
III. Differences between the Governor-General and the Intendant.
I would have finished this letter, My Lord, had I not reserved, for the close, what is the
most important, and, were I not very unwillingly obliged, in duty and in my own despite, to
give you a short account of the present condition of this Country, and to tell you that the
occurrences since the month of November of last year, when the vessels left for France, are
the disastrous consequences of what I had the honor to communicate to My Lord, your Father,
six years ago.
Matters have at length arrived at the extremity I always anticipated. Disorder is introduced
every where ; universal confusion prevails througliout every department of business ; the
King's pleasure, the orders of the Sovereign Council, and my Ordinances continue unexecuted ;
justice is openly violated, and trade is entirely destroyed.
Monsieur De Villeray, first Councillor in the Sovereign Council, has been stripped of the
privileges of his birth and forbidden to assume the rank of Esquire, though he is entitled
to it by a decision of the King's Council of State, rendered at the time of the last investigation
of the Noblesse.
Sieur de la Martiniere, another member of the Council, and the Attorney-General, have
been ill-treated and insulted in the discharge of their duties.
Sieur d'Amours, another Councillor, 63 years of age, burdened with twelve children, and
greatly embarrassed in his affairs and health ; for thirty years a resident in the Country, where
he lived exempt from reproach, and seventeen years in the Council, where he discharged his
duty like a good judge, has been imprisoned for the space of three days. The Bailiff of
Montreal has been arrested, and soldiers have been placed in his house, where they have lived
at discretion. The same thing was done to a Merchant. In fine, the other officers of Justice
are treated no better than mere Jiabltans, whose destruction is determined on, and the guilty
go unpunished.
Violence, upheld by authority, decides everything; and nought could console the people,
who groan without daring to complain through fear of destroying themselves irreparably, but
the hope. My Lord, that you will have the goodness to deign to be moved by their misfortunes,
in spite of all the precautions the authors take to conceal them from you.
Be pleased. My Lord, to judge, from all that I have just laid before you, whether there can
be a more distressing position than that to which I find myself reduced; since, if I conceal
the truth from you, I fail in the obedience I owe the King, and in the fidelity that I vowed
so long since to My Lord, your father, and which I swear anew at your hands; and, if I pay
attention, as I must, to his Majesty's and your orders, I cannot avoid giving displeasure,
because it is not possible for me to render you any account of such serious disorder, without
informing you, at the same time, that M. de Frontenac's conduct is the sole cause thereof.
God is my witness. My Lord, that nothing afflicts me so truly as the necessity under which
I find myself of writing to you upon disagreeable subjects. I entreat you, with all the respect
of which I am capable, to be so kind as to believe that I should not have done it, were
anything less at issue than the ruin of a country which has cost the King so much, and to save
from oppression a great number of families almost buried in despair, and who intend to
withdraw to France.
I always assured My Lord, your father, that I was ever incapable of concealing any tiling
from him; that I always told him the truth without disguise, and that I modified rather than
colored the reports I have rendered him. I have already several times taken the liberty in
this letter to assure you of the same sincerity.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. 157
I now repeat it, My Lord, since the animosity of which I am accused has no part in what I
have written on the subject of the Count de Frontenac; though I might feel some emotion in
consequence of a month's imprisonment to wliich lie subjected my son, a student of between
sixteen and seventeen years of age, without his being able to obtain leave to take the air in
the yard of the fort wherein he was confined — a severity and injustice which astonished the
entire country to the last degree — as well as that which he made my servant undergo, whom
he caused to be removed from the prison of this town, where I had him confined on the
accusation made against him with very little foundation, and whom he had locked up in a
dungeon of the fort, deprived of the consolation of speaking to any person.
The severity with which the Governor treated the one and the other was with a view to
oblige my son to disavow the complaint he had made to me, that his Excellency had struck
and ill-treated him in his study, when he went to pay his respects and to demand justice; and
to constrain my servant, who waited on my sou, to say that the latter had not told tlie truth
and that his complaint was unfounded.
The moderation which I have invariably observed might possibly have experienced some
alteration, My Lord, in consequence of the insults, reproaches and rudeness the Governor is
daily guilty of towards me in the Council, where he charges me with rashness and insolence; of
the prison with which he frequently threatens me; and of the defamatory libels against me by
his authority, and the inconceivable insults which Sieur Boisseau perpetrates against me, both
verbally and in writing, as well at Quebec as in the other parts of the country, whither he has
always followed the Governor, by whom he is protected from justice. But all this has not
affected me; I regarded it with indifference, and have not failed to cooperate [with him] in
the King's affairs, and to visit him as usual, and shall continue so to do, although quite recently
he abused me very much in his study, because I had refused to autliorize the payment of a
somewhat large sum of money to Sieur de La Valliere, on whom he conferred the government
of Acadia, and justified myself on the precise commands of the King and of his Lordship, your
father, not to direct the payment of any more before it be entered on his Majesty's estimate,
unless he should absolutely order me so to do.
Finding myself in so disagreeable a position, after all that I have just narrated to you. My
Lord, I resolved to lay before you with all possible sincerity the deplorable condition of this
country; the intrigues resorted to for the purpose of maintaining disorder in it, and the
artifices made use of to prevent complaints reaching you.
The authority with which the Governor is invested is an easy means of success herein,
because, in the administration of justice and in what regards trade, he does only what he
pleases, and in one and the other favors only those whose business has relation to his
speculations, or who are interested with him. The force he has at hand sustains his interests,
and he employs it only to intimidate the people, so as to prevent them complaining, or to gloze
over his violences by exacting from individuals false statements, which he can use to weaken
what may be said against him, and to turn whatever he does to his own advantage
And inasmuch as the detail of matters, so important as those which I have just laid
before you. My Lord, cannot be embraced in one letter, I have, in order to avoid being too
importunate, thought proper to submit them in special Memoirs, supported by proper proofs.
The first will show you that the King's commands are not executed, that justice is
overpowered, that its officers are persecuted and the guilty remain unpunished.
The second will lay before you the disorders created by the Coureurs de bois; what has
encouraged the disobedience to the King's orders, and still sustains it; and the fact that
158 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
an open trade is carried on with the English ; to whom our peltries are conveyed to the
prejudice of the King's farm, who purchase those peltries much dearer, and sell their
merchandise much cheaper, than we do.
The third will convince you. My Lord, of all that I communicated last year relative to
Sieur Perrot, Governor of Montreal. You will therein notice the continuance of his ill conduct,
as well as that of Sieur de la Salle, Governor of Fort Frontenac, and of Sieur Du Lut,
Captain of the Coureurs de hois, and discover some private associations very prejudicial to
the country.
The fourth will convince you that, though trade can be carried on advantageously in
Canada and Acadia, it is, nevertheless, diminishing.
By the fifth you will understand the extravagant and impious conduct of Sieur Boisseau,
which I communicate to you, My Lord, only because he is preparing to return here next year,
and his return would be prejudicial to the country.
The sixth, in fine, will lay before you the state of the King's farm, at its establishment, its
progress and present condition.
My Secretary, whom I send to you, has in his possession those Memoirs, and all the pieces
to support them. He has, besides, whatever relates to the imprisonment of my son and
of my servant. I have not given him these to present to you, My Lord, for the purpose of
obtaining satisfaction. On the contrary, I entreat you, with all possible earnestness, not to
make any reflections upon them. It is merely to justify me against what the Governor has
publicly stated within these few days — that be should complain to you of my having wished
on that occasion to stir up a rebellion against him.
I hope, My Lord, that you will acknowledge that my conduct has been conformable to the
commands I received last year from his Majesty and your Lordship's father. I have endured
everything; I have remonstrated; and, in fine, I advise the King and you. My Lord, thereof. I
shall observe, during the whole of this year, the same reserve as heretofore. I send home my
two children, in order not to expose them again to fresh insults. I shall apply myself,
exclusively, to the performance of my duty, as far as I shall be permitted, and I shall suffer
everything with patience, according to my orders, resolved to inform you, as is my duty, of all
that has occurred.
These are the sentiments, My Lord, in which I remain, and hope you will be satisfied with
my conduct. I conclude. My Lord, by demanding, with an earnestness full of respect for you,
and of affection for this poor country, that you will be pleased to take compassion on it,
assuring you that I would willingly sacrifice my life to its repose, and to testify to you that it
is impossible to be, with greater fidelity, obedience and submission than I am,
My Lord,
Your most humble,
most obedient and
13 November, 16S1. most faithful Servant.
Extracts from IT
Duohesneau'a Mem,
16T9, 1680.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. I59
Memoir of M. Du Ohesneau on Irregular Trade in Canada.
Extract of the Memoir [N" 2.] to make known to my Lord the disorders created
by the Coureurs de bois ; the cause of the disobedience to the King's orders ;
what still encourages it, and the fact that trade is openly carried on with
the English, to whom our peltries are conveyed to the prejudice of the
King's farm; that they buy [peltries] at much higher prices than we, and
sell their goods cheaper. Annexed to Sieur Duchesneau's letter of IS""
Nov', 1681.
f The King having been informed that all the families in Canada were engaged
with the Coureurs de bois; that it was to be feared that the latter will become
refugees among the English, which would be an irreparable loss to the Colony, inasmuch as
they might convey their peltries thither, they being the best qualified to defend the country ;
and as it is for the advantage of Canada that a certain number of Frenchmen should go to the
Far Indians, in order to prepare and attract them to us; oblige them to bring us their beaver;
discover, ourselves, their designs, and finally to support, by these voyages, such families as
may be in need :
His Majesty was graciously pleased to grant an amnesty to the disobedient, with authority
to issue twenty-five licences, yearly, to twenty-five canoes, having each three men, to trade
among the Savages ; and in order that the favor might not be abused, his Majesty, by his edict,
enacted punishments against those who should go trading without license.
Orders, proving so strongly the King's goodness and paternal affection for the inhabitants
of this Colony ought to have been received, not only with profound respect, but with extreme
gratitude, which could not be evinced except by perfect submission. Nevertheless, they have
been despised ; the amnesty served only as a pretext to fall back into disobedience, which has
been encouraged by the Governor and by the Major of Montreal. The first to abuse his
Majesty's favor have been the friends and one of the servants of the Governor-General. He
has been notified of it, and has not even signified any displeasure at that presumption.
The Intendant, after the council had been forbidden by the Governor to take cognizance of
what regarded Sieur Perrot, Governor of Montreal, contented himself with taking information
on such strange conduct, in order to communicate it to his Majesty.
Intelligence has also been received that Sieur de La Valliere, who commands at Acadia by"
commission from the Governor, has, with some others, commenced pillaging the inhabitants of
that place, and the Intendant has received complaint thereof. '
But not content with the profit to be derived within the countries under the King's dominion,
the desire of making money every where has led the Governor, Sieurs Perrot, Boisseau, and
Du Lut, and Patron his uncle, to send canoes, loaded with peltries, to the English. It is said
that sixty thousand livres' worth has been sent thither ; and though proof of this assertion cannot
be adduced, it is a notorious report, and what gives it a color of truth is, that the agent of the
gentlemen interested in the King's farm presented a petition to the Intendant, on the 12""
September last, to prohibit trade with, and the carrying of peltries to, the English, and to
permit him, in order to put an end to the continuance of said commerce, to establish a bureau
' Petition of the man named Saint Aubin, and the ordinance of the Intendant thereupon, justify this article. They are
annexed, marked P. Q.
160 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
wherever he should think most proper. This was granted him by the Intendant; hut the
Governor did not allow the persons he had selected to depart until the twenty-fourth of
October following, after all business had been transacted'.
Trade with the English is justified every day; and all those who have prosecuted it agree
that Beaver carried to them sells for double what it costs here ; for that worth 52 som 6
deniers the pound, duty paid, brings eight livres there, and the beaver for Russia sells there
at ten Uvres the pound, in goods.^
Sieur Lebert, a merchant, told the Intendant that those who returned from New England
brought cloths, which sell in this country for nine livres, and cost there only one hundred and
ten sous ; also other things in proportion.
Done at Quebec, the ISi"" November, 1681.
By us, the undersigned, Intendant of New France.
Du Chesneau.
'The Intendant'8 ordinance of the 12th September last, and the delay in its execution, render the truth of this article
probable ; and though conclusive pieces on this Iiead cannot be furnished, yet it is a very general report, and a man of honor,
whose name the Intendant's Secretary will furnish to My lord, if he desire, has informed the said Intendant that within five
or six days the Governor, Sieurs Perrot, Boisseau and Du Lut have divided the money they derived from the Beavers
they had sent to New England. The said petition and ordinance are annexed, marked R.
' The trial of Favre, David and Salvage, with his certificate as to the price of Beaver, justify this article.
M. Du Che-sneau's Memoir on the Western Indians, &c.
Memoir to make known to my Lord the Indian Nations from whom we derive
our peltries; their and our interests; the present condition of those Tribes;
together with a brief description of the Country inhabited by the English,
and of Acadia, adjoining thereunto.
The Outawas Indians, who are divided into several tribes, and are nearest to us, are those
of the greatest use to us, because through them we obtain Beaver; and although they, for the
most part, do not hunt, and have but a small portion of peltry in their Country, they go in
search of it. to the most distant places, and exchange for it our Merchandise which they
procure at Montreal. They are the Themistamens,' Nepisseriens,^ Missisakis,^ Amicoiies,*
' Temiscaiaings. They resided on the Lake Temiscaming, one of the sources of the Ottawa river. — Ed.
' Or Nipissings, from Nippi water, and ing the suffix for locality. They were visited by Champlain in 1615, and by Sagurt
in 1624. The latter says their proper name is Squekan-eronons. Coronelli, in his map of 1688, calls their lake Skekouen.
It lies to the Northeast of Lake Huron.
' This Algonquin tribe was settled originally to the north of lakes Ontario and Erie ; but in 1755 they are laid down on
Mitchell's map on the north of Lake Huron and east of Lake Nippissirien, or Nipissing. La Potherie derives the name from
Mind, several, and Sakis, mouths of rivers, because they lived on a river of the same name, which discharged itself into
Lake Huron by " several mouths." Histoire de I'Ameriqae Sepc II., 60. Others, however, derive it from Miasi and Sakieguti,
a lake.
* This nation, which derived its name from Ahmik or Amikoa, a Beaver, in the Algonquin tongue, was esteemed among
the most noble of those of Canada. They were supposed to be descended from the Great Beaver, which was, next to the
Great Hare, their principal divinity, and inhabited the beaver islands in Lake Michigan. They passed over afterwards to
Manitoualin Island. Charlevoix.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 161
Sa^teu^s^ Kiscakons,^ and Tliionontatorons.'' They get their peltries, in the North, from the
people of the interior, from the Kislistinons, Assinibouets and Nadouessioux, and in the south,
from the Sakis, Poutouatamis,'' Puaiits,'* Oiunaominiecs or La Folle Avoine," Outagamis or
Foxes,' Maskoutins, Miamis and Illinois.
Some of these tribes occasionally come down to Montreal, but usually they do not do so in
very great numbers, because they are too far distant, are not expert at managing canoes, and
because the other Indians intimidate them, in order to be the carriers of their Merchandise
and to profit thereby.
'Tis the interest of these people to be at peace with each other, to enjoy great freedom in
their trade, to be treated kindly when at Montreal, not to be deceived in the sale of
merchandise to them, and to respond liberally to the presents they make, without exacting
any, since 'tis certain that they are well content if they get only half the value of what is
received from them.
It is their interest, likewise, to be afforded great security and facility in the carriage of goods
to those who do not come down to Montreal, and not to be obstructed nor harrassed by a
crowd of Frenchmen who disturb their trade; and wiien differences and wars break out
between all those nations, that the Governor-General endeavor to appease them and to procure
them peace.
As these tribes never transact any business without making presents to illustrate and confirm
their words, should their voluntary offerings not be kindly received, and should they be forced
to give more than they are inclined, they endeavor to enter into arrangements among
' The Indians of the Falls of St. Mary. In the Relation of 1642, they are called " Pauoitig-oueieuhak," or inhabitants of
the Falls; in that of 16'71, "Pahouitingdachirini," or the Men of the Shallow Cataract, and were estimated at 150 souls;
they then united witli the Xoquets, Marameg and Outchibous. The two latter claimed the north side of Lake Supeiior as
their country. The Outchibous are known as Ojibways, or Chippeways, and are called Raratwans, or people of the Kalis,
by the Dahcotahs. They now are settled in the north part of Minnesota. A grammar of their language has been composed
and published by the Rev. Mr. Belcourt, who has also compiled a Sauteux Dictionary. — Ed.
" The Kiskakons, called also Queues coupees by the French, are first mentioned in the Rflalion of 1606, 67. They had
formerly lived on Lake Huron ; in 1672 were found at the Falls of St. Mary and along Lake Superior (SAfo's ilarquetie, I, 61);
and in the beginning of the last century were settled, according to La Potherie [Uistoire de I'Amerique, Sept., I., 64),
at Michilimakinac.
= See IIL, 443, Note 2.
' This tribe abandoned their country, and took refuge among the Chippeways in 1641, so as to be secure from their enemiei,
the Siou.x. In 1670 they returned to Green Bay and the borders of Lake Machihigan; were located in 1701 at the River St
Joseph, where a portion of them were in 1830. They have since removed to Kansas.
" Winnebagoes. They are mentioned by Sagard, in 1632, as Puans, and in the Relation of 1669, under the name of
Ouinibigoutz. Champlain, on his map, calls Lake Michigan "Lac des Puan?'." This nam», Puans, says La Potherie, IL, C8,
copying Marquette, has not so bad a meaning in Indian as in French ; for with them it means Salt, rather than Fetid. The
Winnebagoes are of the Sioux or Dahcotah stock. They were nearly destroyed in 1640, by the Illinois; were allies of
Pontiac in 1763 ; were defeated by Wayne in 1795, and adhered to the British in 1812.
" Menomonies. This tribe was seated, in 1669, on the north part of Green Bay. The name is derived from Monomonick,
"Wild rice" (Zizania aqualica, of Linnaeus); hence the French appellation. Tlie progress of immigration into Wisconsin has
forced them from their ancient grounds to the head waters of the Mississippi. They numbered, in 1849, about 2,500 souls;
some of whom are in an advanced state of civilization.
' The Sacs and Foxes are identically the same nation. They are of the Algonquin family, and are supposed to have been
originally located on the north shores of Lake Ontario, whence they emigrated to Lake Huron, giving their name to Saginaw ;
thence they went to the Fox river of Green Bay, where they were found in 1666. The Menomonies, Chippeways and French
drove them thence to the Wisconsin river, where Carver met them in 1766. Schoolcraft derives th» name of the Sacs from
Osaukee, signifying those who went out of the land. Outagami, the name of the other, is the Algonquin word for a Fox,
which epithet they obtained, 'tis said, on account of their gr«,it cunning ; but their real name is Musquakies, from Moskwah,
red, and Aki, land or country.
Vol. IX. 21
162 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
themselves ; they entertain a profound contempt for the selfish, and do not, unless by great
necessity, avail themselves of negotiations that people wish to make a traffic of.
This is what occurred a year ago when the Iroquois made an irruption into the country of
the Illinois, in which the Miamis were engaged. I shall speak of this by and by. The latter
being in great dread of the Iroquois, induced the former to seek an accommodation ; sent them
presents, and besouglit them to enter into an amicable arrangement without the intervention of
the Governor of the French, because this cost them too much.
'Tis our interest to keep these people united ; to take cognizance of all their differences,
however trifling these be; to watch carefully that not one of them terminate without our
mediation, and to constitute ourselves, in all things, their arbiters and protectors; to bring
them into total dependence by these means, by gentle' treatment, a few presents, and
embassies; by not allowing a great many of the French, who are always very insolent, to go
into their country, and by enforcing his Majesty's last ordinance regarding the licenses to be
granted for these trading voyages.
They ought also to be made to understand that all their happiness consists in being attached
to the French, which they cannot better evince than by establishing a perpetual trade with
them, as this affords the means of maintaining mutual friendship and obliging us to provide
for all their wants.
But our principal interest, and what will alone crown all our designs with success, is,
according to the dictates of our duty, to establish Religion on a solid basis among those people
who have any disposition thereunto. This would succeed, were those in authority in this
country to chastise such as set the Indians bad example, and to forbid, in accordance with
the prohibition contained in the King's ordinance of the year 1679, the conveying of Brandy
to the Natives, inasmuch us drunkenness is, among them, the greatest obstacle to religion;
destroys both their health and substance, and gives rise among them to quarrels, batteries and
murders, that cannot be remedied on account of the distance; and these poor creatures have
such an inveterate passion for brandy, which they use only for the purpose of inebriation, that
nothing is too valuable to procure it. This produces, in addition to the disorders I have just
mentioned, the waste, in debauchery, of all their beaver; then they must run into debt to
obtain their necessary supplies; having no means to pay for these, they return no more, and
thus cheat the French who have advanced them their substance.
To convey a correct idea of the present state of all those Indian Nations, it is necessary to
explain the cause of the cruel war waged by the Iroquois for these three years past against the
Illinois. The former, who are great warriors, who cannot remain idle, and who pretend to
subject all other nations to themselves, though they compose only five villages, and can muster,
under arms, no more than two thousand men at most, never want a pretext for commencing
hostilities.
The following was their assumed excuse for the present war: Going, about twenty years ago,
to attack the Outagamis, they met the Illinois and killed a considerable number of them.
This continued during the succeeding years, and finally, having destroyed a great many, they
forced them to abandon their country and to seek for refuge in very distant parts.
The Iroquois having got quit of the Illinois, took no more trouble with them, and went to
war against another nation called Andostagues, who were very numerous, and whom they
entirely destroyed. Pending this war, the Illinois returned to their country, and the Iroquois
complained that they had killed nearly forty of their people who were on their way to hunt
PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 1(33
beaver in the Illinois country. To obtain satisfaction, the Iroquois resolved to make war on
them. Their true motive, however, was to gratify the English at .Manatte and Orange, of
wliom tliey are too near neighbors, and who, by means of presents, engaged tiie Iroquois in
this expedition, the object of which was to force the Illinois to bring their beaver to them, so
that they may go and trade it afterwards with the English ; also, to intimidate the other
nations and constrain them to do the same thing.
The improper conduct of Sieur de la Salle, Governor of Fort Frontenac, in the neighborhood
of the Iroquois, has contributed considerably to cause the latter to adopt this proceeding;
for after he had obtained permission to discover the Great River of Mississippi, and had, as
he alleged, the grant of the Illinois, he no longer observed any terms with the Iroquois. He
ill-treated them, and avowed that he would convey arms and ammunition to the Illinois, and
would die assisting them.
They did, in fact, remark that he carried quantities thereof thither, and that after having
traded with them he returned without prosecuting his discovery, which was the pretext for
his journey to the country of the said Savages as it was to that of the French.
The Iroquois dispatched, in the month of April of last year, 1680, an. army, consisting of
between five and six hundred men, who approached an Illinois village where Sieur de Tonty,
one of Sieur de la Salle's men, happened to be with some Frenchmen, and two Recollet fathers
whom the Iroquois left unharmed. One of these, a most holy man, has since been killed by
the Indians. But they would not listen to the terms of peace proposed to them by Sieur de
Tonty, who was slightly wounded at the commencement of the attack ; the Illinois having
fled a hundred leagues thence, were pursued by the Iroquois, who killed and captured as many
as twelve hundred of them, including women and children, having lost only thirty men.
The Iroquois, returning home loaded with beaver and some goods, passed by the Minmis,
and deliberated whether they should attack them. They did not do so, however, and some of
their followers having, whilst hunting, killed a child and captured some women belonging to
that nation, the chiefs of their village went to the Iroquois with presents to demand their
prisoners, saying they were friends. Their request was granted, and an Illinois child was
given them in the place of the one that had been killed.
Another detachment of the Iroquois army, met some hunters belonging to the Bay des
Puants,^ whom they captured and brought into their country, without, however, subjecting
them to the ill-treatment they inflict on prisoners.
The victory achieved by the Iroquois rendered them so insolent that they have continued
ever since that time to send out divers war parties. The success of these is not yet known,
but it is not doubted that they have been successful, because those tribes are very warlike
and the Illinois are but indifferently so.
They were, however, somewhat apprehensive that the French Governor was dissatisfied
with them, and expected that he would repair this summer to Fort Frontenac and invite them
thither; they were prepared for this, and he might possibly have arranged matters, but he has
neglected this' voyage.
Another unfortunate circumstance occurred on the nineteenth of last September. Some
Indians of the Bay des Puants, going hunting, met a Seneca Iroquois, a man of influence in Ins
village; they made him prisoner, to serve as an hostage in case the Iroquois should not send
back some of their people whom they captured as above stated, and brought him near the
' Grf en Bay, Wisoonain. — Ed.
164 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
quarters of the Kiskakons at the village of Michilimakinak, and invariably treated him very
well for some days previous to the arrival at the said village of Sieur de Tonty, on his return
from Fort Frontenac, after his interview with Sieur de la Salle, and who was on his way to
the Miamis, among whom the said Sieur de la Salle proposed to winter. Meantime some
Tiohontates having met a little Illinois girl, the Seneca's slave, who had gone astray four days
before her capture, brought her likewise to the said place of Michilimakinak, into a cabin near
the Kiskakons' village, whence some Illinois on their departure had carried her off, and
brought her into the cabin where Sieur de Tonty was then regaling some Indians, in return
for some good oiBces he had received from them in his necessity. He had given his knife to
an Illinois to cut up the tobacco he had presented to them at the time. The Tionontates
came into the said cabin and brought thither the Iroquois Seneca prisoner, who on seeing the
Illinois girl recognized her as his slave. The Tionontates would fain induce the Illinois to
give her up to him, and passed some jokes on them, which so irritated them that one of the
Illinois arose quite angry and said the Illinois slave could be removed and he would master
the Iroquois; and on the renewal of some rude jokes, he snatched from his comrade's hands
the knife Sieur de Tonty had lent him, and with it struck the Iroquois, and even those who
would prevent him repeating the blow, and finished by killing him, notwithstanding all the
efforts that were made to prevent him.
Immediately the Tionontates thought only of sending off to the Iroquois to advise them
that one of their chiefs had been killed by the Illinois in the cabin of the Kiskakons with the
Frenclnnen's knife. At the same time all the Outawa nations, on hearing of this murder, took
to flight, dreading the anger of the Iroquois; and, doubting not but they would ere long have war
in their Country, sent word to the Governor of the French, who spoke on the subject to the
lutendant, and they concluded that nothing was to be done for tlie moment but to send to
the Iroquois, to lay before them a true statement of the occurrence; to invite them to come next
spring to Fort Frontenac, whither the Governor would repair; to notify them, meanwhile, not
to get up any expedition; and, in order to dispel the alarm of the Outawas, to advise these,
also, of the measures about to be adopted with the Iroquois.
The lutendant is persuaded, and dares to answer for it, that we shall reestablish peace and
quietness throughout the country, and secure our trade, if attention be paid to the Iroquois;
if some presents, which cost nothing, be made them ; if those they make be well employed,
and reserved to be returned to them when occasion requires, as was the practice with
Mess" de Tracy and de Courcelles ; if the impression be removed from their minds that
we wish to furnish arms and ammunition to the Illinois, and, if they be assured, on the contrary,
that we wish nothing else than to preserve peace among all those nations, whose Fathers we
are, and to chastise those who infringe it. For this purpose the Jesuit fathers will be of great
use, as well those who are among them, as those of the Mission of La Prairie de la Madelaine,
which is filled, in our midst, with the most considerable of that nation; also, the gentlemen of
Saint Sulpice, who have charge of the Mission at the Mountain of Montreal, where there are
some Iroquois who are much esteemed. Not but that we always have the English, as well
towards Manatte and Orange as towards Hudson's Br^y, as impediments.
From all that has just been stated, respecting the tribes from whom we derive beaver, we
can form an opinion of their present condition, and may conclude that nothing disturbs their
repose but the Iroquois. For, although they are infinitely more numerous, the Iroquois is so
PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. 165
terrible, in their estimation, that when he makes war on them they will all scatter, and trade
will cease because they will be dispersed and no longer at liberty to bring their peltries.
There is no doubt, and it is the universal opinion, that if the Iroquois are allowed to proceed
they will subdue the Illinois, and in a short time render themselves masters of all the Outawa
tribes, and divert the trade to the English, so that it is absolutely necessary to make them our
friends or to destroy them.
To make them our friends, the best means, in addition to what has been already stated,
would be, in the opinion of those who have been most frequently among those Indians, to send
among them every two years some intelligent Frenchmen, who possess the tact, which some
have, to arrange whatever unfortunate occurrences might take place, such as unforeseen
murders, or even to bewail, after their fashion, the deaths of the most considerable of their
tribes, or even to gain over in an underground way, as they term it, or, as we say, underhand,
those who have the management of their affairs, and for this expense fifteen hundred livres
well employed would suffice.
If it should be thought proper to destroy them, or to place ourselves in a position to resist
them in case they should desire to make war on us, as is apparent from the disposition in
which things are and the state of their tempers, the expense would be much greater, as at
least twelve hundred men would be required to be maintained by his Majesty, as in the year
1665, for no mercy should be shown them, and this war should be concluded in a short time,
after which the French would be masters absolutely of all the tribes.
There is yet another mode, which would be more advantageous, not only by rendering
us masters of the Iroquois and of all the other nations, but also by establishing and preserving,
in a solid and profitable manner, the trade with the islands of South America ; that is, for
the King to purchase, or cause tlie fanners, or some other company which may be formed, to
purchase Manatte and Orange from the Duke of York, with the country belonging to him.
And though this might require a considerable sum it would be soon reimbursed, for,
independent of our entire possession of the fur trade to the exclusion of the English, who take
off a great portion of it, and of the Iroquois being unable any longer to injure us, we should
moreover form, in the country possessed by the English, a considerable establishment.
The consideration that the English inhabit the most fertile and the finest country of our
America, and we the least fruitful and the most disagreeable, will, perhaps, be deemed
conclusive.
Their territory extends from the River Pentagouet, which is in Acadia, to beyond that
called the South river,' which adjoins, and rises in, the country of the Iroquois. Maryland
and Virginia, with which the aforesaid territory is confounded, are not comprehended in it.
It is true that Boston, an English town which acknowledges the Duke of Fork not at all, and
the authority of the King of England but slightly, is included therein, with its territory, which
may amount to eighty leagues.
All who have been in that country agree that it is very temperate ; that the navigation there
is always open; that ships arrive and depart at all seasons; that grain and fruit grow there in
profusion ; and especially that the fisheries of cod, salmon and mackerel, as well as of all other
fish that are cured and exported, are equally easy and abundant there, and the fish so excellent
that all the inhabitants of that country are in most comfortable circumstances in consequence
of that trade, which they carry on.
'Delaware river. — Ed.
166 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
'Tis certain that in Boston there are several merchants worth 3, 4, 5, 6 and even 700,000
Uvres, and that the fisheries are the principal source of their wealth.
Acadia, which belongs to us and lies adjoining to those countries, is in almost a similar
position, and has the same advantages; and navigation is open there throughout the year, with
the exception of only two months in certain places. Yet nothing is done there; and although
'tis inhabited by about five hundred French, including both sexes and all ages, they depend
altogether for support on the English, and, to obtain their necessaries, carry to the latter a few
furs, for which they are content to trade with the Indians.
Their poverty is not the only misfortune of these French ; their discords are a much
greater. Among them there is neither order nor justice; and those who are sent hence
to command them, pillage them, and, notwithstanding, continue themselves in the most
abject misery.
The English do much more than enhance the value of their own property ; they carry off
what we neglect ; and have, already, three considerable establishments on the Island of
Newfoundland, which belongs to us, and extend their boundaries as much as possible
towards Acadia.
They are still at Hudson's Bay, on the north, and do great damage to our fur trade. The
farmers (of the revenue) suffer in consequence by the diminution of the trade at Tadoussac
and throughout that entire country, because the English draw off the Outawa nations; for the
one and the other design, they have two forts in the said bay — the one towards Tadoussac,
and the other at Cape Henrietta Marie, on the side of the Assinibouetz.
The sole means to prevent them succeeding in what is prejudicial to us in this regard,
would be to drive them by main force from that bay, which belongs to us ; or, if there would
be an objection to coming to that extremity, to construct forts on the rivers falling into the
lakes, in order to stop the Indians at these points.
Should the King adopt the resolution to arrange with the Duke of York for his possessions
in this quarter, in which case Boston could not resist, the only thing to fear would be that this
country might "go to ruin, the French being naturally Inconstant and fond of novelty.
But as this could be remedied by rigorous proiiibitlons, that consideration ought not to
prevail over the great benefit which would accrue, and the great advantages his Majesty and
his subjects must eventually derive from the transaction.
Done at Quebec by us, Intendant of New France, the 13"" Q""" 1681.
Du Chesneau.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 167
Extract of the Instnictions to M. de la Bar re}
Instruction which the King desires to-be placed in the hands of Sieur
de la Barre, chosen by his Majesty as his Governor and Lieutenant in
New France.
Versailles, the lO"" May, 1GS2.
After having explained to him his Majesty's intentions on all that relates to religion, he
must be advised of whatever regards the defence of the country by arms, which must be his
principal function.
And, first, his Majesty doubts not but he is sufficiently informed of the situation of the '
said country inhabited by the French, which commences at the mouth of the River Saint
Lawrence, and continues along the banks of that river as far as the mouth of the lake
called Frontenac.
He is equally informed that the Savages, nearest adjoining the French settlements, are
the Algonquins and the Iroquois; that the latter had repeatedly troubled the peace and
tranquillity of the Colonies of New France, until, his Majesty having waged a vigorous wfir
against them, they were finally constrained to submit and to live in peace and quiettiess,
without making any incursions on the territories inhabited by the French. But as these
restless and warlike tribes cannot be kept down except by terror, and as His Majesty has even
been informed by the last despatches that the Onnontagues and Senecas — Iroquois tribes —
have killed a Recollet and committed many other violences, and that it is to be feared that
they will push their audacity even further, it is very important that the said Sieur de la
Barre put himself in a condition to proceed, as early as possible, with 5 or GOO of the militia
most favorably situated for this expedition, along the shores of Lake Frontenac to the mouth
of Lake Conty, to exhibit himself to these Iroquois settlements in a condition to restrain
them within their duty, and even to attack them should they do anything against the French;
wherein he must observe that he is not to break with them without a very pressing necessity,
and an entire certitude to promptly and advantageously finish the war that he will liave
undertaken against them.
He must not only apply himself to prevent the violences of the Iroquois against the French.
He must also endeavor to keep the Savages at peace among themselves, and by all means
prevent the Iroquois making war on the Illinois and other tribes, neighbors to them, it being
very certain that if these Nations, whose furs constitute the principal trade of Canada, see
themselves secure against the violence of the Iroquois by the protection they would receive
' This gentleman, who had been Maitre de Requetes ( an officer in the Court of Chancery ) and Intendant of Bourbonnais,
was appointed governor of Cayenne, when that island was reduced by the French in 1664. He returned soon after to
France, and war being declared against England in 1666, was sent with a fleet to the West Indies. He reduced Antigua and
Montserrat in the following February, and recovered Cayenne, which had fallen into the hands of the English. As a reward
of these successes, he was created Lieutenant-General. He next defeated an English fleet near the Island of Nevis, after an
engagement of three hours. Bojan's Voyage to Cayenne; Sacy's L'Hmineur Francois. He continued Governor of Canada
until 1685. He was a decided enemy of La Salle, and is accused of having converted his oSicial authority to the corrupt
purpose of increasing his own fortune. There is no doubt but he did much to lower the reputation of the French among
the Five Nations. Charlevoix says of him, that his advanced age made him credulous when he ought to be distrustful, timid
when he ought to be bold, dark and cautious towards those who deserved his confidence, and deprived him of the energy
necessary to act as the critical condition of the colony demanded when he administered its affairs. — En.
168 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
from the French, they will be so much the more encouraged to buy their merchandises,
and thereby increase trade.
But to arrive at these so advantageous results, great exertion must be made to discipline the
Colonists, by dividing them into companies in each settlement, exercising them in the use of
arms, subjecting them to frequent revievps, and to observe that they all have by them the arms
necessary for service in case of need; and finally, to keep them constantly drilled, in order to
render them capable of effectually defending themselves in case they are attacked, for which
purpose he will be able to make use, with advantage, of the officers of the troops which went
thither some years ago under the command of Sieur de Tracy.
His Majesty desires that he cause to be prepared, shortly after his arrival, an exact roll of
all the inhabitants, divided into settlements, in which he will distinguish those who are fit to
bear arms from aged persons and children, record the number of women and girls of all ages,
and endeavor to furnish his Majesty with complete and correct information of the state of the
Colony. His Majesty again particularly enjoins on him to place himself in a condition to
defend himself by his own resources, it being neither the convenience nor the intention of his
Majesty to send regular troops to those parts.
• Independent of the establishment which the French have along the bank of the river S'
Lawrence, a part of Acadia is still occupied by them; and as advices have been received
that the English were seizing several posts which have been always occupied by the French,
his Majesty desires that he inform himself of this particular, and.send also to the Governor of
Boston to explain to him the points to which the bounds of the French domination extend,
and to request of him to confine himself within the limits of the Country belonging to the
English. And as there has been no Governor for a long time in .that quarter, and as Sieur de
la Valiere has for two years performed such duties without commission, his Majesty desires
that he inquire if the said Sieur de la Valiere is capable therefor, or if there be any other
officer who could properly fill the place, in order to inform his Majesty by the return of the
first Vessels.
» # # # *# « # * * *
Several private inhabitants of Canada, excited by the hope of the profit to be realized from
the trade with the Indians for furs, have undertaken, at different periods, discoveries in the
countries of the Nadoussioux, the river Mississipy, and other parts of North America ; but
as his Majesty does not think that these discoveries can be of any utility, and that attention to
Agriculture in the cleared settlements would be much more advantageous, his Majesty is not
willing that he continue granting those licenses, but merely permit Sieur de la Salle to complete
the discovery he has commenced, as far as the mouth of the said Mississipy river, in case he
consider, after having examined into it with the Intendant, that such Discovery can be of
any utility.
Conference on the Intelligence received from tlie Iroquois.
Extracts of the Opinions rendered at the Conference held at the House of the
Jesuit Father's on the subject of the news received from the Iroquois.
This day, 23'' March, M.VI. eighty-two, on the receipt by us. Count de Frontenac, Governor
and Lieutenant-General for the King in New France, of intelligence from Sieur de la Forest,
PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 169
Major of Fort Frontenac, touching Sieur Lamarque's voyage to the Iroquois, undertaken by
our orders, in consequence of the news we received last Autumn of the death of one of
the Seneca Chiefs, killed by an Illinois, at Missilimakinac among the Kiskakons, and of letters
written by the Reverend Jesuit Fathers who are Missionaries among the Iroquois, wherein
they note the dispositions of the Savages, having deemed it proper to confer thereupon with
M'' DuCliesneau, Intendant, we had him invited to attend, for this purpose, at the house of the
Reverend Jesuit Fathers of this city, where we thought it our duty to summon Sieur Provost,
Major of Quebec, and to invite the Reverend Father Bechefer, Superior of the said house, and
the Rev. Fathers d'Ablon and Fremin to assist thereat, they being persons well versed in the
manners and customs of the Indians by several years' experience, acquired as Missionaries
among them, in order to consider all at once the most proper expedients to avert the war
which there is reason to believe the Iroquois wish to continue against the Illinois, over whom
they have already gained great advantages ; a contest that would involve the Outaouacs and
other Indian tribes under his Majesty's protection, and possibly might, if not remedied, draw,
in a little while, another war into the heart of the Country.
And the Intendant being arrived at the house of the Rev. Jesuit Fathers, at three o'clock in
the afternoon, we requested him and the persons above named to have the goodfless to give
in writing their opinions on the following points, which were extracted from said letters after
the same had been read :
1". As to the place at which it is best to give a rendezvous to the deputies of the Five
Nations for a conference with them.
2"*. The time to be fixed for that purpose.
3*. About what number of Indians is it supposed, from those letters of advice, will be
hunting in the neighborhood of Fort Frontenac, so as to be able to fix what escort we ought to
have to accompany us.
4"'. As to the means to defray the expense necessarily attendant on the march of the troops
to compose that escort, and for presents which it will be proper to give, according to the
custom of the Five Iroquois tribes, in confirmation of the speeches and^proposals to be made
to them in order to avert the war, and support them pending their sojourn and on their
return home.
On which points the Very Reverend Father Bechefer* stated, in the name of the aforesaid
Fathers: My Lord, the Governor having done us the honor to ask our opinions, we have
stated what follows, entirely submitting our thoughts to his, as he has infinitely more
knowledge and information than we :
1". That it would be better that My Lord should convoke the Iroquois deputies at the Fort
which bears his name, rather than any where else, it comporting more with the dignity
belonging to a person of his quality to cause the said Deputies to come to a fort of his
government than for him to go on their territory.
2^. In consideration of the request which (as appears from the letters above mentioned) the
Indians of the different Iroquois tribes have made to My Lord, that he would be pleased to
' Rev. Thferry Bechefee arrived in Canada in 1663, was sent as early as 1666 to invite the Mohawks and Oneidas to a
Council at Quebec, and was a missionary in their couDtry in 1670-1. Shea. In 1680 he became Superior, and filled that
office several years. He was in France in 1690, and sailed from Rochelle, on the 28th July, 1691, to return to Canada ; but
on the 10th of August was obliged, by ill health, to put back to the port from which he had sailed a few weeks before.
Voyagea de La Hontan, ed. \fi%, L, 352. He died Boon after. — En. '
Vol. IX. • 22
170 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
assemble them before the young men of their tribe, being returned from hunting, could form
war parties ; that the 15"" of June would be the proper time for said meeting.
3*. It is not expected that many Indians would be in the neighborhood of Fort Frontenac at
the time of meeting, the season for hunting the Beaver and the Moose (Orignal) being over,
and those returning from winter hunting being for the most part home in their villages at the
time appointed for the meeting. As to the force by which it is proper that My said Lord
ought to be accompanied to secure him against insult from the Savages, should they entertain
any bad design, though that belongs not to our profession, and we are not qualified to judge
correctly of it, yet, as our opinion therein is requested, we think that it would not be proper
for My said Lord to take with him a much larger force than in the different voyages he
made to the said fort, the first time excepted, when he went to build it ; and therefore twelve
or fifteen canoes, of four men each, would suffice. The reason of this is the fear that a
numerous escort would give umbrage to the Indians, of which they are very susceptible, as
happened on divers occasions; the consequence whereof would be, that the Iroquois deputies
(on notice thereof from their people, who are always accustomed to exaggerate in their
reports) would either not attend the meeting, or perhaps, on arriving at it, take to flight in
dread of being seized, and thereby break off the negotiation, the necessity for which is
sufficiently palpable. Moreover, should they entertain any bad design against the French,
they are loo politic and adroit to execute it at present, being desirous to terminate the war
which they have commenced with great success against the llinois and the Oumiamies, allies
of the French with whom it is to be presumed they desire to live at peace, at least until they
have completed the war they have begun, provided their design be not disturbed, and they be
allowed to destroy our allies.
l"". As to what relates to the support of the Deputies during their sojourn and return to their
villages, it must be expected that there will not be less than fifty persons, as well men as
women, and the expense ought to be calculated accordingly. The presents ought to be
considerable ; and some must be given not only to the chiefs, but also to the warriors, because
the affair is to prevent them continuing a war to which they are greatly inclined, and which
they are certain of waging with success.
The above are the sentiments of Fathers D'Ablon, Fremin, and of me the undersigned,
signed : Thierry Bechefer, of the Society of Jesus.
The said Major said: As My Lord the Governor is pleased to ask my opinion as to what
ought to be done regarding the war which the Iroquois wish to continue against the Illinois
and Outaouacs respecting a Savage who has been killed ; I think My Lord the Governor
must order the Five nations to send him Deputies to Fort Frontenac, that he may speak to
them through those he shall send on his behalf, if he do not think proper to go up there
himself, and make them presents, in accordance with the speech that will be communicated to
appease them; and this can be done in the beginning of June, when they shall repair thither
according to orders.
That he does not believe, though it may be stated in all the letters communicated to us,
that there can be, at this season, any number of Indians in the neighborhood of Fort Frontenac
considerable enough to render it necessary to go there with a large force, which may do more
harm than good.
As for the means to subsist the Indians whom the Governor will invite to come to speak
to him, he and the Intendant will agree about that, if they please.
Signed, Provost.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 171
The Intendant said: The Governor having desired him to write his opinion and announce
it immediately preceding him, he begs pardon for any errors it may possibly contain, by the
repetition, perhaps, of the same things that may have been expressed by those who have
already given their opinions, each having retired by himself, as was requested, to prepare
his ideas in writing.
After having attentively examined the letters sent to the Governor, by Fathers de Lamberville '
and Garnier,^ Jesuits, and by Sieur De la Forest, Major of Fort Frontenac, of the 17th
December of last year, 3 January, 7, 15, 16, 18, and 2S February of the present year, he
proceeded to say: That it is quite evident that the Iroquois, inflated by the victories they have
obtained over the Ilinois, propose to destroy that Nation, which is in alliance with us, and one
of those from whom we obtain a great many peltries.
That in consequence of the accident which occurred last autumn, in the Village of the
Kiskakous and near that of the Tionontatez of the Outaouais nation, our ancient friends, from
whom we receive all the peltries that come into the country, and which they bring to Montreal,
after having traded for them with the Far nations, the Iroquois are seeking an opportunity to
destroy both these tribes, and thus gratify their resentment against the French, saying that one
of their Chiefs having been killed by an Ilinois in the village of the said Kiskakons, in
presence of Tionontatez and of Frenchmen, they must, according to their custom on like
occasions, avenge that murder on them as accomplices, for not having killed the murderer.
The continuance of this war is, doubtless, prejudicial to the country, and its consequences
dangerous; because, if we suffer our allies to be destroyed, the Iroquois, stimulated by the
success they probably will obtain over those tribes, who are but imperfectly disciplined, will
almost inevitably turn on us, when they will have no other enemies.
But as it is impossible to effect what appears to be necessary to avert the war without
considerable expense, and as he, the Intendant, has express orders not to authorize any, unless
War be declared, he entreats the Governor to have the goodness to authorize, on his part, the
smallest possible expenditure, unless he judge such indispensable, as it appears to be ; for
though the War be not declared against us, it is against our allies, who are a part of ourselves
' Rev. Jban de Lamberville is supposed to have immigrated to Canada in 1668; he was sent Missionary in 1671 toOnondnga,
where he founded the cliurch of St. John the Baptist He continued at this Mission until 1687, and by his zeal and high
character exercised a great influence among the Onondagas, with whose language he was intimately conversant. In the
last mentioned year he fell, unfortunately, into a snare set for him by De Deuouville, Governor of Canada, wliereby he was
the innocent cause of leading a number of the Iroquois into the hands of their enemy, who sent them to the French galleys.
The Onondagas acquitted him of all participation in this perfidious act, but represented that he could not reiuiiin among
them any longer with safety, as their young men were highly incensed at the seizure of their brethren. They gave him an
escort with which he set out for Catarakouy. In September of the same year he was Chaplain at Fort Niagara, where he was
attacked by scurvy, and removed to Catarakouy in a very low condition. Was he Superior in 1690? See supra. III., 7 IS. La
Potherie represents him as being at Saut St. Louis in 1691. Histoire de I'Atnerique, IIL, 131. He returned to France in the
fall of 1698 ; but was so greatly regarded by the Onondagas, that in the course of the next year they requested M. de CHllieres
to recall him, with a view to his residing among them. It does not appear that he came again to America. He was known
among the Iroquois by the name of Teiorhensere. See III., 453.
'Rev. JuLiEN Gaenier, brother of the celebrated Benedictine, was born at Connerai, in the diocese of Mans, about the
year 1643. He came in 1662 to Canada, where he completed his studies, and received Holy Orders, April 1666, having been
the first Jesuit ordained in that country. He was sent to Oneida in 1667, whence he visited Onondaga, and went to Cayuga
in 1668. In 1671 he was ordered to the Senecas, where Hennepin found him in 1679, whence he retired in 1683. He acted
as interpreter to the Hurons at the peace of 1701, and is said to have returned to the Senecas in 1702. Lafitau, who was hia
pupil, and learned from him all he knew of the Indians, says that Father G. had spent more than sixty years on the Mission,
and that he was well acquainted with the Algonquin, Huron and Iroquois languages. Mr. Shea 8a}-s that he was still
alive in 1722. — Ed.
172 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
(qui sont d'autres nous mSmes). This, then, being granted, and, moreover, all the letters
indicating that it is impossible to prevent the continuance of that war, unless the Governor, as
they say he promised, convoke the Indians in the month of June, at the nearest place to them ;
and unless he be escorted, for fear of surprise, and unless he support, by presents, the proposals
he shall make :
On the first proposition, he, the Intendant, said: It would be desirable that the Governor
convoke the Indians at Montreal, which is a populous place, and the second city in the
country; this could be done at little expense and with great safety,' as his household alone
would be sufficient. However, as all the letters insinuate the necessity of the Governor's
being near the Iroquois, and even propose to him to fix the meeting at places forty leagues
from their village, he would not presume to insist absolutely on Montreal; yet he cannot
avoid entreating him not to advance so near the Iroquois, but to select Fort Frontenac,
which is a fortified place, should it not be considered more expedient to invite them
to Montreal.
On the 2'': All the letters agreeing that the Iroquois are preparing to start in the spring
for the war, and that it is not possible to prevent this unless they be assembled in the month
of June, before they depart, it would seem that the Governor ought to be requested to fix the
IS""" of the same month as the time for them to meet him at the place he will select.
On the 3'''' point: It is impossible to state precisely the number of Indians that will attend
the meeting; the Governor having considerable experience in all these matters, in consequence
of the frequent assemblies he has held,^would be better qualified than any other person to
determine this point. Yet, since he absolutely desires an opinion hereupon, he would submit,
with due deference, in case he should determine to proceed as far as Fort Frontenac, whether
by taking some young men of the country to double his guards, with the soldiers of the
garrison of Quebec, which he may increase by 15 or 20 persons, he would not be in a position
not only to check, but even to chastise the Iroquois, should they fail in the respect they
owe him.
On the 4"': As there are no funds, it appears absolutely necessary that an advance be made
by the King's collectors, in whose hands will be deposited, in part payment of the advance,
all the presents, whether of wampum or furs, which will be made by the nations for whom
peace shall be secured.
Signed : Duchesnau.
We, Count de Frontenac, Governor for the King in this Country, in observance of the
order which We requested should be preserved in this Conference, and without having any
knowledge of the sentiments above written,
Say, that We are not of opinion that a rendezvous should be given to the five Iroquois
Nations at the locality near la Famine,^ designated in the letters we have received, because
we could not go thither in a state to be protected against the insults and designs of the
Iroquois without a large number of men and canoes, that could not be ready by the time
indicated in those letters, and without an excessive outlay, which the Court would hardly
approve of, after all the prohibitions his Majesty has given us, especially in his despatch of
31 March, 1680, not to draw any sums of money from the said farmers (of the Revenue)
of Canada, under any pretext whatsoever, without advising him thereof; and this expense
may, with greater difficulty, be allowed on an occasion when its necessity does not appear
to be Salmon creek or river, Oswego county. See IIL, 431, note 1. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 173
indispensable, since, whatever representation maybe made, his Majesty could scarcely persuade
himself that this was of such a nature, seeing that it would be incurred only as a precaution
and to prevent the Iroquois continuing a war against tribes five hundred leagues distant
from Montreal.
Though the preparations for going to Fort Frontenac be less expensive, as less precaution
would be necessary for the safety and dignity of our character, yet we could not, were we to
avoid affectation, have the Iroquois come thither without making our escort much larger than
usually accompanies us in our ordinary journeys (when it consists merely of fifteen or 20 canoes
and fifty or sixty men), especially when we take into consideration the large number of Savages
we understand by those despatches have gone to hunt in the neighborhood of said fort. Again,
this could not be done witliout incurring an expense which, though less, could not fail to be
considerable, and be subject to the same censures of the court. Moreover, the Savages,
understanding that we were going to the fort with a larger number of men and canoes than
we are accustomed to have, would be confirmed in their suspicions, which we perceive by
those same letters were being impressed on them by efforts to persuade them that we would
not take a journey of this sort thither unless we had some design against them; a trick
already resorted to, as we have experienced, by ill-disposed Indians, who would fain make
things worse.
Therefore, to avoid these embarrassments, all of which are equally to be feared, we think
the best expedient is to invite them to come to Montreal by Deputies, to the number of two or
three from each nation, about the 15"' or ao"' of June, alleging, if it be deemed proper, that
we cannot go sooner by reason of important business in which we are engaged; or, if thought
better, by some indisposition which would prevent our going even so far, were it not for the
extreme desire we have to see them and to discover means to arrange all matters — acquaintmg
them at the same time that, to facilitate their voyage to Montreal, provisions would be
furnished them at the time they will appoint, either at Fort Frontenac or at any other place on
their route that they will designate.
What has still more strongly determined us to adopt this opinion is, that by conferring with
them on the l-S"" June, agreeably to their alleged desire, this conference will be almost useless,
and require another in autumn, as it will not be in our power to say anything positive to them,
before that time, regarding the satisfaction the Kiskakons and Tionontates propose to make to
them; for we would not know from these the resolutions they will adopt thereon nor what they
■will desire us to submit — matters we cannot be informed of until the coming down of the
Outaouaes, which will not be before the end of July and commencement of August. We
shall then be better advised, by some vessel arriving from France, of the policy the Court
expects us to observe on similar occasions, as we have fully informed his Majesty and the
Marquis of Seignelay of the death of that influential Seneca, who was killed among the
Kiskakons at Michilimakinac, by an Ilinois, and of all the dispositions of the Iroquois, as
well as of their insolences, presumptions, threats and evil designs, both against the Ilinois
and the Outaouaes, and even against the French ; also of the need we stand in both of troops
and money, either to anticipate them, or to protect ourselves against the expeditions they
might undertake against our allies and this colony. This will also serve us for a guide as
to the policy we shall have to observe in our speeches to them, and acquaint us in what
manner we shall prepare them ; that is to say, with more or less mildness.
Signed : Frontenac.
174 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
M. jDu Cliesneau to Count de Frontenac.
Copy of Monsieur Duchesneau's letter to Monsieur de Frontenac of the 28"'
July, 16S2.
Sir,
On the intelligence we are continually receiving, from all parts, of the evil disposition of the
Iroquois tovpards us, and on learning that no aid is to be expected tliis year from France, I
considered that I could not, without failing in my duty and in the zeal I have always felt for
the King's service, omit communicating my opinions to you, in order to avert a war which
would be the utter ruin of this country at this time, when it is wholly defenceless. You will
pay such attention thereto as will please you ; for I am persuaded that in these and all other
matters you have more knowledge than I, and that I must not interfere therein any further
than is agreeable to you.
Since you did not deem it proper to repair to Fort Frontenac in the month of June last, as
the Iroquois requested, to prevent the departure of their warriors against the Illinois, and to
render them the justice against the Kiskakons you had promised them, it would appear to me
of the greatest importance that you visit them in the month of August, causing them to be
convoked for that time, because, should you not do so, they would doubt not but you would
be abandoning the Illinois to them, and would be well pleased that they should do themselves
justice on the Kiskakons; since they would have some reason to think that you would give
yourself no more trouble about a matter, the consequences of which you perceive better
than I.
However, as the Iroquois sent you a request not to assemble them at the Fort, but at
Teehoueguen,' or at la Famine — and as it appears to me difficult for you to refuse them at the
present conjuncture, when, having no hope from France, we are obliged to manage them more
than we should do at another time; and, besides, as you ought not to do anything unworthy
your character, and it is but prudent not to expose yourself to their rashness, but, on the
contrary, to preserve your dignity and your authority intact, and to speak to them in
security — I have bethought me to propose to you whether you do not think you could preserve
all that is due your rank and go as far as the fort ; proceed thence in the bark, well armed,
and manned by a resolute body of men, none of whom would make their appearance
except those you wish, followed by the brigantine in the same condition, and have yourself
conducted to one of those two places, and there, without landing, send for the Iroquois to
come and speak to you, observing the precaution not to allow them to come on board in
great numbers.
I submit all this to your pleasure, and beg of you to approve my laying my opinions before
you, which I do only for the King's service and the preservation of this country. I am,
Sir,
Your most humble and most obedient Servant,
DUCHESNAU.
' Oswego. — Ed
PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. I75
Count de Frontenac to M. Du Chesneau.
Copy of Count de Frontenac's Answer to M. Duchesneau's letter of the
28'" July, 1682.
Sir,
I was on the point of dispatching a canoe to you, with advice of what Sieur De la Forest
has just told me touching the insult the Iroquois have perpetrated on the bark, by forcibly
taking merchandise out of it, when I received your letter of the 28"" July. What caused nie
to defer sending it to you was that I was expecting further news from Fort' Frontenac, which
might inform me with more certainty of the consequences of that act, in order the better to
concert with you the measures proper to be adopted.
What you state to me is well considered, and may, I think, be executed with surety and
dignity by putting the brigantine in order, which it is not, as a part of its rigging has been
taken to equip the bark; it only remains to be examined, after the insolent manner in which the
Iroquois have answered my last summons, evincing a disposition to oblige me to go and seek
them, whether it would flatter their arrogance too much to take a step which would appear in
some sort to degrade the dignity of my character, and give them reason to believe that we
fear them dreadfully, and that it is in their power to dictate the law to us.
But wherever and however this interview take place, on which I am resolved when I shall
have seen the Kiskakons, we must previously consider the means of making the necessary
preparations for this voyage, and of placing, this winter, the fort and bark beyond insult.
This is one of the principal precautions to be taken to arrest the bad designs of the Iroquois
and to preserve the country.
As all this cannot be done without expense and early attention, and as I know you
have not funds, I considered it my duty to propose to you to defray it between us, and, in case
the King should not allow this expense, to engage ourselves in our name to the merchant
whom you will please to select for this purpose, to pay him equally for whatever he might
furnish of flour, pork and brandy, which compose the indispensable supplies.
Whereunto ought be added whatever may be proper for presents, since you know as well as
I that speeches, unless they are seconded, have no eflect on Savages.
Though the news, which M. Dollier informs me you communicated to him, indicate your
and my appeal, we ought to have sufficient zeal for the King's service and the preservation of
the country, whilst we are intrusted with that charge, to do all that depends on us for its
security against the attacks of the Iroquois, and to leave everything in a good condition for
those who will come to relieve us, and who, perhaps, will not arrive in sufficient season to
have flour manufactured and conveyed to the Fort, which is the most urgent matter.
You will please let me know at the earliest moment if you approve this expedient; awaiting
which, I shall remain.
Sir,
Your most humble and mos.t obedient
servant,
Montreal, this 5"" August, 1682. Frontenac.
176 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Conference helween Count de Frontenac and the Ottawas.
Montreal the 13"" August, 1682.
The Kiskakons, OutaoSesinagos, those du Sable^ and some Miamis, composing a part
of the Indians called Outaoues, who arrived at Montreal on the eleventh day of August, 1682,
to the number of 26 canoes, had an audience with my Lord Count de Frontenac, on the 13""
of said month, and Nonchekkiskakon being spokesman, and M' de Vieupont, who came down
with them from Missilimakina, acting as Interpreter, they stated in their first word :
First Word. That they have not a great many tilings to say to their father Onontio, except
that they consider themselves dead, and pray him to have pity on them ; for the Iroquois kill
them. That they would not have come down had not Onontio sent them word to do so ;
that they come to see him and to hear his voice, and have no other word than what they
brought him last fall, and request him not to abandon, but to have pity on them.
Second Word. They recounted the affair of the Seneca killed in their country last Summer
by an Ilinois at Missilimakinac, where they were celebrating the festival of the Dead,
suspecting nothing, when they learned that some Hurons, their neighbors, returning from
hunting, had met in the bush a little Ilinois girl, about seven years old, who had escaped
from among those of her nation taken prisoner by the Iroquois. Those men would
have brought her to their feast of Indian corn, beyond the Village of the Kiskakons; hearing of
which, some of the Ilinois, who are married at Missilimakinac, were there to see her, and
having found only some little children in the cabin where she was, they questioned her, and
discovering by the names of her parents, which she communicated to them, that she was an
Ilinoise, they brought her to the village of the Kiskakons. Having been informed that
Annanhac, one of the Seneca Chiefs, had left the main body of the victorious Iroquois
army to come to Missilimakina, they visited him ; having stated on his arrival there that a
little Ilinoise had left him on his march to Detroit, he went with the Hurons to the village of
the Kiskakons, to see if it were she, and having recognized her, said that he had even adopted
her, and insisted on having her. One of the Ilinois opposing it, both became so heated that the
Seneca, insulted by the Ilinois, was killed by him before any of those who were in the cabin had
the power to prevent it. They immediately came down to advise Onontio thereof; to testify
their displeasure to him, and to request him to interpose in order to settle this affair ; but not
finding him at Montreal, they applied to M" Perrot to communicate the matter to him. On
their return they gave belts to the Hurons, to be presented in their name to the Senecas whom
they were going to see ; and in place of appeasing their minds and acquitting them of this
death, the Hurons attributed to them all the blame, without speaking of the belts which they
were entrusted to present, on their behalf, as a token of their regret that this accident had
occurred among them. The Hurons, therefore, were the authors of the unfortunate affairs,
having an understanding with the Iroquois, to whom they went frequently in secret.
Third Word. That they are come to hear the voice of Onontio, and to learn what he will say to
them to restore their spirits; that they entreat him to be pleased to always protect them;
to take pity on their condition and permit them to trade the few peltries they have brought.
'The Outawas of the Talon and Sable (Sand ) tribes formerly inhabited Manitoualin Island, but the dread of the Iroquois
drove them to Michilimakinac. La Hontau's Voyage, ed. 1706, II., 20.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 177
Count de Frontenac answered that he was very glad to see tliem, but what they told him
of the Seneca killed last year among them being of consequence, it was necessary that they
endeavor to arrange that matter. On this subject he had to tell them that, as soon as M' Perrot
had given him notice of the arrival last autumn of their deputies at Montreal, he had sent to
Ononlague and to Seneca to exhort the Iroquois to suspend their resentment on account of this
death until he should confer next summer with them at Fort Frontenac, where he invited
them to repair, and where he would not fail to attend after he had seen the Kiskakons, and
learned from them the satisfaction they proposed making for the death of Annehac, which
could be regarded only as a private quarrel, with which the tribe had nothing to do, since it had
sent deputies to inform him what share it had in that accident. That the Iroquois had
requested him, by their answer, to come in the month of June as far as the South shore of
Lake Frontenac, to hear their voice thereupon, as it was difficult to believe that the murder
of Annanhac had not been committed with the participation of all the Kiskakons, they not
having broken the head of the murderer, nor arrested him. That he had postponed answering
the Iroquois until they had come down, in order that he may learn what reparation they
proposed to make' for the death of Annenhac.
That they must not imagine themselves dead on that account, but consider what they
intended to offer the Iroquois to restore their spirits ; on making proper proposals on their
side, he would on his part, as the common father of the one and the other, endeavor to satisfy
them. That it would be necessary for them to select, for this purpose, three or four of their
Chiefs to confer with him in private, so that the resolutions they would adopt, being secret,
may be the more effectual.
The Kiskakons made no reply to that; they merely urged Onontio to permit them to
commence trading, as, they said, they distrusted the Iroquois, and feared they might in their
absence sack their villages, take away their old men, their women and children ; therefore
they requested that they might trade and return as soon as possible.
But Count De Frontenac having told them that it was necessary that the Hurons, of whom
they complained, and who were hourly expected, should be heard in their presence, that they
may be afterwards reconciled and made friends, they consented to tarry.
Meanwhile one of the Miamis, having taken up the word, stated that they likewise were
daily slaughtered by the Iroquois.
The Count having answered that this was the first news he had of it, and having afterwards
inquired how many of his men the Iroquois had killed, and at what place, the Miami replied
that he came not to complain nor to demand satisfaction. The Count rejoined. Were there not
Frenchmen in his country— did not M'' De la Salle, who had made an establishment there,
exhort them to build a fort to defend themselves against those who should attack them, and
even to unite themselves with the Ilinois? The Miami, concurring therein, also confessed that
the Iroquois had told him to retire from their war path, as they had nothing to say
against him, but against the Ilinois; nevertheless they failed not, on four occasions, to kill him,
and to seize some of his people, for which he was not asking satisfaction of Onontio. But his
air and tone indicated that he intended to obtain it and to avenge himself.
The Count told him that when he would see the Iroquois he should reprove them, and point
out their error, in order that they may repair it and that a similar recurrence be prevented;
and then gave the whole party wherewith to smoke and eat, and to drink his health.
Vol. IX. 23
178 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
The 15"> August, 1682.
Some Hurons, or Tionnontatez comprised under the name of their chief Sataretsi,' arrived at
Montreal on the IS"" of August, to the number of ten canoes, communicated their first word
to the Count, in the audience given them on the IS"" of said month, 1682, through their Orator,
Soiioias, in French The Rat, M' Le Moine acting as their interpreter, and M"' de S' Paul for the
Kiskakons, who were invited to the same audience:
First Word. Speaking in the singular number under the name of Sateretsi — they had come
down at the request of Onontio their father, who had told them by the Frenchmen to descend
to Montreal, where they had come to hear his voice; that he saw them poor and miserable,
because their young men amused themselves drinking; that they did not neglect coming at the
command of their father, to learn his will and to request him to inform them of what was
occurring; that they hear many rumors, and that the earth is turned upside down; that this
causes them trouble, and they have recourse to Onontio to restore them their senses and to
give them good advice.
Second Word. The samc Souoi'as, after a pause, said : Onontio, thy son Sataretsi hath just
stated that he made an alliance with Ouiatanon,^ which means the Selugme tribe, who are
Miamis and another tribe included in them. He intreats Onontio to receive and to protect
them, as he does Sataretsi, who is no longer but one body and one spirit with Oiiiatanon.
M. de Saint Paul explained this matter at the same time to the Kiskakons and to the
Miamis in their tongue, who declared that they also made this alliance, and requested that it
be approved and protected.
Third Word. Ououtio, thy son Saretsi styled himself formerly thy brother; but he has
ceased to be such, for he is now thy son ; and thou hast begotten him by the protection thou
hast afforded him against his enemies. Thou art his Father, and he acknowledgeth thee as such ;
he obeys thee as a child obeyeth his father; he listeneth to thy voice; and doth only what is
pleasing to thee, because he hath respect for his father and is obedient unto him.
M. de Saint Paul interpreted this to the Kiskakons and to the Miamis, who said it was so
with them also.
Fouriii Word. Onontio, thy son Sataretsi hath an upright mind ; he is proud, and defies
any one to disgrace or reproach him with having acted ill, and with having failed in anything
towards his father. There are, notwithstanding, some among his brothers — both French and
Indian — wiio have spoken evil of him, and accused him of creating disturbance; adding, he
must be distrusted ; he has been taken by the arm, to induce him to commit bad acts. But
Sateretsi walks upright, and is subject to his father's will, who alone hath the power to pull
him by the arm, and to make him go wheresoever he listeth, because he is the master of the
whole earth.
Fifth Word. Sataretsi stands before the eyes of Onontio, his father, who beholds him poor
and miserable. Wherefore he beseeches his father to have pity on him, to protect him, as he
' Sflsteratsi, whom our French call the King of the Hurons, is in fact hereditary Chief of the Tionnontatez, wlio are the
true Hurons. Charlevoix, Journal Hislorique, Leitre XVH. See fui'theron this subject, La Houtan's Voyage, ed. 1705, H., 142.
' Fifty years ago ( says Charlevoix, writing in 1721 ), the Miamis were settled at the south end of Lake Michigan, in a place
called Chicagou, from the name of a small river which runs into the lake, and which has its source not far from the river
of the Illinois. They are divided into three villages, one on the river St. Joseph; the second on another river which
bears their name and runs into Lake Erie; and the third upon the Ouabache, which runs into the Mississippi. These last are
more known by the name of the Oayatonons. Journal Hislorique, Letlre XI. They were alio called the Weat. Gallalin.— 'ED.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. . J~Q
has always done, against his enemies ; to permit him to buy arms to defend, and clothes to
cover himself; in a word, to permit him to trade off the peltries he has brought with him.
The Count answered them, that if he had been rejoiced to see them in other years, he was
more so this, finding them obedient, and disposed, in the midst of ail the different rumors
which are current, to follow his advice by endeavoring to arrange affairs which are
in confusion.
That he lauds their having concluded a new alliance with the Miamis, in order to strengthen
themselves against their enemies; that they may be assured, the one and the other, that he
will always protect them whilst remaining united and in the good sentiments which children
ought to entertain towards their father.
That, however, notwithstanding the tokens of respect and submission in which the Hurons
wish to induce him to confide, he has cause to complain of their conduct, understanding that
they have gone and carried belts into suspected places, without giving him notice tlien-of, or
stating what their intention was, nor what had been said to them; and that it was not well to
have concealed these sorts of things from him.
Souaia replied, that it was true that Sataretsi had been to .Seneca ; but he thought there
was no harm in that, as the Kiskal^ons were aware of it, and that he went there only to
arrange their unfortunate affairs, of which the Seneca accused them with Sataretsi.
M. de Saint Paul having interpreted this to the Kiskakons, they murmured against the
Hurons, by whom, they said, they had not been well treated. Many reproaches were
interchanged, the Kiskakons saying that the Hurons conceal from them what they do, betray
them, and have an understanding with the Iroquois, to whom — they complain — the Hurons
had given, solely in their own names, the belts they carried, without having made any mention
of them, nor offered those presents on the behalf of both nations, though they had equally
contributed thereto. The Hurons, having defended themselves, complained that the Kiskakons
only did mischief by their rashness and violent conduct, from which they (the Hurons) have
daily much to suffer, especially when absent from home, at which time their old men, women
and children are insulted by the Kiskakons, who ill treat them on all occasions without reason
or cause.
The Count remonstrated with them that neighbors, as they are, ought to be more united
and agree better together, and that they ought never be so irritated or incensed as they appear
to be, the one against the other; and, addressing the Hurons, that they ought avoid all
occasions of exciting distrust by their conduct; and, speaking to the Kiskakons, they ought
not to take umbrage without cause, but have respect for their neighbors, nor go to their
cabins to insult and ill-treat people there; that, being brethren and his children, he was sorry
to see them quarreling and living unfriendly together; that he desired they should forget the
past, and be again so united that their enemies, who were seeking to divide them in order to
oppress them more easily, might not profit by their misunderstanding; that they ought to find
out means of satisfying the Senecas for the murder of Annehac, which occurred last fall in the
village of the Kiskakons, in order that the Iroquois may have less cause to evince his resentment
against them.
And having afterwards asked the Kiskakons if they had considered and reflected on the
matter, they spread a small mat in the middle of the room, and placed thereon a little boy
between S and 9 years of age, with a belt of Wampum before him and a robe of beaver on his
body; and (addressing Onontio) said that, being innocent of Annehac's death, inasmuch as he
180 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
wns killed by an Ilinois, they did not pretend to owe other satisfaction to the Senecas than the
belts they placed in the hands of the Hurons to be given them, to mark thereby the displeasure
they felt at the occurrence of that accident in their cabin. However, they presented Onontio,
moreover, with this Slave,' to do with him as he saw fit.
The Count, rejecting this present, replied : It was not to him they ought to make satisfaction,
but to the Senecas, who would justly reject, as he had done, this little Slave were he offered
to them as an equivalent for the loss of so great a Captain as Annehac, and that they would
not fail to throw him into the war-kettle, the better to season it ; that they had come very late,
and with very little, and that they ought to have gone early in the spring to the Seneca to
settle this matter; that they must bethink themselves now of greater satisfaction, and
deliberate on it among themselves, and that he would send for them in the course of two or
three days to learn their resolution; that, nevertheless, he would permit them to trade
after dinner, to-morrow, for arms and clothing they were in need of, after they had, as was
the custom, paid in the forenoon their debts.
The IS"" August, 1682.
The Count having caused notice to be given to the Chiefs of the Kiskakons, Hurons and
the two Miamis to attend on Tuesday morning, the IS"" August, in Sieur Patron's room, he
inquired, through M. de Saint Paul, of the Kiskakons whether, according to what had been
told them the last time, they had conferred together and agreed as to what they had to offer to
the Senecas for the death of Annehac.
After remaining some time without speaking, and looking at each other, the Kiskakons
answered No ; and the Hurons, being interrogated wherefore they had not done so, replied
that they expected the Kiskakons would have spoken first to them about it ; the matter
regarding these more than it did them. The Kiskakons having afterwards avowed that
they had done wrong, added, that they had nothing more to offer than the belts which the
Hurons had carried to the Senecas, to whom they ought to have been given in behalf of
both nations.
The Count, surprised at this answer, represented that they had not well reflected thereon,
and that he should be sorry were affairs to become embroiled and in a worse condition
through want of forethought, and exhorted and pressed them to confer forthwith the one with
the other. And some time after Noncheka had conferred in private with those of his nation,
he resumed speaking, and said that the position in which they found themselves was worse
than war ; inasmuch as, believing themselves to be at peace, and entertaining no suspicion, they
were daily exposed to the hostilities of the Iroquois, who was raising the hatchet over them,
without their daring to repel the blows, out of respect to their father Onontio, who had
forbidden them to do anything to him because he was his child. But being a disobedient and
an evil disposed child, they could not believe that Onontio, their father, had given him the
power to kill his brothers, the Outauaes, who are equally his children ; that they requested
him not to hold their arm any longer, and to permit them to repel force by force.
The Count having replied tiiat they must first begin by consulting about healing and
staunching the wound of Annehac, killed in their own cabin; he should then look to
restraining the hatchet of the Iroquois.
' The Indian captives were thus called. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. 181
Noncheka replied, that the Kiskakons had not committed this murder; that it was the
Ilinois, and it would not be just that Onontio should oblige them to give new satisfaction to
the Iroquois, who fiad never given any to the Miamis, their brethren, whom he had killed on
divers occasions.
Whereupon, Alimahoue, Captain of the Miamis, having risen and left his place, spoke with
vehemence in the centre of the assembly, and said that so much talk was unnecessary ;
that he was brother to the Kiskakons and the Hurons ; that he carried them both in his
heart, and held each of them by the hand, without wishing to abandon them ; that the
Iroquois was a traitor, who had killed them whilst pretending to be their friend ; that he who
was speaking had also been bit by him, and had suffered up to the present moment without
saying a word ; but he was weary of this, and wished not only to bite them in his turn but
also to eat them, and to go in quest of them, begging Onontio to hinder him not.
The Hurons, evincing more reserve, or daring not to explain themselves in such a large
assembly, said they would speak another time.
And the Count, continuing always to exhort them to adopt mild means, insisted that it was
not necessary to come to the last extremity before he had seen the Iroquois, whom, as he had
already stated, he had appointed to meet at Fort Frontenac, to propose to them the satisfaction
they were willing to give for the death of Annehac ; that he would not desist from urging
them to reflect on it ; to consider the benefits accruing from peace, and the evils to result from
war, if once enkindled ; and took leave of them until after dinner, when he would confer with
them more particularly.
The ig"" August, 1682.
The chiefs of the Kiskakons, to the number of three, to wit, Noncheka, Oneske and
Assongo'isa, the Hurons, to the same number, to wit, Soiia'ili, called tiie Rat, Ondahiastechen,
Burnt tongue (la langue brusUc), and Oskoiiendeti, the Runner, and the two iMiamis, who
were to attend the preceding afternoon at the underground and secret conference in the
Count's chamber, having come only the next morning, IQ"" August, the Count gave the first
and the last to understand, through M. de St. Paul, and the remainder, through M. Lemoine,
that they were in a place where whatever might be said would be kept secret, so that each
could express his opinion with confidence and freely discuss the present business, by agreeing
as to what reparation they proposed making for the murder of Annenhac. After these eight
Deputies had conferred in private together for some time, Noncheka declared anew that
they could not do any more than they had done ; that the Hurons had carried belts from
them to the Senecas to bury this afiliir; that the Iroquois had not given any satisfaction
for the Miamis whom they had killed on four different occasions ; that it would not be in
accordance with the justice and goodness that Onontio had always entertained for his
children to allow them to be choked without defending themselves; that they were
determined to let the Iroquois see that their insults were endured solely out of respect, they
always entertained, for Onontio; they therefore requested him to keep their arms bound no
longer, and to consider that an open war would be less prejudicial to them, because it would
oblige them to keep themselves on their guard, as their present position did not allow them to
adopt any precautions.
Alimahoue, a Miami Captain, supported the same opinion with still more energy; and the
Hurons, though they did not explain themselves so forcibly, nevertheless declared, through
182 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Soua'iae, that they would not separate themselves, either from the one or from the other, and
would remain united to the Kiskakons against the attacks of the Iroquois.
The Count, seeing by these unanimous opinions that affairs were not in a fair train of
arrangement, expressed the pain he felt in conseqence, and, as the common father of the
Outauois and Iroquois, that he must be greatly grieved to behold his children set against one
another; that he should have wished much they had patience, and had resolved to offer some
satisfaction to the Iroquois, with which he should have endeavored to induce the latter to be
satisfied at the interview he had appointed for them at Fort Frontenac, only with that view ;
and that the great Onontio of France, who believed all his children here to be at peace, would
not be content should they wish to break it.
Nonteka and Alimahoue replied that their nations ought not to be accused of that; that the
Iroquois had made them suffer too long a time, and that they must avenge themselves;
reiterating to Onontio their entreaties to grant them permission, as they were determined
on war.
But the Count declared to them that he could not give them that permission except on
condition that they should confine operations to their own country — to repelling those who might
come thither as enemies to attack them; that he would not consent to their going in quest of
these to their own territory and villages; so that if the Iroquois, continuing to have an evil
disposed spirit, were desirous to attack and molest them, he did not prevent them defending
themselves, and he should also order the French who are in their country to unite with them
to repel and drive him off; but he should forbid them following him, to fire into his cabin or
elsewhere, until the Count should have advised the great Onontio of France, who would send
his orders next year, and acquaint him what meaus he should use to chastise the Iroquois.
Meanwhile, the best advice he could give them at present was, to live together in good
union and correspondence, especially the Kiskakons and the Hurons, who were neighbors,
and each of them to fortify their villages, in order to defend themselves and mutually aid each
other against those who should undertake to come and attack them ; that they ought to send
the Belt around to all the Outaouais tribes; to the Nippsingues, the people du Sable, the
Outaouae Sinagos, the Malomenis, the Poux,' the Puans, the Sakis, the Nokets,^ the Outagamis,
the Kikapoux, the Ilinois, the Miamis, the Maskoutens, to warn them to be on their guard,
and to advise them of their resolution to resist the insults and hostilities of the Iroquois, and
of the alliance they had entered into for that purpose with the Miamis.
That he had to warn them of one thing, namely, that the great Onontio of France, esteeming
frankness and valor, had a mortal aversion to those who would use deception and bad faith
towards their allies, and never pardoned traitors, so that if any nation among them were so
dastardly as to betray its brethren, and, under pretext of alliance and friendship, deliver them
to the common enemy, as the great Onontio was the master of the entire earth, he would send
orders to hunt them in every country in the world, as much as was possible, to seize them
there and punish them more vigorously than their most cruel enemies could do.
Therefore, to oblige them to remain well united and to live in good intelligence, the Count
made some presents to those three nations, telling the Miami to remember his alliance, and to
be the bond of union between the Hurons and the Kiskakons.
' Poutawataraies.
"A small tribe which came originally from the shores of Lake Superior and settled to the N. W. of Lake Michigan, on what
is still called, after them, Nocguet Bay. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : II.
18a
The 20"' August, 1682.
Thursday, the 20"" August, the Chiefs of these three nations, being ready to embark, came
in the morning to talie the letters with which tiie Count told them the evening before he
should entrust them to be delivered to the Jesuit fathers who are Missionaries in their
country, to whom he communicated the resolutions adopted in the Conferences, and transmitted
orders as to what the French were to do in case of rupture. And after the Chiefs had again
testified their joy at being at liberty to defend themselves, and had promised to continue always
well united, they requested Onontio to give them the plan of the forts they were to erect in
their villages immediately on their return ; these having been drawn up on the spot and
delivered to them, he recommended, and made them promise that, even if they met any Iroquois
on their route, they would not commit any hostility; whereupon they departed better satisfied
than they had appeared to be in the voyages of former years, and assured Onontio that they
would request the Fathers not to open their letters to make known the secret except in presence
of the Deputies of all the Outaouais Nations, whom they would invite to attend at the reading
thereof, in order to be better informed of Onoutio's intentions, and to be better able to conform
themselves thereto.
Conference hetween Count de Frontenac and a Deputy from the Five Nation's.
Speech of the Delegate from the Five Iroquois Nations to Count de Frontenac,
on the ll"- September, 16S2.
Tegannisoren, an Onondaga Chief, who four years ago assumed the imnie of Niregouentaron,
which the late prince his grandfather bore, stated to the Count, in the audience at Montreal
on the ll"" September, 1682, Mr. Le Moyne acting as Interpreter, and said that he was
deputed by the Whole House, that is, the Five Iroquois Nations, and had been sent to Fort
Frontenac, thinking to find Onontio there, but not meeting him he had resolved to come to
Montreal, where he had been assured by M. De la Forest, with whom he came down, that he
should find him.
That it was to say that Sieur Delamarque having come in the winter to Onontague on
behalf of Onontio, who was aware that they were sharpening their hatchet, had stopped them
and held their arm until the spring, when he told them to come to Fort Frontenac to hear
his voice.
The Count replied, and caused to be said, that he had appointed a rendezvous for the
Deputies of all the Iroquois nations, not for the Spring but for the Summer, at the end of
August, and at the time when Niregouentaron had come to the fort.
Niregouentaron, without insisting any more on the difference of the time, continued his
Speech, and said, that his children, the Iroquois, entertaining respect for the will of Onontio,
their father, had resolved to hear his voice, and without paying attention to all the idle rumors
which circulated, had remained at home and would have requested him to advance in his big
canoe to Ochoueguen.'
' Oswego.
184 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
That the Ambassadors sent on horseback by the English to invite them to Albany had
returned without accomplishing any thing, as they were told that the Iroquois had to listen
to the voice of their father, Onontio.
That he is sent to learn and to know his word, in order to bear it to the Wiiole House, which
is uneasy because it had not seen him.
That they all knew that Onontio, their father, had lighted the Council fire; that they all had
brought their sticks to it; that they were desirous to keep it alive there in order that it may
never die, and that the people who will come under ground might always see this fire which
has been lighted by their father, its author and parent ; that the reason for his coming here is
that he wishes for peace, and that the children, in growing up and becoming big, may believe
that this fire will burn forever, and he requests Onontio that it endure.
That the big canoe which Onontio keeps at the fort — that is, the bark which he has caused
to be built there — is to right the other canoes in case they upset.
That they cannot move and paddle their canoes, because all the trees, being in sap, are unfit
to be stripped of their bark to make canoes.
This is the reason he has been sent to the fort to request Onontio to have his big -canoe
moved to their side.
And he asked if the letters he had brought from Father de Lamberville did not say the
same thing that he did.
The Count answered that this father referred to what he should say, and advised generally
that he was the bearer of good tidings; and he expected to be told what these are.
Whereupon he said that he would give Onontio a good remedy to cure him of all his pains;
that is to say, all the suspicions which Onontio might entertain of their conduct, and that it
was prepared by the Whole House.
And he drew forth a Belt of Wampum, which he held some time between his hands, saying
that it was to fetch his big canoe and to draw Onontio into the river of Ochoueguen.
That though the bark come, it will not prevent the fire burning always at the fort.
That, to prevent the bark being agitated when it will arrive at Ochoueguen, they will prop
it with strong trees.
That they do not wish to make war on the Kiskakons nor on the Hurons, neither on the
Miamis, but will defend themselves if they strike first.
And having drawn forth a fathom or two of white stringed wampum, he said, that it was
to inform all the French chiefs to remember what Onontio had recommended, not to place
any confidence in the evil reports circulated by ill-disposed spirits, and to kick them from
them, as he did.
That he was authorized, by the Whole House, to say what he had stated to Onontio, and
to know and carry back his answer, and that he is very happy to speak here at Montreal
to Onontio, whom he expected to find at the fort.
That he pays no attention to what evil-disposed minds, in different cabins, may say, but
will rely solely. on what Onontio will tell him.
That 'tis true they are ready to depart — and not explaining against whom they would march,
the Count asked him against whom were they going? To which he answered, that it was
against the llinois.
The Count regretted hearing him to-day name the llinois, since, when at la Chine, at
Culerier's, who acted as interpreter, he had told them that their hatchet was indeed raised,
PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 185
but that he was coming to advise Onontio thereof, and would not let it fall without his
permission.
And having replied that he had not said so, and that the interpreter must not have correctly
understood him ; he, however, added afterwards that, being a man with two arms and two
hands, one for peace and another for war, he had run through the Whole House to persuade
them not to undertake any thing without first having heard Onontio's word, and to reject all
evil reports ; and concluded by saying, that was all he had to state.
The Count answered he had a two-fold joy at seeing him come. First, because he had
brought news which could not fail to be very pleasing, since it made known to him the feelings
of respect and gratitude his children continued to entertain towards Onontio, their father.
Secondly, because of the choice the Chiefs had made of a person so well qualified as he was
for affairs of peace as well as for war.
That he might add a third, which was that he bore the name of Niregouentarou, who, as
well as his wife, and his niece whom Onontio had adopted as his daughter, had been his
particular friend; and as he had resuscitated that name, he resuscitated also in him the
affection he cherished for the deceased.
1 The Count made That he could pcrccive by the treatment he experienced that his visit was
table. agreeable.' Let him then take courage and rejoice, and he should be always
well entertained.
That Onontio would, to-morrow, give him his answer to carry to all his children, the Iroquois.
That he would send for the Indians of the Mountain, and those of the Saut who may
be at Montreal, to inform them of the Message he had brought from the Five Nations, and to
learn also the answer which Onontio would send by him.
Count de Frontenac's Answer to the Speech of the Deputy from the Five
Iroquois Nations. 12 September, 1682.
In the audience Count de Frontenac granted Niregouentarou, Captain of Onontague and
deputy of the five Iroquois Nations, on the said day, the 12"' 7ber, 16S2, at Montreal, in Sieur
Patron's room, he gave him to understand through ftr Lemoine, who acted as interpreter and
spoke in the name of Onontio, as follows:
Son Niregouentarou! I shall not repeat to-day the joy I feel at thy coming, and on
perceiving that the whole house hath deputed to me a member of a family for whom I
entertained a special friendship, and who likewise ever entertained a strong aflection for me;
who is no less qualified for Council than for War, and with whom I can securely treat on
business, because he will hearken attentively to my words, will understand my reasons, and
be able to report them with exactness to the entire house.
But before telling thee those things I wish to entrust to thee, I shall be glad that all the
Indians from the Montreal Mountain and the Saut S' Louis, who are here present, were made
acquainted with the words you addressed to me yesterday, and that they might hear likewise
what I have to answer thereunto.
L^moine: **'" Acossen,^ tcll them, then, what passed yesterday, which I caused to be written
down in thy presence, so that nothing may be altered. Listen attentively. My Son, and thou
shalt see that they are the same words.
Vol. IX. 24
186 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
What Niregouentaron said yesterday was read.
You perceive, My Son, tliat Acossen has stated all you said yesterday. He must also
explain all the efforts I used, since the occurrence of the unfortunate death of Annenhac which
happened last fall among the Kiskakons, in order that the Five Nations may hear my voice
and be exhorted to suspend their resentment, and to take no step to avenge that death
before we have conferred together thereupon.
The Narrative of It was Stated that Onontio sent Sieur de Lamarque to all the tribes, though
Lamarqne's Mis-
•ion was read. the season was very far advanced, and it was no longer possible to reach their
villages in canoes, but only by land, which he could not effect without a great deal of labor
and fatigue, having been three months on his journey. This proves that Onontio takes pains,
like a good father, to put to rights and to clean the hearth whenever it begins to be dirty.
It was afterwards impressed on Niregouantaron's recollection that the said Lamarque never,
on the part of Onontio, authorized the expectation that he would repair to Fort Frontenac at
the first running of the sap, but only at the second ; and that it was they who had made that
request of him, and also that Onontio should go up then as far as Techoueguen ; but that he
had always given them to understand that he could not do so by those who have carried them
the second message.'
That he had many objections to granting them the request they had made, the principal of
which are :
1". Because the council fire had been always lighted at the fort; that all the Nations had
brought their wood thither to keep it alive, and that he could not have it kindled elsewhere
without giving them reason to believe that he wished to extinguish it at that place.
S"". Because he wished first to see the Kiskakons and Tionontates, in order to be better
informed of the manner in which the accident had occurred, and to be able to acquaint them
also of the circumstances.
S"*. Because he foresaw that, by complying with their request, it would be impossible for
him to do what he intended, which was to speak to the Whole House — that is, the Five
Nations — since the Senecas, who were the most interested in the affair, could not come to the
fort at the first running of the sap, being engaged hunting too far in the interior of the country.
That if Onontio did not go to the fort in the month of August, as he had told them, it was
owing to themselves and the diversity of opinions which prevailed among them; one party,
such as the Ontagues, wishing him to go to Techoueguen, near their village, and the
Senecas insisting that they should meet at the fort, as he appointed, that being the place
where the fire was lighted.
The House ought not be surprised at not having seen Onontio, nor find it strange that
you come again and bring him a belt to serve for a cable to draw him alongside your village.
He tells you anew that the fire being lighted at the fort, and you, yourself, having yesterday
so urgently requested him, by your last speech, to keep it burning always there, he could not
light it elsewhere without it running the risk of being extinguished.
That in addition to this reason, which ought to suffice, the House must recollect that it is
not for children to designate the place where they desire to see their father, but for the father
to assign to the children the place at which he wishes to speak to them.
' qu'il leur a toujours fait entendre qu'il ne le pouvait que parceux qui leur out port6 les secondes paroles. The text is
somewhat obscure. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 187
That this is what Onontio has done for ten years, without their failing to obey his voice.
That it would not be just that he should now change the custom, or that they should be
less obedient.
That they ought to be obliged to him, and acknowledge his consideration for them in
wishing to have his fire lighted at the fort, in taking the trouble to go thither almost every
year, without making them come down to Quebec or Montreal, as was their custom when
business was to be transacted with them, and in exposing himself to the fatigue and danger
of ascending and descending the rapids, in order to spare them that trouble, of which
Niregouentaron is now aware by his own experience.
That Onontio cannot, then, believe, if the Wliole House entertain for him the consideration
and friendship you assure him of, that the proposal you make to him to go to Techoueguen
can be intended for this year, the season heing so far advanced, the length of the voyage so
uncertain, the squalls of wind so frequent, and the cold so near that the shores of the lake
might be frozen, and the return of the bark into the harbor of the fort thereby prevented.
First word. A Belt of Wampum.
That, therefore, all that Onontio can at present tell you to say to the House by this belt,
which he places in your hands to carry to it, is, that he is much rejoiced tiiat you assure him
of the continuation of its friendship towards the French and of its obedience to its father, as
well as of its disposition to live at peace with the Kiskakons, the Tionontates, and the Miamls,
regarding them as its brothers and the children of Onontio, their common father. This he
will again lay before the Whole House more fully next spring and at the first flowing of the
sap, when he promises to repair to the fort; regretting deeply that the interview cannot take
place now, in consequence of the great difficulties which, at- this season, prevent him going to
the other side of the lake, or his children coming to meet him at the fort in sufficient time
to allow them to return to their villages.
Nevertheless he exhorts them by this Belt to remain always at peace, and not to soil nor
dirty the earth any more ; to wait with patience until they confer together, when they may be
able finally to eject whatever bad stuff might have remained in the stomach.
Second word. Another Belt of Wampum.
That Onontio is already half cured of whatever pain he might have felt, by the assurance
you give him of your willingness to entertain good intelligence hereafter with your Brothers,
the Kiskakons, the Tionontatez and the Miamis; but he does not know why you will not
completely relieve his mind by promising him to cease the war against the Ilinois.
That you must recollect that they, being likewise of the number of his Children, are
consequently your brothers, and that it will give him great pain, he being the common father,
to see them killing each other, without preventing them or being able to make peace
between them.
That it is a part of the prudence and care of a father for his children to warn the Whole
House that it is very difficult to observe that friendship and good understanding wiiich it says
it is desirous of preserving with the Kiskakons, Tionontates and Miamis, whilst continuing the
war against the Ilinois with whom the former have such intimate bonds of relatiouship,
alliance and friendship, as they have promised themselves for a long time.
That as Onontio has given permission to several Frenchmen to go trading to those parts, it
will be difficult for the House to distinguish and separate them from those other nations among
188 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
■whom they would be found intermingled; this will expose affairs to further embarrassment
and give Onontio new and more acute pain.
He therefore cannot sufficiently impress on his children, the Iroquois, not to undertake
anything without considering well all the inconveniences and evil consequences which may
follow on the one side and on the other.
That they ought to be satisfied with their success last year against the Ilinois, as it is a
proof of their valor and courage.
That war does not bring success always to those who commence it; that it has its reverses
as well as other things, and that it often happens to him who was the conqueror to be
afterwards conquered.
That if, notwithstanding the advice and warnings Onontio gives them, they persist in their
original resolve and continue the war without obtaining favorable success, let them remember,
at least, that having foreseen all the accidents to result therefrom, he has never given his
consent to it; on the contrary, that he has always recommended them not to undertake
anything, but to have patience; that when they shall meet next spring they may mutually
consider a remedy Onontio will prepare for them on his side, as you assure him his children,
the Iroquois, will do on their part also.
Third Word. Third Belt of Wampum in form of a Chain.
But in order that you may be the better able to stay this hatchet, which you say is raised
and suspended in the air, here is a Chain to bind it, and to prevent the arms of the warriors
letting it fall.
You will accomplish this with greater ease if you remember what you said to Onontio
respecting the Chain on the day before yesterday, though it was only at a private
entertainment; that was, that this hatchet would never fall without his permission.
That the death of Annenhac must be regarded simply as an accident of which the
Kiskakon was guiltless, inasmuch as he did not strike the blow; that moreover, though
it was an Ilinois struck it, this ought only be considered a private quarrel between two
individuals, in which the whole nation ought not to interest itself. Take yourself for an
example : suppose that, being to-day among the French, it should happen that you might have
a quarrel with some one and kill him, or be killed ; it would not follow that the entire nation
ought to assume a part in that quarrel.
Make use, then, if necessary, of these arguments when you will have returned to the House ;
these are the same that Onontio used last fall on the first news of the accident at
Missilimakinac; and as you have always assured him that, though a great Chief, you would
not fail to direct your mind to peace, when you could obtain it, employ your care and
influence to procure for Onontio the satisfaction of beholding all his children at peace, and
abstaining from War.
Fourth Word. A jacket with gold facings, a shirt, a pair of stockings, a hat,
a pair of shoes, a black silk cravat with gold edgings, a scarlet ribbon, a
gun, some powder and ball.
And to increase the desire which you said you felt to come down to Montreal to see Onontio,
as your overcoat might have been torn in the Rapids, your shirt, shoes and stockings worn out,
and your gun broken, here are others your father gives you to wear for love of him.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. 189
assuring you he will always love you as long as you will have a mind as upright as you
manifest to him.
Fifth word. Two packages of glass beads.
Here also are some beads, which Onontio gives you for the wife of the deceased prince, and
for your sister who is at the fort, and whom, you know, Onontio adopted as his daughter, in
order that they may remember liim until he shall see the former at the meeting next spring at
the fort, whither he invites her, when he will have it in his power to give her greater evidence
of his friendship, and also bewail there the death and cover the grave of Oniacony, the father
of the latter.
A scarlet cloth (une hrmjes), trimmed with gold, and a shift were likewise given
to Niregouentaron for his daughter, for whom he evinces great love.
Major de la Forest to Count de Frontenac.
Letter of Sieur Delaforest, Major of Fort Frontenac, to My Lord Count de
Frontenac, on the departure of Niregouataron, the Iroquois deputy, of
the le"- 7ber, 16S2.
My Lord,
I cannot sufficiently express to you the sentiment of gratitude felt by Teganesseren who is
so well satisfied with the cordial reception you have given him, so surprised at tiie good
cheer and valuable present with which you have honored him, that he is very impatient to
arrive at his village to convey the news thereof to his whole house. He has requested me to
inform you that he will not omit any circumstance that you have stated to him, and that he
will acquaint father de Lamberville of what consequence it is that the Whole House have a
knowledge of your sentiments, and that nothing be omitted of what you ordered him to tell
them. Though it blows strong from the Southwest, we embark in order to be prepared
to cross over at the moment the wind abates ever so little. I have three Frenchmen in
my canoe, who promise to convey me to the fort in five days, if we have fine weather. By these
I shall send the Indian to his village. He speaks continually of you, my Lord ; that your
speeches are pleasing, and that he was fortunate in being selected to convey the message to
you, and that he shall remember Onontio as long as he lives. As we are five in my canoe, I
can carry only six minots of flour. The canoe which follows me brings more. This will be
sufficient, and furnish enough until some more be ground. If I learn any new§ of M. Delasalle,
I shall communicate them to you. I request you, my Lord, to be fully persuaded of the
execution of what you have recommended to me at parting, and that I am, with profound
respect. My Lord, your most humble and most obedient Servant,
(Signed) Delaforest.
190 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
State of Indian Affairs on the departure of Count de Frontenac. 1682.
Memoir, to illustrate the situation in which Count de Frontenac left Canada, in
regard to the Indians, and principally the Iroquois.
No artifices have been left unemployed by Foreigners to attract to themselves the Beaver
trade which the French pursue in Canada. Being preserved for the last ten years solely by
the establishment of Fort Frontenac, situate at the northern extremity of Lake Ontario, every
effort has been made to destroy that post, by continually exciting the jealousies of the Iroquois
in its vicinity, and fain persuading them that it was a barrier which too closely confined them.
This nation, moreover very warlike, also aims at the subjugation of all the others, and at
making itself feared by them, so that there *s no difficulty in persuading it to go to war and
to avenge itself when it has any cause therefor. This obliged Count de Frontenac, at the close
of October, 1G81, when he heard of the murder of a Seneca Chief, killed in the preceding
month at Missilimakinac, in a private quarrel with an Illinois, to send forthwith to the Iroquois
to make them suspend whatever resentment they might feel at this death until he should speak
with them, desiring them, with this view, to repair at the end of August to Fort Frontenac,
giving them to hope for satisfiiction on the part of the Kiskakons, amongst whom the
occurrence happened, and whom he would by that time have seen at Montreal, where they
are in the habit of coming annually at that season. He advised the court thereof in his
despatches of the month of November of the same year, 1681, after having conferred
thereupon with Mr. Duchesneau and the Jesuit fathers.
Meanwhile, though the rendezvous for the Iroquois had been designated at Fort
Frontenac for the end of August, it was represented to them that it was for the Spring, and
they were persuaded to request Mr. de Frontenac to visit them at the first running of the sap,
not at Fort Frontenac, but at Techoiiegen, at the mouth of the Onondaga river, where their
principal Village lies, or at some other place on the south side of the Lake, in the supposition
that, were the invitation not accepted, they would become angry on account of his refusal,
which was anticipated, and take occasion to resent it, either on the French who had given it,
or, at least, on the Illinois.
Monsieur de Frontenac, advised of their demand by letters from Father de Lamberville,
the Superior of the Iroquois missions, did not think proper to alter his original resolution,
inasmuch as his consent, appearing to him contrary to the dignity of his character, would
have rendered them more haughty, and caused them to imagine that he was afraid of them ;
since it would be going to seek them in their country instead of their coming to find him, as
they had, up to that time, always done at the places he had designated for them. That it
would, moreover, be far more expensive to make that journey in safety and in a becoming
style ; and it would, also, have been useless at that season, not having been able to see the
Kiskakons, nor to ascertain what satisfaction these were willing to make the Iroquois for
the death of their chief. Therefore, when informing that Father of a few of those reasons, he
requested him to endeavor to remove from their minds the idea that he would repair to any
other place than Fort Frontenac. But before sending him that answer, he communicated his
letter and all the opinions he had received from other quarters to Mr. Duchesneau, whose
sentiments he was very happy to obtain in writing, as well as those of the principal of the
Jesuit Fathers, who are best informed of the manners of these Savages.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 191
It can be ascertained, by the opinions of the one and the other, whether what was proposed
was more suitable than what was concluded.
Father de Lamberville wrote anew that some of the principal Chiefs of the Iroquois, the
most attached to the French, insisted continually that Mr. de Frontenac should repair to the
south shore of the lake, at the end of May, and that, otherwise, they could not answer for
their young braves not undertaking some aggression, or going, at least, against the Illinois,
which would be very prejudicial to Sieur de Lasalle's discovery. As this second advice came
with the others he had received, to the effect that he ought to take more precaution than in
the other voyages, so as not to be exposed to any insult on the part of the Iroquois, some of
whom, contrary to their custom, spoke very insolently, he advised Father de Lamberville that
the time was too short to assemble the deputies of the Five Nations at Fort Frontenac in the
spring; but if any of their chiefs were willing to come to see him at Montreal, he would go
thither in the month of June, to speak to them and to await the Kiskakons, in order to go up
to Fort Frontenac after he should have seen them and ascertained what satisfaction they were
disposed to make.
Meanwhile, he caused more frequent reviews to be made in the neighborhood of Quebec and
Montreal, where he sent arms and munitions of war, doubting not but the Iroquois and our
neighbors would forthwith hear of it, and know thereby that the French would be on
their guard, and prepared to receive those who would come to attack them.
He went afterwards to Montreal, had grain collected in order constantly to make manifest
his intention to go to the fort, and with a larger escort than usual.
Notwithstanding these preparations, which might give the Indians reason to reflect, as those
who were urging them to break with us were mainly seeking but to embroil affairs one way
or the other, in the hope, if they could not oblige the Iroquois to be the first to declare war
against us or our allies, that M. de Frontenac would commence hostilities, they caused some
Iroquois to pillage on the North shore of the Lake some merchandise the French of the fort
were conveying in a canoe to trade, as was their custom, at Seneca; the Indians seized some,
also, on board the bark of the fort. Sieur de Laforet, who is Major of that place, having
gone afterwards to complain thereof to the Senecas, could not obtain any satisfaction, and
returned without any one being willing to trade beaver for his goods. Two Indians were
forced to avow publicly in their Council that they would not only go against the Illinois, but
would attack even the French and likewise Sieur de Lasalle, should they meet him, adding
insulting remarks against the person of M. de Frontenac, under the impression, created by
those who urged them on, that the affair being reported to him he would feel piqued at it, and
would resent and chastise them accordingly.
But instead of being affected hereby, concluding that it was a mere artifice of persons who
by underground presents were influenced to make such speeches, and that they attacked the
property of the people belonging to the fort, and were inimical to Sieur de Lasalle only on
account of the protection M. de Frontenac extended to him in his discoveries, he resolved
to continue his preparations and to take some precautions against the expeditions of the
Iroquois; though, in truth, he did not believe that they entertained all the evil designs which
were reported, inasmuch as for the last ten years they had invariably testifled towards him
both friendship and great submission.
And in order to do something which might come to their ears, he did not keep secret the
new protection he had granted to all the Outaouais Nations of the West, and the permission
he had given them to construct new forts for their defence against all who might attack
192 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. •
them. He even proposed to M' Dollier, Superior of the Seminary, to which the Island of
Montreal belongs, to accompany him and M' Perrot, Governor of that Island, the Major and
others, in a tour around it to examine and mark the places where it would be proper to
construct redoubts, for the concentration of the inhabitants, the better to protect them against
the hostilities of the Iroquois. '
But in commencing the tour of the Island of Montreal, he met Sieur de Laforest, Major
of fort Frontenac, who was coming to see him [with] one of the principal war chiefs of
Onondaga, whom the five Iroquois Nations had deputed, with four others, to the said fort,
under the impression that M. de Frontenac would be found there, to assure him that they were
desirous to live always in good understanding and friendship, not only with the French, but
also with all the Outaoiiacs, Kiskakons, Tionnontates and others.
By the report of what transpired in the conferences with that deputy, and in those
previously held with the Kiskakons and the Tionnontates, these things will be more fully
seen ; also, whether M. de Frontenac was not borne out in declining to proceed on the
repeated applications made to him by Mr. Duchesneau in several letters, as may be seen
principally by that of the 28"" July, 1682 ; and in observing the conduct he had followed at
that interview, in which another, less respected among the Savages and less conversant with
their manners and the intrigues of the country, might have committed himself to much useless
expense, and adopted measures prejudicial to the Colony.
jReverend Father de Lamberville to Count de Frontenac.
Onondaga, this 20"" September, 1682.
My Lord,
I received by Boquet the letters you were at the trouble to write me. I found therein a
duplicate of the one I received a month ago, and which I had the honor to answer by
Tegannissoren, who went with a Belt of Wampum to you, to draw your Canoe to the South
shore of lake Frontenac. Had you been able to come here, assuredly your voyage would not
have been without advantage; you could, at least, have saved the Oumiamis, one of whom, a
prisoner, had been reserved for you. They will, most probably, be all destroyed, for though
the brunt of the war must fall on the Illinois, the Oumiamis will be swept away, in passing
along, and perhaps some other tribe of the bay des Puans ; for, under the name of Illinois,
the mischief-makers comprise the Oumiamis, the Pouteatimies, the Ousakis, etc. The Iroquois
only wait for your Word. Though you could not have stayed the lightning that is about to
strike the Illinois, some, nevertheless, entertained opinions conformable to yours, and told me
that every thing would depend on what you would say; you would have been the preserver
of the Oumiamis, whom I consider lost for want of a word from Onontio, who might have
spoken to them, and whom they still expect.
Whatever Tegannissoren will relate here on his return will be attentively listened to, and
that will be the crisis of affairs this year. It is he that 1 believe I named Niregouentaron to
you in my last. He loves the French ; but neither he nor any other of the Upper Iroquois
PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. I93
fears them in the least, and they are all ready to pounce upon Canada on the first provocation
they will receive.
Several insults which they have offered to the French, without any satisfaction heing forced
from them, persuade them that they are feared. They profit every year by our losses. They
annihilate our allies, whom they convert into Iroquois, and hesitate not to avow that after
they shall have enriched themselves by our plunder, and strengthened themselves by those
who might have aided us, they will pounce all at once on Canada, and overwhelm it in a
single campaign. They have reinforced themselves during this and the preceding year by
more than Nine hundred warriors (fusiliers).
Indians who have come from the fort have publicly stated here that you, the tntendant and
M. Perrot, were recalled to France by the King. I answered, if that were so, you would,
perhaps, make it known by Niregouentaron, who will bring your answer to their belt, and
your orders. Though I had learned from another source that such a rumor prevailed, I did not
wish to confirm it until I should have received your final orders in the capacity of Governor,
if it be true that we are about to lose you.
In any case, My Lord, permit me to tell you that assuredly some person has belied us to
you on two or three occasions, and that I have been sufficiently unfortunate as to have been
included by him among the number of those who, as well as myself, have never entertained
a thought except to second, by our very feeble power, all the good intentions you have had
and do still entertain towards Canada. What I did very recently, in order that a Oumiamis
may be presented and sold to you, is a signal instance thereof; but the past is past, and I do
not believe that you ever placed much reliance on the various representations which were
made to you without sufficient foundation.
Permit me, if you please, My Lord, to renew here all the respect which I owe you, and all
the thanks I have tendered to you and still must present for the various civilities you have
been so good as to honor me with up to the present time, praying God, if the sea separates
us, that I may at least have the happiness to be united eternally with you near the King of
Kings.
This is the most substantial good that I can wish you as well as myself, who am, in truth
and with much submission,
My Lord,
Your very humble and very
obedient servant,
(Signed) de Lamberville.
Allow me. My Lord, if you please, to present here my most humble respects to Madame the
Countess. My brother sends you, once more, his duty, which he begs you, most humbly, to
accept.
' "your enemies. I beg to assure you, My Lord, that the gentlemen thus misrepresented are among the number of"
A line such as this seems to have been omitted in the text. — Ed.
Vol. IX.
194 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Conference on the State of Affairs with the Iroquois.
At the Meeting held the tenth October, 1685, composed of the Governor, the Intendant,
the Bishop of Quebec, M. Dollier, Superior of the Seminary of Saint Sulpice, at
Montreal, the Rev. Fathers Beschefer, Superior, D'Abion and Fremin, Jesuits, the
Major of the City, Mess", de Varenne, Governor of Three Rivers, de Brussy, Dalibout,
Duguet, Lemoine, Ladurantais, Bizard, Chailly, Vieuxpont, Duluth, de Sorel,
Derpentigny, Berthier and Boucher.
It is proposed by the Governor that it is easy to infer, from the records Count de Frotenac
was pleased to deposit in his hands of what had passed at Montreal on the 12 Sept. last
between him and the Iroquois Deputy from Onontague, that these people are inclined to follow
the object of their enterprize, wliich is to destroy all the Nations in alliance with us, one after
the other, whilst they keep us in uncertainty and with folded arras; so that, after having
deprived us of the entire fur trade, which they wish to carry on alone with the English and
Dutch established at Manate and Orange, they may attack us isolated, and ruin the Colony in
obliging it to contract itself and abandon all the detached settlements, and thus arrest the
cultivation of the soil, which cannot bear grain nor hay except in quarters where it is of
good quality.
As he is not informed in the short time since his arrival from France of the state of
these tribes and of the Colony, he requests the gentlemen to acquaint him with all they know
of these things, that he may inform his Majesty thereof, and represent the necessities of this
Colony, for the purpose as well of averting this war as of terminating and finishing it
advantageously, should it be necessary to wage it. Whereupon the Meeting, after being
informed by the Rev"* Jesuit fathers of what had passed during five years among the Iroquois
Nations, whence they had recently arrived, and by M. Dollier of what had occurred for some
years at Montreal, remained unanimously and all of one accord, that the English have omitted
nothing for four years to induce the Iroquois, either by a great number of presents or by the
cheapness of provisions, and especially of guns, powder and lead, to declare war against us,
and that the Iroquois have been two or three times ready to commence hostilities ; but that
having reflected that, should they attack us before they had ruined in fact the allied nations
and their neighbors, those would rally, and, uniting together, fall on and destroy their villages
whilst they were occupied against us, they judged it wiser to defer, and to amuse us whilst
they were attacking those Nations; and having commenced operations, with that view, against
the Ilinois last year, they had so great an advantage over them that, besides three or four
hundred killed, they took nine hundred prisoners ; therefore, should they march this year with
a corps of twelve hundred well armed and good warriors, there was no doubt but they would
exterminate the Illinois altogether, and attack, on their return, the Miamis and theKiskakons,
and by their defeat render themselves masters of Missilimackina and the Lakes Herie and
Huron, the Bay des Puans, and thereby deprive us of all the trade drawn from that country, by
destroying at the same time all the Christian Missions established among those Nations;
and therefore it became necessary to make a last effort to prevent them ruining those Nations,
as they had formerly the Algonquins, the Andastez, the Loups (Mohegans), the Abenaquis and
others, whose remains are dispered among us at the settlements of Sillery, Laurette, Lake
Champlain and elsewhere. That to accomplish this object, the state of the Colony was to
PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. 195
be considered, as well as the means to be most usefully adopted against the enemy; as to the
Colony, that we could bring together a thousand good men, bearing arms and accustomed to
manage canoes like tlie Iroquois ; but when drawn from their settlements, it must be
considered that the cultivation of the soil would be arrested during the whole period of their
absence, and that it is necessary, before making them march, to have supplies of provisions
in places distant from the settlements, so as to support the men in the enemy's country
for a length of time sufficient to effectually destroy that Nation, and that we should act
no more by them as had been done seventeen years ago, partially frightening, without
weakening them. That we have advantages now which we had not then ; the French,
accustomed to the Woods, acquainted with all the roads through them, and the route to Fort
Frontenac open, so that we can fall in forty hours on the Senecas, the strongest of the five
Iroquois Nations, who alone can furnish fifteen hundred warriors, well armed ; that there must
be provisions at Fort Frontenac, three or four vessels to load tiiem and receive five hundred
men on Lake Ontario, whilst five hundred others would go in Canoes and post tiiemselves on
the Seneca shore; but this expedition cannot succeed unless His Majesty aid with a small
body of two or three hundred soldiers, to garrison Forts Frontenac and La Galette,' to escort
provisions and keep the frontiers guarded and protected, whilst the interior would be deprived
of its good soldiers; that a hundred or a hundred and fifty hired men, must be distributed
among the settlements, to help those who will remain at home to cultivate the ground,
in order that famine may not get into the land_; and that funds are necessary to collect supplies
and build two or three barks, without which, and Sieur de Lasalle's vessel, it is impossible
to undertake anything of utility. That it is a war which is not to be commenced to be left
unfinished, because knowing each other better than seventeen years ago, if it were to be
undertaken without completing it, the conservation of the Colony is not to be expected, the
Iroquois not being apt to retreat. That the failure of all aid from France had begun to create
contempt for us among the said Iroquois, who believed that we were abandoned by the great
Onontio, our Master; and if they saw us assisted by him, they would probably change their
minds and let our allies be in peace, and consent not to hunt on their grounds, nor bring to the
French all the peltries they trade at present with the English at Orange ; and thus, by a small
aid from his Majesty, we could prevent war and subjugate these fierce and hot spirits, which
would be the greatest advantage that could be procured for the Country. That, meanwhile,
it was important to arm the militia, and in this year of abundant harvest to oblige them to
furnish themselves with guns, in order to be put to a good use when occasion required.
Done in the house of the Reverend Jesuit Fathers at Quebec, the day and year above stated.
Compared with the original remaining in my hands.
Le Fe Bure de Labarre.
' Now, Presoott, C. W. See p. 77. — Ed.
196 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Abstract of Letters received from Canada.
M. de la Barre : 4th. Sber, 1682. Order for arms — power of Governors — Troops
and Fortifications.
He thinks that the Iroquois wait only the opportunity to attack the French after they shall
have defeated our allies, against whom they are marching.
He believes that with a little assistance he can defeat them; is employed laying up
provisions, and when reinforced by the assistance he requires, will march into their country
with twelve hundred militia in the spring of 1684, and bring thither all the Indians who are
at war with, to destroy, the enemy.
They are 2,600 brave and disciplined men, but a few cannon will give him a great advantage.
If they perceive that a reinforcement is to be sent him, he is of opinion they will make
peace. The Nepiseriniens have asked him for aid and shelter against the fury of the
Iroquois, who are marching against the Hurons, which he has granted them; three hundred
of them had afterwards arrived at Montreal.
Some funds are required for the construction of a small storehouse at the landing, to receive
munitions of war which are to be conveyed farther on.
12 November.
When he arrived, as will be seen by the Memoirs he sends with the duplicate of the
deliberation of the principal persons of the country, Sieur de Frontenac was engaged
preventing the war with the Iroquois.
The Dutch have furnished these with guns at half the price of ours, and also with powder
and lead.
They number at present over 2,500 excellent warriors.
They must be estimated at 1,400 in the field (en marche.)
He cannot proceed against them with a small nor with a large force, without stores
of provisions.
He has ordered one of wheat at Quebec and at Montreal, which will not cost the King
anything.
He has caused pork to be salted, on which there will be some loss.
Will have 150 guns drawn from the store to pay in part for the salting of these provisions.
Cannot withdraw 600 or 1,000 men from the country without diminishing the cultivation of
the land one-half and causing a famine, but is thinking of collecting the grain.
Urgently asks for 200 hired men to repair this evil ; 4 companies of marines, with blank
commissions, to lead the van and escort the convoys ; funds for a magazine of provisions, and
for building two barges and two boats.
Proposes to fit out a vessel or barge (flute) to convey the men, and to give the command of
it to Sieur de Hombourg, son of the late Attorney-General, a good seaman, to whom a
commission might be given of Captain of a fire-ketch or frigate, with 200 men and three barks
on the lakes Frontenac and Erie, the Iroquois will be kept so close that all their hunting
will be broken up, or they will be obliged to abandon their posts, and to fear the allies. This
reinforcement must arrive at the end of August.
Demands likewise the arms and ammunition contained in the Memoir which he sends,
without which the country is lost.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : II.
197
Has sent a canoe express to the Iroquois to inform them of his arrival, with presents to
induce them to come to see him at Montreal. That canoe will cost 400 francs.
Has no doubt but the said Iroquois will attacii the French in the Spring.
Begs that all possible succor be sent promptly.
Has need of an Indian Interpreter.
Proposes Vieux Pont, who is in Canada, and that he have the pay of a Reduced Captain.
30'" May.
Has dispatched a bark expressly to give notice that he cannot avoid going to war with the
Iroquois, and that he must attack them next season, in case they do not themselves begin
this year.
The Onnontagues had promised to give notice to the four other nations to lay aside the
hatchet against our allies, but he had advices by an express messenger that they had changed
their minds, and seven to eight hundred had marched against the Kiskakons, Hurons,
Outawacs and Miamis.
The Onnontagues, who had promised to come with the Deputies of the five nations to see
him in the month of June, seemed to think no more of their word, saying they would try to
come in the middle of July with the Deputies from the Mohawks and Oneidas, believing they
could not bring those of the Senecas and Cayugas.
Has had advice that the Senecas were preparing, with the Cayugas, to attack the French
at the end of Summer, being urged by the English, who are desirous to cut off completely
the trade of the Outawas. But Sieur Le Moyne was going, on his part, to them, to endeavor
to avert this storm.
The English have debauched a large body of French deserters, whom they hire to find out
for them the route of the canoes, and to open a trade with those people.
If these deserters fall into his hands he will have them tried by the Council of War.
He had just visited all the frontier posts to place them in a state of defence, and to
encourage the country which is greatly alarmed.
He was sending Sieur D'Orvilliers to fort Frontenac with some soldiers, in addition to those
he had already sent thither.
If the Senecas be the first to attack the French they will place the country on the verge
of ruin.
He will incur some expense insending up flour, cannon and powder for the supply of the posts.
It is absolutely necessary to attack the said Senecas, who number about 2,000, or abandon
the country.
In addition to the 200 men aforesaid, he demands four hundred more, and some experienced,
brave and prudent officers.
The bark which he has ordered built at Fort Frontenac is on the stocks.
He is getting bark canoes made in every direction.
Requests that there be sent with the troops pork, clothing for the soldiers and blankets
for each of them.
Demands funds also.
The country up the river is good, and, if it be preserved, people will be satisfied with
this Colony.
Proposes to write to the Duke of York on the subject of Manatte and Orange further
aiding and stimulating the Iroquois against the French.
198 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Proposes that some title be conferred on Sieur D'Orvilliers.
Sieur de Barillon'
Sends the extract of a letter from Sieur de la Barre, complaining that tlie English supply
arms to the Iroquois, the enemies of the French, and tlie answer of Sieur Jankuni ^ thereunto.
Finances and Trade.
The Colony [is] bounded by the English, who seek only to carry off the Trade, and the
post of Orange affords tliem the means.
They have sold a quantity of merchandise to the Iroquois at a loss.
The place and fort at Manatte, under the dominion of the English, are peopled by the Dutch,
who afford the Indians whatever they require, clieaper than we, and take their beaver at its
full value.
They say that the French did not trade with, but robbed them.
The first design of the Iroquois has been to seize the Trade by destroying our allies and
those who sell us the Beaver.
They commenced last year with the Illinois, against whom they proceed again this season,
and wish to destroy all the tribes inhabiting the bay des Puans.
To seize the Kiskakons, who occupy Missilimakinac, stop all communication with the
South Western countries, and deprive the French of more than half their trade.
The Outawacs, seized with terror, have united with the Miamis in a deputation to Sieur
de Frontenac, as may be seen by the documents wiiich he sends.
No beaver has been obtained except by those licensed, and the Kiskakons only have brought
any tliis year.
As for Hudson's Bay, the company of Old England has pushed some small posts along
a river that communicates with Lake Superior.
Will prevent the continuance of this disorder.
Licenses to that quarter must be given to reliable persons.
Perrot has pursued some trade which has excited jealousy.
Those licenses will prevent the English diverting the beaver from French hands.
Does not think much of the discovery of tiie mouth of the Mississippi by la Salle, and the
representations concerning it do not appear to be of much utility, and are accompanied by a
great deal of falsehood.
Has no inclination for discovery, but to render valuable what has been explored; to prevent
the English ruining the trade and to subdue the Iroquois.
Sieur de Meulles: 12 November. Order for Arms — Power of Governors —
Troops and Fortifications.
The Iroquois wish to make war on the Illinois, and have sent an ambassador to Sieur de
Frontenac to assure him that they were desirous of preserving peace with the French, but he
is nothing better than a spy.
' Ambassador from the Court of France to England. — Ed. ' Sir Lionel Jenkins. See III., 1, 8.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. igg
Tt will be easy for the first named to destroy, in detail, ail those who will oppose the design
they entertain to become masters of North America, and, assisted by the English and Dutch,
to oblige the French to quit the colony.
Is necessitated to make preparations to resist them and to prevent them attacking the
Iroquois,' witliout which the revenue Irom the beaver would be destroyeci.
By erecting some small fort in the direction of the Iroquois, the Indians might be prevented
carrying their Beaver to Boston and Orange.
2 June.
Agreeably to M. de la Barre's [plan] for the war to be made against the Iroquois, demands
1,000 cheap muskets and as many swords, to be distributed among the colonists at the same
price as in France.
Finances and Trade.
The House named des Ilets may he made use of as a manufactory, where the Indian girls
may learn to live after the fashion of the French peasants, whereas at the Ursuliues they learn
only to say prayers and to speak French.
They would lead their husbands to such mode of life as might bring them to support and
maintain themselves.
At their marriage might be given them a cow, a hog, some corn, and a little flax seed,
whereby they might subsist.
Instruction in reading, writing, and in their faith, would not be omitted.
Wishes to know what will be done for those who have more than 12 children.
The Bishop of Quebec : 12 November.
It is of importance not to impair the edict prohibiting Huguenots settling in Canada, and
especially not to sufier them in Acadia.
Captain Brochholls to Governor de la Barre.
[ Entries, Sec: Office, Albany; 16S2, 1683; XXXUL, 59.]
A letter from Captain Brockholls to the Governour of Canada.
Yours of the 1" and IS"" Aprill past by the hand of Monsier Salvoy Received the 25"'
Instant and Congratulate your safe arrivail to your Governm' of Cannada under the most
Christian King. Your Amicable Proposalls for Good understanding and Friend Shipp between
us to maintaine and Supporte Gen" Peace and Tranquility is most Gladly Imbraced and shall
in all points as hitherto on our Partes be readyly Complyed with in the Accomplishm' wherecf
200 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
shall use all Endeauour that Love may Rather be the luducem' then Armes and that all things
Impedeing the same may be Remoued And to that end By the Correspondency that was
between your Predecessor Mouns" le'Comte De ffrontenac and Sir Edmund Andross the late
Goveruour here Complaining of many Runawayes from your Parts Orders were made and
Published that if any of your nation Came to any of our Parts without a Passe they were to
be taken up and Sent of to some of the flrench Islands pursuant to which one man and one
Woman were soe sent, but none Sold their Passage and Charge of Transportacon being
Sattisfied here and being Consented to by your Predecessor Can be no Vyolacon or Breach of
the Law of Nations soe that wee Doe not tollerate or Encourage any of your People to Come
to us nor any of ours to goe to you unlesse by Speciall Lycense on Extraordinary Occasions
which Shall Still be Observed.
Wee have hitherto by Gods Blessing on our Endeauo''s Lived Peaceable and quiett with all
our Neighbouring Indians without Effussion of Xtian Blood nor Doe finde Any Ground for
your Apprehensions of Warr with Maryland the Peace between them and our Indians
Northward being Lately Ratified and Confirmed and SattisSaccon Given to Content for
Injuryes Done.
The Rest Conteined in your Letters must ReflTer till the Arrival of Coll. Dungen our
Governour who hath had the honour to Command a Regim' in the Service of the King of
ffrance all the time of the Late warrs who have Advise of and Dayly Expect to whom they
Shall be Communicated And need not Doubt of Suitable Answers And Resolves Accordingly
In the meane tinie be assured that as it hath Alwayes been the Care of this Governm' to
Preserve Peace Prevent and hinder the Spilling of Xtian Blood and to hold and Mainteine A
Civill Correspondency with our Neighbours So the Same Endeavours and Practice shall be
Continued Perticulerly towards your Selfe and Remaine.
S'
Your Verry humble Serv'
May 31'" 1683. A: B:
Monsieur de la Barre,
Louis XIV. to M. de la Barre.
Fontainebleau, 5"" August, 16S3.
I recommend you to prevent the English, as much as possible, establishing themselves in
Hudson's bay, possession whereof was taken in my name several years ago ; and as Colonel
d'Unguent,' appointed Governor of New-York by the King of England, has had precise orders
on the part of the said King to maintain good correspondence with us, and carefully to avoid
whatever may interrupt it, I doubt not the difficulties you have experienced on the side of the
English will cease for the future.
Dongau.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : II 201
I am persuaded, with you, that Sieur de la Salle's discovery is very useless, and such
enterprises must be prevented hereafter, as they tend only to debauch the inhabitants by the
hope of gain, and to diminish the revenue from the Beaver.
I recommend you to labor continually, in conjunction with the Intendant, for the establishment
of trade between the Islands and Canada, and I refer, on this point, to what is more fully
contained in your Instruction. Whereupon I pray God, &c.
M. de la Barre to M. de Seignelay.
My Lord,
As soon as I had dispatched my letters of the 30"" May from Montreal by the vessel which
the Intendant and I had sent you express, I received news from Paris of the S"" March, by
which I learn that Count de Frontenac had confidently assured you that he had left this
country at peace as far as regarded the Iroquois, and that all appearances rendered it probable
that the King would incline rather to that opinion than to placing entire reliance on what I
might write to the contrary on this subject, inasmuch as there was reason for supposing that
this Count, having remained ten years in the country, was much better acquainted with the
true state of things than I could be after a sojourn of merely six weeks; and that there was
no probability of my receiving any assistance to sustain this unfortunate war. This induced
me to adopt two resolutions, one to endeavor by all means to gain over and pacify the
Iroquois, and the other to fortify the place exposed to their attack, with some Frenchmen and
munitions of war, so as to be able to resist them and save this post this year, in order to aftbrd
you time to persuade his Majesty to adopt some positive resolutions on this subject. But
as you are not informed of the cause which urges the Iroquois to declare war against us, it is
necessary that I should, first of all, explain it to you according to the truth I myself have this
year learned respecting it.
That nation, the bravest, strongest and shrewdest in all North America, having twenty years
ago subjugated all their neighbors, turned their attention to the trade with the English of
New York, Orange and Manatte ; and finding this much more profitable than ours, because
the Beaver (exempt from the duty of one-fourth which it pays here) is much higher there
than with us, they sought every means to increase it; and as they perceived that they could
not succeed better in that than by destroying the Outaouax, for thirty years our allies, and
who alone supply us with two-thirds of the Beaver that is sent to France, they made a great
outcry, among themselves, about the death of a Seneca Captain, who had been killed four
years ago by an Illinois at Missilimakinack, in the fort of the Outaouax called Kiskakons ; and
after having excited all the five Cabins, declared war against those people, doubting not but
they would easily master them. This done, they would absolutely intersect the path to the
South, by which our French go trading with licenses, and prevent the Farther Indjans bringing
any beaver to Montreal, and, having mastered the post of Missilimakinack, establish a new
one there of themselves alone and the English. And as the Union of all the Cabins was not
extremely decided on this point, the three of Seneca, Onontague and Cayuga, despatched five
Vol. IX. 26
202 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
hundred warriors in the month of May to attack the Ouatouax and seize Missilimakinak,
giving orders at the same time to two parties of 150 each, whom they had sent against the
Meamis, to come and join, on the return of their expedition, this party of 500 and
reinforce it.
You perceive hereby, my Lord, that the subject which we have discussed is to determine
who will be master of the Beaver trade to the south and southwest; and that the Iroquois, who
alone supply the English with considerable beaver, have a deep interest in despoiling us of
that advantage by applying it to their own benefit ; and that, therefore, no matter what treaty
we make with them, the cause always continuing, they will not fail to seize on the most
trifling occasions to endeavor to render themselves masters of those people and those posts,
and, by robbing us, destroy the Colony of the King of France in Canada.
I believe the English have a finger in this design of the Iroquois, because the latter refused
coming to meet me in June, according to the promise they gave me to send a delegation as to
one of the other Cabins, calling that of Orange the sixth.
In consequence, then, of the two resolutions I- had adopted, I determined to send Sieur Le
Moyne, a Montreal Captain, who is well known to the Iroquois, among whom he had been
a prisoner, and thoroughly conversant with the language, to the said Nations to ascertain from
them the reason why they had refused to come to see their new Father, after having promised
me in the month of December to do so. And as I was well informed of the detach ments
that were on the march against our allies, I gave him orders to propose, first, that whatever
might occur during the trading season among the Ouatouax, should not disturb the peace ; that
if any were killed on the one side or on the other, they should be bewailed ; and if there were
prisoners, they should be restored without being tortured.
Having observed much good-will among the Christian Iroquois, established among the
Rev"* Jesuit fathers at La Prairie de la Magdelaine, I resolved to select four of the principal
Chiefs of that Nation to accompany Sieur Le Moyne, to whom I entrusted a number of
private presents, to gain over the most influential, having made, at the same time, some
reasonable ones to those Christian Chiefs.
When I despatched this envoy, I sent from Montreal in six canoes thirty good men, with
powder and lead, for Missilimakinack, to occupy the two forts, and wrote to the French who
had licenses, to despatch one man from each canoe to join and reinforce those I was sending.
Sieur Du L'hut, who had the honor to see you at Versailles last year, happening to be at that
post when my people arrived, placed himself at their head, and issued such good orders that I
do not think it can be seized, as he has employed his forces and some Savages in fortifying and
placing himself in a condition of determined defence.
By despatches I recently received from that place I learn that he has not been attacked,
because the Iroquois were aware that the French were well armed ; byt that one of the
Cayuga parties had captured five Hurons of Tinontate, whose lives they had spared, contenting
themselves with bringing them to reside with them. They were some that Du L'hut had
sent out to reconnoitre. The Senecas have demanded them back, to send them to me, as
they say. This appears to me rather an excuse than a truth. Du L'hut, having been advised
of the retreat of those Iroquois parties, proceeded towards the North to execute his design,
which becomes more important every day. I hope he will press it to a successful issue.
These are the news to the end of August. Advices from the head of the Bay des Puans inform
PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 203
me that the Chevalier Baugyi was going to Sieur de la Salle's fort,* from which he was at a
distance of only 4 to 5 days. His and Sieur de la Durantaye's^ arrival in those parts calmed
the movement of the Poutouatamis against the French, and all was peace.
Sieur le Moyne, after having at first run some risks, has managed his negotiation witli so
much address and spirit that he brought me, on the 20"" July, 13 deputies from the Seufca
Indians, who remained six weeks witli me at Montreal, and brought word that tlie four otiier
Nations would send their deputies in the fore part of August. He confirmed to me, at
the same time, the news I had received of the march of the Iroquois war party against
Missilimakinack and the Outaoiias; and that, had it not been for the proposition he had made,
that this war should make no change in the state of affairs, the Senecas, Cayugas, and those
of Onontague had never hazarded coming to Montreal.
He likewise reported to me that it was not in vain that I had issued orders to cut in pieces
the French deserters, who were disposed to point out and open to the English and Dutch the
road to the Outaoiias, as he had met, near Seneca, two of those canoes, manned by eigiit
Frenchmen, who took to flight, and flung themselves ashore at the first place they reached,
and put themselves on their defence in the territory of those people ; that he dared not attack
them for fear of preventing the success of his negotiation, and that, tlierefore, having been the
first to arrive at Seneca, they spread the alarm, saying that I was about to attack their
villages, and that they had fallen in with my vanguard. So that, had it not been for an
Onontague deputy, whom he had sent on in advance, he would have been cut to pieces by the
warriors of that nation, who were coming well armed to defend themselves. The occurrence
at Orange, which I shall communicate to you, will show you the necessity of preventing the
consequences of that desertion, which will not be difliicult if the King will please to authorize
me trying them by court martial; punishment being necessary to subdue people who recognize
neither obedience nor authority. There are at present over 60 of those miserable French
deserters at Orange, Manatte and other Dutch places under English command, more than half
of whom deserve hanging, who occupy themselves all spring and summer only in seeking out
ways to destroy this Colony. If strenuous eftbrts be not made to cut oft' this road, and to
chastise those wretches, they will be the cause of the ruin of this country before the expiration
of four years. On this head you will please to inform me whether the King will not allow me
to judge them summarily by a Council of War. Otherwise, they will never receive exemplary
punishment.
On the 14 August the Deputies of the other four Iroquois Nations arrived at Montreal. I
had them entertained and gave them all possible good treatment. They were about 30, who,
with the 13 Senecas, made 43 men and some women. They appeared to me quite tractable ; and
as my chief business was to bury the remembrance of the death of the Seneca Captain killed
by an Illinois in the fort in which the Outawas, Kiskakons of Missilimakinack, were, I made
considerable presents with that view, which they readily received, and then gave some to
each of the Ambassadors individually. The Christian Iroquois of La Prairie de la Magdalene
and the Mountain were present at all the Councils, and acquitted themselves very well. I
also had some Algonquins and Hurons there. During the entire sojourn of those people
' Lieutenant of De la Barre's guards. ^ St. Louis, in Illinois
' OuviEE Morel de la Dukantate was a native of Brittany, and had been captain in the Carignan Sali^re's regiment He
commanded at Michilimakinae at this time. He was very popular among the Indians, and commanded those that
subsequently seized McGregory and his party on their way from New-York to Michilimakinae. — Ed.
204 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
at Montreal, the greatest order prevailed and there was no drunkenness. The conclusion
of our Council was, to report to their nations and approve what I demanded, namely,
friendship for the Outaouas, Algonquins and Hurons, and they promised to send me their
warriors in the spring. This will be additional expense, but I must be certain of them until I
receive your orders and his Majesty's intentions. Thus, here we are in some sort of repose,
all these Iroquois having left on the 30"" of August well satisfied and content, provided the
warriors come this spring to confirm what the Chiefs have promised me.
You have herewith the statement of the expense I authorized for the Iroquois, both for
their support at Montreal and for presents; the funds therefor being advanced by me or
borrowed from divers individuals, I request you will be pleased to authorize repayment to me
at the earliest, in order that I may be discharged.
Sieur de la Salle having abandoned Fort Frontenac last fall, some Montreal rascals wished
to seize it in the beginning of spring. This obliged me to detach the 1" Serjeant of the
garrison of this fort, with twelve soldiers, to keep guard there, and as it was absolutely
necessary to furnish them with provisions, Sieur de Ber of Montreal had conveyed thither the
contents of the annexed statement, the repayment of which you will have the goodness to order.
Some flour will remain, which will supply food for the people during this winter, and as I hope
to receive your orders in the beginning of spring by the first vessels which are to leave in
March, you will communicate to me your wishes as to what is to be done with that fort, since
you will perceive by the copies of Sieur de la Salle's letters that his head is turned, that he
has been bold enough to give you intelligence of a fiilse discovery, and that instead of
returning here, to learn the King's wishes as to what he should do, he keeps away from me,
with the design of attracting some colonists into the depths of the forest, more than 500
leagues from here, in order to try and build up an imaginary kingdom for himself by
debauching all the Bankrupts and idlers of this country. At the commencement of May, I
sent Chevalier de Baugy to communicate to him his Majesty's intentions, but he is at such a
vast distance that I cannot have any answer from him.
You have herewith copy of the two letters I received from him of a pretty old date; if /ou
will please order an extract to be made from them, and examine it, you will judge of the
character of the personage better than I, and will order, with more correct knowledge, what
you wish me to do with him. The state of affairs with the Iroquois does not permit me to
suffer him to assemble all their enemies, that he may put himself at their head, for no other
use to Canada than to draw those Iroquois down against us from that quarter. All the people
who bring me news of him abandon him and do not speak of returning, and dispose of the
peltries they bring as their own property. Therefore, he will not be able to maintain himself
any longer at that post, which is over five hundred leagues from here.
As I am deprived of the honor of your orders this year, I request you to write to me next
season by the vessels which will leave in March, in order that I may take advantage of the
summer to prepare for their execution. This year we have had vessels here on the 20"' May,
and thus I would have time to proceed according to your intention ; for it is certain that if you
think it necessary to humble the Iroquois, as I consider the good and preservation of the country
require, and if the King be pleased to send me whatever is necessary therefor, I must determine
on a plan; and if you desire that I conclude a peace already commenced, an entirely different
course must be adopted, and the Iroquois warriors attracted in June and presents made them.
Wherefore, I beseech you that I may know in time what course I must take, otherwise I shall
PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 205
find myself greatly embarrassed. I shall say nothing to you of the poverty to which I am
reduced, as well because I do not receive my ordinary salary, as- by reason of the advance I have
been obliged to make for the Iroquois business and for the various journeys I was obliged to
authorize, hoping you will have the goodness to assist me by your orders to the treasurer of
the marine to send me funds in good season.
I have sent an express to New-York, to Manatte and Orange, and have written to Boston.
My messenger has done nothing, because Sieur Dunken,' the new Catholic Governor, that the
Duke of York sends thither, had not yet arrived, and my man had waited for him two months
at considerable expense, from which I have relieved the King in the easiest manner. I have
written to him recently by some trusty Indians, from whom I have not yet had any answer.
The English of Hudson's Bay have this year attracted many of our northern Indians, who
for this reason have not come to trade to Montreal. When they learned by expresses, sent
them by Du L'hut on his arrival at Missilimakinak, that he was coming, they sent him word
to come quickly and they would unite with him to prevent all the others going thither any
more. If I stop that pass as I hope, and as it is necessary to do, as the English of that Bay
excite against us the savages, whom Sieur De L'hut alone can quieten, 1 shall enter into
arrangements with those of New-York, for the surrender to me of my guilty fugitives ; they
appeared well satisfied with me, but were desirous to obtain an order to that effect from the
Duke of York. I judge, from the state of European affairs, that it is important to manage
that nation, and I shall assiduously apply myself thereto.
What I have recently received from that quarter deserves a full explanation, and for that
purpose send you a relation apart from my despatch, which, with the Map of the country that I
have had prepared for you, will give you perfect knowledge of every thing, and the means of
interesting his Majesty therein. The young man who made these maps is named Franquelin ;
he is as skilful as any in France, but extremely poor, and in need of a little aid from his
Majesty as an Engineer; he is at work on a very correct Map of the country which I shall
send you next year in his name; meanwhile I shall support him with some little assistance.
During the four months that I sojourned at Montreal, and visited the upper part of the Island
and a portion of the River Iroauois at its rapids, to construct some forts there to warn us of the
approach of the Iroquois in case of war, I found that all the people of those parts were
indifferently inclined to obedience and little acquainted with justice, and no royal officers being
in those places, that nobody thinks himself bound to obey the Bailiff of the Gentlemen of the
Seminary; and as the jurisdiction of the latter ceases on crossing the river, all crimes,
drunkenness, all sorts of excesses, robbery, concealing stolen goods, and desertion, are the
ordinary practices followed by 200 lawless men (libcrlins) who reside on that Island and in its
vicinity, so that to restrain them the court of the Provost marshal^ ought to be transferred to
this place from Quebec, where obedience is very well established.
But in doing this, it is necessary to increase the salaries of the policemen, in order that they
may be in a condition to serve and to live on their wages. Here they have only twenty
crowns (ecus), which are equal to only 15 French currency, per annum. It were better to
diminish the number and to reduce it to four, with a salary of fifty crowns French currency to
each, than to leave the men on their ordinary wages, whereby they are rendered utterly useless.
'Dongan. — Ed.
" Prevot det Marechaux was a royal judge established in the provinces, who had jurisdiction over vagabonds, highway
robbere, mnrderera and counterfeiters He judged without appeal. Bichelet.
206 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
During the whole of my sojourn in those parts, I received no complaint against Mr. Perrot,
the Governor, and having closely investigated his conduct, I discovered only one charge to be
well founded of those made to me at Quebec against him; wherefore I cannot refrain from
telling you that M. Trongon's probity must have been imposed upon by some false representations
written to him by M. Doliier, Superior of the Seminary of Montreal, who is a worthy man, of
middling talent, and easily suffers himself to be misled by an envious and ill qualified judge,
and by a thousand other good for nothing people, as I have experienced in more than
twenty instances in which he came to me with complaints against this man and that. I
communicate my opinion on this subject to Mr. Tron^on,' whose virtue and merit appear to me
to be such that he will be very glad to know every thing correctly. Therefore, if you order
me or the Intendant to do so, we would send you a report quite contrary to that made by
M. du Chesneau against the said Perrot; for the most part of the witnesses told me, without
being so required, that they were put under oath on that occasion, and afterwards whatever
was thought proper was written down without any questions being asked them, and that they
signed in the same manner, which is a strange mode [of destroying] a young gentleman's fortune.
Sieur Sorel, whom you have named as deserving that government, died in the month of
November last; I believe you will do a favor to his widow to continue to her his allowance
of 1683, if the estimate has not been already made, and it would be a very great advantage to
the service if you would permit Sieur le Moyne to be put in the said Sorel's place; he has
rendered considerable services in this country, but that which he has performed this month of
July is so great, that it is proper, for his future encouragement when he may be able to do us
better service, that you grant him that appointment. He is Captain of the town of Montreal,
and has done more fighting against the Iroquois than any officer in Canada. I send you his
son as bearer of my despatches; he is a young man very conversant with the sea, admirably
well acquainted with this river, has already carried and brought several ships to and from
France, and I request you to appoint him ensign in the marine. He is capable of doing good
service, and it is of importance that you have in that line persons who are thoroughly
acquainted with this country. Moreover, his father feeling deeply indebted to you, will be so
much the more obliged to do the King good service on all the occasions that daily present
themselves in regard to the Iroquois. I beg of you to have the goodness to grant or refuse
this to him promptly, so that he may return to Rochelle without loss of time.
I have just received a report from M. Perrot, Governor of Montreal, that, on receiving
information that the Captain of la prairie de la Magd"^ had been seduced by one of those
wretches arrested last year for deserting to the Dutch or English at Orange (whom the
gentlemen of Montreal caused to escape from gaol), and had left for New York with all
his family, consisting of his wife and six children, he, in accordance with his zeal for the
King's service, sent for his Major, the Sieur Bizard, to give him orders to pursue them with
a sergeant and some soldiers. Sieur Bizard, imbued with the spirit of disobedience which
reigns in that place, refused to wait on him, as you will see by the said report.
This act is of such grave consequence in the present state of the country, that if the King
do not please to punish it, he must not expect his intentions to be any longer executed. This
Bizard is a Swiss, steeped in wine and drunkenness, totally useless by his corpulency. Should
the King please to put another in his stead, as I think requisite, I would propose to his
Majesty the Sieur de Longueuil, a young man of 27 years of age, who, having been brought
' This gentlemau was Superior of the Seminary of St. Sulpiee at Paris, which owned the Island of Montreal. — En.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 207
up near Marshal d'Humieres, and afterwards appointed Lieutenant of Infantry, is acquainted
with the profession and qualified to do good service. He is the son of M'' le Moyne, of whom
I have written to you already.
'Tis necessary, after these things, that I speak to you of the Church. The Bishop and I
have labored assiduously to establish parishes in the country. I send you the statement we
have concluded on. We are under obligation for it to the Bishop, who is very well disposed
towards the country, and who is deserving of all credit. What he demands for Acadia is just,
but I did not wish to interfere in it until it pleased the King to regulate the affairs of that
Colony. ' Tis best that you have the goodness to terminate them and to decide whether the
P'armers (of the Revenue) of Canada are masters to regulate its fate without orders from his
Majesty or you. I shall write fully to My Lord Colbert hereupon, as he spoke to me on the
matter before leaving.
The subject of the Hospitals obliges me to trouble you on that point. No establishment is
so advantageous to the country; and the zeal of the Nuns who manage them, especially
that of this town, constitutes the refuge of the wretched, the succor of the sick, and the
consolation of the afflicted. These Ladies are very poor, and require an additional number
of Nuns ; if it please the King to endow some for them, it would be a great advantage to the
public and would not cost him any thing. You placed 3,000 livres at my disposal, in the
list of gratuities in 1682, for the marriage of Indian girls. This has been a mistake, none of
them marrying; and this fund having been always employed for the marriage of French girls,
it is necessary, if you think well, to correct its destination in the estimate we have made, and
to apply it to the endowment of two Grey nuns {hosjntaliercs). If the King be disposed to grant
some alms, these poor ladies are well worthy of it, being in debt and also in extreme poverty.
I most humbly crave charity on that account.
I have brought here a skilful Physician and Surgeon, najned Bourdon, who has been eight
years with me at sea. He applies himself altogether to the care of the poor. If you will
please allow him some gratuity it would serve as a good example and stimulate his zeal. You
are master.
The Grey nuns of Montreal are reduced to poverty by the loss of their revenue in France.
All their buildings are in ruin, as they demonstrated to me in the visit I paid them. They
demand help from you, which is very necessary, and M"' Tron§on is to speak to you about it.
It would be very proper, when you send the estimates of 1(383 of the officers maintained
in this country, that you would notify them that the King desires them to second my intentions,
with all their power, in those matters which will regard the war and whatever appertains to it.
I am informed that Sieur Du Gue is to be proposed to you to be Governor of Montreal in the
place of M. Perrot. I am obliged to inform you that he is dull, both of body and mind, and
badly capable of the activity necessary in that government; that Sieur Bernier is better
capable of filling it, should Sieur Prevost, Major of that town, not suit you. ( This I say in case
of a change.)
The fort of this town continuing in ruins, I caused the Masons, whom the Company sent to
this country, to work at it, the expense whereof I send you, with the plan and condition in
which 'twas found.
The Bishop, appearing to me resolved to have a Chapel built in the Lower Town, I made
him a grant of the King's old Store, according to the orders contained in my instructions, so
that that part of Quebec may have spiritual aid, like the Upper town, during the rigors of
208 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
winter. It has recovered from its fire; and the great assistance Sieur de laChesnayes afforded
to the inhabitants who were burnt out will soon reestablish it. This man, to whom Canada
is under such vast obligations, has need to be sustained by his Majesty. He owes the Farmers
large sums, for which all the Country people are his debtors. It would be quite just that his
Majesty grant him some terms, in order that he be not obliged to drive to extremities, at the
same time, all his debtors throughout the colony, which would create great disorder. You
will have the goodness, if you please, to have him reimbursed the freight of his bark that
we sent you, the Intendant and I having promised him the payment thereof in our names.
The obligation I have been under to have powder sent to Missilimakinack and the Outaouax,
has greatly reduced our supply. I therefore request you to send us, by the first vessels which
will sail in March, two thousand weight fit for muskets or guns. 1 have been under the
necessity of establishing a King's store at Montreal, where it is needed much more than
here. I have hired it for 150"^ French currency; 100"' additional will be required for him
who is to have charge of it, and is to clean the arms. 1 have caused a bark to be built at Fort
Frontenac, which will be launched in April.
If the King make war on the Iroquois I shall be obliged to defray the expense of this
vessel ; if not, Sieur Le Ber will make use of it for trade and pay for it, when the sails
and rigging that I demanded in my Memoir, and which are absolutely necessary, will be
reimbursed.
Sieur de la Marque, who went to reconduct the Iroquois embassy home, has just arrived,
and his report proves to me that those people are smarter and more cunning than folks are
aware of. The Senecas have answered, with sufficient frankness, the propositions which were
made them. But it is easy to perceive that the rest wish only to temporize with us, and to
gain time; they have reinforced themselves again this year with 150 prisoners, and expect
to acquire a much larger additioj:i by the war they are about to wage in Virginia. They
pretend to continually weaken the Illinois and Memis; and in order that I might better
understand their intentions, sent me word that they would not go any more to Niagara, under
pretence of avoiding occasions of quarrel, but in reality to let me know that they did not wish
to have any more trade with us nor with Fort Frontenac. Thus, My Lord, in order to profit
by the delay, there is no more time to lose, and the opportunity for attacking them is "more
favorable now than it ever will be. If the King conclude thereupon, have the goodness to
send the five hundred men and munitions I ask for, and the funds for the provisions, in the
month of April at the latest, and to advise me previously, in March, of his Majesty's intentions,
in order that I arrange matters and use diligence in sending up the flour to fort Frontenac by
canoe. A deputy from the English at Orange has visited the Iroquois ; his negotiations I have
not yet been able to learn, but they cause me considerable suspicion. To keep this country at
peace it is necessary to extract this thorn from the foot. It will cause me the most trouble,
but I shall willingly sacrifice my life for the King's service and for the safety of the whole of
this Colony.
The words of the Senecas, which the said Sieur de la Marque reported to me on his return
from them, are more frank than those the Iroquois are generally accustomed to use, but they
are not the less suspicious. They appear to me to act like people who do not wish to wage
war foolishly, but who are quite determined on waging it.
28. The men whom I sent to Missilimakinak and those who were detached from the licensed
canoes, having done good service and saved that very important post at their own expense,
PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. 209
I was obliged to make them some recompense, and accordingly gave them permission to
continue their trade during the year 16S4. Tiiis will prevent me granting any licenses during
that year, through fear of ruining the trade by the quantity of goods which would be
introduced into the country, and derange prices among the Indians. Such favors as tliese
from his Majesty could save him a good deal in time of war, were he pleased to place them
absolutely at my disposal according to the terms of the order in Council of the S"* May,
16SI. What I am about doing will not please all, but as 'tis^ for the best, I prefer the public
good to every thing.
We live on friendly terms, the Intendant and I; but as there are spirits here who do nothing
but make trouble, I beg you to reply to the Memoir of the differences and difficulties I
send you. Your decisions will prevent the disorder which might arise, and you will be
punctually obeyed. I write coticerning these busy-bodies to My Lord Colbert, because the
difficulty proceeds from the Farmers and from their ill conduct. They have refused to pay me
my salary since the 1" May, I6S2. I send you a petition on the subject, which you will be
so good as to answer.
The Rev"* Jesuit Fathers at the Mission of Sault S' Louis, adjoining La Prairie de la
Magdelaine, who have gained for the King 200 good Iroquois soldiers, have experienced a sad
accident — their church having been prostrated from top to bottom, by a squall of wind. A
charitable donation from his Majesty would be wel-1 applied to repair this accident, and the
maintenance of this Mission is of very great importance. These Fathers, whose conduct is
highly edifying in this country, have been further afflicted this year, in the same manner that
they had been the last, by fire, which burnt a part of their building in this city.
Should the King not resolve on war, it would be very necessary for me to make a short
voyage next fall to Court, to return here early in the spring, in order to make you acquainted
with the true state of the country and its interests, whereupon you will cause liis nnijesty to
adopt a final conclusion, after having been thoroughly informed thereon; all that has been
written to you heretofore being distorted and little in harmony with the truth. I shall await
your orders in this regard, without which I am unable to adopt any resolution.
A small vessel has just arrived from Hudson's gulf, 200 leagues further north than the
bay. She brings back those who were sent there last year by order of Count de Frontenac.
You will receive herewith an exact Map of the .place. But divers little rencontres have occurred
between our Frenchmen and the English, of which I send you a particular relation, in order,
should any complaint be made to the King of England, and he speak of it to M. Barillon, the
latter may be able to inform him of the truth. It is proper that you let me know early whether
the King desire to retain that post, so that it may be done, or the withdrawal of the
French, for whic'h purpose 1 shall dispose matters in order to aid them overland beyond Lake
Superior, through Sieur Du L'hut, and to send to them by sea Jo bring back the merchandise
and peltries.
I send you two letters I have just received from the Bay des Puants and Missilimakinack,
which it is proper you should read, since they will make you acquainted with the secret springs
that move the Iroquois. Should the King determine that I wage war against these, as is
necessary, it is time to think of sending some good officers with the troops; also a commission
of Adjutant-General (Mureschal de hataiUe) for Sieur Doruilliers, whose knowledge of the places
where he has been this' summer, joined to his long experience, highly qualifies him therefor.
Of those Officers maintained by the King, we have here but five fit to serve as Captains in
Vol. IX. 27
210 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
this war. Advanced years, or corpuleficy, render the others incapable of supporting fatigue of
that sort. Do not neglect sending, at the same time, a blanket for each soldier; a kettle for
every four; pork and brandy for their subsistence; all the remainder will be found in the
country. I have deducted several things from the estimate which I sent your last year, and
restrict myself to what is necessary, begging yoli to order the two thousand weiglit of
powder for muskets by the first vessel at the beginning of March.
Internal peace would reign Complete heie were it not for the Recollets; having obtained
from his Majesty, on the SS"" May, 16SI, a lot in a very inconvenient place, being in front of
the Bishop's door and the parish church, and quite near the Jesuits' house, they have
undertaken to build a regular Convent (hosjnce) on it, though that is not expressed in the King's
patents. The Bishop wished to prevent it, and those fathers have resolutely determined
(se sont cahrez) to persist, which places them at loggerheads with our Prelate. I shall
say nothing to you of this matter, which is not within my attributes, save only that this place
is not suitable for the purpose for which they pretend it is destined ; and multiplying mendicant
establishments in this country is not of advantage to a people so poor as that throughout the
entire of this Colony.
Having been obliged to direct a census to be taken of the people of this country, I found
that we have in all 2,248 men capable of bearing arms, and about souls. This is the
actual truth, however people may write you to the contrary. The population will increase
with time, women breeding considerably in this country and few children dying. Do not, if
you please, neglect renewing the allowance for the marriages of French women.
We experienced serious embarrassment in the month of January last in regard to Dollars.
They were here in some number, and a quantity of them being light caused considerable
disorder among the lower classes. It not being customary in this country to weigh them,
induced the Intendant and me to assemble an extraordinary session of the Council, at which it
was resolved, subject to his Majesty's pleasure, to have the dollars of weight marked with a
jleur de lys, and those which were light with some cypher fixing their .value. This was done>
and is now in operation without any noise or difficulty.
You are pleased to permit me to remind you that you have granted me your protection for
my son. I beg you to allow some trifle of the merit of the services I have rendered the King to
fall on him ; and having served eight years as Captain, which rank he reached through all the
grades, to do him the favor to distinguish him among those of his [rank], and to consider that,
as 1 am not near you to beg this of you at a fitting time, your goodness must make up all
deficiencies. From it, also, I solicit the allowance of the salary of 1500"" as State Councillor,
which it pleased the King to grant me, when I shall act as chief. As I cannot expect favors,
except through you, I flatter myself you will not refuse me what I ask you — to communicate to
me his Majesty's opinion of my conduct, and to direct this in all things, certain that you will
be perfectly and willingly obeyed by
Your most humble, most obedient
and most obliged servant
Quebec, the 4"" November, 1G83. Le febure de la Barre.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. 211
Representation on the Revenue ami Trade of Canada.
Extract of the Memoir addressed to Mess", the Partners of the Society en
Commandite of the Farm and Trade of Canada, On the means of preventijig
the smuggling of beaver.
The Beavers can be prevented falling into the hands of tlie said Mess", the Farmers by
various routes ; the first of which is
Cataracouv, or Fort Frontenac.
Tills post is situate on the border of Lake Ontario. It was erected in the year 1673 by
Count de Frontenac, apparently for the security of the country, but, in fact, for the purpose
of trading with the Iroquois; to serve as a place of refuge and entrepot for the Coureurs de
bois scattered among ail the Outawas nations, and to carry on thence a trade in beavers with
the Dutch and the English of Orange and Manatte.
Some years afterwards. Monsieur De I^a Salle went to France and induced his Majesty to
concede to him the property of this fort, of which he was at the same time Lord and
Governor, on condition of reimbursing the cost of its establisiiment, and keeping up a number
of men for three years, which he fulfilled, and for which he has had his release from Monsieur
Duchesneau, then Intendant of that Country.
Said Sieur De La Salle, who has not observed in his affairs all the management necessary,
allowed himself to be since led away into useless discoveries, which have absorbed all the
advances made by his creditors to maintain this establishment.
Monsieur de la Barre, who has succeeded the said Count de Frontenac in the government
of Canada, having judged this post necessary to tiie success of the continual speculations of
Sieur de la Chesnaye, who sent thither a great quantity of merchandise under the charge
of Serjeant Champagne, on pretence of fortifying and guarding the said fort, which, 'tis said,
is abandoned by Sieur de la Salle.
Information has already been received that the said Champagne had sent Beavers to the
English. If this be not remedied, not only will all the beaver which the said Champagne
will procure, go to them, but also a large amount, exceeding Thirty canoes, that said Sieur de
la Barre has in the woods, in partnership with Sieur de la Chesnaye, under the charge of
Du Lut, so notorious for his pernicious enterprizes.
The first thing which seems capable of arresting this disorder is, not to conceal anything
from the Minister, whose intentions are opposed to such speculations.
The second is, that the said Mess". Partners enter into association with the said Sieur
De la Salle, who, in the unfortunate state of his affairs, will consider himself happy in
obtaining this support; in that case, the company would have at that post a faithful and
diligent clerk, who would see what is passing, and prosecute at the same time a somewhat
considerable trade.
These" are the only two means of remedying it ; otherwise, the projects of the said M. de
La Barre and the said Sieur De la Chesnaye will be quite as successful as they desire.
Fort Chambly
is the second place by which quantities of Beaver are diverted to foreigners ; that is to say, to
Orange, Manatte, and even to Boston. That post is erected on Lake Champlain, since the
212 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
last wars with the Iroquois, and belongs to Monsieur de Chambly, formerly captain in the troops
sent to Canada, at present Governor of Martinique.
It is a Seigniory, very pleasantly situated on said Lake, from which rises the little river
Richelieu, that discharges itself at Saurel into the River Saint Lawrence, after a course of
about twenty leagues. There was formerly a pretty considerable number of settlers there, the
greater portion of whom have removed, or are reduced to poverty because they have not been
sustained; so that it is become the refuge of people who pay attention only to the Orange
and Manatte trade.
It is over fifty leagues from Quebec, going up tlie River (Saint Lawrence) as far as Saurel,
[and] the said River Richelieu. But it is only five leagues from Montreal, to which it has a
pretty easy communication over a road made across the woods. The climate there is much
more mild than at Quebec. The soil is fertile, and produces all sorts of good grain. It has
a mill for the convenience of the inhabitants. Hunting and fishing are very abundant, so
that a sober and intelligent man could easily settle himself there, more especially, as he
could drive quite a considerable trade with the Indians were he to keep always on hand an
assortment of suitable goods.
The said Sieur de la Chesnay, to whom Sieur de Chambly owes about 4,000 livres,
sold the above Fort to Sieur de Saint Ours, Captain in the said troops, for the sum of 6,000'\
The said Sieur de Saint Ours is poor and cannot even pay what he owes the [King's] Domain
for that purchase; so that the said Sieur de la Chesnaye pretends to reenter in possession.
The said Sieur de la Chesnaye has a bad foundation for his claim. His sale is invalid,
having no special power to make it; and, moreover, the said Sieur de Chambly donated the
said Seigniory to Miss Tavenet, known to Monsieur de Puymoren (according to M. Boivenet's
account), on condition, however, that she will not be at liberty dispose of it until after Sieur
de Chambly's death, unless she agree to come to Canada and settle on the said Seigniory.
So that, should Mess", the partners desire to prevent the Beaver trade which is carried
on with the Indians in that direction, they cannot do better than to induce the said Sieur
de Chambly for a certain sum [to prevail] on Miss Tavenet to sell them the Seigniory
of Chambly; it can be had without any difficulty, under such circumstances, for the sum of
3,000 francs at most.
It is of so mnch the more importance that they should make this purchase, as the English of
Orange and Manatte begin themselves to come to trade with the French ; this has been the
case not over fifteen days since, whe.n the said Sieur de Saint Ours arrested three of them, who,
M'. De La Barre gave orders, should have liberty and permission to sell their merchandise.
If the commencement of the trade be not prevented, it will cause much damage to
the Revenue.
The arrival of the said English in our settlements is a consequence of the embassy of the
Sieur Salvaye, who was sent last spring by M. de.la Barre to the Governors of Manatte and
Orange, with orders to adopt, with them, measures for the advantage of the Colony. Here
the Governor's secret is not inquired into; but it is averred that the said Salvaye conveyed
in this voyage more than eight hundred Beavers on the said Sieur de laChesnaye's account, in
return for which he brought back Dollars and Wampum. This is another disorder which
cannot be remedied except by making the Minister thoroughly understand the importance
of removing it.
If Mess", the Partners cannot purchase the said post of Chambly, another expedient can
be had recourse to in order to prevent trade in that direction ; namely, to obtain from his
PARIS DOCUMENTS : 11. 213
Majesty autliority for the Collectors to dispatch a canoe every month from Quebec or some
other part of the Colony, with two or three men, who will themselves go to Orange, which is
the frontier post, with some furs, in order to avoid suspicion.
These men would act as spies and would ascertain every thing that might pass, and on their
reports those could be prosecuted who might be discovered contravening the King's order,
which it is absolutely necessary that the said Mess", the Farmers should obtain and send to this
country for publication. Otherwise, the want of it will always be felt.
Itemonstrance of Sieur de la Salle against 31. de la Barrels Seizure of Fort Frontenac.
Memoir to render My Lord, the Marquis de Seignelay, an Account of the condition
in which Sieur de Lasalle had left fort Frontenac during the time he was
engaged on his Discovery. 1GS4.
Count de Frontenac, being invested with the government of New France, found there a
general breaking up of the French, who were scouring the woods with impunity, and going to
the English to sell the peltries of our allies, on whom the Iroquois threatened to make war
unless they would carry the Beaver to them by Lake Ontario and afterwards to New-York.
The irregularity of the former was repressed and the designs of the latter defeated by the
construction of the Fort which M"" de Frontenac caused to be erected in the way of the one
and the other. The advantage the country derived therefrom at first caused this fort and the
lake to be called, in token of acknowledgment, by the name of Frontenac.
The late Lord Colbert gave the property and government of it to Sieur de Lasalle, on
condition of paying on account of the King the cost thereof, which amounted to eleven
thousand livres, for which he has a receipt, and nine thousand livres on account of individuals,
whom he has likewise satisfied.
He sent thither from France, and supported there at his own expense, as many as fifty men,
among whom there have ordinarily been two or three Recollets, as appears by the extract of
the audit.
Sieur de Lasalle then directed liis attention to the increase of the buildings and clearances;
encircling the place with a strong wall on the land side, and strengthening the palisades
towards the water. He erected French and Indian houses there, had cattle conveyed thither,
and barks constructed which navigate every part of the lake, keep the Iroquois in check,
deprive the English, without violence, of a part of the trade, and close the passage to the
deserters, agreeably to the express orders M'" de Frontenac had received.
Things were in this state in the year 1679, when Sieur de Lasalle departed on the design
which he executed by order of the late Lord Colbert; and although he has since suffered a
loss exceeding Fifty thousand ecus, he has always carefully preserved this post, the
importance of which he understood, and in command whereof he left Sieur de Laforet, who
was its Major.
He was unable to return to Quebec, in the month of October, 16S2, after having completed
his discovery, having been prevented by severe illness, which delayed him nearly four
214 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
months. He sent a petition to M'' de Frontenac, whom he still supposed to be Governor, and
whose protection was more important to him, inasmuch as the Iroquois entertained great
respect for his Excellency; begging him to attend to the safety of this fort, and should the
garrison he had left there not be sufficient, to place such a one there as he might consider
adequate, the pay of which would be furnished him by Francois Noir, merchant of Montreal.
M'' de Frontenac handed this petition to M"" de Labarre, his successor in the government,
who promised to attend to it; but instead of doing so, he, after M'' de Frontenac's departure,
recalled the garrison from that fort, which would have been abandoned had not the said
Francois Noir, empowered by Sieur de Lasalle, absent, reconducted thither a sufficient number
of men and articles necessary for their support and the preservation of the post. He took,
before leaving, all necessary precautions, and executed all the regulations laid down to prevent
the Coureurs de bois having any excuse to go up there to pursue their trade elsewhere.
The proofs hereof, as well as of the good condition in which he left this post when about
to return to Montreal, exist in due form.
M'' de Labarre, who entertained views which have since become manifest, ordered him to
Quebec, and having frightened him with threats, forced him to surrender the property he had
conveyed to Sieur de Lasalle's fort into the hands of the men named Lachesnaie and le Bert, at
the first cost thereof in Montreal, without regard to the expense incurred for transportation
nor to the risk run of losing the whole in the rapids to be passed to get there; he even
wished that the profit derived by the said Francois Noir, in the name of Sieur de Lasalle, the
proprietor of the place, should be paid to the said Lebert and Lachesnaye, saying that his
Majesty had given him power to take away the lands and to grant them to whomsoever he
thought proper, and that he took them from Sieur de Lasalle, and that therefore no more
remained.
Every one was surprised at this proceeding, the reason for which could not be divined, unless
that he had the same interest in the affair as Lachesnaye and Lebert ; that it is publicly known
that they have between them more than one hundred canoes trading on their account in the
woods, over and above the twenty-five which his Majesty permits to be sent thither for the
advantage of individuals. Sieur de Lasalle met as many as sixty-six of them on his way, of
which not one belonged to the twenty-five he had power to license, and the passports for which
were talked of with so much ostentation, that eight, conducted by Desloriers, Gibaut, Lacroix,
Sainte-gemrae, the Auvergnats, Turpin, Couture and their comrades, being sent under pretence
of carrying provisions to Sieur Chevalier de Baugy, were encountered by Sieur de Lasalle
about one-third of the way, so loaded with trading goods that, being unable to take in provisions
for themselves, they had perished of hunger had he not succored them. These are independent
of the other canoes which had preceded him, and which were already dispersed in every direction.
As soon as Lachesnaye and Lebert were authorized by M. de Labarre, they drove from
Fort Frontenac whatever soldiers had been placed there by Sieur de Lasalle, and prevented
M<ajor de Laforet to return in command there unless he became their partner. Not being
willing to consent to this, in consequence of the knowledge he possessed of the injustice
committing towards Sieur de Lasalle and his creditors, he has been obliged to return to France.
Two clerks have been put into his place there to trade; into his fields, in which crops were
planted, the cattle were put to pasture; some of these have since been killed. His grain and
other provisions have been consumed, although M'' de Labarre caused flour to be sent up there
in the King's name, the return of which has been signed by M' de Meulle, Intendant, and sent
PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 215
to my Lord as having been employed in liis Majesty's service, notwithstanding a part of that
flour had been traded for M'' de Labarre's profit, and the remainder paid for by Sieur de Lasalle
and his company.
His houses, barks, rigging, sails, boats, canoes, furniture and utensils have been made use
of without any sort of indemnification. The fort has been left exposed to the insults of the
Iroquois, without any other defence than that of a kitchen boy and another person to take care
of the cattle, at a time when people were writing to my Lord that they were on the eve of war.
This was to justify the dispatch of all those canoes, and more than four hundred men, the
best qualified to repel thi3 Iroquois, and who ought not to have been sent to a distance, had
any reliance been placed on the information whicii had been given, as veritable as it was
specious. But such confidence was placed in the friendly disposition of the Iroquois, after the
confirmation of the peace in 1682, and the hostages left by them with M" de Frontenac, that
at this very time the people who ought to guard the fort were sent to carry beaver to
New England, and returned with dollars and with goods adapted to the trade. The men named
Dulignon, Gilles, Meneret, Lehoux, Salvaie, and several others who have been employed in
those journeys, have in going and returning passed through the country of the Iroquois, where
M' de Labarre would not have risked his property had he thought there had been any
disposition to a rupture.
Sieur de Lasalle's creditors, who lent him, after his losses, wherewithal to sustain his
enterprize, in vain represented the injury they suffered in dispossessing him of that fort and
leaving a property he had made over to them, in payment, to be enjoyed by persons who had
no right to it.
But in order to prove more clearly that the pretended abandonment, by which M"" de Labarre
excuses the wrong he has inflicted on Sieur de Lasalle in seizing fort Frontenac, is a mere
pretext, and that the true motive was to get all the profit of it, he acted in the same manner
in regard to fort Saint Louis, to which he sent, in the spring of 1683, more than thirty canoes
loaded with goods, conducted by Chevalier de Baugy, Ladurantaye, and the man named
Duiuth, well known as chief of the Coureurs de bois, to carry off the peltries of the Indians
assembled there by Sieur de Lasalle, and to deprive him of the means of getting paid for his
advances, and that under pretext of orders which Sieur de Lasalle would have received as he
ought, had any other than a simple letter been brought him wherein M' De Labarre informed
him that he considered his discovery useless, for reasons which show, plainly enough, how
little he knew about it. He afterwards caused all those, whom he (La Salle) had sent for
assistance, to be arrested, preventing them to return and find him, causing the property
entrusted to them to be seized, accusing them of desertion, notwithstanding they carried letters
from the said Sieur de Lasalle, who on arriving at Quebec, found it to be out of his power to
make use of the goods he had laid aside for a voyage to France, inasmuch as they still lie
abandoned in the places where M. de Labarre's people had them forcibly put.
It was a cause of no less surprise to see M' de Labarre, who was aware that Sieur de Lasalle
held a commission from the King to make an establishment at the Illinois, abandon him of
his own motion to the Iroquois, to whom he declared at Montreal in full council, without
any complaint on their part, that they might kill hjm and the people who had collected near
his fort, without that being of any consequence. He ought, it appears to me, at least have
warned Sieur de Lasalle and his people to retire, rather than deliver them to the Iroquois,
whose different parties, that had gone in search of him after that permission, had undoubtedly
216 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
murdered him, had he not escaped in consequence of the fortunate defeat one of them
had experienced.
On returning from his discovery and arriving at Quebec, all that Sieur de Lasalle could
obtain from M'' de Labarre vras the restitution simply of his fort, v^ithout any indemnity for
what had been taken from him and for the wrongs inflicted on him and his creditors.
And although he had all the vouchers in support of the foregoing, he dare not importune
my Lord about the matter, had he not had the goodness to demand a Memoir from him of it,
the truth of which cannot be denied, whatever M^ de Labarre may say to the contrary.
Wherefore, my Lord is most humbly supplicated to be pleased to have the proofs examined,
which Sieur de Lasalle is ready to present, and after having ascertained the vast losses
inflicted on him, his creditors and M' de Laforet by such violences, to grant the indemnity
therefor on the profits of the canoes which are in the wilderness contrary to the King's orders,
and particularly on those that are at fort Saint Louis and in the neighborhood of Fort Frontenac,
the revenue 'from which belongs to Sieur de Lasalle, according to His Majesty's concessions,
and in case my Lord considers it necessary to have the affair investigated on the spot, to send
the order and power for that purpose to the Intendaut, who can have entire cognizance of it.
JRejpresentation of Sieur de la Salle of his outlay on Fort Frontenac, and of the
Trade of that iwst.
Memoir touching the expenses incurred by Sieur de Lasalle at Fort
Frontenac. 1684.
Sieur de Lasalle purchased fort Frontenac, in 1675, on the following conditions:
1. To repay the sum of ten thousand francs expended on the construction, of the little
stockade fort which Count de Frontenac had caused to be built there, receipt whereof he has
from M'' Duchesneau, then Intendant of New France.
2. Inasmuch as Sieurs Lebert and Lachesnaye had the use of it two years after that, and
expended on it about nine thousand livres whilst Sieur de Lasalle was in France, he was
obliged to pay them ; that appears by an account of the late Sieur Bazire, partner of Sieur
Lachesnaye, whom Sieur de Lasalle left in New France.
3. The late Lord Colbert, moreover, obliged Sieur de Lasalle to keep twenty men there at
his expense for the term of two years, and a permanent garrison equal to that of Montreal ;
which he did, as appears by the extract of Count de Frontenac's reports, and the expense
thereof has been very great, and exceeded eighteen thousand livres a year, as well for men's
wages as for the flour which cost eleven livres the minot, delivered at said fort, whither it was
necessary to have it conveyed from Montreal, no grain having been got in during the first four
years, through divers accidents which prevented advantage being taken of the fertility of the
soil that has since proved very productive.
4. As the Iroquois who dwell around Lake Frontenac, which is one hundred leagues long
and twenty wide, carry their peltries to New York, he, with a view to deprive the English of
some of them, caused decked vessels to be built, in order that the Iroquois, finding at their
PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. 217
door and on their road the things they required, might prefer this accommodation to the low
prices of the English. Considerable advantage would have been derived from this, had not the
various shipwrecks which occurred in the years 1678 and 1679, and domestic robberies,
•destroyed the means thereunto. No time has been lost in building two new vessels since, one
of 35 @ 40 and the other of 25 tons.
The expense of these amounts to nearly nine thousand livres; and this is not surprising,
inasmuch as the freight from Montreal to fort Frontenac, of iron, rigging, tow, sails, tar, pitch,
anchors and other naval stores, is two sous per pound weight, because the difficulty of the
rapids, in addition to the distance of the places, requires an increase in the wages of the hands.
5. More than one hundred arpens of land have been cleared, which are now under tillage,
and produce very good grain. Each arpent, it is known, is worth one hundred and ten livres in
the remaining part of Canada, and it has cost more at Fort Frontenac for reasons already stated.
6. A considerable number of cattle had been conveyed from Montreal. This expense is
easily calculated by the distance of seventy leagues, and the difficulty of the roads, which had
not been opened and it was necessary to construct in very difficult places. The cattle have
been reduced to twenty, through the disorder caused by M' de Labarre at Fort Frontenac
since he seized it.
7. Sieur de Lasalle has likewise settled several inhabitants, whom he had conveyed at his
own expense, with their families, and fed and provided with every necessary during two
entire years.
8. He has greatly increased the accommodations, built very fine barns and stables, with a
Mill, which is ready to be raised.
9. He had it inclosed by a strong wall on the land side, which he should have finished on
that of the water had he not been prevented by the business of his discovery. It is
ninety-three toises in length,' three feet thick, and fifteen feet high.
10. He has been, moreover, obliged to pay for the flour Mr. de Labarre sent thither at the
King's expense, and which is entered in the statements.
11. There is a house at the mouth of the Niagara river, the most important on the whole
lake, to cut off the trade of the English, and which the barks of the fort can reach in two
days ; it costs about two thousand livres. It is all that remains from the fire which happened
at the little fort that had been constructed there.
The situation of this fort is very advantageous, both on account of the fertility of the land,
the abundance of game and fishing, and the mildness of the climate, which is much more
temperate than in the other parts of New France. Winter is shorter there by half, and much
milder, insomuch that sowing there is done at leisure, and sufficient time would still remain
for the cultivation of hemp and flax. Near there are some very fine pastures, capable of
feeding considerable herds of cattle, the hides and tallow of which would be of very
great advantage.
Around the lake are to be found wild apple trees, chestnuts, and nuts from which the
Indians extract very good Oil; also, divers sorts of grains, mulberry, plum and cherry trees,
and all sorts of building timber, stone and other necessary materials.
Its harbor is very fine, the mouth safe, the bottom excellent, sheltered from all winds ; the
navigation very good throughout the entire lake, in various parts of which convenient harbors
are to be found.
» 93X6=558 feet— Ed.
Vol. IX. 28
218 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS,
Almost all the peltries of the English pass by this lake, except those which come from the
direction of the Illinois, whence the Iroquois bring them by the River Ohio ; so that were
Fort Frontenac and the establishment at Niagara supplied with -provisions, they could be
turned aside and made to go down to Quebec, and, by that means, all the Beaver placed at the*
disposal of the French, from whom the other nations would be obliged to purchase it.
The barks are highly necessary there, as well to facilitate freight as to head off those Indians
who may take other routes.
There are likewise, all round this lake, numbers of elk, bears, otters, martins, wild cats
(pecans), wolverines (Imips-cerviers), large and small deer, the grey moose, etc., whose skins can
be had at a low price in consequence of their being little valued by the English, and difficult
to be transported to them, as the Iroquois go thither most frequently by land.
This post being preserved, there is nothing to be feared from the expeditions of the Iroquois
against our Colony, because, by means of the barks, their settlements can be surprised whilst
unprepared ; they not having any knowledge of our approach across the lake, and consequently
no leisure to retreat, or to profit by the advantages they possess in their way of making war,
to which they will never have recourse as long as they see themselves menaced by danger so
imminent, and which would be to them inevitable.
It is still of great importance to arrest in that direction the pretensions of the English, who
have approached there through Pennsylvania, the extremity of which abuts almost on the
Iroquois country.
It has already prevented, and will hereafter, prevent, the accomplishment of the designs
of the English, who have attempted by means of the Iroquois to attract the Outaouacs
to themselves. They were to go to them by the route leading from Lake Huron to the village
called Teia'iagon;^ and would have effected it had not Mr. de Frontenac interposed this fort,
whose usefulness is acknowledged by the whole country, as well in preserving the trade and
peace as in arresting the lawlessness of our deserters, who had in that direction a very easy
way through which to withdraw to the foreigners.
It is the part of New France from which most can be expected for the establishment of
various leather and woolen manufactures, as cattle can be raised there at much less cost than
in colder places, where the length of the winter causes great expense in feeding and housing
them during that season. That which was required to be incurred for the conveyance of
necessaries from Montreal to Fort Frontenac is much diminished, now that provisions are to
be had on the spot, and since vessels there can go down twenty-five leagues to meet the
canoes bringing supplies thither, and which must still be used on account of the rapids that
interrupt the navigation in four or five places. It could easily be reduced still further, because,
each intermission being short, were settlements granted to persons who would keep wagons for
facilitating transport at places which are not navigable, and bateaux to go from one rapid to
the other, the expense would be much diminished, and the products of Lake Frontenac and
its environs easily brought down.
The canoe men now get eight francs the hundred weight in place of twelve, the price paid
before the barks were constructed. Two men carry, at each voyage, twelve or thirteen
hundred weight, and employ, ordinarily, twelve to fifteen days in going up, and four or five in
' In Coronellis' map of 1688, this Indian village is laid down about the present site of Port Hope, Canada West; but in
Charlevoix' and later maps, it occupies what is now Toronto. Possibly, the village was moved from the former to tho
latter point. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. 219
coming down ; so tliat tlipy can make ten to twelve voyages, and, consequently, transport
from twelve to thirteen thousand weight from the opening of navigation in the month of April
to the end of November, when it is closed by the ice at Montreal.
They are obliged, when returning, to bring back, gratuitously, as much peltry as the canoes
can hold, so that the return voyage does not increase the expense.
This consists, then, precisely:
V. In the freight and risk of the cargo from France to Montreal. The freight is fifty livres
the ton, which amounts to six deniers^ the pound ; the insurance six to seven per cent.
S**. In the minor expenses of loading and unloading, packing and carting, which are
inconsiderable, and common to every thing brought to New France.
S"*. In paying the carriers i'rom Montreal to fort Frontenac at the rate of eight livres the
hundred weight, as already stated.
4"'. lu the maintenance of the garrison, the food for which may be had on the spot. This
garrison may be also of great service in securing the trade. Twenty men are suificient for it;
these should be permanent, with as many others as would be coming and going in the barks
and canoes, and would attend to sowing and the harvest without any expense, because they
would willingly engage themselves to do so, provided they were promised to be employed, in
preference to others, at trading, at which they could make considerable gains witiiout injuring
those at whose disposal they were, inasmuch as it is customary to send them out on iialf the
profits they can realize over and above the price of the goods. This interest obliges them to
be more attentive, and they expend on their return whatever they have made in necessaries,
which they purchase at the store. So that the expense of the garrison, of a commandant and
a Serjeant, will not exceed four thousand livres which will be easily made out of the profits
realized by the traders at the places not accessible by barks.
S"". In the refitting of the barks and wages of six sailors and a pilot; for the repair of the
barks one ship carpenter only is necessary, who could act as seaman and pilot. His wages
will amount to three hundred livres, and the rigging as much more, yearly; the wages of six
sailors to twelve hundred livres a year.
Those two posts will be furnished with sufficient merchandise by sending thither to the
value of twenty thousand livres per annum, expended in France on goods suitable to the trade;
and sixty voyages of the canoes will be necessary to convey them there, at the rate of forty
livres per voyage, increasing the price of the merchandise two thousand five hundred livres
or thereabouts.
The freight from France to Montreal at the rate of thirty tons, at 50"- the ton, will amount
to fifteen hundred livres.
The insurance on the principal at 7 per cent comes to fourteen hundred livres.
The minor expenses to one hundred crowns (ecvs).
The expense of barks, pilots, carpenters and seamen to four thousand livres, so that the
advances and expenses will amount to the sum of thirty-three thousand five hundred livres.
But it is to be remarked that the payments to the canoe men, sailors, soldiers, and for the
repair of the barks, are made in goods at this country's rate, which is ordinarily double
that of France, and therefore such expense will be less than is noted, provided care be taken
to have constantly on hand sufficient bread to be sold to the Indians. The grain which will
be raised will pay a great portion of this expense, as it is certain there can be distributed,
' A dejiier was the twelfth part of a sous. — Ed.
220 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. .
yearly, as much as two hundred minots of it at the rate of forty pounds per minot; a beaver
worth four francs being easily given for a four or five pound loaf. In addition to this, an
armorer and a smith at each post, by repairing the arjns and axes of the Indians, may make
at their trade over one thousand francs each per annum, clear of all expenses.
To drive a profitable trade, twenty thousand livres must be expended in France in the
purchase of the following assortment:
Five pipes (tonneaux) of brandy at the rate of two hundred livres the pipe. Five pipes
(tonneaux) of Wine at 40" the pipe; 2,000 ells of blue Poitou Serge at 2'' the ell; 1,000
ells of Iroquois blanketing at 2" 10' the ell; l,SOO white shirts (chemises) at 30 sous; five
hundred pairs of stockings at 1"'' 5»the pair; 2,000 pounds of small kettles at 1"" 5' the pound;
two hundred pounds of large black glass beads at 10' the pound ; a thousand axes for the
trade at 7 and 8 sous the pound ; 4,000 pounds of powder at 10 and 12 sous the pound ; 7,000
pounds of ball and 3,000 pounds of lead at 120"^ the thousand; 1,200 guns at 10'" each;
2,i00 flauins at 30 sous the dozen; 100 dozen steels (Balles-feu) at 1"" 5' the dozen ; 50 dozen
of large tinned looking-glasses (miroirs fer-hlanc) at 1"" 10' the dozen ; 50 pounds of vermilion
at 3' the pound ; 250 ells of scarlet stuff (ccarlatinc) at 4"" the ell ; and 400"" of tobacco at
17 sous.
These things, carried to the Indians, will produce as follows:
They get a pint of brandy for a beaver; and consequently, were only two and a half pipes
(tonneaux) of it sold, allowing the remainder for the expense of the fort and the pay of the
soldiers and sailors, to whom it is sold at one hundred sous the quart, the ten barrels, retailed
to the Indians at the rate of one hundred quarts to the barrel and of four beavers per quart,
would produce four thousand beavers, at four livres a piece, or an equivalent in other peltry,
which would amount to sixteen thousand livres, and leave, consequently, fifteen thousand
livres profit.
The wine would also serve to pay the expenses of freight and wages, at the rate of 40 sous
the quart.
The ell of Poitou serge sells for six francs to the Indians, and that of Iroquois blanketing
for eight livres, and consequently on these two articles there would be a profit of thirteen
thousand livres.
The shirts sell for at least one hundred sous, and the stockings for eight livres, so that on
these two articles there is more than four thousand livres gain.
Kettles sell at four francs the pounds, and consequently there would be 5,500"" profit on
that article.
Glass beads sell at eight francs the pound, and axes at thirty sous a piece, so that these
two articles would leave a profit of two thousand livres.
Powder sells at 40 sous the pound, and lead at twenty sous, which would make on these
two articles over thirteen thousand livres.
Guns sell 24"' each, and therefore would produce 2,400"'' more than their cost.
Tobacco sells at eight francs per pound; it would therefore give over 2,000"' profit.
On the scarlet stuff (ecarlatine) one-half would be gained, which would be worth one
thousand livres.
The profit is proportionably greater on the other small articles, such as knives, vermilion,
steel, etc., so that with 20,000"' properly employed, twenty thousand ecus^ profit could
' An old coin, valued at sixty sous. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. 22^
be made a year, clear of all expenses, now that all that was necessary to be incurred for
buildings, barks, clearances, conveyance of provisions and such lii^e, has been expended by
Sieur de Lasalie, who would not have failed to realize great profits, though he might have
been obliged to labor for them, were it not for the heavy losses he has suffered rather through
the envy of those who were jealous of him than in consequence of his own ill fortune or by
reason of tempests.
M. de Seignelay to M. de la Barre.
Extract of the Minister's letter to Monsieur de la Barre, dated Versailles, the
10'" April, 1684.
"Maladministration of this Governor, covetous of authority; still more so
of gain — reproaches of the King and the Minister."
I cannot sufficiently express to you how much his Majesty has been surprised at the conduct
you have observed towards a habitant who wished to remove to the English, whom you wanted to
hang of your own authority, and who, having escaped, was hung in effigy at Montreal. His
Majesty could not comprehend how a man like you, who are acquainted with the laws of the
Kingdom, could have desired to assume unto himself a power of life and death in cases not
military, and on which his Majesty has not yet pronounced. And although he sends you an
Ordinance to the effijct that inhabitants not domiciled, who will desert, shall be judged by the
Council of war, at which the Intendant shall always be bound to assist, his Majesty wishes you
to examine this matter again with him, because it is to be feared that constraint only augments
among the people the desire to remove to the English and Dutch, where they will enjoy
more freedom.
IT. It is impossible to imagine what you meant, when of your own authority, without
calling on the Intendant, and without carrying the affiiir before the Sovereign Council, you
caused to be given up to one Guillin a vessel captured by the men named Radisson and des
Grozeliers; and, in truth, you ought to prevent the appearance before his Majesty's eyes of
this kind of proceeding, in which there is not a shadow of reason, and whereby you have
furnished the English with matter of which they will take advantage ; for, by your Ordinance
you have caused a vessel to be restored, that according to law ought to be considered a
Pirate, having no commission ; and the English will not fail to say that you had so fully
acknowledged the vessel to have been provided with requisite papers, that you had it
surrendered to the owners, and will thence pretend to establish their legitimate possession
of Nelson river, before the said Radisson and des Grozeliers' had been there.
•For particulars regarding these two men, consult Charlevoix' Sistoire Nouvelle France, I., 476, et seg. — Ed.
222 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
M. de Seignelay to M. de Mexdes.
Extracts of the Minister's letter to Monsieur de Meules, latendant of Canada.
Versailles, the lO"" April, 16S4.
I. You cannot too much encourage the Gentlemen of the Montreal Seminary to increase
the establishment of the Indian villages in the neighborhood of their settlements. His
Majesty continues to allow them the grant of 6" liv., which he gives them every year.
He has also granted 500 liv. for the Indian women of Montreal at the Mountain. He does
not wish them to be placed with the Ursulines, and has given orders to send over three women
to teach them to knit, and three others to teach them to spin and to make lace, so as to be
able to introduce these manufactures into the country, which will be an advantage to
the Colony.
The Colony of New France having need of strengthening and increasing itself by peace
and the facilities and advantages which the inhabitants will derive from their commerce and
agriculture, his Majesty writes to Monsieur de la Barre that his intention is not to make war
if he can avoid it. Yet, as circumstances may arise in a country so distant as Canada which
would oblige it to be proclaimed, he empowers the said Sieur de la Barre to begin it,
provided he certainly finds himself in a condition to terminate it advantageously in a
year's time.
In regard to the expense to be incurred for this war, his Majesty's intention is that it be most
carefully economized; and he has discovered even that the expenditure incurred last year by
the said Sieur de la Barre was made entirely contrary to form, since those expenses ought to be
incurred on the authority of your orders, in regard to which, however, you ought not to interpose
any difficulty, when the Governor demands it, in the interest of his Majesty's service.
He is pleased to grant for the expenses to be incurred during this year, and until the dispatch
of next year's vessels, a sum of 15 thousand''. Apply yourself sedulously to economize it,
and send me an exact account of the expenses you will incur, and all the vouchers in
support of them.
II. He has granted the government of Montreal to Sieur de Callieres; and as he has served
a long time in the Infantry, and is intelligent, he can assist Monsieur de la Barre in case he
find it necessary to wage war against the Iroquois.
III. I recommend you to pay strict attention to the care of said soldiers, to review them
frequently, to observe that the Captains frequently exercise them, and to inform me punctually
as well of their conduct as of that of their lieutenants.
His Majesty is not willing that either the one or the other have any servant on the
Company's roll.
IV. You are not justified in the pretension to enact ordinances to oblige the inhabitants to
keep arms in their houses; and when the said Sieur de la Barre was pleased that you sign
with him the ordinance he issued in this regard, he felt a deference for you that he was
not obliged to have, since that ordinance is an attribute of his principal function, which regards
the defence of the country and the military command, and your duty in this matter ought to
be, to have his ordinances executed, and to fine those who would fail therein.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. 223
V. His Majesty has been informed that the said Sieur de la Barre has taken possession of
Fort Frontenac, which is the private property of Sieur de la Salle, and that the men and cattle
belonging to the latter have been driven off, so that the lands attached thereto have remained
uncultivated ; and though it is scarcely probable that this information is well founded, should
there be any truth in it I write to Sieur de La Barre that his Majesty wishes he should attend
to the reparation of the wrong he might have done to Sieur de la Salle, and with that view
that he restore all the property belonging to him to Sieur de La Forest, who returns to the said
country by his Majesty's order. Do not fail to render him all the assistance he may require to
maintain the establishment which the said de la Salle has made at the said fort. In regard
to the walls you propose ibr the bastion (pour fair bailr la tour), his Majesty does not consider
that expense necessary.
VI. You will find three ordinances annexed hereunto.
The first prohibiting merchants and inhabitants of New France from exporting to foreign
countries any beaver and other peltries.
The second prohibiting foreigners carrying on with said country any trade in said peltries,
and obliging the French who will go trading, to take out licenses, and to give security that they
will return to the ports of the Kingdom.
And the third to oblige those who will trade in peltries at Hudson's Bay, Isle Percee and
other parts of New France, except Acadia, to carry them to Quebec to receive payment for
them, and the fourth [to be] retained by the Farmers [of the revenue], as is customary. It is
highly important that you carefully attend also to the execution hereof.
You will find appended hereunto an edict for the punishment of the French who will
remove to Manatte, Orange and the places belonging to the English [and] Dutch, which you
will cause to be enregistered in the Sovereign Council after having communicated it to Monsieur
de la Barre.
M. de Seignelay to M. de Meules.
Extract of a letter from the Minister to M. de Meules.
Versailles, the 10'" April, 1684.
I write also to him (M. de la Barre) that his Majesty has not approved of his conduct in
regard to a Colonist who was desirous of removing to the English, and whom he would have
hanged of his own authority, and who, having escaped, has been hanged in effigy at Montreal,
he not possessing the power of life and death in cases not Military, and on which his Majesty
has not yet given an opinion. And, although his Majesty sends you an ordinance purporting
that the inhabitants, not domiciliated, who will desert shall be judged by the Council of war,
at which you will always assist, he desires you will again examine into that affair with Sieur
de la Barre, because he believes that constraint only stimulates the desire among the
Inhabitants of removing to the English and Dutch, where they will experience more freedom.
224 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
You will find, also hereunto annexed, an Edict for the punishment of the French who will
remove to Manatte, Orange and other places belonging to the English and Dutch, which you
will cause to be enregistered in the Sovereign Council, after having communicated it to
M"" de la Barre.
Ordinances against Emigration from Canada to the British Colonies.
Ordinance prohibiting all Frenchmen removing to Manhatte, Orange and other
places belonging to the English and Dutch, on pain of death against those
who will not be domiciliated. Versailles, the 10"' April, 1684.
By the King.
His Majesty being informed that several vagabond and loafing Frenchmen, who had
immigrated to New France, have removed to Orange, Manatte and other places belonging to
the English and Dutch, and that under divers pretexts they incite settlers there to leave their
residences and to desert, for the purpose of settling in the said places of Orange and Manatte,
which would prevent the tillage and clearance of the lands, and cause eventually the entire ruin
of the Colony ; it being necessary to remedy the same, his Majesty hath forbidden and doth
expressly prohibit all Frenchmen who have immigrated to New France quitting the country
and removing to Manatte and Orange and other places belonging to the English and Dutch, on
pain of Death against those who will not be domiciliated ; his Majesty wills that their trial be
had and perfected before the Council of War, which shall, to this end, be composed of the
number of 7 Judges, Captains or Lieutenants of the troops he maintains in said country,
or other militia officers who are there, whereat shall assist the Governor and Lieutenant-
General, and the Intendant of Justice, Police and Finance in the said country ; and in regard
to the Frenchmen settled and domiciliated in New France, who will be convicted of the same
desertion, his Majesty wills and orders that their trial be had and perfected by the Sovereign
Council of Quebec, and that they be punished according to the rigor of this day's Edict. His
Majesty Orders and Ordains, &c., &c.
Edict for the punishment of Frenchmen who will remove to Manatte, Orange
and other places belonging to the English and Dutch. Versailles, 10""
April, 1684.
Louis, &c.. To all present and to come. Greeting: Being informed that divers of our
subjects settled in our Country of New France, and who have lands there to them belonging,
keep up an intercourse with vagabond and loafing Frenchmen who have deserted to settle at
Manatte, Orange and other places under the dominion of the English and Dutch, and that
they have been led, by this example o{ feucantise and licentiousness, to abandon the cultivation
and clearing of their lands, which would inevitably bring ruin on the Colony, were it not
promptly remedied; Wherefore we have, by these presents signed by our hand, expressly
PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 225
forbidden and prohibited all Frenchmen, inhabiting New France, removing to Orange,
Manatte and other places belonging to the English and Dutch, without our permission or tlint
of those who have authority from us to grant it ; We Will that those of our subjects who shall
become ringleaders, and who, as Chiefs, will have undertaken to desert and remove to the
said English and Dutch, be condemned to Death ; and in regard to those who shall be taken
deserting individually, or who shall have followed the said leaders, that they be condemned to
the galleys for life. We enjoin our Judges to condemn them to the said penalties agreeably
to these presents. W& give in Command, to our beloved and faithful Councillors, the persons
holding our Sovereign Council of Quebec, that they cause these presents to be read, published,
enregistered and executed according to their form and tenor. For such is Our Pleasure.
And in order that it be a thing forever firm and Stable, we liave caused our seal to be affixed
to these presents, without at all in other respects Our right and that of Others
[infringing], &c.
Commission for Sieur de la Salle.
Commission for Sieur de la Salle: Versailles, 14"" of April, 16S4.
Louis, by the Grace of God King of France and of Navarre, Greeting: Having resolved
to cause some expeditions to be undertaken in North America, to subject to our dominion
divers savage tribes, and to convey to them the light of the Faith and of the Gospel, We have
been of opinion that We could not make a better choice than of Sieur de la Salle to command
in our name all the Frenchmen and Indians whom he will employ for the execution of the
orders We have entrusted unto him. For these and other reasons Us moving, and being
moreover well informed of his affection and fidelity for Our service, We have by these
presents, signed by Our hand, constituted and ordained, commission and ordain, the said Sieur
de la Salle to command under Our authority, as well in the Country which will be subject anew
to Our dominion in North America, from Fort St. Louis on the River of the Illinois, unto New
Biscay, as well among the French and Indians, whom he will employ in the expeditions
We have entrusted to his care, cause them to live in union and concord, the one with
the other, keep the soldiers in good order and police according to Our rules, appoint Governors
and special Commanders in the places he shall think proper, until it shall by Us be otherwise
ordered, maintain trade and traffic, and generally to do and exercise for Us in the said country
all that shall appertain to the Office of Commandant, and enjoy its powers, honors, authorities,
prerogatives, preeminences, franchises, liberties, wages, rights, fruits, profits, revenues and
emoluments during Our pleasure. To execute which, [We] have given and do give unto you
power, by these presents, whereby We Command all Our said Subjects and Soldiers to
acknowledge, obey and hear you in things relating to the present power. For such is
Our Pleasure.
In Witness whereof. We have caused Our privy seal to be affixed to these presents. Given
at Versailles, the 14«* April, 1684, &c.
Vol. IX. 29
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
M. de la JBarre to M. de Seignelay.
My Lord,
«'* * * * * * « * * *
An amdassador from the Senecas arrived here at the time I received the news of their
attack. He manifests every kind disposition at the moment those people destroy us. This
obliged me to secure his person and suite without his being aware of it as yet, treating him
in other respects very well, in order to try and be able to withdraw, by means of him, the
Rev"" Jesuit Fathers, who are in great peril in the Iroquois Missions. I have had no
negotiation with him as yet, so as to gain time to be able to have troops and provisions
conveyed to Fort Frontenac for its security above all things.
Were his Majesty to please to write to M. Barillon, that he may obtain an order from the
King of England, prohibiting Colonel Dunkuen to assist, with arms and ammunition, the
Iroquois who attack us, I believe it would be of very great utility in this war. He has
written me a very civil general letter, and I have sent a man expressly to compliment him,
him, and to ask of him the same thing which he doubtless would grant me if he had an
express order on this subject from the King his Master,
Your most humble and
Most obedient servant,
Quebec, the S'*" June, 1684. (signed) Le Febur de la Barkb.
Reverend Father de Lamherville to M. de la Barre.
My Lord,
I come at the beginning of the year to renew to you my respects, and to testify to you the
joy I feel that your arrival in Canada has averte'd the scourge of war from the Colony. The
three Burgomasters who visited you have acted here agreeably to your intentions. They
again held, eight days since, great Councils with the Captains and warriors, at which they have
resolved to give you satisfaction on the proposals you made them; they say they must not
contravene the orders of their father, who has spoken to them so authoritatively and with so
many proofs of benevolence, and who has uttered no menace or angry expression.
The man named Garanontie has spoken by a Wampum belt to the Chief of the warriors,
and has turned the musket towards the Chaouennons. Our father Onontio, he said, merits
obedience; he desires that his allies should not be hereafter insulted. He told me that if you
wished to protect the Oumiamis, they will be enumerated among your allies, and that there is
a strong disposition to satisfy you. Presents conjoined with kindness and courtesy are arms
which the Iroquois scarcely ever resist; on the other hand, threats or even war would have
been equally fatal to the Colony. You know better than I that a few bandits in Italy
have disabled troops six times more numerous than theirs, and that the Burgundy dairymen
formerly gave considerable trouble to the Prince. Soldiers who would prove good in the
centre of a plain would be thrown into disorder in such forests as these here, and besides
that, the Iroquois, daring and well armed, and who makes war like a thief, would have inflicted
PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 227
considerable injury on the French. The prudence of a Chief goes hand in hand with his
valor and intrepidity. The country is indebted to your prudence for its preservation; a
premature war would have indubitably reduced it to extremities.
Sieur de la grand Guele, who has been entirely won over by your liberality and the kind
bearing with which you received him, is become your creature. He appears to be your man
of business with Garakontie. He panegyrized you a few days ago when addressing the
warriors, and exhorted the one and the other to act in a friendly manner to all your allies whom
they will meet in the hunting grounds to which they are about to proceed; to assemble here
again in the spring, and to form a numerous war party, the cliief of which is called Hannatakta,
to whom I gave a present in your name. He it was who last year opposed the Cayugas and
Senecas, in order to keep the promise he caused to be made to you that he should not go to
war that year against the Illinois and Ouniiamis, which he faithfully observed. I say that he
will possibly go to Montreal to pay his respects to you, and to observe nigher than here what
sort of a man you are (comme vous avez I' esprit fait). (These are his words.)
As Sieur de la grande Gueule says he will go to see you this summer to speak of divers
matters in answer to the message you entrusted to him, and particularly about the affair of the
armorer, I have not inquired of him, for you, what he desired this year, which is the first of
the pension you are so good as to allow him.
The man named Oreouahe, of Cayuga, told me also he intended to visit you at Montreal.
It is he who made Father de CarheiU to withdraw from Cayuga, and who treacherously brought
the six Tionnontates there. He is exceedingly proud. Sorrennoa and he are the two greatest
Chiefs in Cayuga. It is of this Oreouahe that the English of Albany (formerly Orange) made
use to prevent Sieur Penn purchasing the land of the Andastogues,^ who were conquered by the
Iroquois and the English of Maryland.
I believe he will be better pleased with you than with the English, after he shall have the
honor of an interview with you. I told him that if he should wish lo see Father de Carheil
again where he was going to, you will send for him to Montreal. He has great influence among
the Cayugas; has conceived profound esteem for you as a great Captain, which he also
piques himself to be. Your dexterity and experience in winning over all those various
characters will attach him to you, as I believe, most intimately, and he will be convinced that
'Reverend EiiKiraE de Caeheo. arrived at Quebec on the 6th of August, 1666; went in 1667 to Onondaga, whence he
removed, in November of the following year, to Cayuga ; he left that place in 1671 on account of sickness, but on recovering
his health returned thither. The obduracy of this tribe rendered his situation here particularly discouraging, and he was
obliged to leave altogether, as above related. He was at Detroit in 1087 or 8. In 1690, we find him at Michilimakinac, where
he gave information to the authorities of Canada, of some secret negotiations between the Otiawas and Senecas, for which
see his letter in Charlevoix' Hisloire Nouvelle France, I., 568. He it was who converted to Christianity the great Huron Chief
Kondiaront, or the Rat, who used to say that there were but two men of talent in Canada — Count de Fronteoac and Father
de Carheil. He spent sixty years on the mission, and spoke the Huron and Iroquois languages with as much ease as French.
Though the Indians looked up to him with great respect, his labors as a missionary were not crowned with all the success
he desired. He resided at Quebec in 1721, where he died, in July, 1726.
" This tribe, called also Andastes by the French, occupied the Upper part of the Susquehanna river, from seven to ten days'
journey from Western New -York. New -York Documentary History, I., 393. The precise date of the subjugation of the
Susquehannas by the Five Nations is still undetermined. Mr. Gallatin thinks it occurred between 1664 and 1680. In Deed
Book, \l., 23, in Secretary's office, Albany, is a Commission to Col. Coursey, from the Governor of Maryland, dated 3nth Ai>ril,
1677, in which it is stated that •' the said Susqueliannos have lately desired to come to a Treaty of Peace with his said Lord-
ship [Baltimore], and have ( as I am informed ) Since ye said Overture submitted themselves to, and putt themselves under
the prottection of the Cinnigos [Senecas] or some other natyon of ludyans residing to ye Northward of this Province." It
■would hence appear that their conquest occurred about 1676. — Ed.
228 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
the Onontio of Canada is quite a different thing from the Burgomasters of Orange, whose
civilities in his regard are the never-ending subject of his praise.
It is reported that the chief's of Mohawk, having been to visit the Governor of New England,
he has exhorted them not to kill nor burn people any more, and to become Christians; and on
their asking him to continue the sale of powder to them, that he replied, it should be
continued so long as they would not wage war against Christians.
An Iroquois of the village where I reside killed another Englishman at the end of Autumn,
towards Virginia. Six or seven houses were pillaged at the same time by the Mohawks,
Oneidas, Onondages and Cayugas. The English of New York, with whom they trade, dare
not even censure them for the many insults they repeatedly inflict on their brethren; so much
so that the Iroquois are astonished at it. The apprehension of losing the trade, for some years,
has condemned them to a cowardly silence.
Next summer the Governor of New York is, as 'tis reported, to come to Mohawk, and to
speak there to the Iroquois. We'll see what he'll say. He has sent a ragged ship's flag to the
Mohawks, to be hoisted there. These are the armorial bearings of England. That flag is still
in the public chest of the Mohawks; I know not when it will see the light.
I pray God, My Lord, long to preserve your person, and to heap his blessings on it. I am
always with profound submission,
My Lord,
Your most humble and most obedient
Servant,
February 10"", 1684. Jean de Lamberville.
The most influential Captains here, who decide affairs of war with the Ancients, had intended
to go and pay you their respects, and to agree with you on the boundaries of the territory of
your allies; but as you named only two of them to me, and they apprehended that the
jealousy of some who might not have been invited would excite murmurs against them, they
have postponed until next year the deliberation on this matter. 'Tis certain that the Iroquois
are extremely sensitive to any mark of esteem and friendship evinced towards them, and any
little underhand present is to them a preservative against all the bad impressions sought to be
made on them.
M. de Meulles to M. i
Quebec, S"- July, 16S4.
My Lord,
You will please permit me to give you an account, by every opportunity, of what occurs
in this country, principally on the subject of the war which we are obliged to wage against
the Iroquois, the sworn enemies of this Colony. We are making all sorts of preparations
here to enable us to transport conveniently, as far as Lake Ontario, a body of people sufficient
to form a small army. We have purchased the greatest number of canoes possible; but not
finding enough of them, we have been obliged to have pine bateaux made, 25 feet in length,
which will assuredly create some trouble about thirty leagues above Montreal, where, there
being extraordinary rapids, the greatest number of men possible will be employed in towing
PARIS DOCUMENTS : II 229
each bateau. We expect to be able to have twenty to twenty-five hands there; and after the
bateaux shall have passed those rapids, we are assured that they can proceed without difficulty
the remainder of the way as far as the Senecas.
A fortnight or three weeks since, the General sent to Fort Frontenac a fleet of twenty-five
canoes, containing nothing but flour and pork. We expect to send up, within eight or ten
days, a larger one, with everything requisite for the munition and subsistence of troops.
Everybody proceeds willingly to this war. There was some sort of noise at the beginning,
but I easily appeased it by my presence and an ordinance that I was obliged to have
published, which has had a very good effect; being certain that since that time no one has
murmured. Every one was beginning to complain publicly; I believe had they had less
confidence in me, that it might have caused a sedition in the country. They openly stated
that they were going to War only to preserve the Beaver of five or six merchants of the Lower
town of Quebec, who monopolize all the trade; and that it was very vexatious that four or
five hundred persons should have been sent into the woods, and to witness the departure of
two barks in time of war, each containing thirty-five to forty young men, without families, and
among the strongest and most robust, on a trading voyage to Hudson's Bay, whilst fathers of
families, who have nothing but their hands wherewith to support their wives and children, are
obliged to abandon and leave them in the greatest necessity. Though all this reasoning be
true, it is still of the greatest consequence not to allow the people the liberty of expressing
their opinion.
I consider myself bound in conscience to inform you that never has anything so extraordinary
been heard as we see daily practised in this country. This empire may be said to be divided
between the King and the Governor; and were this to last long, the Governor's share would
be far greater than that of his Majesty. Those who were sent this year by the General to
Fort Frontenac to trade, have already divided with him ten to twelve thousand crowns. Last
year he had a bark constructed, which he made his Majesty pay for and which cost considerable,
in the design of going to trade in Lake Ontario with the Senecas, the Indians of Niagara, and all
the other Indians around that lake; which is so true that Father Gamier,* a Jesuit, who was
a Missionary to the said Senecas, after being informed secretly of our intention to make war,
escaped in the said bark, which was anchored in a little River seven leagues from their village,
and where all the Iroquois used to come to trade. Had not two barks, at present at Fort
Frontenac, been trading, they would have saved us half the expense that we are obliged to incur
for the conveyance of munitions and provisions to the said fort, because they would have come
to the head of the rapids, which is within thirty leagues of Montreal, and in place of the
Canoes being obliged to go to said Fort, they would have discharged their freight into the said
barks, and have made two voyages instead of one ; and what costs ten to twelve livres per
hundred weight freight, would have cost at most only four francs, or one hundred sous. But
this presumed necessity, since two years, for barks at Fort Frontenac, which obliges
Carpenters to be hired, and a great quantity of iron, cordage, sails, and many other things to
be transported thither at a vast expense to his Majesty, was merely with the design of
prosecuting trade, as clearly appears on this occasion, inasmuch as, at the time we are
under the necessity of waging war, not a bark nor a soul was at the said Fort, although last
year very great provision had been made there, so much so that, in addition to the bark, there
were seven or eight Canoes trading at the Falls of Niagara for the interested of the said Fort,
' Supra, p. lYl.'note 2.
230 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
-which is the place where the savages pass on their return from hunting. The said Fort
was so destitute that several Senecas, going there in the month of May, after having traded
their peUries there, demanded some brandy from the man named Champagne, who is the
store keeper and warden. But, apprehending some disorder on the part of the said Iroquois,
through drunkenness, he refused them any, which obliged them to force the said Fort, to make
themselves masters of it, and even to pillage it; but knowing nothing of the insult offered
the fourteen Frenchmen in the Illinois country, and supposing we were at profound peace, they
restored all the merchandise, after having given Champagne and the handful of people there
a sound drubbing, and drank as much brandy as they pleased ; which clearly proves that the
General uses this Fort only as a store for the trade throughout Lake Ontario.
Another very considerable trade is also carried on in the direction of [New] England, and
under pretence of sending letters to Colonel Dongan, Governor of the said country, two
persons, on the part of the General, divert, to the prejudice of his Majesty's Revenue, as many
peltries as they can, in that direction, to get dollars in return. This is done so publicly, that
there are at the present moment in Quebec two English or Dutch men in daily intercourse with
the General and Sieur de la Chesnaye, a merchant of this town, for the purpose of adopting
effectual measures. It has appeared extraordinary to me that, having the honor to be
Intendant in this country, those two strangers had all this time been without visiting me ; but
that occurring with the General's approbation, and not wishing to excite any difficulty, I
considered it my duty to suffer everything. In a word. My Lord, this war has been
determined on in the General's Cabinet, with six of the richest merchants of the country.
Had it not been of advantage to their designs, he would have found means to accommodate
every thing ; but the merchants having given him to understand that they were exposed to
continual pillage ; and having an extraordinary amount of merchandise in the woods, in
nearly two hundred canoes, equipped since last year, that it was more advantageous to make
use of every means, and to employ the people of the country to wage war against the Senecas,
after which, he hopes to realize in safety extraordinary profits. For of two things, one will
happen ; either we shall have a considerable advantage over the said Indians, as there is
reason to hope, if the General march to their village with the troops we have levied, being
almost assured that they will not stand before us ; or a peace, which will secure all things for
a season. These are, assuredly, the sole motives of the war; having for its object and
principle nothing but self-interest, and to surprise the Court by specious reasons, in giving a
very fine coloring to all his actions. He has said himself, there was good fishing in troubled
waters; which, undoubtedly, gives us to suppose that he will make use of this war for some
extraordinary stroke for his own advantage. Perhaps, My Lord, you will have reason to
complain of my silence ; but I thought my duty obliged me to express my opinion to the
General and then remain silent. I shall speak when you please ; but until then, you will
permit me to obey and submit to the orders you prescribed, and his Majesty laid down for
me in my Instructions, which is to suffer everything, and to acquaint the Court thereof. I had
rather that you should reproach me with having suffered too much than with having excited
quarrels and wars in the country, and, by my intrigues, divided the Colony as it has hitherto
been. I shall take the liberty of remarking, My Lord, to you in passing, that it had been
better for the country that we both should have been at logger-heads, than to sufier what is
occurring every day to the ruin of the people ; but I believed I could never err in adhering so
closely as I have done to my orders, which I always regarded as an absolute command
PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. 231
from his Majesty, since my instructions direct me, in positive terms, to suffer even what
the Governor might do contrary to the King's service. The law I have prescribed to myself.
My Lord, so as to give the country peace, has obliged me to observe silence before the
whole world regarding what I take the liberty of mentioning to you, and not to confer with
any person about it, except in so far as I am obliged to do to acquaint myself of everything,
in order to give you private information thereof. Be persuaded, My Lord, that I take the
liberty of communicating to you only facts incontestable and known to all the world. This
is the third or fourth letter which I have the honor to address you on this subject. I await
your resolution with much impatience, in order to conform myself entirely thereunto. If you
condemn my proceeding, impose silence on me, and you will never hear me speak on the
subject; but his Majesty having invested me with my present office, and entertaining, as I do,
the feeling of honor I have professed all my life, and being under so many obligations to you,
I considered I ought not to conceal anything from you.
Though I had the honor, My Lord, to entertain you with the preparations we are making
for the war, and the great expenses to which the General subjects his Majesty, I shall,
without being a prophet, take the liberty to tell you, my Lord, that I do not perceive any
disposition in the Governor to make war on those Savages. I believe he will content himself
with paddling as far as Cataracouy or Fort Frontenac, and then send for the Senecas to
negotiate peace with them, and make a fool of the people, of the Intendant, and of his Majesty
(were it allowable so to speak with all due respect), which proves that he sacrifices everything
to his interests. He takes with him Sieur de la Chesnaye, who is the richest merchant of this
city, and his sole counsellor. The first time we spoke of this war, and when it was determined
on, he promised me to write to Michilimakinak to send down at least two hundred of those
Frenchmen who are by his orders trading in the woods, who were to bring with them four or
five hundred of our Indian allies. He lately said that the letters have been lost on the way,
which shows that it is a game that will cost his Majesty, in my opinion, thirty thousand crowns
(ecus). I could not refuse to grant him whatever he asked of me for the expenses of this war,
otherwise he would have held me responsible for everything; but I so conducted myself, and
exerted myself so particularly to furnish him whatever he required, that he has no reason to
make me the least reproach.
Sieur Perrot, Governor of Montreal, who has been interdicted by his Majesty, and one Sainte
Helene, son of Sieur Lemoyne, after searching for each other, fought fifteen days ago at Montreal,
in the public square, on account of some reports which had reached their ears, and were both
wounded. Tiie general took cognizance of this affair as judge of the point of honor. I
willingly permitted it, and contented myself with telling him that insults, blows and cudgellings
among gentlemen appertained to the Marshals of France and Governors-General, inasmuch as
they were punished by fine, imprisonment and reparation of honor, but that his Majesty had
referred to the Sovereign Courts duels and even all single combats, whether accidental or
otherwise ; and lest they should design in this instance to fight, which has already formerly
happened, you will have the goodness, if you please. My Lord, to advise me of your intention
in the premises, and to take the trouble to send me his Majesty's last declaration relative to
duels, and to be so good as to inform me if it concern the Sovereign Council or the Intendant.
I believe that it is the Sovereign courts in France; but if it be the same thing here, be
assured that no person will ever be punished, it being certain that the Council is connected
with, or closely related to, all the gentlemen and the most prominent persons of the country.
232 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
I shall finish this letter, My Lord, by telling you that the General departed yesterday, the
tenth of July, with a detachment of two hundred men. All Quebec was grieved to see him
embark on a war expedition tUte a tete with the man named La Chesnaye, which appeared
very extraordinary to the Bishop, to all the Jesuits, and to every honest man in the country,
and causes all to say that it is a mere deception, and that both of them are going to arrange
everything, and, in a word, to do and conclude what shall be to the advantage of their own
trade. The General has undertaken the war without consulting any one in the country but the
merchants, as I have had the honor to inform you. He will also conclude peace by the same
council. Were all his actions as manifest in Paris as they are here, he would run considerable
risk of his person ; and nobody has ever heard of a subject undertaking war and peace
without consulting Military men and those of most influence in the colony. The King
himself, [who] has his Council, does not do so except by the ministry of his ambassadors.
The whole country is in despair on beholding this mode of proceeding, and the greater
portion complain that I do not say more than I do; but as I only possess the privilege of
remonstrating with the General, they are not aware how far I am restricted. This will
oblige me to observe constant regularity in the performance of my duty. Had I contradicted
him in the least tittle, he would not fail to impute to me all the evil that might happen, for I
am certain that there are no bounds either to his words or to his actions. I am,
My Lord,
Your most humble and most obedient
Servant
This 12 July, 1684. De Meulles.
Louis XIV. to M. de la Barre.
Extracts of a letter addressed by the King to Monsieur de la Barre, from
Versailles, the 31" July, 1684.
Monsieur De la Barre,
By your letters of the 5"" June last, I have seen the resolution you have adopted of attacking
the Iroquois, and the reasons which impelled you thereunto ; and though this be a grave
misfortune for the colony of New France, as it will interrupt the trade of my subjects,
divert them from agriculture, and expose them to frequent insults on the part of the
Iroquois Savages, who can often surprise them in distant settlements, without it being in your
power to afford them any assistance, yet I fail not to approve your adopting this resolution,
inasmuch as by the insult they offered to the fifteen Frenchmen whom they plundered, and by
the attack on Fort Saint Louis, you have reason to believe that they seriously meditated a
declaration of war. And as I wish to put you in a position to sustain and terminate hostilities
with diligence, I issue orders for equipping the ship UEmerillon, on board of which I cause to
embark three hundred soldiers, quartered in the ports of Brest and Rochefort, with the
number of Officers and Marines contained in the rolls you will find annexed ; and this aid,
with that sent you by the last vessels from Rochelle, and of which you have been advised by
my former letters, will afford you the means to fight at an advantage, and to utterly destroy
PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. 2SS
those people, or at least to place them in a condition, after having been punished, to accept
peace on the terms you will impose on them.
In regard to this war, you must observe t!iat, even should you prosecute it with advantage,
if you do not find means to do so promptly, it will no less cause the ruin of the colony,
the people of which cannot subsist in the continual alarm they will be of an attack
from the savages, and in the impossibility of attending to their trade and agriculture.
Therefore, whatever advantage you may be enabled to reap for the glory of my arms and
the total destruction of the Indians by the continuance of this war, you ought to prefer a peace
which, restoring quiet to my subjects, will place you in a position to increase the Colony by
the means pointed out to you in mj' preceding letters.
I write to my Ambassador in England to obtain orders from the Duke of York, forbidding
his Commander at Boston to assist the Indians with troops, arms or ammunition ; and I have
reason to believe that [these] orders will be dispatched as soon as application shall be made
for them on my part.
I am [by no means] well pleased to inform you that, from all I learn of occurrences in Canada,
the fault you have committed in not punctually executing my orders in regard to the
number of twenty-five licenses to be granted to my subjects, and the vast quantities of them
you have issued in every direction, in favor of your own people, appear to me to have been
the principal cause of what has happened on the part of the Iroquois. I hope you will repair
this fault by putting a prompt and glorious termination to this war.
You have incurred expenses for the reestablishment of the Fort of Quebec, and for divers
other things, without the participation of Sieur de Meulles, which I have not approved, as
that was not within your attributes, but in those of the Intendant, to whom you ought
to communicate the necessity for this kind of expense, which ought to be ordered and
authorized by him.
It also appears to me that one of the principal causes of the war proceeds from the man
named Du L hut having two Iroquois killed, who had assassinated two Frenchmen on Lake
Superior; and you perceive how much this man's voyage, which could not be of any
advantage to the country, and has not been permitted except for some private persons'
interest, has contributed to disturb the repose of that Colony.
As it tends to the good of my service to diminish, as much as possible, the number of the
Iroquois, and moreover, as these savages, who are very strong and robust, will serve usefully
in my galleys, I will that you do every thing in your power to make a great number of them
prisoners of war and have them embarked by every opportunity that will offer, in order that
they be conveyed to France.
II. I stated to you, in my letter of the 14"" April last, that I wished you to afford every
protection to Sieur de La Forest, and that you interpose no obstacle to his voyage. I again
repeat, that my intention is that you allow him to execute the orders he has received, and that
you afford him the necessary means to proceed in safety to the place of his destination.
I will, also, that you leave the possession of Fort Frontenac to Sieur de la Salle, or to those
people who will be there on his behalf, and that you do nothing adverse to the interest of
that man whom I take under my particular protection.
Vol. IX.
234 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
M. de Seignelay to M. Barillon.
Versailles, 31" July, 1684.
Sir,
The King has been informed that M'. de la Barre, Governor and Lieutenant-General for his
Majesty in New France, has been obliged to declare war against the Iroquois ; and as there is
nothing to prevent the prompt termination of that war to the advantage of the French Colony,
if aid in men, arms and munitions be not furnished to those savages by the English Commander
at Boston, the King orders me to write to you that his intention is that you apply to the Duke
of York, for precise instructions to that governor, prohibiting him from giving any aid to those
savages, but, on the contrary, that he act in concert and entire correspondence with the
said de La Barre in all that will be to the common advantage of both Nations.
It will be well that you procure a duplicate of those orders, so that I may send it by a
vessel about to sail immediately from Rochelle.
I am, &c.
Return of the Troops at Fort Frontenac.
Review made at the head of our little Army, composed of tbe King's Troops,
of the Militia of the Country, and Indians that have joined us, in presence
of all the Officers, Volunteer Noblesse who have been so good as to
accompany us, and of the Serjeants-Major commanding the Brigades
of Militia.
In the bark La Generate, gone down to La Galette, the G"- of August, 1684, to unload the
hundred (cent) of the Canoes.
Monsieur de Saint-Michel, commander of said bark.
The Pilot, La Fontaine.
Messier.
Blondeau.
Ren^, King's carpenter.
Boisjolly, La Montague, la Fleur, Arnault, Labrie, Soldiers.
General Return of the King's troops, according to the review made thereof in presence of the
General, the 14 August, 1684.
Monsieur Du Tast, First Captain.
Sieur de La Groye, Lieutenant.
In said Company — 2 Serjeants, 41 Soldiers, 1 Drum.
Monsieur de Cahouet, second Captain, present.
Monsieur de Saint-Basile, Lieutenant, left sick at Montreal.
In the Second Company — 1 Serjeant, 43 Soldiers, 1 Drum.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: II.
Chevalier Aiibry, 3"' Captain, present.
Sieur de La Rouarie, Lieutenant, present.
In said Company — 1 Serjeant, 41 Soldiers.
Five soldiers in the bark, as above, 5.
Total, 4 Serjeants, 130 Soldiers, 2 Drums.
Return of the Soldiers of the Vanguard, commanded by Monsieur Dugu6.
Monsieur de Longueil, Major, ^
The Captain of Montreal, > present.
Sieur Mantet, Lieutenant, }
In said Company — 2 Serjeants, 34 Soldiers, 1 Drum.
Monsieur D'Aumeny, Captain of the lower end of the Island, present.
Sieur de la Fleur, Lieutenant.
In said Company — 12 Serjeants, 39 Soldiers.
Monsieur de Chailly, Captain of the upper end of the Island.
Sieur de Saint Missel, Lieutenant, absent on duty.
In said Company — 2 Serjeants, 35 Soldiers, 1 Drum.
A man from the Convoy, 1.
Monsieur de Sueves, Captain of the Cotes de Sorel, etc.
Sieur du Verne, Lieutenant.
In said Company — 2 Serjeants, 45 Soldiers.
Total, 10 Serjeants, 193 Soldiers, 2 Drums.
Return of the Corps of reserve.
Monsieur de Villebon, Brigade-Major.
Monsieur de Godefroy de Saint Paul, Captain of Three Rivers, present.
Sieur de la Bretonniere, Lieutenant, present.
In said Company — 1 Serjeant, 24 Soldiers, 1 Drum.
Five Soldiers from the Convoy, 5.
Monsieur du Tilly, Captain of the Cote de Beauprg.
Sieur Lieutenant.
In said Company — 2 Serjeants, 56 Soldiers.
Monsieur de Beauvais, Captain of the Cote de Batiskan, present.
Sieur de Montplaisir, Lieutenant, present.
In said Company — 2 Serjeants, 37 Soldiers.
Monsieur Duchesnay, Captain of Beauport, present.
Sieur Traversy, Lieutenant, present.
In said Company — 2 Soldiers,^ 35 Soldiers.
Monsieur de la Ferte, Captain of the Cote du Cap-Rouge, present.
Sieur de Mezeray, Lieutenant, present.
In said Company — 2 Serjeants, 49 Soldiers, 1 Drum.
Total, 9 Serjeants, 216 Soldiers, 1 [2] Drum,
Return of the Rear-guard, commanded by Monsieur D'Orvilliers.
Monsieur de Lotbiniere, Colonel, commanding the Quebec regiment.
Monsieur Dupuy, Major.
' Sic. for Serjeants. — Ed.
236 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Sieur Desambaux, Aid-Major.
Monsieur de Beaulieu, Lieutenant of the Colonel's company, present.
In said Company — 2 Serjeants, 75 Soldiers.
Monsieur de Beaumont, Captain of the Island of Orleans, present.
Sieur Thibierge, Lieutenant, present.
In said Company — 4 Serjeants, 70 Soldiers, 1 Drum.
Monsieur Dumont, Captain of the Cote de Lauzon, present.
Sieur Vincelot, Lieutenant.
In said Company — 3 Serjeants, 59 Soldiers.
Total, 9 Serjeants, 204 Soldiers, 1 Drum.
In the Fort.
The Reverend Father Francois,' a RecolletFriar, Colin, Interpreter,
Sieur Bertet, La Fleur,
Sieur Prenouveau, Le Vasser,
Pertuy, locksmith, Baptist, servant.
Carpenters.
M'". Moyse, Petitit Trein, Montroux, Pelletier, Bastien, Le Petit Breton, Caulker,
LAnglois, Mesnier Cassan, Cassan, Jean de Quebec, Marmande,
Soldiers of Monsieur Dutast's Company omitted therein.
La Grenade, Soldier of M. Cahouet's Company omitted therein.
Jean Bardineau, Gregoire, farmer of the fort, his wife,
Pierre Pruneau, and five children, for three persons.
Jean Dubois,
Bisestre, Mechanic,
Making, in all, tvpenty-nine persons.
Done and concluded at Fort Frontenac, the Fourteenth August, 16S4.
Le Febure delabarre.
Presents of the Onondagas to Onontio at La Famine, the 5th Her, 1684.
^"mZfer^ '** 'T'^® Onnontagues, whose mediation between the French and the Senecas the
•^ecreC"""'"''"''" General accepted, having repaired to a place called La Famine, about 25 leagues
from their country, Hateouati, who is Orator of that Nation, spoke by fifteen presents,
not only on behalf of the Senecas, but of the other four Iroquois Nations also. After having
taken God to witness the sincerity of his heart, and having assured Onontio of the truth of his
words, he spoke in this wise:
' Rev. FE*Npoi8 Wasson. He came to Canada in 1681, and was six years among the Iroquois at this post. Le Clercq : Gaspesie,
661, 670. He was succeeded by Father Luke Buiaset. — Kd.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: II.
237
Answer of Onontio to the words of Hoteouat^.
As I have placed in your hands the media-
tion with the Senecas, I wish truly to do
what you ask me. I therefore lay down my
Hatchet and refer to you to obtain a reasonable
satisfaction.
1" Word of the Iroquois.
I give you a beverage devoid of bitterness,
to purify whatever inconvenience you may have
experienced during the voyage, and to dispel
what bad air soever you may have breathed
between Montreal and this place,
2^ Word.
I take from you the hatchet with which you
threaten to strike the Senecas. Remember he
is your child, and that you are his father.
3^ Word. Answer.
M. Lemoine, your ordinary envoy, having That ditch is well cut, but as your young
come last year, and speaking to us in your men have no sense, and as they make this a
name, cut a deep ditch, into which he told us pretext for committing acts of hostility anew,
you and we should cast all the unkind things after having cast the Seneca robbery into that
that might occur; I have not forgotten this ditch, as you desire. Stop your young men,
word, and in obedience to it request you to as 1 shall restrain mine. I cover it up forever,
throw into that ditch the Seneca robbery,
that it may disturb neither our Country nor
yours.
4"' Word.
I again set up the tree of peace, which we
planted at Montreal in the conference we had
the honor to have with you last summer.
5"> Word.
I exhort you. Father, to sustain it strongly,
in order that nothing may shake it.
6'" Word.
I again tie up (je rattache) the Sun,' which
was altogether obscured: I dispel all the
clouds and mists that concealed it from our
sight.
7"= Word.
The robbery committed by the Senecas on
your nephews is not a sufficient motive to
make war against them. Where has blood
been shed? I promise you that satisfaction
shall be afforded you for the loss the French
have experienced by the pillage of their
merchandise.
Answer.
It is not I who think of throwing it down:
it is your nephews who have seriously shaken
it. I strengthen it.
Answer.
'Tis well that you promise me satisfaction:
deceive me not. The first thing that I expect
of you is, that you restore me the two
Etionnontate prisoners who are with the
Seneca, and a third who remains at Cayuga.
A figurative expression, meaning to renew a firm Peace. La Potherie. — Ed,
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
gth Word. Answer of Onontio.
Onontio, my father, I am always uneasy and I depart to-morrow and quit this country,
cannot pluck up courage, whatever kindnesses to show you what deference I pay to your
you have the goodness to show me. What dis- demands,
quiets me is to behold soldiers, hear these
drums, etc. I pray you return to Quebec, so
that your children may sleep in peace.
S"" Word.
The fire of peace and the halls of our
Councils were at Frontenac or at Montreal.
The former is a poor country, where the
Grasshoppers prevent me sleeping, and the
second is very far away for our old men. I
kindle the fire of peace on this spot, which is
the most agreeable that we can select, where
there is good fishing, hunting, &c.
10"' Word.
Our warriors as well as our other chiefs
have accepted the peace. I bear their words
by this belt.
Eleventh Word.
You told us, last summer, to strike the
enemy no more. We heard your voice. We
shall go no more to war in that quarter.
]2"' Word.
He has killed some of my people this spring,
in divers rencounters; but as you bound my
arms I allowed myself to be struck, without
defending myself.
13'" Word.
Regarding the Illinois, I am at war with
him; we shall both of us die fighting.
14"' Word.
Restore to us the Missionaries whom you
have withdrawn from our villages.
Answer.
I accept the selection you have made of this
place for our conferences, without, however,
extinguishing the fire which I have lighted at
Montreal.
Answer.
You need not doubt the obedience of my
soldiers ; endeavor to make yourselves obeyed
by your own. To prove to you that I firmly
uphold the tree of peace, I sent to Niagara to
cause the army to return which was coming
from that direction.
Answer.
Remember that the Maskoutenek is brother
to the Oumeami. Therefore strike neither
the one nor the other.
Answer.
That's well; you need not pursue the
Oumeami who struck you; I shall send him
word not to commit any more acts of hostility.
Answer.
Take heed, in firing at the Illinois, not to
strike the French whom you meet on your
path and in the neighborhood of Fort S'. Louis.
Answer.
They shall not be taken from you who are
my mediators ; and when the Senecas will
have commenced to give me satisfaction, they
shall be restored to them as well as to the
other Nations.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : 11. 239
15* and last Word. Answer of Onontio.
Prevent the Christians of the Saut and of It is not my children of the Saut nor of the
the Mountain coming any more among us to Mountain who dismember your country ; it is
seduce our people to Montreal; let them cease yourselves who dismember it by your drunk-
to dismember our Country as they do every enness and your superstitions. Besides, there
year. is full liberty to come and reside among us.
The General has added two presents to the above.
By the first he said : You see the consideration which I have for the request you have made
me. I ask you in return, if the Seneca, Cayuga, or any other commit a similar insult against
me, that you first give him some sense, and if he will not hear you, that you abandon him as
one disaffected.
By the last belt he exhorted [them to listen not to evil counsels, and told them to conduct
Tegannehout back to Seneca, and to report the above conclusions.
M. de la Barris proceedings with the Five Nations.
Memoir of M. de Labarre as to what had occurred and had been done regarding
the War against the Senecas.
Having been obliged to leave early in June, agreeably to the resolution adopted by the
Intendant, the Bishop, the heads of the country and myself, to wage war against the Senecas
for having, in cold blood, pillaged seven hundred canoes belonging to Frenchmen ; arrested
and detained the latter, to the number of fourteen, as prisoners for nine days ; and afterwards
attacked Fort Saint Louis of the Illinois, where Chevalier de Baugy gallantly defended
himself; and having also resolved, at tlie same time, to seize Teganeout, one of their chiefs, and
his twelve companions who had come to ratify the peace made last year, and had left their
country before they heard of this attack; a circumstance that would have obliged me not to
treat them ill, but merely to secure their persons ; we considered three things proper and
necessary to be done : First, to endeavor to divide the Iroquois among themselves, and for this
purpose to send some persons expressly to communicate my sentiments to the Reverend Jesuit
Fathers, who are Missionaries there, and to request them to act; secondly, to send to the
Outaouacs to engage our French to come to my assistance by the South, by Lake Erie, and to
bring as many as they could of the savages, our allies; and thirdly, to advise Colonel Dongnn,
Governor of New York, of what we were obliged to do, whilst at the same time I should tiirow
a considerable reinforcement of men into Fort Frontenac to secure it. Being arrived at
Montreal the tenth of the said month, we sent for M'' DoUier, Superior of the Seminary of
said town and of the Indian Mission at the Mountain, and the Reverend Father Brias,
Superior of the Mission of the Sault Saint Louis, who, after having concurred with us,
furnished seven Christian Iroquois, friendly to the French and pretty shrewd, two of whom
we sent with some Belts of Wampum to the Mohawks, and two to the Oueidas, to say to
them that we were resolved to observe peace made with them — that we were very
240 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
willing to live there as with friends — and that we requested them not to interfere in the war
we were about to wage against the Senecas, who had cruelly insulted us in the instance of
the Frenchmen whom they had plundered and seized, and of Fort Saint Louis which they
had attacked since, and in violation of the peace made last year at Montreal ; we sent the
three others to Onontague to explain the same things, and finally I dispatched Sieurs Guillet
and Hebert to the Outaouacs to advise Sieurs Ladurantaye and Dulhut of my design and
of the need I had of their assistance, and sent my orders to the Reverend Father Enjalran,
Superior of said Missions, to operate there and to send instructions to different quarters
according to his usual zeal and capacity, whilst I dispatched Sieur Bourbon to Orange or
Manatte to notify Colonel Dongau of the insult the French had received from the Senecas,
which obliged me to inarch against him, whereof I gave him notice, assuring him that if he
wished to revenge the twenty-six Englishmen of Meriiande, whom they had killed last winter,
I would promise him to unite my forces to his, that he may obtain satisfaction for it or
avenge them.
On the twentieth of the same month I dispatched Sieur Dutast, first Captain of the King's
troops, with five or six picked soldiers and six mechanics, carpenters and masons, with
provisions and munitions of war, to throw themselves into Fort Frontenac, and put it, in all
haste, beyond insult; after which, having caused all to embark at la Chine, I proceeded from
Montreal, on Saint John's day, to return to Quebec, where I had requested the Intendant to
make out the detachment of Militia which could follow me to the war, without inconvenience
to the country. I arrived there on the twenty-sixth, having used great diligence on the route,
and found the people ordered and some canoes purchased, but as they were not sufficient
for the embarcation of all, we caused fifteen flat (bottomed) pine bateaux, each capable of
conveying fourteen or fifteen men, to be constructed in a hurry.
I divided all my small force into three divisions; placed myself at the head of the first,
or vanguard, which I commanded. I left the management of the second to M'. D'orvilliers,
ancient Captain of Infantry; the third, composed of troops from the Island of Montreal and
environs, was commanded by Sieur Dugue, ancient Captain of Carignan. Sieur D'orvilliers
bad been, since the fore part of Spring, reconnoitring Lake Ontario and the Seneca Country,
to see where the descent should be made, and in what direction we should march to their two
principal villages, of which he had made a faithful and exact plan. I selected Sieur de
Villebon-Beccancourt,' formerly Captain of the King's Dragoons, as Major of the Brigade I
commanded, so that, acting in my place, as I was obliged to have an eye to all, I could confide
in him ; he succeeded therein with all possible diligence and experience. I left Quebec the
ninth of July, at the head of Three hundred militiamen, accompanied by the said Sieur de
' Chevalier de Villkbon was son of the Baron de Bekaneourt. After this expedition he returned to France, and was sent
iu 1690 to Port Royal and proceeded thence to the River St. John, where his vessel was captured whilst he was absent up the
river. He went to Quebec, whence he repaired again to France, and, in consequence of his representations at Court, came out
in the following year with a commission of Governor of Acadia, with which he arrived at Quebec in the beginning of July,
1691, where he was detained until September, and did not reach Port Royal until 26th November following. After taking
possession of that place, he removed to the River St. John. In 1692, Governor Pliipps sent three armed vessels and 400
men to seize hira, but the attempt failed In 1696, he assisted at the reduction of Fort Pemaquid by Iberville, and, on his
return to Fort Naxoat, on the River St. John, with his Indians, was taken prisoner by the English, but was i-eleased shortly
after; be then proceeded to his fort, where the English, under Colonel Hawthorn, followed and attacked him on the 18th
of October; but his defence was so gallant as to oblige the enemy to retire. He continued on the River St. John until 1700,
in the month of July of which year he died. Charlevoix. — Ep.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 241
Villebon, and arrived at Montreal the sixteenth, where I was joined by Sieur D'orvilHers on
the twenty-first, who brought me, in addition to Two hundred and fifty militia, some bateaux
to embark the King's troops. Thus, after having issued every possible order for the conveyance
of provisions, in which 1 had much difficulty in consequence of the scarcity of canoes and of
experienced persons to conduct them in the portages of the rapids, I detached Sieur de Villebon
to lead the van with my brigade and the two Companies of King's troops, and ordered tiieni to
pass the first and second portages, where I should join them, so that on the thirtieth I passed
their encampment, beyond the said second portage, and we proceeded next day, both brigades
together, Sieur D'orvilHers bringing up the rear with the third, one day behind us. On the
first of August, being in Lake St. Francis with about two hundred canoes and our fifteen bateaux,
I was joined by the Reverend Father Lamberville, Junior, coming on behalf of his brother,
from Onontague, and by the Reverend Father Millet from Oneida. By the annexed letters
from Onontague you will learn that these people, having been joined by the Oneidas and
Cayugas, had obliged the Senecas to appoint them mediators as to the reparation they should
agree to make me for the insult which had unfortunately been committed against the French
in the month of March, and prayed me to send M". le Moine to them, with whom they could
terminate this aWan. This obliged me immediately to dispatch a canoe to Fort Frontenac in
all haste, to send me from there the new bark I had built in the winter, in order to freight her
with the provisions I brought, and to send the Canoes in which they were loaded to fetch others
from la Chine.
On the second we arrived at the Portage of the Long Sault, which I found very difficult,
notwithstanding the care I had taken to send fifty men ahead, to cut the trees on the bank
of the river which prevented those passing who were to drag the Canoes and bateaux ;
because the stream being voluminous and the bank precipitous, the people were beyond their
depth the moment they abandoned the shore, and were not strong enough to draw said
bateaux; this necessitated 7ny sojourn at that place, where, having been joined by the
Christian Iroquois of the Sault and of Montreal, they undertook, for a few presents of
Brandy and Tobacco, to pass the said bateaux and the largest Canoes, which they fortunately
accomplished in two days without any accident.
On the morning of the fifth, 1 found the new bark arrived at La Galette where I had all
the provisions discharged from the canoes before eight o'clock in the morning; and these
dispatched at the same, on their return, to la Chine to be reloaded. The strong winds from
the South West, which constantly prevailed all this time, and obstinately continued during
the remainder of the month, were the cause of the great diligence that the bark had made,
and likewise delayed our march so much that I could not arrive at the Fort with my
canoe alone until the ninth. I was joined there by Father de Lamberville, whom I
dispatched next day to his brother at Onontague, whom 1 instructed to assure that Nation
that I had so much respect for their request and for that of the other two, that 1 should
prefer their mediation to war, provided they procured me reasonable satisfaction. Three
things obliged me to adopt this resolution : the first, because it appeared by letters I had
received from Colonel Dongan, in answer to the message by the man named Bourbon, that he
was very far from the good understanding of which his Majesty had assured me ; but much
disposed to interfere as our enemy in this matter. The second, because I had few provisions,
and I did not see that any effort was made to forward flour to me with any diligence from
Montreal ; and the third, because the wind prevailed so strong from the South west that my
Vol. IX. 31
242 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
bark did not return from La Galette, and I could not dispatch another to Lake Ontario to
notify the army of the South, wliich was to arrive forthwith from Niagara, of my arrival at
Fort Frontenac with that of the North. I afterwards reviewed all our troops, as annexed,'
and Sieur le Moine having overtaken me on the same day with the remainder of the Christian
Iroquois who had not previously arrived, I dispatched them on the sixteenth to Onontague,
and placed in his hands Tegancourt, the Ambassador from the Senecas, whom I had arrested
at Quebec. Seeing the wind always contrary, 1 sent, on the preceding day, eight of the
largest Canoes that I had, to the bark at La Galette, to bring me ten thousand weight of flour,
bread beginning to fail, which caused me a good deal of uneasiness, and created considerable
murmurs among the troops and the militia.
Finally, on the twenty-first, my canoes arrived with what I sent them for. I set to work
immediately, with all possible diligence, to have bread and biscuit baked; and sent off
forthwith the King's troops, D'orvilliers' and Dugue's two brigades, and two hundred
Christian Savages to encamp at La Famine, a post favorable for fishing and hunting, and four
leagues from the river of Onontague, so as to be nearer the enemy, and able to refresh our
troops by fishing and the chase, as we were short of provisions, intending to join them
myself with about three hundred Frenchmen, whom I had remaining.
On the twenty-fifth, the Canoes 1 had detached from La Galette to Montreal arrived, but in
far less number than I had looked for, and b*-ought me only eight or nine thousand weight
of flour, instead of twenty thousand, I expected, and which I left ready for loading when
I departed. I caused bread and biscuit to be immediately made for the support of our
troops, who were at the aforesaid place called La Famine. On the twenty-seventh, at four
o'clock in the afternoon, a canoe of i\K Lemoine's children arrived from Onontague with
Tegancourt, who reported to me that the Onontagues had received orders from Colonel Dongan,
which he sent by one Arnaud, forbidding them to enter into any treaty with me without his
express permission, considering them the Duke of York's subjects, and that he had caused the
Arms of the said Duke to be raised three days before in their village; that the Council had
been convened at the said place of Onontague, to which Sieur Lemoine had been invited,
and the matter having been debated, these Savages got into a furious rage, with some
danger to the English delegate; said they were free, and that God, who had created the
Earth, had granted them their country without subjecting them to any person, and requested
Father Lamberville the elder to write to Colonel Dongan the annexed letter; and, the said
Sieur Lemoine having well sustained the French interests, they unanimously resolved to start
in two days to conclude affairs with me at La Famine. On the receipt of this news I
immediately called out my canoes in order to depart, and was accompanied by a dozen of
others, having caused six of the largest to be loaded with bread and biscuit for the army.
After having been buffeted by bad weather and high winds, we arrived in two days at La
Famine. I found there tertian and double tertian fever, which broke out among our people, so
that more than one hundred and fifty men were attacked by it ; I had also left some sick
at the Fort, which caused me to dispatch, on arriving, a Christian Savage to Onontague to
M'. Lemoine, to request him to cause the instant departure of those who were to come to
meet me. This he accomplished with so much diligence, though he and his children were sick,
that he arrived on the third of September with fourteen Deputies; nine from Onontague, three
from Oneida, and two Cayugas, who paid me their respects, and I entertained them in the
' For this paper see p. 2S4
PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 248
best manner I was able, postponing the talk about business until tlie morrow morning, when
matters were fully discussed and peace concluded after six hours' deliberation, three in the
morning and as many after dinner; Father Brias speaking for us, and Hotrehouati' and
Garagonkier forthe Iroquois; Tegancout, the Seneca, was present, the other Senecas not daring
to come in order not to displease Colonel Dongan, who sent to promise them a reinforcement of
four hundred horse and four hundred foot, if we attacked them. The treaty was concluded in
the evening on the conditions annexed,^ and I promised to decamp the next day and witiulraw
my troops from their vicinity; which indeed I was obliged to do by the number of sick, that
had augmented to such a degree that it was with difficulty I found enough of persons in
health to remove the sick on board the canoes; also by the scarcity of provisions, as there
was no more than the trifle of bread I had brought tiiem. I allov^^ed the Onontagues to light
the Council fire at this place without extinguishing that at Montreal, in order to be entitled to
take possession of it by their consent when the King should desire it, and thereby exclude the
English and Colonel Dongan from their pretensions.
On leaving the Fort, I had ordered one of the barks to go to Niagara to notify the army of
the South to return by Lake Erie to Missilimakinack ; she had a favorable passage; found
it had arrived, only six hours previously, to the number of seven hundred men, viz., one hundred
and fifty French, and the remainder Indians. I departed on the sixth, having had all
the sick of my troops embarked before day (so as not to be seen by the Indians) to the
number of one hundred and fifty Canoes, and twelve flat bateaux, and arrived in the evening
of the same day at Fort Frontenac, where I found one hundred and ten men, of the number I
had left there, already departed, all sick, for Montreal. Having given the necessary orders
as to the number of soldiers to be left there for the security of that post, until the arrival
from France of Sieur de Laforest, its Major, I started, about nine or ten o'clock in the
morning, on my return. Shortly after my departure, the bark arrived from Niagara with
some French oflScers of the army, who brought me news from it at night, and assured me
that the chiefs of all the savages had accompanied them to the Fort, desirous to see me,
and would visit me at Montreal, where I was to wait for them. The Reverend Father de
Lamberville, the elder, came likewise with these Gentlemen on account of some difficulties
he was very glad to arrange for Onontague, whither he returned.
We worked some hours together; I then sent him back to the Fort with some of the
arrived French ; the others being desirous to leave and come down again into the Country.
After having waited some time for Mess", du Tast and de Cahouet, to whom I gave one
of my canoes and two of my guards, well acquainted with the navigation, to pilot their
bateaux and troops in safety through the rapids, I resumed my journey down the river.
I likewise took on board one of my canoes the Sieur Le Moine, whose fever had seriously
augmented, and who had served the King in this affair with so much zeal and affection, aided
by the intimate knowledge he had of the Iroquois language, that it may be said the entire
Colony owe him a debt of eternal gratitude.
Finally, in my return of three days, I accomplished what cost us thirteen in ascending, and
found in the stores at Montreal and la Chine, forty-five thousand weight of flour, which, had
we received it, would have enabled us to have made a longer sojourn in the Upper country.
Done at Quebec the 1*' day of October, 16S4.
Le Febure de la barre.
'Outr^ouati, otherwise called Grande Gaeule (Big Mouth). Belmont. This is La Hontaa'a famous Orator, Orangula, whosa
name he manufactures by merely Latinizing the French. — Ed.
» See p. 236.
244 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Abstract of the preceding Memoir of M. de la Barre. \st October^ 1684.
[ Omitted, the Memoir being already printed in full. ]
M. de la Barre to M. de Seignelay.
My Lord,
I address, you these lines in advance, deferring an account of all my conduct, the receipt
of his Majesty's orders, and the answer to those you were pleased to honor me with, until the
return of the ships by which I shall take leave to send you the Captain of my guards to report
to you, verbally, what, in writing, would be too long, and to enable me to reply to all the
impostures by which it is sought to blacken me in his Majesty's and your estimation. I
write now to inform you that our war has not been bloody, and that I concluded with the
Senecas a peace, which apparently will be of some durability, and as honorable as possibly
can be with Savages.
That Colonel Dongan, Governor of New York, has forgotten the orders he had received
from the King, his Master, and has pushed matters against us to such an extremity, that the
consideration of the affairs of Europe alone retained and prevented me marching against him
who fain would assume to be sovereign lord of the whole of North America, south of
(au dessous) the river Saint Lawrence, and has caused the arms of the Duke of York to be raised
in the Iroquois villages (in which they were not every where similarly respected) at a moment
when I was only six leagues distant, having traveled nearly two hundred to get there.
As 1 am arranging all the proofs of these things, to be transmitted, I refer the details to my
Captain of the guards, and content myself with informing you that the four companies of
marines have safely arrived, and in good condition; that Monsieur de la Salle's people are
departing for the Fort of the Illinois where I furnish them the aid you have ordered; and that,
until I can send you an exact answer, you may rely on a perfect obedience to all the orders
I shall receive from you, which will doubtless insure me, against the falsehoods and calumnies
retailed to you to my prejudice, a protection in favor of your most humble and most
obedient servant
(S"*) Le febure de la Barre.
Quebec, the 7"' October, 16S4.
M. de Meulles to M. de Seignelay.
My Lord,
I thought you would be somewhat impatient to learn the success and result of the war the
General had undertaken against the Iroquois, which rendered it necessary for him to call a
PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 245
part of the peoplt? of this Country together and make all necessary preparation, at his Majesty's
expense, for that expedition. The troops have been as far as a place called La Famine, thirty
leagues beyond Fort Frontenac. The army consisted of nine hundred French aud three
hundred Savages, and from the Niagara side there was an army of six hundred men, one
third of whom were French, and the remainder Outawacs and Hurons, amounting in all to
eighteen hundred men.
What Indians there were, evinced the best disposition to fight the Iroquois to the death.
Sieur de la Durantaye, who brought the last six hundred men from INlissiiimakinak, has
informed us that he learned from a Miami Chief that more than a thousand Illinois were
coming to our aid, on learning that we were about to fight the Iroquois; to such a degree are
they their irreconcilable foes. Certainly, never was there remarked a better disposition
to fight and conquer them, and purge the country of that nation which will be eternally our
enemy. All the French breathed nothing but war, and, though they saw themselves obliged to
abandon their families, they consoled tiiemselves with the hope of liberating themselves by
one victory from a Nation so odious as the Iroquois, at whose hands they constantly dread
ambushes and destruction. But the General did not think proper to push matters any further,
and, without any necessity, sent Sieur Leraoyne to the said Iroquois to treat of peace at a
time when every one was in good health, and when all necessary provision was made of food,
&c., to dare every enterprize; and finally, after various comings and goings on one side and
the other, the General concluded peace, such as you will see by the articles I take the liberty
to send you, as written by the hand of his Secretary.
This peace. My Lord, has astonished all the officers who had any command in that army,
and all who composed it, who have testified so deep a displeasure and so sovereign a
contempt for the General's person that they could not prevent themselves evincing it to him.
I assure you. My Lord, that had I strayed ever so little from my duty, and not exhibited
exteriorly, since his return, the respect I owe his character, the whole world would have risen
against him, and would have been guilty of some excess.
The said General excuses himself because of the sick, and even says that the troops lacked
food; to which I feel obliged to answer, being certain that he seeks every pretext and has
recourse to every expedient to exculpate himself and perhaps to put the blame on me.
'Tis certain that there was a great number of sick among the Militia he took with
him to Fort Frontenac, who were in perfect good health on arriving there ; but having
encamped for a fortnight in Prairies between the woods and a pond, it is not surprising that
some fell sick. Again, he made them stay at La Famine in places that were never iniiabited,
entirely surrounded by swamps, which aggravated the sickness in his army; and had
he remained there longer, he would not have saved a man. This has caused all to remark
that he did not care; that he had not the least desire to make war; that he made no use of
these long sojourns, except to employ them in his negotiations. Had he seriously wished
to attack the said Iroquois, he would not have wasted ten or twelve days at Montreal,
fourteen or fifteen at Fort Frontenac, and as many at La Famine; he would have remained
merely a day or two, and have used the greatest dispatch possible to fight the Iroquois, and not
uselessly consumed all his provisions; he would have, indubitably, surprised the said Iroquois,
who were not expecting this attack, especially as the greater number of their young men had
been at war in the beginning of the spring.
He says he lacked provisions ; though that were true, he would be the cause and could not
but accuse himself of imprudence, as I had supplied him, generally, with whatever he required
246 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
of me, of which the whole Country is a witness ; and with a little precaution, or, rather good
faith, he would liave had everything in abundance. He had determined not to leave until the
15"" of August ; he departed on the 15"" July. That did not prevent me furnishing all
he required of me ; such as bateaux, canoes, arms, ammunition, and all the provisions he
desired. This is so true, that there yet remained at the end of the Island of Montreal, at a
place called la Chine, thirty-five thousand weight of flour and five of biscuit, which he found
on his return, and which he had requested me to retain for him at Montreal. Had he not
halted, and had he been disposed to push into the Iroquois Country, the first convoy of
provisions which accompanied him had sufficed; for the greater number of the Militia,
unwilling to wait for the King's supplies, had laid in their own private stock, the most part of
which they brought back with them, as all the Captains in command will certify. This
convoy consisted of eighteen canoes full of biscuit, pork, brandy, and, apparently, other things
which I do not precisely know, having been loaded at Montreal whilst I was at Quebec, where
I was issuing orders for the provisions that the General had demanded of me, and for saving
the harvest of those who had gone on the expedition.
If it had been the General's design to make war, he should not have caused the cargoes of
the eighteen canoes I have mentioned to be put into barks thirty leagues from Montreal,
above the Rapids, instead of letting the voyage be continued by the canoe men who were paid
to go Fort Frontenac, and who had already accomplished the roughest part of the road, and
who, without a doubt, would have arrived in three days at the Fort. This was represented
to him by all the officers, who stated to him that the barks required wind, which, being
contrary, would keep them more than three weeks from arriving, which turned out to be true.
Notwithstanding all these reasons, he absolutely insisted that all the said provisions should be
put in the barks. Some have assured me that the canoes of said convoy were partly laden
with merchandise, and, not being very desirous to let the circumstance be known, that he
had caused the barks to precede the canoes, to put the goods secretly into them, and keep the
knowledge of the fact from every body. In this way he made use of these canoes to convey
that merchandise to the Fort at the King's expense, which has always been his practice for two
years, ever pretending certain necessity to transport munitions of war, and making use, by
this means, of these conveyances for which the King is made to pay under pretext of keeping
the Fort in good order. It is impossible to conceive the quantity of Brandy that he has caused
to be conveyed thither during eighteen months, whereof I have had most positive information,
and of which I had the honor to advise you in my last.
Others supposed that he had the said provisions put on board those barks in order to obtain
time, and, by this address, to negotiate a peace with the Iroquois, as he had sent Sieur
Lemoyne to them, who is a very brave man, and who was in despair at all this negotiation,
stating openly that they ought to be whipt. All the delays at Montreal, the Fort, and at La
Famine, caused the useless consumption of a portion of the supplies, which however did not
fail, other convoys having been received from time to time; but they were always wasted,
without anything having been done.
After the said General had determined in his own mind on this war, he sent the man named
Bourbon, an inhabitant of this country, to Colonel Dongan to advise him that he was
obliged to wage war against the Iroquois, requesting him not to afford them any aid; which
he confided to me eigiit days after the departure of the said Bourbon. This obliged me to
tell him that I was astonislied that lie should have tims proceeded ; that the Iroquois having
PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 247
insulted us, and did I intend to fight with and destroy them, I should not have deemed it proper
to inform neighbors tliereof who have an interest in our destruction, as he afforded thereby an
opportunity to Colonel Dongan, who is an Englishman, and consequently our born enemy, to
give underhand information of our designs to the Iroquois, and convey secretly to them all
that may be necessary for their defence against us. I asked him if lie did not perceive that
the English would never desire our advantage, and that they would contribute all in their
power to destroy us, though at peace as regards France; that they would always be jealous
of the Fur trade prosecuted by us in this country, which would make them protect the
Iroquois always against us.
This Bourbon negotiation gave Colonel Dongan occasion to use some rhodomontade, as the
General has informed me ; and assuredly it was that obliged him, having this information,
to send an Englishman, who was in the habit of negotiating with the said Indians, to raise the
Duke of York's arms among the Onnontagues, which is an Iroquois village, wishing by that
act to take the first poss,ession of the country. We have not heard talk of any other
movement on the English side, and it is even certain that they will never cause us any
apprehension in that quarter, and that they could not prevent us achieving that conquest
this year, had the General been willing to fight.
You can hardly believe, My Lord, that the General has alone undertaken the war without
having consulted any person, neither officers of the army, nor gentlemen, nor the people of the
country who are the most interested, nor any individual whomsoever, except Sieur de
la Chesnaye, with whom he acts in concert for the entire destruction and ruin of the
country. He has again made peace in this manner without any communication with any of
the officers or others of those who were near his person. What seemed a wonder in the
country is that one individual, a subject of his Majesty like others, should of his own will make
war and peace, without having consulted, or demanded the opinion of any person. His Majesty
never acted thus. He has his Council of War, and when he is about to commence hostilities
he demands advice of his Council, communicating to them the reasons which he may have to
do so, and even causes the publication of manifests throughout the Kingdom, wishing
to lay before his people the justice of his undertakings. But the General has treated
of peace like a sovereign with the said Iroquois, having employed none of those who were
nigh him, and who were acquainted with the Iroquois tongue, except as Interpreters. He
dared not consult the officers, being certain that they would all have concluded on war,
and but little was necessary to make them select a Chief from among themselves to attack
the enemy.
The said general proceeds at the head of a small force to make war against the Iroquois,
and far from doing that, he grants them all they ask. His principal design was to attack the
Senecas, who instead of showing him any civility, did not even condescend to come and
meet him, and gave an insolent answer to those who proposed it to them — if people had
any thing to say to them, let them take the trouble to come and see them. There came
altogether on this embassy only a certain sycophant who seeks merely a good dinner, and a
real buffoon, called among the French la Grande Gueule, accompanied by eight or ten miserable
fellows, who fooled the General in a most shameful manner, as you will perceive by the
articles of peace I have the honor to send you, and which I doubt not he also will send you.
They will assuredly excite your pity. You will see he abandons the Illinois, among whom
M. de La Salle is about to establish himself, and who are the occasion of this war, inasmuch as
248 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
the Iroquois went to attack them even in Fort Saint Louis, which Sieur de la Salle had
erected among them, and of which the General took possession, having ousted and driven
away those whom Sieur de La Salle had left in command there, and sent hither de Baugy,
his lieutenant of the guards, who is still there.
When he concluded this peace he already had his Majesty's letter eight days in his
possession, but so far from conforming to its intentions, he consents to the slaughter of the
Illinois, who are our allies, and among whom His Majesty designed to plant a new Colony or
some powerful establishment under M. de la Salle's direction.
I consider it also my duty to inform your Lordship that the General left La Famine the
moment peace was concluded, without taking the least care of the troops, abandoning them
altogether to their own guidance, forbidding them on pain of death to leave the place until
a long time after him, fearing to be surprised by the Iroquois, and having (so to say) lost his
wits, caring little what became of the army. Certain it is that he went up to the Fort without
taking information about any thing, and returned in the same manner.
The worst of this affair is the loss of the trade, which I find inevitable, because the Outawas
and other Savages who came to our aid, will hereafter entertain no respect for us, and will
regard us as a people without courage and without resolution.
I doubt not, my Lord, but the General sends you a letter which he received from Father
Lamberville, the Jesuit, who is a Missionary in an Iroquois village at Onnontague, whence
those Ambassadors came with whom peace was negotiated. The Father, who had learned the
General's intentions from Sieur Le Moyne, has been wise and sufficiently discreet, anticipating
his design, to write to him in accordance with his views, and to ingeniously solicit that which
must flatter and highly please him. But one thing is certain, that all the Jesuits at Quebec, and
particularly Father Bechefer, have openly stated there for six weeks that the Country was
destroyed if peace were concluded; which is so true that, having communicated to him the two
letters I wrote to the General, he highly approved of them and advised me to send them to the
Fort. I shall take leave to send you copies of them, requesting you, most humbly, to be
persuaded that I speak to you without passion, and that I state nothing to you but what is most
true and reliable, and this only because I feel obliged to let you know the truth as regards all
things, without which you will never have the least confidence in me.
I should wish. My Lord, to avoid explaining myself in this manner, fearing you might infer
that the General and I were greatly disunited, which is quite contrary to the manner in
which we live together; since it is certain that we never had, personally, the least difference,
wishing in that to conform myself to your desires and his Majesty's orders, aware that it is the
most assured means that I can take to be agreeable to you. This is the sole ambition I have
in the world, and to prove to you that no person can be, with more profound respect and
greater devotedness than I,
My Lord,
Your most humble and
most ob: Servant.
This, My Lord, is only incidentally. I defer informing you of what has occurred in this
Country during this year, until the departure of the vessels.
Quebec, the 10'" 8"", 18G4. De meulles.
PARIS DOC QMENTS: II. 249
M. lie Callieres to M. de Seignelay.
My Lord,
My first duty on arriving in this government, vfhich I derive from you, is to tender you my
most humble thanks for it. Please, My Lord, to permit that I make satisfaction therein by
this letter, since I was not sufficiently fortunate to be able to do so viva voce before my
departure from France, which occurred whilst you were so gloriously occupied in the King's
service before Genoa.
I have been perfectly well received here. My Lord, under your auspices, and with great
demonstration of joy by all the inhabitants, particularly by the gentlemen of the Seminary,
and by M. Dollier, their Superior, who is a man of great merit and exemplary virtue, as are
all the other Clergy of that Seminary, with whom I hope to live in perfect union, and to
satisfy all the inhabitants of the Island by causing the King's orders to he punctually executed.
\ found the troubles of Canada appeased by the arrangement which M. de la Barre entered
into with the Onnontagues, who form a part of the Iroquois, on their promise to oblige the
Senecas (another tribe, the principal and bravest of the Iroquois nation) to repair the damage
they had done the French by the pillage of seven canoes, freighted with merchandise. But
as the said Senecas have not been a party to this treaty, and the Onnontagues have declared
to M. de la Barre that the entire Iroquois nation reserved unto itself the power of waging war
against the Illinois as long as a single one of them would remain on earth ; and inasmuch as
the Illinois are under his Majesty's dominion since M. de la Salle's discovery and the
construction of Fort Saint Louis, which he built in their country ; the most intelligent in these
parts believe this peace between us and the Iroquois uncertain, until they be obliged to leave
the Illinois undisturbed.
It is reported here that these Iroquois have already departed to attack the Illinois, and to
endeavor to exterminate them before the arrival of M. de la Salle, who, they learned, was on
his way to their relief by the Grand River. It would be a serious loss to us should they
succeed in this design, as the best allies we have among the Indians are the Illinois, who, on
hearing of the war between us and the Iroquois, were coming to our aid with a thousand
picked Warriors, the bravest that they had. Mons'. de Tonty, who commanded them in M.
de la Salle's absence, having returned to this country by M. de la Barre's orders, had started
on his way to Fort Saint Louis, but the ice forced him to come back and wait until the spring.
In addition to this bad disposition of the Iroquois, we have further to apprehend that it is
fomented by the English, who evince a willingness to protect them as if dependants on
their Colonies. Nevertheless, it is not to be doubted that they have always been subject to
France since the first discoveries made by Sieur de Champlain and other French Captains,
who took possession thereof in the name of our Kings, which has never been disturbed or
contested up to this time by the English.
These considerations. My Lord, oblige us to be on the alert, and cause me to take the liberty
of representing to you that, in case of war, it will be necessary to give some one in the country
a commission to command the troops and militia here, under the orders of the Governor
General, who cannot be every where in so vast an extent of country as that of New France ; and
that, finding myself here on the frontiers of the French Colonies bordering on the Iroquois,
and of the English of New England and New York, who are the only enemies to be feared, I
consider it my duty to offer you my most humble services on this occasion, and to request you
Vol. IX. 32
250 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
to employ me in this War,^by doing me the honor of granting me some title to command
the troops and militia, under the Governor General's orders, beyond the limits of my
government, as the Major wU\ suffice for the guard of the Island vt^hilst we shall be in the
field ; beseeching you to believe that I shall endeavor to give you a good account of this War,
and of what shall be intrusted to me. The services I have rendered for 20 years, without
intermission, in his Majesty's glorious campaigns, entitle me to some experience in war superior
to that of the officers of this country, who have not been employed for a long time.
I learn. My Lord, by a letter I received from M. de la Barre, the arrival of the
reinforcements you sent him, with some Naval Captains to command them ; but as these
gentlemen are not apparently destined to remain long in this country, their profession
qualifying them rather for sea than for land service, without mentioning the expense they
will thereby entail on his Majesty, I am not prevented hoping that you will have the
goodness to consider me on this occasion as being one of your most devoted creatures, and
one who desires nothing, with greater passion, than to signalize himself under your orders, so as
to deserve the honor you have conferred on me by selecting me. I leave to my brother to
communicate to you a fuller detail of what I write to him of the affairs of this country, and
am, with all due zeal and gratitude,
My lord,
Your most humble, most obedient
Montreal, in Canada, and most obliged Servant,
this 9"' Novemb'-, 16S4. The Chev' De Calliekes.
31. de la Barre to the King,
Memoir to the King in answer to his despatch of the lO"" April last.
***********
Your Majesty will have seen, by the despatches I have sent you by the Express bark on the
S"" June, what necessitated me to wage war against the Iroquois, and to march against them
for that purpose, to which the general clamor of all the people of this country, as well great
as small, very much contributed. Your Majesty will perceive, by the proces verbal annexed, that
I did not wish to engage in the matter except on a certainty ; and that, learning as well from
the despatches as from the Messengers of Colonel Dongan, Governor of New York, the
declaration of the English, I took advantage of my march to conclude a peace, which I think
will be of some durability ; those people being undeceived in the belief they had entertained
that the French could not reach them in the Southern countries, in consequence of the greatness
of the distance and of the vast number of portages to be passed to go there. This has caused
an expense to your Majesty which appears to me pretty considerable, but, in my opinion, it
will save a much greater for the future, and will impress on your Majesty the necessity of the
King of England sending precise orders to his Governors of New York, or of your Majesty's
authorizing the carrying the war into his territory; without this it is, at present, impossible
to reduce the Iroquois, who will have a door open for their retreat into the country occupied
by the English, and a reinforcement of their troops almost hard by them, whilst we shall be
obliged to travel 200 leagues in order to attack them. I perceived the difficulty attendant on
PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. 251
this war to be so great, especially as regards tbe transportation of supplies, arms and
munitions of war, that I do not comprehend how all the inhabitants of the country have
evinced so impatient a desire for it ; because, when once commenced by them, it cannot so
soon' be terminated, and the Iroquois cannot be reduced, except after many years, possessing,
as they do, so convenient a retreat among the English ; also, because operations cannot
be carried on except with a large body of Regulars and of Indians, and not of Militia ; and
because it is certain the Colony will be exposed to daily incursions, which will altogether
endanger the safety of the country.
As I send Sieur Doruilliers, Captain of my guards, expressly to Your Majesty to render
an account of what has happened at our pretended War expedition, and of the quality of the
Seneca Country, to which he had been purposely to reconnoitre early in the Spring, he will
also inform you of the conduct of Colonel Dongan (Governor of New- York) towards us, and of
the difference that exists between his professions and his conduct in regard to the Iroquois,
and especially the Senecas, to whom he sent an offer of 400 horses and an aid of as many
infantry, at the same time that he had the Duke of York's arms planted in their villages, and
dispatched Sieur Arnault,' his ambassador to the Onontagues, Oneidas and Cayugas, to forbid
them in express terms, as subjects of the Duke of York depending on him and his
government, from entering into any treaty or conference with me without his special orders.
This having caused a great noise among the said Savages, hastened them to conclude their
treaty with me, as Your Majesty will be able to see by my proces verbal, and the Rev. F. de
Lamberville's letter of the 29"' August last ; so that nothing more remains for me to do than
to await Your Majesty's decision how I must act with the said Colonel; whereunto you will
please send me your orders, without which I shall suffer everything, and with which I shall
be able, without much expense or risk, to have this Colonel spoken to in another language.
It remains for me to request your Majesty's orders in regard to the English, as well those
of New- York as those settled on Hudson's Bay. I fear they have attacked the French posts
last year in Nelson's gulf, and that Katisson,^ who I learn is at their head, has opposed
force and violence to the justice of their cause, of which Your Majesty shall be informed.
Whether I must oppose force to force, and venture by land against those who might have
committed some outrage against your subjects by sea, is a matter on which Your Majesty will
please furnish me with some precise and decisive orders, whereunto I shall conform my conduct
and my actions.
Quebec, the 13 Novem'', 16S4. Le Febur de la Baree.
' Arnold Coenelissen Viele, a citizen of Albany, and a well known Indian interpreter. For his serviceg in the latter
capacity, he obtained a grant of land from the Mohawks, September, 1683, a little above Schenectady. Tlie tract was called
Wachkeerhoha, and was on the north bank of the lloliawk river. — Eu.
- Radisson.
252 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Reverend Jean de Lamberville to M. de la Barre.
July lO"- 16S4.
Sir,
A general Assembly of all the Iroquois will be held here, at which it is intended to unite
against you, and to inform the Senecas that you wish to persuade the four Iroquois Nations not
to aid them in case of war. I am surprised that M. le Moyne or some other persons have
not told you that all these villages were confederated, and that one could not be attacked
without becoming embroiled with the others.
Did affairs permit, I should have much wished to tell you my thoughts on a great many things.
My brother will inform you of all when he will have the honor to see you. The Ontagues
who have been spoken to, would like much to settle matters; this is the reason my brother
goes to you, whilst I still keep them disposed to give you satisfaction, in order to avoid, if
possible, an infinitude of evils which will overtake Canada ; and as I know not whether you
desire war without listening to proposals for peace, I wish to understand whether it is not
fitter that I withdraw, if possible, rather than give occasion to the Iroquois to say that I
deceived them, by propositions for peace. The Onontagues and other nations say that it
grieves them to take up arms against you who are their neighbor, and who form almost one
country with them.
They acknowledge that the Senecas are proud and insolent on account of their great number
of warriors; but that if you desire to maintain peace by some satisfaction which they will
induce the Senecas to make you, it will be very acceptable, so as not to be obliged to come to
extremities that will be very disastrous. If war occur. Sir, all those who have houses apart
from fortified places must at once abandon their dwellings, for the grain and the houses
will be burned, and otherwise many will be brought away prisoners to be cruelly tortured
and insulted. I always think that peace ought to be most precious to you, and that all the
advantages that can be held out, ought to cause you to shrink from war. A delay in order to
arrange every thing more leisurely, and after having received assistance from France, would
extricate you from much embarrassment vrhich will follow from all sides. Pardon me if I
give free expression to my thoughts; you will not disapprove at least of the zeal with which
I am, with much respect and submission.
Your most humble and
Most obedient servant,
(Signed) De Lamberville.
Reverend Jean de Lamherville to M. de la Barre.
ll'hJuly, 1684.
Sir,
A troop of Senecas, on their way to buy their supplies and munitions of powder, lead and
arms, are two days [distance] froin iiere. They are expected in order to talk fully of affairs,
and to endeavor to preserve peace by inducing them to give you satisfaction. I believe, if you
PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 253
are really desirous to come to an arrangement by which an effort will be made to satisfy
you, and wherein will be prescribed the boundaries of the war and of trade, you would
have leisure to provide with less trouble and embarrassment for the security of Canada, either
by erecting Forts at La Famine or towards the Senecas under the pretext of establishing a
blacksmith or at La Galette, according as you may tiiink proper.
I do not believe that you will derive any advantage this year from the war, if you wage it ;
for not only will almost the whole of the Iroquois prosecute it in Canada, but you will not
find the Senecas in their villages, in which, they give out, they will not shut themselves up,
but conceal themselves in the grass and prepare ambuscades every where for you. On
your declaration to the Iroquois that you had no ill-will except against the Senecas, they
convoked a general Diet here at which they will conclude on a league against you, if you
will not accept the propositions of peace to which the Onontague wishes to obtain the consent
of the Seneca who has already placed in security the old grain, and constructed a retreat
in the woods for the childrae, women and old men, of which you will be ignorant.
The Warriors are to prowl every where, killing without, if possible, being killed. If their
Indian corn be cut, it will cost much blood and many men. You must also resolve to lose the
harvest of the French grain to which the Iroquois will set fire. As for the French settlements,
the Iroquois suppose that they are all abandoned, and that the people have retired within the
forts ; otherwise they would be a prey to the enemy.
It is the opinion that if you begin the war, it will be of long duration, and that to feed
those in Canada you will have to bring provisions from France. The Iroquois believes that
he will destroy the Colony in case of war, for he will never fight by rule against us, and will
not shut himself up in any fort in which he might be stormed. Thus they are under the
impression that, no person daring to come into unknown forests to pursue them, they can
neither be destroyed nor captured, having a vast hunting ground in their rear, towards
Merilande and Viginia, as well as places adjoining their villages, wholly unknown to the
French. If winter were not so cold in this Country, that would be the time to wage war, for
one can, then see all around, and the trail cannot be concealed, but every thing must be
carried — provisions, arms, powder and lead. You cannot believe. Sir, with what joy the
Senecas learned that you would, possibly, determine on war; and, on the report the savages
bring them of the preparations apparent at Kataroskouy, they say, that the French have a great
desire to be stript, roasted and eaten; and that they will see if their fiesh, which, according to
them is saltish on account of the salt the French make use of, be as good as that of their other
enemies whom they devour.
The envoy of the Governor of New-York, who is here, promises the Iroquois goods at a
considerable reduction ; 7 @ 8 lbs. of powder for a Beaver; as much lead as a man can carry
for a Beaver, and so with the rest.
Everything considered. Sir, if you will be content with a satisfaction we shall endeavor
to obtain for you from the Senecas, you will prevent great evils which must fall on Canada
in case of war ; you will divert from it famine and many misfortunes ; especially will much
confusion and great suffering be spared the French who will fall into the hands of the
Iroquois, who, as you are aware, exercise the direst and most brutal cruelties on their captives.
There is, besides, no profit in fighting with this sort of banditti, whom you assuredly will
not catch, and who will catch many of your people that will be surprised in every quarter.
The man called Hannatakta and some others of influence told me they pitied you. These
are their words ; they besought you not to force them to wage war against you ; that the five
254 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Nations would be obliged to unite against you; that the French and the Iroquois being so
near the one to the other, the war would be too disastrous to you, because, say they, our
mode of fighting, of harrassing, of living, of surprising and flying to the woods, will be the
ruin of the French, who are accustomed to fight against towns capable of defence, or against
armies who appear in the plains ; if there be misunderstanding it ought to be settled. All
the Iroquois are persuaded that before going to war you will try the ways of mildness, and
tell the Senecas to appease your anger for what they have plundered ; that if you begin by a
desire to wage war, and will not act as a father towards your children, they have already
declared beforehand that they will all unite against you.
Reverend Jean de Lamlerville to M. de la Barre.
July 13, 16S4.
My Lord,
I have the honor to write to you by Father Millet, who passes here in retiring from among
the Iroquois. They cannot be persuaded that you have determined on waging war against
them, not having demanded any satisfaction of them for the merchandise of the Frenchmen
whom the Senecas plundered. To turn away the scourge of war and the miseries which
must follow it, especially among the French, who will find themselves attacked by all
the Iroquois, if any hostile act is committed against the Senecas, I have strongly urged the
Onnontagues to give you satisfaction, according to the Instructions the Christian Iroquois,
your deputies here, had. To-morrow a great number of Senecas are expected, with several
Cayugas and the Ambassadors from the two Lower nations, to talk, about business.
The Senecas, consequent on the declaration you made to them that you would proceed to
their country, have concealed their old grain, prepared a distant retreat in the depths of the
forest for the security of their old men, their women and children, and conveyed whatever they
have of value out of their villages. The Warriors, in great number, have heard this news with
much joy ; they are determined to fight, not in their forts, for they have none, and will not shut
themselves up anywhere, but under cover behind trees and in the grass, where they will try to
do you considerable injury, if you want war. The Onnontaguez — men of business — wish
to arrange matters, especially having lost none of their men ; only some goods. Must the father
and children, they ask, cut each others' throats for a few clothes? The children must satisfy
the father, to whom they owe iionor and respect.
Further: last year I guaranteed by two belts of Wampum — one presented to the Senecas and
the other here — that if the Iroquois army should meet the French, who were towards Illinois,
and any acts of hostility follow on one side or the other, they should mutually arrange the
difficulty without it leading to any consequences; and is what we are endeavoring to persuade
the Senecas to do. Father Millet, to whom I communicated all, and who has just passed,
will tell you everything, and how apropos it would be that M. Le Moine should come here to
fetch those chiefs and warriors under the pass you will give them through him. He
can come here in all surety and without any fear, and conduct them to your rendezvous near
Seneca or to the Fort, in order to settle matters in a friendly manner.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 255
Tlie Iroquois say, they will not commit any act of hostility against you, unless 3'ou commence
either by attacking the Senecas or by refusing to accept all satisfaction , for, they remark, it
is painful to come to blows with their Father. They all say that their mode of warfare will be
disastrous to you, but that the respect they entertain towards you, and which we also insinuate
among them, withholds them until they are forced, they add, to wage a sorrowful war,
despite themselves, against you. They wish, first of all, they say, to avoid the reproach of
not having ||ept their word which they gave. I told the above to M. le Moine.
My brother ' expects to leave with your deputies to carry to you the result of the Iroquois
Diet, where the Onontague, who assumes to be a moderator, pretends to force the Senecas to
disavow what two of their Captains caused their warriors to do, and to quieten again your
mind; that is, they say, by some satisfaction which may afford you an honorable pretext to
pay a friendly visit to Kaniatarontagouat^ and not to appear there as an enemy.
I forgot to inform you, that the Iroquois say they have accepted the satisfaction they
received for the death of their captain, Hannhenhax, killed by the Kiskakons, and that it would
seem very strange to them that you should refuse the satisfaction they wish to induce the
Senecas to give you for the pillaged merchandise which, in their estimation, is next to nothing
compared with that important [council] fire in your children's cabin. I pray God that He
conduct matters for His glory and the country's good, and that He preserve you as long as is
the wish, My Lord, of
Your very humble and most obedient
Servant,
J. De Lamberville.
Reverend Jean de Lamljerville to M. de la Barre.
IS"- July, 16S4.
Sir,
The Council convoked atOnnontague was, at length, held on the IG"" and 17"" of July. You
will see by the Memoir I inclose in this letter what you said to the Onontagues and what
they reply by three Belts. Since you spoke, or I have made you speak, to the Senecas
assembled here in a body, Chiefs and Warriors, and their answer, we have spoken to them by
three Belts, and they have answered you by nine.
These are twelve Belts which your ambassadors take to you. I know not if you will
accept the trifling pains we have taken to cause satisfaction to be given you, and to extricate
you from the fatigues, the embarrassments and consequences of a disastrous war, and procure
at the same time freedom of trade; for the Senecas informed me at night, by express, that
they would give you more satisfaction than you expected, because they wished, through fespect
for you, not to wage war any more against the Oumiamis, if you so wish it, and even against
any other nation if you insist on it. In fine, they do not wage war save to secure a good peace.
They return without striking a blow, without shedding blood, etc.
' Eev. Jacques de Lamberyille. — Ed. ' Now Irondequoit Bay, Monroe Co., N. Y.
256 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
The Seneca Iroquois offer you more than you would have believed. The Onontagues
considered their honor 'engaged to this meeting, and have put all sorts of machinery in motion
to induce the Senecas to condescend to place their affairs in their hands.
On the first day of the Council every thing was almost despaired of, and the plenipotentiaries,
all excited, came to see me, saying they gained nothing on the Senecas, and that up to that
time they too willingly accepted war; that they rejected the presents which you and they
had made them. They sent back to me for more belts, only to combat the obs#nacy of the
Senecas ; the chiefs and warriors acted with great zeal, so that having gained the Oneidas and
Cayugas over to their side, they came to high words. Meanwhile, the Deputies succeeded
one another to sound me on the state of affairs and to learn the true cause of the withdrawal
of our Missionaries. Finally, I told them that the real cause was — that the displeasure
they perceived you felt at being disparaged by the Senecas, and in which they also participated,
had caused their withdrawal until the Senecas should satisfy you. At length the Onontagues
have persuaded these to confide in them and to place their affairs in their hands — that if
you did not accept their mediation, they would unite, according to their policy, with all
the other Iroquois against you. La Grande Gueule' and his truimvirate have assuredly
signalized themselves in this rencounter. My brother, who will inform you of every thing,
will relate matters more in detail. Meanwhile we await your orders which you will please
convey to us by M. le Moine, whom the Onontagues request you to send instantly to them at
Choueguen in all security and without the least fear.
Reverend Jean de Lamberville to M. de la JBarre.
Onnontague this 17"' August, 16S4.
My Lord,
Your people have brought my brother back here with the greatest possible diligence, having
been wind bound three days at one island. In order not to cause you any delay, which could
only produce a useless consumption of provisions by your army, they arrived here with
Sieur le Due at midnight, and having passed the rest of the night in conferring together, we
had the Chiefs and Warriors assembled at daylight, after having obtained information from
La Grand Gueule and Garakontie.
We declared our intentions in the presence of several Senecas who departed the same day
to return to their country, where they will communicate your approach. They carry one of
your belts to reassure those who are alarmed by your armament.
The Onnontaguez have dispatched some of theirs to notify the Oneida, the Mohawk and
the Cayuga to repair to Ochouegen^ to salute you and to reply to your proposals. They wish
so much to see M. Le Moine here, whom you promised them would come, that it appears that
nothing could be done had he not arrived. Also, as you advised them not to be troubled at
the sight of your barks and Gendarmes, they likewise give you notice, not to be surprised
when you will see faces painted red and black at Ochouegen.
' See note supra, p. 243. " Oswego. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 257
I gave a Cayuga some letters for you 8 or 10 days ago. I do not know if lie will have
delivered them. I helieve I advised you that Colonel Dongan had the Duke of York's
placards of protection (des sauvrgardcs) affixed to the three Upper Iroquois villages, and that
he styled himself Lord of the Iroquois. Here, a drunken man tore these proclamations down
and nothing remains but the post to which the Duke of York's escutcheon was attached.
I gave La Grande Gueule your belt underhand, and have remarked to him the things you
wish him to effect. He calls himself your best friend, and you have done well to have attached
to you this hoc, who has the strongest head and loudest voice among the Iroquois.
The overcoats {capots) and shirts which you have been so good as to send to be used orv
occasions, are a most ethcacious means to gain over, or to preserve public opinion. An
honorable peace will be more advantageous to Canada than a war very uncertain as to its
success. I am of opinion, whatever Mess" the Merchants may say, that the war would be
very prejudicial to them, and that you do them a -good turn by inducing tlie Iroquois to give
you satisfaction.
I am, with all sort of respect and submission.
My Lord,
Your most humble and most obedient servant,
J. DE Lamberville, Jesuit.
Reverend Jean de Lamberville to M. de la Barre.
Onnontague, this 28"" of August, 1684.
My Lord,
_M. le Moine's arrival has much pleased our burgomasters, who have exhibited towards him
many attentions, and have promised to terminate matters with you in the manner you desire.
The Onnontaguez have called the Deputies of each Nation together, as I have advised you.
The Cayugas came here the first, with 2 young Tionnontates to restore them to you; we
expect the Senecas, and as we were hoping that the Oneidas would arrive to-day, one
Arnaud, whom Father Bruyas is well acquainted with, came here on horseback from Mr.
Dongan to tell the Iroquois that he did not wish them to talk to you without his permission,
being complete master of their country and of their conduct towards you ; that they belonged
to the King of England and the Duke of York; that their Council fires were lighted at Albany,
and that he absolutely forbade them talking with you.
Two words which we whispered in the ears of your pensioner. La Grande Gueule,' caused
us to see at once how unreasonable, in his opinion, was so strange a proceeding as that of M.
Dongan, after having himself exhorted the Iroquois to give you satisfaction, in order to avoid a
disastrous war which would have very bad [consequences]. When M. le Moine and I will
have the honor to see you, we shall give you the particulars of these things, and how, we
being two or three days' journey from here. La Grande Gueule made use of high words against
' See note, supra, p. 243.
Vol. IX. 33
258 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
this messenger, exhorting all the warriors and chiefs not to listen to the proposals of a man
who seemed to be drunk, so opposed to all reason was what he uttered.
The said Messenger has produced three strings of Wampum. The P' and 2"'» are from the
Mohawks and the Oneidas, who have promised M^ Dongan that they would not go to meet
us ; and the 3'' was for the Onnontaguez, to exhort them to give their string of Wampum also
as assurance of the same thing. The latter have answered, by La Grande Gueule, that they
esteemed themselves too highly honored by your having granted them the embassy of M. le
Moine, and by your having placed the affairs of the peace in their hands, to commit so cowardly
'^an action and so grave a fault as that which seemed to be desired they should perpetrate.
After many disputes the Onnontagues counseled among themselves, and concluded to inquire
of M. le Moine if he would not wait the permission M. Dongan wished the Iroquois to have
from him to talk with you, and if he would not tarry, and you remain at the Lake, ten days
more, so as to learn M. Dongan's fioal will. This is a piece of Iroquois cunning, not to embroil
themselves with M. Dongan, and to follow entirely what M. Le Moine should say, whom they
well knew would not wait so long, matters having advanced to the point at which they are,
and knowing, moreover, that delay was directly contrary to your instructions. Thelfoquois
requested M. le Moine himself to communicate their opinion to the Cavalier, which he
certainly did in an excellent manner, as you will be glad to learn when he vpill give an
account of his negotiation.
He has thought proper to send you one of his canoes at once to inform you hereof, and to
assure you that as soon as the Seneca deputies shall have arrived here, he will endeavor to
to have them dispatched hence at the earliest moment to be conducted to you. If not, he will
leave with the Senecas who are here.
Tegannehout has acted his part very well and harangued strongly against Mr. Dongan's
Messenger and in favor of Onontio. Good cheer and the way you regaled him were a
strengthening medicine which has sustained his voice, when it might perhaps have failed in
any other who had not experienced proofs of your friendship such as you did him the honor
to give him. He will return with M. Lemoine.
The Cavalier says that, before returning to his Master, he wishes to speak to the Senecas
who are expected here. I caress Tegannehout somewhat, in order that he may win those of
his Nation over to his opinion, and not suffer them to yield to the solicitations of Sieur
Arnaud, to whom the Onnontaguez have given two wretched belts to tell M. Dongan that
they could not do otherwise than as he himself had urged them to do ; to wit, to settle matters
peaceably with you; and to soothe his spirit if he were dissatisfied with them for not going to
Albany whence they had returned very recently. A letter which he has given to M. le Moine
is sent you.
Whatever Sieur Arnaud may say, we have not neglected to send for the Oneida deputies
whom we expect to-morrow. Monsieur le Moine will use the greatest possible diligence to
return to you, inasmuch as his delay is not very agreeable to himself.'
I am always, My Lord,
Your most humble and most
obedient servant,
J. DE L AMBER VI LLE.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : II 259
Reverend Jean de Lamherville to M. de la JBarre.
Onnontae, this 27"' Sept., 1684.
My Lord,
I return here after having been delayed ten days in the Lake by very strong head winds. A
day before the Iroquois deputies met here, the Senecas sent belts to the 4 Iroquois villages, to
declare to them that, should you disembark in their Country,' they would attack you. Six or
seven hundred Mohegans (Loups) were preparing to go to the assistance of the Iroquois, as the
Outaoutes were aiding the French. Some Seneca scouts have been as far as Kaionhouague.i
where you have concluded the peace, to be certain of the place at which your army had
encamped. The Onnontagues were, for several days, under the impression that they had killed
me. Tegannehout's arrival in his country will have calmed the minds in communicating the
peace to them from you. No news have as yet been received from Seneca. Some say they will
shortly come here to confer on important matters. If any one come here from the Fort I shall
inform you of whatever I shall have learned.
Sieur Arnaud, M"' Dongan's deputy, has not reappeared here since my departure from
Onnontae, though he had assured me that he should return in ten days. 'Tis said that his
delay is caused by his not having found his master at Orange, and that he has gone to Manath
to inform him of the proceedings of the Onnontagues and of your arrival at Gainhouague."
I had the honor of writing to you from the Fort, whence I sent you a Wampum belt from
the Tionnontates. I have given Sieur Hannataksa the belt of Wampum and the red Calumet
in your name, and told him that you would be ever obliged to him if he would turn his arms
to the left of Fort Saint Louis,^ where the Illinois are mingled with the Oumiamis, in order to
give no cause of complaint.
Uncertain as I was regarding matters on the side of the Senecas, and fearful that they
would create confusion on arriving here, I made some presents, in your name, to some captains
who could best curb their insolence, so as to prevent the brewing of the storm.
Your man of business, I mean La Grande Gueule, is not astonished at any thing ; he is a
venal being, whom you do well to keep in pay. I assured him that you would send him the
jerkin you promised.
The Cayugas who are gone to the borders of Merilande and Virginia to fight, have sent home
some of their warriors to say that the English had killed three of their men, and that, having
taken five Englishmen alive, they had cut their throats after subjecting them to some bad
treatment, and that their little army is still in the English Country.
After having spoken to you of others, I must acquit myself of a part of my duty, by thanking
you very humbly for all the kindness you have been pleased to shower on me. I should have
wished you, in addition to the good health in which it pleased God to preserve you in the
midst of an army weakened by diseases, greater satisfaction for the trouble you have taken for
the public good. Many individuals assuredly know that, if you had not accepted what was
considered a very favorable peace since no one had been killed on either side, the Colony would
have been exposed to the mercy of the Iroquois, who would pounce, in different directions, on
defenceless settlements, the people of which they would carry off" in order to pitilessly burn
' See Note 1, HI., 431. — Ed. ■ Penria, 111.
260 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
them. I pray God, who knows the sincerity of your intentions, to be your reward and to heap
His blessings on you to the extent of the wishes of him who is entirely,
My Lord,
Your most humble and most obedient
Servant,
J. DE LaMBERVILLE.
I told Colin that you would remember him and his comrade.
The Tionnontates have sent to thank the Onnontaguez for having, by their obliging
disposition, gained you over to treat for peace, and thus preserved the lives of many, and [to
say] that they were attached to Onnonthio. Sieur de la Grande [Gueule] has pronounced your
panegyric here, and professes to keep the promise he made you, to cause the articles of peace to
be observed. Some furs are to be collected this fall. He is treating on this subject with
Hanagoge and Garakontie. There is no news yet from the Senecas.
Reverend Jean de Lamberville to M. de la Barre.
Onnontague, this Q"- OctoV, 1684.
My Lord,
Your sending three canoemen here, from Montreal, shows you to be in reality a man of your
word. Sieur de la Grande Gueule has been informed by an express, who is gone to find him at
his fishery, eight leagues from here, that you have written. I shall cause him, when he returns,
particularly to recollect his promise to you, to have satisfaction given you. I have spoken, in
his absence, both privately and publicly, to influential persons, and obtained promises from the
chiefs and warriors that they would send two strings of wampum to the Senecas, in three days,
to remind them of the word which the leader of those who pillaged the French canoes
had himself brought here from those of his own nation, that they had accepted all you had
concluded at La Famine. I told them what you had concluded and had ordered me to acquaint
them with. The report about the thousand Illinois is a mere rumor, without any foundation,
and M. du Lut told me at Katarokoui that he did not believe the truth of this news; besides,
there was not any apprehension that they had dared to undertake anything, having met
neither Frenchmen nor Outaouas ; all of whom could make a demonstration of more fuziieers
than they.
A party of 40 warriors will leave here in six days to attack the Illinois whom they may find
among the Chaouennons. I have presented the Captain a shirt in your name, to exhort the
Senecas, through whom he will pass, to keep their word with you. He has assured me that
he will not lead his troops towards the quarter you forbade him. I notified him, as well as
the others, that you had dispatched a canoe to inform the Oumiamis and the Maskeutens that
you had included them in the peace, and that they could remain secure at the place where
they had been before they were at war with the Iroquois. The Senecas shall be equally
notified of this in a few days. You may rest assured. My Lord, that I shall spare no pains to
have that satisfaction given you which you expect from the Iroquois. The Frenchmen who
PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 261
came here told me that, whilst you were at La Famine, a false alarm that the Iroquois were
coming, had reached Montreal, where there was nothing but horror, and flight and weeping.
What would so many poor people have done in their settlements, if merely six hundred
Iroquois had made an irruption into the country in its present condition? You form a
better opinion than one hundred manufacturers of rhodomontades who are unacquainted
with the Iroquois, and reflect not that the country, such as it is, is not in a condition to defend
itself. Had I the honor to converse with you somewhat longer than your little leisure allowed
me, I should have convinced you that you could not have advanced to Kaniatorontogouat^
without having been utterly defeated in the then state of your army, which was rather an
hospital than a camp. To attack people within their intrenchments and to fight banditti in the
bush, required one thousand men more than you had. Then you could accomplish nothing
without having a number of disciplined savages. I gave you already my thoughts, and I
believe I told you the truth, and that you deserved the title of "Liberator of the Country," by
making peace at a conjuncture when you might have beheld the ruin of the Colony without being
able to prevent it. The Senecas had double palisades, stronger than the pickets of the Fort,
and the former could not have been forced without great loss. Their plan was to keep only
300 men inside, and with 1,200 others perpetually to harrass you. All the Iroquois were to
collect together and fire only at the legs of your people, to master them and to burn them at
their leisure ; and, after having decimated them by a hundred ambuscades among the foliage and
grass, pursue you in your retreat even to Montreal, to spread desolation throughout its vicinity
also; and they had prepared for that purpose a quantity of canoes of eighteen men each,
which they kept concealed. But let us all speak of this war to thank God that He hath
preserved our Governor in the midst of so much sickness, and hath had compassion on
Canada, from which he hath averted the scourge of war which would have laid it entirely
desolate. The English of Merinlande who have killed three Iroquois, and of which
English the Iroquois had killed five, are about to have difiBculties with that belligerent
nation, wiiich has already killed more than 29 of their men, and has been threatened with
war should it continue to insult them. We shall see what the English of that quarter
will do.
Garakontie returned to-day from Orange, where he told by a belt of Wampum how you
had given peace to the public ; also, how Colonel Dongan had urged the Iroquois to secure it
by the satisfaction which he advised them to give you. Mr. Dongan left Orange when those
who brought the Duke of York's safeguards came to this place; it is supposed that Arnaud's
visit here, to prevent the Iroquois going to see you and to get them to hold a Council at
Orange, was an intrigue of the Orange merchants, who feared that their trade would be
diminished by a conference held with you with arms in your hands ; for Mr. Dongan had
probably departed from Orange when Arnaud left to come here. After having heard Mr.
Dongan exhort them to an arrangement with you, the Iroquo'isknow it was in nowise probable
that he had forbidden them, on the eve of a negotiation, to visit you without his permission.
A man named La Croix, in Indian Tegaiatannhara,^ who answered Garakontie on behalf of
the Dutch, said that had you not made peace, knowing that the safeguards of England were
on the Iroquois, 800 Englishmen and 1,200 Loups, who are between Merinland and New-York,
' Literally, An opening into, or from, a Late ; an inlet or Bay, from KanUitare, a Lake, and hutontogouan, to open.
' The literal Mohawk translation of the word Cross. — Ed.
262 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
entirely distinct from tlie Cannongagehronnons' whom you had with you, were all ready to
march at the first word to aid the Iroquois. This man, La Croix, who passes with the Iroquois
for a great liar, might possibly have advanced this of his own accord, as well as many other
things he has stated, of which M. Dongan perhaps would not approve were he acquainted
with them.
I thank you most humbly for having furnished an opportunity for the transportation to us
of a part of our necessaries. It is a continuance of your kindness towards us, and towards
me in particular, who am sincerely and with much respect.
My Lord,
Your very humble and most obedient servant,
De Lamberville.
I shall give La Grand Gueule your jerkin as soon as he returns here. I had the honor to
write to you by Colin ten days since.
M. de la Barre to Governor Dongan.
[ Already printed in III-i HI. ]
Governor Dongan to M. de la Barre.
[ Already printed in III., 448. ]
M. de la Barre to Governor Dongan.
[ Already printed in III., 450. ]
Instructions from M. de la Barre to M. i
[ Already printed in III., 460. ]
' Quere. The Mohawks of Sault St. Ijouis. They called themselves Canniungaes, from cannialt, a steel, the emblem of their
tribe. Metc-TorJc Documentary History, 8vo., IV., 432. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 263
Governor Dongan to the French at Pemaquid.
New York the S"* August, 1683.
Gentlemen,
I have learned from Pemaquid that you dwell among the Indians there, which is injurious.
I have to request you, on receipt hereof, to withdraw into the English plantations belonging
to his Royal Highness My Lord the Duke of York, between the Rivers of Quebec and S' Croix,
otherwise to quit that place before the month of May next, and by way of encouragement
if you wish to remove to us, you shall have lands, and all such others as will remove under our
government will be treated with all kindness, like ourselves.
This is what I offer, and am,
Gentlemen,
Your very humble Servant,
(Signed) Dongan.
(Endorsed)
" Messieurs, Messieurs Les fran5ois
qui abitent parmy les Indiens a Pemaquid."
M. de la Barre to M. de Seignelay.
Extract of a letter dated Quebec, 14 Nov., 1684, from M. de la Barre to the
Minister (Marquis de Seignelay.)
It will be important that the King explain to me the manner in which he desires me to act
with Colonel Dongan, who is filled with chimerical pretensions, and who [claims that] all the
country extending from the River Saint Lawrence to the South and South West belongs to
the King of England, including therein all the country of the Iroquois, and all the vast extent
of territory they have depopulated along Lakes Ontario, Erie, Huron, Michigan, as far as the
Illinois, of all which countries the said Colonel has no knowledge nor Map. It will be absolutely
necessary that his Majesty write to the King of England in order to produce a change in the
said opinions, or that his Majesty permit me to apply force by land. This I would do without
much trouble or expense.
I have just received a letter from Onontague, among the Iroquois, of the O?"" September,
which I believe you will be very glad to see, as I send a great many other documents from the
same person, who is a very capable and a very zealous man. I expect another, which I hope
to receive in sufficient time to have it take the same direction. These representations, the
truth of which cannot be suspected, will give you a better idea of the state of the country
than any thing else.
264 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Extract of the Summary of Letters from Canada.
M. de la Barre. 13 and 14 9ber
Sends a statement of what occurred in the voyage against the Iroquois.
Did not wish to compromise matters except on a certainty.
Took advantage of his march to conclude a peace which he considers permanent.
It is impossible to reduce the Iroquois unless the King of England send specific orders to his
Governors of New York not to succor nor receive them ; or unless the King order the war to be
carried into his country.
This war cannot terminate for several years, the English having a very large force of
regulars and Indians and not of militia.'
The English Governor offered the Senecas 400 horses and 400 infantry.
Has had the Duke of York's arms raised in the Villages.
Has forbidden the entering into any conference with him, La Barre.
That tended to make the Indians negotiate.
Pretends, also, that the entire country South West of the River Saint Lawrence belongs to
his master.
Includes thereby the entire Iroquois country, that of Lakes Ontario, Erie, Huron and Michigan.
The Colony has need of repose to get out the furs detained among the Outawas by the war.
To undertake the war, considerable supplies will be required at Fort Frontenac, and a great
deal of time to convey them thither.
Does not imagine that it can be thought of for the year 1685. Has resolved to go up this
spring to the said fort, to proceed by Lake Ontario to reconnoitre the Iroquois and to arrange
every thing for the execution of the orders which the King will send.
In order to prosecute the war with success, what regards the English must be decided, and
good soldiers and experienced officers sent.
Regarding the Iroquois presents: They have been purchased and distributed in presence of
the Intendant, and therein he followed the custom, which is, that he who passes tor Chief give
these presents with his own hands.
Is but little satisfied with the levies made at Rochefort.
n. Fort Frontenac.
Did not despoil de la Salle of Fort Frontenac. By his permission, and at his request he put
there a sergeant of the garrison of Quebec, who took an inventory of every thing.
Said Fort was then all open and was restored to la Foret in good order, with two redoubts
faced and three curtains, two barks which cost 12"", and a large number of cattle.
Sends, as proof, a certificate written by a Jesuit of the Sault Mission.
Should La Salle's discovery succeed, Canada and the customs from the beaver will be
ruined before three years.
Chevalier de Baugy bravely defended Fort Saint Louis of the Illinois;^ is to give it up to
Tonty, and return to Quebec without trading.
The Iroquois have raised the siege after having lost a great many men.
' This is a literal translation of the text, from which something is evidently omitted, as the above ia contrary to the passage
in Mr. de la Barre's despatch, of 13th November, 1684, of which it pretends to convey the substance. B^ee supra, p. 251. — Ed.
" Peoria, ni.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : III. 265
M. de Callieres to M. de Seignelay.
Memoir of Sieur de Callieres for My Lord, the Marquis of Seignelay, On tlie
encroachments of the English on the French Colonies in America.
It is a custom established, and a right recognized, among all Christian Nations, that the first
who discover an unknown country, not inhabited by other Europeans, and who plant in it the
arms of their Prince, secure the propriety thereof to that Prince in whose name they have
taken possession of it.
On this principle, it is easy to prove that the English, not satisfied with their ancient
usurpations on the French in New France, are unauthorized in the unjust encroachments
they are disposed, particularly within the past year, to make on that country.
The pretensions of the English, now under consideration, are classed under three heads.
The first is, that Colonel Dongan, governor of New-York formerly called New Netherland,
taking advantage of the breaking out of the war declared by M. de la Barre last year against
the Iroquois, had sent a Messenger to these Indians to inform them that he had taken them
under his protection, and had transmitted the Arms of the King of England to be set up in
their villages, and to take possession of the latter in his name, as dependencies of his
government, notwithstanding M. de la Barre besought him not to meddle in that war, and the
English Governor could not be ignorant that the Country of the Iroquois always constituted
a part of New France, as will hereafter be established; yet, instead of responding to
M. de la Barre's civility as he ought to have done, he had the boldness to tell his delegate
that not only the country of the Iroquois belonged to his government, but that even the entire
Rivers S' Lawrence and Ottawa, and the lakes Frontenac, Champlain and others adjoining,
which form almost the whole of New France, were the property of the English.
The second is, that Sieur Dongan wrote last May 16S4, to Sieur de S' Castin, commandant
of Fort Pentagouet in Acadia, and to the other posts occupied by the French as far as the
River Kennebeck which separates Acadia from New England, in which letter this English
governor claims that his government extends to the River St. Croix, which is forty leagues
further in Acadia, and orders said Sieur de St. Castin' and the French who inhabit that district,
embracing, between those two Rivers, forty or fifty leagues of the finest Country in all Acadia,
to quit it immediately, threatening, in case of refusal, to have them driven off, unless they
' Baron Vincent Satnt Castin was a gentleman of Oleron, in Beam. Originally a Colonel in the King's guards, he came
to Canada in 1665, as Captain, some say in command, of the Carignau regiment Supra, p. 32. On the surrender of Acadia
for the fourth time to the French {Charlevoix, I., 462), the government of that province was conferred again on Chevalier do
Grandfontaine {supra, 87 ), who appointed Baron St Castin his lieutenant, by whom Fort Penobscot, Maine, was re-occupied
about 1680-1 {Par. Bocumenlt, VII., 214), where a town at present bears his name. He married the daughter of Madocka-
wando. Sachem of the Penobscots, by which tribe he was adopted and elevated to the rank of Chief. Here he drove a
considerable and profitable trade. On receipt of the letter above referred to, he communicated with the Governor of
Canada, which, however, did not save his premises from being pillaged in 1687, during his absence, by a force sent to that
quarter by Governor Andros. In 1690, he led a party of Indians to the assistance of M. de Portneuf, third son of the Baron
de Bekancourt, in the attack on Falmouth (Portland), and in 1696 brought 200 of his followers to the aid of Iberville,
against Fort William Henry, or Pemaquid. He served at the successful defence of Port Royal ( Annapolis ) with such
bravery, in 1707, as to call forth the special approbation of his superior otficer. In the course of these operations he was
wounded. Having amassed a property of 300,000 crowns, he retired eventually to France, where he had an estate. He was
succeeded by his son, in the government of Penobscot, in 1710. Charlevoix, I., 538; IL, 316, 316, 320, 349; Williamton't
Maine, 1, 471, 589, 619, 648; La Eontan, ed. 1728, IL, 29.— Ed.
Vol. IX. 34
2G6 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
consent to take the oath of allegiance at his hands to the King of England. In this case, he
makes advantageous offers to said Sieur de St. Castin, and the other French who will consent
to recognize him, and does not wish to make any change in regard to Religion, the English
governor being a Catholic, and having a Jesuit and Priests along with him, which
circumstances render his efforts much the more dangerous.
The third pretension of the English is, to drive the French from Hudson's Bay, the whole of
which country tiiey claim as their property. And, in consequence of this pretension, they
dispatched some vessels last year to that Bay, which carried off several Frenchmen, whom
a company, formed at Quebec, settled in that quarter at a place called the River Bourbon,
and conveyed them to London, with the Beaver and other peltries belonging to the said
French Company, to the value of nearly two hundred thousand livres.
Previous to examining these three new pretensions of the English in detail, it is necessary
to show, by an historical Abstract of our Discoveries, how we are in incontestable possession
of what they desire, improperly, to contest with us.
The Normans and Bretons were the first who commenced to sail towards these countries,
and discovered, in 1504, the Island of Newfoundland, and, subsequently, the coasts of New
France. King Francis I. being informed thereof, and being stimulated by the successful
discoveries made by the Spaniards in North America' from the 34"" to the 50"" degree of
Latitude, that is to say, from that part of Florida which bounds Virginia to the mouth of the
River S' Lawrence. He landed at divers of the principal points along those coasts, traded
with the Savages, who having never seen ships nor Europeans were vastly surprised at this
novelty, and took possession of those countries in the name of King Francis I. ; returned by
the Island of Newfoundland, and arrived in France in the month of July, 1524. This is proved
by the letters written by the said Verrazzano to the King, and mentioned by Jean de Laet.^
Subsequently the same King, at the solicitation of Philip Cabot, Admiral of France, sent
Jacques Cartier of the town of S' Malo, to discover new countries, who made two voyages,
one in 1534, the otiier in 1535. He was' the first European who with two large King's ships,
each 800 tons burthen, entered the River S' Lawrence, and ascended it 120 leagues as far
as the Island of Orleans, near the present site of Quebec, and went to winter, and planted the
first French Colony ten leagues farther up, at a place which he named S' Croix,^ and
afterwards proceeded 60 leagues higher up that river, as far as the Saut S' Louis.
In 1540 King Francis I. appointed Sieur De Roberval Viceroy of New France, who went
thither in 1542 and built a fort there which he called France Roy,^ four leagues above the Island
of Orleans, remained there many years, and made several voyages along the rivers into the
country. This possession was continued by the Commissions granted by Henry IV., in 1598,
to the Marquis de la Roche,|in 1599 to Sieur Chauvin,Ship Captain, and in 1602 to Commander
de Chaste Governor of Dieppe, to go command in New France; and it was renewed, in 1603,
by the Commission to Pierre de Qua, Marquis de Mons, as Viceroy of all the Provinces of
New France, which possession has been since uninterruptedly continued.
In 1562, in the reign of Charles IX., Admiral de Chastillon fitted out two ships under
the command of Jean Ribaut who planted a French Colony on the coast of Florida, in a river
' "sent oat Jean Verrazzanni, who discovered the country," seems to be omitted in the text. — Ed.
' Histoire du Nouveau Monde, Leyde, 1640., Liv. III., Ch. i., 68.
' Now the River Cap Rouge, about eleven miles above Quebec. Collectiont, of the Literary and Hitlorical Societies of Quebec,
1843, p. 74.
* Called, in Ilaokluyt, Charlesbourg Royal, now Cap Rouge.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: III. 267
which he called the River May, where he built a fort named by him Fort Charles. In 1564,
Captain Laudonniere brought other vessels thither to reinforce that Colony and Fort Charles,
whence the country was called Carolina, after Charles IX., which name it still retains up to
the present time.
In 1565, the French were expelled thence by the Spaniards, and reinstated in 1567 by
Chevalier de Gourgues, who served the Spaniards in the same manner that they had treated
the French prisoners.
That beautiful Colony, so favorably situated in the 32"'' degree of latitude, at the mouth
of the Bahama channel, through which all the Spanish fleets must pass on their homeward
voyage from the Indies, was taken from us, during the civil wars, by the English who still hold
it at the present time, contrary to every sort of right.
They have no better title to New England, which constituted a part of New France; for
that country, it is well known, has been discovered by the French, who took possession of it at
divers periods, in the name of our Kings, before the English had dreamt of going thither, and
Sieur de Mons, among the rest, by virtue of his Commission of Viceroy of all the Provinces
of New France, granted him by King Henry IV., in 1603, accompanied by Sieurs de
Potrincourt and de Champlain who established themselves in Acadia, which then extended to
the Coasts since called by the English, New England ; of all the harbors whereof which he
discovered the said Sieur de Champlain made an exact description, and took possession of
said harbors in his Majesty's name in 1605, whereas the English did not begin to settle there
before 1620, when a number of Puritans sailed from Plymouth, who, having made that coast
near Cape Cod, planted a Colony consisting of 19 families there which they call New
England, and the spot New Plymouth. This was afterwards increased by other Puritans
and Non-conformists, particularly after the death of Cromwell, which caused several Rebels,
Pirates and Sea robbers through dread of punishment to emigrate to that new Colony, which
is yet not very submissive to the orders of the Court of England, and sets up asort of Republic.
The English, however, not satisfied with being left to the peaceable enjoyment of the countries
they have usurped from us, will still fain extend their boundaries over countries they have
never claimed up to this time.
As regards their first pretension to the Country of the Iroquois, it is untenable. The French
are not only the first discoverers of that country, but even the first Europeans who penetrated
into it. After Jacques Cartier had taken possession in 1535 of the River S' Lawrence, and of
its several tributaries and such had been continued by the other French commanders, Sieur
de Champlain, penetrating further into the interior, discovered the country of the Iroquois who
adjoin a Lake that still bears the name of Lake Champlain, and subdued that nation with arms
in 1609 and the following years in divers expeditions he made against them. Since that time
they have invariably recognized the authority of all the other Governors of New France, down
to 1665 and 1666, when being reinforced, Sieur de Tracy, the Governor General, completed
their reduction, without the English having ever made any pretension to them. The French,
alone, keep Missionaries there to instruct them, and when difficulties arise between them and
other tribes,the Iroquois always have recourse to the Governor-General of New France, whom
they style their Father, and whom they recognize, to this day, as their sole protector.
The second pretence of the English to extend the limits of their territory as far as the
River St. Croix, in Acadia, has no better foundation than the first. True it is, they seized on
Port Royal, the principal settlement of Acadia, and on every place beyond the coast of
268 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
New England during the last war which we had with them in 1765 [1665]; but as we took
from them, in the course of the same war, half the Island of S'. Christopher which belonged
to them, it was concluded by the Treaty of Breda, in 1667, that all they took from us in
Acadia was our property; and, in execution of that treaty. Chevalier Temple surrendered to
the French whatever was in the occupancy of the English as far the River Quinibequi, including
Fort Pentagouet and the other posts which they now unjustifiably claim, the King's subjects
having undisturbed possession thereof since the ratification of the Treaty of Breda.
As regards Hudson's Bay, the French settled there in 1656, by virtue of an Order larret'\
of the Sovereign Council of Quebec, authorizing Sieur Bourdon, its Attorney-General, to make
the discovery thereof, who went to the north of said Bay, and took possession thereof in his
Majesty's name.
In 1661, Father Dablon, a Jesuit, was ordered by Sieur d'Argenson, at the time Governor of
Canada, to proceed to said country ; he went thither accordingly, and the Indians, who then
came from thence to Quebec, declared that they had never seen any Europeans there.
In 1663, Sieur D'Avaugour, Governor of Canada, sent Sieur Couture, Seneschal of the
Cote du Beaupre, to the North of said Hudson's Bay, in company with a number of Indians
of that country, with whom he went to take possession thereof, and he set up the King's
arms there.
In the same year, 1663, Sieur Duquet, King's attorney to the PrevSte of Quebec, and
Jean I'Anglois, a Canadian colonist, went thither again by order of said Sieur d'Argenson,
and renewed the act of taking possession by setting up his Majesty's arms there a second
time. This is proved by the arret of the said Sovereign Council of Quebec, and by the orders
in writing of said Sieurs d'Argenson and d'Aveugour.
The English allege that the North coast of Hudson's Bay, where the French established
themselves, has been discovered by Chevalier Button, an Englishman, as early as 1621. But
we answer, that he made no record there of taking possession, and that they did not have
any settlement there before the year 1667, when the Frenchmen named des Grozelliers and
Radisson conducted the English thither to a place they called Nelson's river; and in 1676, the
said Desgrozelliers and Radisson, having returned from England, and having obtained pardon
for their defection, a Company was formed at Quebec who sent them to Hudson's Bay, where
they founded a settlement north of said bay on the River Bourbon, which is the one the
English seized last year in consequence of a new treachery on the part of said Radisson, who
reentered their service and conducted them thither. Meanwhile the Company formed at
Quebec sent two ships last year to said Bay, under the impression that they would find
their people, with a quantity of Peltries, at the settlement on the River Bourbon, of right
belonging to them, where the Company is in a condition to maintain itself if protected by
his Majesty.
These expeditions and usurpations of the English are by so much the more dangerous as,
if a remedy be not applied thereto, by vigorously opposing their ill founded pretensions, they
will eventually cause the ruin of our Colonies of New France, the destruction of which
they threaten from three different points. To obviate this, troops are required in Canada to
guard the frontier posts, and to chastise and subdue the Iroquois whom the English uphold
against us.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : III. 269
Louis XIV. to Monsieur de la Barre.
Versailles, lO"" March, 1686.
Mods' De la Barre,
Having been informed that your years do not permit you to support the fatigues inseparable
from the duties of your office of Governor and Lieutenant-General in Canada, I send you this
letter to advise you that I have selected Sieur de Denonville to serve in your place ; and my
intention is that on his arrival, and on your having resigned to him the Command and
Instructions of all that concerns it, you embark for the purpose of returning to France.
Whereupon, &c.
Louis XIV. to M. de Meulles.
Extract of a letter from the King to M. de Meules, Tntendant, &c.
Versailles, lO'" March, 1685.
• * * * * I have reason to be dissatisfied with the treaty concluded between
Sieur de la Barre and the Iroquois. His abandonment of the Illinois has seriously displeased
me, and has determined me to recall him. I have chosen, as his successor, Sieur de Denonville,
who will, of himself, understand the state of affairs ; and I have empowered him to continue
the peace, or to declare war, according as he shall consider it necessary for my service and the
good of the country.
You are to make it your principal study to inform him thoroughly of what may be of use,
and of all the views you may entertain for the benefit of the colony, and the correction of the
disorders which have crept into it.
M. de Seignelay to M''. Barillon.
Versailles, lO'" March, 1685.
Sir,
The King has been given to understand that the Governor of New- York, instead of keeping
up good correspondence with Sieur de la Barre, Governor of Canada, agreeably to the orders
of the late King of England, has done all in his power to prevent the" Iroquois treating with
him — that he, has offered them troops to act against the French, and has had flags (etendarts)
hoisted in their villages, notwithstanding those Nations have always been subject to France,
since their country was discovered by the French, without any objection on the part of the
English, His Majesty desires you to complain of it to the King of England, and to demand
from him precise orders obliging that governor to confine himself within the limits of his
government, and to observe a different line of conduct toward Sieur de Dennoville, whom
his Majesty has chosen to succeed said Sieur de la Barre.
270 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Extracts of the Summary of the Ansioers sent to the letters received from Canada.
Versailles, 18th February, 1685.
To M. de la Barre.
The King having named M. de Denonville in his stead, his Majesty wishes that he embark
to return to France.
To Sieur de Meules.
I advise him of the selection of M. de Denonville, who is a highly esteemed officer.
That his Majesty has great confidence in him.
Entertains great hopes that he will repair matters which Sieur de la Barre has, as it were,
abandoned in the disgraceful peace he lately concluded.
That the abandonment of the Illinois has seriously displeased his Majesty, and determined
him to recall Sieur de la Barre.
Said de Denonville will understand, of himself, the state of affairs, and will be empowered
to ratify the peace or to declare war, according as he will consider it for the advantage of his
Majesty's service, and for the good of the country.
He wishes said de Meules to make it his principal study to advise him exactly of all that
may be for the interest of the Colony.
I remark to him the error he committed in not following Sieur de la Barre in his expedition.
That he must not fail to go himself, on like occasions, and give orders in whatever regards the
subsistence of the troops, and facilitates expeditions.
That he places in Sieur de Denonville's hands a Memoir of all the disorders of Canada, and
of the means to remedy them.
Sieur de Denonville will communicate to the King his sentiments on the merits of the officers.
[Alio.]
His Majesty desires that he will do justice to Sieur de La Salle, in regard to Fort Frontenac,
and whatever will be found to be his property, in case it be taken for his Majesty's service.
The presents to the Indians, when occasion requires, must be made by orders from the
Commandant, and with the Intendant's participation.
[Alii.]
I refer to him the petition of the inhabitants of Montreal, and write him to issue an ordinance
to prevent the trade that is carried on at the end of the Island (Bout de VIsle) and to
reestablish the fair at Montreal.
I ask him for a list of Canadian Gentlemen and the Memoir on which they assert
their Noblesse.
I send him an Arret permitting them to carry on trade even by retail without derogating
from their rank.
His Majesty is very desirous to have two sons of said Gentlemen received annually into
the Gardes de la Marine}
[Alio.]
His Majesty accords 1000"' to the women who will teach the Indian girls how to work.
' A corps of gentlemen liolding brevet commissions or serving in the French navy. James! Military Dictionary ; Verbo.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : III. 271
I urge him to complete that establishment and to act in such a manner as to make marriages
customary between these girls and the French.
[Alio.]
To Sieur Barillon.
[Omitted. See letter in full, Bupra, p. 269. ]
Instructions to M. de Denonville}
Instruction which the King desires to be placed in the hands of the Marquis de
Denonville, chosen, by his Majesty, Governor and his Lieutenant-General
in New France.
Versailles, 10"" March, 16S5.
Sieur de Denonville must be informed that the continual differences between preceding
Governors and Intendants have been so prejudicial to his Majesty's service and to the interests
of the Colony established in Canada, that his Majesty considers it necessary to recall those
officers, and to replace them by persons whose wiser and more moderate Government accords
more closely with his Majesty's intentions. Sieur de la Barre had been selected for the office
of Governor, which he filled during three years ; but his very advanced age putting it beyond
his power to act with the vigor necessary for the execution of his Orders, his Majesty has
fixed upon the Sieur de Denonville to fill his place, assured, by his past services and the
prudent course he has pursued in his armies, that he will continue to serve him faithfully, and
exert himself to reestablish tranquillity and repose among those of the Colony whom the
examples and partiality of Superiors have, up to this time, distracted.
His Majesty has explained to him his intentions regarding the conduct to be observed on
arriving in said country, where his principal object, he is aware, will be to secure the quiet
of Canada by a firm and solid peace; but in order that such a peace be permanent, the
pride of the Iroquois must be humbled, the Illinois and other allies who have been abandoned
by Sieur de la Barre must be sustained, and the Iroquois must from the outset be given, by a
firm and vigorous policy, to understand that they will have everything to dread if they do not
submit to the conditions it will be his pleasure to impose on them.
He must, then, at once declare to them that it is his desire to protect with all his power
the allies of the French ; communicate the same intelligence to the Illinois, Outaouacs,
Miamis, &c.; and if he think proper to support this declaration by force and an expedition
against the Senecas, his Majesty refers it to him to adopt, in this regard, such resolutions as
' This nobleman, after a long service in the French army, became colonel of the Queen's Regiment of Dragoons, and sold hia
commission on being appointed Governor of Canada. He was superseded in 1689, when he was appointed Under-Governor,
at the solicitation of the Duke de Beauvilliers, of the Princes of the Blood Royal. La Ilontan, 1728, 1., 303 ; La Potherie,
III., 59 ; Charlevoix, I., 562. Hia administration is regarded as one of the most unfortunate. Oarneau Histoire du Canada,
I., 277. — Ed.
272 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
shall be deemed most suitable, being fully persuaded that he will pursue the wisest course, and
that his military experience will enable him to put a speedy termination to the war, if obliged
to declare it.
He must be aware that the Governor of New-York has undertaken to assist the Iroquois,
and to extend British dominion up to the banks of the River S' Lawrence, and over the
entire territory inhabited by these Indians. And although his Majesty does not doubt but
the King of England, to whom he has ordered his Ambassador to address himself, will
direct that Governor to cease his unjust pretensions. He, meanwhile,^onsiders it necessary to
explain that everything must be done to maintain good understanding between the French
and English. But if the latter, contrary to all appearances, excite and aid the Indians, they
must be treated as enemies when found on Indian territory, without, at the same time,
attempting anything on territory under the obedience of the King of England.
Independent of the establishment the French have made along the bank of the River
S' Lawrence, a part of Acadia is still occupied by them ; and as advices have been received
that the English were seizing several posts which have been always occupied by the French,
his Majesty desires that he inform himself of this particular, and send also to the Governor
of Boston to explain the points to which the bounds of the French domination extend, and
to request of him to confine himself within the limits belonging to the English, according
to the orders given him by the late King of England, the renewal of which his Majesty will
request from the reigning Monarch.
He is aware that the government of the country of Acadia has been committed to Sieur Perrot,'
whom his Majesty will, cause to be notified to proceed thither immediately after having
received Sieur de Denonville's orders as to what he has to do in his government, whereof his
Majesty requires that he render him an account as often as possible, and that he keep up a
correspondence with the said Sieur de Denonville, which there is reason to hope, will be greatly
facilitated by the visit M. de Meules is to make to said country, agreeably to the instructions
he will receive from his Majesty by the first vessels proceeding to Canada.
He must not only endeavor to prevent the attacks of the Iroquois on the French ; he must
also take particular care to keep the Indians at peace among themselves, and to prevent the
Iroquois, by all moans, waging war against the Illinois and other tribes, their neighbors,
it being very certain that if those nations who supply the peltries that constitute the
principal trade of Canada perceive that they are shielded from the violence of the Iroquois
by the protection of the French, they will be the more encouraged to bring in their
merchandize, and will, by that means, increase trade.
' See III.. 720, note 2.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : 111.
273
M. de Denonville to M. de Seignelay^ and the letter's Answer.
Extract of the Summary of Monsieur de
Denonville's letters of the 20"'August,
3 September, and 12 November,
16S5.
Has made a voyage to Cataracouy. Sieur
de la Forest, who commands there on behalf of
Sieur de la Salle, having requested permission
to go to the Illinois on said Sieur de la Salle's
business, he (de D.) has put Sieur Dorvilliers
in his place with his company, that post
appearing to him of great consequence.
By the inclosed plan will be seen the bad
condition of the Fort ; how it will be more
favorably located, and what will be necessary
to be done to protect from the enemy's fire the
vessels which are sent there.
He is assured that I'lle de la For^t in Lake
Ontario, about a league distant from that fort,
is more fertile, and possesses a cove where the
Notes of the Minister.
I shall commence my letter in answer to his,
by assurances of the extreme satisfaction tiie
King entertains of his conduct on his entrance
into his government (etaUissement). I exiiort him
to persevere and am persuaded that, by con-
tinuing to act with such good intentions and so
much wisdom, he will place that colony on a
very different footing from the past, and
perform a service which will be pleasing to the
King and most beneficial to the State. — Good>
It is highly important to preserve that post,
which would be of very great consideration in
case of war with the Iroquois, but he must
take care not to do any thing adverse to the
interests of Sieur de la Salle, its proprietor
and governor, who, besides, is employed in the
King's service discovering countries towards
Mexico, to whom, therefore, he is to afford
every protection, obliging him, however, to
conform to orders the same as other governors.
I have seen this plan and what he writes me
about this Fort. I cannot sufficiently express
my astonishment at the ignorance of those
who burned it, since by retiring a few toises
they could occupy the entire interval between
both parts of the Lake, make a branch of that
Lake front them, and prevent an attack on
their rear which appears to me not to be
protected from insult. It will be very proper,
in time, to fortify that post, without, however,
doing any thing more than placing it beyond
insult, and in a position to protect the anchor-
age-ground of the vessels, having nothing to
fear from the Iroquois when protected against
a cowp de main.
He will be able to visit that Island at
another time; the difficulty of landing there
in consequence of the wind, must, however,
Vol. IX.
36
274
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
barks can be sheltered from the winds, which
are very tempestuous. He was unable to visit
that island in consequence of the gale which
agitated the lake, but will do so at the first
opportunity.
The post of Cataracouy is of very great
importance, as is to be seen in the Memoir
on the Present State of Canada, which he
transmits.
Three Iroquois villages pass within reach
of this fort going and returning from their
hunting.
War with the Iroquois is inevitable, and if
we do not make it against them, they will
declare it after they will have done all in their
power to rid themselves of the Indians who
are friends of the French.
Though they are highly insolent he will
temporize with them until a favorable oppor-
tunity present to declare himself.
A man named Acoutache, who is among the
Outawas, has told them that he, Denonvilie,
was preparing to attack them, which has
alarmed them.
The Onnontagues have promised to visit
him in the month of July, when he will
endeavor to draw this Acoutache thither in
order to arrest, and make an example of him.
He was in receipt of letters from Father
Lamberville, Missionary, to the eflFect that
the Iroquois are quiet, so that he does not
believe that they intend to be first to declare
themselves.
This father informs him that they have sent
a war party against the Illinois and other tribes,
allies of the French.
make Cataracouy preferable, notwithstanding
the soil is less fertile than that on the island.
In case war against the Iroquois cannot be
avoided, it will probably commence at this
post, which will afford great facilities for its
speedy termination, as the greater portion of
the Iroquois pass, he says, within reach of
this fort on their return from hunting, for it
will be easy to seize a favorable opportunity
to attack them unawares, in the same manner
as they have frequently surprised the French.
However, his Majesty refers it to him to act
in this case as he shall judge most proper,
observing, always, the principle which has
been laid down for him, that he must, for the
good of the colony, avoid war as much as he
possibly can with safety and due maintenance
of the fear the Iroquois ought to entertain of
the French. But if it be inevitable, efficient
measures should be adopted promptly to
exterminate the Iroquois and to avoid prolong-
ing the war.
Good. The King refers to his prudence
the conduct he is to observe in this regard.
Nothing is of more importance than to
uphold the allies of the French, and to prevent
the Iroquois insulting these tribes; and if the
PARIS DOCUMENTS : III
275
Reasons will not be wanting to break with
them when desirable, and it is even impossible
to avoid attacking them as they are too
haughty, and do not perform what they pro-
mised in their last Treaty.
They are to come to see him this summer.
Transmits a list of articles required to carry
on the War, and another of what is in store.
Sieur d'Orvilliers has written to him that one
of his soldiers, returning from accompanying a
Jesuit to Onondaga, saw eleven English canoes,
loaded with goods for the Seneca' trade,
conducted by French deserters.
As it is necessary to prevent this trade, he
is to send to said Sieur Dorvilliers some canoes,
which he will employ with his barks in cruising
on the Lake and endeavoring to seize those
French and English.
If this were not promptly remedied, the
Canada trade would be lost.
After having defeated the Senecas, it will
be necessary to establish a good post at
Niagara, and another Fort on Lake Erie, for
the security of the barks that will have to be
built there ; and thus the English and the
Iroquois will be kept in check.
He has found the old troops in a bad enough
condition, but he will remedy it.
The greater portion of the companies are
without arms. He has distributed among them
the 600 muskets he carried out.
The 300 that are yet to be sent this year
will be distributed among the settlers.
He requests their immediate dispatch.
It would be well to furnish the Illinois with
arms. Sieur Tonty would pay for them ; the
King would thus only make an advance of
them.
defence of the latter require war against the
Iroquois, it were better to commence it than
to suffer the destruction of the Nations with
whom trade can be carried on.
It is very important to prevent this trade, as
it is certain that the Colony of Canada will
wholly perish if we cannot prevent the bad
designs of the English and Dutch who crowd
it on all sides and whose continual aim is to
engross its commerce.
He acted very properly in dispatching
those canoes to cut off the passage of the
English ; but if he could seize some of those
French deserters, it would be very important
to execute prompt and exemplary justice on
them.
The King leaves it to him to do whatever
he will think most proper, but let him take
care not to engage in excessive expenses, and
to send, as often as he can, the description of
the country, and plans of the places. He will
design to establish posts hereafter; let him
observe also that there must not be too many
posts to be garrisoned in a new country, as
that divides its forces and, therefore, it will
be absolutely necessary to confine himself to
what is requisite for the support and increase
of Trade and the safety of the inhabitants.
Good.
I issue the order for the dispatch of these
three hundred.
I order the payment, but, as he remarks
that it is only an advance, they will be issued
on account of the money which is to be sent
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Has contracted with the man named Azur
to supply said musliets.
He binds himself to deliver them at Quebec
@ 10" eacii, French currency, according to the
sample he has on hand.
As it is only an advance, requests that
payment thereof be ordered at Rochelle to
Sieur Grognon, merchant.
He has been advised that Sieur De la Salle
pretends that the Commandant of his fort is
not to receive orders from him, Denonville.
Inquires what are the intentions thereupon.
Whatever the decision may be, it is necessary
to order said Sieur de Tonty to march with
Sieur de la Forest at the head of the Indians
whithersoever ordered.
Will endeavor to get the Frenchmen to
come back, who say they have M^ de la Barre's
order to go to the Outawas.
Said Sieur de Tonty will not permit the
French to trade in the direction of the Illinois.
Asks if the King has granted the whole of
that country to said Sieur De la Salle.
He is highly pleased with the conduct of
Chevalier de Calliere.
He has endeavored with said Sieur de
Calliere to find some mode of diminishing
the expense .of the freight of the provisions
to Cataracouy, but there is no way to do it
except to impress the people, which would
fatigue them excessively and ruin them.
He has increased Sieur de Calliere's powers,
( Gouvernemeni) and has given him an order to
command the Regulars and militia according
to the Memoir he transmits.
Proposes to appoint said Sieur de Calliere
to the general command, immediately under
him, of the country, inasmuch as, should
he happen to die, great disorder and confusion
■would ensue before the arrival of another
governor.
Another Extract.
The Youth of Canada are so badly trained,
that, from the moment they are able to
this year to Canada, subject to the repayment
of the advances, in order that the funds be
employed as intended according to the esti-
mate.
Answered.
To write formally to
subject.
I. de Tonty on the
It is a ridiculous pretence on the part of
Tonty, and I shall write sharply to him on the
subject, as it is his Majesty's intention to
preserve to the French the liberty of going
to the Illinois to trade.
He must not think of forcing the people by
means of corvees to do that transportation, and
it is better that it should cost the King a little
more than to fatigue and disgust the country
people by taking them away from their labor
and trade.
The King does not wish to confer the
general command of the country on him, and
besides, it is necessary that M. de Callieres
deserve that distinction by a longer service.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: III.
277
shoulder a gun, their fathers dare not say a
word to them.
As they are not trained to labor and are
poor, they have no other means of gaining a
livelihood than to range the forests (courir le
hois), where they are guilty of an infinitude
of disorders.
He will make use of all his authority to
chastise them, and will exercise no other than
military justice in this regard.
He will also endeavor to suppress a
prevailing abuse in these debaucheries, namely,
going entirely nude, after the Indian fashion.
This savage life has great attractions for
those young men, who imitate all the move-
ments of the Indians.
He has observed that the latter, far from
instructing themselves in Religion and good
morals, acquire only what is bad among the
French, and it is impossible to subject them
to order unless by collecting them into villages.
He is greatly edified by those who are
established in the villages of Sillery, Lorette,
the Sault, La Prairie, and at the Montreal
Mountain.
He will inquire into the means of employing
the Youth of said country in their early years.
The noblesse of Canada is of the most ras-
cally description (ce qui'l y a de plus gueuxj and
to increase their body is to multiply the number
of loafers (fainta/is.)
The sons of Councillors are not more
industrious than other young men.
3"^ Extract.
The Canadians are all tall, well made, robust
and active, and accustomed to live on little.
The women and girls there are pretty lazy,
for want of petty occupations.
4"' Extract.
He will afford his entire' protection to the
agent of the Farmers (of the Revenue.)
That agent pretends to oblige all the traders
and canoemen to deposit their peltries at the
It is his duty to introduce order there, and
this is one of the circumstances in which his
wisdom and application will be most useful to
that colony.
Nothing is more important than to induce
Indians to live among the French, but this
must be for the purpose of Religious instruc-
tion, to lead them to adopt our manners, and
not for the corruption of the French Youth
and to make these live like Indians. I am
persuaded that he who entertains such correct
principles on the subject of Religion, will do
all in his power to prevent that disorder.
They must not be increased.
Nothing is of greater consequence than to
accustom them to industry, and means must
be adopted to establish manufactures suitable
to the country.
278
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Custom House (Bureau) on their arrival
and not to keep tliera at home in order to
prevent people sending them to France or
to the English.
The merchants say if that be done trade
will be ruined, inasmuch as their peltries going
to the Bureau pass through a number of hands,
and are subject to be purloined.
The English sell their powder much cheaper
than the French, which causes the Indians to
resort for it to the English and to carry their
peltries to them.
Were M. Brunet to be more accommodating
as respects this article, it would be a benefit to
the country.
He found, on his return from Cataracouy,
English Merchants at Montreal, who thought
to carry off the beaver as in times past; but
they returned as they came.
Communicated to all the merchants the
King's intentions on that subject, and they
went away as they came.
Some English merchants have proposed to
him to come to Quebec in search of grain, and
though the country requires the sale of it to
increase its value, he did not consider it his
duty to grant this permission without orders.
It would be a source of considerable profit,
for English goods are cheaper than those of
France.
5"" Extract: drawn from the letters of
M. de S' Valuer.
Inquires if the Parish priest (Cure) is to give
the Governor and the Intendant the title of —
My Lord — at the prone, and if the Clergy are
to so style them in letters they address them.
Represents, in like manner as Monsieur
de Denonville, that the Canadian Youth are
for the most part wholly demoralized; that
there are married men who, in addition to their
I shall have M. Brunet spoken to, but it will
be necessary that I know at what price the
English sell their powder in order to examine
with Sieur Brunet if he could furnish it at the
same price — to write to him to come and see
me on the subject.
Good.
Let him pay attention to it.
There is no inconvenience in permitting
this trade except what might arise from
intercourse with foreigners, which possibly
would afford the latter an opportunity to
carry away Beaver and other peltries under
the pretence of trading in grain, but by paying
strict attention to prevent that, the King is
pleased to allow this trade in grain for one
year, subject to its being eventually interdicted
if it be found not beneficial to the colony.
It is proper as regards the Governor, not
the Intendant.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : III.
279
To agree to what he and Monsieur de
Denonville will deem necessary to prevent
the disorders and to assure him therein of the
King's protection.
own wives, keep Squaws whom they publicly
deceive; and that the most frightful crimes
are perpetrated by the Young men and the
French who resort the woods.
Were he persuaded that his letters would
not be seen by others, he would describe
matters more at length.
To remedy this evil it would be necessary
to place all the Indians in regular missions.
That is his business, but he must be assisted
in the execution of such an undertaking.
The Indians, whatever crimes they commit,
remain unpunished, and as they live among
the French they ought to be subject to the
same laws.
'Tis easy to place them on that footing,
and they would not destroy one another were
they to see crime punished.
They would even come among the French
in greater numbers.
Five or six Squaws have, since a few years,
ceased boarding with the Ursulines as they have
no marriage portion. A fund of a thousand
ecus was formerly appropriated for marriages.
If its direction has been changed in the case of
French women, he does not believe that it has
been retained for the Indian girls.
He could also found an Establishment for
School teachers the expense of bringing them
from France is too great.
Alio.
The poor overwhelm him, and ask of him
wherewith to clothe themselves.
The consequences of this poverty are mel-
ancholy. The children being obliged to lie
together, frightful irregularities result.
As they dare not appear in that state, the
children do not leave their houses, especially
during the winter, and remain without instruc-
tion.
M. de Denonville thinks he cannot employ
a few licenses better than by affording these
poor people the means of clothing themselves.
Note.— The above columns are transposed, in order to render their arrangement uniform with that observed in the preced-
ing volumss of aiis work. — Ed.
The marriage portions of these six Squaws
must be replaced @ 50" each.
Good.
That's very good.
280 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Memoir of M. de Denonville on the State of Canada.
Memoir on the present state of Canada, and the measures to be adopted for
the safety of the country. IS"" November, 1685.
Lengthy discourses are not required to prove that the principal means of maintaining and
increasing a Colony is to keep it in peace vpith its neighbors, so that the people may be
enabled to devote the whole of their time to agriculture and the formation of their settlements,
being no longer called aside by the necessity of taking up arms to attack an enemy and to
protect themselves from the insults they are liable to experience. But as it is impossible
to rely on neighboring nations, especially when they do not govern themselves by religion nor
by any laws that have formed since the creation of the world the two guides which God has
placed in the hands of Kings for the conduct of the people whom His Providence has confided
to their care, 'tis indubitable that measures must be adopted to secure and guarantee the country
against insults to which it is exposed from those Infidels.
The first precaution necessary to be taken is to reassemble the Colony with great care in
order to concentrate its forces, and so act that each inhabitant may be aided by his neighbor
in case of need. Forts, redoubts and retrenchments must not be forgotten, as well for the
safety of the inhabitants as for the security of their cattle and other property.
I am persuaded that the first who had the management of the Colony of New France did
not omit anything essential in those principles; they have so frequently seen their necessity
that experience, united to their own good conduct, caused them to adopt similar resolutions
wherein we now witness in New France but the vestiges of their wisdom. I am, thereby
satisfied that care enough has not been taken to carry out their intentions, which appeared to
me quite conformable to the King's orders, though these have not been afterwards so closely
followed as they ought to have been. For, doubtless the Colony of New France would not
be so exposed as it is to the insults of the feeblest enemy that will make his appearance, were
it not as it seems to me from the situation of the greatest portion of the settlements, that
private applications have been listened to, and every thing granted without any reflection.
What is most to be regretted herein is, that for the present there is no remedy except the
hope of seeing an increase of population, consequent on the large number of children I see
around who, in order to be near their relatives, will possibly settle in their neighborhood.
The best I can do on my side is, to decidedly oppose any person settling beyond our most
distant plantations. The principal cause of that wide separation of settlements proceeds, I
have remarked, from the desire each has to be in advance of all others, so as to obtain the most
peltries ; and this is so true, that, if it be not checked, I believe settlements will be pushed
as far the Outaouacs. This will not assuredly happen, so long as the King will leave me in
this country.
Throughout the entire of New France there is not a single redoubt (reduit) except the
Castle of Quebec, which, within a few years, resembles only a private establishment, open
day and night to every comer, without a single gate capable of being closed.
The post of Three Rivers is formed of lofty palisades, without doors or gates, and without
flanks except two large turrets begun last year which are entirely exposed and unfinished.
Nevertheless, that post is of importance, and might have been located more favorably had it
been placed nearer the three mouths of the river. But this change is no longer feasible.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : III. 281
On the Island of Montreal there is no sign of a redoubt except at the Indian mission of the
Mountain which M. de Belmont has had inclosed with great care and industry.
Thus it may be said with truth, that from River du Loup to the point (la pointe) of the Island
of Montreal, a distance of more than one hundred leagues, there is not a solitary spot affording
the semblance of shelter from an enemy. The general census which I have caused to be
taken will show the number of inhabitants in all those settlements ; by following the two banks
of the river, an opinion will be thus formed how far apart the settlements must be, the one
from the other.
The views that ought to be entertained for the support and strengthening of the Colony,
until the number of children increase and multiply, would, it appears to me beforehand, be to
populate as much as possible the Island of Montreal and to have it surrounded (d'enfaire
achever le circuit) by a greater number of settlers ; if that were completed as commenced, no
hostile Indian could come on the island without being discovered. That island is twenty-five
leagues in circumference ; ten leagues remain still to be cleared, eight leagues on the north,
and two on the west side, to complete that circle. To decelerate this, it would be necessary
that the gentlemen of the Seminary could construct, as soon as possible, two or three mills
and two churches, to attract settlers thither. Some offer themselves already on these
conditions. M'. Dolier, their Superior, told me he wished it done, but that the erection of the
Seminary and of the Church had retarded it ; indeed, they did not adopt the Resolution of
building a house for themselves until they had great need of it, for no persons can be worse
lodged than the ecclesiastics. Too much care cannot be taken to people this island which is
of itself very fertile and, from its situation at the head of the entire country, must, if thickly
settled, be the strength and support of the whole Colony, inasmuch as all the places against
which the foe would like to make a demonstration, are accessible from this point.
It would, for a thousand good reasons, be of consequence, also, to enlarge the town of
Villemarie'. Thfs could easily be effected by insisting that the Indian trade should be carried
on, not in every private place in the settlements but exclusively in the town, as regulated by
the King's order communicated in a letter of My Lord de Colbert of the IS"" of April, 1676,
whereupon an arret of the Sovereign Council of Quebec was issued, dated the 5"" of October
of the same year, which had no more effect than the King's commands.
To avoid being too prolix, it is proper to conclude these reflections in order to make a few
observations on the enemy, whose position affords a better opportunity for annoying the colony;
and to consider the remedies required in such case.
The Iroquois are the most formidable ; they are the most powerful by reason of the facility
they possess of procuring arms from the English, and in consequence of the number of
prisoners (esclaves) they daily make among their neighbors, whose children they carry off at an
early age and adopt. This is their only means of increase, for in consequence of their drunken
debaucheries which impel them into frightful disorders, the few children their wives bear
could not assuredly sustain them alone did they not make prisoners.
Their large purchases of arms and ammunition from the English, at a low rate, have given
them hitherto all the advantage they possess over other tribes, who in consequence of being
disarmed, have been destroyed by the Iroquois, all of whom are proud of the act. Even
the English in Virginia have suffered and still daily suffer from them, but the gain of the
merchant of Orange and Manatte is paramount to every public interest, for were he not to
'The city of Montreal was thus called when first founded. — Ed.
Vol. IX. 36
282 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
sell the Iroquois powder, that Nation would be more easily conquered than any other. It
consists of five principal tribes (villages) each of which has other small dependencies. The
first calls itself Mohawk (AnieJ and can muster two hundred men fit for service; it is ten
leagues from Orange. • The second is Oneida, (Oneyoust) between 15 and 20 leagues of the
Mohawks, which can muster one hundred and fifty men. The third is Onontague, a
hundred leagues from Montreal ; it can muster three hundred men. The fourth is Cayuga,
( Gojjoguoain) twelve leagues distant from Lake Ontario, which can furnish two hundred men,
and the Senecas ( Sonontouans ) are the fifth. The last consist, it is said, of twelve hundred
fighting men, and are five leagues south of the lake.
The Senecas being the strongest are the most insolent. Their subjugation need never be
expected except we be in a position to surprise them. This cannot be effected without
approaching nearer to them; occupying some post into which supplies may be thrown for the
troops that will go in quest of those savages. In accomplishing this so opportunely as not
to alarm the enemy, consists all the trouble and difficulty, both because of the distance and of
the navigation of the river which is full of rapids and cascades impassable except by portages.
The post of Cataraksy appears to me the most advantageous, if it were placed in a better
posture of defence. It is at the mouth of Lake Ontario, from the head of which the Senecas
are only five or six leagues distant in a beautiful country towards the south.
That fort is in a good position to afford vessels protection from storms and Indian attacks,
on the outlay of some trifling expense which will be required for that purpose. The nearest
point to the Senecas is forty or fifty leagues across this Lake. The three vessels at Catarakay
will be of vast use in this expedition, when thoroughly repaired, for they are greatly neglected.
The plan of this fort demonstrates that.it might have been more advantageously situated
were it at the extremity of the tongue of land which is capable of being isolated by cutting a
ditch on the land side. A wall twenty-five feet high, flanked with demi-bastions (demi-tours)
would, in my opinion, be sufficient against Savages who do not make use of cannon.
It appears to me of extreme importance that the King make himself absolute master of this
lake, which is more than three hundred leagues in circumference. I am persuaded that the
English would like very much to have a post there. This would be a great prejudice to
the colony and to the King's power on this continent of which his Majesty can easily make
himself master, without any opposition, by the permanent establishment of a post with some
vessels on this lake, and by another fort and some vessels on Lake Erie, which, by the Niagara
river, is only two' leagues distant from Lake Ontario. But as such a post cannot be erected
until after the Iroquois are conquered, I shall, before entering into the detail of the means of
mastering that Nation, again repeat, as regards the importance of occupying those posts, that
the English have so great a facility for establishing themselves there, that nothing save the power
alone of the Iroquois prevents them from having posts there; inasmuch as it is quite easy to
go from Manatte and Orange to Lake Ontario on horseback, the distance being only one hundred
leagues through a beautiful country.
The importance of the post to be established on Lake Erie is quite clear, since vessels can
very easily go from tliat lake to Missilimakina, which would afford considerable facility to
the trade of the country and keep the Outaouacs in check and in the King's obedience. That
lake would, moreover, enable us to take the Illinois by the hand, whilst communication by
vessels would remove a great many impediments met with in the rivers from the numerous
'Sic. Que? Twelve.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : III. 283
portages. Our cruisers having rendered us masters of these two lakes, the English would
lose all the beaver trade of that quarter, which is very considerable.
A permanent peace with the Iroquois would be of more benefit to the Colony than a
proclamation of war ; but they act so insolently and haughtily towards all the other tribes with
which they are at war, and at whose expense they daily recruit their strength, and have
derived such advantage from an unfavorable peace concluded last year with us, that they are
placed in a position, we may be assured, to break with us on the very first opportunity.
It is still more certain that if not checked, they will, at the moment when there will be
no more troops in this country, reassume on the first opportunity their original insolent tone,
and without doubt insult us and inflict on us all possible injuries, no matter what promises
they may make at present.
The question is, then, to discover the most sure means to humble and conquer the Five
nations which, according to the account above cited, can place about two thousand men under
arms, and in a state to take the field.
I estimate that the Regulars and militia with some Indians that we could muster, would
be sufficient to encounter them ; but as it is not enough to make them retreat, and as it
is necessary to deprive them of all means to disturb us in our settlements, we must not go
to their country to chastise them by halves but, if possible, to annihilate them. This cannot
be effected without the aid of a considerable number of Indians in order to be able to pursue
them pretty effectually into the distant forests in the direction of Merilande and Endastes,'
whither they will retreat if they see that we are stronger than they. And as it is of great
consequence not to declare war against them except we be able to crush them, it is of
absolute necessity to take measures to induce the Illinois their enemies, and the Indians
our allies, to unite with us, to attack and pursue them into the woods whither they will not fail
to retire, as they will not dare to stand before us. For, as it would be very unfortunate not to
crush them when attacked, nothing ought to be left undone to endeavor to destroy them and
to put it out of their power to injure the Colony. Should we succeed the English, I reckon,
will lose their trade in that quarter.
I find all our allies so discontented with us, and so dissatisfied at the fruitless voyage we
caused them to make last year, that I do not think, from what I learn, that we can calculate
on any of them.
Prior, then, to engaging in a war, I considered it my duty to permit the continuance of the
negotiations of a certain Onondaga Indian of influence among them and the other Iroquois, who
say they desire only peace. Meanwhile I thought it proper to set about managing the Illinois
by promising them every protection; and as Chevalier de Tonty, who commands the fort on
behalf of M'. de Lasalle, is in great favor with them, I considered it my duty to advise him
of my arrival, and of the necessity that existed for my speaking to him as soon as possible on
the King's service.
I have also sent to M'. de Ladurantaye who is at Lake Superior by M'. de Labarre's orders;
and to Sieur Duluth, who is likewise at a great distance in another direction, and all so far
beyond reach that neither the one nor the other will be able to receive news from me this
year ; so that, not being able to see them all at the earliest before the month of July next, I
have concluded that I ought not, and could not think of undertaking anything during the entire
' Sea Note Bupra, p. 227. — Ed.
284 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
of the next year ; pspecinlly as a great number of our best Colonists are among the Outaouacs,
and cannot return before next summer.
Being, moreover, informed that six Nations of our friends and allies are at war with eacii
other, it is absolutely necessary to establish peace among them before thinking of making
them in any way useful. I have sent some presents and an order to NP. de Ladurantaye to
collect our Frenchmen and to place himself at their head, so as to back his arguments and
to have more authority to reconcile them in conjunction with Father Angelran, a Jesuit
Missionary, who is at Missilimakina.
Meanwhile, we shall lose no time in putting ourselves in a condition to repel any insults the
Iroquois may offer the Colony, which would suffer seriously were we overpowered. Neither
will we neglect any negotiations that may present themselves to lull the Senecas, who are the
most insolent, and from whom we are not to expect any assured peace, still less its observance
with our allies, whom they are determined utterly to exterminate.
On the arrival, next July, of Chevalier de Tonty, commandant of M^ de Lasalle's fort at
the Illinois, we shall arrange together our future plans to insure success in crushing that
Nation. I expect to accomplish it if he can march with a sufficient force of the Illinois in
the rear of Lake Erie, and come to Niagara, as Sieur de Laforest, who was in command at
Cataroksy, has assured me he could do. This officer has also informed me that four to five
hundred guns, with some powder, will be required to arm these tribes. It will be only an
advance, which Sieur de Laforest pledges himself to cause the said Sieur de Tonty to
reimburse in cash.
Said Sieur de Laforest having requested my permission to go and join Sieur de Tonty on
M'. de Lasalle's business, I considered it my duty to select a person capable of answering for the
safety of the post at Catarokby. I have chosen Sieur D'orvilliers, a man of much prudence
and intelligence, and of great experience, whose conduct during M'. de la Barre's administration
elicited the praise and approbation of every respectable person in the country.
I have given him for a garrison his company, with some mechanics as well to refit the
vessels as to repair the barracks, and to place the fort in as good a condition as possible for
passing the winter securely there.
And as there is a great recourse of Iroquois to, and even a number of them settled at that
post, I have requested the Jesuit Fathers to appoint Father Milet to that mission to act as
Interpreter, and to cooperate with Father de Lamberville, a missionary among the Onontagues,
who express a desire for peace.
As regards Sieur Duluth, I have sent him orders to wait on me, so that I may learn from
himself the number of Indians on which I can reckon. He possesses influence among them,
and rendered great services to M^ de Labarre, by bringing to Niagara a considerable number
of Indians for him, who would have, of themselves, attacked the Senecas had not M^ de
Labarre expressly forbidden them.
On arriving here I found neither bateaux nor canoes for our troops. As men are absolutely
useless without means of conveying them from one place to another, and knowing by
experience that canoes cost too much, and require too much attention and repair, I thought I
could not do better than to give orders for the preparation of plank for a hundred flat bottomed
boats, which will carry twice as much as canoes, and be much cheaper, and need less repairs.
Because a bateau capable of carrying two thousand pounds weight, will not cost more than a
canoe which will carry only one.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : III. 285
The means for waging war with tiie King's approbation, against the Iroquois, without
exciting any suspicion on their part, remain to be considered.
It is highly desirable that sufficient flour and other provision should be thrown next year into
Cataroksy, so as to have nothing to do the year following except to march against the enemy.
But as I consider it impossible to convey thither the entire quantity of provisions necessary
without giving umbrage to the Indians, who are naturally suspicious, it will be necessary to
adopt measures to effect the whole, with extraordinary diligence, in the course of the same
year. This will not be accomplished without trouble and expense; for, in truth, the passage
of the rapids and cascades, which embrace from twenty to thirty leagues, is attended with
considerable difficulty.
This is not all ; for it is well to reflect that it will not be easy to make arrangements for
a punctual rendezvous as the Illinois have to travel four hundred leagues before they arrive at
Niagara, the place of meeting; and the Outaouacs and Indians of Lake Superior three hundred
leagues, and as it is nearly two hundred from Quebec to Niagara. All this must compel me
to devise arrangements whereby I will be able alone to beat them without any other aid than
what the country will afford.
The transportation of supplies and the expense attendant thereupon are my sole difficulty.
The environs of Cataroksy, though not favorable for grain, produce good peas. IVP de
Laforest assured me that he has nearly three hundred bushels of them. I caused orders to be
sent him to plant the entire lot, and M' D'orvilliers has instructions not to permit any of them
to be consumed but to set his soldiers to work, to plant them. This would afford a trifling
supply of four to five hundred minots' for next year.
The statements of the cost of conveying flour to Cataraksy exhibit the great expense of
freight which cannot be had less. I have witnessed the last convoy, I have seen the difficulties,
which had been in some degree diminished by a few passages I caused to be made. More might
be effected, but a large expense would have to be incurred to render the river navigable. By
remarking the pitch at some points on the map I caused to be made of it, some feeble idea
may be formed of those difficulties.
We have treated of the avowed enemy of the colony, and of the means of getting rid of him.
It is well to consider whether the English are not equally, if not more to be feared, and
whether we must not take as much care to protect ourselves against them.
The situation of the convenient posts and good harbors occupied by these English on the
sea coast South of this country, gives them such an advantage over us, that did it afford only
the means of navigation at all seasons, this would still be too much.
Since they have been on this continent, they have taken particular pains to erect three
large towns, which owing to their good conduct have become very populous. Trade flourishes
in consequence of the abundance of beaver they derive from the Indians who eagerly
repair to them, because their goods are cheaper than ours ; and of the fisheries that nation has
forestalled on us through our weakness in Acadia, the coast of which abounds more with fish
than theirs.
This fishery though in the King's dominion has been for a long time free to them ; it has
made them very powerful in our own territory which has scarcely any trade except with them,
as it possesses but very little with France ; and the few furs obtained from Acadia are all
exported to the English.
'12 @ 1500 bushels. —Ed.
286 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
This, in addition to seeing them among our enemies, the Iroquois, whom they aid, sustain, is
not the only inconvenience we experience at their hands; we also see them establishing
themselves at the North Bay, where they will be more injurious to us than in the direction of
Acadia: For if their establishments continue as they have begun at the three places on that
Bay which they actually occupy, and on the river Bourbon or Port Nelson, we must expect to
see all the best of the Beaver Trade, both as to quality and quantity, in the hands of
the English.
If not expelled thence, they will get all the fat beaver from an infinite number of nations at
the North which are being discovered every day; they will attract the greatest portion of the
peltries that reach us at Montreal through theOutaouacs and Assinibois, and other neighboring
tribes, for these will derive a double advantage from going in search of the English at
Port Nelson — they will not have so far to go, and will find goods at a much lower rate than
with us. That is evident from the fact that our Frenchmen have seen quite recently at
Port Nelson, some Indians who were known to have traded several years ago at Montreal.
The posts at the head of the Bay, adjoining the rivers Abitibis,' and Nimisco^ can be
reached through the woods and seized; our Frenchmen are acquainted with the road. But in
regard to the posts occupied by the English in the River Bourbon, or Port Nelson,^ it is
impossible to hold any post below them, and convey merchandise thither except by sea. Some
pretend that it is feasible to go there overland, but the river to reach that quarter remains yet
to be discovered, and when discovered, could only admit the conveyance of a few men and
not of any merchandise. The best informed on this subject agree herein.
The most certain safeguard against the English of New- York would be to purchase it from
the King of England who, in the present state of his affairs will, doubtless, stand in need of
the King's money. We would, thus, be masters of the Iroquois without a war.
In regard to Hudson's Bay {du Nord), should the King not think proper to enforce the
reasons his Majesty has for opposing the usurpations of the English on his lands, by the just
titles proving his Majesty's possession of it long before the English had any knowledge of said
country, nothing is to be done but to find means to support the Company of said Bay formed
in Canada by the privilege his Majesty has been pleased this year to grant his subjects of
New France, and to furnish them, for some years, a few vessels of one hundred and twenty
tons only, well armed and equipped. I hope, with this aid, our Canadians will support this
affair which will, otherwise, perish of itself, whilst the English merchants, more powerful than
our Canadians, will with good ships continue their trade, whereby they will enrich themselves
at the expense of the Colony and of the King's revenue.
' Rises in Lake Abittibie, which is in Lat 49 N., and Long. "79 W., and after forming a junction with Moose River, falls
into the S. W. corner of James' Bay,
» Rupert river rises in Lake Mistassin, in Lat 61 N., and Long. 72° S5' W., and after forming Lake Nemiskau, falls into the
East side of James' Bay.
= Now, York Fort or Factory, on the "West side of Hudson's Bay, in Lat. 51° 2' N. Long. 9S° W. Um/reville't Hudson's Bay, 1 1.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : III. 287
Return of Beaver received from Canada from 1675 to 1685.
lbs
In 1675 including fat, old, dry, and for Muscovy, 61,000
1676 70,000
•1677 92,000
1678 80,135
1679 68,080
1680 69,000
1681 82,900
1682 90,353
1683 95,489
1684 49,056
1685 23,568
In the same year was received from Fauconnet 114,000
This is about all the Beaver received for the whole period of
Oudiette's lease (fcrme.) 895,581 lbs.
Average 89,588 lbs.
It is to be observed that the consumption of Beaver in France has ordinarily been about 40
to 45 thousand pounds a year, assorted, f fat and J dry. The surplus of said Beaver which
consisted of dry, and of skins suitable for Russia, was sent to Holland, except some trifling
portion occasionally sold in France ; this however was small.
M. de Denonville to M. de Seignelay.
My Lord
I understand that the intelligence is correct which I had the honor to transmit you, of the
appearance on Lakes Ontario and Erie of English canoes conducted by French deserters, on
their way to the Outaouax. There are ten of them loaded with goods. Thereupon,
My Lord, I dispatched orders to Missillimakina, Catarokouy and other places where we have
Frenchmen, to run and seize them, and I have determined to send another officer with twelve
good men to join Sieur Doruilliers at Cataroskouy who is to go to Niagara with Sieur de la
Salle's bark, to trade there with the Iroquois Indians on their return from hunting. [He] will
Be accompanied by some men. By means of this vessel and of some canoes that will be
furnished him, he will go with twenty men and post himself at the river that flows from Lake
Erie to Lake Ontario towards Niagara, by which the English who have gone up into Lake Eri6
will, of necessity, pass with their peltries on their return home.
I consider it a matter of importance, My Lord, to preclude the English from this trade as
they doubtless would entirely ruin our's as well by the cheaper bargains they would give the
288 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Indians, as by attracting to themselves the French of our Colony who are in the habit of
resorting the woods. What is particularly to be avoided is, not to do any injury to the
Iroquois, so as not to draw the war on ourselves prematurely and contrary to the interests of
the Colony which require that we be not worsted, for, in truth, consequences might follow our
defeat, as the population is so sparse and scattered, that would render it impossible to protect
it fiom the insults of an enemy without a miracle from God. I had the honor to submit to
you, My Lord, by my letter of the 14"" November last, the necessity there was for some
redoubts and stockaded posts, (lieuxfermcs.) If there is to be war, some ought to be erected
in each Seigniory, for the security of the people, their grain and cattle.
I will add, to this letter. My Lord, that it would be well were Villemarie, at the head of the
whole of those settlements, inclosed by walls and put in a condition to secure the stores,
to afford shelter to the entire island and to cope successfully with the enemy.
You will permit me. My Lord, again to beg most humbly of you to reflect that walled
places are the only security for a country which, so long as it is without them, will be always
exposed to destruction.
My Lord, it is highly important that you would have the goodness to reflect on the actual
state of affairs in our present conjuncture with the English and the Iroquois.
The former are cutting off our trade at the North ; to obviate that I have, I believe, sent by
land every order possible to the extent of the power, and even beyond the means, of
the country.
They also intersect us on the South by Niagara whence they go westward to the Outaouax.
In my opinion, nothing more remains for me to do than to send in search of, and seize them,
if overtaken, and to lay in wait for them at the Straits of Niagara. If it be our good fortune
that one and the other expedition succeed, there are the English on our backs. They are
more powerful than we, at sea ; they will harrass us on our Acadia coasts where they have
already committed so much violence on the settlers and on our fishermen by their pirates who
are swift sailers. They will again endeavor to make war on the Company of the Hudson's
Bay (Baie du Nord.)
If they are desirous to continue trading with the Outaouacs by way of Niagara, that pass
is at a great distance from us to admit of our watching it constantly, in order to catch them
there. However we shall try.
In regard to the Iroquois Indians, they labor constantly to form an alliance with the
Outaouax, with a view of gaining them over to themselves. They fear us, and hate us still
more. There is not the least doubt but they will make war on us, sooner or later ; and
would have already declared it, had not Onontague, one of their five villages, openly opposed
them on this point. Allow me the liberty to observe to you hereupon. My Lord, that their
distance from the colony as well as the impediments of the rapids are too great to admit of
the Iroquois being approached with rapidity, should we carry a requisite supply of provisions.
Besides, when we reach their country, there is no certainty of meeting them; for feeling
themselves weaker than we, they will retire into the forest. I hope it will not be a mere affair
of burning their villages, and laying waste their fields; for it is not certain that this would effect
their destruction. The war with them may easily endure many years; occupying the woods,
as they do, they will be at liberty to ravage as many of our settlements as they please, if God
blind them not in their power. Such, My Lord, are the inconveniences that attend waging
war on them, even should we destroy the village of the Senecas; this alone is a work of a
PARIS DOCUMENTS : III. 289
campaign, because the others are at so great a distance from them, that it is impossible to
attack even the nearest, tiie same season. Thus, that village may sustain and recover itself, the
very same year, by the aid of the others who will unite with them in making war against us.
I am satisfied the Iroquois heartily desire peace now that they see troops, but I do not, at
all believe that they consent to abandon all future hostilities against the other tribes, our
allies. Therefore, there remains not a doubt of the necessity of placing ourselves in a
condition to humble them.
The establishment of a very strong post at Niagara would, in iny opinion, be the most
effectual means to accomplish that object.
The mode observed by the English with the Iroquois, when desirous to form an establishment
in their neighborhood, has been, to make them presents for the purchase of the fee and
property of the land they would occupy. What I consider most certain is, that whether we do
so, or have war or peace with them, they will not suffer, except most unwillingly, the construction
of a fort at Niagara whereby we would secure to ourselves the communication of the two
Lakes, and become masters of the passage by which the Senecas go after peltries, having
none in their own country, and where they rendezvous when they hunt for game, with which
as well as with all sorts of fish this country abounds.
That post would be of great advantage as a retreat for the other nations who are at war
with them, and who dare not come into their neighborhood in consequence of having too far
to retreat.
This post would keep them in check and in fear, especially were the fort made sufficiently
large to accommodate a body of 4 to 500 men to wage war against them. It would necessitate
some expense as it should be inclosed by ordinary palisading to protect it from insult, as the
garrison could not derive any assistance from us.
Even if we were at peace with them, a force would no doubt be necessary to protect the
workmen so as to insure the construction of the fort. The conveyance of provisions both for
the garrison and the men to remain there, is very expensive, the freight of a thousand pound
weight, which is a canoe load, from Ville Marie on the Island of Montreal to Catarakouy
costing 110". In addition to these mere provisions, how many other articles and munitions
would be necessary.
Such a post, my Lord, would absolutely close the road to the Outaouax on the English and
place us in a position to prevent the Iroquois carrying their peltries to the latter; for with the
redoubt of Catarokouy to serve as an entrepot to shelter our barks from the winds in winter,
and with posts on both sides of the Lake, we could control the hunting of that nation, which
is not able to maintain itself except by such aid, and would derive but trifling assistance from
the English were it to have no more peltries to give them. What is certain is, that the
quantity it would bring them would be much less than in times past.
I design sending Sieur Doruilliers this year to Niagara with Sieurde Villeneuve draughtsman
(dess'meiir) whom you have furnished me, to draw the plan. And after I shall have had
an interview with the Iroquois at Villemarie on the Island of Montreal, and understand on
what terms we are with them, I shall see if I be not able to go and make a tour there myself,
so. as to have it in ray power to render you a more exact account of the matter. For [it is
out of the question] to confide in Sieur de Villineuve alone; though a very good, very correct,
and very faithful draughtsman, he has not, in other respects, a well ordered mind and is
Vol. IX. 37
290 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
too contracted to be qualified to furnish any views for the establishment of a post, and to be
entrusted with the exclusive superintendence of it.
I am assured the lands in that neighborhood, which is in about the 44"" degree of latitude, are
very fine highly productive and easy of cultivation. All I learn of the place confirms me in
my opinion that in three years at farthest, that post would support itself. Fortifying it, 'tis
feared, will draw down war on us if you wish to avoid it. But at the same time it is my
belief that the Senecas, on seeing us strongly established, would be much more docile.
Should this plan meet your approbation. My Lord, be pleased to send out some Masons, and
a quantity of tools to remove the earth and quarry stones.
Certain it is, our merchants will pay the King a handsome profit that will help to diminish
the greatest part of the expense his Majesty would incur there ; and were affliirs arranged with
the Iroquois, I believe our associates will realize a revenue of 30,000" for the King, besides the
present you would consider suitable for the Governor in return for the fourth of the Beaver and
the privilege of trading with the Iroquois and not with the other tribes; which would be
easily regulated : And, I think, I may assure you that after the first lease of such a post, the
revenue from it might approximate that received here; especially if all commercial intercourse
between the Iroquois and the English were prevented. I have written a word to M. Morel
who will possibly speak to you on the subject.
I am still of opinion. My Lord, that the assured establishment of this post would be highly
advantageous for the propagation of the Faith, owing to the facilities it would afford to put
our Vessels on Lake Erie with which we could easily reach Missilimakina, as I have had the
honor of advising you, this autumn.
The whole world, here, is convinced that the progress of the Faith among the Indians
depends absolutely on humiliating the Iroquois.
I think it will be well that the garrison of Catarokouy be composed of detachments
(ge?is detachez), instead of retaining an entire Company there. I shall see, on the spot, what
will be best for the service, and have the Company relieved if necessary.
Five Soldiers belonging to that garrison deserted last winter, and set ofT to the English by
way of the Iroquois Villages. It was a daring undertaking on the part of those rascals. I
doubt if they all arrived there owing to the severity of the cold at that season; some of them
assuredly, will have been frozen on the ice ; those sent by Doruilliers in pursuit of them almost
perished of cold.
This proximity of the English is highly dangerous to the Colony. I should greatly desire
that the affairs of the King of England would require him to conclude some arrangement
on the subject with his Majesty. It would greatly advance the affairs of the Colony, supply the
State with many commodities, and place the Iroquois at our mercy, who maintain themselves
only by the assistance of the English.
I have dispatched a Lieutenant with eighteen men to the place where formerly stood Fort
Chambly, which is one of the communications to the English by way of the Richelieu River;
and have issued orders to stop all who would pass there. Two of Macary's Serjeants have
deserted by this route.
You will be surprised. My Lord, to learn that Sieur de Chailly, concerning whom I had the
honor to write you this fall, has run away from, and deserted the Country, in order to repair
to Orange and to proceed thence, no doubt, to France by way of England, as he was not able to
obtain my permission to return home with all his property which he sent off the year before
my arrival. When I represented to him that he was bound in honor to serve a Country in
PARIS DOCUMENTS : III. 291
which he had realized a fortune, inasmuch as from being a simple Cadet in the Carignan
regiment, without a penny of patrimony, he has amassed 40,000" I thought he ought to
have waited for an opportunity of rendering the Colony some service in this conjuncture. He
had purchased an establishment at the end of the Island of (Bout de fhh dc) Montreal, where
he had made all his money, not without considerable fraud and deception, as 1 had the
honor of advising you in my letters of the 14th November, was the custom in that quarter.
When I arrived in the country he had sold the place for which, as I am assured, he has not
been paid.
It is highly important, My Lord, that this desertion do not go unpunished. He has inveigled
away with him an Indian of the Sault.
What is unpleasant is, that he will have told Governor Dongan all he knows respecting
our expeditions towards Hudson's Bay (Baye du Nord); and every thing concerning the
interests of the Country and our plans, that he is acquainted with. I most humbly request
you, My Lord, to be pleased to permit the confiscation of whatever may be found belonging
to him for the benefit of the two Hospitals of the Colony.
There is no doubt but he will go to Rochelle whither he has sent all his property by
Dombourg's ship, from whom as well as from all the merchants of the city who trade to this
place, intelligence respecting him can be obtained.
His father is said to be noble, very poor, residing at Amboise, and owner of a farm in that
neighborhood, near the fort. He has a brother who is adjutant of Brisac. If allowed to go
unpunished, it will I assure you. My Lord, have a very bad effect throughout the entire
Country, where levity of character is the cause of the greatest damage to all our young men.
I am certain that only one Coureur de bois of the Island of Montreal has run away since
my arrival, but I hope he will be arrested, and shall not fail, sooner or later, to make such
an example of him that the others will break themselves of this habit. I shall have the honor
of indicating to you, elsewhere, the main source of these Coureurs de bois who have
demoralized the people of the Country.
I have, just now, received letters from Sieur Doruilliers, commandant at Catarokouy,
informing me that the five deserters from his garrison had been stopped by the Iroquois of the
village of Onontague, when passing their place to the English, because they were not provided
with passports from me.
They did more, for they brought them to Catarakouy, urgently entreating Sieur Doruilliers
to pardon them.
Father de Lamberville, the Jesuit Missionary at that village, strongly recommends that their
prayers be respected ; otherwise it may be of evil consequence. I believe the interests of the
service require of me to ignore this desertion, in our present conjuncture with those Indians.
You could not conceive. My Lord, what sclutary effects I expect from this. I believe it will
be proper to make some presents to reward that act of a people who appear desirous to please
us. That tribe. My Lord, is the most disposed of all to peace, and through the intrigues
of one of their leaders, named Otreouaty,' is making every effort to induce the Senecas to
preserve peace with us. But all these efforts must not lead us to rely on them too far,
because their harebrained young men, who are the braves, without discipline and any semblance
of subordination, upset, at the first moment of caprice, and drunken debauchery, all the
' See note, supra, p. 243. — En.
292 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
deliberations of the old men who are no longer obeyed. In addition to that, My Lord, all
the Iroquois are naturally cheats and traitors, and influenced only by fear and interest.
To reach that village, those deserters have endured all possible hunger, cold and hardship.
On hearing their account thereof I do not think the other Soldiers dare run the risk of so
many dangers as those have experienced.
M. Doruilliers advises me that a number of Indians belonging to that village have passed
the fort on their way to hunt, and had traded considerably there with M. de la Salle's
people. But I am very sorry that the little clerk whom M. de la Forest left there, has, contrary
to ray orders, and in opposition to what I had recommended and written, sold all the peas I
proposed that he should plant.
If it be your pleasure. My Lord, that I should continue to occupy that post, it would be
highly proper that the King alone should be its proprietor. In that case, you will state, if you
please, for whose benefit it is his Majesty's pleasure that the trade should be prosecuted. 'Tis
supposed that it cannot exceed 4,000" this country currency, all expenses paid, exclusive of
the King's share. M. de la Salle has assigned it to divers merchants here, who with the
consent of S' de la Forest propose beginning this year, to carry it on, for the discharge of
Sieur de la Salle's debt to them. It is greatly to be wished that he could pay them all, for
disappointment would, in truth, seriously inconvenience them.
They write me from Catarakouy that the three barks which are aground cannot be got
afloat before the 15th of June, the time that the rivers rise. These vessels will require a
good deal of repair before they are fit for service on the Lake.
I am with profound respect,
My Lord,
Your most humble, most obliged
and most obedient Servant,
Quebec, 8"" May, 1686. The M. de Denonville.
Governor Dongan to M. de Denonville.
Copy of the letter from Colonel Dongan, Governor of New-York to the Marquis
de Denonville, Gov' Gen' of Canada. IS"" October, 1685.
Sir,
I have had the honor of receiving your letter, and greatly rejoice at having so good a
neighbor whose character is so wide spread that it has anticipated your arrival.
I have written several letters to M. de la Barre; that which you have honored is one of the
first. I presume the others have not been shown to you. He meddled in an affair that might
have created some indifference between the two Crowns which gave me considerable pain, as
I entertain a very higii respect for the King of France, of whose bread I have eaten so much
that I feel myself under the obligation to prevent whatsoever can give the least umbrage to
our masters. M. de la Barre is a very worthy gentleman, but he has not written to me in
civil and befitting style.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : III. 293
In regard to your fugitives, I assure you that sucli persons as you will think proper to send,
who are acquainted witii them, will not want for any aid or assistance that this government
can supply to recover them. As for Jacques Vigor, this place shall not afibrd him a refuge.
The woman's father is at full liberty to come In quest of his daughter, and we will assist him
in whatsoever is necessary.
Our news here is that the Duke of Monmouth is dead and has been beheaded at Gihcard and
drawn and quartered in Scotland. I hope all the rebels will meet the same fate. The King,
your master, has, uo doubt, been deeply afHicted at the death of the late King Charles of
glorious memory, and I trust his present Majesty will keep up as good understanding and amity
as the late King with the Crown of France.
It will not be my fault if we do not cultivate a cordial friendship, being, with respect and
truth,
Your most affectionate servant,
(Signed) Dongan.
M. de Denonville to M. de Seignelay.
Villemarie, 12"' June, 16S6.
My Lord,
The bark which I dispatched to you having suffered considerably from the severity of the
gales, and been obliged to return to Quebec to repair damages; and judging it impossible for
her to arrive in France before the departure of the last ship, I have given orders that the letters
she was carrying, should be transmitted to you by the fishing vessels at Pergee Island.
A bark is too small to go at the close of the winter to France to convey the news of the
country to you, and to receive your orders.
I am in receipt of intelligence from the Outaouacs by the Jesuit Father Enjalran, Superior
of Michilimaquina and of the missions in that quarter. After having dispatched a canoe to
me, he came himself expressly to communicate to me the deplorable condition of our affairs
with all our allies, on whom we could no longer make any impression owing to the discredit
we have fallen into among them, wherefrom we can not recover, except by some considerable
advantage over the Iroquois, who, as I have had the honor to advise you, labor incessantly
since autumn to rob us of all our allies, by sedulously endeavoring to contract alliances with
our friendly Indians without any participation on our part.
I have had again the honor of advising you this fall that a man named Scoubache, a native
Huron, had been to the Iroquois to induce them to make war on us. It has since been
discovered that his principal design was to betray all the Hurons at Michiliniakina, and
that Traitor did in fact, conjointly with others like himself, deliver up to the Iroquois
seventy Hurons who were dispersed a-hunting between Lake Erie and Lake Huron, in the
country they call Saquinan.^ He made them carry off thirty -six Outaouas, big and little, at
the same time. The plan of the Iroquois was, to restore these prisoners when peace would
' Sacenong, in ChJppeway, meaning the country of the Sacs. It comprised that part of the State of Michigan lying between
the head of Lake Erie and Saginaw Bay, on Lake Huron. — Ed.
294 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
be concluded without my intervention. All the Jesuit fathers strongly opposed this course,
and, after considerable dilHculty, finally induced the Outaouas to consent that Father Enjalran
should wait on me on their behalf, to request me to demand back (rcpeter) their prisoners in
my own name; and the Father accordingly came. The village of Onontague sent Father
de Laraberville, the resident missionary there, to me to inform me that it disavows the act
perpetrated by the Senecas, and in proof thereof offers to send the prisoners who fell to their
lot to Catarocouy, and to use their efforts to engage the Senecas to surrender the others whom
they have. Although I place no reliance on their gne promises, knowing that they design
only to deceive us, nevertheless, being unable to do otherwise, I have accepted their offer,
and sent Father de Lamberville back with belts and presents to demand our prisoners.
Father Enjalran of the Outaouas will repair to Catarocouy to receive those the Onontagues
have promised, and those of the Senecas, if the latter are willing to surrender them. It is
very certain that Scouebache and the other traitors among the number of the prisoners
with the Senecas will not be willing to' come, as they have sold the others. This, My
Lord, is as disagreeable an occurrence as can well be, and the more so as I am not in a position
to do what is proper to insure success in such a negotiation with people who are very insolent
and haughty, and who despise us. Firm and vigorous proceedings, club in hand, would be
necessary to oblige them to do what cannot be exacted from them by reason.
My Lord, I am not afraid to march against them with what forces we can collect in the
Colony ; but I am deterred by the state of the country and the consequences of a war which
could not terminate in one, nor in two years, short of a miracle from God.
Reflect, My Lord, that we can not accomplish anything of moment in the hostilities we
are obliged to undertake against this Iroquois Nation, after having burnt the Seneca town and
laid waste their grain, unless we make arrangements to winter two hundred men in each of
three different posts that it will be necessary to establish in their country at points whence we
could excite considerable uneasiness among them.
The three places to be occupied are on the south side of Lake Ontario; they will be able
to support each other if supplied with bateaux. I doubt not but by this manoeuvre we may
expect that the most timid among their Indian enemies will wake up to share in the ruin of
the Iroquois nation.'
When these posts are established and the country of the Senecas laid waste, the latter will,
possibly, take refuge in the other four villages, where they will find enough to support all
their wives and little ones through the winter, whilst their warriors will keep the woods to
harrass us in our settlements; had I sufficient troops to march, at the same time, against the
two larger villages, it would be a mighty achievement.
It is necessary, then, to attend to the interior of the Colony, which is in such a terrible state
of disorder that no good is to be expected from it, unless it be reconstructed. This cannot be
effected without causing most of the Settlements to be abandoned, each Seignory being two
or three leagues front, and the most populous of them having only thirty or forty settlers ;
the majority of them twelve to fifteen, and even five or six.
If these be concentrated, they will need shelter against the rigors of the severe winter,
and require stockaded redoubts as places of security for themselves, their cattle, their
grain and flour. If the major portion of the strongest and most vigorous are to be detailed
' Je ne doute pas que de oette maneuvre on ne doive afendre que les plus timides Sauvages leura ennemis se reveilleront
pour avoir part a la parte de cette nation. — Text.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : III. 295
for the war, or for the transportation of provisions, what means will those who remain
have to fortify themselves, make their harvest and gather their grain and fodder into the
redoubts at a distance from their settlements?
'Tis certain that stores of grain and flour must be provided, and that serious suffering on
the part of the people must be anticipated, unless provision be seasonably made with
great precaution.
You may depend upon it, My Lord, that the English are the principal fomenters of the
insolence and arrogance of the Iroquois, adroitly using them to extend their sovereignty;
uniting with them as one nation, in such wise that the English pretend to own nothing less
than Lake Ontario, Lake Erie, the entire Saguinan country, that of the Hurons if these
become their allies, and the whole territory towards the Micissipy.
By the letter I have written to Sieur de la Durantais, whom I have appointed commander
over all our Frenchmen at the Outauas, you will again see, My Lord, what measures I have
adopted for the occupation of some posts in the Saguinan in order to encourage our Indians
whom possibly he will collect from the most distant parts and at whose head he will march.
As for our Outauas, I do not expect any thing from them, having nought else^to ask of them
except to come and witness our actions. I have not considered it best this year to refuse
twenty-five licenses, believing it of very great importance to have a number of Frenchmen
among the Outaouas to control the Indians, and to protect them against new expeditions on
the part of the Iroquois; I, moreover, expect all those French to join me at a rendezvous I
shall appoint for them, when I march.
I am very sorry, My Lord, to find the affairs of this country in so deplorable a state. I am
still more sorry to see myself constrained, if I would avoid the loss of all by too much
precipitation, to temporise and to incur the danger of being overpowered by the Iroquois. Be
assured, My Lord, could I manage better, I would do so with pleasure. Had I no fear but for
myself and for those who, without any other than our own resources, will share with me the
dangers of an expedition against an enemy that can put two thousand men under arms, I
should have no more cause for apprehension than in the several other affairs into which thirty
years of the King's service have led me.
I cannot avoid stating to you. My Lord, without betraying my honor and conscience, that
it will be out of your power to reestablish the affairs of this country unless you send some
good troops hither ; and that it would be much better for you to incur at once the expense
necessary to put every thing on a proper footing, than to do so by piecemeal.
It will not be in my power to advise you before this autumn of the success of our
negotiations. They will be backed by some presents to gain over the leaders, until you put
us in a condition to do better, and to speak with more authority. Colonel Dongan will,
perhaps, interfere to prevent a rupture between us and the Iroquois. The Merchants of
Orange, who support him, would be very sorry that a war should prevent the Iroquois hunting
for beaver, by whose means they expect to attract to themselves the trade with the
Outaouacs who have been attached to us only by the dread of being pillaged by the Iroquois.
The latter perceiving that, do their utmost to encourage and persuade those Indians that a
peace concluded between them, independent of the French, will be more to their advantage
and much more durable.
It is proper for you to know, My Lord, that the Iroquois are aware of every circumstance
that transpired at Paris touching the affairs of this country. The English, who have free
296 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
access to the ocean during the entire winter, take care that the Iroquois be informed of
whatever concerns them. They knew, last year, of the change of Governor and that you
were sending troops, long before our arrival in this country. I am with respect,
My Lord,
Your most humble, most
obliged and most obedient servant.
The M. DE Denonville.
M. de Denonville to M. de Seignelay.
Memoir on the Present state of affairs in Canada, and the Necessity of waging
war, next year, against the Iroquois.
Quebec, S'" 9"", 1686.
Our reputation is absolutely lost both with our friends and our enemies; to reetablish it. My
Lord, is no trifling matter in point of expense, trouble, and the grievous consequences of a
war that is absolutely necessary. But, My Lord, when every one is convinced that God's
interest and the King's glory are therein at stake, and that the hearts and heads of those
entrusted therewith are occupied only with thoughts of effectually performing their duty so
as to be free from self reproach, all labor with confidence under the conviction that Heaven
will supply any defects in our knowledge and ability, especially when we have you for our
protector near the King, with whom all things are possible, his Majesty's piety being the
foundation and motive of all his undertakings.
I annex to this Memoir the duplicate of the letter of the month of June last, in which I
advised your Lordship of the expedition of the Iroquois at Saguinan against our allies, the
Hurons and Ottawas of Missilimakina. I have learned, since then, that the English have a
greater hand in those expeditions than even the Iroquois who struck the blow. Their artifices
reach a point, My Lord, when it were much better that they had recourse to acts of hostility
on the coast, by burning our settlements, than to do what they are instigating the Iroquois to
perpetrate against us for our destruction.
I know beyond a particle of doubt, that M. Dongan hath caused all the Five Iroquois
Nations to be assembled this spring at Orange in order to tell them in public, so as to excite
them against us, that I wished to declare war against them ; that they must plunder our
Frenchmen in the woods whom they could easily overpower on their entering the country, and
with this view Mr. Dongan caused his merchants to make them presents of arms and ammunition,
neither more nor less than if it were he who was to carry on hostilities. Add to this.
My Lord, that there is no artifice, he has not recourse to, in order to persuade them of their ruin,
if they did not master us. Father de Lamberville, the Jesuit missionary of the Onnontaguez,
one of the Five Nations, being advised of the evil designs of the English, set all his friends to
work to avert this storm; and taking upon himself to give them an account of every thing,
obtained a promise from them that they would not stir until he had seen me. During his
absence, M. Dongan sent an express to the Iroquois to notify them that they must march,
PARIS DOCUMENTS: III. 297
without delay, to attack the Colony, giving orders to bring him Father de Laniberville's
brother,' who had remained as it were a hostage, calculating thus to deprive us of all the
Missionaries among the Iroquois. He was sending people at the same time, to our Montreal
Indians to debauch and draw them over to him, promising them Missionaries to instruct them,
and assuring them that he would prevent the introduction of Brandy into their villages. All
these intrigues have given me during the whole of this summer not a little trouble in order to
avert this storm. M. Dongan has written me, and 1 have answered him as a man may do
who wishes to dissimulate, and does not yet feel himself in a condition to get angry, much less
to overcome his enemy. I thought it better to temporize and to reply to M. Dongan by
concealing rather than evincing any chagrin, not being in a position to be able to injure
an opponent. The letters I have received from, and the answers I have sent to, him (copies
whereof I transmit you) will explain to you my conduct in this rencontre. Meanwhile, Mr.
Dongan labors secretly, by all possible artifices to seduce our Frenchmen and Indians from us.
Colonel Dongan's letters will notify you sufficiently of his pretensions which extend no less
than from the lakes, inclusive, to the South Sea. Missilimakinac is theirs. They have
taken its latitude ; have been to trade there with our Outawas and Huron Indians, who
received them cordially on account of the bargains they gave, by selling their merchandise
for Beaver which they purchased at a much higher price than we. Unfortunately we had
but very few Frenchmen at Missilimakinac at that time. M. de la Durantaye, on arriving
there wanted to pursue the English to pillage them. The Hurons were hastening to escort
them after having expressed a great many impertinences against us. Sieur de la Durantaye
did not overtake the English who met the Senecas on their way to join, and escort them
through Lakes Erie and Ontario, until they should be beyond all danger of an attack from us.
Thus you easily perceive. My Lord, that the English and the Senecas understand each other
wonderfully well, and are perfectly agreed ; and this union dates particularly from the year
that M. de la Barre went against the latter, for whilst he was on his march, the Senecas ran to
Orange to see Colonel Dongan to request him to take them under his protection, giving
themselves up to him by a public instrument which was recorded and sent to England, and
then he caused posts with the English arms to be set up in all their villages. Yet we have
had Missionaries there previous to that time, before an Englishman had cognizance that Senecas
were in existence. I annex to this letter a Memoir of our Rights to the entire of that Country,
of which our registers ought to be full, but no memorials of them are to be found. I'm told that
M. Tallon has had originals of the entries into possession (prises de possession) of a great many
discoveries that have been made in this country, with which our registers ought to be loaded.
Doubtless, he will have given them to My late Lord, your father.
Father de Lamberville, having given me an account of all the intrigues of the Colonel who
aimed at carrying the Hurons away from us and drawing the Outawas to himself, I loaded
him with presents to gain over the greatest intriguers among the Iroquois chiefs, in order to
secure the favor of all the young men who were intending to march against us. He arrived
very opportunely, for all the Nations, under M. Dongan's assurance that the good Father would
not come back, were assembled and marching; but his return revived the party of the Father
who dispelled this storm by means of secret, called here " under-ground" presents.
The entire summer was spent in coming and going for the purpose of releasing prisoners,
the Outawas wishing to make application for them to the Iroquois without my participation,
' Rev. Jaequei de Lamberville.
Vol. IX. 38
298 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
agreeably to the promises of the Senecas to surrender them provided I did not make
the demand. The Hurons and Outawas finally resolved to repair to Cataraqui, and the
Onnontaguez only have surrendered their prisoners, the Senecas saying theirs were not willing
to return home. Father de Lamberville came here in the last days of September to give me an
account of all his troubles and fatigues. Whatever partiality he may entertain for the Mission
■where he has, for fifteen or sixteen years, been daily exposed to destruction at the hands of the
Iroquois, he admits, himself, that nothing is to be effected for those Missions, if that nation be
not humbled. So perfectly true is it. My Lord, that the Iroquois have no other design than to
destroy all our allies, one after the other, in order finally to annihilate us, and in that consists
the entire policy of M. Dongan and his merchants whose sole object is to post themselves at
Niagara, to intercept us. But up to this time they have not dared to touch that string with
the Iroquois, who fear and hate their domination more than ours, loving them, in truth, for
their cheap bargains only.
M. Dongan caresses considerably our deserters whose services he requires in order to
execute his designs which contemplate nothing less than the destruction and ruin of our trade
by pushing his own. That wakes up our restless spirits (liherdns), and induces me to manage
them until I shall be in a position to check them more severely.
You will perceive, My Lord, by one of the Colonel's letters,' that he asks something from the
King which he says is his due. He is a very selfish man and, should you consider it proper,
would assuredly govern himself accordingly. But the secret is, he is not master of those
merchants from whom he draws money.
Father de Lamberville has gone back with orders from me to assemble all the Iroquois
nations next spring at Cataraqui to talk over our affairs. I am persuaded that scarcely any
will come, but my principal object is to attract [some of them] to that place whilst the Jesuit
Father remains alone, as he must send back his younger brother, this year, in order to
experience less trouble himself in withdrawing. That poor Father, however, knows nothing
of our designs. He is a man of talent and says, himself, that matters cannot remain in their
present state. I am very sorry to see him exposed, but should I withdraw him this year the
storm will, without doubt, burst sooner upon us, for the Iroquois would surely discover our
plans by his retiring.
Meanwhile, I have advices that the Five Nations are forming a large war party, it is
supposed against the Oumiamis and other Indians of the Bay des Puans who have been
attacked in the beginning of this year, one of their villages having been destroyed by the
Iroquois. On receiving notice thereof, the hunters of those tribes pursued and overtook
the Iroquois party and fought them with considerable vigor, having recovered several prisoners
and killed many of the enemy, who, without a doubt, pant for revenge. I sent the Western
Indians word to be on their guard and, when they will be required to march to join me, to
cause their women and children to be removed to a distance.
I say nothing to you of what they (the Iroquois) have done to the Illinois, whom they
spare not, having within two years destroyed a vast number of them.
Nothing morels required, My Lord, to convince you that the case admits not of any hesitation,
and that the Colony must be put down as lost, if war be not waged next year. The
Iroquois destroy our allies on all sides, who are on the point of turning their backs on us if
we do not declare in their favor ; plunder our canoes wherever they find them, and no longer
' See III., 460. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : III. 299
observe appearances. Nevertheless, My Lord, war is the most dangerous thing in the
world iu the actual deranged state of the Colony. Nothing can save us but the troops you
will send, and the redoubts which it is necessary for us to build. Yet I dare not begin to work
at them for, if I make the least movement towards these Redoubts, 1 will assuredly draw all
the Iroquois down on us, before I am in a condition to attack them.
The copy I transmit of my orders for our next year's expedition, will make known to you
all the measures I have adopted to insure success to our plans. The distance is terrible and
victory is in the hands of God. If you will be pleased, My Lord, to take the trouble to
read all these orders, with the accompanying Map, you will understand all my projects. In
order to give a little more character to our expedition, I have overrated somewhat the number
of the force I shall have with me. I cannot detail more than eight hundred militia, one hundred
of the best of whom will be required to manage fifty canoes for convoys. They will do nothing
but go and come during our expedition, in order to transport provisions for our troops and for
those whom we shall station, during the winter, at the post we must occupy either at Niagara or
near the Senecas, to serve as a retreat for those of our Indians who will be desirous to harrass
them during the winter and the year following. Without this, nothing effectual will have been
done towards humbling that nation, for to confine ourselves to driving them from their
villages and to come away after that has been effected, is not accomplishing any great things,
as they immediately return and reestablish themselves in those same localities.
As you. My Lord, are perfectly acquainted with the ruinous condition of this Colony, you
understand very well the deplorable consequences of this war. The settlements will have to
be concentrated, and herein it is that we must expect many difficulties; for in truth the
establishment of the Colony would have almost to be begun over again. This it is that causes
me to renew the demand I have already made for Regular troops to support our Militia and
to occupy the posts necessary to be guarded. Otherwise, I will not be able to preserve several
points that are very requisite to be protected; Chambly among the rest, where I should like to
station a strong party, because it is the most important pass on the route to the English by
Lake Champlain. That post will, moreover, be a constant source of uneasiness to such Indians
as would wish to cross the River Richelieu and then proceed to our settlements on the
River S' Francis ; communicating as it does with la Prairie de la Madelaine, it would also
secure, in some sort, the entire country between that settlement and Sorel. Reflect, again,
My Lord, if you please, how important is the post at the end of the Island o{ (duBout de I'Isle
de) Montreal, that of Chateaugue, that of la Chesnaye -and that of Isle Jesus.
I do not mention to you. My Lord, all the other separate and isolated settlements which we
must endeavor to secure from insult. All those details. My Lord, require considerable troops,
which cannot fail to greatly advance this country by contributing to render the Colony more
compact, and to bring it closer together by means of forts around which clearances would
be made.
This, My Lord, is no trifling matter for which preparations are required. For what
certainty can there be of destroying so powerful an enemy as that Nation, which has assuredly
two thousand men under arms exclusive of a large number of other tribes, their allies, who
are estimated at twelve hundred? The vast extent of forest into which they will certainly
retreat, and where Indians alone can pursue them; the uncertainty of the force of the Indians
we shall have with us; the difficulty of rendezvousing so far off, are considerations that ought
to make us reflect on the means of sustaining ourselves in case we should not meet that
300 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
success we may desire, and which we cannat secure without a manifest interposition of Heaven
in favor of such a variety of projects.
Were I in a position to be able to send a strong detachment to the Mohawk country by
way of the River Richelieu, at the same time that I was proceeding against the Senecas,
'tis very certain that I could not only create considerable alarm among the English, which
would keep them at home, but obtain a great advantage over the Iroquois by separating
them and pillaging and laying waste the corn fields at both ends of their cantons. It would
be very desirable that I could destroy all their corn in the same year, so that it would be out
of the power of the one any longer to support the other. Thus they would be reduced to
great misery, and become a burthen to the English, should they apply to them for means
to live. Had I a sufficiency of troops I would not fail to undertake such an enterprise, but
having only my present command, I must attack those Indians in detail and endeavor to effect
some other year what it is impossible to accomplish in the first. 'Tis true, were all done at
once, it would be much better and essentially promote our expedition and considerably
dishearten our enemies.
I am very sorry, My Lord, to witness all the expense required for the support of Fort
Cataracouy, with a garrison of merely fifty men. It is very unfortunate that the lands
thereabout are not better, so that it might support itself. I am not yet sufficiently well
acquainted with the environs to be able to write you with sufficient accuracy respecting all
that can be done there ; nevertheless, it is of great consequence to preserve that post at the
mouth of the Lake, though posts in this country do not command passes so completely as to
prevent the Indians avoiding them some two or three leagues either above or below. Yet that
post, and one at Niagara would render us entire masters of the Iroquois ; keep them in great
check and respect, and give us immense advantages in our trade with the Illinois and
Outtawas ; as that route is shorter, and much less difficult than the one we usually take, in
which there is an infinite number of portages and rapids, much more dangerous than those on
the Cataracouy side.
The letters I have written to Sieurs du Lhu and de la Durantaye, of which I send
you copies, will inform you of my orders to them to fortify the two passes leading to
Michilimaquina. Sieur du Lhu is at that of the Detroit of Lake Erie, and Sieur de la
Durantaye at that of the portage of Taronto. These two posts will block the passage
against the English, should they attempt to go again to Michilimaquina, and serve as retreats
to our Indian allies either while hunting, or while marching against the Iroquois.
I send you, also, My Lord, copies of the orders I have issued for the assembling and
marching of our Indian allies and for their repairing to Niagara with Sieurs du Lhu
and de la Durantaye. You will see, also. My Lord, the orders I have issued for marching the
Illinois in the rear of the Iroquois. It looks very well on paper, but the business remains
yet to be done. Many difficulties may intervene from the nature of the Indians, who
are little accustomed to obedience and to the prosecution of a design during several the
successive months that are required to reach the rear of the Senecas from their country.
Chevalier de Tonty, who came to see me at Montreal in the month of last July, has taken
charge of these matters. I have given him twenty good Canadians with eight canoes loaded
with one hundred and fifty muskets; all I could collect in the country. He carries some
powder and lead and other articles of trade. Had the guns you sent me arrived, I should
have given him a good number of them. He left at the end of August and calculates to
PARIS DOCUMENTS : III. 301
arrive at Fort St. Louis' before the hunters will have set out. He could not assure me of the
number of Indians he will be able to bring with him, but I am certain he will make great
exertions to succeed in this affair, in which he will participate largely if the Indians will allow
themselves to be governed and advised by him. I cannot sufficiently praise his zeal for the
success of this expedition. He is a lad of great enterprise and boldness, who undertakes a
great deal. He left the Fort of the Illinois last February, to look for M. de la Salle at the
lower end of the Mississippi ; has been as far as the sea, where he learned nothing of M. de
la Salle except that some Indians had seen him set sail and proceed southward. On the
receipt of this intelligence he (de Tonty) returned to Fort Saint Louis of the Illinois, and
thence to Montreal where he arrived in the beginning of July with two Illinois chiefs, to
whom I have made some presents, as well as to another who had not come. They have
promised me wonders. Nothing remains but the execution, which is in the hands of God ;
for according to what I am told of the temper of those savages, sometimes a mere nothing
only is necessary to cause them to change their minds. He will have about twenty good
Canadians with him to march at the head of the Indians; this he hopes will encourage them.
He will have to march three hundred leagues overland, for those Indians are not accustomed
to Canoes.
I should have greatly desired to have made my letters to you more brief. But, My Lord, as
it is necessary to inform you of the state of our affairs, and to render you an account of my
conduct, I thought I would send you all the orders as I had issued them, so as to be corrected
if I fail in any respect, being very anxious to give you satisfaction.
I am in receipt of letters from the most distant parts; from the upper Mississippi, from the
head of Lake Superior, from Lake des Lenerayngon,^ where they propose wonders to me were
I to establish posts for the Missions, and for the Beavers which abound there. But in truth, so
long as the interior of the Colony is not consolidated and secured, no certain reliance can
be placed on all those distant posts where, hitherto, people have lived in great disorder, and
in a manner to convert our best Canadians into banditti. All these posts at a distance cannot
maintain themselves except from the interior of the Colony, and by sure communication
with it. Whilst we have the Iroquois on our hands, can we be certain of any thing?
Solicited by the English, they daily plunder our canoes and openly declare they will continue
so to do, as they are unwilling that we should carry ammunition to the Savages, their enemies
and our allies.
The principal affair at present is the security of this Colony which is in evident danger of
perishing if the Iroquois be let alone, and we make war and have not a decided advantage
over them; and however decided our advantage may be, the people, separated as they are, will
always be in danger. Yet, My Lord, if you aid us with troops, war will be the least
inconvenience ; for if we wage it not, I do not believe the next year will pass away without
the whole trade being absolutely lost; our friendly Indians revolting against us, and placing
themselves at the mercy of the Iroquois, more powerful, because better armed than any of
them. The whole of the Hurons are waiting only for the moment to do so. Had I not by
Father de Lamberville's care, fortunately avoided war from the very beginning of this year,
not a single canoe would have come down from the forests without having been taken and
plundered in the River of the Outtawas. We should have lost a great number of good men.
' Peoria, 111. ' Lake Aleminipigon of the older Geographers ; now Lake St Anne, north of Lake Superior. — Ed.
302 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
This, My Lord, is a long narrative about tiie state of the affairs of the country with the
Iroquois which absolutely require that we wage war without any longer delay. Every person
sees its necessity so clearly that those concur in it now, who had been hitherto the most opposed
to it. I hope that on the sketch I give you of our wants, you will aid us both in men and other
necessaries. In regard to troops, My Lord, I had the honor to ask you for Regulars, for in
truth the employment of people picked up here and there is very unwise. It requires time
to make them fit for service, and on their arrival they will have to take arms in their hands
and fight.
If you propose to send us any, it would be well to have them arrive at the end of May,
which is the season when the Northeast winds prevail in our River. To do that, the ships
ought to leave Rochelle in the month of March. Sieur Dambour, one of the best of our
ship captains that come to Canada, can give advice thereupon.
Our march cannot begin before the fifteenth of May, for we must let the sowing be finished,
and the storms before that time are furious on our river and on Lake Ontario.
I say nothing of the risks to be incurred of the loss of the harvest next year on account of
the war, nor of the necessity of building storehouses. If troops be sent us many things
will be done of which we dare not dream if you do not send any.
A few days since a man named Antoine L'Epinart, an old resident among the Dutch, at
present among the English, came to Ville Marie on the Island of Montreal, in search of a child
he had boarding with the Jesuits. He reports that the English kept guard three months this
summer, our deserters having told them that I would attack them for having armed the Iroquois
against us. He also says, that the Iroquois are attracting the Mohegans (Loups) and other tribes
towards the Andastes,' with whom they are forming alliances; that he believed the Iroquois
had evil intentions towards us; that the English who bad been to the Outtawas had been well
received and invited to return with merchandise, and had well nigh procured from the Iroquois
the restitution of their prisoners, by which means they will be more attached to them than to
us; that the Merchants of Orange had urgently entreated Colonel Dongan to request the
Senecas to surrender the prisoners; that the Colonel had convoked a meeting of the Five
Nations who went to see him; that it is the general belief that the Colonel will obtain
satisfaction of the Iroquois whereby the English will attract to themselves both the Outtawas
and the Hurons; and that their cheap bargains will ruin our trade. The said Antoine
L'Epinart assures moreover, that a Company of fifty men was formed to go to Missilimakina;
that their canoes were purchased, and that the too low state of the waters had prevented them
starting ; that they were waiting only for the rain to raise their rivers, and that the Senecas
had promised to escort them.
I have heard of Sieur de Lhu's arrival at the post of the Detroit of Lake Erie, with fifty
good men well armed, with munitions of war and provisions and all other necessaries sufficient
to protect them against the severe cold, and to render them comfortable during the whole winter
wherever they will entrench themselves.
M. De la Durantaye is collecting people to fortify himself at Michilimaquina, and to occupy
the other passage at Taronto, which the English might take to enter Lake Huron. In this
this way our Englishmen will find some body to speak to.
All this cannot be accomplished without considerable expense, but still we must maintain
our honor and our property.
' See note 2, p. 227.
PAEIS DOCUMENTS : III. 303
The Oumeamis and other Indians of the Bay des Puans have expressed much joy to me
on being told that Sieur du Lhu was posted at the Detroit, but I am very sorry to hear that Tonty
has learned on the road that these same savages had quarreled with the Illinois, which
might prevent the latter attacking the Senecas in the rear, as we had projected. It would, in
trutR, be an afflicting circumstance to see our allies devouring one another instead of uniting
with us to destroy the common enemy. But it is useless to be vexed a't it. Nothing remains
but to be prepared for every thing that may happen, and to rely only on ourselves.
If God give us the advantage, the people will rouse to our aid. My Lord ought to place
no reliance on the changeable disposition of a people without discipline, or any sort of
subordination. The King must be master in this country if he would effect any sort of good,
and success therein cannot be secured without expense.
The M. DE Denonville.
French Right to the Iroquois Country and HudsorHs Bay.
Memoir in proof of the Right of the French to the Iroquois country and
to Hudson's Bay. ^
The French were the first discoverers of New France, otherwise called Canada and all the
circumjacent countries. Francis I. sent out Verazzano, a Florentine, in 1523, who discovered
from the 33"' to the 47"" degree, and Jacques Cartier of Saint Malo, in 1534 and 1535, who
discovered the Island of Newfoundland and ascended the River Saint Lawrence up to the
Saut Saint Louis.
These facts are proved by all the Relations that have been written since, and particularly
by those of Champlain, pages 9 and 10, and of L'Escarbot, pages 3 and 29.
These discoveries having been made, the French have always continued in the design of
maintaining themselves therein. To secure those countries, the same King Francis granted
a Commission in 1540 to Sieur de la Roche Robertval.
Although King Henry III. found himself greatly occupied by the Civil Wars, he did not
wish to abandon the right he possessed over North America. On the 12"" January, 1598, he
appointed the Marquis de Costenmeal and de la Roche his Lieutenant-general in the countries
of Canada, Hochelaga, Newfoundland, La Brador, the River of the Great Bay or River Saint
Lawrence, River of Norembegue and countries adjacent to said provinces and rivers. There
is one thing very remarkable in these letters patent: They mention that those countries were
not inhabited by any subjects of Christian princes. L'Escarbot gives them at length ;
page 434.
Sieur de Mons likewise was appointed Lieutenant-general in the said Countries on the
S"" 9ber, 1603. Next, Sieur Champlain succeeded Sieur Damons and labored more successfully
than all his predecessors to discover all the interior of the country. He says himself, that
from 1604 up to 1620 he has been more than 500 leagues into the interior of New France;
that he defeated the Iroquois, explored (reconnu) and took possession of their River, and
■ Referred to, supra, p. 297. — Ed.
304 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
that he ascended that of Saguena towards the North. The Relation of Sieur L'Escarbot,
printed in 1612, confirms the same thing. At page 450, he says, that they had received
intelligence from upwards of five hundred leagues beyond the 1" Sault of the River Saint
Lawrence including the Great Lake it flows from, and that they likewise had a knowledge of
the Saguena country toward the Northwest, and of the Iroquois country to the Southwest.'
Sieur Champlain who commanded in New France made divers voyages thither up to 1630.
There was also a company established under Sieur de Caen's name, but as those interested
thought more of their private interests than of permanent establishments, Louis XIII. dissolved
This concesBion is ^^^^^ Couipauy, and ou the 29"' April, 1627, a new one was organized to which
in print. ^^iQ King couceded the entire Country of New France, called Canada, in latitude
from Florida which his Majesty's Royal predecessors had had settled, keeping along the sea
coasts as far as the Arctic Circle, and in longitude from the Island of Newfoundland westward
to the Great Lake called The Fresh Sea and beyond, both along the Coasts and into the interior
and along the rivers flowing there and discharging themselves into the River Saint Lawrence
and into all the other rivers that convey them to the sea.
It is certain that all the Iroquois lands are included within that concession, inasmuch as
Sieur Champlain took possession of them and as the discoveries previously made extend much
farther ; also the North, or Hudson's Bay, inasmuch as it is on this side of the Arctic Circle.
Since that time the French have continued their commerce within the countries of the said
Grant. In 1656, Jean Bourdon ran along the entire coast of Labrador with a vessel of 30
tons, entered and took possession of the North Bay. This is proved by an Extract of the
ancient Register of the Council of New France of the 26"" of August of said year.
In 1661, the Indians of said North Bay came expressly to Quebec to confirm the good
understanding that existed with the French, and to ask for a Missionary. Father Dablon went
overland thither with Sieur De La Valliere and others. Father Dablon has given his
certificate of the fact. In 1663, those Indians returned to Quebec to demand other
Frenchmen. Sieur D'Avaugour, then governor, sent Sieur Couture thither with five others.
Said Sieur Couture took possession anew of the head (finds) of said Bay, whither he went
overland, and there set up the King's arms, engraved on copper. This is proved by Sieur
D'Avaugour's order of the 20"" May, 1663, and the certificates of those who were sent there.
In 1671, Sieur de Saint Lusson was sent by Sieur Talon, Intendant in Canada to the Sault
Saint Mary at the Outawas, where all the Nations a hundred leagues around, to the number
of 17, repaired and voluntarily submitted themselves to his Majesty's dominion. Said Sieur de
Saint Lusson afterwards erected the Cross there, and affixed thereto his Majesty's arms.
These Seventeen Nations included all those of the Outawas, and of the entire of Lake Huron,
Monsr. Talon's Me- those of Lake Superior, of the whole Northern country and of Hudson's Bay, of
M?cteramblu"t. ^ la Baic dcs Puans* and of the Lake of the Illinois,^ as is proved by the Relations
iBmiswnKr"" thereof which were seat by the said Sieur Talon, and by the proces-verbal of
the taking of Possession.
As regards the country of the Iroquois there have been divers eiiir\es(prise») into possession.
In 1656, Sieur de Lauzon, Governor of New France caused a fort to be built on the lake
named Gannontae ^ some leagues from Onnontague and placed a garrison in it, and so regarded
the country as belonging to his Majesty that he made grants of land whereof the Actes
are proof.
' Green Bay ' Lake Michigan. ' Onondaga. — En.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: III. 305
In 1666, Sieur Talon concluded a treaty with the Iroquois, and possession was in
consequence taken of their lands and forts which is proved by the aforesaid Treaty and the
original Record of the entry into possession. The Dutch of Manatte, to whose rights the
English succeeded, did not make any opposition thereunto.
In 1669 was renewed the entry into possession of the lands of the Iroquois of Lake Erie.
Sieurs Dolier and Galinee, who were present, gave their certificate thereof which is reported.
The English in justification of their pretended right to the North Bay may allege that they
made the first discovery thereof; that in 147j) Sabastien Cabot was towards Labrador to
discover some passages ; but he returned without effecting any thing. In 1576, 77, 78. Martin
Frobisher made three voyages thither. Seven years afterwards, Humphrey Guilbert was
there also and, after that, John Davis who discovered the Straits which bear his name. Etienne
Pennemudi was in 1583 on the North east coast of Newfoundland; sometime afterwards
Richard Witaboux^ went to the same coast, in 1590 Captain Georges also went towards the
North, and in 1612 Maner, an English Captain, went again to the North where he found a
passage in the 63* degree ; finally, that in 1G62 they established themselves there, having
been conducted thither by Radisson and des Groselliers to the head (fonds) of the North Bay.
The English cannot derive any advantage from all these voyages, because those who went
as far as the SG"" degree have only explored some small portions of the coasts of Labrador
without entering into the North Bay and without making any sojourn or establishment there,
and the others who proceeded further, were merely in search of the passage whereby they
could go Westward to the East Indies without intending to make any settlement, and he
who approached the nearest to port Nelson was only about the 63'' degree. Had the English in
making their voyages any other design than to discoi'er the said passages, they would not have
failed to obtain grants of the countries they discovered, as they had done of Florida in 1607,
and of the North Bay when they were conducted thither.
The settlement made by the English in 1662 at the head of the North Bay does not give
them any title, because it has been already remarked, that the French were in possession of
those countries, and had traded with the Indians of that Bay, which is proved still better by
the knowledge the men named Desgroselliers and Radisson had of those parts where they
introduced the English. They had traded there, no doubt, with the old French Coureurs de
hois. Besides, it is a thing unheard of that rebellious subjects could convey any right to
countries belonging to their Sovereign.
The English have still less right to the Iroquois country. It has been established by the
Memoir on Acadia that their settlement on the Coast of Florida was a pure usurpation; that,
even though the grant made by the King James I., in 1607, were valid, it could include, even
according to the terms of that Grant, only countries not inhabited at that time, and it is certain
that the French were then in possession as far as the 40"' degree, and that Sieur Champlain
had already discovered and taken possession of the country of the Iroquois, as can be seen in
his Relation.
'Etienne Parmenu of Buda. Harris' Voyages, I., 5S6. — Eo. ' Whitbourne. De Laet.
Vol. IX. 39
306 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
M. de Denonville to M. de Seignelay.
Quebec, 11 November, 16S6.
My Lord,
I will add, if you please, to all my despatches that it is impossible to do anything of moment
for the preservation of this colony unless the King incur considerable expense for a number of
years to support of the w^ar, inclose tiie towns and erect redoubts.
In this case, My Lord, with the blessing of G>od on our designs, which we have every reason
to expect as justice is on our side, we may calculate that the King will be master of North
America, where Religion will make great progress, and our trade will flourish.
It is highly important that the Ships which the King will please to send us with troops and
necessary ammunition, arrive in the month of May. They can easily reach Quebec on the
fifteenth of that month by sailing on the 15"" March.
Dombour, one of our old Captains will willingly undertake to act as pilot with his vessel and
return immediately; he will arrive in France still in sufficient time to come back the same
year with his ship's cargo.
Delorme will do the same with'his vessel if My Lord desire to charter it.
We must not flatter ourselves that this war will terminate as -soon as we would wish. To
effect such a result, we should be certain that God will blind our enemies by depriving them
of all knowledge of the evil they can, when protected by the English, inflict on us.
War once declared, it is an indispensable necessity to establish, and maintain a post of two
hundred men at Niagara, where marriec^ farmers ought, in my opinion, be placed to make
clearances and to people that place, in view of becoming, with barks, masters of Lake
Erie. I should greatly wish to have a Mill at Niagara.
If we are desirous of reestablishing our credit with the Far Indians, we shall require to
Have one hundred and fifty, or at least one hundred, men at Cataracouy.
It will be highly proper that our Canadians maintain the post Sieur Du I'hut has fortified at
the Detroit of Lake Erie. In this way our Coureurs de hois coming from Michilimaquina,
could take the route, by Lake Erie, to Niagara, protected by the two hundred men in garrison
there ; and thence in our barks to Cataracouy, whence by convoys they could repair to Montreal.
In this way our settlers could draw their peltries from the Outaouas and other distant places
where they have a very considerable stock of them, whicli if lost, or if trade be interrupted,
would ruin the Country.
Should the War continue the route by the Outaouas river, which falls into the St. Lawrence
at the end of the Island of Montreal, would be no longer practicable as it is very dangerous,
small parties being able to plunder every thing.
You see by my letter and memoirs. My Lord, of what advantage it was to close on the
English the passage by the post of Detroit wiiich Sieur du L'hu occupies with fifty brave men.
This could not be effected without considerable expense, all the memoranda whereof have not
yet come from Michilimaquina. Goods have been sent to the latter place to procure provisions
which must be purchased from the Indians; ammunition and other necessaries for the
maintenance during winter of fifty men have also been transmitted thither.
The expenditure account sent you by M. de Champigny and myself, is doubtless much
greater than you anticipated. I assure you. My Lord, I greatly regret all these expenses. But
PARIS DOCUMENTS: III. 307
your Lordship must calculate on a Cuuntrj' lost, if you do not incur and continue them, unless
a miracle from God arrest all the deplorable consequences of the War.
'Tis certain that much management of the people.will be necessary, and many difficulties
will have to be surmounted in order to concentrate the settlers there. And for this purpose
I must observe to you. My Lord, that M. de Laval, the old Bishop, would be of great assistance
here. It appears to me that he has so strong a hold over the hearts of the people throughout
the entire Colony, that his presence here would be of great service in persuading them by
gentleness to do, willingly, what we should be obliged to have enforced by coercion. In that
case, it will be necessary for our new Bishop to seek some other lodgings than the hole of a
Seminary which M. de Laval makes his residence.
It would be highly necessary that the Seminary of Ville Marie, on the Island of Montreal,
should have the direction of all the Parishes from Sorel inclusive, on both sides of the river,
up to Montreal; for in consequence of the distance and the difficulties of the navigation it is
very inconvenient for the Seminary of Quebec to forward thither all the assistance that is
necessary, and to keep every thing in order. It is a matter to be arranged between our Bishop
and the Abbe Tronson.
It is highly important. My Lord, that you request the Queen to send me Commissions in
blank for the Commanders of such posts as I shall be obliged to occupy; that of Niagara
among the rest. Allowing four Captains for two hundred men required there, it may happen
that the service would suffer should the oldest of the four be unqualified for such a command.
I must not conceal from, and it is my duty to inform, you that of the many Naval Officers,
none are capable of commanding a po^t of one hundred men except Mess" de Crisaty ' who
have more experience than any of them, yet are coifimanded by the four Ensigns of Marine.
I cannot too highly praise these two brothers, who are industrious and possess merit. It
requires talents to command in a place like that of Niagara, where the best is not too good.
A commander cannot have too much authority, wherefore. My Lord, it is proper that you
send me orders signed by yourself, for we have disorderly spirits which it will be necessary
to keep in check.
I believe, My Lord, that in this as in every thing else you have confidence in me, inasmuch
as I have the honor to speak to the King whenever I have the honor to write to you.
Therefore is there occasion for truth, and not of passion nor prejudice which would be highly
criminal in me were I capable of them. I do not say that I am incapable of being sometimes
deceived in people, but I will be the first to correct myself, and to admit my error.
Sieur de Troye is the most intelligent and most efficient of our Captains; he has that
excellent tact required for the possession of all the qualities necessary to command others.
Better conduct than that he exhibited in the northern expedition, is impossible; for he needed
address (scavoir faire) in order to induce Canadians to do what he got them to perform, and to
retain them in obedience.
I have still some Captains qualified to take command of a post.
I have not delivered the commission of Commandant which you sent me, at my request, for
the Major of Montreal. I know him better than I did last year; a man may do for a Major
who would be a bad Commandant.
If you permit me to take M. de Calliere with me, I request you to send me an order to
authorize S"" Provost, Major of Quebec, to command at Montreal during M. de Calliere's
absence. He is a very honest and intelligent man.
' The Marquis and Chevalier de Crisasy. Charlevoix.
308 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
I have not troubled you, My Lord, for any of the subsistance of d'Orvillier's Company
which has been a year at Cataracouy. I have stopped out of the soldier's pay, the bread and
pork furnished him at the current price of the country; it amounts to only three sous per day;
so that the soldier is left the balance of his stipend to pay the farthing (deux liars) in the
livre, Hospital money, (Invalides roles), and to defray the expense of linen, stockings, shoes and
blankets. I think it would cost the King less to leave this balance for the soldier's necessaries,
than to supply them in kind. This rule will be adopted by us for the future, if you so
approve it.
One of our merchants is about to leave Bourdeaux for this place on the first of March; I
may have some letters from your Lordship by him.
I am with profound respect,
My Lord,
Your most humble, most
obliged and most obedient
Servant
The M. DE Denonville.
M. de Denonville to M. c
Quebec, IG"" November, 1686.
My Lord, *
Since writing my letters, a very intelligent man whom I sent to Manat, who has conversed
and had much intercourse with Colonel Dongan, reports to me that said Colonel has
dispatched fifty inhabitants of Orange and Manat, among whom are some Frenchmen, to
winter with the Senecas, whence they will depart for Michilimaquina at the opening of the
spring, under an escort of those Indians to carry along with them and restore the Huron
prisoners on the part of the English governor, who is desirous to prevail on the Outaouas,
by the service he renders them, to abandon our alliance in order to attach themselves to
the English.
They carry thither plenty of goods in order to undersell us.
This is not ail. Colonel Dongan has given orders that one hundred and fifty other
Englishmen, accompanied by several Mohegans (Loups) should follow the first fifty with goods.
But this party is not to leave until spring. I believe there is no room to doubt that the design
is to seize the post of Niagara. Were the English once established there, they must be
driven off, or we must bid adieu to the entire trade of the country.
I send you. My Lord, Colonel Dongan's original letter to the Father Superior of the
Jesuits, who requested my permission to thank him' for a deceitful protection he this summer
had extended to Father de Lamberville, Missionary to the Iroquois, from among whom he
cunningly wished to expel him.'
'Tis important, My Lord, that you read that letter, in order to understand from it how
important it is for you to place me in a situation to act powerfully against those Iroquois
proteges of the English.
' For the Superior's letter, see III., 464. ' See III., 456. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : III. 309
All those expeditions, My Lord, render it indispensably necessary, it seems to me, for us to
declare war, and for you to adopt measures to render us efficient support, whilst the King
having no war on his hands is at liberty to send us some of his troops.
The war begun, and badly carried on, by M. de la Barre has been the cause of all our
misfortunes ; it has reunited the Iroquois to the English who adopt the true means of
destroying this Colony in a few years by depriving it of its allies and commerce.
We require no less than two battalions. My Lord, if you wish to succeed.
Nothing will be secure in this country, if you do not fortify the post of Niagara and that of
Cataracouy. Ville Marie and Quebec must absolutely be inclosed in time, and the best thing
possible done to concentrate our settlers.
Wonders are recounted to me of the English settlements which are collected into villages,
in a state to defend themselves. We alone are at the mercy of the Wolves.
I write to M. de Vauban to request him to furnish us some one to superintend our Works
if you desire them to be continued, for Villeneufue is so much occupied with his Maps, that
it is out of his power to think of any thing else ; besides, he cannot be stationary in any one
place except in winter, and all the works are suspended in that season.
The same man who came from Manat told me, that there arrived there within a short time
from the Islands of St. Christopher and Martinique fifty or sixty Huguenots, who are settling
themselves at Manat and its environs.
I know that some such have arrived at Boston from France. Here is fresh material
for banditti.
Whilst writing this. My Lord, I receive further advice from Orange that Colonel Dongan
sent word to the fifty men who are to winter among the Senecas, not to start until the arrival
there of the hundred and fifty men whom he is to dispatch as a reinforcement in the spring.
The cause of this order is, that he has learned from some Indians the fact of Sieur Du L'hut
being stationed at the Detroit of Lake Erie.
If that detachment and the Indians attack that post, you perceive. My Lord, no more
terms are to be observed with the English.
Please send me orders on this point, for I am disposed to go straight to Orange, storm their
fort, and burn the whole concern.
If the English continue their expeditions in this manner and the King is unwilling that
war be waged against them, nothing is to be expected for this Colony but its ruin. They
never denied the King's right neither to the Iroquois among whom we have missionaries since
that people were first discovered; nor to the lakes where we always have a number of
posts, nor to the Illinois where we for a long time possess establishments.
Now, the English governor prompted by the cupidity of the merchants, and by his own
avarice to drag largesses from them, claims the whole country as his, and will trade thither
though an Englishman has never been there.
Under pretext of hunting he gives his creatures passes, one of which was taken at
Michilimaquina ; I would have sent it to you had he who was bringing it not upset in the
water and been thereby drowned.
See, My Lord, if there be any thing more pressing than to check these expeditions, either
by giving me permission and the means to make war on them ; or by causing the capture of
the emissaries of M. Dongan, who is so covetous of money that he will spare no effort to
310 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
satisfy the cravings of his merchants who alone are pleased with hioi, he being greatly hated
by the people on whom he makes pecuniary levies for his own advantage.
Meanwhile, My Lord, 1 shall change nothing of my original hostile design, the execution of
which I shall advance by all means in my power, in order to thwart our enemies' plans.
One of our merchants has informed me that he intends to dispatch a vessel from Bourdeaux
for this place in the beginning of March. I can receive some letters of advice from your
Lordships by that opportunity.
Whilst writing this letter here. My Lord, I receive from Father de Lamberville confirmation
of the news I had the honor to communicate to you respecting Colonel Dongan. I send you
what he writes me concerning the talks the said Colonel held with the Iroquois assembled by
his order at Manat. Have the goodness to read them yourself. My Lord.
Of all that I have the honor to advise you of. My Lord, concerning the designs of the English,
no other proof will be necessary than what you see of the Colonel's intrigues, who has nothing
else in view than the destruction of this entire Colony, which is imminent if the King do not
apply some effectual remedy thereto.
I fear the Outaouas will revolt through [the interference of] the English who conduct their
prisoners to them and furnish them merchandise at a much cheaper rate than we. That, My
Lord, will cease if you send us two good battalions, and the funds necessary to sustain the
movement and to occupy the post at Niagara. The whole is an intrigue of the Orange
Merchants who make presents to the Colonel.
Great complaints are made of the trade at Cataracouy where goods are too high, because
the third of the profit must go to M. deLassale. If the King desire that post to be settled
(se peuple) it will be necessary that his Majesty take the property of it out of M. de Lassalle's
hands, and throw the trade open to the colonists, contenting himself with the fourth. It is
the best means that can be adopted to reestablish the trade with the Indians, and to attract
them thither.
The bad state of affairs, My Lord, is a source of great mortification to me, but you see that
the English of Manat and Orange do not treat their English people of Virginia and Maryland
better than [they treat] us.
M. de Calliere writes me that he has arrested a rogue lately settled in the Chambly country,
who attempted to persuade several respectable young men to withdraw to the English.
I am. with respect,
My Lord,
Your most humble, most
Obliged and most obedient
Servant,
The M. DE Lamberville.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : III. 311
Governor Dongan to the Reverend Jean de Lamherville.
[TRANSLATED FROM THE LATIN.]
Albany, 20"' May, 1686.
Reverend Father,
I received your letters of the 10"" instant and I hereby assure you, that T shall labor
strenuously to extricate you from any danger to vfhich you may be exposed from the barbarians.
I regret that our Indians are so troublesome to yours; but, as I am informed by the Christians,
the Indians consider the country which they conquer in vpar as their rightful possession ; but
I insist not on this. I doubt, however, whether that country, where the Indians are waging
war, belong to our or to your King ; though to me it appears probable that it belongs to ours,
because, as I am told, it lies in respect to ours. West a few degrees towards the South,
whereas yours lies to the North ; but this cannot in any wise justify our people invading
yours, and I shall, if I can, manage so that they be not troublesome, in any way, to yours. I
leave the decision of any question about territory to the King, my master, and I think Mr. Des
Nonville will do the like. I.have not yet spoken to the Indians, and your messenger cannot
wait here any longer. In order that peace may be preserved between us, let your Governor
send a message to me, should our Indians disturb yours, and I shall do the like in all justice,
as far as lies in my power. Your governor will, I hope, exert himself so that in this way the
Indians will be retained in subjection. I hear that our Indians fear something from the French ;
but I hope that Mons' Des Nonville will reflect maturely on the matter before he invade the
Indians subject to our King. Time does not now admit of writing to Mons' Des Nonville, but
my service will not be wanting if needed. I shall write to him before I leave here. I have
no other motive for coming here and convoking the Indians, than to reprove them for some
injuries they have done the subjects of the King of France in Canada. I commend myself
Reverend Father, to your most pious prayers. Your mosj; humble servant,
DoNGAN.
(Endorsed)
Reverendo Patri Domino
De Lamberville e
Societate Jesus.
Governor Dongan to M. de Denonville.
[ Already printed. III., 455. ]
M. de Denonville to Governor Dongan.
[ Already printed, III., 458. ]
312 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Governor Dongan to M. de Denonville.
[ Already printed, III., 460. ]
M. de Denonville to Governor Dongan.
[ Already printed, m., 461. ]
, Governor Dongan to M. de Denonville.
[ Already printed, HI., 462. ]
NoTB. — The word " Indians " in the 9th line from the top of p. 463, Vol. IIX is in the French translation " Marchands"
( Merchants, ) and the word " Mihillmiqum" in the following line, is " MichUmiquina," — Ed.
Abstract of M. de Denonvillis Letters and of the Minister's Answers thereto.
Council of Canada.
Summary of letters written in 1686.
Monsieur De Denonville. Answers.
Religion.
There is no inhabitant of the Pretended His Majesty is very glad to learn that there
Reformed Religion. are no Protestants in Canada and that the
There were only a few soldiers, the most of soldiers who were still of the P. R. R. have
whom have made an act of abjuration. Were been converted,
some small gratuity bestowed on them, it
would have a good effect.
60 or 60 Huguenots of the islands of Saint
Xtopher and Martinique have taken refuge at
Manatte. Some have also arrived at Boston
from France.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : III.
313
War.
We have fallen into such discredit among His Majesty after mature examination of
our Indian allies that we shall not be able to the reasons adduced in his letters concurs
recover from it, unless by some considerable with him in the necessity of waging war
advantage over the Iroquois who are endeav- against the Iroquois, and for that purpose has
oring to seduce them. long since issued the necessary orders for the
A Huron, named Escoutache,' under the preparation of troops, arms, ammunition and
guise of negotiation, delivered seventy men the other things he will require for its suc-
belonging to his Tribe, and 36 Outawas into cessful prosecution. His Majesty anticipates
their hands, with the view of afterwards propo- from his prudent conduct and bravery, a happy
sing a peace between those Iroquois and these termination of this expedition, and only re-
two tribes, and of achieving it by surrendering commends him to husband with strict econ-
these prisoners. omythe funds appropriated, of which I supply
The Jesuit Fathers have broken up this pre- him with a part, so that they may suffice for
tended Treaty, having even prevailed on the the termination of this war.
Onontagugs, one of the five Iroquois nations,
to disavow that act.
These Onontagues have, themselves, brought
back to Fort Cataracouy five soldiers of that
fort who had deserted, and have requested
their pardon, which he did not think prudent
to refuse them in the present conjuncture, and,
in order to preserve the good will of those
His Majesty approves his conduct on this
occasion, but he must take care lest the
soldiers, aware of the facility with which they
Indians, he has considered it proper to over- receive pardon for such a crime, may not more
look that crime.
The English are the cause of all the bad
intentions of the Iroquois; they make them act
with the view of destroying us and of render-
ing themselves masters of the country.
Colonel Dongan has assembled them at
Manatte, and promised them all sorts of pro-
tection against the French. He has made
them presents to induce them to wage war
against us. He even sends emissaries among
our Indian allies in order to unite them with
the Iroquois.
It is confidently stated that the Colonel is
about to dispatch one hundred and fifty En-
glishmen in the design to attack the Detroit of
Lake Erie which is garrisoned by the French.
Should that be the case, he does not consider
that he has more terms to keep with them,
and would be inclined to go straight to Orange
carry their fort by assault and burn the whole
concern.
• Compare supra, p
Vol. IX. 40
readily take leave to desert.
I write to M. de Barillon to complain of
Colonel Dongan, and I advise M' de Denon-
ville thereof. I communicate to him, also, the
Treaty of Neutrality and the orders issued by
the King of England for its execution in the
countries under his obedience in America.
And I observe to him that on Colonel Dongan
becoming aware of this Treaty, his Majesty
is persuaded that it will put an end to all
expeditions he may be preparing.
314
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Since Monsieur de la Barre's visit, the Iro-
.quois are in perfect union with the English
under whose protection they placed them-
selves that year, when the English caused posts
bearing the arms of England to be set up in their
country, although the French have had mission-
aries there first, and have an infinitude of incon-
testable titles of their rights to that country.
Colonel Dongan has written to the Superior
of the Jesuits that he would afford him every
protection provided he meddled only in af-
fairs of Religion — and to him (de D.) that
his Majesty was indebted to him 25""", and
being a very selfish man, might, he believes,
be gained over with money, if desirable.
It is of the greatest importance not to pro-
tract the war, and to terminate it, if possible,
this year. He would require, for that purpose,
fifteen hundred regular troops with the ammu-
nition and money he specifies amounting to
168 ■" "\ In case the war cannot be terminated
in one year, it is desirable that he could attack
at least, the two largest Iroquois Villages in
the first campaign, and winter in their coun-
try, in order to prevent them coming to rees-
tablish, during the winter, what might be
destroyed in summer.
That such is necessary, likewise, in order to
prevent them coming to attack the settlements
of the Colony which are at a considerable
distance the one from the other, and unable to
assist each other.
I notify him that his Majesty is about to
nominate Commissioners immediately, who
with others to be also nominated by the King of
England on his part, will endeavor, in con-
formity with said Treaty of Neutrality, to
terminate all subjects of difference which may
exist then between the French and the
English regarding the countries in America
belonging to both Kings.
His Majesty is not acquainted with the
grounds of this Colonel's pretensions, but it is
necessary that an eye be kept on his conduct,
because if he contravene the orders he has
received, and will hereafter receive to keep up
a good understanding between the two Nations,
His Majesty will request the King of England
to be pleased to deprive him of his Govern-
ment.
His Majesty is'persuaded of the necessity of
not protracting this War, and hopes by the
wise measures he (deD.) has adopted, that he
will conclude it this year.
Advise him that he will be able to accom-
plish that with the assistance his Majesty
affords him; to wit, 800 soldiers actually in
Canada and a like number sent thither present-
ly, exclusive of the militia of the country; and
the necessary arms and ammunition his Majesty
causes to be transmitted to Quebec.
In regard to the money, I explain to him that
of the 168"" '■" he demands, I shall cause SO" to
be expended in France in the purchase of a
portion of the articles he requires. And as to
the balance of 134™"" Canada currency, which
is equal to 103""" French currency, I observe
to him that 50™''" of it were sent him last
year,- and that I order the remaining 5.3"''" to
be transmitted to him.
Post of Niagara.
Immediately on declaring war, his intention His Majesty approves of his fortifying this
is to fortify in the best possible manner the post post, but, is very glad to have him informed
at Niagara; this is of the great consequence in in regard to all the forts he proposes to
order both to furnish the people facilities of build, that it is necessary that he avoid at the
getting their peltries from the Outawas and same time incurring too great an expense; And
PARIS DOCUMENTS : III.
315
other distant places, and to secure a retreat for
the Illinois, in case they be pressed by the
Iroquois. But it would be proper to send
masons from France as the wages of those of
this country are 3"" and 3"'' 10 sous a day, and
they are moreover indifferent workmen.
It is so much the more necessary to fortify
that post, as it is to be feared that the English
will seize on it, if not anticipated.
He also proposes to construct a post at
Chambly; at la Prairie de la Magdelaine, to
prevent the incursions of the Iroquois at those
places.
And represents that the King will never be
master of that country until his Majesty have
forts at all the Falls (Saults), and Barks on all
the Lakes.
He is making preparations to go with his
troops to Lake Ontario at the end of June.
Has issued orders to the Jesuit Fathers,
and to some confidential officers to collect all
the Frenchmen who are abroad trading, and
the greatest possible number of the Indian
allies, and to bring them to the rendezvous
which he has appointed for them ; and he has
directed Sieur de Tonty to proceed with the
Illinois to attack the Iroquois in the rear, at
the same time that he falls on them from
another point.
He has sent orders to the Officer in com-
mand of the post of Lake Erie to cause all the
Frenchmen taken among the English to be
shot.
Chevalier de Callieres has recently caused a
Canadian settler to be arrested who wished to
induce some young men of the country to
repair to the English.
The Iroquois can arm 200 1 men and have
made an alliance with the Mohegans (Nation
therefore I cause two most essential things to
be observed to him to which he must pay .
attention. First, not to build but one fort a
year, beginning with the most urgent; and
secondly, to construct only slight fortifications,
suitable for warding off" a surprise, as he has
not to do with any power capable of carrying
on a siege, so that a simple wall with loop
holes (cniicaux), and a ditch and pallisades
outside, are the only works admissible in that
country.
In regard to workmen he will find many
among the soldiers, but he must not hesitate
to oblige those of the country to work, fur-
nishing them with the necessary support, it
not being proper, at a conjuncture like this, to
suffer them to take advatitage of the existing
need of them. Meanwhile, I write to Sieur de
Mauclerc, to look up 4 or five masons and 20
laborers to be sent to that country, and I
recommend him to manage so as get them to
enlist with the troops.
His Majesty approves the measures he has
adopted for the approaching campaign, and
has nothing to add except that, as he possibly
may take several Iroquois prisoners in the
course of this war, his Majesty desires him to
keep them in confinement until an opportunity
will offer to send them to France, as his Majesty
thinks he can ftnploy them in the Galleys.
He can send even by the return of the
vessels which will have carried over the
soldiers, those whom he will have captured
before the departure of those ships.
His Majesty approves the issuing of such
orders, and I send him an ordinance prohibit-
ing under penalty of death, the French going
to the neighboring nations without a pass.
It is of importance to make an example of
that man, if he be guilty of this crime.
His Majesty does not think the great number
of these Savages is to be feared, inasmuch as
'Sic. Quere? 2,000. — Kd.
316
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANSUCRTPTS.
du Loup) who are to furnish them as many as
1,500, to make war on us, independent of a
great number of other Tribes, their allies.
He has dispatched Sieur de Tonty to collect
together the Illinois, and has given him 150
guns to arm a portion of them.
That officer has been as far as the mouth of
the River Mississipi in search of Sieur De La
Salle without having received any news of
him. Only learned when returning, that some
Savages had seen him at the River des Mou-
illa which is 40 leagues north of the mouth
of the River Mississipi, and that he had left
that place to go towards the South.
Said Tonty has brought back with him 2
Illinois Chiefs who have promised that their
Nation would perform their duty against the
Iroquois.
As there is no General Officer in the Coun-
try to command under him, and as, in case of
his falling sick the whole war would devolve
on a few Ensigns of Marine who are at the head
of the first companies, and are not qualified for
so great an enterprise, he demands an order
for one of the inferior Governors to command
in his absence, and under his authority in his
presence, and proposes Chevalier de Callieres,
governor of Montreal, who, h*e assures, has all
the qualifications requisite to acquit himself
properly of such duty.
they have no experience in War; hopes on
the contrary that those whom he will col-
lect from among our allies will be of great
service, when conducted by a man of such
experience as he.
I advise him that his Majesty sends three
hundred guns to be distributed as a gift to the
Indians who will serve with him.
His Majesty is very impatient to receive news
of Sieur de La Salle. Let him communicate
every particular he will learn of that gentle-
man, and afford him every protection he will
stand in need of, should he return.
I notify him that the King has made choice
of Sieur to command, under
him, all the troops that will be in Canada. In
regard to the conduct of the war and the
command of the country, they would belong
of right to this Commandant. Nevertheless, as
he gives assurance that Monsieur de Callieres is
highly qualified, his Majesty sends commissions
(des patentes) with a blank to be filled with the
name of such of these two officers as he will
consider best qualified, in case he should find
himself unable to act; but he must observe
that he is not to make use of this power except
on this occasion only.
His Majesty approves of his taking the said
Chevalier de Callieres with him, in such capa-
city as he shall think advantageous for his
Majesty's service.
Justice and The Actual State of the Country.
He sends the census of Canada, which has His Majesty does not consider the increase
augmented since last year, one hundred and very considerable, more especially as regards
ten persons, there being at present 12,373 the Indians, the number of which he ought to
souls. endeavor to augment by every means; nothing
being more advantageous for that Colony than
PARIS DOCUMENTS : III.
817
The Priests of the Montreal Seminary are
greatly increasing their Establishments on that
island, and as it is a quarter the settlement of
which is highly important, he will induce the
soldiers who will get married to establish
themselves there in preference.
Nothing is more important than the suppres-
sion of the disorders which prevail in the
woods, and he has drawn up regulations to
correct them; but it will be very difficult
to cause these to be observed, if some means
be not found to give employment to the Sons
of the Noblesse, and of those who live as such.
He proposes, for this purpose, to enrol these
young men into regular companies, and to give
8 sous of France per day to the best behaved
(plus raisonnahles) and 6 sous to the others.
It is to be feared, if they be not retained by
that arrangement, that the English will se-
duce them.
He represents that there are many families
of Gentlemen, very worthy persons, in extreme
want, not having even bread; and solicits
some charity for them.
the acquisition of new subjects for his Majesty,
without any expense to the Kingdom. These
Indians will, moreover, be of great use in
establishing Christianity in the Country.
His Majesty has been, likewise, surprised
that there has been less land under cultivation
in 1686 than in 16S5. He wishes, in advance,
that he so manage as that it will increase, by
giving lands to be cleared to those who will
be able to take them.
His Majesty approves the measures he
adopts for the peopling of the Island of
Montreal.
His Majesty continues to recommend him
to execute with severity the ordinances made
against the Coureurs de bois; Approves the
regulation which he has made on that subject.
And also approves his proposal to enrol
them into regular companies, but it would be
necessary that he should so manage that they
would not cost more than those at present
maintained by his Majesty, who promises to
establish one forthwith on that footing.
I explain to him that of the 6 sous a day
which the King will give them as soldiers,
4' 6"* will be sent to the country in money and
IS"* will be retained in France to be expended
in the purchase of clothing which will be trans-
mitted them every year.
He will be at liberty to select, for the
command of this company, one of the old
Captains already settled in Canada who will
have more authority and influence over the
minds of those young men than any other
officer who might be sent thither.
His Majesty has granted an alms of a
hundred ecus to each of these families, and I
have caused him to be notified, that their
actual misery proceeds from their ambition to
318
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
He does not consider it expedient in a time
of war like this, to institute a search after
spurious Nobles, the more especially as those
who have assumed the quality unjustly would
not become more industrious.
He is of opinion, only, not to grant patents
of nobility except to such as will be rich and
will embark in some business.
The post of Cataracouy is very advantage-
ously situated for trade, and it would be well
to attract settlers thither, but to accomplish
that, his Majesty ought to purchase it from
Sieur d© La Salle, and open its trade to all
the world.
live as people of quality and without labor;
and, therefore, it is proper to prevent, for the
future, those who are not gentlemen assuming
that rank which reduces them to mendicity.
As regards letters of Nobility, his Majesty
does not consider it necessary to grant any
more to the people of Canada; and to relieve
the country of a part of the children of those
who are truly noble, I send him six com-
missions of Gardes de la Marine;' and
•recommend him to be careful not to fill
them with any who are not really Gentlemen.
His Majesty will possibly reassume Fort
Cataracouy in course of time, but there is no
hurry at present.
Sieur Pakat, Governor of Placentia.
Asks if he must arrest French sailors of
the pretended Reformed Religion who come
into the ports belonging to his Government in
English vessels.
He may, without difficulty cause those
sailors to be arrested and sent to France, but
let him be careful not to undertake any thing
in this regard, without being sure of success.
Commission of Major M" Gregory to trade in the Ottawa Country.
[Licences, Warrants, Ac, 16S6, 1702, V., in Secretary's Office, Albany. ]
Thomas Dongan Captaine Generall Governour and Vice Admirall of the province of
Newyorke and dependencyes.
To Major Patrick Magregore Greetting Being well assured of your loyalty Conduct and
Courage I have Commissionated and appoynted And by these presents doe Commissionate
and appoynt yow the said patrick Magrigore To bee Captaine and Comand' In Cheife of such
men as by my order yow are to go along with from Albany to the Ottwasse Countrey a tradeing
As also of a Company which Likewise by my order yow are to Overtake and proceed together
with in the said Journey which sayd Companyes as Captaine and Comander in Cheife
yow are to Leade and Conduct in their sayd Journey to the said Ottwasse Countrey and from
thence back again to Albany In the Execucon of which office yow are to observe such
' During the old Fi-enoh government young gentlemen used to receive brevet commissions and were permitted to serve on
board the ships of war. They were called Oardes de la Marine ( James' Military Dictionary), and were of similar rank to
midshipmen. When they had acquired a knowledge of their profession, they were promoted to the rank of officers. — En.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : III. 319
Instructions and directions as yow already have or from time to time shall Receave from
me Hereby Comandeing and Requyreing all and Every person and persons of the said
Companyes to Give due observance and obedience to the said patrick Magregore in the
premisses as they will answer the Contrary att their uttmost perrills this Commission to
be in force one yeare and no Longer Given Under my hand and Seale att ffort James this
fourth day of december 16S6 And in the Second yeare of his ma"" Reigne
Tho Dongan
By his Excellencyes Comand
Is. SwiNTON
Memoir on the State of Canada.
Memoir for the Marquis de Seignelay Regarding the dangers that threaten
Canada, the means of remedying them, and of firmly establishing religion,
commerce and the King's power in North America. January, 1687.
Canada is encompassed by many powerful Colonies of English who labor incessantly to
ruin it by exciting all our Indians, and drawing them away with their peltries for which said
English give them a great deal more merchandise than the French, because the former pay
no duty to the King of England.' That profit attracts towards them, also, all our Coureurs de
bois and French libertines who carry their peltries to them, desefting our Colony and
establishing themselves among the English who take great pains to encourage them.
They employ these French deserters to advantage in bringing the Far Indians to them who
formerly brought their peltries into our Colony, whereby our trade is wholly destroyed.
The English have begun by the most powerful and best disciplined Indians of all America,
whom they have excited entirely against us by their avowed protection and manifest
usurpation of the sovereignty they claim over the country of those Indians which appertains
beyond contradiction to the King for nearly a century without the English having, up to this
present time, had any pretence thereto.
They also employ the Iroquois to excite all our other Indians against us. They sent those
last year to attack the Hurons and the Outawas, our most ancient subjects ; from whom they
swept by surprise more than 75 prisoners, including some of their principal Chiefs ; killed
several others, and finally oflTered peace and the restitution of their prisoners, if they would
quit the French and acknowledge the English.
They sent those Iroquois to attack the Illinois and the Miamis, our allies, who are in the
neighborhood of Fort Saint Louis, built by M. de La Salle on the Illinois River which empties
into the River Colbert or Mississipi ; those Iroquois massacred and burnt a great number of
them, and carried off many prisoners with threats of entire extermination if they would not
unite with them against the French.
Colonel Dongan, Governor of New-York, has pushed this usurpation to the point of sending
Englishmen to take possession, in the King of England's name, of the post of Mislimakinac
320 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
which is a Strait communicating between Lake Huron and the Lake of the Illinois,^ and has
even declared that all those lakes, including the River Saint Lawrence which serves as an outlet
to them, and on which our Colony is settled, belong to the English.
The Reverend Father Lamherville, a French Jesuit who, with one of his brothers, also
a Jesuit, has been IS years a Missionary among the Iroquois, wrote on the first of November
to Chevalier de Callieres, Governor of Montreal, who informed the Governor-General thereof,
that Colonel Dongan has assembled the Five Iroquois Nations at Manatte where he resides,
and declared to them as follows :
1" That he forbids them to go to Cataracouy or Fort Frontenac and to have any more
intercourse with the French.
2"* That he orders them to restore the prisoners they took from the Hurons and Outawacs,
in order to attract these to him.
3"* That he is sending thirty Englishmen to take possession of Missilimakinak and the
lakes, rivers and adjoining lands and orders the Iroquois to escort them thither and to afford
them physical assistance.
4"" That he has sent to recall the Iroquois Christians belonging to the Mohawks who reside
since a long time at the Saut Saint Louis, in the vicinity of the Island of Montreal, where they
have been established by us, and converted by the care of our Reverend Jesuit Fathers, and
that he would give them other land and an English Jesuit, to govern them.
5"" That he wishes that there should not be any Missionaries except his throughout the
whole of the Five Nations of Iroquois, and that the latter send away our French Jesuits who
have been so long established there.
e"" That if they are attacked by Monsieur de Denonville the latter will have to do with him.
7"» That he orders them to plunder all the French who will visit them ; to bind them and
bring them to him, and what they'll take from them shall be good prize.
The Iroquois. — He accompanied his orders with presents to the Five Iroquois Nations,
and dispatched his thirty Englishmen, escorted by Iroquois, to make an establishment at
Missilimakinak.
The Iroquois plunder our Frenchmen every where they meet them, and threaten to fire their
settlements which are much exposed and without any fortifications.
These measures, and the discredit we are in among all the Indians for having abandoned
our allies in M. de la Barre's time ; for having suffered them to be exterminated by the Iroquois
and borne the insults of the latter, render war again absolutely necessary to avert from us a
general Indian Rebellion which would bring down ruin on our trade and cause eventually
even the extirpation of our Colony.
War is likewise necessary for the establishment of the Religion, which will never spread
itself there except by the destruction of the Iroquois : so that on the success of hostilities, which
the Governor-General of Canada proposes to commence against the Iroquois on the 15th of
May next, depends either the ruin of the Country and of the Religion if he be not assisted, or
the Establishment of the Religion, of Commerce and the King's Power over all North America,
if granted the required aid.
If men consider the Merit in the eyes of God, and the Glory and utility which the King will
derive from that succor, it is easy to conclude that expense was never better employed since,
' Michigan. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : III. 321
independent of the salvation of the quantity of souls in that vast Country to which His Majesty
will contribute by establishing the faith there, he will secure to himself an Empire of more
than a thousand leagues in extent, from the Mouth of the River Saint Lawrence to that of the
River Mississippi in the Gulf of Mexico; a country discovered by the French alone, to which
other Nations have no right, and from which great Commercial advantages, and a considerable
augmentation of His Majesty's Revenues will eventually be derived.
The Marquis de Denonville, whose zeal, industry and capacity admit of no addition, requires
a reinforcement of 1,500 men to succeed in his enterprise. If less be granted him, success is
doubtful and a war is made to drag along, the continuation of which for many years will be a
greater expense to His Majesty thair that immediately necessary to guarantee its success and
prompt termination.
The Iroquois must be attacked in two directions. The first and principal attack must be
on the Seneca Nation on the borders of Lake Ontario, the second, by the River Richelieu and
Lake Champlain in the direction of the Mohawks.
3,000 French will be required for that purpose. Of these there are sixteen companies
which make SOO men and 800 drafted from the militia, 100 of the b^st of whom the
Governor-General destines to conducts 50 canoes which will come and go incessantly to convey
provisions. Of the 3,000 French he has only one-half, though he boasts of more for reputation's
sake, for the rest of the militia are necessary to protect and cultivate the farms of the Colony,
and a part of the force must be employed in guarding the posts of Fort Frontenac, Niagara,
Tarento, Missilimakinak so as to secure the aid he expects from the Illinois and from the other
Indians, on whom, however, he cannot rely unless he will be able alone to defeat the Five
Iroquois Nations.
The Iroquois force consists of two thousand picked Warriors (d^eJite) brave, active, more
skilful in the use of the gun than our I^uropeans and all well armed; besides twelve hundred
Mohegans (Lorqn), another tribe in alliance with them as brave as they, not including the
English who will supply them with officers to lead them, and to intrench them in their villages.
If they be not attacked all at once at the two points indicated, it is impossible to destroy
them or to drive them from their retreat, but if encompassed on botii sides, all their plantations
of Indian corn will be destroyed, their villages burnt, their women, children and old men
captured and their warriors driven into the woods where they will be pursued and annihilated
by the other Indians.
After having defeated and dispersed them, the winter must be spent in fortifying the post
of Niagara, the most important in America, by means of which all the other Nations will be
excluded from the lakes whence all the peltries are obtained ; it will be necessary to winter
troops at that and some other posts, to prevent the Iroquois returning and reestablishing
themselves there, and to people those beautiful countries with other Indians who will have
served under us during this war.
As operations commence on the 15"' of May, it is necessary to hasten the reinforcement and
to send it off in the month of March next in order that it may arrive in season to be employed,
and that it be accompanied by munitions of war and provisions, arms and other articles
required in the estimates of the Governor-General and Intendant of Canada.
The vast extent of this country and the inconveniences respecting the command which may
occur during the war suggest the great necessity of appointing a Lieutenant-Governor over it,
as well to command the troops there in the absence, and under the orders, of the Governor-
VoL. IX. 41
322 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
General as to enforce these throughout all parts of the Colony beyond the Island of Montreal
towards the great lakes which are at a considerable distance from Quebec.
The Marquis de Deaonville who sees the necessity of establishing that office is of opinion
that Chevalier de Callieres, Governor of the Island of Montreal, is eminently qualified for it by
his application and industry in the King's service, and his experience in war, said Chevalier
de Callieres having served twenty years with reputation in his Majesty's armies throughout the
whole of his glorious campaigns.
Louis XI'V. to Messrs. de Denonville and de Cliampigny.
Extracts of a Memoir of the King to the Marquis de Denonville and Sieur
de Champigny.
Versailles, 30"> March, 1687.
His Majesty has approved the conduct observed by said Sieur de Denonville towards the
Iroquois, and the measures he has commenced adopting in order to place himself in a position
to wage war against them with advantage. And after having maturely examined all the
reasons adduced in his letters, his Majesty has been convinced of the necessity of that war,
and to that end has long since issued the necessary orders for the preparation of the troops,
arms and ammunition of which he may stand in need. #**##*#
His Majesty has approved of Sieur de Denonville's calling the Iroquois nations together at
Cataracouy, so as to effect the withdrawal df Father de Lamberville, and in case this has not
been accomplished, it is necessary to adopt measures to prevent his remaining exposed to the
fury of those Savages.
He has been surprised at the proceedings of Colonel Dongan, and has given orders to Sieur
de Barillon his Ambassador at London to complain of him to the King of England. Meanwhile,
as, since the Colonel has thus acted, the Treaty of Neutrality has been concluded at London,
copy whereof has been transmitted to him, and as his Britannic Majesty has given positive
orders to all his Governors of the territories in America under his obedience, copy of which
is hereunto annexed, to conform themselves strictly thereunto, He doubts not but 'twill put
an end to all the expeditions that Colonel might have commenced against the interests
of the French, contrary to the intentions of the King his master. His Majesty therefore,
does not consider it expedient to make any attack on the English. He desires, nevertheless,
that Sieur de Denonville report if that Colonel will conform himself to his instructions from
England for the execution of said Treaty, in order, if he contravene them that his Majesty
may demand his recall from the King of England.
In regard to the pretensions of the English in America, his Majesty has approved of the
said Sieur de Denonville having sent a Memoir of His rights to the best part of that country,
and is very glad to let them know, thereupon, that He is about to nominate immediately
Commissioners who, with others whom the King of England is on his side also to name, will,
in the execution of said Treaty of Neutrality, endeavor to put an end to all differences which
PARIS DOCUMENTS : III. 323
may exist, at present, between the French and the English regarding the countries belonging
to both Kings in America, and will refer that Memoir to his Commissioners to make use of it
in the discussion they will have, on the subject, with those of England.
As to the expeditions got up by the English to prevent the trade of the French and to draw it
to themselves, the said Sieurs de Denonville and de Champigny must expect that nothing but
their industry and attention in having the passes guarded, can secure to his Majesty's subjects
their accustomed commerce, as it is certain that they will always experience opposition on the
part of the English, and that those Savages would prefer trading with the latter than with
the French in consequence of the advantage they derive from selling their goods at a higher
rate to the English.
His Majesty has no knowledge of Colonel Dongan's claim of 25">lb. which he pretends are
due him in France. He, therefore, has nothing to say to him on that subject.
His Majesty has seen the Memoir sent by the said Sieur de Denonville respecting the
measures he has adopted, and the orders he has issued, for the next Campaign, of which
He has approved, and doubts not but success commensurate to his expectations will follow,
having to contend only with Indians who have no experience in regular war, whilst on the
contrary, those whom he will be able to nlarshal, will prove most efficient being led by a man
of his ability and experience. Finally, He expects to learn, at the close of this year, the entire
destruction of the greatest part of those Savages, And as a number of prisoners may be made
who His Majesty thinks can be employed in the galleys. He desires him to manage so as to
retain them until there be vessels going for France. Any who will have been captured before
the sailing of those vessels can even be sent by the return of His Majesty's ships which will
convey the troops.
His Majesty has been highly pleased to learn the voyage which Sieur de Tonty has made to
the mouth of the River Mississippi, but would have wished that he had gained intelligence
there of Sieur de La Salle, for the fate of whose expedition he feels great anxiety, and it is
His pleasure, if he return, that they afford him every sort of protection.
He authorizes Sieur de Denonville to do what he will think proper respecting the demand
presented to him by one of Colonel Dongan's Officers for two negro deserters, and his
Majesty is willing that he surrender them if he see fit.
As regards two women of bad character. His Majesty does not approve his proposals to send
them back to France, inasmuch as that would not be a punishment sufficiently severe to
prevent the consequences of that disorder; but He desires that they be put to hard labor on
the public works, such as drawing water, serving masons, sawing wood, or other laborious
occupations, in order that such punishment being public, may afford a more salutary example
in that country.
324 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
M. de Denonville to M. de Seignelay.
My Lord,
On the 2^ of this month, I received in this city the King's orders and yours of the 30""
March. They were transmitted to me, by Mons'' de Champigny who remained at Quebec to
select and send off the Militia of the Colony.
It gives me great joy to learn that the King has had the goodness to succor this country,
and that you continue to afford it the honor of your protection. I leave to the Intendant the
duty of advising you of the arrival of M. d'Amblemont and of the other vessels which bring us
troops and ammunition, and of reporting to you the condition of every thing.
I have come in advance in order to make all the arrangements for our march and to receive
earlier the answers I was expecting from the Iroquois by the Fathers de Lamberville. The
younger has arrived alone with letters from his elder brother who has resolved not to repair to
Katarokoui without the Chiefs of the Iroquois; but I doubt much if these Savages, distrustful
as they are, will come on hearing of my marching with a retinue too great to be agreeable to
them, for they would prefer that I should have no more than 20 attendants, so that they may
be more frank, in their Councils and in a position to address me arrogantly according to their
invariable custom. It has been their particular care always to inquire about my escort. All
this induces me to fear that the poor Father will experience some difficulty in extricating himself
from the hands of those barbarians. This makes me very uneasy.
I found our people disgusted with past proceedings sutficiently to make it difficult for them
to resolve on accompanying the troops, which obliged me to draw up a sort of Manifesto
wherein I set forth the motives of this war. This was accompanied by a Pastoral letter of
the Vicar-General ; the entire population were seen after this to prepare with extreme alacrity
for the march. All this was promulgated only at the moment it became necessary to assemble
the people; therefore, such publication did not send forward the news of the war, but induced
every body to prosecute it with good will. I send you both the one and the other, My Lord, so
that you may correct me if there be any thing improper in them, and I may avoid committing
a similar error in future. I am, moreover, very desirous not to do any thing with which you
should not be acquainted either after or before doing it. I should wish much to be nearer
you, so as not to make a move without your orders. But the distance. My Lord, requires
decision on the part of those who are entrusted with the King's affairs; otherwise, the service
will greatly suffer.
In the letters I had the honor to write you in the month of November of^last year, I gave
you. My Lord, a tolerably exact account of the state of public affairs. We have learned since
from Missilimnquinack that Father Angelran, Superior of the Missionaries who are scattered
among the distant nations of that region, and Sieur de la durantays who commands
Missilimakinak and other posts in our possession, had experienced great difficulty in retaining
all the Hurons and Outaouas, and preventing them repairing to the Senecas with a resolution
to come to an understanding with,- and submit themselves to the latter, and thus become
their allies, and introduce a trade with the English who have made a strong impression on
them by the cheapness of the goods their merchants offered last year at Missilimakinac,
where they went as I had the honor to inform you by my letters. This Huron nation,
naturally faithless and fickle like all Savages, and the Outaouas, although enemies of the
Iroquois of long standing, would willingly side with the latter, through dread of their power
PARIS DOCUMENTS : III. 325
and through the lures of the English who promise them in addition to cheap bargains, to keep
them in peace with the enemy and to make them masters of the entire trade of the other
Far Nations with whom our Frenchmen are in the habit of trading. All this, My Lord,
had created considerable embarrassment in the managing of these people so as to divert them
from their purpose.
At length the Hurons and Outaouas decided to send me this winter the two most influential
amongst them with four of our Frenchmen, who conducted them to us over the ice. Thus,
My Lord, those Fathers have warded oft" the greatest misfortune that could overtake us at
present from that quarter — to wit, the abandonment by this people of our alliance and their
adhesion to our enemies. The post occupied by Sieur du Lhu at the Detroit of Lake Erie,
and the Frenchmen whom Sieur de la Durantays has collected at Missilmakina [coupled
with] the harangues of the Fathers backed by the menaces of iSieur de le Durantays,
have been no mean assistance to Sieur Vallois. All this. My Lord, required the outlay of
money to feed our Frenchmen who garrison the posts, to defray the expense of the journeys
wherein diligence was necessary without any gain to those who were employed both on
the route and in the posts where good guard is kept up as in a fortified town (ville de guerre.)
M. de Champigny and I have not forgotten to welcome our two Indian envoys whom we have
been obliged to retain some months until the severe cold had terminated, before sending them
over the ice as far as Lake Huron where they embarked on the S*" May, on the breaking up of
the winter, according to the news we have received of them. They left seemingly with a firm
resolution to accompany Sieurs de la Durantays and du L'hu with their people to join me, in
accordance with my original project of last year and the orders I had dispatched to tiiem, a
report whereof I liad the honor to transmit to you with my last letters.
I understand that the English have advised the Senecas that I was about to attack them,
and liave obliged them to recall, to the defence of their country against us, six hundred men of
their Castle who had gone to attack the Miamies. Other parties who had gone to war against
the tribes in the direction of Virginia are, also, come back in consequence of similar directions.
Thus the terror which has seized our enemies is highly expensive to Colonel Dongan. I
have, likewise, understood that a party has returned from Virginia bringing a dozen English
prisoners whom they will also burn, and Mr. Dongan scarcely troubles himself about
the matter.
A great number of those warriors have hunted in the neighborhood of Catarokoi. We are
anxious, at present, to learn whether poor Father de Lamberville, the Jesuit missionary who
remains at Onnontague, will extricate himself out of their hands when they hear the great
rumor of war, which, in consequence of the extraordinary preparations required to be made,
it is impossible to prevent being bruited abroad, notwithstanding I have always given out that
I was going only to the general meeting projected at Catarokoi, where I did not wish to be
either insulted or trifled with. I always observed this tone until the moment of marching,
when I considered it a duty to publish the Manifesto, accompanied by the Pastoral Letter.
In order to afford you an idea of Colonel Dongan's genius, I cannot do better, My Lord,
than transmit you his artful letter which sufficiently indicates that I must be distrustful of him,
and that he aims only at deceiving us in order to enrich himself and his merchants at the
expense of this Colony.
I know that he has dispatched fifty men with plenty of canoes and provisions to reinforce
and cover the retreat of the thirty men whom he sent off last fall to trade with our Outaouas.
326 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
He also invites the Senecas to go and meet them in order to act as their escort. You may
rely on the truth of this intelligence.
If they have not retreated before we arrive at the lake, I do not believe they will have any
reason to be satisfied with their voyage and trade. They are accompanied by several of our
French deserters, without whom they had never dared to undertake that expedition.
On receiving information on the IS"" November of last year, that one Gideon Petit, who
keeps a house of bad repute at Chambly, was proposing to go over to the English, and had
mentioned something about it himself, and engaged some one to accompany him thither, M.
de Calliere caused him to be arrested and committed to prison where he remained some months
until the Intendant and I notified Sieur Gaillard, the commissary, to set him at liberty, if
there were no proofs against him. But we have since discovered, by his escape last March,
that our suspicions were well founded. The running away of these people appears to me so .
much the more criminal under existing circumstances, as they are so many spies our enemies
profit by to learn what we are doing.
The impunity of Sieur de Chailly casts great discredit on my prohibitions. At another
time, My Lord, the crime would affect only the King's revenue, but at this conjuncture, the
safety of the country is endangered by the information these lawless rascahs convey to our
enemies. Herein, My Lord, I liave no other interest at heart than the King's service, for in
other respects, I wish evil neither to this person nor to that. Gideon Petit says, that his
design was to go to France last year in our ships, but he spread the report only the better to
conceal his intention of going to the English. He is from Rochelle ; his father was very
unfortunate in business, and is dead; some bad debts are due to him in this country; since
he has been here his trade has always been with the English ; although large profits can be
realized, he is no better off in his circumstances than the majority of those who have pursued
this, and all other sorts of business which are prohibited by the King. Another named
Salvaye, an inhabitant of the Seigniory of Saurel on the River Richelieu, has also disappeared.
He is a man of activity whom M. de la Barre and M. de Frontenac employed as envoy to
the English to negotiate with the Governors; a knave who pretends to be honest. I told
him, last year, that I was aware of some proceedings of his which tended to the continuance
of his trade ; I thought to take him on the point of honor by some confidences and favors ;
He promised me Wonders. I knew enough to be almost certain of his designs, without,
however, having any proofs, and it is herein the severities of authority are necessary
without any formalities of law. However, as I have not yet the honor of being sufficiently
known to you, and as in like severities we are liable to fall into the inconvenience of punishing
people who would not be guilty in the eyes of the public, in order to avoid giving any one
pain I thought it better not to commit to prison until we had set out for the war, as I was
intending to do, both with regard to Gideon and Salvaye. On the whole, it is well. My Lord,
that I receive a brief word of instruction from you for my guidance in this regard. I know
well. My Lord, that these sorts of punishments may be dangerous, for a governor may,
under specious pretexts, easily exercise his vengeance and commit injustice; but woe to
him who thus abuses his Master's authority. He deserves not to be intrusted by the King
with any command, but to be driven off as unworthy to serve and command any where.
I considered the inclosing of Villemarie' to be of too great moment in this time of war,
to wait for your* permission My Lord, to have it done. I had a quantity of stout and long
'See note, p. 281. — Kp.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : III. §27
pickets prepared, of which two-thirds, or at least more than the half, have heen set up.
I have given orders that a statement of this expense should be transmitted to you in order
that you may be able to see that we, therein, have studied economy, as mucii as possible by
making the soldiers work. I thought it necessary to spare the colonists in this expenditure.
I cannot do full justice to the care, application and knowledge of Mr. de Calliere, especially
in what generally regards the service he loves and knows so well how to acquit himself of;
he is an utter stranger to self-interest and applies himself always to the performance of his
duty, and to making others perform theirs ; he enters into all details ; some may be dissatisfied,
but the King is better served.
I omit entering into the detail of all the points in the Memorandum of the King's orders
of the SO"" March of this year which I have received from you. My Lord, as I postpone the
answer to the whole until my return from the Campaign. For this letter is only intended to
give you an account of our actual condition, and of my departure, which will take place on
the IS"- of this month.
The Intendant has arrived here with all our Militia, and accompanies me as far as
Cataracouy in order that I may become acquainted with that post, and be able to give you
an account of the expenses already, and yet to be, incurred thereon, and of the manner in
which our army, on a small scale, will be embarked on Lake Ontario.
My plan is to proceed to the Senecas, the strongest Castle and the nearest to Niagara. My
course will be along the Southern shore, contrary to the advice of a number of people who
believe that I ought to go by that of the North as the surest and most tranquil. And here,
I shall take the liberty briefly to detail to you the reasons I have for following the course
I adopt.
The first is, that by following the Southern shore, I keep the enemy in a state of incertitude
as regards the village to which I mean to go; for during several days it leads me along the
Oneida, Onnontague, and Cayuga Castles, and finally to the four Seneca villages, without
allowing them to be certain as to which I intend to visit.
The 2^ reason is, that I induce the enemy to come in quest of, and to meet me, for if they
do so they will leave Tonty, La Durantays and du Lhu, on their side respectively, at full
liberty to act without any uneasiness, whereas if I go by the North, the enemy coming to wait
for me at Niagara, may fall on those Gentlemen who are to approach from that direction
by Lake Erie. Tiiose different and distant rendezvous do not fail to disquiet me for it is in
the power of the enemy to profit thereby. All that I could do is to cause them to delay their
arrival at Niagara, in order that I may be the first to reach the enemy to draw him towards
me and away from the others.
I must inform you. My Lord, that I have altered the orders I had originally given last year
to M. de la Durantays to pass by Taronto and to enter Lake Ontario at Gandatsitiagon'
to form a junction with M. du Lhu at Niagara. I have sent him word by Sieur Juchereau,
who took back the two Huron and Outaouas chiefs this winter, to join Sieur du Lhu at the
Detroit of Lake Erie, so that they may be stronger and in a condition to resist the enemy,
should he go to meet them at Niagara. I believe. My Lord, that I have omitted none of those
precautions necessary for the dispatch of this affair which is of great importance. Success is
in the hands of God alone, for, in truth, the skill of the most experienced is of very little avail in
a wooded country where the inhabitants can live as long as they please without provisions
' See note 2, p. 112; and compare d'Anville's Map of North America, Improved. London, l^V.^. — Ed.
328 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
(sans manger), leaving out of consideration the punctual rendezvous which must be kept
at a distance of three or 400 leagues.
We must be indebted to chance alone for prisoners, for should they incline ever so little to
run av^ay, how many of them can be caught?
From all this, My Lord, it is impossible for the most experienced to determine whether this
war will soon terminate or not. I am truly persuaded that it is the interest of the Colony to
preserve peace, but it is necessary that this nation be first destroyed or at least humbled. You
must clearly perceive. My Lord, that it is my interest to terminate this war, for it is, indeed, a
rough life to march a foot in the woods ; to carry, oneself, one's own provisions in a haversack ;
to be devoured by mosquitoes, and to have no more comforts than a mere soldier. All these.
My Lord, are not pleasures to make a Governor-general forget his duty by protracting a war,
especially at my time of life.
Ail my hope is to spoil and lay waste their fields, and to this end we shall all apply
ourselves; perhaps we may be able to catch their women and children.
I know not, yet, what Indians Tonty, du Lhu and la Durautaye will bring us, for we have
fallen into great discredit with all those tribes.
I consider it very fortunate that the six hundred Senecas who had set out on a war
expedition have come back, because all the Indian tribes having remained at peace and
undisturbed during the summer, will be able to assemble and join du Lhu.
There is reason for strong hope if we have many Indians, for they alone are capable of
pursuing the enemy into the woods accompanied by some of our brave Coureurs de bois,
of whom I have taken with me those most experienced and most familiar with the route. It is
one of them, who is in my guard, that has enabled me to have the Map prepared for you which
I sent in order to afford you some idea of our expedition. We shall omit nothing. My Lord,
that will be in our power, and shall endeavor to profit by all the advantages that God
bestows on us.
It is of importance to become masters of the post of Niagara, and to form an establishment
there. If time will permit me to have a second expedition got up against the Mohawks, I shall
willingly attempt it; but I do not think I shall be able to do so before my return.
I leave Chevalier de Vaudreuil in the Colony to command the troops there, and to take
care of the posts necessary to be occupied and fortified for their security and that of the
inhabitants. He' will employ himself in having pickets prepared whilst Monsieur de Champigny
will go from Seigniory to Seigniory to issue all orders necessary for the good of the interior
of the Colony which stood in need of the assistance you send us, and of an Intendant so
experienced and so devoted as he. I cannot sufficiently thank you for having sent him to us, nor
suflSciently express my wishes that you may have his like in every quarter where you require so
faithful and so disinterested an officer. I do not think. My Lord, that you have any complaints
of any differences between us, or of our union being prejudicial to the King's interests,
altliough we are good friends. The seed of mischief-makers is not lost, for all that, in this
country.
What has been maliciously reported to you of Sieur Provost, Major of Quebec, must not
destroy him in your estimation, My Lord, since, without contradiction, he is the honestest, the
most upright, and the least selfish, person I have found in the country; up to this time he is the
only officer I have seen who has not meddled in any commerce, nor been mixed up with any of
the past quarrels, having attended only to his duty. What I have learned for certain regarding
PARIS DOCUMENTS: III. 329
the report made to you of him, is, that he has a hired man as servant whom the contractor
was employing as a mason to whom he was paying his wages. It Is the custom of this country.
Had I been previously informed of it, I should have told him not to have any thing to do with
it, considering the consequences. The contractor, with whom M. de Meulles had agreed, is the
best mason in the country, but a mighty great drunkard whom I distrusted; and therefore,
having gone up last year with the Engineer, I requested the Major of Quebec, and Sieur de
Comporte, our Provost, to watch him. It is a great falsehood that the Major had made use of any
one's name for the purpose of supplying materials, since I know that he has no goods either at
his house or any where else, and speculates in no sort of trade. This arises from revenge on
the part of our little Engineer whom he opposed in regard to some men he had furnished him
by my orders for the purpose of assisting him in preparing his Maps, and whom he did not
pay, although I had given him some money for that purpose. M. de Champigny can inform
you, My Lord, what sort of a man our Major is, and whether he be capable of dishonesty.
Our Engineer is a fool, a rake and a debauchee who must be tolerated because we have
need of him.
You are not to attach credit to any thing he will write you against others, as he acts only
by caprice; he is a leaky vessel. Nevertheless, he is an admirable draughtsman and is very
quick when he likes. M. de Vauban can easily give an account of iiis mental character. Had
I not boarded and lodged him in my own quarters, I could not have got any thing from him,
he being indebted every where. The Intendant will give you an account of the manner he
had our store covered, the paved stone roof not being sufficient to prevent the water
penetrating through the joints; besides, the lime and cement used in the work do not at all
resist the frost of this country. It is a circumstance I have witnessed in several places since
I came here.
I shall have the honor of writing to you on my return, about the Redoubts most necessary
to be built. That of Niagara and that of Katarakoui are the most important at present. But
all those establishments will soon fall to ruin if settlers be not introduced at those places for
the purpose of cultivating the soil, and this prompts me to desire that the King should take
that of Katarakoui out of M. de la Salle's hands, in order that people be sent thither to feed the
cattle and cultivate the land. For the continual transportation of provisions, will cause
the expense to always exceed the profit, and the same will be the case with Niagara.
However, locating too many settlers there, has its inconveniences, for we must avoid the
disease of the country which is to be too much dispersed. The Intendant and I, with the most
experienced in the countrjs shall see what they deem most expedient, in order to communicate
it to you this fall, and to aff'ord you an opportunity of acquainting us with your orders.
You may rely on it. My Lord, that I shall study M. de la Salle's interest in whatever depends
on me. Chevalier de Tonty intended to have gone to France last year, but I dissuaded him
from so doing in order to prevail on him to proceed again in search of news of said Sieur de la
Salle. Sieur de Tonty is a very enterprizing lad, of good qualities. It were desirable that
the King would do something for him hereafter. We have also Durantays, du Lhu and la
Forest with some others who, up to this time have done good service. I shall have the honor
to give you this fall, a more reliable account of the conduct and of the capabilities of each of
these gentlemen.
Vol. IX.
330 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
I have anticipated the order you gave of permitting our officers to contract marriage; two
Captains have already got married, viz. Sieurs de Meloise and Duraus.i I expect- that Sieur des
Cayrac will also get married on returning from the campaign. Those [whose marriages] I
opposed are young persons, minors having fathers and mothers who will never consent to
such disadvantageous connections as those they wished to form, which cannot be of any benefit
to the colony. We have also one lieutenant and two sub-lieutenants married.
I am with profound respect,
My Lord,
Your most humble, most obedient
and most faithful servant
Ville Marie, S"> June, 1687. The M. de Denonvill-e,
Louis XIV. to M. de Benonville.
Versailles, IT^ June, 16S7.
Monsieur le Marquis de Denonville.
Although I have explained to you fully enough my intentions in my despatch of the S'* of
the month of February last when I sent you the Treaty of Neutrality concluded at London
on the 16'" of Novemb' of last year, between my subjects and those of the King of England
in the Islands and countries of the Continent of America; and have, in my other despatch of
the SO'i" March following, most expressly forbade you to make any attack on the English, I
have thought proper to write you this letter to advise you that I have given full power to Sieur
de Barillon, my Ambassador to the King of England, and to Sieur de Bonrepaus whom I have
sent for that purpose to London, to terminate with the Commissioners whom his Britannic
Majesty has named on his part, all the contraventions that might have been committed on that
Treaty, the existing differences between the French and English Companies respecting
Hudson's bay, and generally all whatsoever may have occurred in that country between the
two Nations; And as the said Commissioners have agreed that nothing new should be
undertaken by one party or the other during the negotiation, and as it is my intention that
such should be observed throughout the whole of the country under my obedience, I am very
glad to state too that I desire that you conform to my intentions in that regard, and forbid you
making any attack on the English, and that I order you even to prevent any injury being done
them in their persons or property pending the continuance of the actual negotiation at London.
Willing, on the contrary, that you cultivate a good understanding with those who command
in that Country for the said King of England, and that you so act that I may not receive any
complaint of your conduct in this matter. And the present, &c., &c., &c.
^ Sic. QuJ Dumns. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : III. 331
M. de Champigny to M. de Seignelay.
My Lord,
When I was on the point of starting to dispatch the troops for the rendezvous near Montreal,
where M. de Denonville had already arrived for the purpose of issuing the necessary orders
for his march, Chevalier de Vaudreuil came here in the Sloop Varc en Cicl which anchored at
Cape Torment, 9 leagues from Quebec. He brought me the news that the King had the
goodness to send some Troops and ammunition for Canada, which arrived very apropos in
the present state .of affairs, and caused universal joy. Though my presence appear necessary
here in this conjuncture, I considered myself, notwithstanding, obliged to leave immediately
to get the troops and militia on the march, having agreed with M. de Denonville to that effect
and to leave my orders with the Lieutenant-General to whom M. de Denonville had also left
his, for the distribution of the troops, in case any should arrive during our absence, as he was
considered highly qualified, of which duty he, in fact, has well acquitted himself.
I started, then, on the 31" March with Chevalier de Vaudreuil, who, fatigued as he was
and without attendants, was desirous to join M. de Denonville and take a share in the
expedition. On the same day, I sent forward the Regulars, and the Militia of the vicinity of
Quebec and of the other places on my route. On the T"" of June we arrived at the Camp on S'
Helen's Island, near Montreal, the place of rendezvous. There I mustered the Regulars and
Militia. The former numbered S32 and the latter 930 men, exclusive of a hundred who were
engaged to conduct the convoys. The Indians who are domiciled among us in various missions
were present to the number of 300.
On the termination of this review, the Marquis de Denonville divided the troops into four
battalions, and gave each officer his rank, according to your orders. My Lord. The Militia
were in like manner divided into four battalions, and the whole embarked in two hundred flat
bottomed batteaux, and in almost as many bark canoes. They will have provisions for three
months, including what has been supplied at Montreal and what is to be obtained at Cataraquoy,
to which place a hundred men are constantly conveying supplies.
The wliole army departed on the H"" June. I followed it for three days, and witnessed the
difficulty of the route and the courage both of the Regulars and of the Militia who were
obliged to be incessantly in the water up their waist, to haul the batteaux through the cascades
and rapids which are frightful even to behold. The Indians performed good service in those
difficult places. ^
As I was in haste to arrive at Cataracouy as early as possible, I left the army and went in
advance with a detachment of thirty men for the purpose of giving orders, and of having every
necessary in readiness so that the army should make only a brief halt. Owing to the care of
one Sieur d'Orvilliers who has been two years in command there, I found every thing in good
condition. He is an officer so strongly attached to the service, and who does every thing so well,
that I cannot speak to you of him in sufficiently high terms. Whilst there, a good number of
Iroquois Indians who happened to be in the neighborhood, were seized, for fear they might
furnish intelligence of the march, and in order to weaken so far our enemies. I dispatched a
vessel from that place with provisions and ammunition for Niagara where Sieurs de la Durantaye,
du Lhu and Tonty are to be with all such Frenchmen and Indians, our allies, as they will be
able to collect in the country of the Outtawas.
332 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
I, also, had two other barks freighted with provisions and ammunition, and two large flat
bottomed bateaux prepared to convey some petereros fpierriersj and field pieces for the use of the
army; and as I was to return to Quebec before the departure of the King's ships, I tarried only
two days and left M. Gailiard, Commissary, there to attend to every thing pursuant to my
orders. I met M. de Denonville with the whole army at a place called La Gallette',' 25 leagues
from Cataracouy, after having surmounted all the rapids and dangerous places. It was very
fortunate that the Iroquois did not oppose his march in the different passes where, assuredly,
they could have given him a great deal of annoyance and caused him the loss of some of his men.
The entire army was in high spirits and in good condition. M. de Denonville expressed to me
his satisfaction, especially at the vigor and obedience of the Canadians and of all their officers.
In passing Montreal, I gave the necessary orders to continue the uninterrupted transportation
of provisions to Cataracouy for the victualling of the recently arrived troops, and to arrange
so that the farmers who have remained at home should, conjointly with the soldiers, perform
the work of those who are with the army. I did the same every where I passed.
On arriving at Quebec, I paid a visit on board the King's ships in the harbor. M. d'Amblemont,
who commands I'Arc en del lying at Cape Torment, came here in a sloop to confer with me,
and told me that on the IG"" June he had dispatched la Friponne and la Brelonne to Acadia, as
the former could not contain the ammunition and other articles embarked for that place, and
as he was sending the soldiers who are designed thither, with orders to take in Coal at Cape
Breton. I was to visit V Arc en del at Cape Torment. I found her in good condition.
M. d'Amblemont informed me that he could wait no longer for a Merchant vessel which was
to bring them supplies, and requested me to have provisions furnished from this country, to be
replaced on the arrival of the ship. I did so, for which I have taken a receipt ; also from
Chevalier d'Harvaux, commander of la Perle, from Sieur Croiset, Chief purser acting as
Commissary of the fleet, and from the Commissaries of Provisions. La Perle and le Profond
leave this harbor to-morrow to join M. d'Amblimont. Le Fourgon, commanded by Sieur
de Saint Michel, is obliged to remain here because seventeen of his crew are sick in hospital.
I have, with M. d'Harvaux, Dutast sent by M. d'Amblemont, Jullien and Croiset, drawn
up a proces verbal thereof, and, afterwards, of the requisition said Sieur de Saijit Michel
presented to me.
I yesterday received a letter from M. de Denonville, dated Cataracouy the S"" instant advising
me that he transmits me fifty Iroquois taken in the vicinity of that place to be forwarded to
France in the King's ships agreeably to your orders. I'll take advantage of the delay of
le Fourgon, on board which I shall have them embarked, and as the crew are insufficient
to convey so many prisoners who are diflScult enough to guard, I reinforce them by
some passengers and seamen belonging to la Catherine, a merchantman that was wrecked last
autumn near Tadoussac, and could not be got off".
I learn from the same letter of M. de Denonville that Sieur de la Forest had come to give
him notice that Sieurs de la Durantaye, du Lhu, and Tonty had arrived at Niagara, the place
indicated to them, with a hundred and sixty Frenchmen and nearly 400 Indians; that they
had captured 60 Englishmen of New- York, in two divisions, escorted by some Indians, our
enemies, and conducted by a French deserter from Canada. They were on their way to
seize Michilimaquinac and other posts, and to establish trade there with the Indians to the
prejudice of us who area long time in possession thereof. Those Englishmen will remain
' Now Preseott, C. W. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : III. . 333
prisoners until his return, in retaliation for those of Orange and Manhatte having furnislied
powder, arms, ball and assistance to our enemies, the Iroquois. They sent, likewise, to the
Illinois, to take possession thereof, and to set up the arms of England there. They are our
most dangerous enemies from whom we have the most to fear. All these proceedings of the
English who are backed by the Iroquois, were, if not stopped, sufficient to ruin the entire
commerce of Canada.
I have learned by a letter from M. Gaillard that M. de Denonville left on the 4"' instant, the
weather being fine, and that they ought to be, by this time in the enemy's country. We have
so much the more reason to anticipate a successful issue of this expedition as the Iroquois have
not, up to the present time, appeared to us to be advised of it, the residence of Father
Lamberville among them having removed all suspicion. He, very fortunately, extricated
himself from them, and is at present with the army. If I receive any news of him before the
sailing of le Fourgon I shall communicate them to you.
Through the care bestowed by the Captains of the King's ships on the troops they have
had on board, the latter have suffered less than in past years. Only seventeen died on the
voyage; it is true that several have fallen ill since their arrival, and that as many as 130 have
been in hospital. They have not been dangerously sick. I know not how they could be
attended to, were it not for the assistance we received from the good Hospital Nuns. They
exhibit indescribable care and charity, and have expended more in six weeks than they would
have done in one year.
The ammunition, pork and brandy were found in good condition in the quantities specified
in M. de Maucler's lists. I reserve. My Lord, my answer to the several points of the despatches
you write me, until the last vessels, when I shall give you exact information of the entire
harvest and of the expense incurred both this and the preceding year; and send you the
estimates and advise you fully of the actual state of the Colony.
I leave in a few days according to my arrangement with M. de Denonville on a visit to
the several districts to see whether my orders have been executed respecting the harvest and
other agricultural labor on the farms of those who are with the army; whether the troops are
in good health and live orderly; and whether they adopt measures to oppose the incursions the
Iroquois may possibly make into the country. I shall take information, at the same time, of
the state of the Churches and Priests' houses in order that Divine Service be performed and
spiritual consolation afforded the people.
I shall afterwards go to Montreal to await there the arrival of M. de Denonville and of the
army, and to attend to every thing of which I shall render you an account by the last ships.
It would afford me great satisfaction if I were sufficiently fortunate as to be able to arrange
matters in a manner that would be agreeable to you, having no stronger passion than to prove
to you that I am, with most profound respect, &c.
Quebec, 16"" July, 16S7.
334 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
French Conquest of the Seneca Country.
Minute of the taking possession of the Country of the Iroquois, called Senecas.
On the nineteenth of July, One thousand six hundred and eighty-seven, the Troops
commanded hy Messire Jacques Rene de Brisay, Chevalier, Seigneur, Marquis of Denonville
and others places, Governor and Lieutenant-General for the King throughout the vs^hole of
Canada and country of New France, in presence of Hector, Chevalier de Calliere, Governor
of Montreal in said country. Commanding the camp under his orders, and of Philippe Rigaud
Clievalier de Vaudreuil, Commander of the King's troops, which being drawn up in the order
of battle, Charles Aubert, Sieur de la Chenays, citizen of Quebec, deputed by Messire
Jean Bochart, Chevalier, Seigneur de Champigny, Noroy, Verneuil and other places. Privy
Councillor of the King in his counsels, Intendant of Justice, Police and Finance in all
Northern France, presented himself at the head of the Army, who stated and declared that on
the requisition of the said Seigneur de Champigny, he was taking possession of the village
of Totiakton, as he has done of the other three villages called Gannagaro, Gannondata and
Gannongarae, and of a Fort half a league distant from the said village of Gannagaro,'
together with all the lands in their vicinity as many as they may be, and how far soever they
may extend, conquered in His Majesty's name, and to that end has set up in all the said
Villages and Forts His said Majesty's Arms, and has caused to be proclaimed in loud voice:
Vivele Roi, after the said troops had beaten and routed eight hundred Iroquois Senecas, and
laid waste, burnt and destroyed their provisions and cabins. Whereof, and of what precedes,
the said Sieur De La Chenays Aubert has required that an Acte be granted to him by me
Paul Dupuy Esquire, Councillor of the King and his Majesty's Attorney at the Provost's
Court of Quebec : Done at the said Village of Totiakton, the largest of the Seneca Villages,
in presence of the Reverend Father Vaillant, Jesuit, and of the Officers of the Troops and of
the Militia Witnesses with me, the said King's Attorney undersigned, the day and year above
mentioned. And have signed the Minute, Charles Aubert de la Chenays, J. Rene de Brisay,
Monsieur de Denonville, Chevalier de Calliere, Fleutelot de Romprey, de Desmeloizes,
de Ramezay, Fran9ois Vaillant of the Society of Jesus, de Grandville, de Longueuil,
Saint Paul and Dupuy.
Collated with the Original in my hands, by me the Undersigned Councillor Secretary of
his Majesty, and Chief Clerk of the Sovereign Council at Quebec.
Signed Penuret.
Compared and certified according to the collated copy on paper, lying at the
Secretary's Office, Castle St. Louis, Quebec, (where it remains) by the
undersigned resident Royal Notary in the Prevote of Quebec, this twenty-fifth
day of July, one thousand, seven hundred and fifty.
(Signed) Dulaueens.
' For tlie location of these Seneca towns, see III., 251,
PARIS DOCUMENTS : III. 335
Francois Bigot, Councillor of the King in his Councils, Intendant of Justice,
police and Finance and of the Navy in the whole of New France
To all whom it may concern : We certify that Monsieur Dulaurens who has signed the
Collation on the other side is Royal Notary in the Prevote of Quebec and that credit is to be
attached to his signature in his said quality. In Witness whereof, these Presents We have
signed and caused to be countersigned by Our Secretary, and have had affixed thereto Our Seal
at Arms. Done in Our hotel at Quebec, the first of August, one thousand seven hundred
and fifty.
Signed : Bigot.
By my Lord.
Deschenaux.
Establishment of the French at Niagara.
Taking possession of Niagara by Monsieur de Denonville.
Jacques Rene de Brissay, Chevalier Seigneur Marquis of Denonville and other places.
Governor and Lieutenant-General for the King in the whole extent of Canada and Country of
New France. To All whom it may Concern :
This day, the last of July of the year One Thousand Six hundred and Eighty-seven, in
presence of Hector, Chevalier de Callieres, Governor of Montreal in the said Country and
Commanding the Camp under our orders, and of Philippe Derigaud, Chevalier de Vaudreuil,
Commanding the King's troops, being encamped with all the army at the post of Niagara,
returning from our expedition against the Seneca villages. We do declare that being come to
the camp of Niagara situate south of Lake Ontario, west of the Senecas, twenty-five leagues
above them, in the angle of land East of the mouth of the River of the same name which is
the outlet of Lake Erie flowing from Lakes Huron, Illinois, the Great Lake Superior and
several others beyond the said Great Lake, to reiterate anew for, and in the name of, the King
the taking Possession of the said Post of Niagara, several establishments having been formerly
made there many years ago by the King's order, and especially by Sieur De La Salle, having
spent many years two leagues above the Great Fall of Niagara where he had a Bark built
which navigated Lakes Erie, Huron and Illinois for several years, and of which the stocks
(les chantiers) are still to be' seen. Moreover the said Sieur De La Salle having established
quarters (logemcns) and some settlers at the said Niagara in the year one thousand six hundred
and sixty-eight, which quarters were burned twelve years ago by the Senecas, constituting
one of the causes of discontent that, with many others, have obliged us to wage war against
them, and as we considered that the houses we have thought fit to rebuild could not remain
secure during the war, did we not provide for them. We have Resolved to construct a Fort
there in which we have placed one hundred men of the King's troops to garrison the same,
under the command of Sieur de Troyes, one of the Veteran Captains of His Majesty's Troops
with a necessary number of Officers to command said soldiers.
336 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
This Acte has been executed in Our presence and in that of Monsieur Gaillard, Commissary
on behalf of the King attached to the Army and subdelegate of Monsieur de Champigny,
Intendant of Canada: and We have signed the same with Our hand and sealed it with Our
Seal at Arms, and caused it to be subscribed by Mess" de Callieres and Vaudreuil and by M.
Gaillard, and countersigned by Our Secretary. And have signed: J. Rene de Brissay, Marquis
de Denonville, le Chevalier de Callieres, Chevalier de Vaudreuil, Gaillard ; and lower down
By Monseigneur, Tophlin.
Collated at Quebec with the original remaining in my hands, by me the undersigned
Councillor Secretary of the King and Clerk of the Sovereign Council at Quebec. Signed,
Penuret, with paraph. Compared at Quebec the 12"' 9''", 1712.
Vaudreuil.
Begon.
M. de Denonville to M. de Seignelay.
Ville Marie, 25"' August, 1687.
My Lord,
It is time that the expeditions of the English be put a stop to as those of this year have
been cut short by the measures we adopted last season in collecting our Coureurs de bois in
the redoubts which were constructed at Michilimaquina and at the Detroit of Lake Erie, an
account of which I had the honor to communicate to you last year.
It was time. My Lord, to have done what we have just executed against the Senecas in
order to reestablish the French reputation which was destroyed among the entire of the Indian
Nations, as well allies as others ; the French name was disgraced, but God be thanked, I
believe everything is in good order and promises well. In all that has been done, it appeared
to me that God has visibly blessed the King's pious designs for the maintenance and support
of this Colony, for which his Majesty evinces love by the support he extends to our Missionaries
in order to spread the gospel.
It is certain that had the two English detachments not been stopped and pillaged, and had
their brandy and other goods entered Michillimaquina, all our Frenchmen would have had their
throats cut by a revolt of all the Hurons and Otaous, whose example would have been followed
by all the other Farthest Nations, in consequence of the presents which had been secretly sent
to all the Indians. This is a truth notorious to all our Frenchmen.
It is likewise very certain, and known to all, that had we not marched against and humbled
the Senecas, all the Otaoas and Hurons would have pulled off the mask, submitted to the
Iroquois, and placed themselves under the protection of the English, in whose behalf I know
several presents have already been made. M. Dongan played his part very well, and thought
he had completely deceived me.
On returning from the Campaign which I have just concluded, I found a merchant from
Orange at Ville Marie with a letter from M. Dongan. I send it to you. My Lord, with the
answers I had caused to be given thereunto. I consider it important that you take the trouble
PARIS DOCUMENTS: III. 337
yourself to read both letter and answer. I should wish they were shorter and less wearisome,
but, My Lord, it seems to me of consequence that you see with your own eyes whatever evil
has been committed by M. Dongan, in order to apply a remedy to it; and by me, so that you
may have the goodness to inform me thereof, that 1 may correct myself and not fall again into
errors which possibly I shall frequently repeat.
I have considered it my duty to detain, as I do, the English prisoners, and to write as I have
done to Colonel Dongan, who is a shrewd man in money making, being certain that the
Senecas after having been beaten, had gone to see him, and knowing from some deserters who
had been prisoners (esdaves) among them, that the English merchants have supplied all their
munitions of war to be made use of against us. This English merchant hfls even told us that
the merchants of Orange had, since the publication of the Treaty, furnished the Indians with
all that they required against us.
I annex to my letter and to that of Colonel Dongan all the papers found in the hands of
the English, whereof 1 have had an abstract made which I send you.
Before concluding what regards the English, I must inform you, that I have received the
Treaty of Neutrality concluded by the King on the 16"" of November, and that it shall be most
religiously observed on my part, but I must warn you that in the direction of Orange, it will
be executed only as far as will suit them; and that it will not be in the power of M. Dongan's
government to cause it to be respected, even were he so inclined, he having, for money,
divested himself of the finest right he possessed, that of nominating the Magistrates and
other officers,' whereby he was enabled to execute the orders of the King of England.
Thus he is, now, no longer master of the Merchants with whose interests, in order to extract
money from them, he must identify himself, as he has just done in dispatching thirty canoes
which the sixty prisoners were carrying to Michilimaquina.
I have learned that the King of England sent an Intendant, this year, to Manat, and that
M. Dongan had made use of his authority to send him back by the same ship which had
brought him, because that Intendant wished to follow his instructions, and M. Dongan wished
him to be his clerk. ^
Respecting the English, My Lord, I have nothing to add to what I already had the honor
to write you, viz' that I know not greater enemies to the colony than they, and that no
reliance can be placed on any treaty with them, after the manner they have acted towards
their own people of Virginia and Pennsylvania, on whom they caused the Iroquois to make
to make war so as to deprive them of every pretext for trading with those colonies.
I perceive that Sieurs de Tonty, La Durantaye and, du Lhu have, all three, done right good
service; they brought three hundred Indians of all nations, who have engaged anew in this
war, without being able to decline it.
The first thing with which I occupied myself on my arrival^ was to select a post easy to be
fortified for securing our bateaux to the number of 200 and as many canoes. We cut 2,000
palisades the planting of which we completed in the forenoon of the 12th of July.
I had brought with me Sieur Doruilliers as the most capable to be entrusted with the whole
of Canada; for the loss of this post would be the assured loss of the entire country, a
circumstance that obliged me to leave 440 men there.
'Alluding to tlie Charter granted to the city of Albany. ■'See III., 421, 422.
' At Irondequoit Bay. There seems to be something omitted in this part of the letter, when compared with the abstract,
post, p. 846. — Ed.
Vol. IX. 43
838 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
On the 12"" at three o'clock in the afternoon, I marched with all our French and Indian
allies and Christians having caused them to take 15 days' provisions. We made only three
leagues that day across the woods which are very open.
On the 13"" about 4 o'clock in the afternoon, having passed through two dangerous defiles,
we arrived at the third where we were very vigorously attacked by 800 Senecas, 200 of whom
fired, wishing to attack our rear whilst 'the remainder of their force would attack our front,
but the resistance they met produced such a great consternation, that they soon resolved to
fly. All our troops were so overpowered by the extreme heat and the hard day's work we
had done, that we were obliged to bivouac on the field until the morrow. We witnessed the
painful sight of the usual cruelties of the savages, who cut the dead into quarters, as is done
in slaughter houses, in order to put them into the kettle ; the greater number were opened
while still warm that their blood might be drank. Our rascally Otaoas distinguished
themselves particularly by these barbarities and by their poltroonery, for they withdrew from
the battle; the Hurons of Michilimaquina did very well, but our Christian Indians surpassed
all and performed deeds of valor, especially our Iroquois, on whom we dared not rely having
to fight against their relatives. The Illinois did their duty well. We had five or six men
killed on the spot, French and Indians, and about twenty wounded, among the first of whom
was the Reverend Father Angleran, Superior of all the Otaous Missions, by a very severe
gunshot. It is a great misfortune to us that this wound will prevent him going back again,
for he is a man of capacity, of great influence, who has conducted every thing at Michilimaquina
well, and to whom the country is under vast obligations. For had it not been for him, the
Iroquois had been long since established at Michilimaquina.
We learned from some prisoners who had deserted from the Senecas, that this action cost
them 45 men killed on the field, 25 of whom we had seen at the shambles, the others were
seen buried by this deserter; and over 60 very severely wounded.
On the next day, the 14"" July, we marched to one of the large villages where we encamped.
We found it burned and a fort which was very advantageously situated on a hill quite
nigh, abandoned.
I deemed it our best policy to employ ourselves in laying waste the Indian corn, which was
in vast abundance in the fields, rather than follow a flying enemy to a distance, and excite our
troops to catch only some straggling fugitives.
We learned from the prisoners who had deserted that the Senecas had gone to the English
where they will not be allowed to want for any thing necessary to make war on us. Since
that time, I have had no news of the enemy.
We remained until the 24"' at the four Seneca villages; the two larger being distant 4
leagues, and the others, 2. All that time was spent in destroying the corn which was in
such great abundance that the loss, including the old corn in cache which we burnt, and that
standing, was computed, according to the estimate afterwards made, at 400 thousand Minots.
These four villages must exceed 14 to 15 thousand souls. There was a vast quantity of hogs
which were killed ; and a great many both of our Indians and French were attacked with a
general rheum, which put every one out of humor.
'Tis an unfortunate trade, My Lord, to command savages who, after the first broken head,
ask only to return home carrying with them the scalp which they liftoff like a skull cap. You
cannot conceive the trouble I had to detain them until the corn was cut.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : III. 339
During the whole time we were in the Senecas country, we did not see a single enemy; a
circumstance that caused me divers alarms lest they had been at our bateaux, but fright and
consternation deterred them too much from effecting their first threats.
On returning to our bateaux I should have greatly wished to have been able to visit other
villages, but tlie sickness, the extreme fatigue among all, and the impatience of the savages
who began to disband, determined me to proceed to Niagara to erect a fort there, in their
presence, and point out to them a secure asylum in order to encourage them to come this
winter to war in small bodies. I have selected the angle on the Seneca side formed by the Lake
and the river; it is the most beautiful, the most pleasing and the most advantageous site on
the whole of that Lake; the Map and plan of which you will have if Sieur de Vilie Marie '
will take the trouble, for I tormented him considerably for it. I sent him expressly to Quebec
that he may have nothing else to do.
This post being in a state of defence I have left a hundred men there, under the command
of Sieur de Troyes, who made the Northern expedition last year. He is a worthy fellow, vi'ho
richly deserves some share in the honor of your good graces and protection. He can be very
useful to you in many things; he is prudent and intelligent, very willing, and has served well
on land.
This post has caused much joy to our farther Indians, who, having no place of retreat,
scarcely dared to approach the enemy. They have made me great promises — especially our
Illinois — to harrass the Iroquois this winter by a number of small parties.
M. de Tonty has gone back with them designing to invite them to come. He could collect
only very few Indians, because an alarm had been spread among them that a large body
of Senecas had set out against them last fall on a war expedition, which fell through on the
information M. Dongan gave the Senecas that I was about to attack them. Meanwhile, as
that large force had been six days out, it was the cause that only SO came of the six @ 700
savages on whom we relied, and that M. de Tonty was obliged to go to join Sieurs du I'hut
and de la Durantais at the fort of the Detroit, being unable to take the Senecas in the rear.
On quitting Niagara, I left M. de Vaudreuil there for a few days with the troops to cut fire-
wood, after having done what was necessary for the lodgings. The inconvenience of that post
is, that timber is at a distance from it. M. de Callieres and I returned without dela}' with
our militia, to is?ue such commands as are necessary for the interior of the Colony.
M. de Vaudreuil had, likewise, orders to tarry some days at Cataracouy, in order to have
fire-wood prepared for the garrison, for it begins to be somewhat distant from the fort. He is
to leave a hundred men at that post under the command of Sieur Doruilliers who does very
efficient service there, with spirit and affection. As his son has his Company, he has no
allowances but those that you will have the goodness to grant him. [You will not have it in
your power to grant any] to a better subject.
I left in those two forts some officers of good will, who have requested my leave to remain
there. I send you a list of them. They will suffer somewhat at those posts.
I have not told you, My Lord, that the militia who left the lower part of the Colony, will,
on their return to their homes, have made four hundred and sixty leagues from the 24"" May
to about the 17"" or IS"" of August. You will readily conceive, what with the two forts
which it was necessary to build, the destruction of the enemy's Corn and the thirty leagues of
road we had to travel by land, going and coming, that they will not have been idle.
'Sic, Villeneuve. — Ed.
340 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
It was altogether impossible to effect any more than we accomplished, for provisions would
have failed us, had we made a longer stay. It is full thirty years since I had the honor to serve,
but I assure you. My Lord, that I never saw anything that comes near to this in labor and
fatigue. In like manner, I can state to you that, without Mess" de Callieres and de Vaudreuil,
I could not have accomplished what I have. I can not too highly congratulate myself on
their skill.
M. de Callieres has considerable experience, and is very anxious for the good of the service.
He has skilfully led both the troops and the militia. You can confide in him and be sure that
he will do well whatever is at all feasible. He is a man of detail, is provident of supplies,
and would thoroughly prepare commissaries of stores; loving order there is no fear that he
will allow any roguery where he has the superintendence. I know it by experience.
As for M. de Vaudreuil, no one can serve with more zeal than he. I depend greatly on
him to discipline our troops, and to keep our officers to their duty. He already applies himself
particularly thereto.
I had the honor to advise you by my last letter, previous to my marching, that I had placed
the old Carignan Officers at the head of our militia, and that I had selected the honestest of
the colonists for captains. I am obliged to tell you, in their favor, that there are among them
some of great distinction whom I would wish you much to appoint Captains. It would be a
benefit to the country, by reason of the emulation that would be excited by the selection of
the honestest persons, and it would assist them in settling their Seigniories.
I have conferred the Company, the blank commission whereof you had the kindness to send
me, on Sieur Dugue, the oldest of all the Carignan Captains. He commanded all our militia.
Sieurs de la Durantais, Grandville, dupuis, Berthier, la Valterie and Longeuil, who have
done good service, would make very excellent Captains. It is out of my power to express in
adequate terms how much Grandville and Longueuil, to each of whom I had confided four
companies, have distinguished themselves beyond the others. You conferred last year on the
latter a Lieutenancy which he has accepted with pleasure. He is the oldest of 7 brothers of
the family of le Moyne which has been ennobled by the King in consequence of the services
their late father has rendered in this country. It is, with that of Lebert brother-in-law of
said Le Moyne, a family I cannot too highly praise, and which is most deserving of distinction
on account of the good conduct and good education of the children of both families, who are
all honest people. I should wish much to have something whereby to distinguish them ; there
were three brothers le Moyne' in the northern expedition who participated largely in whatever
good was accomplished under M. d Troyes.
We have still remaining some fine young men of whom we could make good subaltern
officers. It would afford a very sure means to subsist and discipline them, for what can their
fathers do for them who have no bread to give them, and have, I know not how many children
to support ; too big to enlist in the Cadets, the woods are their resource, where a great many
become bad boys.
During the campaign I left Sieur Prevost, Major of Quebec, in command here. I cannot
adequately express to you how worthily he has acquitted himself of that charge, and the
Intendant highly praises the services we have received from him.
I took the liberty last year. My Lord, to demand of you some regular troops. I know not
but I may have insisted too strongly on the point. The country's welfare alone prompted my
'Lemoyne d'Iberville, Lemoyne de St. HeUne, Lemoyne de Chateauguc. French's Louisiana Historical Collections,
Part III., 11.— Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : III. 341
warmth. Possibly in regard of the zeal I entertained for the good of the Colony, I may have
done or written something displeasing to you. If I have done, or if I do, so, My Lord, I assure
you that you ought to pardon me sooner than any other, as I am tliorouglily penetrated witli
respect for you, with desire to please you, and with anxiety to efficiently serve the King and
the Religion which, in his Majesty's heart, enters more largely in the attachment he feels
towards the country, than does the desire to conquer this New World.
You have ordered me to send you the prisoners we should make; you perceive. My Lord,
that it has been impossible for us to make any among the Senecas, and even if we had taken
some, we could not dispense with distributing them among our Indian allies and among those
who had captured them in the vicinity of Fort Cataracouy who are, also, native Iroquois, but,
for the most part, of the villages on the north side of Lake Ontario where there were some fine
and extensive (towns) which the Iroquois on the south of said Lake have forced to join them.
This has begun to increase the number of the latter, and to depopulate that North shore. Our
interest would be to repeople these villages because they would be better allies and more
more under our control.
Among the number of these prisoners are some I must not send you, as they are near
relatives of our Christian Indians; some, moreover, belong to the village of the Onontagues,
whom we must manage in order to detach .them from the Senecas, and to make use of them
in negotiations, should we find such necessary.
As I have no news, as yet, of the movements of the Iroquois, I should wish much not to
divest myself of the whole of those prisoners. However, as you desire [to have] them, I
shall content myself to retain those who, I think, can be of use to me, and will not be guilty
of all the disorders that the others have committed. In the meantime, My Lord, if you be so
good as to detain them in a place whence they can be withdrawn in case of need, could
a general accommodation eventually be brought about, I believe it would be of great benefit
to the country. As regards all their women and childr£n, I have distributed them throughout
our missions in the colony. All the men, women and children have had themselves baptized,
evincing joy on the occasion. It remains to be seen if it be in good faith.
This war. My Lord, was an absolute necessity, for without it, all was lost. On the other
hand, however, the condition of the country — open on all sides, without a single place
inclosed by walls — does not require war. In truth, had we to do with people who were
aware of their advantages over us, what injury could they not inflict on us. Doubtless, it is
God alone who blinds them.
We have, assuredly, humbled the Senecas to a considerable degree, and seriously lowered
their pride and raised the courage of their Indian enemies. I had greatly desired to be able
to go to the other villages also, but was forced to yield to the impuissance of our troops.
I had clearly foreseen this vexation.
To accomplish such a purpose effectually, we should have to march by divers routes to all
those villages, and this it was that caused me to ask for more troops than you were disposed
to grant me, aware, as I was, that the enemy could muster a force of more than 15 @ ISOO
able men.
You are aware, my Lord, that I could not employ the troops you sent me this year, as
they had arrived too late, for I was already on the march when the first ship — that of
M. Damblimont — reached our first Settlements. The Intendant, no doubt, has advised you
of the condition in which they landed and the number of sick among them.
342 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
We must now bethink ourselves of another campaign. In this it will be necessary to spare
our Colonists who would be absolutely ruined, if we were to draft as many of them as on this
occasion. However, 400 of them at least will be absolutely necessary, for assuredly, My
Lord, they are the very best we have. I don't think I can have our Coureurs de bois next
year; again, trade must not be destroyed and merchants and private persons ruined by
depriving them of the means of getting their peltries down to discharge the debts of the
colonists who, without this assistance, would find it difficult to live.
This war has greatly diverted the trade of our Coureurs de bois whom I must send in
search of their furs. They would have to be sent to engage the Indians to follow them, but I
doubt if we could collect together the same Indians next year that we have done this; for,
besides costing a great deal to collect and start them, they are not in the habit of waging war
in large bodies, as they find it difficult to subsist when marching together in the woods ; and
these parties dwindle away in a short time, every one being at liberty to return at the first
freak of fancy that takes him. The most sure course, then, is to rely only on ourselves, by
managing our Christian Indians some of whom we want with us ; for if we had none of
them in an expedition the enemy's Indians would continually harrass us on our flank
and rear.
I believe we may assure ourselves, that, with the help of God, we will next year be able to
do as much to the village of the Onontagues or that of the Cayugas as we have done
to the four Seneca Villages, although the route is much more difficult in consequence of the
lakes and rivers that are to be crossed, and of their distance from the great Lake Ontario.
But forcing these Indians too much may have its inconveniences; by obliging them to retire
and establish themselves elsewhere, we will make them remove from us and locate themselves
where it will be impossible for us to reach, and to go in a body to, them: Being, thus, no
longer under our control, they will become thereby more dangerous.
As I do not yet learn what the enemy meditates against us, I must defer, until the last
ships, writing to you on the interests of the country in connection with the war, and the
advantages of peace which is most necessary for the maintenance of the Colony; but the
question is, to secure that peace. This is not a very easy matter, having the English for
enemies. All these considerations cause me to desire constantly. My Lord, that his Majesty
would make an arrangement about their country, either by exchange or otherwise. That,
My Lord, is the surest means to maintain this Colony and promote the Religion, for as long as
all will be neighbors, the merchants, envious and jealous, will always trouble us. I believe,
however, that they are much puzzled about their trade, which will be interrupted by this war,
especially if the Far Nations perform their duty against the Iroquois as they have promised
me to do.
I am, in the mean while, very uneasy about this Colony, exposed as it is and open on all
sides, for it is impossible to place all the people under cover. The Intendant and I are about
to endeavor to oblige the people to construct redoubts and to surround themselves with
pallisades, but each farmer would wish his house had a citadel, and no one will quit his home,
much less form villages. We siiall confer together so as to effect therein whatever will be
possible for the security of the people, who may by example be brought to consent, after the
enemy will have broken some heads.
As regards inclosed places, can you. My Lord, eventually dispense with inclosing Ville Marie
with walls? It would have been accomplished since the time you appropriated 20,000"' per
PARIS DOCUMENTS : III. • 343
annum for fortifications in this country, had that fund been well employed. You will have
to direct your attention, My Lord, to this and the other points, where safe posts are required,
such as la preyrye de la Magdelaine and Chambly where we want villages inclosed simply
by walls, like Catarocouy, which will be finished next June, according to the plan Villeneuve
is to send you. Mr. de Vauban will possibly growl at the one bastion erected there, but we
required a powder magazine and a vault, above which are two rooms to store flour, and over
that a place from which the shores (bordagcs) of the lake and the barks are visible.
The preservation of that place is of the greatest moment; but it will be always exposed
to destruction as long as it will not be cultivated by settlers who ought to be fixed there ; but
in order to attract them thither, the trade to be carried on there, must no longer be in the
hands of a single person.
I am resolved not to grant any new licenses this year, so as to afford the old traders an
opportunity to finish their operations, and to return, all of them, next season. Some order will
have to be afterwards introduced to put a stop to the debaucheries in the woods which are
corrupting our entire youth and ruining every body, for our rascals consider nothing too dear to
purchase a Squaw with. To effect this reform it will be necessary to consult with the most
enlightened and wisest people in the country in order to avoid all inconveniences, and to do
every thing for the good of the Colony. The Intendant and I will apply our best energies to
accomplish this.
Du Lut's brother, who has recently arrived from the rivers above Lake of the Allenemipigons,'
assures me that he saw more than 1,500 persons come trade with him. They were very sorry
to find he had not sufficient goods to satisfy them. They are of the tribes accustomed to
resort to the English of Port Nelson or River Bourbon where they say they did not go, this
year, through Sieur du Lhu's inflence. It remains to be seen whether they speak truth.
The overland route to them is frightful on account of its length and of the difficulty of
finding food. He says there is a multitude of people beyond these, and that no trade is to be
expected with them expect by sea, for by the rivers the expense is too great.
I have informed Sieur de Tonty that you were very desirous he should discover means to
learn some tidings of M. de la Salle. He has set out with the design to direct all his attention
to that object.
The discovery of the mouth of the River Micissipi would, it appears to me, be more certain
according to the plan he proposed, but I doubt if he be in a condition to incur that expense
unless you assist him. I conversed freely with him about that means, and the reasons
M. de la Salle had for not adopting it. He told me it had been, indeed, his idea, but he could
not accomplish it in consequence of the obstacles he would have experienced at this side.
M. de la Salle has made grants at Fort S' Louis to several Frenchmen who reside there
since many years without desiring to return. This has given rise to infinite disorders and
abominations. Those to whom M. de la Salle has given grants are all young men without any
means of cultivating the soil; every 8 days they marry Squaws after the Indian fashion of that
country, whom they purchase from the parents at the expense of the merchants. Those
fellows pretending to be independent and masters on their distant lands, every thing is in
disorder. This year 10 plotted to go oft" to the English, and conduct them to the Micissipy.
The war arrested that. The remedy for all these things is, that all those distant grants be
revoked by the King; that the garrisons of these distant posts be changed every two years at
' See Note 2, supr.a, p. 301. — Ed.
344 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
least; that trade be carried on in future only at the posts to be selected and fortified, and
where there will be commandants. Plans must be drawn up to introduce discipline among
our people, to regulate the trade on the rivers by associations among our Coureurs de bois,
otherwise they will all turn Savages and ruin commerce. And it is for this purpose that
companies of Canadians are necessary, under commanders of greater austerity than
simple captains.
The copper, a sample of which I sent M. Arnou, is found at the head of Lake Superior.
The body of the mine has not been yet discovered. I have seen one of our Voyageurs who
assures me that some 15 months ago, he saw a lump of 200 weight, as yellow as gold, in a
river which falls into Lake Superior. When heated, it can be cut with an axe, but the
superstitious Indians regarding this bowlder as a good spirit, would never permit him to take
any of it away. His opinion is that the frost undermined this piece, and that the mine is in
that river. He has promised me to search for it on his way back. Should it turn out of the
same quality as the piece I sent Mr. Arnou, it would be an excellent good thing, being very
pure, and free from loss. For that reason, it will be necessary that barks be constructed on
Lakes Ontario and Erie above and below the Falls, wherefrom great advantages would accrue,
but the body of the mine must first be discovered. This knowledge cannot be acquired
from the Indians, who believe they would all die did they show it to us.
I have just received news from our forts at the head of Hudson's Bay (du nord) where
d'Yberville is in command. He has had advices this fall that an English ship was in the nip
near Charleston island. He sent four men thither across the ice to reconnoitre. One gave up
through sickness, the others were surprised, taken and bound. One of the latter escaped though
fired at several times. He communicated the news, and the other two were put, bound, into
the bottom of the hold, where they passed the winter. The commander of the vessel hunting
on the Island in the Spring, was drowned. The time being arrived for setting sail, the pilot
and the others, to the number of six, caused the weaker of the two Canadians to work, and
obliged him to assist them. One day, whilst the most of the English were aloft, the Canadian
seeing only two on the deck grasped an axe with which he split both their skulls, then ran to
release his comrade ; they seized the arms and went on deck, where from being slaves they
became masters. They next steered the ship towards our forts, and met Sieur d'Yberville on
the way who had fitted' out a vessel to go and release his men at the moment the ice would
permit him. This English ship was laden with merchandise and provisions which have been
of great service to our forts.
I am with much respect
My Lord
Your most humble, most
obliged and most obedient
Servant
The M. DE Denonville.
Governor Dongan to M. de Denonville.
[Already printed, III., 465.]
PARIS DOCUMENTS : III.
345
M. de Denonville to Governor- Dongan.
[ AlreaJy printed, III., 469. ]
M. de Denonville to Governor Dongan.
[Already printed, III., 406.]
Summary of M. de DenonvilUs Despatch and M. de Seignelay's RemarTcs tlierevpon.
Extracts from the Summary of the Letters and the Answers thereto.
M. de Denonville. Villemarie, 25 Aug., 1687.
Had the two English detachments not been
captured, and had they entered Missilimakinak
with their Brandy, all the French would have
been killed by a Revolt of all the Hurons and
Outawas who would have been followed by all
the other farthest Tribes.
It is, also, certain that, had the Senecas not
been attacked, those Hurons and Outawas
would have submitted to the Iroquois under
English protection.
Colonel Dongan had adopted measures for
that purpose, and he sends a letter which this
Colonel wrote him with his answer to it.
He has learned that the Senecas whom he
had driven from their villages have retired
among the English, and that the English Mer-
chants have given those Savages all their
munitions of war to be used against the French.
I explain to Mess" de Barillon and Beaurepos
the grounds of complaint his Majesty has against
Colonel Dongan's conduct, respecting the
shelter and aid he has afforded to the Iroquois
contrary to the execution of the Treaty of
Neutrality, and I notify them that it is his
Majesty's intention that they complain thereof.
He knows no greater enemies than the Eng-
lish, and it is impossible to rely on any Treaty
with them.
Vol. IX.
346 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANSUCRIPTS.
He perceives that they are making great
exertions to undertake explorations towards
the Mississipi, in order to discover its outlet
by the sea, and attract to themselves the trade
of the Illinois.
He has returned from his expedition against
the Senecas, and has sent the militia back to
their settlements to attend to their harvest.
He remarks that the troops have experienced
great difficulty in surmounting the Rapids and
that there were as many as three hundred
persons lamed in the legs and feet by the rocks
and stones.
He had fixed the lO"" July as a rendezvous
for the Indian allies and French Coureurdebois,
and they arrived at the place designated at the
precise hour.
There were 170 Frenchmen under the
command of Sieurs de Tonty, La Durantaye
and Du Luth with three hundred Indians of
all nations.
He has received intelligence from Acadia
that the English encroach openly on the King's
territory in that quarter; and from what is
written to him on the subject, it seems that
Sieur Perrot is in league with the Governor of
Boston.
If that continue, there is no more means of
resistance. It would be much better to wage
war against the English than against the
Iroquois.
The passages omitted in the above summary, as denoted by Asterisks, are already printed at length in M. de Denonville's
despatch of the 25th of August, 16S1, supra, p. 336, et seq. They are not accompanied by any observations of the
Minister. — Ed.
M. de Denonville to M. de Sedgnelay.
Memoir on the present state of Affairs in Canada in reference to the Iroquois
War. 27 October, 1687.
The state of affairs at present is so similar in all respects to what is stated in the Memoir I
had the honor to send My Lord last year, that I cannot enlarge this without repeating the
major portion of the articles comprehended in that memoir.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : III. 347
To avoid all repetition and to be less tedious I shall most humbly supplicate My Lord to
be pleased to order an account to be rendered him of the paragraphs that treat of the necessity
that existed for declaring war, and of the dangers of its continuance any longer than is
consistent with the interests of the country. In the present situation of the settlements it can
ruin and utterly destroy the entire colony.
My Lord's observation in the Memoir of the King of the 30"" of March of this year is
perfectly true — that nothing is so prejudicial to the colony as war, and that its continuance
is capable of ruining it. But, My Lord, you know better than I that we cannot master events.
In my Memoir of last year it is stated, that the most certain means to destroy the enemy
was to march simultaneously against all the Five Nations, and to ruin them all at once, but,
more troops were requisite than you had sent us, and they were needed two years ago so as
to be employed during this season, for preparations must be made a long time in advance in
this country, where a supply of workmen does not exist, as in France.
The expense you incur mortifies me more than you can imagine, and the more so, as you
wish to see it terminate. I should like to serve you to your satisfaction, but that is impossible
in this instance.
Hitherto the Iroquois business was represented to you as easy, and, when I arrived, every
one's mind was impressed with this absence of difficulty. Abbe de St. Vallier, our bishop,
can tell you. My Lord, that I had no dispute here with those who entertained that opinion
except to make them understand its difficulties with our number of troops, and the sad
consequences of a war, so long as we should have a hundred enemies on our hands.
All this. My Lord, is not for the purpose of justifying myself for not having accomplished
more than we have done. God is witness of, and knows, my good intention, my troubles and
the enemies I have had, which prevented me doing any more. Those who, hitherto, have
obstinately believed the affair so easy have learned by experience that they were greatly
mistaken; they have been witnesses of all that transpired, and know whether I could do any
better. God knows if it will do any good. We have no news from the Iroquois villages and
learn nothing yet of their sufferings. If our Indian allies perform their duty, the former will
suffer immensely, and [our Indians] will derive great advantage from Fort Niagara.
My Memoir of last year states that I fully expected to see all the Senecas, after I had put
them to flight, retire to the other four Iroquois cantons in order to receive supplies of
provisions. They are there, as we anticipated. It remains to be seen in what manner this
war will be continued for the purpose of both attacking the enemy and protecting ourselves
from their incursions.
M. Dongan sustains the enemy and sends him arms and ammunition, reunites the Five
Nations and encourages them to wage war on us. His last letter of the ninth of September
of this year,' which I transmit to you, affords proof of this. It is in answer to mine to him
of the 22'' August last, duplicate whereof I send herewith. It is very necessary. My Lord,
that you have an abstract made of the contents of said letters, and especially that you take
the trouble of reading that of the Colonel.
He cannot say that what he has done has been in reprisal for my having detained the
English, as I had not seen nor detained them until I knew that M. Dongan had contravened
the third article of the last Treaty of Neutrality of the 16th November, 16S6.
'Seelll., 472. — Ed.
348 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
He, himself, acknowledges in his letter that he had supplied arms and ammunition to our
enemies only on learning that I was marching into their country.
I detained the English prisoners longer than I would have done had I not been apprehensive
that, by sending them back, early, they would be able to get up some new expedition. Now,
there is nothing to fear this year, the season being too far advanced.
On my return from Montreal to this city I received the King's letter of the 16"" June
forbidding me to make any attack on the English, and even commanding me to prevent any
injury being done them either in their persons, or goods pending the negotiations for an
arrangement. I've considered it my duty to obey blindly his Majesty's orders by sending back
all the prisoners, which I have accordingly done.
Yet, My Lord, you see that the English are our most dangerous enemies, and the more so
because they do us all the harm possible and we cannot do them any, so long as the King will
forbid us undertaking anything against them, and we have only complaint as a resource,
whereby we shall never obtain satisfaction.
You will remark. My Lord, by Colonel Dongan's letter, as you have perceived by his
preceding one, that he claims the Iroquois as belonging to the King of England. This
pretence came into existence the year Monsieur de la Barre sent him notice of his march
against his enemies. You will see. My Lord, how I answer Colonel Dongan on this point.
The Memoirs I have sent, your Lordship of the rights of the King over these countries ;i
these I now transmit, and all My Lord must have besides, sufficiently prove that the King's
rights must prevail over all the Colonel's pretensions which have no valid grounds save the
desire for territory and the right of availability and convenience.
They could easily attract all the trade, with the aid of that powerful people, if permitted
to proceed.
The King orders me to observe great moderation towards the English. But, My Lord, can
any one wage war more openly against us than M. Dongan has done, when he admits that he
aids and abets our enemies with whatever ammunition is necessary to operate against us.
It is very proper. My Lord, that you inform me of the King's intentions regarding the
conduct I have to observe in such cases, and that his Majesty adopt very sure measures to
oblige the King of England's subjects to execute the last Treaty of Neutrality, by no longer
protecting our enemies, against whom they ought to declare themselves, considering the good
understanding that exists between the King and his Britannic Majesty.
But I greatly fear, My Lord, that we shall ever be the dupes of those treaties which we shall
execute in good faith and they will not observe in this country, so long as M. Dongan will
remain in it, and a Governor of New England will not make it a point of honor to execute to
the letter his Master's orders.
I doubt not but the King will easily arrange all things with the King of England, but you
ought to consider that so long as we shall prevent the descent of our Indian allies on Orange,
and thwart the design of the English to extend their trade among all the Nations, they will
always be affording all needful aid to our enemies in order, if possible, to destroy us. It
would be much better for us, My Lord, to declare war against them and pillage their villages,^
than to see ourselves plundered through their agency.
All my letters of last year have sufficiently informed you, My Lord, of the difficulties
that oppose the carrying on this war; of the expenses to be incurred and of the length of
' Supra, p. 303.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : III. 349
time it must continue. I would very much wish to be aLle to apply a remedy thereto
according to your desire. It would be well for the Colony were the war to terminate as soon
as it had commenced. But, if we do not humble a powerful and haughty enemy, what safety
can there be for the Colony?
In my letters of the month of June, and of the S"" of November of last year, I had the honor
to submit to you my opinion as to what I considered most expedient to crush our enemy and
abridge this war, by requiring a complement of troops sufficient to proceed, at once, against all
the Iroquois villages by different routes. That was the decision of [the council of] war. To
insure success, time for preparation is necessary and it is not to be expected that troops can take
the field the same year they arrive. If you approve this plan, My Lord, you will so inform
us, in order that we may put ourselves in a condition the year following to make a general
attack on all the villages. Meanwhile, this j'ear, we would amuse and effectually disquiet
the foe by small redoubts which we will be able to construct at La Famine, and at the mouth
of the Onnontague river, and by parties we hope to detach to harrass the enemy whilst
hunting. Your orders, which we shall receive in the month of May, will determine us on the
various matters we shall have to do.
The intelligence your Lordship sends me in your letter of the 25"' June of this year, of the
formation of a considerable Company in England to erect a commercial establishment in
the neighborhood of the Great Lake called La Mcr douce, which is Lake Huron of
Michilimakinac, is a consequence of that grand design which began to unfold itself as early as
last year by the dispatch of the Colonel's canoes which were at Missilimakinac, where the
latitude was taken as I had the honor to advise you last year. M. Dongan thought he had
gained his point, his people having been well received and supported by the powerful and
redoubtable Iroquois of whom he had become master. He has continued his design this year
with two parties of thirty men each commanded by officers.
I have had intelligence, this spring, from New England that Colonel Dongan was preparing
to send them a reinforcement, and I am certain his plan was to occupy the post at Niagara.
Had they succeeded, the country was lost. There they are circumvented. Nothing is left,
but to maintain that affair. The Memoir of the King's Rights sufficiently establishes our
possession of all the Lakes.
The post I have fortified at Niagara is not a novelty since Sieur de la Salle had a house
there which is in ruins since a year when Serjeant La Fleur, whom I placed at Cataracouy,
abandoned it through the intrigues of the English who solicited the Senecas to expel him
by threats. My Lord if you do not wish to lose the entire trade of the Upper Country, we
must maintain that post; also that of Dulhu, at the Detroit, and the possession of all the lakes.
There is no doubt but we must prepare to wage war effectually, and to furnish troops to
the whole of the country; for to guarantee it against any incursions of the enemy whilst the
settlements are scattered and surrounded by forests for more than seventy leagues on both
sides of the river, is naturally impossible how many troops soever there be ; so much the
more so, when we have not enough of them to station in all the Seigniories. Many of these
are unprovided with troops as we have been obliged to post a great number of them at
Montreal, which is the head of the Colony. It has been out of my power to station as many
as I should wish at Chambly or at the other frontier posts of the country.
My Lord will please to reflect that, previous to undertaking any expedition against the
enemy, we must decide on leaving a body of troops on the frontier; otherwise, whilst we will
350 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
be ascending the rapids, tliey will be easily able, with small parties in the woods,, to lay waste
and ruin the whole country. It is not to be expected that all the rapids can, hereafter, be
ascended as freely as this year, for according to all appearances, we shall have to contest
each rapid.
Two hundred men additional are required, My Lord, for the protection of forts Cataracouy
and Niagara. In going to the enemy's villages by land, four hundred men more must be
detached from the army to guard our bateaux and the provisions, as, if that post be captured,
it will involve the loss of the Country.
My Lord is aware that, we require besides a force capable of resisting the enemy who,
when united, can put two thousand men under arms.
It is, again, necessary for My Lord to consider that we cannot have, this year, any Indians
with us except those belonging to our settlements, who do not muster at this time more than
two hundred or two hundred and fifty men capable of taking the field, as a number of them
have died of the Measles since our return from the Campaign.
The difficulties we have to surmount, in order to reach the villages, are greater than those we
have experienced this year. It is twenty leagues over land from Lake Ontario to the nearest
village. The roads are much more difficult than that of Seneca. Swamps and large rivers
are to be crossed in going to the Onnontague and Cayuga towns. The Map which I submit to
My Lord will give him an idea of the route; the difficulties are as nothing as far as I am
concerned, but I must render an account of all the impediments.
Though the blessing of God attend this expedition also, there is reason to fear that, should
we destroy only one village without being sufficiently strong to proceed against all the others
at the same time, we may oblige the enemy to take up a position in the depths of the forest
within twenty leagues of us, a distance that would not be the least obstacle to their coming
and finding us, whilst they would be beyond our reach to chastise thera, which would be a
great misfortune for us.
My Lord must not expect our being able to bring into the field, this year, more than four
hundred Colonists without ruining the country, which would suffer too much were we to make
a greater levy.
My Lord must, also, be informed that in our several expeditions we cannot dispense with
the Militia even should all the troops I demand be sent, as they are more conversant than any
others with this mode of warfare.
Wherefore I have been obliged to form a Company of one hundred and twenty men under
the command of Monsieur de Vaudreuil, and four good lieutenants, natives of the country,
most worthy men, whom I have stationed at the head of the Island of Montreal. I have
selected them from among our Coureurs de bois, whom I brought from the Campaign. They
cannot return with safety to the Outtawas to get their peltries, because the enemy has parties
out on the Outtawa river. I hope to derive great advantages from this Company for the
security of the country. It will cost us only six sous French currency, a day, for each man.
It is highly important for the service and the public interests that My Lord provide us with
means to confer some benefit on the Provincial Officers in our service ; otherwise my employing
them will be their ruin, and I shall discredit myself in their estimation, so that it will be no
longer in my power to enter [upon] any service. Wherefore, My Lord, it is highly expedient,
should you send us troops which you cannot avoid doing, that you furnish us means to
commission those officers whom we shall consider qualified. The Intendant and I send you a
list of those we know are the most capable.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : III. 351
M. de Champigny and I have begun to deduct from the haute paies^ in each Company-
sufficient to add sixteen ensigns to the old Companies at the rate of fifteen sous a day, which
they are allowed. It is a trifling advantage which we are able to confer on sixteen young
men who are without bread, who will serve us well, who belong to the first families of the
country, who are capable of being good officers, and all of whom are brave fellows. I
thought, My Lord, that you would approve it. In this way all the Companies, both new
and old, will be uniform in officers.
Butj My Lord, this is not yet enough. You must have the goodness to give employment to
those whose names we shall transmit to you. It were well, likewise, if you were so good as
to make Captains of those Lieutenants of Regulars who distinguish themselves by their
application, in order to create a spirit of emulation in the rest: For the surest way to get
them to serve in a proper manner, is to promote those who do better than others.
A lieutenancy and ensigncy have become vacant in Iberville's company in consequence of a
terrible misfortune. Chevalier de La Guerre, Lieutenant of said Company, being intoxicated,
ran Sieur de Porteaux, an Ensign in the same corps, through the body with his sword for a
mere trifle, without affijrding him time to defend himself. Sieur de Porteaux died two days
afterwards. He was a very fine young man. The murderer has fled. The Intendant had
him tried. This is the second murder he has committed when in liquor, as I am informed.
I thought you would approve my nominating for that lieutenancy, Sieur de S' Helene, one of
Lemoine's children who was in command, last year, under Sieur de Troye, in the Northern
expedition ; he acted with great bravery, and participated largely with his brother d'Iberville
in all the good done there. I considered it necessary to reward that action with some thing
that may create emulation.
A half-pay Captaincy (reformc) being vacant, I gave it to Sieur de la Durantaye who, since I
have been in this country, has done good service among the Outtawas, and has been very
economical of labor and expense in executing the orders he received from me. He is a man
of rank, unfortunate in his affairs, and who, by his great assiduity at Missilimakinac, has
efficiently carried out the instructions we had given him to seize the English; he arrested one
of the parties, within two days journey of Missilimakinac. On the other hand, Sieurs de
Tonty and du Lhu have acquitted themselves very well towards the other party. All which
would richly deserve some reward.
It is time. My Lord, to give you an account of the measures we are endeavoring to adopt for
the safety of the Colonists by constructing redoubts and obliging the people to take shelter in
them. But herein we shall experience difficulties on the part of the settler who is accustomed
to have elbow-room near his wood and field, without any witness of his conduct. He must
work at the redoubts ; 'tis necessary that he make a new tenement ; he must thresh his
grain, convey his fodder. The seasons are short and the winter long and severe.
Considerable time, My Lord, would be required to execute the plan necessary for the
formation of villages ; in truth, the bare thought of it creates fear. Many years of peace
with exceeding great labor are needed to insure success. In many parts, it will be necessary
to recommence making settlements (concessions), and to do so properly would require that
the Colony be begun over again. For all this, My Lord, peace is requisite.
' Hautes payes were soldiers selected by the Captains of Companies to attend them personally, for which service they
received something more than the common pay. Jatnes' Military Dictionary. — Ed-.
352 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Do not imagine it possible, My Lord, easily to inflict on the Iroquois all the injury people
have imagined. I shall be censured, perhaps, for having induced you to wage war this year,
but I think I have sufficiently pointed out to you, in the letters and memoirs of last year and
in the manifest conduct of the English, how necessary it was to commence hostilities this
season ; for assuredly, the English detachments having been taken, Colonel Dongan would, most
undoubtedly, have engaged the Senecas, more insolent than ever, to come and make war on
us, and they would have inflicted considerable injury on us, had they anticipated us.
I have already explained to you, at sufficient length, the situation of our settlements, not to
repeat to you the dangers to which they are exposed. Suffice it to say. My Lord, in one word,
that the preservation of each part of the Colony is a palpable miracle ; for, had not God
blinded our enemies, it needed only a hundred of their determined men to lay waste all our
settlements. I defy the most skilful to apply a remedy thereto, except by forming inclosed
villages with farms around them. My letters and memoir last year are sufficiently explicit on
this point. But we must hope for God's assistance whilst doing our best.
Could the King exchange with the King of England the entire coast of Manate, it would be
a great advantage for Religion and our country which will, sooner or later, suffer from the
vicinity of the English. After such exchange it would be easy to support M. de la Salle, by
sea and land, the route to him being shorter.
I had the honor to advise you, on my return from the Campaign, that I had left M.
de Vaudreuil at the head of the rapids to protect a convoy for our forts at Cataracouy and
Niagara, as I had caused two barks to come to La Galette, where the navigation terminates.
M. de Vaudreuil had orders to send a strong escort with the remainder of the canoes, all
which could not discharge their freight into the barks. Eight remained which wete to be
escorted by a hundred men whom M. de Vaudreuil had sent for that purpose ; but an imprudent
confidence caused these hundred men to be sent back, under the impression that there was no
danger. The next day, our Canadians being off" their guard, were surprised and taken by a
party of the enemy who killed eight of them, and carried one away alive who has since been
conveyed to Orange. The seven men remaining fortunately escaped. The greatest difficulty
we have with our Canadians is to make them keep a good look out. In other respects they are
very brave men, but cannot be brought to keep watch. Those who had a right to command
them, and who sent back the escort, were entirely to blame.
Towards the end of August, being anxious to learn what was passing in the Mohawk
country, the chief of our Iroquois of the Sault, whom we call the Great Mohawk,' offered
himself to me as the sixth (lui sixieme) to go there, and to bring his nephew to the village to
see his father.^ He met on Lake Champlain a party of sixty of t liose Mohawks who were
coming from M. Dongan into our country to make prisoners, as he was informed by the party.
They were stopped by our Great Mohawk, and he addressed his relatives, who were among
the party, with such force and eloquence that he persuaded them all to turn back, telling them
that we were not making war against them, and that nothing was required of them but to
become Christians. He invited them to accompany him home to pray. Four of them allowed
themselves to be convinced, followed him and are at present in our village. He sent his
nephew and another to the Mohawk village, to invite his relatives to come and be Christians,
' Le Grand Anie.
' A figurative expression; meaning to induce tlie Mohawks to come and treat with the governor of Canada. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : HI. 353
with orders, also, to tell the Onnontagues and Oneidas that we were not at war with them, a
proof of which was that we had not been to their country.
Had this party not been turned back, it would have done us much injury, for it was just
the time of our harvest, and we had no redoubts.
These recently arrived Mohawks say, that the Senecas will suffer for want of their corn
which has been destroyed.
They likewise inform us, that the enemy had resolved on sending a large force against the
Colony. I suspect their design is against our village of the Sault S'. Louis, where M.
de Vaudreuil proposes to station himself with his Canadians when the communication
between that village and Montreal will be interrupted by floating ice and the river has not
yet taken.
Four Squaws of the Saut Saint Louis made an attempt, a few days ago, to desert to the
enemy with an Indian of the same village which sent (some persons) in pursuit of them.
They were overtaken and brought back. As soon as the Indian deserter was caught, his
brains were knocked out as a traitor. This proof of fidelity afforded me great pleasure.
Our enemies have parties in the woods, who, from time to time, kill such as travel without
precaution, and then retreat into the depths of the forest.
Another party of sixty men attacked the house of Sieur Labert at La pointe de I'lsle.
Some have been bold enough to attempt the pulling down of the pickets. Five or six of their
men have been killed or wounded and retired after having killed only an old Squaw and taken
one Indian.
A party of Iroquois came on the Island of Montreal some few days since, and killed four
men and wounded one very dangerously. The enemy had three of their men killed on the
spot, and several others severely wounded whom they carried off. M. de Vaudreuil and our
Indians followed them several days without being able to overtake them, as they retreated
very hastily. They numbered nearly two hundred. Four barns were burnt. Had we not
the troops ready to turn out, they would have committed terrible havoc.
Four Iroquois prisoners belonging to the two Onnontague and Oneida villages, who seemed
to us the best disposed, have been sent back by me with the design to detach those two tribes
from the Senecas, which would be a great advantage to us. I had given orders that some
peltries which had been taken from them when they were captured, should be restored to them
at'Montreal, but they refused accepting them, saying they would come for them, and would
assuredly return.
If they come, they will inform us of the condition of the enemy whereby we shall regulate
our conduct; for, possibly, the enemy will be worse off than we imagine in consequence of
hunger, sickness, some misunderstanding which I suspect, and of some parties of our Indian
allies, if they perform their duty. But we cannot reckon on any thing.
Meanwhile, My Lord, whatever turn matters take, you could not do better than to send us
eight hundred soldiers, and a hundred and fifty recruits, to replace existing or future losses,
with arms and money to meet indispensable expenses.
1 cannot praise too highly the services and assistance we receive from the Great Mohawk and
his warriors of our Iroquois village of the Sault Saint Louis. Though the King had the
goodness to make them some presents to aid in clothing their children, as they have been unable
to hunt this year, the Intendant and I have been obliged to have some supplies given them
for their subsistence, as an encouragement to act well, and as an evidence that care is taken
Vol. IX. 45
354 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
of them. The same is the case, My Lord, with the other Indians belonging to our
Christian villages.
The interruption of the communication between this place and Missilimakinac, by parties of
the enemy who are on the river leading thither, is annoying. We must manage, however, to
send thither on the ice, this spring, in order to communicate intelligence to them from here.
God severely visits the Colony this year with general sickness. The King's ships brought
the Measles, which have broken out at our Hospital at Quebec and spread every where. Very
few have been exempt. There has been also, some spotted fever. A great many persons,
without distinction of age or sex, have died of this disease. I cannot say whether we shall
be able to send you the number of them before the departure of the ships for deaths are
occurring every day.
A great many Indians belonging to our missions have died. More than one hundred and
thirty deaths have occurred in the Village of Sillery alone. Sickness prevails at this moment
in our Iroquois village. The last accounts state that over three hundred are down sick there.
This will be a serious drawback to us.
Father Bigot, who is in charge of the Sillery mission, has gone towards Boston with his
Indians to induce their relatives, who are still there, to come this spring and join us in the
war. The worthy Fathers have incurred considerable expense for the relief of their Indians.
This mission is in great need of the continuance of the King's benevolence.
Such, My Lord, is our condition. We beg and urge our farmers to be on their guard. But
it is difficult to make them accomplish what is desirable in so short a time. Meanwhile, we
are about preparing for another campaign, in the hope that God may grant us favorable
opportunities which we shall endeavor to profit by to the best of our power, and whilst
awaiting any orders you may communicate to us before the end of May. It is very important
that I have them, which I can very easily, before marching.
I must inform My Lord that the surest way of getting the troops here in health and with
dispatch, is to have them leave before the fifteenth of March. The ships will thus fall in
with favorable winds for coming up the river which ordinarily prevail at that season, and the
hot weather not having yet set in, sickness will be avoided.
We must construct a hundred new bateaux to replace the old broken ones. The greater
number of them are so damaged by the rocks, that they can no longer hold nails, or be caulked.
I must not neglect to acquaint you, My Lord, that it is very important for the King's service
that I be accompanied by officers qualified to conduct an expedition more difficult than the one
of this year. Independent of the difficulties of the communications by land and water, which
are circumstances favorable to the enemy, the latter is on his guard and can no longer be
' surprised, how cautious soever we be.
It is certain. My Lord, that had I been alone this year, I could not have accomplished the
quarter of what had to be done. M. de Calliere and M. de Vaudreuil having had sufficient
occupation, I know not how I could have managed without them. I lack not the will, but the
strength. My Lord.
The order you sent me to invest M. de Calliere with a command, was only for the last
Campaign. If it be your pleasure that we make this one, you will have the goodness to send
him another Commission. It is impossible to be more satisfied than I am with his care and
experience. I had the honor to inform you that M. de Vaudreuil is extremely attentive and that
he is a valuable officer and very zealous for the service.
The M. DE Denonville.
• PARIS DOCUMENTS : III. 355
II. de Denonville to Governor Dovgcin.
[ Already printed, III., fil2. ]
Governor Dongan to M. de Denonville.
[ Already printed. III., 472.]
M. de Denonville to Governor Dongan.
Quebec, 12"' October, 16S7.
Sir,
I have received the letter of the ninth of September, which you have taken the trouble to
write me. I have nothing else to reply than what I have already told you in my preceding,
which is that you desired of me that we should refer the decision of the limits to our masters
and not undertake any new expedition. Yet you will, of yourself, determine all the limits, and
want me to subscribe, without the King's orders, to your pretensions.
5fou perceive clearly, Sir, that this is in absolute contradiction of what you stated to me
were your intentions, not to do any thing which could disturb our good understanding.
You wish to justify yourself by M. de la Barre's advances to you which he ought not to
have made, and which cannot iu any wise prejudice the King's right over the villages that,
according to you, are subject to the King your master. But, Sir, it is neither you, nor I, who
are to decide this question which is referred to our Masters, who will make known to you
their wills and what we are to abide by.
Meanwhile, Sir, it is well that I observe to you, that since nothing is determined between
our masters whereby we might conclude precisely that the Iroquois belong to you, in your letter
of the ninth of September you frankly avow that you have contravened the last Treaty of
Neutrality entered into by their Majesties, inasmuch as you inform me that you have furnished
the Indians with powder, arms and ball to'make war on us. Take the trouble to read the
Treaty of Neutrality and you will see that this is in reality a contravention of the third article,
which forbids you to give any aid to the Indians with whom we shall be at war, and it is in
virtue thereof that I was justified in retaining M"' Gregoire, your officer, with the detachment
you had dispatched under his orders. Am I wrong. Sir?
Think you, Sir, that you have not, again, contravened the same Treaty of Neutrality, when
you point out to me, in the same letter, the care you have taken to assemble the five nations
in order to wage war on us, inasmuch as I have attacked only the Senecas against whom I had
greater cause of complaint than against the others. If all this. Sir, be not making war on us,
and contemning the orders you have to live at peace with the King's subjects, I know not how
you understand it.
356 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Your Messenger, however, will tell you. Sir, how I had not neglected to send back, before
I heard from you, the said M' Gregoire who will inform you that I was unable to see him
before my return from the Senecas, and how he has been treated since he came down, by me,
and by those under my orders.
Your menaces. Sir, are of no avail between you and me; let us adhere to our Masters'
instructions and think only, you and I, of complying with their Majesties' commands and
instructions to us.
If their Majesties agree that the Iroquois belong to you, so much the better for you; you
will, at least, be bound to prevent them making war on our Indian allies, as we shall be obliged
to prevent ours attacking them ; and this. Sir, will be the means to arrive at a general peace
which is absolutely necessary for the establishment of the Religion throughout the entire
country. Then, Sir, when you will restrain your Indians we will restrain ours, and shall
effectually deprive them of the use of arms whenever you will do the same by yours, should
they misbehave.
Did 1 regard the style of your letter, and did not my orders to live well with you prevail over
my private interest, I would still detain the four men whom I have here. But I am too happy
to consider myself as nought in the matter, and to make on my side all the concessions, in order
to put you entirely in the wrong, should you persist in the course you have hitherto pursued.
It therefore only remains now. Sir, to obey our Masters, and to cultivate mutual good
understanding; to promote which, I will perform every thing consistent with my orders. We
shall, afterwards, see whether you act in the same manner.
For that purpose it will be necessary for you to cease aifording protection to the Indians
who will make war on us, and to prevent the King of England's subjects supplying them with
arms and powder.
You will, doubless, receive orders on that subject which, I am persuaded I, also, shall
receive; they will be the rule of the conduct I shall always observe.
Meanwhile, should the Iroquois continue to commit acts of hostility, be assured, Sir, 1 will
not forget seeking for means to make them feel the penalty.
I am aware the Senecas have sent some of our soldiers prisoners to Orange. I doubt not
but you will give the necessary orders for the conveyance of all of them hither, as I have sent
all of yours back.
As regards the Indian prisoners whom I have, you know very well that I cannot restore
them, without embarrassing myself, until it be decided whether they belong to you. Besides,
it will be time enough to speak of them, when the Iroquois will return to their duly. You
are well aware that they have executed no part of the last Treaty of peace concluded at
La Famine, which you have mentioned to me in your letter.
You will plainly see, Sir, whenever you please, that it depends only on yourself that we
live always in friendship, according to our Masters' intentions.
I am deeply penetrated. Sir, with the grandeur of the King your Master, whose rare virtues
have attached to him the hearts of all the French. We shall honor him, Sir, with profound
respect and from inclination, and because we know that he has been long beloved by the
King our most Christian master. Therefore, Sir, you may rest assured that I shall ever feel
great pleasure in proving that I will, during my whole life, pay particular regard to the
cultivation of a good correspondence with all belonging to him, as far as is consistent with my
Master's interests.
I am, &c.
MEMOIR
VOYAGE AND EXPEDITION
UNDERTAKEN' PURSUANT TO THE KING'S ORDERS,
MAEQUIS DE DENONVILLE,
GOVERNOR OF CANADA,
AGAINST THE SENEGAS,
ENEMIES OF THAT COLONY.
BY M. DE DENONVILLE.
358 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Expedition of M. de Denonville against the Senecas.
Memoir of the Voyage and Expedition of the Marquis de Denonville, pursuant
to the King's orders, against the Senecas, enemies of the Colony; By the
same M. de Denonville. October, 1687.
The strength of this enemy consists in the firm union vrhich exists among the Five great
Cantons of the Iroquois nation, each of which has several particular dependencies. They
muster altogether under arms more than two thousand men capable of carrying on war, and
have, for many years, been held in such dread by ail the nations of North America, that we
were expecting every day to see them joined by all the Indians, allies and friends of the
Colony, through fear of so formidable an enemy.
These reasons, combined with that of the Religion, which, in consequence of the opposition
of these enemies has for a long time made no progress, induced the King to send me orders to
wage war against those Barbarians.
We were all winter getting ready for that purpose, and providing ourselves with everything
necessary for an enterprise so arduous by reason of the remoteness of the enemy, and the
difficult navigation of the River S'. Lawrence, which for the space of thirty leagues, is full of
cascades, waterfalls, and rapids. Add to that, the great Lake Ontario, a sea of two hundred
leagues in circumference, which is subject to very frequent and violent gales.
Those Cantons are situated on the south side of, and at unequal distances from, the said Lake,
widely separated from each other, and surrounded by small lakes, swamps, woods and rivers,
so that they cannot be reached except by land across forests, and provisions have to be carried
on the back during all the time that it will be necessary to be away from said Lake.
The plan which we adopted for the prosecution of this war, was to place in security the
post of Cataracouy, which is a small redoubt built by M. de Frontenac, at the mouth of Lake
Ontario. That place is, as it were, necessary for the establishment of a magazine, and the
security of three barks, which were in a very bad condition. Two of them were built by
Sieur de la Salle for the fur trade on that Lake, and the third by M. de la Barre for the
King's service.
During the entire summer, last year, I was very desirous to lay up a store of provisions
and munitions at that place, but was restrained from so doing through fear of alarming those
Barbarians, who incited and instigated by the English from that very time to make war upon
us, in order to monopolize for themselves the fur trade, were on the point of falling upon the
whole Colony. They would undoubtedly have done so, had it not been for the care and
shrewdness of the Rev. Father de Lamberville, a Jesuit missionary in one of their villages,
who by his influence, averted the storm, which was the more dangerous as we were
unprepared to protect ourselves against their incursions. We were daily on the eve of great
misfortunes, but Heaven ordered it otherwise, since it willed that we ourselves could be
the assailants. Thus all the last summer was spent in negotiations, which terminated by the
adoption of a resolution that both parties should meet at Cataracouy, to take measures for
the conclusion of a general peace. But the pride of that nation, accustomed to see others
yield to its tyranny, and the insults which they have continued to heap both upon the French
and upon our Indian allies, having induced us to believe that there is no negotiating with
PARIS DOCUMENTS: III. 359
them save with arms in our hands, we made preparations during the entire of the winter to
pay them a visit.
Early in the spring at the breals.ing up of the ice, we determined to send flour to
Catarocouy, with whatever bark canoes we could collect, and urged the farmers to hasten the
sowing of their grain, that they might be ready to march with the eight hundred Regulars
which have been in the country for two years.
Our Militia levies amounted to eight hundred men, besides more than a hundred of the
most expert settlers who were detailed to escort them.
The first muster of the Militia from the environs of Quebec, was fixed for the 24"" of May,
but was retarded eight days by a furious northeast wind, so that the general muster of the
eight hundred Regulars and the eight hundred Militia could not take place at Montreal, until
the 10"' of June, when we distributed among them the bateaux, designed each to carry eight
men with their provisions for two montiis.
Our troops were arranged for the march as follows: Eight platoons of two hundred men
each, under the command of eight of the best officers, as well of the Regulars as of the
Militia; six bateaux per company, each bateau carrying eight men, each commandant of two
hundred men, having the charge of 24 bateaux which were marked and numbered up to 24,
the first bearing the flag by which the 24 bateaux were distinguished.
The names of the four commandants of the Regular troops, are d'Orvilliers, S' Cirq,
de Troyes and Vallerennes, veteran captains of infantry and good officers. The four
commanding the Militia are, Berthier, la Valterye, Grandville and Longueil Le Moyne, aU
four very competent for that duty.
The four commandants of the Regulars were accompanied by Chevalier de Vaudreuil,
recently arrived from France to command the King's forces in this country. The four Captains
of the Militia had for commandant General Sieur Duguay, a veteran officer of the Carignan,
a long time settled in this country.
M. de Callieres was commander in chief of both divisions under my orders. The order of
march throughout the entire voyage, is one battalion of regulars, succeeded by one of militia,
alternately, so that they might be in readiness to afford each other assistance, our colonists
being more experienced in this mode of traveling.
In respect to our Indian allies who live in the Colony and who followed us to the number
of about four hundred, their order of march was not prescribed, so thai; they might serve as
scouts or in the detachments we should send out, or to facilitate the passages, getting through
according to the necessity of the case, reserving them for such use as is made of dragoons
in France.
On assembling our troops at Montreal, we received intelligence of the arrival at Quebec of
M. d'Omblement, with a King's ship, called L'Arc-en-ciel, which arrived from France in thirty-
three days, a thing unprecedented since the settlement of Canada. He brought us news of the
reinforcement of eight hundred men the King was sending and which afforded the means of
replacing in the settlements the farmers whom we had drawn from their homes.
Notwithstanding all the diligence we could use, our little army was not able to set out from
Ville Marie, in the Island of Montreal, until the 13"" of June.
14"' June. In the morning, we passed the rapids and the Saut Saint Louis, and all the troops
encamped, a part on Isle Perrot, and a part at Chateau gue, where our Christian Indians
were waiting for us, who sung and danced the war dance all night, at a feast which was
360 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
prepared for them by means of two lean cows, and some dozen dogs, roasted, hair and all.
In this consists the inie enrolmc7it for a vigorous prosecution of the war.
IS"" June. We were obliged to halt on account of very bad weather, rain and contrary winds,
that prevailed all day and prevented us crossing the Lake, which is very dangerous, should
it blow ever so little, in consequence of the two currents of two large rivers meeting there,
and the existence of a great number of rocks and shoals.
16"". In the morning our little fleet, composed of about three hundred and fifty sail, appeared
in a body on the Lake, and favored by a fair wind and fine weather, reached the foot of the
Cascades,' where a portage of all the luggage, munitions of war, and provisions became
necessary ; and there it was a beautiful sight to behold our soldiers and Canadians, stripped to
their shirts, in many places up their armpits in the river, working like water-dogs, dragging
with ropes, or pushing with their shoulders, the bateaux and canoes, so as to overcome the
rapidity of the current. We found our Indians of great service on that occasion.
This day's work was severe on account of three difficult places. The great vigor of our
men surmounted all the impediments, the least of which would have appalled the stoutest
heart in Europe; showing what man can accomplish when he undertakes an object. We
this day passed the Cascades, le Trou and le Buisson, and in the evening encamped in three
different divisions, apart from each other. The first two battalions were at the foot of the
Coteau des cedres rapid ; the next two a little lower down, and the other four a little lower still.
17"". Our troops set out at daybreak, and the most we could accomplish was to pass the
Coteau des cedres rapid and that of the Cedres. The greater number unloaded their boats at
the former ; the remainder more courageous, passed very safely. We encamped half a league
above the latter, having advanced, this day, only about two leagues by reason of the length of
the last rapid, which is nearly three-quarters of a league, and where all the boats and canoes
had to be passed one after the other. In this difficult passage we lost two bateaux, which
were swung around by the current and swamped ; also two bags of biscuit which got wet.
M. de Champigny, our Intendant, who left Montreal with us, went ahead to-day with some
fifteen Canoes employed to convey provisions to Cataracouy, so as to arrive in good season at
the fort, and to have leisure to make every arrangement for our arrival.
18"". We encamped a full quarter of a league from Lake Saint Francis after passing the
Coteau du Lac, which is one of the most difficult water-falls, where, aided by our good friends,
the Indians, we were'obliged to make a portage of all the loading, and even of a greater
part of the bateaux. We advanced three leagues this day.
lO"". We were able to make only three leagues, on account of a heavy rain storm, which
obliged us to encamp at a place in the said Lake called Pointe a Baudet,^ where Sieur Pere
arrived in the evening with four Iroquois, their vpives and two children whom he had captured
fifteen leagues higher up at a place where I had sent him for that purpose. Two of these
Iroquois are the most influential of the Cayuga nation, who are open enemies of the colony and
strongly attached to the Senecas. One of them named Oreouate cruelly maltreated and
persecuted the Reverend Father de Careill, when he was a missionary in their village, besides
committing many robberies on him, and on many of our Frenchmen and Indian allies. To
him also is attributed the expedition last year against the Hurons.
' Opposite the upper oi' western extremity of Isle Perrot, at the junction of the Rivers_Ottawa and St. Lawrence. — Ed.
" The S. W. corner of the county of rioulaugea, C. E. See supra, note 1, p. 99.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : III. 361
20"' June. All these captives were sent to the prisons of Montreal, to join the four other
Iroquois who had been surprised in the neighborhood, whither they had come as spies. We set
out from our camp, at the same time after a heavy rain, and crossed the Lake, a distance of five
leagues. The bad weather detained us the remainder of the day, and compelled us to encamp
among the Islands at the head of the Lake.
21". We encamped at the foot of the Petits Chesneaux, a little above Pointe Maligne, and
advanced only three leagues, being overwhelmed by severe storms which continued to prevail.
22"''. We passed the rapids of the Petits Chesneaux and of the Long Saut, except two
battalions which were obliged to encamp at the foot of the latter. The bateaux had to be
towed for more than two leagues, and made no more than two leagues and a half.
I say nothing of the difficulties we had to surmount in passing these rapids. They must be
seen to be appreciated. Many of our men were crippled there in their feet and legs. Yet, the
current carried off only three of our bateaux which were brought ashore, having escaped with
only a leak of a few pails of water, some biscuit wet, and the loss of a few guns. It cost the
life of a poor soldier, who, being less expert than the rest, was drowned after surmounting
all these rapids.
23"^. We were obliged to remain in the same place, waiting for the two battalions which
were unable to pass the Long Saut on the 22"''. The day was employed in caulking the
damaged bateaux ; yet we were unable to finish them by reason of the heavy and incessant
rain, and of the great number injured.
On the same day, the 23'*, two canoes, sent out to reconnoitre, brought in an Iroquois of
some note among the Cayugas, together with three women and two children. The man had
been sent to watch our movements, and he informed us that Oreouatie, of whom 'we have
already spoken, had gone down to Montreal, with the intention of discovering what was
passing among us and of carrying off" some French prisoners on his return. We did in fact
find among his baggage some cords with which they are accustomed to bind their prisoners,
and which they do not carry, except on warlike excursions.
24"". The Intendant sent a canoe to advise us that several Iroquois were fishing at the Island
of Otoniato,' and also on the main land, south of and opposite said Island, twelve leagues
below Cataracouy. I sent a detachment of a hundred Indians under the command of Sieur
de S* Helene le Moyne, to capture them. The heavy rain of the preceding day not having
permitted us to repair the leaky bateaux, we were unable to set out from the camp until noon.
Even then we were obliged to leave behind us a part of our Militia, who were more accustomed
to the navigation, to join us the next day under the command of M. de Callieres. We made
only three leagues to-day.
SS"". Set out from the camp and passed the Rapide Plat, above which we encamped, having
accomplished but three leagues and a half. These rapids occasioned the loss of one of our
soldiers who was drowned. In the evening we had news from Catarocouy, by a canoe sent by
the Intendant, that he had seized all the Indians to prevent their carrying news of our march
to the enemy, and that he had engaged those who were at Otoniata, to meet him at Catarocouy,
where they like the others will also be seized.
The same day, ten Algonquins, from the neighborhood of the Temiscamins, towards the
north, came on hearing of our march, to join us," and told us that others would come with
the same view. M. de Callieres could not join us to-day but arrived within half a league.
' See note supra, p. 77. — Ed.
Vol. IX. 46
362 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
26"" June. Passed the rapid des Galots, which is the last, and thenceforth entered a more
gentle current. After this our navigation was much easier, because the soldiers were relieved
from getting into the water, and we advanced by the aid of oars and sails alone. We encamped
a good league and a half above les Galots and made this day four leagues.
27"". A strong unfavorable wind from the southeast obliged us to halt, and we passed the
day in refitting those bateaux which were found to be out of repair. The Intendant arrived at
our camp from Cataracouy, on his return to give the necessary orders for the interior of the
Colony, and informed us of the manner in which they had arrested all the Iroquois in
the environs of the fort, to the number of one hundred and twenty, thirty of whom were men,
the rest women and children.
In the evening of the same day, 27"", the wind lulling, we proceeded all night in order to
make up for lost time, and encamped eight leagues from where the rain commenced.
28"'. Severe storms and continual rain during the whole day obliged us to remain stationary.
29"'. We set out early in the morning, with fine weather, and made nearly nine leagues.
On reaching our camp, we had the pleasure of witnessing the arrival of the Reverend Father
de Lamberville of the Order of Jesus, missionary to the Onontagues, whom I had sent for
under the pretence of bringing the most influential of the Iroquois to consult with them
respecting the means to settle our differences.
Last day of June. We arrived within half a league of Cataracouy, whither I proceeded
the same day, to arrange every thing, and procure what provisions we should need until the
end of August. On arriving at that Fort, I thought proper to send to the village of
the Onnontagues, the son and the brother of an Indian named Hotre-houati.i one of the most
distinguished and influential of the said village, from whom we had derived great assistance
in checking the incursions which the Senecas and other Iroquois had made the past year under
the instigation of Colonel Dongan, Governor of New-York, and whose influence, as well as that
of his other friends. Father de Lamberville made use of to frustrate the Colonel's ill designs.
1" of July. All our troops arrived at Cataracouy, where they occupied themselves in
unloading whatever was in the bateaux for the fort, and for fitting out the three barks, one of
which had already left with provisions and ammunition for Sieurs de la Durantaye and
du Lhu, who had orders since last year to repair hither by the last of June, with all they
could muster of the French that were in the woods with permits to trade for beaver, and
such of our Indian allies, enemies of the Iroquois, as they could induce to join them. The
rest of the day was pased in inspecting and replacing the provisions which had been damaged
by the rain and other incidents to navigation ; we were unable to finish the work to-day.
Being advised on the same day, the first of July, by the Sieur Perre, who had been sent
with a party of Indians, that he had not force enough to seize and carry off all the Iroquois
from Ganneious,^ I sent thither a detachment of forty Canadians, in bark canoes, under the
command of Captain Repentigny and Lieutenant Port Neuf to hasten that expedition with
orders to return the next day, although Ganneious is ten leagues distant from Cataracouy, as
I wished to set out on the third.
On this same day, P' July, the Sieur de la Foret arrived at Cataracouy. He is a resident
of Fort Saint Louis among the Illinois, where Sieur de Tonty is in command. He informed
me that he had come from Niagara, along the north shore of Lake Ontario, although it is
more than eighty leagues by that route. He brought me letters from Sieur de Tonty and
' See note 1, uupra p. 243. " Now Nappanee, C. W. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : III. 363
from Messieurs de La Duranlaye and du Lhu, who had arrived at Niagara on the 27"' June,
with about one hundred and eighty of the most active Frenchmen of the Colony, and about
four hundred Indians, and were waiting impatiently for news from me by the bark I had
promised to send them loaded with provisions and ammunition. This bark, had left Cataracouy
as early as Thursday, the 26"' of June, and favored by the northeast wind, should have
arrived at Niagara on the 2"^ day of July.
Sieur de la Foret informed me that Sieur de la Durantays had seized thirty Englishmen, who,
under an escort of some Iroquois, were on their way to trade at Missilimaquinak, the same as
last year, under pretence that that post belonged to them, although we have held it for more
than 25 years, it being the store, the entrepot of all our commerce. Those thirty Englishmen
were taken in Lake Huron, twenty leagues from Missilimaquinak. They were pillaged and
made prisoners without any further injury, although it would have been lawful to have treated
them as enemies, being in arms with our foes.
He further informed me, that the corps which was at Niagara, had met another party
of about thirty Englishmen, also escorted by hostile Indians, who were likewise going to
Missilimaquinak under the guidance of some French deserters. They were met by our
people at the Detroit of Lake Erie, near the Fort we occupy there, and were treated like
the others.
I directed Sieur de la Foiet to return immediately having charged him with the necessary
orders for the junction of the said corps of French and Savages at Niagara, with ours at the
rendezvous I had fixed near the mouth of the Seneca river, but the wind being too violent,
he could not set out until the evening of the next day; and then he could accomplish only two
or three leagues.
2"* of July. Passed this day in distributing provisions, and in repairing all the leaky bateaux,
it being our intention to leave on the morrow, the 3"*. We arranged the two large bateaux for
carrying in each a small cannon, some long guns, and some arquebuses a croc,' and twenty
men to cover our landing when we should reach the enemy's country.
3^. We waited for Pere, who, by reason of contrary and violent winds, had not been able
to arrive on the 2^ as directed. He came about 10 o'clock in the morning, with 18 Indian
warriors, and a number of women and children, making in all about SO persons. The men
were all bound in the fort. The whole party numbered 51 able bodied men, and a hundred
and fifty women and children. Orders were given to embark in the afternoon, but the wind
did not permit, so the remainder of the day was employed in putting the provisions,
ammunition and implements into the two remaining barks, to send them to the general
rendezvous near the Senecas.
i"". We embarked at day break, and took the route by the way of la Famine, coasting
along the south shore of Lake Ontario. Many traverses were made under favor of the calm
which continued all day, and by which we happily profited. We advanced this day more
than ten leagues, and encamped on the Island named des Galots,^ which we reached very
opportunely, for hardly had our bateaux arrived, when a wind from the southeast sprung
up so violent as to have obliged us to make the nearest land, had it commenced sooner.
It continued all night with such violence, that the waves compelled us to draw our
bateaux ashore.
' An ancient firearm, resembling a musket, but which is supported on a rest by a hoot of iron fastened to the barrel. It is
longer than a musket and of larger calibre. James' Military Dictionary. — Ed.
" See III., 433, note 4.
364 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
5"" July. The same wind continued all day and constrained us to remain on the above Island.
e"". The wind abated a little in the morning but we could not undertake to cross until one
o'clock, at which time the wind wholly abated. We encamped a league from thence, at a river
jiamed Cataragarenre.^ On the way our Indians discovered the trail of some fugitive Iroquois,
whom they pursued without success. They had abandoned some sacks of provisions and
their canoes.
7"". We resumed our march in the morning and encamped a league and a half from the River
of the Onnontagues. The day's work was ten leagues. Some men were discovered stationed
to watch our march, but they escaped into the woods by the path which leads over land from
the Lake to Onnontague.
8"". Advanced only five leagues, by reason of storms and severe winds. We encamped two
leagues from Chroutons.^
9"". Made only four leagues on account of the incessant rain and the difficulty of approaching
th^ shore. We camped two leagues beyond Chrstons. On arriving, we perceived at a distance
the bark which, after having landed provisions at Niagara, had come to advise us that the
detachment of Indian allies would leave Niagara on the 6"" with all the French, so as to reach
the Seneca river on the 10"" pursuant to my orders.
That same evening, an Indian belonging to our company having wandered a little distance
into the woods, was captured by three Iroquois scouts, who, having tied him, kept him
prisoner a day and a night without perceiving that he had suspended from his neck a knife,
which by chance remained concealed behind his back under his dress. The prisoner did not
fail to use it on the second night, cutting his bands while his guards were fast asleep. He
returned to our camp without any other injury than a very slight blow of a hatchet on one
of his shoulders.
10"". Set out at daylight in order to reach the rendezvous at Ganniagatarontagouat^ the
same day, although the wind was rather strong, the waves high, and the Lake rough. We sailed
so prosperously that just as we arrived at the abovenanied Marsh, (Marais) having first had it
examined in expectation of finding the enemy there, we perceived at a distance our Frenchmen
and Indian allies approaching under sail from Niagara. They arrived at the same time as
ourselves at the embankment of said Lake, where we spent the rest of the day in selecting a
position suitable for throwing up a retrenchment capable of protecting us, while we should
go by land in search of the enemy in their villages, the largest of which is distant only
nine or ten leagues.
ll"". Was spent in constructing palisades, fascines and pickets, for securing the dike that
separates the Lake from the Marsh (Marais) in which we had placed our bateaux.
12"'. After having detached 400 men to garrison the redoubt which we had already put in
condition of defence for the protection of our provisions, bateaux and canoes, we set out at
3 o'clock with all our Indian allies, who were loaded like ourselves with 13 days' provisions,
and took the path leading by land across the woods to Gannagaro. We made only three
leagues this day, among lofty trees sufficiently open to allow us to march in three columns.
' Probably Sandy Creek, Jefferson county, New-Tork. See III., 433, note 5.
' A passage tliat leads to the Cayugas. HI., 434. Cayuga, or Little Sodua, Bay.
• Irondequoit Bay. For derivation of this Mohawk word, see note 1, supra, p. 261. Compare also Marshall, in 2 Collections
of New-York Miatorieal Society, II., 176, note. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: III. 365
13"" July. We left on the next morning, with the design of approaching thiTvillage as near as
we could, to deprive the enemy of tlip opportunity of rallying and seizing on two very dangerous
defiles at two rivers which it was necessary for us to pass and where we should undoubtedly
meet them. We passed these two defiles, however, unmolested, no one appearing but a few
scouts. These two defiles being passed in safety, there still remained a S"" at the entrance of said
village. It was my intention to reach that defile in order to halt there for the night and to
rest our troops, who were much fatigued in consequence of the extraordinary and sultry heat
of the weather; but our scouts having notified us that they had seen a trail of a considerable
party, which had been in that neighborhooli, in order that we may call our troops together,
M. de Callieres, who was at the head of the three companies commanded by Tonty,
de la Durantaye and du Lhu, and of all our Indians; fell about three o'clock in the afternoon, a
short time after we had resumed our march, into an ambuscade of Senecas, posted in the
vicinity of that defile. They were better received than they anticipated, and thrown into such
consternation, that the most of them flung away their guns and blankets, to escape under
cover of the woods. The action was not long but the firing was heavy on both sides.
The three companies of Outaouaies, which were posted on the right distinguished themselves,
and all our Christian Indians from below (d'e7i bas) performed their duty admirably, and firmly
maintained the position assigned to them on the left.
The severe fatigue of the march which our troops, as well French as Indians, had
undergone, left us in no condition to pursue the routed enemy, as we had a wood full of
thickets and briars and a densely covered brook in front, and had made no prisoners who could
tell us positively the number of those that attacked us. Moreover, we had not sufficient
knowledge of the paths, to be certain which to take, to get out of the woods into the plain.
The enemy, to our knowledge, left 27 dead on the field, who had been killed on
the spot, besides a much larger number of wounded, judging from the bloody trails we
saw. We learned from one of the dying, that they had more than eight hundred men under
arms, either in the action or in the village, and that they were daily expecting a reinforcement
of Iroquois.
Our troops being very much fatigued, we halted the remainder of the day at the same place,
where we found sufficient water for the night. We maintained a strict watch, waiting for
daylight that we may enter the plain which is a full league 'in extent before reaching the
village. The Reverend Father Enialran, missionary among the Outawas savages whom he had
brought to us, was wounded in this action. It cost us also the death of 5 Canadians, one
soldier, and five Indian allies, besides six militia and five soldiers wounded.
14"". A heavy rain that lasted till noon next day, compelled us to remain until that time at
the place where the action occurred. We set out thence in battle array, expecting to find the
enemy entrenched in the new village which is above the old. We entered the plain,
however, without seeing anything but the vestiges of the fugitives. We found the old village
burnt by the enemy, who had also deserted the intrenchment of the new which was about
three-quarters of a league distant from the old. We encamped on the height of that plain,
and did nothing that day but protect ourselves from the severe rain which continued
until night.
IS"". The Indians brought us two old men, whom the enemy had left in the woods on their
retreat, and two or three women came to surrender themselves who informed us that for the
space of four days, all the old men, the women, and children, had been fleeing in great haste,
366 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
being able to carry with them only the best of their effects. Their flight was towards Cayuga
behind the Lai^es. They were sorely troubled for the means of support, and one woman
informed us that they were to kill the Oumiamis prisoners (esdaves) which was the reason of
her flight; and one of the old men who had been of note in the village, and was father or
uncle of the chief, told us the ambush consisted of two hundred and twenty men stationed
on the hill-side to attack our rear, and of five hundred and thirty to attack our front. The
two hundred and twenty men did in fact direct a part of their efforts against our rear
battalions, where they did not expect such strong resistance, those battalions having driven
them back more rapidly than they came. In at^dition to the above, there were also three
hundred men in their fort, favorably situated on a height, into which they all were pretending
to retire, having carried thither a quantity of Indian corn. This same old man told us he had
seen the enemy retreat in great disorder and consternation, and informed us that there were
none but Senecas ; that two hundred Cayugas were about to join them, and that they had
sent to the Onnontagues, and other nations to invite them to unite against us.
After we had obtained from tliis old man all the information he could impart, he was placed
in the hands of the Reverend Father Bruyas, who, finding he had some traces of the Christian
religion, through the instrumentality of the Reverend Jesuit Fathers, missionaries for twenty
years in that village, he set about preparing him for baptism, before turning him over to the
Indians who had taken him prisoner. He was baptised, and a little while after they
contented themselves at our solicitation, with knocking him on the head with a hatchet
instead of burning him according to their custom.
Our first achievement, this day, was to set fire to the fort of which we have spoken. It was
eight hundred paces in circumference, well enough flanked for Savages, with a retrenchment
advanced for the purpose of communicating with a spring which is half way down the hill, it
being the only place where they could obtain water. The remainder of the day was employed
in destroying Indian corn, beans and other produce.
le"" July. We continued the devastation. Our scouts brought us from time to time, the
spoils of the fugitives found scattered in the woods.
In the afternoon of the same day, we moved our camp towards those places where corn was
to be destroyed. A party of our Indians about whom we had been anxious, arrived in the
evening with considerable booty, which they had captured in the great village of Totiakton, four
leagues distant. They found that village also, abandoned by the enemy, who on retreating
had set it on fire, but only three or four cabins were consumed.
17"". We were also occupied in destroying the grain of the small village of St. Michael or
Gannogarae, distant a short league from the large village.
IS"". Continued, after having moved our camp in order to approach some fields which were
concealed and scattered in the depths of the forest.
lO"". Had a slight alarm in the night from a shot fired by a sentinel at an Illinois squaw,
nine years a slave among the Senecas, and who had escaped from the enemy. She got
off with only a wound in the thigh. She confirmed the report that the Senecas, being
much frightened, had fled to the Onnontagues and to the English. She informed us that forty
men had been killed in their attack on us, and fifty or more severely wounded. She added
that all the old men, the women and children, were dispersed through the woods on their way
to the Cayugas, but severely straitened for want of provisions, which they were unable to carry
with them by reason of their sudden flight.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : III. 367
IQ"" July. Moved our camp in the morning from near the village of St. James or Gannagaro,
after having destroyed a vast quantity of fine large corn, beans, and other vegetables of wliich
there remained not a single field, and after having burned so large a quantity of old corn that the
amount dared not be mentioned, and encamped before Totiakto, surnamed the Great Village or
the Village of the Conception, distant four leagues from the former. We found there a still
greater number of planted fields, and wherewithal to occupy ourselves for many days. Three
prisoners arrived the same day; a young girl and two squaws of the Illinois. They told us
that many prisoners of their nation were to profit by the rout of the Senecas, to escape from
their hands. They also confirmed what had already been told us, that the Senecas were to
breaic the heads of most of their prisoners, and were going beyond Cayuga and retreating
to the English.
20"". We occupied ourselves with cutting down and destroying the new corn, and burning
the old.
21". Went to the small village of Gannounata, distant two leagues from the larger, where
all the old and new corn was destroyed the same day, though the quantity was as large as in
the other villages. It was at the gate of this village that we found the arms of England
which SieurDongan, Governor of New-York, had caused to be placed there contrary to all right
and reason, in the year 1634, having antedated the arms, as of the year 1GS3, although it is
beyond question that we first discovered and took possession of that country, and for twenty
consecutive years have had Fathers Fremin, Gamier etc., as stationary Missionaries in all
these villages.
The quantity of grain which we found in store in this place, and destroyed by fire is
incredible. This same day a Huron of the Mission of S'. Lorette, arrived alone with two
scalps, one of a man and one of a woman whom he had knocked on the head, having found
them near the Cayugas, where he had gone alone for that purpose. He told us he had noticed
a multitude of paths by which the enemy had fled.
22"*. We left the abovenamed village to return to Totiakton, to continue there the devastation
already commenced. Notwithstanding the bad weather and incessant rain, the entire day
was employed in diligent preparation for our departure, which was the more urgent as
sickness was increasing among the soldiers, the militia and the Indians, and provisions and
refreshments were rapidly diminishing. Besides, the impatience of the Savages to return with
a great number of sick and wounded, gave us no hope of retaining them against their will,
some having already left on the preceding day without permission.
This same day 4 Iroquois of Montreal stimulated by the example of the Huron of Lorette,
who had brought away the two scalps, left without our knowledge to go on an expedition
towards Cayuga.
23*. We sent a large detachment of almost the entire army, under the command of
M. de Callieres, and of Chevalier de Vaudreuil, to complete the destruction of all the corn
still standing in the distant woods.
About 7 o'clock in the morning, seven Illinois, coming alone from their country to war
against the Iroquois, arrived at the camp, as naked as worms, bow in hand, to the great joy of
those whom Sieur de Tonty had brought to us.
About noon of the same day, we finished the destruction of the Indian corn. We had the
curiosity to estimate the whole quantity, green as well as ripe, which we had destroyed in
the four Seneca villages, and found that it would amount to 350,000 Minots of green, and
368 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
50,000 of old corn.' We can infer from this the multitude of people in these 4 villages, and the
great suffering they will experience frona this devastation.
Having nothing more to effect in that country, and seeing no enemy, we left our camp in
the afternoon of the same day to rejoin our bateaux. We advanced only two leagues. On
our way a Huron surprised a Seneca who appeared to be watching our movements. He was
killed on the spot because he refused to follow us. I would have preferred to have had him
brought along alive in order to obtain from him some news of the enemy.
24"" July. We reached our bateaux after marching six leagues. We halted there on the next
day, the 25"=, in order to make arrangements for leaving on the 26"' after we had destroyed the
redoubt we had built.
25"". We despatched the bark for Cataracouy, which we had found with the other two at
Ganniatarontagouat, to advise the Intendant of the result of our expedition, and by that
opportunity, sent back those of our camp who were suffering the most from sickness.
26'''. We set out for Niagara, resolved to occupy that post as a retreat for all our Indian
allies, and thus afford them the means of continuing, in small detachments, the war against the
enemy whom they have not been able to harrass liitherto, being too distant from them, and
having no place to retire to. Although it is only 30 leagues from Ganniatarontagouat to
Niagara, we were unable to accomplish the distance, in less than 4 days and a half by
reason of contrary winds ; that is to say, we arrived there on the morning of the 30"". We
immediately set about selecting a site, and collecting stockades for the construction of the
fort, which I had resolved to build on the Iroquois side at the point of a tongue of land,
between the Niagara River and Lake Ontario.
3P' of July and 1"' of August. We continued this work, wliich was the more difficult, as
tjiere was no wood on the ground suitable for making palisades, and from its being necessary to
haul them up the hill. We performed this labor so diligently that the Fort was in a state
of defence on the last mentioned day; when we learned from a Chaouanon deserter from the
Senecas, who was himself in the battle of the IS"" July, that there were eight hundred Senecas
in ambush, six hundred of whom were stationed at a rivulet we were to cross, who fired
upon us, and two hundred in a gully for the purpose of attacking our rear. He assured us that
they had twenty killed on the spot by our fire, whom they buried, in addition to the 25
that fell into our hands, and more than sixty, mortally wounded. They considered this check
so decisive that we have since seen no more of tiiem.
2"'' of August. The militia having performed their allotted task, and the Fort being in a
condition of defence, in case of attack, they set out at noon for the end of the lake, on their
return home.
S"^. The next day I embarked in the morning for the purpose of joining the militia, leaving
the regular troops in charge of M. de Vaudreuil, to finish what was the most essential, and to
render the fort not only capable of defence, but also of being occupied by a detachment of a
hundred soldiers, which are to winter there under the command of M. de Troyes, a veteran
officer, now a full pay captain of one of the companies stationed in this country. We advanced
13 leagues this day, and encamped on the point at the end of the Lake, where there is a
traverse of 4 leagues from the southern to the northern shore.
4"". Fearing the day breeze, we embarked in the morning as soon as the moon rose, and
accomplished the traverse of 4 leagues. We made 14 leagues to-day.
'1,200,000 bushels. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : III. 369
S"" July. The storm of wind and rain, prevented us leaving in the morning, but at noon, the
weather clearing up, we advanced 7 or 8 leagues and encamped at a place to which I had sent
forward our Christian Indians from below. We found them with two hundred deer they had
killed, a good share of which they gave to our army, that thus profited by this fortunate chase.
6"". Having a light, favorable wind we encamped two leagues below Gannaraske, a place
where salmon is very abundant, and accomplished this day about 15 leagues. We met on the
same day the bark which was coming from Cataracouy with provisions for the garrison that
is to winter at Niagara.
y"". We made twelve good leagues and encamped 2 leagues below Kente.
S">. Favored by a light wind from the southwest, we advanced 15 good leagues and
encamped near the Island La Foret.
9"". Notwithstanding a contrary wind, we made 9 leagues, and arrived at Fort Cataracouy,
where we remained the rest of that, and a part of the next day, to give the necessary orders
for the wintering of the garrison we have left there, which consists of a hundred men under
the command of M. Dorvilliers.
10'\ Set out from the Fort in the afternoon and encamped at Point a La Mort, distant
five leagues from Cataracouy.
ll"". We advanced 18 leagues and encamped within S leagues of La Galette.
12"". Passed a portion of the rapids much quicker than when we were coming up. We
encamped at Point a Baudet in Lake St. Francis. ^
13"". We reached Montreal at an early hour, where we were most impatiently expected,
and, what is surprising, without once having in all our voyage heard any news of our
Iroquois enemies.
M. de Gallieres to M. de Seignelay.
Memoir of Chevalier de Callieres, Governor of the Island of Montreal. To
Monsieur the Marquis de Seignelay. Nov., 1687.
Since my return from the Campaign against the Iroquois, I have labored incessantly to
secure our scattered settlements dependent on my government wliich is on the frontier of the
entire country. In each Seigniory I have caused redoubts to be constructed of pickets 13 to
14 feet in length, so that the inhabitants and troops quartered there, may protect themselves
against the forays of the Iroquois. The latter made their appearance quite recently at the
upper end of this island, to the number of two hundred, burned five houses and killed six of
our farmers with some others in divers places. They also lost some of their men. The
incursions of our enemies have taught our people the necessity of fortifying themselves.
I have had this town of Villemarie surrounded with strong palisades until it shall please
your Lordship to have it inclosed with walls, or at least to order some fort to be constructed
there in which the people can take refuge. Quarters for the governor, who has none, with a
store at the end, for provisions and ammunition, are still wanting there.
Vol. IX. 47
370 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
The Marquis de Denonville has organized, under the command of Mons' de Vaudreuil, a
company of one hundred and twenty men of our Canadian Coureurs de bois. They are
stationed on this Island, above the Saut Saint Louis, for the purpose of repelling the incursions
of the Iroquois, should they come to harrass us during winter. I shall do all in my power to
prevent them doing us serious injury.
The war was indispensably necessary to prevent the imminent ruin of the country through
the intrigues of the English, their distribution of Rum and other presents. They were about
to effect a general rising of all the Indians against us, a massacre of all the French who were
in a pretty considerable number in the woods, and a monopoly of the entire Fur trade,
by furnishing goods to the Indians fifty per cent cheaper than our Frenchmen. But the
continuation of the war will necessarily produce two bad effects; one is, the extraordinary
expense it will entail on his Majesty to support it ; the other, the interruption of the trade of
our Colonists.
The means to terminate it are, promptly to send out, all at once, the reinforcement demanded
by the Marquis de Denonville, in order to be able to form two small armies and to attack the
enemy in two places. If he be attacked only at one place and in detail, the war will be
protracted, and inflict suffering on the entire country.
The Marquis de Denonville still requires 800 good recruits ; otherwise he cannot form two
separate corps and leave the troops necessary to defend the Colony, which, were there no
soldiers to protect it, detachments of the enemy would attempt to burn whilst we would be
in the field.
It would be proper to make complaints in England against Sieur Dongan, Governor of
New- York, and his continual infractions of the treaty of Neutrality by the supplies of arms,
ammunition and other aid he gives our enemies ; and his recall from that government, could
it possibly be procured, would be the surest means of terminating the war with the Iroquois
whom he excites against us, and will always assist notwithstanding all orders to the contrary,
in consequence of his cupidity to attract to himself the entire fur trade, acting at Manhat
rather the part of a trader than of a Governor.
He is entirely mistaken when he pretends that the Iroquois belong to the English and
depend on his government. It is only three years ago that he sent into their country, for
the first time, to enter acts of possession there, by setting up his Majesty's arms in the
several villages of the Iroquois, who immediately pulled them down, being unwilling to
acknowledge the English ; and it is over sixty years since they acknowledged the Governor of
Canada as their protector and father according to their mode of expression. This has been
confirmed by divers acts of possession (prises de possession) of their country in his Majesty's
name by our French Missionaries who have always resided there, and also by the right of
the Conquest of it made twenty years ago by M. de Tracy, who, after having defeated the
Iroquois, subjected them to his Majesty whom they have ever since always acknowledged, as
they knew nothing of the English at that time. Sieur Dongan is also very much mistaken
in regard of the other extensions he pretends to give the limits of his government contrary
to the disposition of the Treaty of Breda. He is a restless, selfish and meddling spirit who
will foment disorder and division for the sake of his private interests as long as he remains
on our Frontiers.
The acquisition of New-York in exchange for some of the Antilles, or by purchase, would
render his Majesty master of all North America, by reducing the Iroquois, our sole formidable
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 371
enemies. It would furnish his Majesty with a beautiful harbor — that of Manhat — which is
accessible at all seasons in less than a month's voyage ; would put a stop to all the expense
his Majesty incurs for the support of troops in Canada, and augment his revenues in that
country nearly a hundred thousand ecus annually, by the duties on peltries alone, the trade
in which the French would monopolize, and eventually by larger sums from other branches of
commerce which would become still more profitable than that of furs.
Memoir of the Right of the King of France over the Iroquois.
Copy of the Memoir communicated by Mess", de Barillon and de Bonrepaus to
Mess", the Commissioners of the King of England, on the thirteenth of
December one thousand six hundred and eighty-seven Concerning the right
by the King over the Iroquois.
[Already pricted, III, 607.]
Ailditional Instruction to M. de Denonville.
Memoir to serve for Instruction to the Marquis de Denonville, Governor and
Lieutenant-General of New France, respecting the information to be given
on the subject of the differences between the French and English relative
to the title to the Countries in North America. S"" March, 16SS.
M. de Denonville has been informed by the copy which has been sent to him of the Treaty
concluded at London on the XI. of the month of December last that the Commissioners
named by the King and the King of England to terminate the differences and contests existing
between the French and English in America are to meet again in the beginning of the month
of January of the next year, 16S9.
He is to be notified that these Commissioners have thought proper to take so long a delay
in order to be able to receive, from the Colonies of the two Nations, the necessary information
respecting the property of the lands and countries in dispute, and his Majesty's intention is
that Sieur de Denonville furnish this information as far as relates to North America.
The Countries at present in dispute between the French and English are Hudson's Bay and
the posts occupied by both nations there; the Country of the Iroquois and the southern portion
of Acadia from Pentagouet to the River Quinibiniquy. It is necessary that Sieur de Denonville
make the strictest search possible for the title's which prove the property the French have over
those places, and send them by the return of the first vessels.
As respects the countries not occupied, at present, by any European Nations, His Majesty's
intention is to appropriate unto himself those actually necessary for the maintenance of Trade
and the preservation and increase of the Colony.
372 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
And in order to avoid all sorts of disputes in future, particularly with the English, the said
Commissioners have thought proper, after the limits of the Countries and lands which belong
to the two nations will be agreed upon, to draw an exact map whereon will be marked, in
concert, by lines and different colors, what is the property of the one and the other nation,
which is to be so distinguished as to obviate any further difficulty.
Sieur de Denonville must have this Map drawn with the greatest possible exactitude. Let
him designate thereon all the points through which these lines will have to run, and all the
forts, passes and places occupied by His Majesty's subjects, those occupied by the English,
and those unoccupied by any person, and let him annex thereunto a Memoir explanatory of the
reasons, whether of right or of convenience, which will have obliged him to select the places
which are to be occupied by the French.
As this Map and Memoir will be required for the resumption of the negotiations to be
renewed at the commencement of January, 1G89^, Sieur de Denonville must send them at the
earliest moment by the vessels which will leave Quebec in the fore part of November.
In respect to countries not occupied by any European nation, and marked on that Map as not
belonging to any person, Sieur de Denonville will, also, have to communicate his opinion and
those of the principal persons of the country, respecting the formalities to be observed to
obtain a sufficient proprietary title, inasmuch as it will be proper to regulate by the Treaty,
to be concluded, the manner in which the property thereof can, in future, be acquired.
M. de Seignelay to M. de Denonville.
Extract of a letter from the Minister to M. de Denonville. March 8, 1688.
His Majesty has approved of your having caused to be seized the two parties of Englishmen
who were on their way to Missilimakinac to incite the Hurons and Outaouas against us; and
that you have afterwards sent them back, as you have done.
As respects Colonel Dongan, I am very happy to inform you that the King of England has
recalled him ; and as his successor is to have orders to live in harmony with you, it relieves
you of the embarrassment which the cupidity and bad faith of that man were causing you.
His Majesty could not believe that the King of England would countenance the chimerical
pretension that Colonel would fain claim for him over the country of the Iroquois, it being
so notorious and so certain that the French had been in that quarter before any English had
put a foot there ; and although his Majesty's right in the premises be not difficult to maintain,
yet to prevent disputes which may arise on that point, it would be desirable that you prevail
on said Sieur Dongan to change his opinion, by showing him, either by letter or by some
special envoy, what slender foundation that pretension rests on. And in order to render
incontestable his Majesty's right to the countries discovered by his subjects as well along the
Lakes as among the Illinois, he desires you to send capable persons thither to take possession
anew of those posts, with all formality, by setting up posts with his Majesty's arms affixed
thereto, and observing all the forms usual and customary on similar occasions, so as to repair
any defects which might exist in the original taking of possession.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 373
In regard to the designs possibly entertained by the English to oppose his Majesty's resolution
to chastise the Iroquois, his Majesty is persuaded tjiey will be modified by the recall of Colonel
Dongan. Nevertheless, if, contrary to all probability, you should fall in with any English in
arms against you, and disposed to prevent you executing your orders in this regard, it is His
Majesty's pleasure that you charge and treat them in all respects as enemies.
Touching the exchange of Manatte and Orange which you propose, it is not possible at
present; and 'twill eventually be necessary to find means to prevent the English of those two
places thwarting the trade of the French. #•#»•*
I am, &c.
Summary of iJie Minister's Answers to Letters from Canada.
Extracts from the Summary of the answers to the letters received from Canada.
S"- March, 16SS.
To Mess" de Denonville and de Champigny.
1" Extract.
I inform them that his Majesty is satisfied with the conduct observed by each of them in
the last Campaign in their respective departments ; and that he is persuaded that Sieur de
Denonville will do every thing that depends on him to draw from this war all the advantages
necessary for the benefit of the Colony, and that he will terminate it in the most prompt and
most glorious manner possible.
Meanwhile I advise them that his Majesty sends by the first vessels going to Canada, 300
soldiers, to wit, 150 to be incorporated into, and to complete the companies already there, and
150 to form three new companies.
That his Majesty has nominated only six of the 9 officers of those companies, viz' three
Captains and 3 Lieutenants, to conduct those three hundred soldiers.
That he sends commissions for the three Ensigns, in blank, which he confides to Sieur
de Denonville to be filled with the best persons of that grade in the country.
I observe to them that although it appears by the returns they have sent, that there are
1527 soldiers, so that only 73 are wanting to complete the old companies, yet his Majesty has
not hesitated to send the 150 they have asked for, in order to afford them the means of
replacing those who will become settlers. But as it is not the inferior who adopt this sort
of resolution, and as they would, by that means, be deprived of their best men, his Majesty
does not wish such soldiers to be absolutely discharged until the end of the war.
His Majesty approves of Sieur de Denonville having organized a company of Young
Canadians, and has provided funds for their support this year, but as this creates a considerable
increase of expense, he desires that it terminate as soon as possible.
I explain to them that the war supplies for this year have been limited to 75m'' by his
Majesty, who has caused to be transmitted to them again from Rochefort the 600 fusils and
ammunition they have demanded.
374 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
That he recommends them to use great economy in the employment of these funds.
And that his Majesty is persuaded that, with this aid and what management they will be
able to apply, they will easily provide for all the wants of the ensuing campaign.
II. It has afforded his Majesty much pleasure to receive the high testimony they bear of the
conduct of Chevaliers de Callieres and de Vaudreuil, and he has granted a gratuity of 500
livres to the latter, and a commission to Chevalier de Callieres continuing him in the command
of the troops the same as last year.
In regard to the other officers who are in charge of frontier posts, and do not receive any
pay from his Majesty, he remits to Quebec 3m" to be distributed among them according to
the merits of each, and relies on Messrs. de Denonville and de Champigny to make this
distribution in such a manner as will, in their opinion, promote the good of his Majesty's service.
in. The project of inclosing Villemarie is not feasible at present, inasmuch as his Majesty
has plenty of other expenses to meet, and it is more expedient to employ the funds allowed
for fortifications in the construction of such forts as they shall consider proper to be erected at
places indispensably necessary to be guarded.
His Majesty highly approves their having caused one to be built at Niagara, and is persuaded
that it will afford friendly Indians, and particularly the Illinois, an opportunity to harrass the
Iroquois this winter by small parties who will find a sure retreat in that post.
He has approved, also, of their having completed that of Cataracouy, the necessity and
importance of which he admits.
In regard to the principal misfortune of the Colony that of being exposed and open to the
incursions of the enemy, his Majesty sees nothing so necessary and so important as to
concentrate the settlements, and form them into towns and villages.
As they are on the spot, and can judge better than others of the difficulty or facility
attending the execution of that project, his Majesty desires that they do not lose sight of it,
and that they employ such means as are best adapted to insure its eventual success.
IV. It is unfortunate that the Iroquois have captured 8 of our canoes, as it is to be feared
it will render them arrogant and cause them to refuse such terms of peace as will possibly
be proposed to them ; and hence the evident necessity that exists for the adoption of effectual
measures of safeguard.
V. His Majesty is surprised that they have not had any news of Sieur De la Salle inasmuch
as intelligence is frequently received in France relating to him, which I communicate to them.
VI. To M. de Denonville.
[Here follows an Abstract of the Minister'a despatch already printed, supra, p. 372.]
In advising him of the 300 men his Majesty sends, I recommend him to dispose matters in
such wise that the forces he has may suffice, and his Majesty is persuaded that, witli his
industry, his capacity, the junction of the Regulars to whatever militia he may draft from the
country, and the aid of friendly Indians, he will find means to operate advantageously and to
put a prompt termination to this war.
I transmit him a Memoir that has been sent me of thfe means whereby it appears possible
to bring the Iroquois war to a speedy conclusion ; and I direct his attention to the fact, that it
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 375
is not intended thereby to determine his future action in that war ; for knowing the country
as he does, it is certain he will always adopt the best course. However, let him make the
best use possible of that Memoir, observing that the plan of attacking the Mohawks and
Onnontagues simultaneously this year, and of afterwards wintering among tiiem appears the
best that can be adopted, because he will thereby spread terror throughout their country, and
put it beyond the power of the enemy to reestablish themselves during the winter.
His project of disconnecting the Iroquois villages is very good, and its success is very
desirable as 'tis, certainly, the most prompt and effectual means of terminating this war.
In case peace be proposed by those Indians, or by the English on their behalf, his Majesty
wishes the most advantageous conditions possible be obtained from them; but it is desirable
that, previous to the conclusion of such peace, he inflict sufficient injury on them as to strike
them with terror, and to oblige them to comply with our wishes in iuture.
Let him so manage, during the continuation of this war, as to make the greatest number of
prisoners possible as it is certain that these Indians, who are vigorous and accustomed to
hardship, can serve usefully on board his Majesty's galleys.
I send him a Memoir to serve him for Instruction respecting the explanations he is to furnish
in order to terminate the differences existing between the French and the English about the
property of the countries of North America.
[ Here follow the Title and an Abstract of the Memoir of Instructions already printed, supra p. 371. ]
VII. To Sieur Parat.^
" As regards the English who have deceased in the French settlements, if their wives and
children be Catholics and intend to continue to reside in the country, he has only to allow
them the enjoyment of their property.
Plan for the Termination of the Iroquois War.
Project respecting the War to be waged against the Iroquois. 8 May ,2 1688.
It appears by the Maps of the localities that have been sent hither, and by the report of those
who have seen, and are acquainted with them, that the easiest mode to overpower the Iroquois
would be to divide the army into two sections, one of which would proceed by Lake
Champlain, and afterwards overland directly against the Mohawks, who are the Iroquois
nearest the French settlements and can most distress them.
The other portion of the army would enter Lake Ontario and disembark at the place called
La Famine, whence it would proceed direct to Theioguen, which is the beginning of the
Onnontague cabins; then crossing the river which falls into Lake Theioguen a little above
the place where it discharges into that lake, it would reach other cabins in its vicinity, called
Touenho, and thence proceed to the Great village of the Onnontagues, which is not fa-- distant
and consists of one hundred cabins.
'See supra, p. 318. ' Quere S March. See supra, p. 374. — Ed.
376 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
It would next be proper that the division of the army, which would have attacked the
Oanontagues, should burn all the cabins and fortifications, and secure all the provisions that
could be conveyed to Theioguen where the cabins would have been preserved, and where it
would be proper to station, during the winter, a corps of four hundred men, one-fourth Militia
and three-fourths Regulars, who would easily keep up a communication with La Famine, so as
to obtain thence whatever provisions they would require ; it would be necessary to leave at
the last mentioned place one hundred soldiers well fortified to guard the bateaux and
crews. It will also be necessary to station at Niagara two hundred men, well protected,
one-fourth Militia and the remaining three-fourths Regulars, and a garrison of only fifty
soldiers at Fort Frontenac. It would also be proper to liave one or two barcalongas mounted
with some small pieces of cannon and patereros on Lake Ontario, in order to cut off the
passage of the Iroquois canoes, or to protect those of the Outawas or Hurons.
It would also be necessary that three- or four hundred of the soldiers who would have
marched against the Mohawks, should retain possession of, and fortify their cabins, and
preserve all the provisions they might find in them, and that they draw the remainder from
Lake Champlain where a guard of sixty or eighty soldiers well posted should be left in charge
of the bateaux.
The entire force left in these various places would amount only to one thousand and sixty
or eighty Regulars and one hundred and fifty Militia.
One chief officer would be required at Theiroguen, another at the Mohawks; at Niagara a
man well acquainted with the country and conversant with the manners of the Indians, and
some good captains at the other posts.
M. De Denonville could, afterwards, return with the remainder of the troops whom he would
distribute throughout Montreal, Quebec and other necessary places.
If it would be requisite to recommence the war against those Savages in the following
spring or at the beginning of summer, two hundred soldiers should be sent from Montreal
to La Famine, to unite with the Indian allies that could be collected, and the 400 men posted
at Theiroguen, in order to march in a body by way of Onnontague to attack and entirely
destroy Cayuga, another Iroquois hamlet of 80 cabins. All those troops would afterwards
return by the same road from that expedition to Theiroguen, and, after having utterly destroyed
every thing, proceed thence to La Famine where a fort could be erected and two hundred men
stationed, as at Niagara, and a hundred at Fort Frontenac with the two barcalongas.
The other troops that would have wintered at the Mohawks, strengthened by some other
reinforcements to b.e sent from Quebec by Lake Champlain, could march against Oneida,
another Iroquois Nation, which they would utterly destroy and then return to the Mohawks,
whom they would ravage and annihilate in like manner, and thence proceed to Lake Champlain
on whose banks it would be necessary to build a fort at the place of debarcation, where a
hundred men would have to be left.
The execution of this plan necessitates the practicability of conveying sufficient provisions
for the troops who will winter among the Mohawks, at Theiroguen and at the other posts.
That admitted, the scheme appears feasible, and one of the best means effectually to conquer
those Indians, without imperiling the French settlements which will be covered by the march
of those various troops and of the guards on Lakes Ontario and Champlain.
It appears also that the only means of preventing these tribes collecting together again,
consists in stationing large garrisons among them until they be utterly destroyed or peace be
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 377
reestablished ; whilst annually marching against them, would leave them at leisure to repair
easily in the autumn, in the winter, and evea in the spring, what might cost a great deal
of trouble to destroy in the summer, and would be the means of perpetuating this war, which
it is advantageous to terminate promptly.
It would be necessary that Sieur de Tonty should repair at the appointed time next year,
with the French and Indians, and one hundred and fifty of those men stationed at Niagara,
to the Bay of the Therotons" whence they would march to Onnontatae where there are some
Indian Cabins, and thence to the principal canton, called Cayuga, whilst the commander of
the corps posted at Theiroguen would arrive there with his troops, from a different point.
That post of the Bay of the Theiotons appears considerable, inasmuch as two roads terminate
there, one of which leads to the Senecas, the other to Cayuga. Thus a fort constructed there,
to be garrisoned by two hundred men, would keep these tribes in check ; and the people of
that fort and of Niagara, with those who would be stationed in the Fort of La Famine and at
Fort Frontenac, could cooperate together; and, as the communication between all these
posts is easy, by Lake Ontario, they could, whenever 'twas considered proper, effect a
junction in order to exterminate such of those tribes as might begin to reestablish themselves
in their country. In this way terror would be spread among them and they would be forced
to sue for peace, and a long and very difficult march, every year, to reduce those tribes to
reason would be no longer necessary.
Moreover, those posts at Niagara, Tehirotons, La Famine and Frontenac with the two
barks which would cruise on Lake Ontario, would put a complete stop to the communication
of the Iroquois with the Outawas and Hurons, and assuredly prevent all commerce in
that direction.
As seven hundred men only would be in those posts on Lake Ontario, M. de Denonville
would still have plenty of troops remaining, which he could post at points he may judge
most necessary to secure the French settlements. A fort at the end of Lake Champlain
towards the INIohawks, being at the head of the whole, could contribute to that object.
Memoir of M. de Denonville on the French Limits in North America.
Memoir explanatory of the Right the French have to the property of the
Countries of North America, especially the South part of Acadia, from
Pantagouet to the River Kinibeky ; of the Countries of the Iroquois and
Hudson's Bay, with the posts occupied there by them and by the English,
sent to the Court for its information by the Marquis de Denonville, the
King's Governor and Lieutenant-General in New France. Done at
Versailles, the S"' March of the present year, 1688.
Signed, Louis.
And lower down, Colbert.
Sieur de Champlain has treated this question very fully in his Book entituled : Les
Voyages de la Nouvelle France occidentale, dile Canada, par le S"" de Champlain. A Paris, dicz
Pierre Le Mur, dans la gi'ande salle du Palais, 1632.
' Little Sodua Bay. See note 2, supra, p. S64. — Ed.
Vol. IX. 48
378 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
At p. 290, towards the end of that work, Sieur de Champlain makes a sort of dissertation
which clearly decides the question. He gives it this title :
"Abstract of the discoveries of New France, as well of what we, as of what the English
have discovered from the Virginias to Davis Strait, as of what they and we can pretend to
according to the report of the Historians who have written thereupon, as I report below, which
will enable every one to judge dispassionately of the whole.'
If a desire exist, then, to treat this matter thoroughly, and to be perfectly informed of the
right of the French and of the English, it is necessary only to read that Abstract of Sieur de
Champlain; every thing will be found very well examined, and it will appear that the French
have taken possession of all the Countries, from Florida to Cape Breton prior to any other
Christian Prince.
For, to quote only a few words of what that Abstract contains, it will be seen there :
That in 1504, the Bretons and the Normands first discovered the Great Bank and
Newfoundland as can be seen in the History of Wiflet Sieur de Magin, printed at Douay.^
In 1523, Jean Varason, in virtue of a Commission from Francis I., took possession of the
territory beginning at the 33'' degree of Latitude as far as 47"".
In 1535, Gibault^ and Laudonniere having gone to Florida by authority of King Charles IX.,
to inhabit and cultivate that country, founded Carolina there in the 35"' and 36"" degrees.
But particularly in 1603 and following years, Sieur de Champlain being in Canada was in
command of that Colony, and in 1609, went with two other Frenchmen into Lake Champlain,
of which he took possession in the name of King Henry IV., and called it after himself; and
he relates, in his book of Voyages, that after he had discovered Lake Champlain, he was as
far as the Country of the Iroquois.
In the years 1611 and 1612, he ascended the Grand River'* as far as Lake Huron, called
the Fresh Sea;' he went thence to the Petun Nation, next to the Neutral Nation and to the
Macoutins who were then residing near the place called the Sakiman ;* from that he went to
the Algonquin and Huron tribes, at war against the Iroquois. He passed by places he has,
himself, described in his book, which are no other than Detroit and Lake Erie.
And as it is an established custom and right recognized among all Christian Nations, that
the first discoverers of an unknown Country not inhabited by Europeans, who plant the arms
of their Prince there, acquire the property of that Country for that Prince in whose name
they have taken possession of it.
On that principle'' and no author being found who states that the English had taken
possession of the countries of Canada, or discovered them, unless subsequently to the French,
they having come to the countries of Canada, Virginia and Florida only in 1594, whilst the
French took possession of them in 1504, 1523 and 1564, which fact the English cannot question,
inasmuch as Jacques Cartier visited in 1534 all the coasts of that country; his Relations and
those of Alphonse Xaintongois and Verazon attest it, and are inserted at length in the
Collections of divers accounts which Purchas and Hackluit, Englishmen, have published in
London, in their language. And it is notorious that Sieur Champlain did for many years
prosecute the fur trade at the place where Boston now stands, and further down towards the
' See supra, p. 1.
' Histoire Universelle des Indes Occidentalea et Orientales, et de la Conversion des ludiens. Fol: Douai, 1611. Ternaux, 343.
° Ribault. ' Ottawa, ' La Mer douce.
° See note, supra, p. 293. ' Something seems omitted here in the text. Compare supra, p. 265. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 379
North or East, along the same Coast, during more than ten years, before any English or Dutch
inhabited that quarter.
The foundation of the English pretences is this: — About the year 1594, some Englishmen
being on the Coasts of Florida, arrived at a place they called Mocosa, and which they since
named Virginia. James, King of England, granted them, for their encouragement, great
privileges, among others to extend their right from the 33'' degree to the 45"" or 46"'. The
Royal Charter was issued on the 10"" of April, 1607, in these words : Potestatem facimiu
occupandi fossidendique tractus omnes ad gradum usque quadragesimuni quintum ila si a christianorum
principe nuUi teneantui'.
This is all the foundation the English have ; it is manifestly null, because it is stated in the
above Letters patent of King James: — We grant them all the countries up to the 45"" degree
not possessed by any Christian Prince. Now, it is indubitable that at the date of the aforesaid
Grant, the King of France was in possession of at least up to the 40"" degree of Latitude, the
place where the Dutch since settled.
And in 1603, commander de Chastes was Lieutenant-General for the Most Christian King
in New France from the 40"' to the Sa"* degree and it is even certain, as already stated, that,
as early as the year 1523, Jean Varason took possession of all the countries from the 33'''' to
the 47"" degree.
And in 1564 the French, in the name of Charles IX., took possession of Florida in the 35""
and SG"" degrees, where Carolina was situate. All this is clearly seen in the above Abstract of
Sieur de Champlain, which it is well to consult in order to have fuller knowledge thereof.
Almost all the same matter can be likewise seen in the History of New France published
by Sieur L'Escarbot, a Paris chez Jean Milloit, devant S* Barthelemy, aux Trois Couronnes, 1612.
The King's Edict of the Month of May, 1664, will also show among other things, that the
property of Canada, Acadia, the Island of Newfoundland &c. the Main lands from the North
of Canada unto Virginia and Florida, did belong to the West India Company, to which it was
granted by the King, as far and as deep as they could extend into the interior. This is
proved by an Extract of said two Edicts, signed Panvset, chief clerk of the Sovereign Council
at Quebec. A pp. A.
And by another revoking said Company, of the Month of December, 1674, his Majesty has
united to and incorporated with the Domain of his Crown all the said lands and countries,
to wit, among others, Canada or New France, Acadia, the Island of Newfoundland and other
Islands and the Mainland from the North of said country of Canada unto Virginia and Florida.
Acadia having been taken by the English from the French during the war between France
and England, and peace being, afterwards, concluded between the two Crowns, Chevalier
de Grandfontaine, his most Christian Majesty's Commander throughout the entire coasts
and countries of Acadia, and Chevalier Temple, Lieutenant-General and Governor of those
countries for the King of Great Britain, made a Treaty at Boston on the 7"' July, 1670,
restoring to France the forts of Pentagouet, of the River St. John, Port Royal, Cape Sable,
La Heve and generally all the lands and rivers comprehended within the said country of
Acadia, conformably to his Britannic Majesty's letter, of which Sieur de Grandfontaine was
bearer, and Articles X. and XI. of the Treaty of Breda, as is to be seen by the said Treaty of
the 7"' July, 1670.
In consequence whereof, said Sieur de Grandfontaine on the 14th of August following,
commissioned Sieur de Marson, sub-Lieutenant, to take possession of Port Royal and of the fort
380 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
of the River S' John, (as is proved by the aforesaid Treaties and Commissions found in the files
of the Sovereign Council at Quebec, produced under collation. Signed Penvcet. App. B.)
whence it appears that said Sieur de Grandfontaine was at Pentagouet; wherefore, it is to be
noted that S^ Andros, Governor of Boston, ought not to have, this year 168S, plundered
Sieur de S'. Castin, at Pentagouet, as he has done.
It is also to be remarked that, besides the said treaty concluded between said Chevalier de
Grandfontaine and Chevalier Temple, they have concluded still another which bounds the
country of Acadia and separates it from that which the English occupy by the River Kinibeki.
M". de Grandfontaine and M'. Temple ought to have each a duplicate thereof. A copy of it
has been seen in the hands of ^K Richard Denis de Fronsac, or of Jean Fevrean S* Aubin,
inhabitants of Acadia. Sieur Denis, father of said Sieur de Frontenac^ has written the
history of Acadia, to which reference may be had.
Other titles and papers, proving the French right to that country, can also be found in
Acadia by researches that can be made there on the spot, which is at too great a distance from
this place. See thereupon, the Memoir entituled — Of the Right which the French may have
to the South part of Acadia, from Pentagouet to the River Kinnibeky ; also marked 20.
And to come to the right of property the French have over the country of the Iroquois.
In addition to what has been already stated of Sieur de Cham plain, he has been, twice at
war (in that country) long before the Dutch or English of Manat or Orange had set foot on
shore, which also is proved, by the Relations already mentioned, an extract whereof, which
must be read at length, forms App. C. Not to mention the fact that the King has, for over
forty years, kept at his own expense, in the Iroquois country, several Frenchmen who with
some Jesuit missionaries, have been to build and have resided in the five Iroquois cantons
all at the same time, down to these latter days when the rumors of war forced them to retire,
one after another.
In 1656, M'. de Lauzon, the King's Governor and Lieutenant-General in New France, sent,
at the solicitation of the Iroquois themselves, into their country, to a place called Ganentaa,
as many as sixty Frenchmen including a Garrison of twelve soldiers under the command of
Sieur Dupuis, who caused to be constructed at that place a Royal fort whither were conveyed
four pieces of Bronze Cannon, which have remained there, and will be found again by the
French who were there at the time and are still living. This is proved by said Sieur Dupuis'
commission of the IS"" May, 1656. App. D.; by the discharges (conges) granted by said Sieur
Dupuis to some of the Soldiers of the garrison of Ganentaa, on the 1" and S"" September, 1657 ;
by the account of the said Soldiers; by an Order of the Council of the last of April, 1658, and
by another Order of said Council of 19"" May, 1656, for the payment of the repair (refraction) of
the arms of said soldiers, the whole being on the same sheet. Signed Penvcet, App. E. In
which country, the said sixty Frenchmen cleared, and planted lands with French grain and
other legumes, built many large houses, (Statement of the payments and wages made to said
Sr. Dupuys and Soldiers by the Commissary of stores, from 26 Nov^, 1657 ; also signed
Penvcet. App. F.) and lived there peaceably and without any opposition on the part of those
who were then in possession of Manat and Orange, who, far from being masters of the
country of the Iroquois, purchased from them some portion of their lands, when they wished
for any, as they still do at present. And what is worthy of remark is that the Iroquois
themselves came in 1655, on an Embassy to Quebec to request of said Sieur de Lauzon, those
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 381
sixty Soldiers aforesaid, and conducted them, the following year to the said place of Ganentaa ;
■where they located, established, and put them is possession, (Inquest made by the Lieutenant-
Governor of Quebec, the 29 and 30"" October, 16S8. App. G.) and where they remained
until the Iroquois having committed some acts of hostility in the direction of Montreal, the
Commander of said Fort thought proper to retire with his garrison in order to protect the sixty
men aforesaid from the wicked designs the Iroquois had concocted against them.
And iu order to show that the country of the Iroquois was at the disposition of the Governor
of Quebec to make grants thereof in the same manner as of the other lands of his government,
it is worthy of remark that, at the time Sieur Dupuis was sent with his soldiers on the part of
the King, to construct the aforesaid Fort of Ganentaa and garrison it, M^ de Lauzon made a
grant in due form of a part of said lands to the Jesuit missionary fathers, who were of the
'sixty Frenchmen aforesaid. (The Deed is dated, the 12th of April, 1656. App. H.)
In 1665, as is proved by the copy of the articles of peace of the 13"" December, 1665,
collation whereof is certified by Penvcet, App. I., the four Iroquois Nations of Onnontague,
Oneida, Cayuga, and Seneca being come to sue for peace, it was granted them by RP de Tracy
according to the terms thereon concluded.
And in order to check the Mohawk Indians, who were frequently coming to kill our French
people even in their settlements, M"' de Tracy went with an armed force ia 1666 as far as their
country of which he made himself master, and set up the King's arms there, taking by that
means possession anew of the Iroquois territory without any opposition on the part of the
English who were then at Manatte and at Orange. This is proved by the pise de possession
thereof drawn up on the 17"" October, 1666, by Sieur Dubois, for M'' Talon the King's
Intendant, by Acte passed before Duguet Notary, who had, for this purpose, accompanied the
Army. App. L.
And what adds great weight to all this is, that, besides the taking possession of the Mohawk
country by said Sieur de Tracy with an armed force in the fall of the year 1666, the Deputies
of the other four Iroquois Nations came to said M' de Tracy in 1667, and in due form, by an
Act signed on the one part and tlie other, by the Iroquois after their fashion, and by us after
ours, did give themselves to the French and placed their country under the King's dominion.
The originals have been approved and carried to France at the request of M' Talon, the
then Intendant.
Since that time, our Frenchmen have always carried on trade with the Iroquois ; M""
Courcelles having gone up with a number of French to Lake Ontario, to the place named
Katarakui where the said Iroquois being, they were [he was] received by the latter as their
B'ather; and in the year 1673, Count de Frontenac having gone to Katarakui, likewise
accompanied by a number of Frenchmen, had a Royal fort to be erected there where the
King has always kept a garrison and a Governor, whom Sieur de Frontenac caused to build at
the said Katarakui divers barks which have always navigated and traded with the Senecas
and other Iroquois as far as Niagara, where Sieur de la Salle (as is proved by two writings
drawn up by Sieur De la Salle for the benefit of Moyse Hilser, dated at Fort Crevecffiur the
1st and 2nd March 16S0 which affords evidence of said Sieur De la Salle's residence and trade at
Niagara in 1676. App. N.) had built in 1676, a store, a forge and other buildings for the greater
accommodation of the trade with the said Senecas and other Iroquois, who used to come to
us in the French settlements at Katarakui and Niagara (See the Proces Verbal of the new
entry into possession of said peace of Niagara by the Marquis de Denonville, last July, 16S7,
382 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
on the retnrn march of the army commanded by him against the Senecas, signed by Collation
Penvcet. App. O.) and this trade has continued, and our Frenchmen have always had peaceable
possession of the Iroquois Country, going and coming to their villages and many residing with
the Missionaries there, until the war with the Iroquois having broke out, the Frenchmen,
Missionaries and others were obliged to withdraw, (See also the two last depositions in said
inques theretofore lettered G., and by the Act of the New Entry into possession of the Country
of the Senecas, dated 19 July, 1687. App. ... 21.) whereupon Colonel Dongan, Governor of
New-York, took occasion, in 1684, to send to the Iroquois village to set up the arms of the King
of England therein and to take possession thereof, offering them powder and other munitions of
war to induce them to admit the necessity that existed of giving themselves to him. But this
entry into possession being illegitimate and posterior, by so many years, to that of the French,
cannot convey any right to the English over tliose lands, which already belong to the'
French by so many anterior titles, as has been previously remarked, and by so many lawful
and incontestable rights.
The futility of Sieur Dongan's claim to the property of the country of the Iroquois, and that
the latter are within his government (That is proved by the said pieces signed by Collation,
Penvret and lettered P.) is manifest according to what Sieur de Champlain hath done and
what has been heretofore stated, and among other things, by a letter written by the Council of
Quebec, the 20"" of June, 1651, to the Commissioners of New England to the effect that the
Iroquois had no connection with nor dependence on the English ; which is sustained by the
Commission to the Deputies therein named from M'' d'Aillebout, then Governor of New France.
(This is again confirmed by the articles of Peace made with M' de Tracy and the Iroquois in
1665, lettered already I., and by the Act and Declaration recently made by them at Montreal
the 15"" June, 16S8. App. L.)
For as regards Colonel Dongan's assertions, that the country of the Iroquois belongs to his
government because, according to him, it is South of his jurisdiction, we answer in -the first
place, that it is not Soutli, but in fact West North West of Manatte.
Secondly, though it were South, that cannot derogate from the rights of the French who had
taken possession of it even before the Dutch or the English had set foot at Manatte, and who,
since they are there, never opposed it, until within three or four years, which cannot confer
any right on them.
To come now to the possessions and establishments (these will be proved by the acts which
Mr. Talon has in Paris,) which have been acquired in ascending the St. Lawrence, since the
post of Niagara, Sieur de la Salle with thirty Frenchmen, of which number was M'. Jollier,'
Priest, Superior of the Seminary of Montreal, made the tour of Lake Erie and took possession
of the circumjacent lands, after Sieur Jolliet, with Father Marquet, Jesuit, had long before
done the same thing, in order to renew the entry into possession of Sieur de Champlain
in 1612.
And after that, in 1676, (Proved by a writing of said Sieur de la Salle for the benefit of
TVIoyse hillers in March, 16S0. App. N.; by the proces verbal of the M. de Denonville of last
July, 1687. App. O. and by the inquisition of the said Lieutenant General of Quebec. Also App.,
supra, G.) said Sieur de la Salle caused a ship and a large house to be built above the B'alls of
Niagara, within three or four leagues of Lake Erie, where are still visible the stocks whereon
was built the said vessel, which having been completed in 1677, about the feast of St. John
the Baptist, was conducted, freighted with Merchandise into the said Lake Erie, and thence
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 383
passed through the Detroit, where Fort St. Joseph or du Luth is built and where Sieur de la
Durantaye renewed the entry into possession of the neigliboring countries, North and South,
(Entry into possession is dated 7 June, 16S7. App. R.) navigated Lake Huron as far as
Missilimakinak and thence through that of the Illinois or Missagans beyond the Huron
islands, which said bark was constructed for the greater convenience of trading with the
French who inhabited the said place of Missilimakinak for more than forty years; some
French established at the Bay des Puans, with those at Fort S'. Louis established by said
Sieur de la Salle who had discovered the great River of Mississipi and descended it as far
as the South Sea. For the continuation of which trade, he caused a fort and buildings to be
erected and a bark to be begun at a place called Crevecoeur, in order to proceed as far a^ the
said South Sea, two-thirds of which bark only were built, the said Sieur de la Salle having
afterwards employed canoes for his trade in said Countries, as he had already done for several
years in the rivers Oyo, Habache and others in the surrounding neighborhood which flow into
the said River Mississipi, whereof possession was taken by him in the King's name, as appears
by the Relations made thereof. The countries and rivers of Oyo or Abache and circumjacent
territory were inhabited by our Indians, the Chasanons, Miamis and Illinois.
It is to be remarked that, as early as the year 1633, a good many Frenchmen having gone up
to the Hurons with the Jesuit Fatliers and Missionaries, settled there ; and ten years
afterwards, the King sent thirty soldiers thither, who remained there until the destruction of
all the Hurons by the Iroquois, obliged the French to retire for a time; but they returned
thither shortly afterwards in a much more considerable number, and spread themselves
throughout those vast countries. (It is proved by an Arret of the Council of State of the 5th
March, 1648, that his Majesty had authorized the sending to the Huron country a company of
thirty men commanded by a Captain, for the purpose of escorting the Hurons and other Indians
tribes, and to accompany the Missionaries who were no longer able to continue their Missions
without aid. )
Thirdly, what is more authentic in this matter is the entry into possession of all those
Countries made by M^ Talon, Intendant of New France, who in 1671, sent Sieur de
S'. Lusson, his Subdelegate, into the country of the 8tauas, who invited the Deputies of all
the tribes within a circumference of more than a hundred leagues to meet at S'. Mary of the
Sault. On the 4"' of June of the same year, fourteen tribes by their ambassadors repaired
thither, and in their presence and that of a number of Frenchmen, Sieur de S'. Lusson erected
there a post to which he affixed the King's arms, and declared to all those people that he had
convoked them in order to receive them into the King's protection, and in his name to take
possession of alltheir lands, so that henceforth ours and theirs should be but one; which all
those tribes very readily accepted. The commission of said Subdelegate contained these very
words, viz' That he was sent to take possession of the countries lying between the East and
West, from Montreal to the South Sea, as much and as far as was in his power. This entry
into possession was made with all those formalities, as is to be seen in the Relation of 1671,
and more expressly in the record of the entry into possession, drawn up by the said Subdelegate.
(See hereupon Mr. Talon who must have the proces verbal of the entry into possession by
said Sieur de S'. Loison.)
The next year, 1672, the River Mississipi and, at the same time, the Illinois, Chasanons, and
other tribes unknown to Europeans, were discovered by Sieur Jolliet and the Jesuit Father
384 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Marquet, who were as far as the 32°^ degree, and set up the King's arms, taking possession
in his name of all those recently discovered nations.
And some years after, Sieur de la Salle, extended the same discovery farther, even unto the
Sea, taking every where possession by the King's arms, which he erected there.
All the foregoing demonstrates sufficiently the incontestable right the French have to the
Iroquois lands, to those of the Htasas and all the other tribes inhabiting the countries
aforementioned, and others whereof possession has also been taken in his Majesty's name,
along the River S'. Lawrence, the lakes it forms and the Rivers discharging therein, which
constitute the continuation of the waters of said River S'. Lawrence, (The River S'. Lawrence
is proved by the concession of IVP de Lauzon of the 15"" May, 1656, to Sieur Dupuy, already
mentioned under App. D.) from the gulf always following the some point of the compass, and
extends beyond Lake Superior, proceeding from the Lake des Alepinigons, without any
interruption of the navigation, our barks having always sailed from Lake to Lake along said
river, the one making their voyage from the place called la Galette, to Niagara on Lake
Ontario or Frontenac, and the others from above the Falls of Niagara unto the head of
Lake Missigame, or Illinois, passing through that of Erie, then following said River S'. Lawrence
by the Detroit and Fort S'. Joseph, or du Luth, and thence into Lake Huron or the Fresh Sea,
which communicates (repond) with the said lake of the Illinois as well as the said Lakes
Superior and des Alepinigons, where the French actually are trading and have divers
establishments; and it demonstrates their possession of the great River Mississipi which
they have discovered as far as the South Sea, on which river also they have divers
establishments, as well as on that of Oyo, Ouabache, &c., which flow into the said River
Mississipi, and of the countries and lands in the vicinity of said rivers, where they actually
carry on trade, which countries are easily recognized on the general map of North America.
Declaration of Neutrality hy tJiree of the Iroquois Nations.
Declaration of the Iroquois in presence of Monsieur de Denonville at Montreal,
IS"" June 1688.
The Onondagas, Cayugas and Oneidas being come to Montreal to see the Marquis de
Denonville and the Inteudant, and to assure them that they were come to negotiate a durable
peace and to live henceforward in good understanding with them, M"' de Denonville and the
Intendant having proved to and told them that they desired nothing else, but that it was
difficult, as M" Dongan had informed us by divers of his letters that you were his subjects and
could conclude nothing except by his orders; to which the aforesaid Onondagas, etc. answered,
— That it was not true, and that they had always resisted his pretensions and wished only
to be friends of the French and English, equally, without either the one or the other being
their masters, because they held their country directly of God, and had never been conquered
in war, neither by the French nor the English, and that their intention was only to observe a
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV.
385
perfect neutrality ; and in order to leave forever a mark of their will and intentions, they
have subscribed in the manner following, which are the marks of their three Nations —
The Rattle Snake
The Loon
Otroouate
The Onnontae
Totems.
The Cayuga.
Tonnonehiouta.
Orehouae
Oskonnonton.
Tiotorekoui
Tegajami
The Oneida Otatchette
The Wolf Sagoyenthon
Tiagouhente.
Onnakouemouton
Tannonchies
Tahionhoueta Laonendio gajannetonchera
Annagoga Toukouriennert
Garagontie Guaonhahe
Vol. IX.
386
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
The man called La grande gueule by the French, and Otreouate by the Iroquois,^ who
spoke here at Montreal in public on several occasions in June, and twice repeated what
precedes in the speeches, did himself, assisted by two Iroquois, affix the subjoined Totems
and delineate with his own hand the figures of these Animals; which he did in quality of
Speaker and Deputy of the three Iroquois Nations, to wit. Of the Cayugas, Onontagues
and Oneidas.
Collated with the original remaining in my hands, by me Councillor, King's Secretary
and Chief Clerk to the Sovereign Council at Quebec. Signed Penuset, with paraph.
Compared at Quebec this 12"' 9*'", 1712.
Vaudkeuil.
Begon.
Oondition in tvluch the Fort of Niagara was left in 1688.
On the fifteenth day of September of the year One thousand, six hundred and eighty-eight,
in the forenoon, Sieur Desbergeres, Captain of one of the companies of the Detachment of the
note, Bupra, p, 243, — En.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 387
Marine and Commandant of Fort Niagara, having assembled all the officers, the Reverend
Father Millet of the Society of Jesus Missionary, and others, to communicate to them the
orders he has received from the Marquis de Denonville Governor and Lieutenant-General for
the King throughout the whole extent of New France and country of Canada, dated the 6""
of July of the present year, whereby he is commanded to demolish the fortification of said
Fort, with the exception of the cabins and quarters, which will be found standing (en nature).
We, Chevalier de la Mothe, Lieutenant of a detached company of the Marine, and Major
of said Fort, have made a Proces Verbal, by order of said Commandant, containing a
Memorandum of the condition in which we leave said quarters which will remain entire, for
the purpose of maintaining the possession His Majesty and the French have for a long time
had in this Niagara District.
Firstly :—
We leave in the centre of the square a large, framed. Wooden Cross, eighteen feet in
height, on the arms of. which are inscribed in large letters, these words: —
'R.EQrH-yiNO^ inF-CHK£'
which was erected on last Good Friday by all the officers and solemnly blessed by the
Reverend Father Millet.
Item, a cabin in which the Commandant lodged containing a good chimney, a door and two
windows furnished with their hinges, fastenings and locks, which cabin is covered with
forty-four deal boards and about six other boards arranged inside into a sort of bedstead.
Item, in the immediate vicinity of said cabin is another cabin with two rooms, having each
its chimney, ceiled (lamhriscs) with boards and in each a little window and three bedsteads,
the door furnished with its hinges and fastenings ; the said cabin is covered with fifty deal
boards, and there are sixty like boards on each side.
Item, right in front is the Reverend Father Millet's cabin furnished with its chimney,
windows and sashes, shelves, a bedstead and four boards arranged inside, with a door furnished
with its fastenings and hinges, the which is of twenty-four boards.
Item, another cabin, opposite the Cross, in which there is a chimney, a board ceiling and
three bedsteads, covered with forty-two boards, with three like boards on one side of said
cabin, there is a window with its sash and a door furnished with its hinges and fastenings.
Item, another cabin with a chimney, a small window with its sash and a door ; covered
with thirty deal boards ; there are three bedsteads inside.
Item, a bakehouse furnished with its oven and chimney, partly covered with boards and
the remainder with hurdles and clay; also an apartment at the end of said Bakery containing
two chimneys: there are in said Bakery a window and door furnished with hinges
and fastenings.
Item, another large and extensive framed building having a double door furnished with
nails, hinges, and fastenings, with three small windows: the said apartment is without a
chimney; 'tis iloored with twelve ^Xa'ak (madricrs) and about twelve boards are arranged
inside, and without 'tis clapboarded with eighty-two plank.
Item, a large storehouse covered with one hundred and thirty boards, surrounded by pillars,
eight feet high, in which there are many pieces of wood serving as small joists, and partly
floored with several unequal plank. There is a window and a sliding sash.
388 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Item, a well with its cover, above the scarp of the ditch.
All which apartments are in the same condition as they were last winter, and consequently
inhabitable. Which all the Witnesses, namely, the Reverend Father Millet of the Society of
Jesus, Missionary ; Sieur Desbergeres, Captain and Commander ; Sieurs De la Mothe, La
Rabelle, Demuratre de clerin and Sieurs de Gemerais, Chevalier de Tregay all lieutenants and
officers, and Maheut, Pilot of the Bark la Generale now in the Roadstead, certify to have seen
and visited all the said apartments and have accordingly signed the Minute and Original of these
presents: — Pierre Millet of the Soc'' of Jesus, Desbergeres, Chevalier De la Mothe, De La
Rabelle, Murat, De Clerin, de la Gemesais, Commander de Tsegimo, and Maheut. Collated
with the original in my hands, by me the undersigned Councillor, secretary of the King, and
Chief Clerk to the sovereign Council at Quebec. Thus signed Penuset, with Paraph.
Compared at Quebec the 12"" 9"^", 1712.
Signed Vaudreuil.
Signed Begon.
Uelation of the Events of the War, and State of the Affairs in Canada.
Quebec, SO'i" October, 16S8.
You will understand from the account I am about to give you of the events of our war, and
of the state of the affairs of this country, that the presentiments, I informed you last year I
entertained on the subject, arose only from the knowledge I have these twenty-three years past
of the advantage our enemies possess over us, by reason of the woods and the great difference
in their mode of life and ours.
Therefore, I beg you to believe that whatever I shall state to you respecting the faults
committed in this expedition and since, does not proceed from any resentment I entertain
against others, but solely from the interest I take in common with the rest of the country, in
the public welfare.
M. de Saint Vallier' was greatly surprised on arriving in the country, to find things in a
different condition from that in which he had left them, and was very sorry to have so much
exaggerated, in the Letter he had printed at Paris, the morality of the people here and the
blessings which God shed on them, since by a policy very usual among those of his rank and
' Riglit Rev. Jean BAmsxE de Lacroix Cheteiere de Saint Valliee, second Bishop of Quebec, was born at Grenoble, on
the 14th of November, 1653. He was Chaplain to Louis XIV., in 1684, when he was appointed Vicar-General by Bishop
de Laval. He arrived in Canada on the 30th of July, IfiSii, and remained in that country until November, 1687, when he
went to Paris and was consecrated Bishop of Quebec on the 25th of January, 1688, and in August following, returned to
Canada. He founded the General Hospital of Quebec, in 1693, and in revisited France, where he sojourned until 1704,
when he embarked on board the King's ship la Seine for Canada. This vessel w.as captured in the month of July by the
English, and M. de St. Vallier was carried to England, where he, and the several clergymen who were accompanying him,
remained prisoners until 1709, the House of Lords having presented an address to Queen Anne that in exchanging the Prelate,
regard should be paid to the French Protestants in prison in France. Bishop St. Vallier died in the General Hospital of
Quebec, on the 26th of December, 1727. Whilst in Paris, in 1688, he wrote the " Letter" mentioned in the text, which was
published in March 1688, under the title of "Etat present de I'Eglise et de la Colonie Franooise dans la Nouvelle France.
Par M. I'Eveque de Quebec." It also appeared under the title of " Relation des Missions de la Nouvelle France," without,
however, any other change than that of the title page. It is a small Svo., containing pp. 267. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: IV. 389
profession, he was obliged, in a Sermon he preached, to attribute the scourge with which
Canada was afflicted, to the sins of the people, and to exhort every one to penance and prayer
so as to appease the wrath of God. But that discourse only increased the murmurs of his
hearers, who attributed the war to human, rather than divine causes, and the dissatisfaction
obliged him to suppress the two hundred copies he had brought of his book, which have not
since made tiieir appearance.
You have learned that since the treaty concluded by the two monarchs on colonial diiferences,
the King of England has instructed Colonel Dongan, Governor of Orange, to negotiate peace
between us and the Iroquois, forbidding him at the same time to furnish them arms and
ammunitions should they refuse to comply. Hence, Miss d'Allonne and three soldiers
belonging to the garrison of Fort Frontenac, having been surprised by 40 Iroquois of the
Mohawk, Onontague and Oneida cantons, who lurked around the fort, and having found means
to give intelligence of their capture to Sieur d'Orvilliers the commandant, that officer sent
proposals for a conference to the Indians, informing tliem that if they would send three of
their men to the Prairie he would delegate as many. The Indians having consented, Sieur
Dorvilliers sent Father de Lamberville, the Jesuit, with two soldiers. This Father spoke to
them first, and asked them why they were seizing our people since we were at war only with
the Senecas. They answered, wherefore had we taken so many of their tribes; if we would
restore them, they would give up our people. The Father having stated that they were at
Quebec, and that notice of the present demands must needs be communicated to Onontio, they
inquired respecting the condition of their men and having been answered that they were confined
merely with a view to their safer detention, the Father presented them two belts to oblige
them not to injure our prisoners, nor to take part with the Senecas. They received the belts,
and went to rejoin Miss d'AUonnes, but with faces so sad and so pensive that she thought they
were going to dispatch her. She, however, suffered only fear, and was immediately conveyed,
with the other two, to Onontague.
Those two belts were afterwards carried to Colonel Dongan who immediately sent the man
named Gregoire to the Marquis de Denonville to know what he meant thereby. He made
answer that he was about dispatching to M' Dongan a gentleman who would communicate
his intentions to him.
This was Father Vaillant, Jesuit, who set out on the last day of the year, and was instructed
to demand of this Colonel what proposals he wished to offer, being unwilling to appear as
having made the first advances.
The Colonel, surprised, said, that he had sent only to convey the two belts given by
Father de Lamberville; however, he did not omit entering into discussion and submitting
some proposals, but they were for the most part such as honor did not permit us to accept.
Namely, That the Prisoners who had been sent to the galleys in France should be
restored :
That the Indians who have been settled for so many years among us at La Prairie de la
Magdelaine and at the Montreal Mountain, should be sent back :
That the forts in the upper country, viz., Niagara and Frontenac, should be razed, and that
we should restore what had been taken and pillaged from their people.
One of our Indians belonging to La Prairie de la Magdelaine, who had been taken last fall on
the return ofour army, having escaped in the beginning of May, related that as soon as Father
Vaillant set out from Orange on his return, Colonel Dungan held a meeting of several
390 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Chiefs of the Nations, and told them that Onontio had sent him to request a negotiation
of peace between us and them ; but that he did not wish to promise it except on
condition of razing the forts we occupy in their country; that we should restore all
their prisoners and whatever we plundered from their people, and that he was waiting for
Onontio's answer ; that, meanwhile, they must lay down the hatchet, without burying it
however, merely covering it under the grass, so as to be able to take it up again, should needs
be ; that his King forbad him furnishing them with arms and ammunition in case they wished
to make war on the French, but they need not be alarmed at that, because, if peace should not
be concluded, he would give them some of his own rather than abandon them; that they
must be on their guard for fear of treachery on the part of the French, and divide themselves
into two detachments, one to occupy the River des Forts, and the other Lake Champlain, in
order to prevent as well surprisals as the victualing of the forts by killing all the French who
would make their appearance in that quarter.
And so it happened. For early in the spring they spread themselves on all sides in those
directions, so that no person dare venture so far, had it not been for the convoy which had
been dispatched to Fort Frontenac early in the season and before they had occupied the
avenues to it, and on the return of that convoy, a party of 25 to 30 of the enemy seized one
of the rear canoes, and with blows of a sabre cut off the heads of two men who sat at the
sides, in view of 120 men of that convoy, the commander whereof instead of going to the relief
of those poor people ordered seventeen of his canoes to be destroyed so as to reinforce the
others and to escape the quicker.
The Iroquois thus dispersed, daily made similar attacks, breaking heads, and taking
prisoners, and even lay seige to the Fort of Chambly, which they thought of taking.
In the beginning of July, La Grande Gueule,' one of their Chiefs, accompanied by six
warriors, came to Fort Frontenac to request an officer to conduct him to Montreal, whither,
he said, he was desirous of proceeding for tiie purpose of negotiating peace with Onontio.
Sub-Lieutenant de la Perelle was detached with him, and having embarked in their canoe, was
not a little astonished to encounter, five leagues below, six hundred Indians who, by the
discourse they held, made him bethink himself of his conscience. But after having amused
themselves at his expense, they accompanied him as far as Lake S' Francis, where they met
another party equal in number and halted, leaving him to continue his voyage to Montreal
with La Grande Gueule.
After having exaggerated in the presence of Onontio the advantages of those of his Tribe, and
the facility with which they could exterminate our people, in consequence of the knowledge he
possessed of our weakness, this Savage said, that as he ever loved the French, he had done all
in his power to prevent his people executing the project they had formed of burning all our
barns and houses, killing all our cattle, setting fire to our grain when it would be ripe, and
after we should be suffering from famine, (affamh) coming the night following and attacking
our forts and our redoubts; that through his exhortations he had induced them to consent to
vi^it Onontio in order to make peace on the conditions already set forth ; finally, that he was
allowed but four days to return to his people; that Onontio should give him a prompt answer
and not pretend to delay him any longer, as he would not be responsible for what might occur.
This is, literally, what he said, and there is every appearance that they will easily execute
their design in consequence of the discouragement under which the Colonists are laboring,
'See note, supra, p. 243.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 391
who hear every day of their women and children being daily carried oif, and more especially
when they had learned that, of the hundred and twenty men that had been there' in garrison
five soldiers, one captain and a lieutenant only were remaining; and that 93 had died of the
same sickness at Fort Frontenac.
This was caused by the putridity of the provisions, which, owing to the carelessness of
those entrusted with supplying and transporting them, were tainted even last fall when carried
thither, and by neglecting to send medicines to those two places for the relief of the sick.
Those who had furnished and transported the supplies would have run the risk of being
assuredly punished, had they not been favorites, and had means not been found to forget
designedly, at a carrying place, the chest of Commissary-General Gaillard who was sent to
investigate the matter on the spot. All those straits forced the Governor to connive at tlie
bravadoes of this Savage, and to agree to a cessation of hostilities which he proposed, until the
wane of the August moon, when he promised to return to consent to the truce being converted
into a peace on the preceding conditions and not otherwise.
In the month of July, deputies arrived at Montreal from Colonel Dongan, who brought back
13 of our French people, among the rest Miss Dallonne, and a convoy of eleven hundred men
was at once prepared to carry supplies to Fort Frontenac. La Grand Gueule ofttired some of
his men to assist in this work, but his offer was thankfully declined, and not without reason,
for as soon as the canoes set out, the enemy seized near La prezentation, at the point of the Island
of Montreal, one of those in the rear with three men; and a party of Mohawks and Mohegans
(Loiips) made a foray on the River St. Francis, to which place those barbarians even went, as
well as to River du Loup, Saurel, Contrecoeur and S' Ours, where they burned all the buildings
except the redoubts; killed all the cattle they found there and on the adjacent islands, whither
they had been conveyed; and all this without any opposition on our part, for the majority of
the people of those places were engaged in conducting the above convoy.
The English delegation to Onoutio, on its return, caused those parties to retire, by informing
them of the truce, of which, perhaps, they were not ignorant; but they were desirous to
serve us in the same manner that we had treated them. Besides, we learned from some
among them, that Colonel Dongan had told them, that the true way to get their prisoners back
was to capture some of our people.
No act of hostility has occurred since that time. The Governor waited at Montreal for
La Grande Gueule, until the lO"" of October, when he proceeded to Quebec. It is not known
what could have detained that Indian — whether it was some new expedition, or the Meeting
of all the Nations on the subject of what happened to four of their Deputies who were on
their way hither to request the Governor to wait 20 days longer for their ambassadors.
The circumstance was this: — A small party of Hurons of the Upper Country, commanded
by the Rat, a chief of the Indians under our protection, having met those 4 deputies at La
Famine, killed one of them and made prisoners of the other three, whom he was unwilling to
carry to Fort Frontenac for fear he should be obliged to surrender them ; but one of the three,
who had had his arm broken by a musket shot, having made his escape, took refuge there,
and complained of the hostility of our allies ; he was given to understand that we had no
participation in it, and was escorted back to Onontague.
Some Mohawks belonging to La Prairie de la Magdelaine having met, a few days before in
the Grand river, four others of the enemy, carried off their scalps.
' Quere ? at Niagara. — Ed.
392 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
The Abenakis indignant, also, on their part at oyr negotiations, having got up an expedition
about tlie same time, killed seven of the enemy, both Mohegans (Lovps) and Iroquois, on the
River Chambly, and proceeding thence to the nearest English settlements, returned with 7 or
S light haired scalps, in revenge, they said, for those whom Colonel Dongan had caused to be
taken and killed.
Possibly these occurrences may retard matters, and consequently afford no little annoyance
to the Governor who is embarrassed by the management he has to employ with our Indians,
who act thus only through vexation at his past conduct.
In fine, it is to be admitted that affairs are at a bad pass, and that there is every reason to
doubt whether we can retrieve the errors committed in the prosecution of this war ; four at
least of which are of a grave character: —
I. Being the f;rst to break the peace which is so advantageous to the Colony, and by
making war without any just cause.
II. Having seized those who had been publicly informed there was no intention to injure
them ; and having sent them to the galleys in France, in order to be under the necessity
of bringing them back again, or continuing a war utterly ruinous to the country.
III. After having commenced the war, by not following up our advantages and pursuing the
enemy, who would undoubtedly have been defeated — which would have justified our conduct,
and proved that our designs were against the Senecas only — instead of contenting ourselves
with burning the Indian corn, whereby we have drawn down upon ourselves only the contempt
of the other Iroquois nations, and of our own Indians who taunt us, by saying that an
ambuscade of only 200 men, who fled on the first discharge of their own guns, had frightened
us, and prevented our pursuing and annihilating them.
IV. Having erected Fort Magaret' which we were forced to abandon the very first year
without any articles of peace, having served no other purpose than to weaken us and to strip
the country of men who were employed in conveying provisions thither, whilst the enemy were
laying waste our settlements.
Without mentioning the loss that the Colony experiences from the interruption of the
Indian trade, nor the neglect of preparing any ambush on the enemy's route during the war,
and of making any irruption on the Mohawks, after their acts of hostility, which might have
been easily effected with the forces sent with the convoy, as these consisted of the elite of
our people.
I speak not of the disgrace of fifty of those Barbarians having ravaged so many settlements
without encountering the least opposition from the people posted in the redoubts, who failed
in their duty of making a sortie in pursuit of them, not having any orders, they say, to
that effect.
But contented themselves with taking advantage of the ravages committed by the enemy,
to kill the remainder of the Cattle and fowls ; complaints were vain, the Governor paying no
attention to them. This has caused universal dissatisfaction, and called forth in private circles
an infinitude of murmurs, and severe reflections (lardom) on such conduct, which out of
respect, I do not repeat.
Such is the state of the country, and of public opinion against the war, which it is
considered Impossible to terminate without large reinforcements, or a peace. Far from being
of advantage, the latter will only aggravate in our regard, the insolence and contempt of
' Niagara. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. . 398
those barbarians and of the other Savages, our allies, which they already openly manifest
towards us.
There is a desire, notwithstanding, to attribute the faults which have been committed, to
the sins of the people ; and with this view, Father Enjalran, Jesuit, one of the principal
Agents of the expedition, has been sent to prejudice the public mind, and Chevalier
de Callieres, afterwards, to explain the new plans concerted since the Father's departure.
As for the other private news, I shall not relate it here, because it would lead me too far,
and would include things too strong for some stomachs, should I amuse myself by giving a
faithful report of every thing.
I shall add only one article on which possibly you will find it strange that I have said
nothing; namely, whether the Governor carries on any trade? I shall answer, no — but my
Lady the Governess (Madame la gom(niantc) who is disposed not to neglect any opportunity for
realizing a profit, has had a room,' not to say a shop, full of goods up to the close of last winter
in the Castle of Quebec and found means, afterwards, to make a lottery to get rid of the
remainder of the rubbish which produced her more than her good merchandise.
As regards her husband's intrigues, many people say, that he takes advantage of the occasion,
but I say nothing on this score, as I state only things with which I am perfectly conversant.
Therefore, I mention this simply on public rumor. But for all the rest that precedes, I
protest that I am not prejudiced by any passion, and that the interest of the Country and
pure truth alone induce me to satisfy your curiosity.
Wiiilst I am occupied with my letter, deputies from Colonel Andros have arrived here to
renew the proposals of Colonel Dongan whose place he occupies. But the answer is kept a
profound secret, from which circumstaace it is inferred here that the contiauatioa of the war
is certain.
Abstract of Letters from Canada and the Minister's Remarhs tJiereupon.
Canada.
Mess", de Denonville and de Cham-
pigny. lO"- August, 31" October, 6*
9"", 1688.
The Deputies of Three Iroquois Nations
had come to demand peace of Sieur de
Denonville, and had promised him to return
with those of the other Tribes and to conclude
it. These Indians were about to keep their This is a very unfortunate accident at the
word, and whilst on their way a party of present conjuncture when it had been desir-
Hurons attacked them, killed some, and took able for the good of the Colony, and in view
the others prisoners. of the actual state of affairs in Europe, that a
That affair interrupted the measures he peace should be concluded on advantageous
had adopted to terminate the war this year, conditions. I hope, however, that things being
Vol. IX. 50
394
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
It was to be feared even that the Iroquois
would believe this to be a snare laid for them
by the French ; fortunately, however, the
principal of these Deputies having escaped
from the Hurons went to Cataracouy where
he received all sorts of good treatment, so
that he returned home quite satisfied with the
French and proclaimed that it was in no wise
their fault. He, therefore, does not believe
it will be any obstacle to the peace.
The greatest embarrassment will come from
the English. Sir Andros, who has relieved
Colonel Dungan and who has written stating
that he had strict orders from the King of
England to keep on friendly terms, has forbid-
den those Indians to make any treaty with the
French except through him, pretending that
they are under his government.
This induces him to believe that it will be
fitter to make, in Europe, that treaty whereby
the King will cede the Iroquois to the English,
or the English to his Majesty, or they will
remain neuter. And with this view he sends
Chevalier de Callieres who, being perfectly
conversant with every thing regarding this
country, will be of very great assistance in
this matter.
He has found in the country scarcely any
Title in support of the rights of the French,
and it would be necessary to order the officers
of the sovereign council to be more careful in
enregistering for the future all the documents
which may eventually be of some utility.
It is important that an intimate cordiality
between the two nations be apparent on the
face of the proposed Treaty, and that what-
ever be agreed upon in regard to the Iroquois,
it be always provided that the French Jesuits
shall be at liberty to remain among, and in-
struct them, without which we shall never
succeed in establishing Christianity there; be-
sides, they will be always governed by means
of those Fathers. As it is impossible to detach
the Iroquois from the English, owing to the
cheap market they find with them, great
reestablished by the report the principal of the
Iroquois deputies has made to those of his
Nation, means will still be found to conclude
this peace, and that we shall have intelligence
thereof by the first vessels arriving from
Canada.
The Prince of Orange having become mas-
ter of England, it is to be expected that the
English will soon declare war. Therefore,
there is no probability of the negotiation he
proposes entering into in Europe. On the
contrary, he must be on his guard to pre
vent a surprisal by the English, who, possi-
bly, will have orders to make some attack on
the Colony. To treat with the King of England,
would, besides, be acknowledging him Master
of the Iroquois Nation, and it is not proper
that this business pass through that chan-
nel, since in fact it is certain that the French
have taken possession of the Iroquois country
before the English could have had any pre-
tence to it, and he can employ his every effort
to maintain that possession or at least, to
prevent the Iroquois uniting with the English
to injure the Colony.
Answered
PARIS DOCUMENTS: IV.
395
inconvenience would not result from ceding
the property of their country to the said
English provided these would be willing to
pledge themselves to restrain them.
But it would be necessary to stipulate that
they should not have power to make any es-
tablishment in the direction of the Iroquois.
(du cute'qui regarde les Iroquois.)
Should his Majesty desire eventually to
chastise the Iroquois, we must wait until we
have three or four thousand good troops,
2 years' supply of grain and flour, 4 @ 500
bateaux, so as to fall on them at one and the
same time in several different places.
But in order to make peace, it will be
necessary to send back to Canada the Iroquois
who have been sent to the Galleys.
He proposes that they be dressed somewhat
decently and that they be under the charge of
young Serigny, Naval cadet, who is conversant
with their language.
It must not be expected that during the
peace, the Iroquois will forego making war
on the Illinois and the other Tribes to the
South, and therefore he has sent Sieur De la
Forest to them with necessary instructions, in
order tliat they be on their guard. And as
they can place 2 @ 3 thousand men in the field
and the whole of their country is prairie, they
hope, if the Iroquois attack them, to be able
to surround and conquer them.
This is not the time to think of that war;
the King's forces are too much occupied else-
where, and there is nothing more important
for his service, nor more necessary in the
present state of affairs, than to conclude peace
directly with the Iroquois, His Majesty not
being disposed to incur any expense for the
continuation of that war.
Such orders are given.
To give order to furnish them with clothes.
Those allies must be protected as much as
possible and be not only notified of attacks
meditated on them by the Iroquois, but they
must be aided and assisted in defending them-
selves ; as nothing contributes more to check
the Iroquois — the sole dangerous enemies of
the Colony — than the furnishing them employ-
ment elsewhere by means of those Indians,
our allies, or at least the preventing by all
sorts of means, any progress they might make,
after which they would not fail to attack the
French settlements.
The entire of this year has passed in nego-
tiations, whereby the farmers have had an
opportunity to make their harvest.
There have been merely a few attacks by
the Iroquois who have burnt some settlements
(habitations) in the direction of Montreal, but
were immediately repelled.
They also attacked, in 40 canoes, a bark
which was conveying provisions to Catara-
couy, but she forced them off by means of 2
peteraros, with which she killed some of their
men.
396
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
The mortality has been very great this year
both among the soldiers and settlers. The 35
military companies are reduced to 1,418 men,
so that 332 soldiers would be required to
render them complete.
100 soldiers have died at Niagara vrith
Sieur de Troye who commanded them.
The bad air, and the difficulty of revictual-
ling that post have obliged him to abandon it;
besides, the Indians, our allies, for whose
retreat he had erected that fort, have made no
use of it.
So that he is reduced to preserve Cataracouy,
which, however, he will be necessitated to
abandon, if the war continue, in consequence
of the serious difficulties and expense to be
incurred in maintaining it.
The English are the greatest enemies of the
Colony, and it would be highly necessary that
his Majesty should make an arrangement for
their country, without which neither the
Religion nor trade can ever be established,
and it is certain that, were it not for their aid,
the Iroquois would have come with a rope
around their necks, to sue for peace.
Sir Andros, governor of New England, has
made himself master of Pentagouet and of
Sieur de Saint Castin's settlement,' pretending
that this post belonged to the English, though
it has always been in the occupation of the
French.
The King hopes he will have made peace
this year, and his Majesty has such urgent
need of men in the present state of affairs,
that he does not send any recruits this year.
He, therefore, desires him to reform the in-
complete companies, and to incorporate them
with the others to bring these to their full
number; and to reduce to 28 the 35 compa-
nies which were in Canada. He will find
annexed hereunto the King's orders to that
effect.
The King is persuaded of his having
adopted the most advantageous precautions
for his service, and for the good of the country
of which he is in command, and his Majesty
relies on his prudence.
I have already remarked to him that matters
are not in a position to enter into any negotiation
with the English.
The evil dispositions of the English will
now increase still more as they are on the
point of declaring war against us, but he must
renew his vigilance and care in order to
prevent them injuring the Colony.
To report to me every thing that has been
done on this subject in England.
other handwriting.] " On the com plaint made by M.
S? eSon°gh"to be dc Bonrepaus in London of the
tr'>mthf handofthe . , -it-.
Minister himself, violcuce Committed at Penta-
gouet, the English Commissioners told him
that the fort which was built on the River
of that name on the Acadia side, which is
the one that has been plundered by the Eng-
lish, was the property incontestably of the
French, but that the other side of that river
belonged to them.
' See note, supra, ]
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV.
397
It is stated, also, that the booty obtained at
Chedaboiictou has been sold in Boston, and
that the English wish to estal)lish themselves
on the River Mississipi ; therefore, that Nation
clearly is determined to destroy the French
every where.
Moreover, Sir Andros appears very ill dis-
posed towards us.
Thecompanyof young Canadians which had
been organized, has been disbanded as soon as
there was an opportunity to allow of their
going in safety to the Outawas to collect the
peltries there.
Economy in the'expenses is studied as much
as possible, and they beg not to be abandoned.
They send an account of the total application
of the funds remitted in the year 16S7, for the
expenses of the War.
2"^ Extract.
It is indispensably necessary to arrange the
Colony dififereutly in order to place it in a state
of security; and the best plan is, to collect the
settlers into villages; otherwise, they are ex-
posed to the smallest band of savages, and
unable to secure their effects.
They even consider it expedient that his
Majesty send orders to the Sovereign Council
to oblige them to issue the necessary Arrets on
that point.
They will afterwards determine with the
principal people (notables) of the country in
what manner it will be arranged. But it is
important that it appear to the public that his
Majesty's intention is that the settlements be
arranged in villages.
The French claim both sides of that river,
and that they ought to have as far as another
river called Quinibequy, but no Title thereof
can be found up to the present time.
The conclusion of that has been deferred
until the renewal of negotiations on the 1" of
January, 1689.
I have seen that statement; they must not
expect the King can continue such heavy out-
lays, and I have already informed them that
His Majesty has need of men and money else-
where, and therefore they must content them-
selves with negotiating a peace by all means
with the Iroquois and maintaining the Colony
quietly until, times being changed, the King
can adopt the most suitable resolutions to ren-
der himself master of the neighboring countries.
The King has always regarded this point as
that which alone can maintain that colony, but
however important the execution of this pro-
ject be, it would destroy it to press it too
strongly, and extreme prudence must be used
therein. Therefore, even were his Majesty to
authorize the issuing of the orders they demand
to oblige the Sovereign Council to enact the
Arrets necessary for that purpose, they, on their
part, must dispose the minds of the settlers to
what is, in that regard, for their security and
advantage, and prepare a general plan of the
number of villages which can be established
in a suitable manner, and endeavor to intro-
duce it by degrees without using any force,
commencing with those who will submit volun-
tarily to such order, and so managing that the
example of the first, and the advantages which
398
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
The Beaver trade in the woods has been the
original evil of the Colony, as it has scat-
tered the settlers and prevented the clearing
of the lands.
The use of Brandy has succeeded in entirely
spoiling the greater portion of the Indians.
Our allies have perished through the excessive
use they have made of it.
The Canadians, also, ruin their health there-
by, and as the greater number of them drink
a large quantity of it early in the morning,
they are incapable of doing any thing the
remainder of the day.
So that it is considered absolutely necessary
to find means to diminish its use among the
Canadians and to prohibit its sale or barter to
the Indians under severe penalties.
Colonel Dongan has prohibited the giving
the Indians any of it to drink at Orange under
pain of corporal punishment and 1,000"' fine.
S-i Extract.
They have not been able to learn any new^s
of Sieur de la Salle's expedition, but it is great-
ly to be feared that the lav^less Coureurs de
bois among the Outawacs and Illinois will
adopt the resolution to go and join him.
4"' Extract.
M. de Lagny.
Working people and servants are very scarce,
and so extraordinarily dear in Canada, that
they ruin all those who undertake any thing.
The introduction of Negro slaves is suppos-
ed to be the best means of remedying the
difficulty.
The Attorney-General of the Council at
present in Paris, assures that if his Majesty
approve this proposal, some of the principal
inhabitants will cause some to be purchased in
the Islands, on the arrival of the vessels from
Guinea, and he, himself, is resolved to do so.
will be found therein, may excite the others
to desire the like.
I explain to them, in regard to this, that his
Majesty will not make any change in the regu-
lation fixed by the Ordinance of the 24"" May,
1679, whereby it is simply forbidden to trans-
port Brandy into the Indian villages at a dis-
tance from the French settlements ; nor de-
prive his French and Canadian subjects of the
advantage they derive from that trade, which
would not fail to fall into the hands of the Eng-
lish immediately on the French abandoning it.
Besides, by inflicting condign punishment on
those who by the immoderate use of .Brandy
will commit violences, it is to be hoped their
continuance may be prevented.
To communicate to them the intelligence
we have had of his death and of the circum-
stances which have been described.
His Majesty approves the importation by
the inhabitants of Canada, of Negroes for
Agricultural purposes, but it is well to remark
to them, that it is to be feared that those Ne-
groes coming from a climate so different, may
perish in Canada, and this project would then
be useless.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. §99
Advantage of Estahlishing a Fort at Niagara.
Memoir on the advantage of the establishment of a Fort at Niagara. From
1686 — 16S9.
The Iroquois Indians have, from all time, waged a cruel war against all the other Indians of
the country called Canada.
Since the Dutch first, and the English afterwards took possession of Manatte and Orange,
which adjoin the hamlets and villages of the said Iroquois, these have been excessively urged
thereto by those Dutch and English who clearly foresaw that tJiey would become masters of
the whole of the hunting of the country, should the Iroquois destroy all the other tribes, and
thereby gain a great trade and ruin that of Quebec.
The English have spared nothing to accomplish that object. They have supplied those
Iroquois with merchandise, and particularly with arms and powder nearly at European prices ;
have given feasts and presents to their Chiefs, and sometimes to the entire Nation, and have,
finally, succeeded, because the colony of Quebec and New France being formerly governed by
Companies, these gave themselves very little trouble about the good or evil which might
eventually result to the Colony.
Now, that things are changed by the favor of God, and the King takes care of that country,
it appears very easy to return the compliment to those English if, as there is reason to hope,
his Majesty's arms are victorious over the Iroquois, and these are reduced ; particularly, by
erecting a fort at Niagara with a strong garrison for the protection of the settlers who will
establish themselves there in order to clear the land, which is most excellent, and to carry on
the trade in furs with the said Iroquois Indians, who do all their hunting on the lands
belonging to the King's domain.
The English will thus be deprived of a trade in Peltries amounting to four hundred thousand
livres yearly, which will be very beneficial to the French colony.
All the inhabitants of said Niagara will pay to the revenue (ferme) of his Majesty's Domain
the duty of one-fourth of the Beavers, and one-tenth of the Moose (Orignaux) the same as at
Quebec. This will increase, by a large sum, the King's revenue in said country, and should
his Majesty think fit to lease it to a private person when the said Iroquois are pacified,
inasmuch as the establishment of the said Niagara must be considered a newly discovered
country.
Persons will be found who will give a considerable sum for the privilege of receiving the
duties on the Beaver and Moose (Orignaux) which will be exported from said Niagara.
Defences required in Canada.
Government of M. de Denonville from 16S5 to 16S9.
If the Iroquois be in the English interest, it will be almost impossible to maintain the
establishment at the Detroit without very considerable expense ; to garrison it two or three
400 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
hundred picked men, at least, would have to be sent thither so as to be safe from attack, and
to open a communication by the river of the Outaouos; for I consider the route by Niagara
too hazardous, being too nigh the Iroquois.
Less would not be required to maintain Catarocouy which appears to me very useless for
the preservation of Canada in a War against the Iroquois. I do not understand how any
idea can be entertained of going to conquer their country; which would not be of any use
to us.
As for the supposition that the Iroquois could be destroyed by burning their villages and
cutting down their Indian corn, it has been seen that great harm would not be inflicted on
them thereby, inasmuch as they rebuild their Villages in less than a month, find Indian corn
among their allies and live by hunting. It will be admitted that the only value that campaign
possesses is as Material to be put in history, as if it were some glorious achievement.
It would be much fitter to let that conquest alone and not to think of it, and to be satisfied
with preserving Canada which would require but a trifling expense, the Iroquois parties having
only three routes leading to our Settlements — viz'., one by the Outaouas river, by passing down
the Rideau, or some other way, to that river.
The second route is by the Grand River which runs past Catorocouy, and the third, by Lake
Chaniplain. They do not come any other way.
Three detachments are necessary from the month of May to the month of December to
guard these passes and to give notice of the approach of the enemy. Each party will consist
of Fifty good picked men, Canadians, Soldiers and Indians belonging to our allies. One will
be stationed above the Long Sault of the River Outaouas, tea leagues beyond the head of the
Island of Montreal, having their scouts on the avenues of the Iroquois paths. This party
would be relieved every fifteen days or every month, by fifty other similar men. They
should not be at liberty to quit their posts without being relieved.
A like body of Fifty men would be posted on the Grand River above the Rapids.
For the security of the River Chambly and the protection of the River St. Francis, Three
Rivers, La Prairie de la Madeleine, Longueville, Boucherville and all those places, though
the Iroquois of the Sault cover them considerably, a strong detachment of fifty to sixty men
will be required to be stationed towards Pointe au Chevelure^ or thereabouts, so that they may
secure both sides of Lake Champlain, and give notice of parties that will possibly come
from Orange and Lake S'. Sacrament,^ which, on being discovered will not pass by, except,
indeed, some small ones that could be defeated either in going or returning.
These detachments would absolutely require at their head some active, vigorous captains,
and ought not be commanded by old and broken down officers, incapable of marching and
skirmishing; for to place officers who cannot bear fatigue at the head of these detachments, is
just like sending in France an old officer a-foot to head a strong detachment of Cavalry in a
distant enemy's country. It is very easy to infer that such an officer would not attend to all those
guarded passes. It will be difficult for the enemy to approach the settlements undiscovered.
It will be proper to have a detachment of twenty men constantly at Chateaugue and at
the head of the Island of Montreal, both which are frontier posts. These detachments ought
' Crown Point, New-York.
^ Literally, Lake of tlie Blessed Sacrament, which name it obtained in 1646 from Father Jogues, because he passed through
it on the festival of Corpus Christi. Major-Gencral, afterwards Sir William, Johnson called it Lake George in 1755, in honor
of King George IL — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 401
to consist one-half of Soldiers, one [quarter] of Canadians, and one-fourth of Indians,
With five or six hundred soldiers, the whole country within the government of Montreal ought
.to be well guarded.
The government of Three rivers ought to be well secured with two companies of fifty men,
for it is covered by Montreal, Chambly, Sorel, and the River Saint Francis.
Quebec has nothing to fear except from the sea. I consider it in complete security in that
direction ; fortified as it is, and having in its vicinity more than fifteen hundred active settlers.
That is amply sufficient for its defence. We who are more enterprising than the English, would
look more than once before we should attack Quebec, which does not offer many facilities for
posting five to six thousand men that would be required to take it. Canada is not a sufficiently
fine country to tempt them to incur an expense so great as would be necessary for its conquest.
They could, at a trifling outlay, drive us out of Newfoundland and Acadia, and take possession
of all the fisheries, (which constitute a considerable trade) and of the avenues to Canada the
annual exports whereof do not equal in value ten to fifteen cargoes of codfish, of which
notwithstanding, I do not believe they think. I know not whether it be that they are aware
the Colony of Acadia and Newfoundland do not increase in proportion to theirs of Boston and
Yorque and that they will, in a few years, be much better able to fit out expeditions.
It is a country which suits them better than Canada, of which they will not think so soon
but will content themselves with getting their allies to wage war on us without it costing them
ten thousand ecus a year. That is what, as smart men, they ought to do.
As for Acadia, it is to be feared that they will destroy it, and remove the settlers before
it increases, lest when populous it may ruin their Fisheries.
Canada will not fail to say that she requires a post among the Outawas to maintain those
Indians in our interests and to make them come down to trade with her. I believe it to be
necessary and that forty soldiers are sufficient for it with the Voyageurs whom the Merchants
of Canada will send thither every year.
It would be desirable for Canada that the entire Beaver trade should be carried on at
Montreal only.
Canada will certainly be stronger and protect itself at half less expense when it has no
frontier post.
M. de Callieres to M. <
Memoir of Chevalier de Callieres, Governor of Montreal, for My Lord, the Marquis
de Seignelay. On the State of the Affairs of Canada. January, 1689.
M. de Denonville having sent me expressly to report to you. My Lord, the veritable state of
the affairs of Canada, and to furnish you all the information you will deem necessary for the
adoption of proper measures in regard to the orders which it will please you to give me for
the safety of that country, I consider myself obliged to add to my preceding Memoirs that it
would be absolutely useless in the present conjuncture to flatter ourselves with the hope that
we could conclude peace with the Iroquois, for the reasons which I shall, hereafter, submit.
Vol. IX. 51
402 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
You will have seen, My Lord, by M. de Denonville's letters that in carrying out the King's
orders, he has not omitted any thing to induce the Iroquois to make peace with us ; and with
a view to that being effected with more dignity for the glory of his Majesty's arms, we
concluded that it would be necessary to retain some of the Iroquois prisoners, whom we had
taken, to employ them in persuading their compatriots to come and demand it. M. de Denonville
selected for that purpose those of the Onontague tribe whom he separated from those he sent
to France, because they had appeared less animated against us, and were in communication
with Father de Lamberville, the Jesuit. He sent them back to their nation after having paid
them attention, and made them some presents to gain them over ; they succeeded in persuading
their nation to send him a delegation, and also induced two other tribes, called Cayugas and
Oneidas to add their deputies to it.
The delegates of these 3 Nations being come, escorted by 900 Warriors, to sue for peace
from us, M. de Denonville received them with a great deal of attention, and by the advice of
the principal men of the Country, answered them, that he was ready to grant them terms
when they would bring with them deputies from the two other Iroquois Nations, called Senecas
and Mohawks, prescribing to them the time when the Deputies of all the Five Iroquois Nations
could return to conclude it conjointly with our Indian Allies: Whereupon, we remarked that
those deputies repeated the proposition which had reference to our Indians, and led us to
understand that they wished to make peace only with us so as to destroy the others after
the conclusion of that peace; and as an evidence of that they entertained that design
when those Deputies were at Montreal, a part of their escort went to pillage three Canoes
belonging to our Indians, some of whom they killed and others they took prisoners. M. de
Denonville thought proper to pretend ignorance thereof, in order not to interrupt the negotiation.
The time of their return being come, they sent four delegates from the Onontague Nation
to create in our minds the hope of a general deputation from the Five Nations.
These four Onontagues were met and attacked by a party of our Indians who killed one,
and took the three others prisoners, with a view to break up our negotiation with the Iroquois,
being fearful that they would remain exposed alone to their resentment. We learned this
from one of these Iroquois prisoners who escaped from our Indians to Catarocouy where he
was well treated by the Commander, and who promised to report to his Nation that we had
no participation in that insult in order to confirm them in the designs they had manifested of
returning to negotiate with us.
That accident, however, interrupted the negotiation and afforded the English an opportunity
to break it off entirely, which they effected on the arrival of Sir Andros, Governor-General of
New- York reunited to New England, who having convoked a general Assembly of the Five
Iroquois Nations they repaired to him. He declared to them that the King of England, his
Master, took them under his protection, and forbade them to make any Treaty with us except
with his participation, on paia of being deprived of the aid of arms, powder, lead and other
supplies all which they received from the English of New-York. Whereunto they solemnly
pledged themselves, and he, at the same time, obliged a party of about 300 Iroquois to make a
foray into our Colony, where they burned 30 houses of our Settlers scattered along the River
St Lawrence, taking advantage, for that purpose, of my absence whilst I was, at the head of
the principal forces of the Country, engaged in revictualling Fort Catarocouy.
Sir Andros afterwards sent to declare to M. de Denonville that the Iroquois were subjects
of the King, his Master, and that he took them as such under his protection.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 403
At the time of my departure for France we received intelligence that the English had
collected some people at Orange and its vicinity vyith intention to send them with some
Iroquois to Michiliraakinac, a country of the Outaouas belonging to us. This can he only with
a view to take it, as they endeavored to do two years ago, and to seize all the peltries that
have heen hrought thither from the surrounding country for the account of our Traders, and
which are estimated at the value of nearly 800,000 livres; and this on pretence of reprisals
for some goods the French took from some Iroquois and from 70 Englishmen who were
arrested two years since on their way to the said Michilimakinac to debauch our Indians there
by presents and the cheap bargains they give of their Merchandises; so that there is every
reason to fear that those English and Iroquois have executed that project since my departure.
Things being in this state when Sir Andros recognized the authority of the King of England,
it would be idle to flatter ourselves with the hope to find them improved since the usurpation
of the Prince of Orange, who, as has been already observed, will be assuredly acknowledged
by Sir Andros, who is a protestant, born in the Island of Jersey, and by New-York the
inhabitants whereof are mostly Dutch, who planted this Colony under the name of New
Netherland, all of whom are protestants and have been conquered by the English.
We may, then, assuredly, reckon that there is no longer any hope, nor any overture.s, of
peace between us and the Iroquois, who being so much attached by their proper interest to the
English, have no desire to return to us to renew negotiations, contrary to the prohibition of
the latter, from whom it is impossible to detach them; and that the English, who are interested
in keeping them at war with us and have declared them to be their subjects, so far from
permitting them to enter into any accommodation, will furnish them all the aid necessary to
carry the war into our Colony, and to continue the burning of the isolated houses of our
settlers, as the troops kept in the country by the King are insufficient to protect them against
those incendiaries, in consequence of the vast extent of country to be watched, and the great
distance of the settlements one from the other.
The English, in keeping with their ancient policy, will not fail to urge the Iroquois to
continue the war against our Indians in order to reduce the latter to the necessity of joining
them and breaking off all trade with us. This they will effect by cutting off with their parties
the communication between us and Michilimakinac, which is 300 leagues distant from the
Colony and the general entrepot of all the trade of Canada, without which the latter could
not subsist.
I consider it necessary to answer the objection that may be offered, that, in previous times,
Canada maintained herself alone without troops and without the extraordinary expenses
incurred there by the King those last years, and without the Iroquois daring to make any attack.
These were then engaged in war against the Andastes,' a numerous tribe of Indians in the
vicinity of Virginia who had given them employment for several years, and whom they had
at last destroyed. They have added considerably to their numbers by the quantity of prisoners
they have made, whom they spare when young and adopt into their nation. The English
were at the same time at war with other Indian tribes called Abenaquis and Socoquis ; this
prevented them forming any alliance with the Iroquois, which has since been effected through
the care of Colonel Dongan, the former governor of New-York, who regarded it as an assured
of ruining Canada, and of diverting the entire trade to that English Colony.
' See note 2, supra, p. 227. — Kd.
404 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
War being thus inevitable, it becomes absolutely necessary to consider the means of
sustaining it.
If we remain simply on the defensive, it will be impossible to avoid the inconveniences
above noted — such as frequent burnings of several of our settlements; estrangement of our
Indians when they will behold us incapable of sustaining them against their enemies, and of
conveying necessaries to them ; a circumstance that would infallibly draw after it the ruin
of the country.
If we carry the War into the country of our enemies, we shall preserve all our Indians
in our dependency; place our Colony in security, and cause Religion and Commerce to
flourish there.
All those advantages are combined in the success of the expedition against New-York which
I have proposed ; it is more easy of success than the destruction of a single Iroquois canton.
The English are our real enemies inasmuch as it is they who force the Iroquois to wage war on
us; who furnish theni the means of supporting it; who have violated the Treaty of Neutrality
concluded between the two Nations, and who incessantly labor to usurp our lands and ruin
our commerce.
If the present state of affairs do not permit as yet an open attack on them, orders, at least,
can' be issued for the necessary preparations according to the Memoir thereof which I shall
present for the execution of this project, when war between France and England will be
declared, or when the English of New- York, united with the Iroquois, will come- to attack us;
which, perhaps, they have already done.
M. de Callieres to M. de
Project of the Chevalier de Callieres, Governor of Montreal and Commanding
by commission the Troops and Militia of Canada, On the present state of
the Affairs of that Country. January, 1689.
To my Lord, the Marquis of Seignelay.
As the recent Revolution in England will change the face of American affairs, it becomes
necessary to adopt entirely new measures to secure Canada against the great dangers with
which it is threatened.
Chevalier Andros, now Governor-General of New England and New-York, having already
declared in his letters to M. de Denonville that he took all the Iroquois under his protection
as subjects of the Crown of England, and having prevented them returning to M. de Denonville
to make peace with us, there is no longer any reason to expect its conclusion through the
English nor that we can alienate the Iroquois from the close alliance existing between them in
consequence of the great advantages they derive therefrom, the like of which we cannot offer
for divers reasons.
Chevalier Andros, as well as the whole English Colony, is protestant, so that there is no
reason to hope that he will remain faithful to the King of England,* and we must expect that
' James II. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 405
he will not only urge the Iroquois to continue the war against us but he will even furnish
them with Englishmen to lead them and to seize Niagara, Michilimakinak and other posts
proper to render him master of all the Indians our allies, according to the project they have
long since formed, and which they began to execute when we declared war against the
Iroquois and captured 70 Englishmen who were going to take possession of Michilimakinak,
one of the most important posts of Canada ; our entrepot for the Fur Trade and the residence
of the Superior of the Reverend Jesuit Fathers who are Missionaries among our Indians, and
which belongs, incontestably, to us.
It is to be expected then, that they are about to endeavor to invest the entire of Canada and
raise all the Savages against us, in order to wholly deprive us of every sort of Trade
and draw it all to themselves by means of the cheap bargains they can give of goods, at
nearly at one-half the price our Frenchmen can afford theirs, for reasons to be elsewhere
explained, and thus become masters of all the peltries; the trade wherein sustains Canada and
constitutes one of the chief benefits that France derives from that Colony.
No sooner will the English have ruined our Indian Trade than, uniting with those Savages,
they will be in a position to fall on us, burn and sack our settlements, scattered along the
River St. Lawrence as far as Quebec, without our being able to prevent them, having no
fortress capable of arresting them.
Things being thus disposed, the only means to avoid these misfortunes is to anticipate them
by the expedition to be hereafter explained and which I offer to execute forthwith, if it please
His Majesty to confide its direction to me on account of the particular knowledge I have
acquired of the affairs of that country during five years that I had the honor to serve His
Majesty and to command his troops and Military there, after twenty years' service in the army.
The plan is, to go straight to Orange, the frontier town of New-York, one hundred leagues
from Montreal, which I would undertake to carry; and to proceed thence to seize Manathe,
the capital of that Colony situated on the sea coast ; on condition of being furnished with
supplies necessary for the success of such an expedition.
For that purpose I demand only the troops at present maintained by His Majesty in Canada,
if it be pleasing to him to complete them by a reinforcement which they require in consequence
of sickness that has produced the deaths of several of them.
These troops number 35 companies which, at 50 men each, ought to give 1750. Yet at the
review made, when I left, they mustered only about 1300, so that 450 soldiers are still
required to render them complete; thus it would be necessary that His Majesty should please
to order the levy and enlistment of at least 400 men, as quick as possible in order that they
may be embarked in the first vessels.
The use I propose to make of these 1700 men is to take the best (I'elite) of them to the
number of 1400 and to adjoin thereto the elite of the Militia to the number of 600, so as to
raise the 2000 men necessary for this expedition ; leaving the remaining 300 soldiers to guard
the principal outposts at the head of our Colony, in order to prevent the Iroquois seizing and
burning them whilst we shall be in the field.
I propose embarking these 2000 men, with the supplies necessary for their subsistence, in a
sufficient number of canoes and flat Bateaux already in service in the two last campaigns
against the Iroquois.
My design is, to lead them by the Richelieu River into Lake Champlain as far as a Carrying
place which is within three leagues of the Albany River that runs to Orange.
406 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
I shall mask this expedition, which must be kept very secret, by saying that the King has
commanded me to proceed at the head of His troops and Militia, to the Iroquois Country to
dictate Peace to them on the conditions it has pleased His Majesty to grant them without the
intervention of the English, inasmuch as the Iroquois are his true subjects ; and not communicate
to any one our intention of attacking the English until we have arrived at the place whence I
shall send to tell the Iroquois, by some of their Nation, that I am not come to wage war against
them but only to reduce the English who have caused our division, and to reestablish the
good friendship that formerly existed between us ; Wherefore if they wish not to be treated
with the greatest rigor, they had better avoid aiding those English, as they are unable to
protect them against my forces, and if the Iroquois dare assist, I will turn against them.
As the Bateaux cannot proceed further than the Carrying place, my intention is to erect
there a small logged breastwork (un petit fort de pieux terrasscs) which I shall have built in three
days, and to leave 200 men in it to guard the Bateaux ; to march thence direct to Orange,
embarking our supplies on the River in the canoes we shall bring and which can be conveyed
across the Carrying place, the troops escorting them along the river.
I calculate to seize, in passing, some English Villages and Settlements where I shall find
provisions and other conveniences for attacking the town of Orange.
That town is about as large as Montreal, surrounded by stockades, at one end of which is a
fort of earth supported by logs and consisting of four small bastions. The fort contains a
garrison of three companies of 150 men and some pieces of cannon. The town may have
about 150 houses and 300 inhabitants capable of bearing arms; the majority of them are
Dutch, some are French Refugees and some are English.
After having invested the town and summoned it to surrender with promise not to pillage it
if it capitulate, I propose, in case of resistance, to cut or burn the palisades, in order to make
an opening, and enter the place sword in hand and afterwards seize the fort, which being only
about 14 feet high, can be easily escaladed by means of the conveniences we shall find when
Masters of the town, or by blowing in the gate with a few petards or two small field pieces.
These will be of use to me and I shall find means of conveying them thither if His Majesty will
please to have them furnished me at La Rochelle, with some grenades and other munitions, a
list whereof I shall hand in separately, and which will be deducted from the funds His Majesty
destines for Canada, so as not to increase the expenses of the preceding years.
After I shall have become Master of the town and fort of Orange, which I expect to achieve
before the English can afford it any succor, my intention is to leave a garrison of 200 men in
the fort with sufficient supplies which I shall find in the city, and to disarm all the Inhabitants,
granting pardon, subject to His Majesty's pleasure, to the French deserters and inhabitants I
shall find there, so as to oblige them to follow me.
I shall seize all the barks, bateaux and canoes that are at Orange, for the embarkation of my
forces on the river which is navigable down to Manathe, and with the troops, put on board the
necessary provisions and ammunition and some pieces of cannon to be taken from Fort
Orange to serve in the attack on Manathe.
That place consists of a town composed of about 200 houses and can put about 400
inhabitants under arms. They are divided into four Foot companies of 60 men each, and
three companies of Cavalry of the same number, horses being very abundant in that country.
This town is not inclosed, being situated on a Peninsula at the mouth of the River that falls
into a Bay and forms a fine harbor. It is defended by a Fort faced with stone having four
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 407
Bastions with several pieces of cannon, commanding tlie Port on one aide and the town on
the other.
I contemplate first carrying the town by assault, it being all open, and making use of the
houses nearest the Fort to approach the latter; forming a battery of the cannon I shall have
brought from Orange and of that I may find in the stores of the town, where the vessels arm
and disarm.
It would be necessary for the success of this Expedition that His Majesty give orders to two
of the ships of War destined this year to escort the Merchantmen that sail to Canada and to
Acadia or the fishermen who go for Cod to the Great Bank, to come towards the end of August,
into the Gulf of Manathe, after having convoyed the merchant vessels, and cruize there
during the month of September, as well to prevent reinforcements of Troops which may arrive
from England or Boston, as to enter the port when I on my arrival shall give the signal agreed
upon, so as to aid us in capturing the Fort which they may cannonade from their ships whilst I
attack it on land. In case of necessity they can even land some marines, to replace the 400
men I shall have left on the way to garrison Orange and to guard the Bateaux ; also some
cannon if we require them. They might reimbark and return to France in the month of
October after the capture of the Fort and carry the intelligence thereof.
After we became masters of the town and fort of Manathe I should cause the Inhabitants to
be disarmed, and send my Canadians back by the Albany river to Orange on the way to their
bateaux and home. I should winter at Manathe with all the troops I would have brought
with me except the 200 soldiers left to guard Orange ; and as I should have nothing to fear from
the land side, being master of the rivers, I would employ the winter in strengthening my
position against attacks of the English whilst waiting until His Majesty be pleased to send
what may be necessary to secure this important conquest.
It will render His Majesty absolute master of all the Iroquois who derive from that Colony
whatever arms and ammunition they have to make war on us, afford us the means to disarm
them whenever considered necessary, and thereby to impose on them such laws as His
Majesty may please ; the town of Boston, the capital of New England being too far from them
to derive any aid from it.
Having mastered the Iroquois we shall have equal control of all the other Savages who will
come without hesitation and bring us all their peltries. This will cause the trade of our
Colony to flourish ; considerably augment His Majesty's revenues and eventually diminish the
expenses he is obliged to incur for the preservation of Canada.
It will firmly establish the Christian Religion as well among the Iroquois as among the
other Savages to whom we shall be able to speak as masters when they are surrounded both
on the side of Canada and of New-York.
It will secure and facilitate the Cod fishery which is carried on along our coasts of
la Cadie and on the Great Bank.
It will give His Majesty one of the finest harbors in America, accessible at almost all seasons
of the year in less than one month of very easy navigation ; whilst the voyage from France
to Quebec cannot be prosecuted except in summer, on account of the ice that closes the
River St Lawrence which is itself long and perilous.
It will give his Majesty one of the finest countries of America, in a milder and more fertile
climate than that of Canada, from whence a quantity of provisions and produce, useful for
•his Majesty's subjects, can be derived.
408 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
It may be objected to this plan, that the Colony of Orange and Manathe will possibly
remain faithful to the King of England, and in such case it would not be prudent to attack it
and draw down an open war with that English Colony to the prejudice of the Treaty of
Neutrality concluded between the two nations.
To which it may be answered: that the Colony of Manathe and Orange, being the same as
that formerly called New Netherland which the English took from the Dutch, and the greater
part of it still of this latter nation and all Protestants, there is no doubt but they would
submit to the orders of the Prince of Orange, and even force their Governor, did he not
consent, to acknowledge him, and therefore we must look on a war between that Colony and
us as certain, and not allow it time to mature its intrigues with our Savages to ruin us by their
means if we do not be beforehand with it.
And in case that, contrary to all appearances, they remain faithful to the King of England,
during the general rebellion of the English, we, if His Majesty who is on terms with that
King thought proper, might confide to him the secret of this expedition, draw from him an
order to the commandant of Orange and Manathe to surrender these places into His Majesty's
hands, who would keep them for him so as to prevent the Rebels becoming masters of them,
and to have an opportunity to treat them as rebels did they not obey that order, being
moreover in a position to force them thereto, on condition of negotiating eventually with
the King for that Colony, which is the only means of securing Canada, firmly establishing the
Religion, Trade and the King's authority throughout all North America.
If the favorable opportunity which presents of becoming master of that Colony be neglected,
it may surely be calculated that, through its intrigues with the Iroquois and other Savages, it
will destroy Canada in a little time ; whose ruin will entail that of the establishment at
Hudson's Bay and the beaver and other peltry trade; that of Acadia, the sedentary fishery,
and Newfoundland; and if we be forced to abandon Canada, his subjects will, hereafter, in
consequence of the frequent chasing of our fishermen by English citizens, find it very difficult
and dangerous to attend to the codfishery on the Great Bank, which produces several millions
to France, and is one of the most profitable investments that we have.
Differences of Prices m the Indian Trade at Montreal and Albany.
Differences in the Indian Trade between Montreal in Canada and Orange in
New England. 1689.
The Indian pays for At Orange. At Montreal.
8 pounds of powder, One beaver Four.
A Gun, Two beavers Five.
40 pounds of Lead, One beaver Three.
A Blanket of red Cloth, One beaver Two.
A White Blanket, One beaver Two.
Four Shirts, One beaver Two.
Six pairs of Stockings, One beaver Two.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 40®
The English have no Black or Braziliaa Tobacco. They sell that of Virginia at discretion
to the Indians.
The other small wares which the French truck with the Indians are supplied them by the
English in the market.
The English give six quarts (pots) of Eau de Vie for one beaver. It is Rum or Spirits, or, in
other words, liquor distilled from the Sugar Cane imported from the West Indies.
The French have no fixed rate in trading Brandy : some give more, some less ; but they
never give as much as a quart for a beaver. It depends on the places and circumstances,
and on the honesty of the French trader.
Remark. The English do not discriminate in the quality of the Beaver ; they take it all at
the same rate, which is more than 50 per cent higher than the French, there being, besides,
more than 100 per cent difference in the price of their trade and ours.
Prices of Canadian Produce that may he Exported to France^
Tariff of Prices at which the inhabitants of Canada might supply produce they
may be able to send to France, in order that the Merchants of the
Kingdom may be induced to import them from Canada in preference to all
other countries. 1689.
Name of the Article. Price in Qnantltics the
Canada. Canadians
can supply.
Wheat, the quintal, poids de marc, 2 ".
Bolted Flour, the quintal and a half, 4
Hemp, the quintal 5
Flax, the quintal, 6
Tar, the barrel, of 200 lbs. w'., 6
Pitch, burnt, per 200 lbs. w«., 5
Pitch, dry, the quintal, 2
Spruce Plank, 36 feet long, 2 in. thick and 18 in. wide, 4
Spruce Plank, 36 feet long, \\ inch thick and 15 in. wide, 3
Spruce Plank, 36 feet long, 1 in. thick and 12 in. wide, 2
Deals, 10 ft. long, 12 in. wide and 1 in. thick, per 100, 40
Deals, sawed, 10 ft. long, 12 in. wide, 6 in. thick, per 100, consisting
of 200 boards, ..., 50
Ship Timber, crooked or straight, the cubic foot, 5 sous.
Sawed Timber of all sorts, the cubic foot, 10 sous.
Masts of 25 @ 30 palms,' and of 60 to SO feet long, good, sound and free
from knots, each, 60
Masts of 20 @ 25 palms, 50 to 70 feet long, sound and free from knots, . . 40
' Palm is a measure of 9 inches. — Ed.
Vol. IX. 62
410 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Name of the Article. Price in Quantities the
Canada. Canadians
can supplj.
Masts of 15 @ 20 palms, 50 @ 60 ft. long, sound and free from knots,. . . 30 ".
Masts of 10 @ 15 palms, 50 @ 60 ft. long, sound and free from knots,. . . 20
Small Masts, 5 @ 10 palms, 30 @ 40 ft. high, sound and free from knots, 4
Spars under 6 inches, each, 10 sous.
Prime Mess Beef, free from feet and heads and well boned, the barrel
weighing 200"'^ — Prime Mess Pork, without feet or heads, the barrel
weighing 200"'^, 8
Tallow, the quintal, 20
Suet, the quintal, 6
Hides, green or salted, weighing 70 @ 80""^, 4
Hides, dry, weighing 35 @ SO""'., 5
Cow Hides, green or salted, ; 5
Cow Hides, dry, 2
Fish Oil, per barrel, 20
Sheep and Lambs' "Wool, well washed, per quintal, 25
Potash, the quintal, 4
Coal, (Charhon deterre) the quintal, 10 sous.
4-barrel Pipe Staves ; the thousand consisting of 1000 inches long and 200
in. deep, 40
3-barrel Pipe Staves ; the thousand as above, 35
2-barrel Pipe Staves ; the thousand as above, 30
Barrel Staves ; the thousand as above, 25
Barrel Staves ; the thousand as above, 15
Estimate of What Canada can furnish.
According to the Census of the Inhabitants of Canada fit for working at all those
descriptions of articles, it is estimated that there are more than 4000, each of whom
manufacturing only 100" worth of those different sorts of goods, may actually attract to the
country to the value of 400,000''^, and in a few years they will be in a condition to draw
thither more than ten millions of trade, which will give occupation to more than 50 ships.
They may infer from this the value of their country, were they to put themselves in a
condition to derive advantage from it.
Observations.
If they require in France any samples of the products enumerated in the present Tariff, to
manufacture them for public use, they ought to be imported by the Rochelle merchants, who
appear better qualified than any others in the kingdom to undertake this trade, to which they
are already accustomed. As regards the timber for masts and building, should the Canadians
put themselves in a condition to supply the King's arsenals, his Majesty will send a carpenter
and a mast builder thither, to regulate the proportions thereof.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 411
Abstract of M. de Callieres' Project.
[Omitted, as the Memoir is printed at length, supra, p. 404.]
M. de Callieres to M. de Seignelay.
Memoir of Chevalier de Callieres to My Lord the Marquis de Seignelay.'
February, 16S9.
Should his Majesty not deem proper to have the proposed expedition against New-York,
executed before he have declared war against the English, it appears to me necessary that he
should please to put us in a condition to carry it out at the earliest notice on his part
immediately after the rupture becomes general or local.
The general war between France and England may occur in a short time should the Prince
of Orange make good his usurpation.
The local rupture between our Colony and that of New- York is inevitable in consequence"
of the continual aid the English of that Province afford the Iroquois to make war against us;
in consequence of their incessant expeditions against the posts, and usurpations of the
lands belonging to us; and of the resolution they had adopted when I left, to proceed with
a strong party of Iroquois towards Michilimakinac, to seize all the peltries our merchants
had collected there for the last three years, amounting in value to nearly eight hundred
thousand livres.
If they have put that project in execution and continued to send Iroquois to burn our
settlements, it is necessary. My Lord, that you would be pleased to communicate to me your
orders as to what we have to do, in case of a local rupture between our two Colonies.
If war be declared between France and England in the course of this year, we shall be able
to execute the design against New- York next spring, should his Majesty please to send us an
order to that eSect by an express vessel which will have to be dispatched Jjy the end of March,
so as to arrive at Quebec by the IS"" of May, to be followed by two frigates required to arrive
before Manatte on the l-S"" June with some soldiers and some other articles which it would be
necessary to put on board, as enumerated in the annexed Memoir of the preparations to
be made in order to be in a condition to execute that enterprise.
The most of the articles I ask in this Memoir do not increase the ordinary expense, and will
be taken out of the soldiers' pay, and from the funds of the Extraordinary of the War which
his Majesty allows for that country.
The preparations we shall make this year, whilst waiting the King's orders, will have the
very good effect of retaining all our Indians in our interest in the hope of being employed to
destroy the Iroquois, with whom they will be constrained to unite, and to abandon us should
' Jean Baptists Colbert, Marquis de Seignelay, was the oldest son of the great Colbert who died in 1683. He was born in
Paris in 1661, and succeeded his father as head of the department of the Marine. After an administration glorious alike to
his country and to himself; he died on the 3d of November, 1690, at^the early age of 39, the year after he had been named
Minister of State. Biographic Universelle. — Ed.
412 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
they perceive that we do not place ourselves in a condition to sustain them against those
Iroquois. Those preparations will, also, contribute to keep the Iroquois in check, and to make
them bethink of defending themselves at home, instead of coming to attack us with a large
force, and will place us in a position to defend ourselves better when they will attack us,
whilst the proposed expedition against New-York would enable us to provide for the entire
safety of all our Colony, relieve his Majesty of all the expense he incurs for the preservation
of those countries, and firmly establish the Religion, his authority and a profitable trade for
his subjects in those parts.
Should good understanding with England be reestablished in the course of this year by the
restoration of the legitimate King, an agreement could be made with him, by a new Treaty,
respecting the limits of our two Colonies, on the basis of the Titles and possessory acts (jmses
de possession) I have brought, and a reciprocal prohibition against furnishing arms, ammunition
and other aid to the Indians who will be at war with one or the other of the two Colonies.
'ies required for ilie Invasion of New-Yorls.
Memorandum of arms, ammunition and implements required for the expedition
proposed by Chevalier de Callieres. February, 16S9.
To be sent to Quebec.
900 Quintals of flour, to be manufactured into biscuit before the month of September for
provisioning 1600 men, including 300 militia, during 45 days' march.
180 Quintals of Pork.
30 Barrels of Brandy.
1300 Pairs of shoes for the Soldiers.
600 Powder horns for said Soldiers.
100 Kettles.
500 Swords which are deficient.
500 Muskets to arm the Regulars and the militia who want them.
2000 Pounds of fine powder.
4000 Pounds of bullets, 18 to the pound.
2 Small field pieces.
100 Balls of the calibre of said cannon.
1600 Ells of canvas for sails and tarpauling of 200 canoes.
800 Pounds of best Pitch for said canoes.
1600 Ells of canvas for biscuit bags.
500 Loaded grenadoes.
An Engineer to serve in the place of Sieur de Villeneuve. The greater part of
those expenses can be met from the military chest and from the ordinaries of war.
To be sent by the two Ships :
200 Pounds of fine powder.
2000 Pounds of ball, 18 to the pound.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 413
4 Mortars with a bombardier.
100 Bombshells.
500 Loaded grenadoes.
50 Iron shovels and 150 pick axes to break up the earth.
1 Medicine chest, furnished with ointments and particularly with Helvetius Styptic'
Report on the preceding Papers.
Expedition of . February, 1689.
The list of articles required for this expedition has been examined with Count de Frontenac
and Chevalier de Callieres.
With the exception of the cannon, gun-carriages and a Boat, some arms and ammunition,
scarcely any thing is required that is not included in the Estimate of 75,000" extraordinary.
My Lord has approved, which sum appears sufficient for the expenses of this expedition and
for the of Canada.
Nothing remains but to issue immediate orders, with My Lord's approbation, for the furnishing
at Rochefort whatever is to be conveyed in the Ships of War to the place of the expedition, as
well as of what is to be carried to Canada, so that, all things being ready, no obstacle may be
interposed to the setting out of the expedition in sailing from France, and after arriving in
Canada.
To be conveyed in the two Men of War: —
One Boat for firing the cannon and mortars with necessary implements and machinery,
and some plank for platforms.
4 Pieces of cannon of 18"" calibre.
4 Gun-carriages, with furniture, for said pieces.
500 Ball of 18"».
3 Mortars, carriages and furniture.
50 Pounds of Match in addition to what is ordered.
200 Shells.
3 Bombardiers who will form part of the crew.
Some picked Gunners who will form part of the crew.
. 300 Loaded grenadoes.
100 Iron bound shovels.
200 Pickaxes.
50 Picks.
2000 Lbs of cannon, and 2000"" of musket powder.
The medicine chest, already ordered for Canada will be sent in the ships.
' A preparation composed of the filings of iron and tartar, mixed to a proper consistency with French brandy was long
used in France, Germany and Holland, under the name of Helvetuis's Styptic. It was employed to stop hemorrhage. Paris
Pharmacologia, (New-York, 1826,) I. 112.
414 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
300 Quintals of flour, on account of the subsistence of the Regulars in Canada.
60 Quintals of Pork, also on account of the subsistence of said Regulars.
10 Barrels of Brandy for the Regulars during the expedition.
To be sent direct to Canada in Merchant Vessels : —
450 Quintals of biscuit on account of what is ordered.
150 Quintals of flour do do
120 Quintals of Pork.
20 Barrels of Brandy.
Orders have been issued to send: —
Shoes, hats, shirts, cravats, stockings and breeches. Also,
600 Powder horns.
100 Kettles.
4000 lbs. of Musket balls, 18 to the pound.
Ditto lead, assorted.
10,000 Flints.
100 Lbs of steel.
15 Lbs prepared steel.
400 Lbs candles. ' > a
50 Lbs coarse sponge. ( o
100 Lbs of brass wire.
50 Lbs of cork.
100 Bundles of whip-cord and 4000 of old cordage for oakum.
1500 Lbs of good tobacco.
10 Cases for drums.
10 Barrels of vinegar.
500 Swords, not included in the Estimate, to be \ r^^ jjimm have omy 265 in the whole country, and the
furnished. | Soldlers are m want or some.
300 Fusils for the Soldiers and Militia, who are in want of some.
2 Small field pieces of 2 @ 3'" ball, to be selected at Rochefort, with
100 'Balls to match.
1600 Ells of canvas for sails and tarpauling of 200 Canoes.
1200 Ells of canvas for so many biscuit bags. There are 2400 more enumerated in the
approved Estimate ; it is noted, that this is in case of war.
800 Lbs of good Pitch.
Nails included in the statement..
3 Petards.
100 Axes well steeled, proper to cut down palisades.
As regards the bread, as well in flour or biscuit, to be conveyed either directly in the ■
to Canada, amounting to the quantity of 900 quintals of biscuit, 56250". are to be charged to
the pay of 1000 Soldiers employed on the expedition and the 33750 remaining which will be
used for provisioning of the 600 Militia to be employed, will be charged to the extraordinaries
of War which his Majesty has been in the habit of sending to Canada.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: IV. 415
Of the 18 quintals of Pork, 11250"" are to be charged to the pay of 1000 Soldiers, and
the remaining 6750"" which will go to victualling the 600 Militia, will be- charged
to the Extraordinary.
Of the 30 barrels of Brandy, 20 may be charged to the pay of the Soldiers, and the other
10 barrels for distribution among the Militia, to the Extraordinary.
The powder horns are to be paid for by the Soldiers who are deficient in, and will have
lost, them.
The militia can eventually be made to pay for the guns furnished to them.
It is necessary to give immediate orders for the boat, gun carriages and other articles, and
to retain room on board the merchant vessels for the biscuit, flour, brandy, pork, and other
articles required for Canada.
My Lord calculates that the two Men of War will be ready to sail, at latest, the 15"" June.
An Engineer is required.
Ohservations on tlie Project of Attack on Nero -York.
Versailles, 24 April, 16S9.
The orders of the King of England relative to the Treaty of Neutrality of the month of
November, 16S7, had favorably disposed M^ Dongan, then governor of New-York, to terminate
the war with the Iroquois.
Said M'' Dongan had previously declared that he claimed the Iroquois to be subjects of
the King of England, and the transactions before that war did not leave any room to
doubt his participation in what they had done, nor his having furnished them with arms
and ammunition.
Meanwhile he had altered his tone ; but M"". Andros being come to relieve him with
the Commission of Governor of New England and New-York, declared and wrote that the
Iroquois were subjects of England, and that he did not understand that they should treat
without his order.
There is no appearance of improvement in the dispositions of the English in the meantime.
The last season was passed inactively on the part of the French, in the expectation of a
treaty of peace ; and, as far as they were concerned, things have not apparently up to the close
of the season been in any worse state. This inactivity and the indispensable abandonment of
the forts cannot fail to have increased the courage and insolence of the Iroquois, and it must,
it appears to me, be inferred that the English will, in consequence of the interest they have
in depriving us of the Trade, continue to use them for that purpose." It costs nothing —
for in the present state of the Colony of New-York, they cannot, of themselves, afford
considerable aid, with the exception of the arms and ammunition they sell them. Under cover
of the Iroquois war, they would endeavor to draw the beaver trade to themselves, and to send to
form establishments, which they had commenced doing, on the route of the Tribes that
brought the beaver to Canada.
Under these circumstances, should peace not be concluded, or in progress of conclusion,
when the King's orders arrive, it would be, apparently, dangerous to permit the Iroquois to
416 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
be always the aggressors; and should Monsieur de Denonville demand a large military force
to attack- them, My Lord perhaps will find it expedient to send him orders to make use of the
troops he has, together with the militia, to wage war as far as he is able against those Indians,
so as to endeavor to oblige them to sue for peace.
Were we certain of a rupture with England, there would be no apparent inconvenience in
attacking New- York, and in that case the proposal of Chevalier de Callieres might be examined,
in order to see if it were not possible to execute it as projected merely with the forces already in
Canada. In this case, the expense would be increased only a trifle.
And it seems certain, that by the conquest of New-York, whether it would be destroyed or
retained, an end would be put to the War of the Iroquois, who are as difficult to conquer as
the capture of Manathe and Orange appears easy to Chevalier de Callieres and to those who
are acquainted with that Colony.
Louis XIV. to Messrs. de Denonville and de Ghampigny.
Memoir of the King to the Marquis de Denonville and Sieur de Champigny.
Versailles, 1" May, 1689.
The proposal of Sieurs de Denonville and de Champigny to arrange the Iroquois affairs by
resuming the negotiation commenced between the French and English, is no longer practicable
since the Revolution in England. They will have learned that the Prince of Orange has
become Master of that Kingdom, and as there is an appearance that war will be soon declared
by England against France, there is no reason for relying on any negotiation in Europe. On the
contrary, Sieurs de Denonville and de Champigny must keep themselves on their guard, so as to
prevent surprisals by the English, who might have orders to fall suddenly upon or otherwise
attack the Colony. Moreover, to treat with the King of England respecting the differences
the French have with the Iroquois, would be acknowledging him to be the master of that
nation, and it is not expedient that this affair pass through that channel, since it is, in fact,
certain that the French took possession of the lands of the Iroquois before the English could
lay any claim to them, and it is his Majesty's pleasure that Sieurs de Denonville and de
Champigny omit nothing to maintain his possession therein, and to prevent, at least, the
Iroquois uniting with the English in an attack on the colony. His Majesty is meanwhile,
highly pleased to inform them that this pretence of the English to the Iroquois country
having been submitted by the Commissioners of the King of England last year, those of His
Majesty answered by the Memoir copy whereof is hereunto annexed ; and the discussion
of this question was adjourned until the negotiation which was to recommence the first of
January, 1689, when the English would, no doubt, have recognized his Majesty's right to that
nation, having no valid reason to oppose that of the French.
Whatever knowledge his Majesty may possess of the evil intentions of the English, he
does not wish Sieur de Denonville to commence any hostilities against them, nor make any
assistance they may render the Iroquois a ground of rupture ; and his intention is, that
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 417
things be left, as far as regards them, In statu quo, unless they declare war against him and
be the first to commence an attack.
His Majesty agrees with them that the most certain plan to crush the Iroquois at one blow,
would be to have three or four thousand good troops ; but this is not the time to think of it,
his Majesty's forces are too much occupied elsewhere, and nothing is more important or more
necessary in the present state of aifairs than to conclude a peace with the Iroquois forthwith,
his Majesty not being disposed to incur any expense for the continuance of this war. And, in
order to facilitate the means of accomplishing that peace, his Majesty has sent to Marseilles
the necessary orders to convey to Rochefort the Iroquois who had been sent to the galleys, and
has issued directions that they be dressed somewhat decently preparatory to being sent
back home.
But in case all the measures to be adopted by Sieur de Denonville for securing a peace will
happen to fail, it is his Majesty's wish that, rather than afford the Iroquois an opportunity to
make any attacks on the Colony, and to render the French contemptible in their estimation,
he will employ whatever forces he has, and whatever assistance he can derive from the settlers
not only for a vigorous defence but even to attack, and make as fierce a war as possible upon
them, until it be in his Majesty's power to adopt other resolutions.
It is, likewise, highly important that Sieur de Denonville do all that is proper to protect the
trade of the French in the distant posts, particularly at Missilimakinac, in order to prevent
the execution of the plan entertained for a long time by the English to establish themselves
there; and as he cannot preserve that post except by means of the Indian allies, it is important
that he encourage, by all means in his power, the hopes they may entertain of not being
abandoned, and that he foster, in every way, their animosity against the Iroquois.
M. de Seignelay to M. de Denonville.
Versailles, 1" May, 1689.
Extract.
Sir,
As the King explains to you his intentions on the affairs generally of Canada in the Memoir
you will receive, I shall not repeat them to you here, and content myself with informing you,
that the most important service you can render his Majesty in the present conjuncture, would
be to succeed in negotiating a peace with the Iroquois, directly, without the interposition of the
English. Chevalier de Callieres whom you sent here to furnish explanations necessary in
the negotiation to be entered upon with tlie English, and which have been broken off by the
invasion of the Prince of Orange, has proposed to attack Manat and Orange, presupposing
that the inhabitants of these places, who are protestants, will not hesitate to declare against
the King of England, nor preserve appearances any longer with us. Although his Majesty
thought well of the proposal, he has not deemed its execution, at present, expedient, and is
pleased to return it to you, and to order me to write to you that he intends you should
Vol. IX. 63
418 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
examine it, and arrange means to put it into execution in case he, eventually, find it expedient
for his service to come to some conclusion on the correct plans and memoirs which he desires
you to send him on that subject.
Minute of the taking Possession of the Country on the Upper Mississippi.
Canada, Bay des Puants.
Record of the taking possession, in his Majesty's name, of the Bay des Puants,i
of the lake and rivers of the Outagamis,^ and Maskoutins,^ of the river
biskonche,^ and that of the Missiscipi, the country of the Nadouesioux, the
rivers S'* Croix and S' Peter, and other places more remote. S"" May, 16S9.
16S9. N». 6.
Nicholas Perrot, commanding for the King at the post of the Nadouesioux, commissioned by
the Marquis de Denonville Governor and Lieutenant General of all New France, to manage
the interests of Commerce among all the Indian tribes and peoples of the Bay des Puants,
Nadouesioux, Mascoutins and other Western Nations of the Upper Mississipi, and to take
possession in the King's name, of all the places where he has heretofore been, and whither he
will go.
We this day, the eighth of May one thousand six hundred and eighty* do, in presence of the
Reverend Father Marest of the Society of Jesus, Missionary among the Nadouesioux; of Mons'
de Borie-Guillot, commanding the French in the neighborhood of Ouiskonche on the
Mississipi ; Augustin Legardeur Esquire, Sieur de Caumont, and of Messieurs Le Sueur,
Hebert, Lemire and Blein ;
Declare to all whom it may Concern, that having come from the Bay des Puants and to the
lake of the Ouiskonches and to the river Mississipi, we did transport ourselves to the Country
of the Nadouesioux on the border of the River Saint Croix and at the "mouth of the River Saint
Peter, on the bank of which were the Mantantans, and farther up into the interior to the
North east of the Mississipi as far as the Menchokatonx with whom dwell the majority
of the Songeskitons and other Nadouessioux, who are to the North east of the Mississippi,
to take possession for, and in the name of the King, of the countries and rivers inhabited by
the said Tribes and of which they are proprietors. The present Act done in our presence,
Signed with our hand, and subscribed by the Reverend Father Marest Mess" de Borie guillot
and Caumont, and the Sieurs Le Sueur, Hebert, Lemire and Blein.
Done at the Post S'. Anthony, the day and year aforesaid. These presents are in duplicate;
Signed to the Original — Joseph Jean Marest of the Society of Jesus; N. P^rot, Legardeur
de Caumont Le Sueur; Jean Hebert, Joseph Lemire and F. Blein.
' Green Bay. 'Fox river. ' Lake Winnebago. •Wisconsin. 'Sic — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV- 419
Memoir of Chevalier de Callieres.
22 May, 16S9.
The expedition against New- York, which I have proposed, can be executed in the beginning
of next Autumn, if My Lord the Marquis de Seigneiay please to issue immediately the necessary
orders to put us in a condition to succeed therein, and to leave Rochelle in the month of June.
It is much more advantageous and certain to make this conquest this year than to wait until
next Spring, for reasons which I shall, hereafter, set forth.
In regard to the feasibility and time of the expedition, a month still remains to make all the
necessary preparations at Rochelle, and that time is more than sufficient if well employed.
I have demanded 900 quintals of flour for 45 days' subsistence of ICOO men, as well soldiers
as militia, destined for this expedition ; but as the season is advancing, and in order not to lose
time in Canada in the manufacture of biscuit there, I demand 400 quintals of biscuit and 500
quintals of flour.
Let the 400 quintals of biscuit be embarked for Canada with 200 quintals of flour.
Ten tons of freight are required for 100 quintals of biscuit, and five tons for 100 quintals of
flour, which amount in all to fifty tons of freight for these provisions. They can be
dispatched in the merchant vessels ready to sail for Quebec, or in a vessel chartered specially
for this freight with the Pork and Ammunition, I have required by a Memorandum.
In regard to the other 300 quintals of flour which will occupy fifteen tons of freight, they
can be put on board the two frigates to be ordered to come before Manathe. The frigate
L'Embuscade, destined for Acadia, will soon be ready to sail. She can be employed in this
expedition which will last only a month, and another frigate of 30 guns can be conjoined to
her. This will be the only increased expense his Majesty will incur by this expedition.
The ships leaving Rochelle towards the end of June, will arrive at Quebec, at the latest,
in the end of August. No more than three weeks or a month will be necessary to assemble
our soldiers and militia, arrange our bateaux and Canoes and other necessary equipages. We
shall thus leave, at the latest, between the 20"" September and P' October. Only a month will
be required for the Expedition, and we may calculate on the King being master of the whole
of New-York, at farthest, by the end of October; which is the best season for action in that
country, because it is a very fine month there; it is the season the Iroquois go hunting towards
the great Lakes, more than one hundred and fifty leagues distant from their Country; there
are no longer any troublesome flies; our farmers have then nothing to do, and they will still
have time to return home. >
It is further to be remarked that it takes only one month to sail from Rochelle to the mouth
of the River S' Lawrence, and that the navigation of that river up to Quebec usually occupies
another month for want of a favorable wind ; that when in the river I can anticipate the arrival
of the ships at Quebec some 15 or twenty days by embarking, as I offer to do, in a sloop at
the anchorage of Moulin Baude, to carry to Quebec his Majesty's orders, and to make every
preparation there for starting, whilst waiting Count de Frontenac's arrival with the ships.
By this means we shall be ready to start fifteen days sooner.
In regard to the certainty and utility of the expedition in the month of October, they are
founded on two main reasons. One is, that the English, being surprised and unprepared, will
not have time to adopt any measures, nor to fortify themselves, nor to expect any aid. The
other is, that his Majesty having this year incurred all the expense necessary for the support of
420 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
1400 men in Canada, it will be very usefully employed in this conquest which puts an end, for
the future, to two-thirds of that expense, by disbanding 900 of his Soldiers partly this winter
and the remainder next spring, making them settle in that conquered country, the preservation
of which will not require a garrison of more than four @ five hundred men. These will secure,
at the same time, the entire of Canada where it will be no longer necessary to keep troops
against the Iroquois who, by this conquest, will be without any ammunition, and whom we
shall then reduce on such conditions as will be acceptable to his Majesty.
That if we wait until spring, the English of New-York, aware of the rupture with France,
will be able to fortify themselves, during winter, and receive before the end of June of next
year some military reinforcements.
The expense the King will have incurred this season for the maintenance of 1400 men
becomes useless, inasmuch as it will not prevent parties of Iroquois coming to burn many of our
isolated settlements, which will not be able to afford each other assistance soon enough, even
were the number of soldiers there more than quadrupled ; and his Majesty will be under the
necessity of incurring the same expense again next year, which might be avoided in
proceeding with the expedition this season.
M. de Callieres to M. de Seignelay.
r of Chevalier de Callieres governor of Montreal, to the Marquis de
Seignelay respecting the Expedition proposed by him against New-York.
May, 16S9.
As the time is at hand to leave for the purpose of making all the preparations for the
projected expedition against New- York, and as it will be difficult to raise in the short time
that remains, the four hundred recruits necessary to complete the companies in Canada, and to
render them fit for action, I have thought of an expedient to save the King the expense of
that undertaking.
This expedient is as follows: — As two armed frigates will of necessity be required to attack
on the sea side the stone fort of four bastions in the port of Manathe, whilst we shall attack it
by land ; and as I have learned that his Majesty grants one frigate to guard the coasts of
Acadia with some soldiers for the security of that Country, the same frigate and soldiers, and
another added to it can be employed with orders to repair before Manathe by the fifteenth of
September and await there the signal, to be made them according to previous arrangement, to
enter the harbor and land their crews who must be composed of two hundred men, each, in
order that such force of 400 men may replace an equal number of the troops in Canada who
must be left on the road to garrison Orange and to guard the bateaux necessary for the return
of the Militia; as described in a preceding Memoir containing the plan of the Expedition.
The two Captains of these frigates ought to have orders to obey the officer in command of the
land forces until the fort of Manathe be reduced ; after which they could reimbark their men,
and the frigate designed to guard the Coast of Acadia, might proceed thither with her soldiers,
part of whom she would land and then continue to cruise along the coast; and the other
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 421
vessel could proceed to the Islands, and convey thither the soldiers she might have on board.
Thus no new expense would be created except the equipment of this second frigate which
might serve two purposes, and would not be employed more«than fifteen days or three weeks
in the Manathe expedition.
It would be well that these two frigates should first go direct to Acadia, to refesh their
soldiers there for some time and to put them in a fighting condition. Meanwhile they could
be usefully employed in erecting a fort which is required at Port Royal, for the security of that
settlement; and then take the elite both of those who will be brought along, and of those
already there, leaving until the return of the Manathe expedition, only 50 soldiers to guard the
fort they would have built at Port Royal.
'Twould also be necessary that his Majesty would be pleased to honor me as soon as possible
with his commands for my return to Canada, so that I may arrive there in season to provide
biscuit and canoes, and repair the bateaux, levy and muster the militia of the country, put
the troops in order, and make all the other preparations necessary for setting out on
this expedition.
In my preceding Memoir I have stated what is the sole means of saving Canada from the
threatening danger of immediate ruin to which she is exposed, in consequence of the supplies
of arms, ammunition and provisions furnished to the Iroquois by the English, and of their
intrigues among all the Indians to excite them against us ; that there is no hope of peace
with the Iroquois so long as they will be thus protected by the English of New- York ; and
that, were we to become masters of that English Colony, the Iroquois would be wholly
subjugated, by being deprived of the means of obtaining arms and powder, which they cannot
get elsewhere ; and thus we should be masters of all the rest of the Indians and of the entire
peltry trade; —
That his Majesty will, by these means, be rid of the extraordinary expenses he incurs in
order to preserve Canada, inasmuch as the revenues to be derived from New-York, conjoined to
those of Canada, will suffice to support the troops necessary for the security of these two
Colonies during the war; and that this conquest will become very useful to his Majesty and to
the trade of his subjects if it be retained during the peace ; —
That if the necessity of restoring it by a Treaty be foreseen, we can, whilst in possession of
it, have the disarmed Iroquois easily driven away and destroyed by the other Indians whom
we shall arm against them and thus retain in our dependancy, and place Canada beyond the
insults (of the Five Nations), to which it is greatly exposed by reason of the settlers' houses
being all dispersed along the River St. Lawrence, and of the utter impossibility of preventing
with the troops we have, those savages coming in the night time to set fire to the dwellings,
burn the corn and kill the farmers and their cattle, obstruct the plowing and sowing, and thus
starve the Colony; —
That if a defensive course is to be adhered to, the King will find himself, every year,
subjected to the same expense, without any advantage to his service except the preservation of
a country ruined by continual incursions of enemies who will, finally, be able to force us, for
want of assistance, to abandon it; destroy the Religion in that quarter and profit by the
heavy expenses incurred there for the settlement of a great number of his Majesty's subjects,
who will be reduced to destruction or obliged to change masters, and his Majesty's other
subjects will be deprived of the advantages they derive from the Cod fishery, the peltry and
other trade they follow in those countries. This can be avoided by the proposed conquest of
422 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
New-York, whereby the English will be anticipated in the design they have formed, long since,
of ruining Canada.
It may be objected to this prt)ject, that there will be no occasion to attack that Colony if it
acknowledge the King of England ; and if it recognize the Prince of Orange, that war has not
yet been declared against France, either by him or the English Nation towards which some
management can be employed.
We answer : there is not the least doubt but New-Vork, which is exclusively protestant and
inhabited by Dutchmen conquered by the English, will acknowledge the Prince of Orange as
soon as news is received of his usurpation ; and that, even were the King of England
recognized there, we can make use of the plausible pretext of having seized it with a view to
preserve it for him against the attacks of the rebels, and to give it back to him after his
Restoration or treat with him for it; and meanwhile, we can prevent the inhabitants of that
Colony furnishing our enemies, the Iroquois, with arms and ammunition, and exciting them as
they do against us, notwithstanding the orders to the contrary they have received from his
Britannic Majesty, and notwithstanding the Treaty of Neutrality between the two nations,
which they have violated in divers particulars.
That, if New-York acknowledge the Prince of Orange, it cannot be doubted but in his present
dispositions towards France, he will soon come to a rupture with us on account of interests
much graver than those of that Colony; and that, though an open rupture with the English
nation do not occur, the inhabitants of New-York will continue to violate the Treaty of
Neutrality, and make new efforts to ruin Canada, and monopolize the entire trade, according
to their ancient plan, this is more than sufficient to determine us to anticipate them, subject to
the restitution of the Country to the English by a new Treaty and a settlement of the
boundaries between the two Colonies; which is absolutely necessary for the establishment of
peace there, in consequence of the ill-founded pretences of the English and of their continual
attacks on the countries incontestibly belonging to his Majesty. The proof of this is found in
their expedition to Michilimakinac, and to the Country of the Iroquois which they claim
without any right, and in the hostile proceedings of Sir Andros, the English governor, against
Pentagouet in Acadia which belongs to his Majesty, whence it is easy to infer that they will
not spare us during this Campaign if we do not take means to be beforehand with them.
If his Majesty approve the proposal of capturing New- York, and do me the honor to confide
to me the conduct of the expedition, I shall prepare a new estimate of the articles I consider
necessary for its success, and of the means to charge its equivalent to the funds his Majesty
ordinarily applies to Canada, so as to economise them as much as possible.
Instructions for tJie Invasion of Neio - Yorh.
Memoir to serve as Instruction for Count de Frontenac respecting the Expedition
against New-York. 7 June, 1G89.
[ From the bound Register in the Archives of the Marine. ]
The King having caused to be examined the proposal submitted to him by Chevalier de
Callieres Bonnevue of Montreal, to attack New-York with the troops his Majesty maintains in
PAEIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 423
Canada and some of the militia of that country,' He has the more readily consented thereto
since he knows that the English inhabiting that country have contemplated, of late years,
exciting the Iroquois nations, his Majesty's subjects, with a view to oblige them to make war
on the French ; that they have, with that design, supplied them with arms and ammunition, and
sought by all means, even contrary to the orders of the King of England and the faith of
Treaties, to usurp the trade in the Countries which have from all time been in the possession
of the French.
For the execution of the above proposal, his Majesty has given directions to Sieur Begon to
prepare the necessary munitions for this expedition, and has equipped two of his Ships of
War at the port of Rochefort under the command of Sieur de la Caffiniere whom he has
ordered to follow precisely the instructions Sieur de Frontenac will give him respecting
this expedition.
He will proceed with all diligence to embark at Rochelle on board one of the ships, and sail
without loss of time for the mouth of the Gulf of S' Lawrence and the Bay of Campseaux,
where, in order to proceed to Quebec, he will embark on board the best of the merchantmen
that will have followed him.
Previous to quitting his Majesty's ships, he will give orders to Sieur de la Caffiniere to
await news of him, and will prescribe to him what he will have to do until that time ; also
the place where he is to receive them ; and direct him to capture all the ships belonging to the
English and other enemies he will fall in with, during his sojourn on that coast.
Time and circumstances permitting, he will, on entering the River S' Lawrence, detach
Chevalier de Callieres before him to Quebec, with a view to gain time and make the necessary
preparations for the expedition against New- York, in concert with, and under the orders of,
the Marquis de Denonville who is instructed by his Majesty to give credit to him, and to what
orders he shall receive in this regard from Sieur de Frontenac ; especially to keep secret the
said expedition, and to mask the preparations for it under such pretext as he shall judge best
adapted to conceal it, and to induce the Militia and the Regulars to cooperate therein
more willingly.
Said Sieur de Frontenac must, on his part, observe this secrecy as much as possible, and
particularly use all diligence imaginable in his operations, as his Majesty is persuaded that the
expedition would not be practicable at any other season than next Autumn, for which time he
has fixed it.
Therefore, as soon as Sieur de Frontenac will have arrived at Quebec, he must take
advantage of the state in which he will find things there, so as to complete the proper
arrangements to start with the bateaux, canoes and all the force necessary for that expedition,
and in company with Chevalier de Callieres who will command the troops under his orders.
He will immediately despatch, by land and sea as he shall consider best, to the said Sieur
de la Caffiniere, at the place he will have indicated to him, the order and an instruction as to
what he will have to do to repair to Manathe, making use of the cipher with which he shall
have been furnished.
He will order him to sail direct, and without undertaking anything on his route, coasting
along to Manathe from Acadia, where he will leave, in passing, what he will have for the said
coast of Acadia; and will instruct him to anchor as securely as possible, and to observe well
the spot where he will be able to effect a landing, on Sieur de Frontenac's arrival there.
424 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
He will order said Sieur de la Caffiniere to seize the vessels he will find in the bay of
Manathe, without exposing himself to any risk that might put it out of his power to cooperate
with this expedition.
As it does not appear possible to fix a certain rendezvous, so that said ships may arrive at
Manathe simultaneously with Sieur de Frontenac and the Troops and without alarming the
people of those parts, both Vessels of War must proceed right up into the Bay; the rather, as
the attack on the out posts of New-York will give warning to those of Manathe, and, thus, the
ships arriving in that quarter before the land forces will cause a diversion there.
Sieur de Frontenac being informed of the proposed plan and means, viz. a detachment of
900 @ 1000 Regulars of Canada and of 600 militia, will, before he leaves, arrange with
Sieur Denonville the measures to be adopted for the security of the Colony, and for the
employment there of the troops and militia which are to remain as a protection against
the incursions of the Iroquois, so as to furnish orders thereon to Chevalier de Vaudreuil, whom
his Majesty wishes to command in Canada pending Sieur de Frontenac's expedition, and after
Sieur Denonville's departure.
For which purpose he will leave the necessary instructions to Sieur de Vaudreuil and indicate
to him those of the Council whom he is to employ; the whole, likewise, in concert with said
Sieur de Denonville, with whom he will examine whether the expedition against New-York
cannot be effected with a less number of men than the sixteen hundred as proposed, in order,
thus, to leave more to guard the country.
Sieur de Frontenac being informed of the route he will take, in regard to which he will
make more particular inquiries on the spot, for the convenience, security and expedition
of the troops. His Majesty will not enter into further detail on that point, nor on the attack
on Orange and Manathe, nor on any thing that relates thereto. He will solely recommend
him to act as much as possible, in such a manner that those of Orange may not be advised of
his march, so that he may surprise this first post and cut in below it to secure the number
of vessels he may require to descend to Manathe, and to arrange things so as not to be uneasy
when he shall depart for, and be established at, that place. For this purpose he ought to station
a confidential officer at Orange with such detachment as he will find necessary to leave there,
with order to be on his guard, and to fortify himself and obtain all information possible for the
success of the expedition against Manathe. He will also cause all the inhabitants to be
disarmed and their eflfects to be seized, giving them to hope every good treatment with which
they can flatter themselves until he entertains no further apprehensions; then His Majesty
desires that what is hereinafter prescribed to him, may be executed.
His Majesty wishes particular care to be taken to prevent any plunder of provisions,
merchandise, ammunition, property, cattle, implements and principal household furniture ; and as
his object must be to place Forts Orange and Manathe in a state of defence, and to support the
Frenchmen who will have remained there, he must not only victual these forts for the longest
time possible but collect in them all he can of provisions, which, in default of a sufficient
quantity of Magazines in said forts, he will lock up in the towns, taking care not to touch those
which he will have deposited in said forts except when obligated so to do.
His Majesty does not wi§h any suspected colonist to be left in that Colony. His intention
also is that an exact Inventory be made in the settlements and plantations by Commissary
Gaillard (whom His Majesty wishes him to take with him,) of all cattle, grain, merchandise,
furniture, effects and utensils he may find in each of the said settlements ; that he select from
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 425
among the inhabitants of Canada and the officers and soldiers of the troops those who will be
found qualified to maintain and improve the same, and that he furnish them with farms in His
Majesty's name, leaving them of the provisions that will be found there, so much as shall be
necessary to support them until they have produced a supply ; and he will examine, one with
another (le fort et le faible) those to whom he will think proper to grant said farms, so as to
distribute the greater number in proportion to their skill and strength, observing to associate
several in the same settlement when he will deem such necessary. He will inform His Majesty
of all he shall have done in this regard by sending h\xa the enumeration of what he shall have
left in each such settlement, and furnish his opinion of the Quit rents (redevance) which they
will be in a condition to pay him. After having settled on what he shall judge absolutely
necessary to leave to those to whom he will have given these farms, he will place in store all
the surplus, such as grain, whale oil and all sorts of merchandise and other principal eflects of
which also inventories shall be made to be sent, in like manner, to his Majesty.
He will examine into the means of selling said property so that from what he will realize
there, his Majesty may order, on his report, the gratuities he shall judge fitting to bestow on
the Militia, on the army and navy officers, soldiers and sailors who shall have distinguished
themselves and given individual marks of that satisfaction his Majesty expects from their zeal
and industry on this occasion.
As there will be, among said effijcts and merchandise, some which cannot be sold except in
France, he will be able to put on board the two men of War whatever is most valuable,
and they can carry without inconvenience to their sailing ; some can also be embarked in
Merchant ships which will be found at said Manathe, causing them to be manned for
that purpose.
If he find among the inhabitants of New-York, — whether English or Dutch — any Catholics
on whose fidelity he considers he can rely, he may leave them in their habitations after making
them take the oath of allegiance to His Majesty, provided there be not too many of them and
that they do not excite any suspicion, having regard, herein, only to what will be best to promote
the preservation and advantage of the Colony and his security at the same time as well as that
of the French.
He will be at liberty to retain, as prisoners if he think proper, such mechanics and other
working people as are necessary to cultivate the land and work at fortifications, distributing
them among the French inhabitants who may require them, until matters being in a state of
entire security, they may be restored to liberty.
The officers and principal inhabitants, from whom ransoms are to be exacted, must be
detained in prison.
Respecting all other foreigners, men, women, and children, his Majesty deems it proper that
they should be put out of the Colony and sent to New England, Pennsylvania and to such
other quarters as shall be considered expedient, either by land or.sea, together or in divisions —
all according as will best secure their dispersion and prevent them affording the enemy, by
their reunion, an opportunity to get up expeditions against that Colony.
He will send to France the French refugees whom he will find there, particularly those of
the pretended Reformed religion. When he will have captjired the forts and conquered that
Colony, he must consider particularly of his return to Canada, in order to convey tliither tiie
Militia and Soldiers he shall deem necessary for the King's service, according to the disposition
in which he slfall find things both as regards the Iroquois, as well on the side of Canada as
Vol. IX. 64
426 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
on that of New-York, and in proportion to what troops he will calculate necessary to be left
to guard the forts and country.
And as nothing appears more important, after his expedition, than to take advantage of the
season to return to Canada, he must, in case he cannot effect all what is above contained,
confide its execution to Chevalier de Callieres, giving him orders conformable and according to
what he shall consider most fitting the King's service ; His Majesty having determined
to confer on the said Chevalier de Callieres the Government of New-York, and of the town
and fort of Manathe in particular, under the authority of His Majesty's Lieutenant-General
in New France.
He will select, before leaving, the officers and soldiers he will deem proper to leave at
New- York, and put over the posts those officers best qualified to maintain and fortify them.
In case he find, after having provided sufficient troops for New- York and concluded on the
number of soldiers necessary for His Majesty's service in Canada, that he has a superabundance,
he can send some to France in the King's ships, and retain thirty-five to forty men to be sent
eventually to Acadia.
His Majesty is very glad to observe to him on this head, that he must regulate himself, as
regards tiie number of men he will leave in New-York, according to the means of subsistence
there and the necessity of securing the country'; and he will also consider that his return to
Canada will be more convenient for those he will have to bring back there, when they will not
be more numerous.
In case, that contrary to all appearance, the season be too far advanced to admit his return to
Canada during the remainder of the Fall, he will send word thither of his expedition and of his
sojourn until the spring, and employ himself during the winter in securing his conquest and
waging war on the enemy.
However that be, he ought, if he be obliged to remain, either personally or through Chevalier
de Callieres, if that be convenient, profit by circumstances to conclude a solid and advantageous
peace with the Iroquois, whom he will, dotibtless find disposed to sue for it, being deprived of
aid from, and communication with the English.
In order to deprive the English of the facility of undertaking land expeditions against New-
York from New England, His Majesty desires that the English settlements adjoining Manathe
and further off if necessary, be destroyed; and that the more distant be put under contribution.
He will send an exact report of all the observations he will be able to make regarding the
trade of the new inhabitants of New-York, the security of the navigation thence to France,
and the communication with Canada, so that His Majesty may give him on those points the
orders necessary to derive from that conquest all the advantages to be expected from it. But
should this expedition not be executed, contrary to all appearances, and for reasons which His
Majesty cannot foresee, he will convey his orders to the said Sieur de la Caifiniere to make
war against the English, and to range also along the coasts of New England and New- York to
capture there as many prizes as possible, and to remain there until he have no more
provisions than are necessary for his return to France.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 427
Instructions for Count de Frontenac.
Instruction for Count de Frontenac, Governor and Lieutenant-General for the
King in the countries under His Majesty's dominion in North America.
7"" June, 16S9.
After having explained to him his Majesty's intentions respecting every thing relating to
Religion, he is to be informed of vphatever regards the armed defence of the country, which
must be his principal duty.
As Count de Frontenac has a thorough knowledge of that country, his Majesty will not
dwell on its situation nor on the interests of the Colony as regards neighbouring nations,
whether in Europe or in America, but will content himself with explaining to him its present
state in respect to the Iroquois war. Wherefore, he must be informed that Sieur de
Denonville having orders to make war on the Iroquois nations, invaded the country of the
Senecas in the year 16S7 with a considerable body of Regulars, a portion of Militia and a
number of Indians, allies of the French; laid waste all their cabins, burnt their corn and forced
'them to take refuge among the other tribes.
That exploit, though considerable, not having the effect of bringing those Indians to reason,
and the said Sieur de Denonville perceiving how injurious the war was to the Colony, found
means to have them persuaded to sue for peace. To this end, deputies from three of those
Nations waited on him at Montreal, and promised him to come immediately with those of the
two other tribes, to demand all together a cessation of hostilities. And these Five Nations
did, in fact, shortly after, send some Deputies, and peace would have been concluded, were it
not that a party of Hurons having waylaid them on the road, prevented the negotiation
being completed.
Sir Andros having arrived at the same time at New- York, to succeed Colonel Unguent,' he
gave notice to the Iroquois that he took them all under his protection, forbade them to make
peace without his participation, and wrote to that effect to Sieur de Denonville.
Things were in this wise when the last letters were despatched, and as the Revolution which
has since broke out in England, will have made matters still worse, his Majesty has resolved,
in order to terminate this war which is so damaging to the Colony, to have an attack made
on New-York, as he has more fully explained to Sieur de Frontenac ; and is persuaded that the
Iroquois warriors, when they will no longer receive aid from the English, will be obliged to
conform to his Majesty's pleasure.
His Majesty will not enlarge further on the necessity of procuring peace for that Colony,
Sieur de Frontenac being informed of the state of the country; how all the settlements are
dispersed so as to be unable to help each other, and how the occupation which the war gives
the settlers prevents them attending to agriculture and trade. He is therefore to apply himself
particularly to the establishment of a durable peace with all the neighboring Tribes, and
adopt the best possible means to maintain it.
Sieur de Denonville caused a fort to be erected at Niagara in the beginning of this war,
pretending, thereby, to prevent the Iroquois passing to the North,' and to encourage the Illinois
and other Far nations to come and make war, having a secure retreat in that fort. But a
' Dongan. — Ed.
428 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
number of soldiers having died there ; the revictualing thereof being, moreover, extremely-
expensive, and the hostile tribes not having, as yet, taken advantage of that retreat, Sieur de
Denonville thought proper to demolish it, and to preserve only Cataracouy, his Majesty has
let him know that he approved of what he did in regard to' said fort at Niagara, and even
promised him to abandon that at Cataracouy if he considered it necessary; he gives Sieur de
Frontenac the same power, and is very glad to observe merely to him that he must not adopt
any resolution in this regard unless after an examination made with all requisite attention as
to the utility or inutility of that fort.
He is informed that the English having, by means of one Radisson a French refugee,
invaded a fort and some habitations which the Northern Company of Canada had established
in the [Hudson's] Bay on the ruins called Bourbon and S' Therese, those interested in that
Company, dispatched one hundred men in 1686, who made themselves masters of the three
Forts the English had erected at the head (dans le funds) of that Bay.
The intelligence of this reciprocal invasion caused a meeting at London of Commissioners
on the part of his Majesty and of the King of England, at which, not being able to concur as
to the facts, they agreed to postpone the negotiation to the first of January of the present
year. It could not be continued in consequence of the revolution in England. As the
English, in the present troublesome conjuncture in that Kingdom, will not, seemingly, have
adopted great precaution in those parts, his Majesty desires him to afford that Company the
protection it will need as well for the expulsion of the English from the posts they occupy
there, as for the continuation of trade.
At this same conference a discussion was held respecting an interruption effected by the
English at Pentagouet, a possession of the French, and the justification of the violence which
had been committed was deferred until the resumption of the negotiation. His Majesty-
desires that Sieur de Frontenac, with Sieur de Mesneval, the present Governor of Acadia,
do adopt the measures necessary to prevent like incursions of the enemy, and to restrain them
within their limits, in case it be not practicable to make an attack on them.
M. de CalUeres to M. de Seignelay.
Memoir addressed by Chevalier de Callieres to My Lord the Marquis de
Seignelay. On the present condition of Canada. November 8th, 1689.
Peace cannot reasonably be expected to be made with the Iroquois by negotiation, so long
as the English Colonies continue our enemies and furnish them at a low rate with all their
necessaries, and with arms and ammunition to wage war on us.
There is no other means of reducing those Savages except force, and carrying out the
plan submitted for the capture of New-York. As long as hopes are entertained of succeeding
otherwise, wrong measures will be adopted.
If a defensive policy is to be pursued in Canada, it is impossible to prevent its being ruined
by the incursions alone of the Iroquois ; they will continue to burn all the houses scattered
along the River Saint Lawrence,, and to plunder the settlers, without any possibility of
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 429
protecting the latter even with four times as many troops as are in the country, in
consequence of the remoteness of the scattered settlements; and they will starve the settlers
hy preventing them sowing and reaping, and by setting fire to their grain and houses, as
they did last August when they killed one hundred and fifty of the French after- having
subjected them to horrible tortures, and burnt all the settlements from the Point of the Island
of Montreal to within a league of Ville marie.
Were New-York taken, the Iroquois are reduced to sue for peace and to submit to such
conditions as will be imposed on them, because we shall be in the centre of their country, in
a position to exterminate them should they resist ; and they will be deprived of munitions and
other supplies necessary for their defence and subsistence, all of which they derive from that
English Colony.
This expedition can be accomplished at two seasons of the year ; before and after the harvest.
It would have been much easier the last fall of the year 16S9, had we arrived in time, than
it will be in 1690, because the enemy would have been surprised and not have had leisui-fe to
fortify themselves. However, it is feasible still, if his Majesty please to grant us the help
necessary for that expedition on which entirely depends the safety of Canada.
The surest means of success would be to attack Manhat by sea with six ships, having on
board a landing party of 1200 men. These would be sufficient to carry the stone fort whilst
the troops from Canada would attack by land the town and fort of Orange, whence a portion
of the Regulars could afterwards go down to Manhat in order to remain in garrison there
instead of the marine forces who could reimbark and continue their voyage to the Islands,
so as to provide for the security thereof.
The other, and least expensive plan is, to send 300 recruits to Canada to be employed in
garrisoning the principal posts against the incursions and burnings of the Iroquois ; and to
attach them to 300 other soldiers of the 1300 who remain in Canada, in order to protect the
country pending the expedition, and, then, to proceed with a thousand Regulars and 4 @ 500
picked Militia, in bateaux and canoes, along the River Richelieu as far as Lake S' Sacrament,
and thence to Orange, carrying the Canoes along and leaving 200 men to guard the bateaux,
capture Orange, and afterwards, in sloops to be found at that place and in Canoes brought
there, go down the Albany river to Manhat, leaving a garrison in Fort Orange.
For the support of the attack on Manhat, there would be required two well armed frigates
which could land 300 men to replace those left on the way, and convey thither munitions,
provisions, and the necessary implements which were embarked last year agreeably to the
annexed Memorandum, and which ought still to be in their original packages.
These two frigates ought be sent towards the end of March to Port Royal in Acadia, there
to await orders from Quebec, and to provide, meanwhile, for the safety of Port Royal, which is
very liable to be seized by the English of Boston, and the preservation whereof is of primary
importance.
A third frigate would be required, which should sail at the same time for Quebec with his
Majesty's orders, and to convey thither and escort the 300 recruits, the money necessary for
the payment of the troops, and a fund for the Extraordinary of war, with flour, pork and
other needful articles for the support of the military, and for the expedition, the Memoir
whereof the Intendant of Canada promised to send to My Lord the Marq'uis de Seignelay.
The capture of New-York will not only protect Canada but increase considerably its
revenues arid trade, and greatly diminish the expenses his Majesty is obliged to incur for
the preservation of that Colony, which is in imminent danger, if this remedy be not applied.
430 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
It may be objected that it is only necessary to go and attack the Iroquois and destroy them,
instead of attacking the English. It is answered, that to attack the Iroquois would require
two bodies each of 2000 men, who should carry with them all their provisions across forests,
marshes and other inaccessible places where nothing is to be had, and that if attacked on one
side only, they would escape on the other, as they did when we burned the four Seneca
Villages, and would find provisions among the four other Iroquois Nations, and the English of
New-York, and afterwards return to burn our country as before ; and that it is much easier
and more useful to attack New-York, which is a populous and cultivated country, supplied with
provisions, whence many useful things can be derived; and which will render the King Master
of the Iroquois, and through them of all the other Indians of North America, and furnish him
the means of establishing the Faith there.
Freiglit shipped on board Le Fourgon and B Embuscade.
Statement of what has been put on board the Ships Le Fourgon and
L'' Embuscade.
First.
1 boat to serve for the landing of the cannon and all their furniture.
4 pieces of iron cannon of the calibre of 12"".
4 field carriages for the said cannon.
500 balls.
3 mortars.
200 bombs.
300 loaded grenadoes.
100 iron-shod wooden shovels.
200 spades.
50 pickaxes.
200"" cannon powder.
200"" gun powder.
60 quintals of pork.
20 barrels of Brandy.
1 petard, with its platform, craups and tire-fonds.
4 iron pincers.
2 maces.
The crab, rigged.
1 limber of a field piece.
300 eight-inch nails.
30"" of saltpetre.
3 bundles of 3-inch rope.
30 anchor rings {Organncaux).
70 plank.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 431
200 stoppers for the bombs.
60"' of Wax old ointment with some verdigris.
S handspikes.
3 wash-hand basins.
3 iron rods.
3 mallets.
30,000"" of Flour. . ^
1 Roll of tobacco.
Observations on the State of Affairs in Canada.
Extract from the Observations on the State of the Affairs of Canada at the
departure of the ships, the IS"" N"ovember, 16S9.
It appears that the ill founded hope of Peace with the Iroquois, caused the inactivity in
which the last Campaign had been passed. M. de Champigny advises that nothing had been
done but encamping 22 companies near Villemarie, on the Island of Montreal.
The Iroquois, to the number of about 1500, made a descent on that Island on the S""
August, and perpetrated whatever destruction and cruelties they pleased. Sieur de La
Rabeyre was thereupon detached from Villemarie with about 80 men to throw himself into Fort
Roland within view of which they were defeated.
Several officers here, some of whom were in that fort which was commanded by Chevalier
de Vaudreuil, report that having deliberated with him as to making a sortie to receive that
reinforcement and to place the Iroquois between two fires, Sieur de Vaudreuil was prevented
by the precise orders which he had.
The Iroquois returned the 13"^ November with 150 men only to some frontier settlements
where they committed similar grave disorders; killed and led the settlers away into captivity.
News of this last action was received at Quebec at the moment of the departure of the
ships, in a letter from Chevalier de Callieres to Monsieur de Frontenac and in two others to
the Bishop, which they have transmitted.
Sieur de Frontenac had come down from Montreal. He had not had time during the brief
period subsequent to his arrival to acquaint himself with the state of affairs. He sends no
plan ; he expected that they would have executed this year the expedition against New-York,
of which-Chevalier de Callieres sends another plan. M. de Denonville also furnishes one, and
all agree in representing it as the principal means left for the preservation of Canada.
It appears that such a conquest would produce the effect anticipated. The English have
hardly any Colony so well settled, or whose trade would be of such advantage or utility to
France, in regard to her interests and those of Canada.
But the season is too far advanced to be able to effect it this year. It has to be accomplished
before the beginning of September, rather earlier than later, especially on account of the
necessary concert of vessels which must be employed. 'Tis even thought that, were it to
be executed next year, notice to that effect must be given now, or at latest next March to M.
de Frontenac in order that he make preparations for it.
432 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
A portion of the necessary expense has been incurred last year, partly for those articles
brought back in the two ships commanded by Sieur de La Caffiniere.
M. de Frontenac who is intimately acquainted with the country and with the enemies he
will have to deal with, will, apparently, have made use of all existing means practicable to
repress their incursions, maintain the Colony, and particularly to reestablish confidence in all
terrified minds.
In addition to what has been written, respecting the small amount of discipline among the
Colonists, it is to be observed that the officers who have returned to France from that country
assure, that their good will is alienated ; and it is to be inferred from what some have been
heard to state, that Sieur de Frontenac will be as much obstructed as he has been during his
first administration, for he will be obliged to act on different principles and according to other
councils than those which have been perhaps too dominant during this war.
Meanwhile it appears from all that has been collected from letters and reports that, the
King being unwilling to increase the expenditure at present, a vigorous defence can be
maintained in that colony by harrassing the enemy with the troops already there, the militia,
some friendly Indians and by means of the still remaining posts.
The extraordinary expenses for carrying the war into the enemy's country, and maintaining
the already abandoned posts of Niagara and Cataracouy, having ceased, it is to be hoped that
M. de Frontenac, by a more enconomical and better management of the ordinary funds than has
hitherto existed, will, in the extremity he has found matters, have employed the several means
still at his disposal, with more success.
The concentration of the settlements on the Upper part of the river, and the fortification of
posts have been begun since the year 1687.
The sudden attack by the Iroquois last year consequent on want of vigilance, and the
absence of subordination among the settlers have frustrated those precautions and brought on
the misfortunes which have happened.
It appears that orders are to be issued to continue those particular concentrations above
Three Rivers where the settlements, more exposed than in other places, are more widely
scattered, and farther from one another; poor land with a small number of men, so that there
is no inconvenience in reducing them and gathering the settlers in places where they will be
able to defend themselves and provide also for their subsistence in consequence of the facilities
the Seigniors will be obliged to afford their tenants, especially for feeding cattle.
The posts are apparently to be occupied by the greatest part of the troops at the time of
sowing and during the harvest, to guard the settlers who are then obliged to be abroad.
Incursions, it is to be hoped, will be prevented by vigilance. As the Iroquois have not hitherto
dared to attack the posts, at least with any advantage, parties can be sent out, even at those
times, according to circumstances.
At other seasons, larger bodies can be detailed and the Militia adjoined to the Soldiers, in
order to keep the enemy at a distance from the Colony by detachments which will always
gain some advantage over them.
This, in addition to the aid to be derived from three or four bateaux which can be
constructed in the country for service at the passes on the lakes, is all, it is thought, that can
be done for the protection of the Colony.
From the reports of officers and colonists here, it is the conviction that considerable
advantage can be derived in the existing state of things by operating, as just stated, for the
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV.
433
defence of the Colony; by making the Indian allies act beyond the Colony and in distant
quarters against the Iroquois; conjoining "to them even a few officers and soldiers, and some
Canadians who are best adapted to this sort of warfare, and also calling out the French at the
posts of Fort Saint Louis of the Illinois, of Michilimakinak and in Hudson's Bay, with
the neighboring tribes.
It appears necessary to move the Iroquois of the Sault and of La Prairie de La Madelaine
from Villemarie, if Monsieur de Frontenac have not already detached them, in order to place
them outside and in a position to operate against the enemy, without fearing the disorders that
may occur by retaining them within.
Iroquois Allies.
Assurance is given that very good service can be got from these against the enemy, provided
they receive some aid for the support of their families, and some ammunition. It is but a
trifling expense, and will be productive of great inconvenience to the enemy; whilst, if neither
assisted nor employed, it is to be feared they will alter their inclinations and join the Iroquois
from whom they separated, so as to be able to subsist and to live more quietly among
the French.
Abenaquis.
The Abenakis, or Canibas, who occupy,
towards the coast, the country above Acadia
inland from Douaques or Mount desert to the
River Saint George which separates Acadia
from New England, ordinarily reside on the
River Quinibequy and disperse themselves for
the purpose of hunting as far as Quebec,
whither they have been attracted by the Mis-
sionaries. Of all the Indians these are the
bravest and most formidable to the English.
The experience of what they effected last
year by the capture of Fort Pencuit and 16 pal-
lisadoed settlements, ought to be an assurance
of what may be expected from them, were
they to receive some assistance for the expe-
ditions on which they can be led against the
Iroquois in the direction of Quebec, and against
the English, towards Acadia.
They can be put in motion at a trifling
expense, and the enemy thus harrassed will be
discouraged, and we shall maintain ourselves
whilst waiting a more favorable opportunity
to subjugate them, or to force them to a peace.
The preservation of Acadia is due to these
Canibas. They alone have prevented the
English invading and settling it; and its
security depends for a solid foundation on the
continuance of the war they will wage against
the English, and on their assistance if it be
attacked. It would be supposed much more
important to leave them in their ancient
dwelling places, which are more convenient
for waging war against the English, than to
draw them to Quebec for the purpose of do-
mesticating them there. Moreover, the trade
they bring thither, is less than that they car-
ried on with the settlers of Acadia; and as
regards the very scanty fruits Religion collects
from these Tribes, the Jesuits and Missionaries
can employ themselves equally in the direc-
tion of Acadia. My Lord is requested to order
an appropriation from the Canada funds to make
them some trifling presents. A Memoir of the
Canibas has been furnished by a gentleman of
Acadia, who is the only one that 1 know who
is conversant with the Coasts and places
of New-York.
Vol. IX.
434 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Illinois and Southern Indians. Fort Saint Louis.
For the preservation and maintenance of Fort Saint Louis, it is, at the same time, necessary
to keep the Illinois and other southern tribes in good understanding with the French, and in
their natural hatred against the Iroquois, by means of small presents, even by giving them some
ammunition. With this view, it is supposed that it will be necessary to give orders to
M. de Frontenac to aid Sieurs de La Forest and Tonty who promise to maintain themselves in
that post without being any charge to the King, and also to send back Sieur de la Forest who
has suggestions to make to M. de Frontenac, whereby the enemy can be greatly damaged,
should time and circumstances permit.
Out aw ACS towards the North : Missilimakinak.
It is also supposed to be highly necessary to order M. de Frontenac to maintain the post of
Missilimakinak, with a view of keeping the Outawacs in good understanding, and to engage
them to wage war against the Iroquois by making them, also, some trifling presents.
The war which has always existed with the Iroquois has never obstructed the
communication with the Nations of the North by way of the river of the Outawacs and other
routes which are the outlets of all the chief commerce of the French who would lose it were
Missilimakinak abandoned, in which case that trade would naturally be conveyed by those
Nations to the English who would not fail even to settle there, as they attempted to do three
years ago when taken on their way thither.
Summary of Intelligence from Canada. 1689, 1690.
Extracts from the Letters and Memoirs of Mess" de Frontenac, de Denonville
de Champigny, Chevalier de Callieres &c.
State of affairs before and since Monsieur de Frontenac's arrival, up to the departure of
the Vessels.
M. de Champigny advises by his letter dated
6"" July, 1689, that the affairs of the war were
in the same state as last year; what kept M.
de Denonville in suspense, was his not being
able to do any thing until he should learn his
Majesty's intentions and the plans of the
Iroquois who were always expected to come
in to conclude a firm peace.
Sieur de Champigny advises by his letter
of the 16"" November that a party of 1500
Iroquois which had come on the Island of
Montreal on the 5"" August, not having dared
to attack the forts, had laid waste the country,
PARIS DOCUMENTS: IV.
435
Mess" de Frontenac and de Champigny
advise that Sieurs du Luth and Mantet, since
that burning, have, with 28 Canadians at-
tacked 22 Iroquois and two canoes, and killed
IS of them, took three who were given to the
Indians to be burned, one only having escaped.
Said Sieur de Frontenac is of opinion that
war parties were not sent out often enough,
and that had such advantages been experienced
they could have greatly lowered the pride of
the Iroquois which had been vastly inflated
by the defeat of Lieutenant Rabeyre, who was
dispatched at the time of the Iroquois foray of
the 5"" of August, to throw himself into a
fort, and who, having fallen in with the main
body of the enemy, was taken prisoner after
having performed wonders.
The Bishop sends with his letter those he
received from Montreal the 17"" November
relative to the disorders of this second invasion
of the Iroquois, and says he cannot describe
the terror they have spread among the people
and the soldiers. The appearance of a small
number of those Indians is sufficient to make
them abandon every thing; that it is to be
feared the country must be abandoned if it
be not powerfully reinforced and if this war
be not terminated by the capture of Manathe
and Orange, from which the King will derive
great advantages, in addition to the subjection
of the Iroquois, who obtain arms and powder
only from these two places.
set fire to every thing and carried off men, wo-
men and children, on many of whom they had
perpetrated unheard of cruelties, and that they
have since been in several places in small
parties and killed some persons.
M. de Frontenac adds in his letter of the
IS"" November, that, having arrived on the 12""
&"' at Quebec, he had gone to Montreal in
quest of Mess", de Denonville and de Cham-
pigny, and had found consternation spread
among the people, and the troops dejected;
that the people were still terrified by the
burning at their very doors of more than three
leagues of country on the Island of Montreal
and in the canton of La Chine, by the forcible
carrying off of more than 120 persons, after
a massacre of 200 burned, roasted alive,
devoured, children being torn from their
mothers' wombs.
The troops, fatigued by the alarm they have
had since, having'been employed for six weeks
in transporting the corn of the Indians of the
Sault mission and in building them a fort,
were exhausted ; the bateaux and canoes were
in disorder, so that not SO of them were fit
for use.
Said Sieur de Frontenac writes in his letter
of the l?"" 9''" that the ships being ready to
sail, he learns by a letter from Chevalier de
Callieres of the 14'^ that one hundred and
fifty Iroquois had made a descent, the day
before, on La chesnaye and the Island of
Jesus, opposite the lower end of the Island
of Montreal (bout de risk de Motitreal du cote
d'en has) had burned the settlements up to
the very fort, captured and killed all the in-
habitants, two only of whom had escaped ;
that said Sieur de Callieres had immediately
sent a reinforcement of two Companies to
River des Prairies, and detached a party of
170 Indians to the Lake of the Two Mountains
to endeavor to cut off the enemy's retreat.
M. de Frontenac states, that it having been
very difficult to get up any military movement,
Mess""', de Denonville and de Champigny had,
436
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
M. de Denonville says that M. de Frontenac
was not of opinion to demolish Fort Catara-
couy, but that he would have done it as early
as 16S8 had it not been for the, hope of a
peace with the Iroquois. That it is a great
evil to have occupied posts beyond the reach
of the Colony, and that it had been better to
let the Indians come to the settlements in
quest of the goods.
M. de Champigny in his letter of the 16"" of
November states, that M. de Denonville, seeing
himself unable to maintain Cataracouy, had
given orders to abandon it, and to blow it up,
that post being useless in a bay, occupying no
pass, independent of the number of men which
it would require to convey supplies, and the
garrison having almost wholly perished in
1687 and 168S.
And by his letter of G"" July, 1689, he
had stated that the garrison was in good
health, and that one man only had died there.
Sieur de Champigny likewise says, that M.
de Frontenac appeared angry at the abandon-
ment of this fort, and had resolved to send
assistance thither; that he does not know his
reasons. He believes it was razed because
the enemy demanded its demolition, and that
it was a place to confer with them in time of
peace. But that M. de Denonville had previ-
ously issued his orders.
doubtless for that reason, informed him that
the execution of the proposed project against
New-York was impossible in the actual con-
juncture of affairs, no bateaux or canoes being
ready and the season so far advanced
Mess" de Denonville and de Champigny
proposed to M. de Frontenac only the carrying
out the plan that had been projected before
his arrival — to send 150 men in canoes to the
relief of the garrison of Fort Cataracouy
commanded by Sieur de Valrenne, to whom
M. de Denonville had previously sent Sieur
de Saint Pierre with orders to abandon the
said post of Cataracouy.
M. de Frontenac was astonished at this
resolution, and that a person who had been
four years in that country was not persuaded
of the importance of this post, whereof ten
years' experience had demonstrated to him the
consequence and the advantages to be derived
from it for the preservation of the trade with
the allies who, without this fort, would have
gone over to the English long ago; and more-
over, that such an abandonment should have
taken place before the receipt from Court of
any of the orders on the subject which said
Sieur de Denonville had solicited, after the
insolent propositions of the Iroquois by belts,
by one of which, transmitted by Sieur de Fron-
tenac, they demanded in bitter irony of Sieur
de Denonville the demolition of that Fort; a
demand that ought to have sufficed to prevent
it, in order not to aggravate their insolence
and give them so palpable an admission of our
weakness.
M. de Frontenac could not fail to oppose
this abandonment by various reasons too long
to be detailed, which the mere inspection of
the map will easily suggest; and to try, by
carrying out a part of M. de Denonville's
project, if it were not possible to prevent the
loss of that post, which he apprehends will
ruin our reputation in the opinion of the allies,
when they will perceive that there will no
longer be a place where they can hope to find
PARIS DOCUMENTS: IV.
437
M. de Denonville says he had given orders
to sap the walls of the fort before leaving it,
and that they were satisfied with undermining,
which will not produce any effect.
He proposes as a remedy that M. de Fronte-
nac be ordered to send thither a detachment of
three hundred men, to assuredly destroy it.
a retreat; and also, in that of the Iroquois
who are still less disposed to peace.
He had hoped to throw in season a suffi-
cient convoy, into that fort, by attaching 25
Canoes of provisions and ammunition to those
which were to convey the 150 men designed
by Monsieur de Denonville for the relief of
the garrison, and to take advantage of that
opportunity to send back three of the Indians
returned from France, in order to announce to
the Iroquois Nations that the King had done
them the favor to send them all back with
their Chiefs who were waiting until they
should come in quest of them.
Continual rains, the difficulty of collecting
the requisite canoes and the small amount of
discipline kept up among the settlers, whose
services are necessary to conduct the Canoes,
prevented him, notwithstanding all his efforts,
effecting the embarcation at La Chine before
the 6"" of November, after having been there
three whole days.
He had not been two days in Montreal and
the convoy had not proceeded two leagues,
when Sieur de Vallerenne appeared in those
bateaux with the garrison.
A return so prompt surprised everybody;
he reported that he had burnt and thrown
into the river every thing he could, and as for
the two brass guns, that he had brought them
as far as Lake Saint Francis when he threw
them into a place where they would be easily
recovered ; that he had undermined the walls
of the fort in several places, and doubted not
but said mines had had their effect.
Monsieur de Frontenac will endeavor to
ascertain the truth, and whether the Iroquois
or English think of occupying that post which
could render them absolute masters of the
Outawacs and of all the other Northern
Nations, our allies, and consequently of the
entire trade.
The entire garrison has returned to the num-
ber of 45 men; six of them were drowned by
the accidental upsetting of a bateau. They
438
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
M. de Champigny states the same thing;
and M. de Frontenac explains that this infor-
mation came from a friendly Indian who
escaped from the hands of the Iroquois, but
that he does not attach any credit to it ; how-
ever, he was about to supply all the posts.
met no one on the route, a circumstance that
would have greatly facilitated the progress of
the convoy.
The property left in the fort — arms, ammu-
nition— is estimated at twenty thousand 6cus.
M. de Denonville states that the English of
Boston and Manatte have made considerable
presents to the Indians in order to induce
them to wage an irreconcilable war against
us, and to destroy the Colony on one side, and
the English by the river, and are to send six
vessels for that purpose.
OR Canibas.
M. de Denonville states that in consequence
of the good understanding he has had, through
two Jesuits, with these Indians, who occupy
the woods in the neighborhood of Boston, and
who are disposed to become Christians, he has
been afforded the means to seize, exclusive of
Penkuit, 16 Forts from the English during the
summer, in which were 20 cannon and 200
Men.
He says it will be necessary to attract them
to the mission established near Quebec, under
fore, it will be advantageous that they come to the name of Saint Francis de Salles, where he
take refuge in Quebec and that means of saw them to the number of 600 souls ; that
support be furnished them. they will be maintained by supplying them
with clothes, powder and lead, and if they are
to be induced to settle there, the village must
be fortified.
The Abenaquis
M. de Champigny reports also the capture
of Penkuit by the Indians who have no pow-
der but what he furnished them with last
summer.
That they belong mostly to the Sillery mis-
sion which will increase and become stronger
if provisions can be supplied in order to enable
them to cultivate some fields in their new
establishment two leagues from Quebec.
Should their war with the English continue,
it will draw the Iroquois down on them. There-
CONVERTED IrOQUOIS AT THE MiSSION OF La PrAIRIE DE LA MaDELAINE.
M. de Champigny reports the same thing in M. de Denonville says that he caused to be
his letter of the 16"" 9^". removed into Montreal the Mission of the Sault,
otherwise, of La Prairie de la Magdelaine,
which, he had been notified, the English were
desirous of seizing.
That they must be withdrawn from Montreal,
and their fort rebuilt by the soldiers, with
redoubts and palisades.
And that he is of opinion to remove to a
distance from the French settlements another
Mission which is within three quarters of a
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 489
league of Montreal and composed of Huron8
and of Iroquois, if it be desirable to in-
crease it.
Observations and Plans for the War.
Alio. Monsieur de Frontenac has sent three of the
Iroquois who arrived from France, to inform
the Chiefs that the others are at Quebec, and
he will urge the negotiations of peace by all
means in his power.
Chevalier de Callieres writes that it is idle He is not yet well acquainted with details,
to expect a peace with the Iroquois by means for which he refers to M. de Champigny so that
of negotiation as long as the English will be an idea may be formed of the want of troops
our enemies. and money for the execution of the proposed
That the defensive policy cannot prevent the project against New-York, and for defence
utter ruin of Canada by the Iroquois invading against the Iroquois.
the settlements scattered along the river, which Canada would be considerable were the
they will burn and ravage though twice the Iroquois reduced, and New-York conquered;
number of troops were in the country. requests information as to his course of action
But if New-York were taken, they will be in this last affair, in order that he, on his part,
reduced to sue for peace on such conditions as may make preparations so as not to fall into
will be granted. This expedition can be made the inconveniences of last year,
before or after harvest, and he submits two
plans for the execution of this expedition &c.
(His plan is reported.)
M. de Champigny writes that the New-York M. de Champigny does not' believe that M.
expedition appeared to him difficult on account de Frontenac's negotiation for peace with the
of the distance, the danger of the roads and Iroquois will be successful, as they have been
great labor attendant on the conveyance of rendered insolent by the advantages they have
provisions, and because the forces of the had and by the solicitations of the English,
country being thus occupied, the Colony will be without which they would not have underta-
exposed to imminent danger from the invasions ken any thing against us; and having no
of the Iroquois, who would seize the opportu- hope of peace, he must prepare for war and
nity to attack it. have a number of bateaux and Canoes made
against the Spring; the old ones being un-
serviceable.
440 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
M. de Denonville to M. de
Memoir respecting Canada prepared for the Marquis de Seignelay in January,
1690. By M. de Denonville.
Extract.
Independent of the interests of the Catholic religion which the said English and Dutch will
never suffer to make any progress among the Natives, regarding all our Missionaries as their
most bitter enemies, whom they will not tolerate amongst the Indians within their reach, the
Commercial jealousy entertained by the English against the French is the principal cause that
will ever render the two Colonies incompatible, and must convince us that the French ought
not to trust the English or Dutch of that country.
The chief motive of the late Queen Mother in beginning to support Canada has been to
have the Gospel announced in that New World where an infinite number of various tribes
exist without any knowledge of the true God. The English and Dutch have always thwarted
that design, and have likewise regarded it as opposed to their Commercial interests. Their
entire ingenuity has constantly been employed to accomplish the expulsion of all the
Missionaries who resided among the Tribes in their neighborhood. They succeeded so well
that we have no more of them among the Iroquois since several years.
Though the interests of the Gospel should not engage us to keep missionaries in all the
Iroquois and other Indian villages, the interest of civil government for the advantage of
trade must induce us so to manage as always to have some there ; for these Indian tribes can
never govern themselves except by those Missionaries, who alone, are able to maintain them in
our interests and to prevent their revolting against us every day.
I am convinced by observation, that the Jesuits are the most capable of controlling the spirit
of all the Indian tribes, for leaving out of consideration their tact, they alone are masters of the
different languages by reason of a very long experience successively acquired among them by
the Missionaries they have maintained, and continue to maintain in great number.
On quitting Canada I left a very good disposition to convert to Christianity the greatest
portion of the Abenaqui Indians who inhabit the forests in the neighborhood of Boston. For
that purpose they must be attracted to the mission recently established near Quebec under the
name of S' Francis de Sales. I saw as many as six hundred souls arrive there in a short
time from the vicinity of Boston. I left it in a condition to be greatly increased if protected.
I expended a certain amount there which was not useless. The good understanding I
have maintained with these Indians through the care of the Jesuits, especially the two
Fathers Bigot, brothers,^ contributed to the success of all their attacks, this summer on
the English, from whom they seized sixteen forts exclusive of Pemcuit, containing twenty
pieces of cannon, killing more than two hundred of their men.^ By means of some presents
of clothing, powder and lead, they will be easily maintained in our interest. They will be very
useful to the French Colony, especially if they are prevailed on to come and settle at the new
mission of S' Francis de Sales. It will be necessary carefully to maintain and fortify that
' Rev. Jacques, and the Rev. Vincent, Bigot
' The first of these attacks was made on the 2'7th June, 1689, on that part of the town of Dover, N. H., which lies about
the first falls of the river Cocheco. Belknap' a History of New Hampshire, L, 198. Pemaquid was destroyed on the Tth of
August, of the same year. WilliamioiCt Maine, I., 612. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: IV. 441
Village for, doubtless, the English will be able to send some Iroquois to attack it. This
mission protects Quebec which will not be attacked until tiie former be taken.
Of all the Indian nations, the Abenaqui is the most inclined to Christianity. After them,
come the Hurons who are few in number, and then the Iroquois. But the evil disposition of
the English is a formal obstacle.
It is a fact that the Iroquois have more esteem and inclination for us than for the English,
but they are carried away by the influence of the low prices of goods they require, combined
with the higher rate the English pay for Beaver.
Our Iroquois mission at la Prairie de la Madeleine which I was obliged to remove within the
precincts of the town of Montreal, must be regarded as a leaven which will, some day, usefully
contribute to the conversion generally of the Iroquois, because there are some from all the
nations there, who, it is to be hoped, will attract their relatives thither, if care be taken of that
mission and it be removed from Montreal, where drunkenness will bring about its destruction.
It ought to be well located in a position easy of defence against the enemy, with strong stone
redoubts flanked by good palisades. The soldiers ought to be employed in constructing it.
The best location for it appears to me to be between Chateau Guay and their old village.
These Indians must be removed to a distance from drunkenness. I put them in the town of
Montreal because I had notice that the enemy had resolved to seize them, the fort at their
mission being in a very poor condition, and for many reasons beyond repair.
There is another Indian mission under the charge of the Seminary of S' Sulpice, situate
three-quarters of a league from the town of Montreal. It is composed of Iroquois and Hurons
In order to its increase, it ought to be removed far from town and from the French settlements.
Complaints have, long since, been justly made of the evils caused by ardent spirits, and of
the obstacles they oppose to the progress of Religion. Avarice alone has made those allege the
contrary who expected to enrich themselves by this unfortunate traffic, which assuredly proves
the destruction not only of the Indians, but also of the French, and of trade entirely. This
is established by the experience of many years, during which we have seen none become
wealthy by that traffic, and have witnessed the destruction of all thiit great body of friendly
Indians whom we had around the Colony; and by the few aged men to be seen among the
French who are old and decrepid at the age of forty. Excesses from Brandy drinking are
frequent in that country, in the same manner as those from wine drinking in Germany. Even
the women drink.
I have witnessed the evils caused by that liquor among the Indians. It is the horror of
horrors. There is no crime nor infamy they do not perpetrate in their excesses. A mother
throws her child into the fire; noses are bitten off"; this is a frequent occurrence. It is another
Hell among them during these orgies, which must be seen to be credited. They get drunk
very often on purpose to have the privilege of satisfying their old grudges. Punishment
cannot be inflicted on them, as on Frenchmen who may commit a fault. Remedies are
impossible as long as every one is permitted to sell and traffic in ardent spirits. However
little at a time each may give, the Indians will always get drunk. There is no artifice that
they will not have recourse to, to obtain the means of intoxication. Besides, every house is a
groggery. Those who allege that the Indians will remove to the English, if Brandy be not
furnished them, do not state the truth; for it is a fact that they do not care aboutjdrinking as
long as they do not see Brandy ; and the most reasonable would wish there never had been
Vol. IX. 66
442 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
any such thing ; for they set their entrails on fire and beggar themselves by giving their peltries
and clothes for drink.
The union of the Clergy with the Governor-General and Intendant is the sole effectual
means of governing that country well, the people of which are not easily managed.
It would be greatly to be desired that the Clei-gy throughout Christendom were as holy as
those of New France. Their poverty induces me to say that without the continuance of his
Majesty's benevolence they cannot support themselves; especially the two Hospitals of
Quebec and Montreal. The latter is without a house.
Exclusive of the inability of the Governor-General to protect the country when obliged to
act on the defensive, the great difficulty in controlling the people arises from the Colony being
allowed to spread itself too much ; and from every settler maintaining himself, isolated and
without neighbors, in a savage independence. I see no remedy for this but to concentrate the
Colony, and to collect the settlers, forming good inclosed villages. Whatever obstacles
may be encountered herein, must be overcome if we would not hazard the destruction
of the entire population.
The extent of the Colony from Saint Paul's bay on the north side of the River Saint
Lawrence to the head (boiu) of the Island of Montreal is about one hundred leagues, and from
River du Loup to Chateauguay, an equal distance.
The weakness of that country arises from isolated settlements adjoining interminable forests.
If under such circumstances it be desired to continue the occupation of remote forts, such as
that of Cataracouy or Fort Frontenac, it will add to the weakness of the country and increase
expenses which cannot be of any use to us, whatever may be alleged to the contrary; for
those posts cannot do injury to hostile Indians but to ourselves, in consequence of the
difficulty of reaching, and the cost of maintaining, them.
Nothing is more certain than that it was a great mistake to have permitted, in times past,
the occupation of posts so remote that those who occupy them are beyond the reach of the
Colony and of assistance. The garrisons have thus been necessitated to enter into
the interests of those Tribes nearest to them, and in that way to participate in their quarrels
in order to please and conciliate them. We have, thus, drawn down on ourselves the enmity
of their enemies and the contempt of our friends, who not receiving the assistance they were
made to expect or might desire, have on divers occasions embarrassed us more than even our
enemies. This has been experienced more than once.
It had been much better not to have meddled with their quarrels, and to have left all the
Indians to come to the Colony in quest of the merchandise they required, than to have prevented
their doing so by carrying goods to them in such large quantities as to have been frequently
obliged to sell them at so low a rate as to discredit us among the Indians and to ruin trade ;
for many of our Coureurs de hois have often lost, instead of gained, by their speculations.
Moreover, the great number of Coureurs de hois has inflicted serious injury on the Colony, by
physically and morally corrupting the settlers, who are prevented marrying by the cultivation
of a vagabond, independent and idle spirit. For the aristocratic manners they assume, on their
return, both in their dress and their drunken revelries, wherein they exhaust all their gains in
a very short time, lead them to despise the peasantry and to consider it beneath them to
espouse their daughters, though they are themselves, peasants like them. In addition to this,
they will condescend no more to cultivate the soil, nor listen, any longer, to anything except
returning to the woods for the purpose of continuing the same avocations. This gives rise to the
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 443
innumerable excesses that many among them are guilty of with the Squaws, which cause a great
deal of mischief in consequence of the displeasure of the Indians at the seduction of their wives
and daughters, and of the injury thereby inflicted on Religion, when the Indians behold the
French practicing nothing of what the Missionaries represent as the law of the Gospel.
The remedy for this is, not to permit, as far as practicable, the return of any person to the
Indian country except those who cannot follow any other business, nor to allow ill conducted
persons to go thither; to oblige all to bring to the Governor and Intendant a certificate of good
behavior and good morals from the Missionaries ; to find employment for the youth of the
country; which is a very easy matter, for the cod and whale fisheries afford a sure commerce, if
closely attended to and made a business of. There is reason to believe that the wisest and
oldest merchants of the country are tired of sending into the bush, but there will be always
too many new and ambitious petty traders, who will attempt to send ventures thither, both
with and without license. It is very proper that an ordinance be enacted holding the
merchants responsible for the fault of unlicensed Coureurs de bois, for did the merchants not
furnish goods, there would not be any Coureurs de bois.
It has been found necessary for the support of some frontier forts to incur some expenses,
■•which have been advanced by the merchants to whom M. de Champigny promised repayment
from the first licenses to be issued. It will be proper that My Lord the Marquis de Seignelay
write on the subject and order that it be done accordingly.
I have already observed that it is of importance that the Indians be governed by the
Missionaries, and that the Governor and Intendant act always in concert with the latter;
otherwise, there will ever be a risk of inconveniences arising from the interests of private
individuals who are influenced only by avarice. This truth has been only too often realised.
Great precaution must be used against the restlessness of all the Coureurs de bois, whose
spirit leads them always to a distance and to constant roaming. Proposals for new discoveries
are pouring in every day.
It will be difficult to find persons sufficiently enterprising and reliable to endure the
hardships of going over land in quest of those whom M. de La Salle has left in Mexico. The
intelligence of his death has cast great discredit on that voyage. Two years ago I could have
had people for the expedition, had Monsieur Cavelier informed me of his brother's death.
The Missionaries whom we have among the Outawas, who are very numerous, are greatly
thwarted by the libertines and the debauched, and have need of My Lord the Marquis de
Seignelay's protection.
The Missionaries about Tadoussac enjoy quietness in consequence of the good order
introduced there by Sieur de Grandville, commercial agent for the Farmers (of the Revenue).
Some Indians have recently been discovered towards Labrador to whom Missionaries have
gone from Tadoussac, as they had expressed a desire to hear the Gospel.
Our affairs at Hudson's bay will prosper if the Northern Company continue to cooperate with,
and second the designs of, D'Iberville, one of the sons of the late Le Moyne, whom I left resolved
to go and seize Port Nelson the only remaining post in the possession of the English. For
that purpose it is absolutely necessary, I believe, that My Lord the Marquis de Seignelay
inform Monsieur de Lagny that the King intends that the Northern Company undertake the
capture of that post, and furnish said Iberville with every thing he requires to render his
design successful. He will want two ships. He has already at Quebec one that he took this
winter from the English. In truth. My Lord, it would be very advantageous to the King's
444 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
service had said Iberville some honorable rank in the Navy, in order to excite emulation among
the Canadians who will follow the sea. A commission of Lieutenant would work marvels.
He is a very fine fellow and very capable of rendering himself expert and of doing
good service.
The Iroquois war continuing, as there is every appearance it will, both against us and
the Indians in the direction of the Outawas who traffic with us, the greatest part of the
trade will be diverted towards Port Nelson, or the River Bourbon. What I have learned of
the facilities possessed by the Indians beyond Lake Superior to reach the Sea in that
direction, very strongly convinces me of the necessity we are under to bethink ourselves of
depriving the English of that commerce. But it must be effected without fail, for they will
get up this year some expedition against us.
This Northern Company requires that My Lord should order M^ de Champigny to attend
their meetings sometimes when he considers it necessary. I fear some divisions are creeping
in there which will bring about its failure. There is no fear that the presence of an Intendant
like M. de Champigny, can be productive of any harm.
I know not if My Lord the Marquis de Seignelay is informed that the English of Boston
and Manatte have resolved to destroy the French Colony of Canada. They repeatedly so
promised their Indians, to whom they also made considerable presents to induce them to wage
an unrelenting war against us. They promised them to send five or six ships of war into
the River to attack the Colony, and to blockade it in that direction whilst the Iroquois would
attack it above, as they have already done, which would ruin it in one year. Certain it is that
such is their plan, and information has been received of that having been determined on in
full Council. Ships must come from England to them for that purpose.
As regards Acadia, that country is in great danger inasmuch as it has no fort of any value,
and the settlers there are scattered and dispersed, as in Canada. It would be desirable that
the King had a good fort at La Heve for the security of ships. That post would be much
more advantageous than Port Royal, which it is not easy to get out of to defend the Coast from
pirates, and to be more convenient to the Islands of Cape Breton and Newfoundland as well
as the Great Bank.
Fish is so abundant on all the coasts of the King's territory, that it is desirable that the
King's subjects only should go there to catch them, and that his Majesty were sufficiently
powerful in that Country to prevent Foreigners fishing on the Great Bank. They ought to be
deprived, at least, of fishing on the King's coasts. The Spaniards go every year to those of
Labrador adjoining the Straits of Belle ile. The English trade there more than we.
Hitherto, all the people of Acadia as well as those of Canada have paid more attention to
the Beaver trade and to the sale of Brandy than to the establishment of Fisheries, which,
nevertheless, afford the most certain and most durable profit, and are best suited to the
inhabitants of the country, and to the augmentation of the Colony. For what each settler
might realize annually would supply him most abundantly with clothes; and as the fishing
season begins only after the sowing and terminates before the harvest, every individual of any
industry would find means to drive a profitable business, without abandoning agriculture, as
the Coureurs de bois do. The Canadians are adroit and would become in a short time as expert
as the Basques in Whaling, were they to apply themselves to it. If the establishment of this
fishery be persevered in, there is reason to hope that they will turn their attention to it, being
encouraged by the stimulus of gain. But he who is desirous of commencing it, is not wealthy,
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 445
and will find it difficult to defray its expense. The last ships have brought to Quebec from
Bayonne some harpooners for Sieur Riverin. I doubt if he have means to pay their demands.
He gave me strong assurances that he would not de discouraged. The Intendant will help
him as far as lies in his power, in order to sustain him.
The condition in which I left the affairs of the country would demand prompt assistance ;
for there is no doubt but the English continue their intrigues to induce the Iroquois not to
abate their incursions to lay waste the colony which they have commenced doing, without
any effectual resistance being offered. The Iroquois, having discovered its weakness, will not
conclude a durable peace, as they are constantly urged forward by the English.
It is impossible for the country to undertake any thing of moment against them. For
all the cantons must be attacked at the same time, and treated like that of the Senecas, who
were destroyed had they not found shelter in the other four Iroquois villages. No less than three
@ four thousand men would be necessary for that purpose, for it is impossible to go in one
summer to all the Five Nations, one after the other. They must all be reached at the same
time, which is not difficult if preparations be made a year before hand. But as the King has
need of his troops elsewhere in this season of war, I see but one means certain, which is that
his Majesty seize Manatte by sea; it has a walled fort, and the town is inclosed by palisades.
That can be easily done with six frigates on board of which twelve hundred men will have been
embarked, who, landing on the Island, will take the town sword in hand, and subsequently
render themselves masters of the castle by means of some bombs. Meanwhile, Orange could
be easily secured from Canada with a strong detachment of eight hundred men at most who
will burn that town and all the surrounding settlements as far as Manatte. The main body will
be obliged to remain at Orange until the return of the detachments sent out to set fire to the
places towards Manatte. It will be also necessary to postpone setting fire to Orange and
the neighboring towns until those at a distance be burnt. It will be well to bring to Quebec
all the prisoners which will be made, and not to leave any of them in the Country.
My Lord the Marquis de Seignelay must not expect that Canada can accomplish any more,
nor detach any greater force without entirely exposing the Colony. It will be moreover
requisite that all the Militia of the government of Quebec that can possibly be mustered, be
marched to Three Rivers and Montreal to remain at these places as long as the expedition
against Orange will last.
This must consist only of canoes, picked soldiers and Coureurs de bois. Bateaux cannot be
used on account of the pcJrtages between Lake Champlain and the river of Orange. These
detachments must be prepared to be attacked by the Iroquois on their way back from the
expedition. The departure from the Country and the march must be prompt, and in good order.
Chevalier de Callieres is the best qualified to lead successfully such an expedition which
must if possible, be simultaneous with that of Manhatte ; for the distance between the places,
and the uncertainty of the winds prevent communication, derange every thing and require the
attack on Manhatte to be made only by sea without expecting any assistance by land.
Otherwise, inconveniences attended with too much danger would be incurred.
What is to be done is, to send notice very early to Canada of what the King will consider
proper to be accomplished. I doubt not every disposition would be made to place things in
marching order at the earliest notice.
My reasons for wishing Orange to be burnt and destroyed are, that we are not yet in a
condition to retain so ugly a post as that, and at such a distance from our settlements. In
446 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
this way will be broken up the trade between the English and the Iroquois, who will be thus
forced to have recourse to us for supplies. Sufficiently large quantities of these must be on
hand at Manatte in order that the Indians may not want for any thing ; otherwise, instead of
being conciliated they would be irritated, and constrained to have recourse to those other places
where the English are settled, along the coast of Pennsylvania towards Virginia.
Another reason necessitating the expedition against Manatte is, that it would be an assured
means of preventing the Hurons and Outaouacs coming to an accommodation with the
Iroquois for the purpose of taking advantage through them of the cheaper bargains of goods
afforded by the English, and of the higher price at which they purchase beaver. It is certain
that all the Indians are seeking only an opportunity to trade with the English.
Manatte being taken and the inhabitants disarmed, a strong garrison must be left in the fort,
capable of making a good defence in case it be attacked by the people towards Boston, who
can put a number of vessels afloat. Therefore the disarming the people of Long Island [and]
of Manatte must not be neglected in case it be considered inexpedient to bring them away in
the ships.
Again, it would be easy for those frigates, if they had time, to ravage the whole of the
Boston country which has not a single fort along the coast ; for as I believe his Majesty will
not be able to avoid sending a strong reinforcement to the Islands, for the purpose either of
driving the English thence, or of protecting those Islands from the incursions and expeditions the
said English or Dutch will be [meditating], I doubt not but this reinforcement sailing early
from France will easily be able to make the attack on Manatte and proceed afterwards to
the Islands.
The Boston coast is settled, but it has no post of any account. Even Boston is not
palisaded, unless it have been done within six months. The population of that colony is
considerable but very difficult to be mustered. M"" Perrot is acquainted with that coast, as
well as Sieur de Villebon who is at present at Rochelle with a man named Lamotte all of
whom have been frequently at Boston and Manatte. A man named Pere is also at Rochelle
who is thoroughly conversant with the vicinity of Manatte on the land side. This Pere may
be of great use in this expedition. He is very willing.
Such is the surest means to secure Canada, oblige the Iroquois to make peace, and to master
the English Colony which might eventually be ceded to the King by a Treaty of Peace with
England; an arrangement that will never be made if his Majesty do not at once become
master of it.
It is to be remarked that all the naval expeditions to be made in that quarter must be
between the month of May and end of August ; for in other seasons of the year, the stormy
western gales which frequently prevail in that country, drive vessels off the coast.
The Indians, our allies, are very glad to see us at war with the Iroquois, inasmuch as they
are quiet at home. All their tact was exerted in 1688 to prevent a peace between the Iroquois
and us.
I had sent orders to the Captain commanding Fort Cataracouy to abandon that post after
having sapped the walls by piling timber well smeared witli tar against them. Had these been
set on fire on leaving the fort, the walls would have entirely crumbled; instead of that, he
contented himself with undermining them, which doubtless will have no effect, the walls being
only two feet thick. To remedy this, it will be well to order M. de Frontenac to send a party
two @ three hundred strong, with implements ; they will raze all the walls in a day or two.
PAHIS DOCUMENTS: IV. 447
I must observe here, that M. de Frontenac is not of my opinion as to the propriety of
destroying that fort. He does not appreciate any of these reasons. I should have had it razed
in 16SS, did I not expect to have made peace.
Captain Duplessis' Plan for the defence of Canada.
Experience has demonstrated, by the trifling impression made by three thousand men on
the Iroquois in 1687, that it is very difficult to derive much advantage from going to their
country in quest of them, laying aside the very heavy expense and the hardships attendant
thereupon which bring very little benefit to the French Colony.
That had the Senecas, then, instead of attacking, as they did, the King's troops, made a
descent on Canada, as they ought to have done, they v?ould have swept every thing before
them as far as the other side of Quebec, notwithstanding the arrival there of sixteen companies
which were distributed over sixty leagues of territory, four hundred men being sufficient for
such an expedition, one-half on the North and the rest on the South side of the river. The
reason is, each company was spread over from two to three leagues of country and being without
a single fort they would have been defeated one after the other before they could have been
got together.
The destruction in 1687 of the Indian corn belonging to the Senecas, subjected them to but
a small amount of inconvenience. Not one of them perished of hunger, as two arrows are
sufficient to enable a Savage to procure meat enough for a year's support, and as fishing
never fails.
The demolition of Catharacouy will henceforth affiard them liberty to come and harrass us
during the entire spring, as soon as navigation will be open, throughout the summer and the
beginning of the fall. They will come by two routes, that by which they reached the Island
of Montreal being open to them. But their principal effort will be made by Lake St. Peter,
which places them in the centre of the country, leaving them at liberty to go up to Montreal, or
down to Quebec. They can effect both these objects at one and the same time, by dividing their
party which, no doubt, is much stronger than that of 1689, it being the interest of the English
and Dutch to unite with them, in order to monopolize the fur trade which is very considerable,
inasmuch as more than two millions worth of Beaver has been embarked this year, on account
of the country or of individuals, and almost as much remains in the country or in the woods.
The sole means to arrest the forays of the Iroquois barbarians is to have immediately
constructed at Rochefort twelve flat bottomed sloops in form of small brigantines, which will
be sent out in packages and put together on the spot. On these can be mounted two or four
small guns carrying a one pound ball to some distance and some good brass swivels (jncrricrs
defonte.) They must have eight oars on each side. The crew independent of officers is to
consist of two sailors to steer and work the craft and thirty soldiers, each having a cartridge
box always full, a fusil in reserve to remain in the cabin, in the benches of which the powder
and munitions are to be carefully stored. Each sloop must have, likewise, fifteen to twenty
swords with hafts, or spontoons to defend them against boarders.
448 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
They will be employed during the entire season of navigation, to wit: — Six in guarding
the lake above Isle Perrot;' one-half at the foot of the North, and the otji.er at that of the
South, Rapid. A fort must be constructed in the most convenient cove of that Island to serve
as a retreat in case of a storm, and to repair thither, one after the other, every eight days for
provisions; and the meat will be served out to them cooked, a little more than the ration of
the soldier who remains on shore, and who has some comforts. Each sloop is to have a good
bark canoe which will be laid across the chain well secured, to be used in case it is desirable
to ascend a rapid to look for the enemy, or to land should it become necessary to pursue them.
When they discover the enemy they will fly before them, without firing a shot, not so
precipitately, however, as not to afford them a hope of overtaking them. This, however, is
merely to draw them into the Lake, and when they will perceive the Canoes of the Indians
in the middle of it, they will charge them. It is not difficult to understand that with their
small guns and swivel, they will sink as many as they will strike, and that it is difficult for a
man to swim three or four leagues. Those detailed to guard Lake S' Peter will act in ^he
same manner. They will station themselves at the mouths of the rivers which flow into
it from Lakes S' Sacrament and Champlain, and receive provisions and other necessaries from
the forts S' Francis and Sorel, tWb leagues from the said mouths.
15 February, 1690.
Observation on the above.
"This plan, which would entail too heavy an expense, appears to require too many men
who would not even have much of an effect. There are an infinite number of other routes
by which the Iroquois could come. They descend the rivers and enter the lakes with great
precaution. They send out canoes as scouts, and land, as has always been their custom,
when discovered.
" Persons conversant with the Country are however of opinion that a few strong sloops as
many as four at most, could be built in Canada, with the design solely of preventing surprisals
such as occurred last year. It is reported that such was M. de Frontenac's plan."
of Count de Frontenac to the Ottawas.
Message to be delivered to the Outawas to dissuade them from the Alliance they
propose to make with the Iroquois and the English. 1690.
Men! I give you notice that Onontio, who has never deceived you, and who, when he quitted
you, left the whole world in peace, has again returned. ■
He learned that the Country he had left in peace and which he loved so much, was groaning;
and that the storms, by which it was shaken, were utterly destroying his children whom he
had adopted. Hear him! I am about to speak in his name.
' Late St Francis. —Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 449
He says: "Children! I am astonished to learn on arriving that you have forgotten the
protection I have always afibrded you. My heart is distracted by several thoughts, not
knowing what to imagine.
Remember, that I am your father, who have adopted you and who have loved you so
tenderly.
I have given you your country ; I have driven the horrors of war from it, and introduced
peace there.
You had no home before that. You were wandering about and exposed to the Iroquois
tempests. I have laid them, and have brought you in to my Cabin sheltering you in it from
every thing that could injure you.
You were then but little fatherless Children who, however, possessed more courage than you
do now that you are men, supported by a powerful father.
You did surrender your bodies through a desire to enter into my cabin, the building of which
had only been begun.
What, Children! now that you see it big you would- destroy it, by wishing to cover it,
yourselves, with blood, by uniting with what was formerly your enemy.
Hark ye, I speak to you as a father. My body is big. It is strong, and cannot die.
I suppose what you witnessed above Montreal has frightened you.
But think ye I am no more, or that I am in the humor of remaining in a state of inactivity,
such as has prevailed during my absence? and if eight or ten hairs have been torn from my
children's heads when t was absent, that I cannot put ten handsful of hair in the place of one
that has been torn out? or that for one piece of bark that has been stripped from my Cabin,
I cannot put double the number in its stead, so as to make it stronger?
Children, know that I always am ; that even were my whole cabin to be pulled down
and all its occupants destroyed, they would spring up again as the grass which is cut down in
summer promptly sprouts anew; that nothing but the Great SpiVit can destroy me, and that it
is I who destroy all.
Behold how considerate I am for you. Learning that the Iroquois were desolating you, I
am come to apply a remedy thereunto and to restore to you what you might have lost, by
doing for you what I did formerly, if you will listen attentively to me. I never did, and never
will, deceive you.
You know that, before you enjoyed my protection, this ravenous dog was biting every one,
was devouring every thing he could meet. I tamed him and tied him up, and kept him under
so closely that he dared not bark except in secret. He was always looking behind him [to see]
if I was not angry. He was afraid of me.
When he no longer saw me, and my successors gave him more liberty, he behaved worse
than at the beginning, devouring not only their Children, but when they would stop him, he
bit themselves, supposing he could not be caught again.
He shall feel my power if he persist. Although the English flattered him in order to win
him to them, I will kill and destroy whomsoever encourages him.
The blood you have seen shed last summer at Montreal in my absence, and the houses
which were burnt, are of no account ; the latter were only two or three rat holes that I lost,
and were pulled down on the border of my lake which can not be poisoned thereby. It
is too big. Whatever winds, whatever storms and whatever waterspouts happen there, its
water will never be disturbed ; if the strongest dams be erected to stop its course, they will
V^. IX. 67
450 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
be swept away by the swiftness of its current, and whatever droughts may prevail, it will be
always full.
When you will not find water any longer in your Lakes, the French will be no more and
then my protection will fail you. If any of the French perish, the grass on the prairies will
not grow in such abundance, until they revive.
Behold what you abandon in order to place yourself at the mercy of him who has always
deceived you.
Old Men, remember what happened to the Huron when he was in his ancient country.
Young men! remember the Miamis betrayed by him whom your chiefs are in search of.
Remember, again, the treachery he recently committed on the Huron who is here with you,
and who carried off" a part of your nation at Sakinang. Know you not the deceptions he had
recourse to in order to ensnare you (voiis emjMter) and to get you to bite at the bait so as to
surprise you. You have lost your reason to abandon him who has bestowed on you light and
life for the man who wishes to see you in darkness and to give you death.
The English have deceived and devoured their Children: I have been faithful to you. I am
a good father who loves you, and who conies, if obeyed, to forget every thing that might have
irritated him; but to punish those who will thwart his will. The clouds you have seen in
the French sky have by my arrival been driven into the country of the English.
Your brethren, the Abenaquis, who are more faithful to me than you, have utterly destroyed
their town, and, accompanied by a party of the French, at present prevent them going
beyond the threshold.
The Mohegans (Loups) who were through the persuasion of the English in favor of the
Iroquois, have joined the Abenaquis, abandoning the English who in former times
treacherously killed them.
Three other French parties have gone with our people of La Prairie to avenge what the
Iroquois did to you, and to destroy whatever English they meet.
I do not announce my pleasure; you will know it presently. Await my Word. Perrot, your
messenger, will convey it to you. I speak now to you only by letter. You have sent him to
transact your business, whilst I retain him in order to attend to it you act quite contrary to the
messages you have e|ggisted to him.
Children, I wonder at you; I cannot approve the blindness that causes you to fall into such
grave faults.
Do you know the Englishman who has deceived and devoured his children? Can you have
confidence in him?
The Iroquois never conquered except by treachery. You would be no more, were I to
abandon you. He has feared me and you behold the light.
You saw him fly when the French went to his country. The French have not fled when he
came to theirs.
I did love the Iroquois because he formerly obeyed me; when I was aware that he had been
treacherously captured and carried to France, I set him at liberty and brought him hither
where I keep him; And when I shall restore him to his country, it will not be through fear,
but through pity, for I hate treachery.
He never killed a frenchman when the latter distrusted him; And if he has killed my
children in my absence, it was only by deceiving my successors under the guise of a hollow
peace which he was proposing to them.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 451
Twenty Iroquois warriors have been defeated last fall in the Lake of the two Mountains by
an equal number of Frenchmen. The Algonquin has drunk their broth. One Frenchman
only was slightly wounded.
The Abenaquis had shortly before killed ten out of a party of thirteen.
The 15 Frenchmen who were slain at the battle of La Chine did bravely avenge their own
deaths. They killed more than forty of their enemies, being unwilling to fly, which depended
only on themselves.
Behold what great support this is that you seek for the purpose of withdrawing from a
powerful father who loves you and who, when he will lose a man, can get a thousand others.
I would make peace if I pleased. I am rich and powerful. I have a great many braves.
Children, I warn you that your enemy, who wishes to deceive you, is soliciting me to
abandon you and all your allies. I am your father. Listen to me. I shall deplore your
misfortune if you do not hearken to me.
If you hear me, with you shall die my braves who will again spring up as the leaves bud
forth anew on the trees in the spring.
This Belt is merely to notify all the Tribes that they are to wait for my message which
Perrot will carry them in a short time. I am indulgent. Lwill pardon the past if attention
be paid to me. I am angry only with those who would deceive me.
I am strong enough to kill the English, destroy the Iroquois and to whip you if you fail in
your duty to me.
I gave you your country that you had abandoned. I shall maintain you therein. You
are at peace there; remain so. I forbid you to allow my enemy to enter there. Take care of
yourselves. I will punish you if you do not obey me.
If you wish to side with him, go to his Country.
What will all your allies say if you open one of the doors of my cabin to the Iroquois to
kill them? Will you not be declaring us their enemy?
During my absence you have committed divers murders on them. Though this grieve me,
I am a good father who is desirous of arranging every thing if you listen to me, if you have
had any negotiation with the Iroquois and the English, As the Iroquois hath done unto you,
do you also unto him who hath killed and taken you away captive during, the peace; and unto
the English what he wishes to do to you ; adhering to the side of your true father who will
never abandon you. Must his Brandy, which hath killed you in your Cabin, attract you so
powerfully in order to place you in the Iroquois kettle? Is not mine better, which hath never
caused your death and hath always given you strength ?
I hold you responsible for my real children, your brethren, and for the Black gowns who are
with you. If they perish, you will be answerable to me for them.
Coufide in me, believe that Father who hath never deceived you. Live in the centre of his
cabin. Make only one with him. He invites your confidence, and you will circumvent
your enemy.
452 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Louis XIV. to Count de Frontenac and M. de Ohampigny.
Versailles, 14"' July, 1690.
The affairs of moment which his Majesty has to attend to at present, do not admit of his
sending to Canada any additional reinforcements of troops, nor of thinking of the expedition
proposed last year against New-York. Wherefore, having examined what has passed for the
eourse to be adopted, either to keep on the defensive or to attack the enemy, his Majesty is of
opinion that a strong and vigorous defence actually comports better with his service and the
safety of the Colony. He fails not to hope that, if Sieur de Frontenac can attack the enemy
with advantage, he will not lose the opportunity of reducing them by main force to a peace.
But between the necessity of acting on the defensive and negotiating for a peace, his Majesty
desires that he employ therein the credit he has acquired with the Iroquois, by preserving the
honor of his arms in all possible circumstances.
The expeditions undertaken by the Iroquois oblige his Majesty to recommend Sieur de
Frontenac to adopt stricter measures than heretofore to prevent them, and to take care that all
those who occupy posts be always on their guard, and even send scouts out for the purpose
of discovering the enemy's march, and, by means of armed bateaux which he can station, at
those places where they are to pass, under the command of vigilant officers possessing the
requisite experience to enable them to penetrate the caution with which those Savages are in
the habit of marching, keep them at a distance from the Colony and prevent their attacking it.
Louis XIV. to Count de Frontenac and M. de Champigny.
14 July, 1690.
The King has seen by the letters and by the report to his Majesty by the Marquis de
Denonville, and by that of the Lieutenant sent by Sieur de Frontenac, the state of the affiiirs of
Canada. His Majesty has been informed of the forays the Iroquois have made in the island
of Montreal, and of the said Sieur de Frontenac's endeavors to negotiate a peace with
them by means of those Indians sent from France. -The affiiirs of moment which his
Majesty has to attend to at present do not admit of his sending to Canada any additional
■ reinforcements, nor of thinking of the expedition proposed last year against New-York. He
approves the determination Sieur de Frontenac has adopted of continuing the war by a
vigorous defence.
The expeditions of the Iroquois oblige his Majesty to recommend Sieur de Frontenac to
adopt stricter measures than heretofore to prevent them, and to take care that all those who
occupy posts be always on their guard and that they even send scouts out to ascertain the
march of the enemy, and, by means of armed bateaux which he can station, at the places where
they may pass, under the command of vigilant officers who may be able to penetrate the
secrecy with which those Indians are in the habit of marching, keep them at a distance and
prevent them attacking the heart of the Colony.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 453
Nothing appears more necessary for this purpose than to execute the orders his Majesty has
already issued for the concentration of the settlements into villages, particularly above Three
Rivers so that the Colonists may be better able to defend themselves, whom he must even
force to inclose those villages with palisades and so protect themselves from insult.
He is also to assist the settlers, in the season of planting and during the harvest, with some
officers and soldiers in those places where the enemy might come to take advantage of the
necessity they are under of being abroad at those times.
Although his principal duty is to preserve the Colony, and to employ the troops particularly
for that object, his Majesty is also persuaded that he can have an atta^ made on the English
and the Iroquois by the Indian allies, which he learns has been commenced.
He will also aid Sieurs de la Foret and Tonti to whom the establishment of the late Sieur
de la Salle at Illinois, has been granted, in order to enable them to cooperate against
the Iroquois.
He will be, likewise, able to employ the Iroquois allies, and with that view, it appears to
his Majesty proper to send back to the place called the Sault those who were detached from
thence to Montreal, and to afford them every assistance necessary both for their subsistence
and for the security of their families, and to induce them to wage a vigorous war on
the enemy.
As the settlement of the Cannibas is particularly towards Acadia and in the vicinity of the
New England settlements, where they seized Fort Penkuit and several fortified posts, it appears
to his Majesty that they ought to be encouraged to continue the War there, and for that purpose
Sieur de Frontenac will keep up a correspondence with Sieur de Menneval, who commands in
Acadia, in whom they place great confidence ; and to afford him means to cooperate therein
his Majesty orders the same presents as last year to be made them.
His Majesty hopes he will have been as successful as he expected in the negotiation he has
commenced with the Outawas, on hearing of the peace they concluded with the Iroquois, and
that he will have induced them to renew the war; this he ought to do by all possible means,
even by making them some presents.
His Majesty is very glad to inform him on this occasion that, not being any longer subject to
the extraordinary expenses which were required to be incurred to attack the Iroquois, he will
find, in the appropriations to be made this year, wherewith to assist all the Indians so as to
derive from them the services in which he will think proper to employ them.
He must profit by the dispositions those interested in the Northern Company entertain to get
Sieur d'lbervlUe to attack Fort Nelson, and aid them with his authority in matters they will
stand in need of, so as to place them in a condition to expel the English from that post, which
is the only one they possess in Hudson's bay.
Whatever views his Majesty submits to Sieur de Frontenac for the maintenance of the
Colony and the reduction of the Iroquois to sue for peace. He, nevertheless, in consequence
of the confidence his Majesty reposes in his zeal and application, authorizes him to add thereto,
and to act, on this occasion, as he shall consider most beneficial for his service, doubting not
but with his knowledge of affliirs, of the manners, strength and country of the Indians, he will
be in a position to adopt the best course.
His Majesty having learned that the inhabitants of Quebec have made preparations to
inclose that town with palisades, they must be obliged to lose no time in proceeding therewith,
and if they should not be absolutely able to complete the work without some help, Sieurs de
454 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Frontenac and de Champigny will examine the means of making provision for that purpose,
and furnish them with whatever will be indispensable.
M. de Denonville having observed that he who commanded in the attack on Cataracouy
did not cause its fortifications to be sapped according to orders ; and, therefore, should the
English, or the Iroquois occupy that post at present, they would be presently in a posture of
defence, it becomes highly necessary that Sieur de Frontenac send thither to complete its
destruction, if that be not already effected, and, likewise, cause a search to be made for the
two brass cannon that were removed from that fort and left in Lake Saint Francis.
The expense incurred for the forts of Missilimakinak and Lake Erie being reimbursable
from the first trading licenses to be issued according to his INIajesty's orders of the S"" of March
1GS8, it is his will that no more be issued until that expense be entirely defrayed.
M. de Denonville has represented to his Majesty the necessity of giving employment to
the young men belonging to noble families in Canada, and has proposed to have them pass
over to France to serve in the body guards (gardes du corps) or in the line according as vacancies
occur. Before coming to a determination thereupon, his Majesty is pleased to receive the
opinions of Sieurs de Frontenac and de Champigny as to what would be best for his service.
Although his Majesty hath explained to Sieurs de Frontenac and de Champigny his intentions
respecting the war, he deems it necessary to inform them as regards peace, that he consents
to Sieur de Frontenac continuing to use the means he has begun to employ, to force the Iroquois
thereto; but he is to take care not to do any thing they may take any advantage of, or that
may lead them to suppose that he desires it through fear of a continuance of hostilities.
Meanwhile his Majesty is persuaded that in the present state of the Colony, it is extremely
important for its p'-eservation that he should soon succeed in concluding a treaty with those
Indians and in terminating this war, in which experience shows much is to be lost and
nothing gained.
His Majesty's affection for the advancement of Religion and the Service of God obliges him
again strongly to recommend Sieurs de Frontenac and de Champigny to carefully continue to
cooperate with the zeal of the Bishop of Quebec and to assist the clergy whenever their
authority is needed , being assured that those Clergymen will on their part do all in their power
to contribute at this juncture to keep the settlers thoroughly united, and heartily disposed to
employ their substance and persons for his service and their own preservation.
Sieurs de Denonville and de Champigny having thought proper to promise six trading licenses
to the Nuns and Hospital of Montreal, his Majesty wills that they enjoy them, and that Sieur
de Frontenac issue said licenses in order that they may contribute to the support of the
sick and the repair of their buildings.
It has afforded His Majesty much pleasure to hear of the facilities his subjects have
experienced last yeir in their trade with the Outawas, having brought 800,000" worth of
peltries. The importance of this trade must engage Sieurs de Frontenac and de Champigny
to omit nothing to keep up a good correspondence with these Indians, and to secure the return
of the property of the French.
M. de Denonville having reported the progress of Sieur Riverin's undertaking in the
Whale and Cod fisheries, Mess" de Frontenac and de Champigny are to encourage him to
continue, and to habituate the settlers to those fisheries, and to assure him that his Majesty
will take into consideration his industry, his expenses and his losses. He desires, meanwhile.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 455
that they will allow him, whenever occasion will require, to enjoy some licenses hitherto
accorded him ; and that they communicate to his Majesty their opinion on the demand said
Sieur Riverin is making of the privilege to trade with the Indians of Lake Themiscaming.
Sh- William Phijys' Attach on Quebec.
An Account of what occurred in Canada on the descent of the English at
Quebec, in the month of October, 1690.
Brought by an officer' who embarked in La Fleur de Mai, M. Janelot, on the 22d o." Kovember, the ice being
somewhat melted by rain and a thaw which occurred on that day. He says that on the 26th, as he left the
river, the Korth wind commenced again so that the voyage home occupied 68 days.
October 10. A canoe sent by the Major of Quebec to Count de Frontenac arrived at
Montreal, ~^about 60 leagues distant from said town, with news that an Abenaki Indian
deputed by his tribe, had come from Acadia, with news that an English woman, a prisoner
among them, had declared that 34 ships had sailed from Boston on theii way to capture this
Colony, being confident of taking it as easily as Acadia. On receipt of this intelligence M.
de Frontenac embarked for Quebec, hoping to receive, on the way, more positive information,
which he did in fact obtain ten leagues below Montreal confirming the iirst. The aforesaid
Major informed him by a second Canoe that the English fleet was within 16 leagues of
Quebec, that it had captured a French bark and one of the boats he had sent on the scout.
M. de Frontenac then detached a captain of his suite to convey his orders without delay to M.
de Caliieres, governor of Montreal who followed two days afterwards with all the Regulars
and Militia of his government, traveling night and day until he arrived at Quebec.
M. de Frontenac, however, made such haste that he arrived at Quebec on the 14"'
notwithstanding contrary winds and bad weather. The people received him with a great
deal of joy. Immediately on landing he visited all the posts, caused new gun batteries to be
erected, although some had already been constructed, had the weakest and most exposed spots
further fortified, and in fine put every tiling in good order.
Monday, 16"". The fleet anchored at day break within sight of Quebec, it consisted of 4
large, and 4 middle sized vessels; the remainder ketches and brigantines. At ten o'clock a boat
with a white flag at its fore, put off from the Admiral's ship and came towards the shore,
sounding a trumpet; four bark Canoes bearing a similar flag went to meet it; they met
about half way between the town and the fleet. The General's messenger spoke first, after
which his eyes were bandaged; having put him on board one of the Canoes he was brought
alone into the town; thence he was led to the quarters of M. de Frontenac, to whom, when
his eyes were uncovered, he politely handed a letter the tenor which is as follows :
' Baron de Lahontan. Voyages dans VAmerique Septentrionale, 1728, I., 338, ?. — Ed.
456 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
" I, William Phips, Knight, Commander-in-Chief of all their Majesty's forces in
New England by Sea and Land, to Count de Frontenac, governor and
lieutenant General for the King of France in Canada, or in his absence to
his deputy or chief Commander at Quebec.
" Were the war between the two Crowns of England [and France] insufficient to necessitate
this expedition for our own security and satisfaction, the cruelties and barbarities inflicted on
us by your Frenchmen and Indians would on the present occasion prompt us, by a sense of
justice to a severe revenge. But being particularly desirous to avoid all acts of inhumanity
contrary to Christianity, as well as the effusion of blood as much as may be, I, the aforesaid
William Phips, Knight, do hereby, in the name of their Excellent Majesties William and
Mary, King and Queen of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, and by order of their
aforesaid Majesties' government of Machazuzet Colony in New England, demand that you
surrender your forts and castles undemolished with your stores ; also promptly deliver your
prisoners, your persons and estates to my disposal. Upon doing whereof you may expect
mercy from me as a Christian according to what shall be found for their Majesties' service and
their subjects' security. Should you refuse the terms I propose, I am wholly resolved, by the
help of God in whom I trust, to revenge, by force of arms all wrongs and injuries offered us
and bring you under subjection to the Crown of England, which if you wish, you will regret,
when too late, not to have accepted the favor I offer you.
"Your answer positive will be returned in an hour by your trumpet with the return of mine.
This is what I require of you upon the peril that will ensue.
" Signed, William Phips."
On concluding the interpretation of this letter, which was in English, the messenger drew a
watch from his pocket and presented it to M. de Frontenac who took it, pretending not to see
distinctly what o'clock it was. The messenger advanced to tell him it was ten o'clock, and
that he demanded of him to send him back at eleven precisely with his answer.
" I will not keep you waiting so long," answered M. de Frontenac. " Tell your general
I do not acknowledge your King William, and that the Prince of Orange is an Usurper who has
violated the most sacred rights of Blood m wishing to dethrone his Father-in-Law; that I do
not acknowledge any other sovereign in England than King James; that your general ought not
to be surprised at the hostilities he says have been committed on the Boston Colony, as he
might well expect that the King, my master, having received the King of England under his
protection, being prepared to replace him on his throne by force of arms, as I am credibly
informed, would order me to carry the war into those countries among the people who would
rebel against their lawful prince." Then showing him a number of Officers of whom the room
was full, he said, " Though your general had offered me better terms and I was disposed to
accept them, how could he suppose that so many brave men as there are here would consent,
and advise me, to place confidence in the word of a man who has violated the Capitulation he
entered into with the governor of Port Royal ; a rebel who has failed in the fidelity he owed
bis lawful King, forgetful of all the favors conferred on him, in order to follow the fortunes of
a prince who whilst endeavoring to persuade the nation that he is the Liberator of England
and the Defender of the Faith, violates the laws and privileges of the Kingdom, overthrowing
the Anglican Church. Divine justice to which your general appeals in his letter, will one day
severely punish this."
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 457
This speech having greatly astonished and alarmed the messenger, he enquired of Count
de Frontenac if he would not give him an answ^er in writing. "No," replied he, "1 have no
answer to give your general but from the mouths of my cannon and musketry;- that he may
learn that a man of my rank is not to be summoned after this fashion. Let him do his best
as I will do mine."
This answer being given the messenger's eyes were bandaged, and he was conducted to the
boat. The remainder of the day passed without any movement; also the next day the l?""
on the evening of which M. de Calliere arrived at 6 o'clock at the head of 800 men, who were
anxiously expected.
Wednesday 18"". From 11 o'clock until noon nothing was done on board the ships but crying
God save King William, beating drums, sounding trumpets and playing hautboys. Half an
hour afterwards all their boats, full of people, made towards the shore between the village called
Beauport and the town, which are a league distant from each other; and had already made
good a landing and were drawn up in order of battle, forming a corps of 2000 men, as we
happened to have but a small party of about 200 men there, being uncertain where they would
land, and especially as it was necessary to wade across a little river,' at low water.
In the evening the four largest vessels anchored before Quebec. The rear admiral who
carried the blue flag, posted himself below the town, and the admiral, vice admiral and
chef d'escadre, above. We saluted them first, whereupon they opened a pretty lively
cannonade. They were answered in similar style. That night they fired only at the upper
town ; one of the citizens' sons was killed. The firing ceased on both sides at 8 o'clock in
the evening.
Thursday, 19"". At day break we again commenced first; the enemy it appears had felt our
fire somewhat. The rear admiral, who had fired most vigorously, found himself somewhat
inconvenienced by our guns so that he was obliged to sheer off, as well as the admiral who
closely followed him with considerable precipitation. He received more than 20 shots in his
hull, many of which were below the water line. All his rigging had been cut and
his mainmast almost broken, to which they were obliged to affix braces, (jnmelles.) The two
others weighed anchor at the flow of the tide, and moored a league above Quebec, to give
occupation to our people and diminish our forces.
20"". The generale was beaten in the morning in their camp and two hours after we
saw them through the telescope forming in order of battle. They remained there until 10
o'clock, crying incessantly: Long live King William ! after which they made a movement as if
indicating to us their intention of marching towards the town; they had platoons on their
flank, and Indians from their country at the head of their van guard ; but as we had formed a
party of 200 volunteers a second time, we ran towards them under cover of some brushwood,
in order to intercept them, and made them retreat by the continual volleys we discharged.
All they could do was to get to a place of cover so as to gain the camp without receiving any
further fire.
Saturday, 21". During the night, the admiral sent them five six pounders by a small
brigantine. At day break one of their batalions was detached in pursuit of some cattle they
perceived near the camp, and which they drove in. They made wholesale slaughter of them,
and devoured them with avidity. This supply so emboldened them, and inspired them
with such vengeance, that immediately after their meal, they ran with their guns belter
' River Saint Charles. — Ed.
Vol. IX. 58
458 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
skelter towards the town, without observing any order of march, with a view to enter it sword
in hand, and in the hope of making a breach. But, unfortunately for them, they found us on
that day in the same place where we had already attacked them. We treated them to a
similar salute to that we gave them before ; they discharged some cannon at us which did
no other mischief than to cut some hedges and bushes ; they then fled to another road where
we intercepted them, and being very close gave them another volley with 3 balls in each musket.
It would be impossible to enumerate the number of shots they fired at us, which killed or
wounded only three or four of our men, each of whom lay on their faces in the brushwood.-
The firing was warmly renewed on both sides. It continued until they found out that they
could not effect an entrance into the town without leaving on the ground more men than they
had brought with them. This reflection obliged them to retreat to their camp, cursing the
banditti who, they said, fought in a cowardly manner, concealed in the bushes like Indians, as
they call the savages.
At the same time the two vessels which had sailed above Quebec, floated down with the
tide in order to place themselves in line with the rest of the fleet. At night fall I know not
what inspiration drove them to retreat hastily on board their ships, and to abandon their five
field pieces to us. No doubt, they must have supposed we had need of artillery.
aa"*. At day break we proceeded on a scout towards their camp where we saw the
aforesaid guns, two of which were given to the inhabitants of the adjoining settlements as a
reward which was to immortalize their memory for having fought bravely on that occasion.
I shall state, in passing, to the honor of those of the neighborhood, that they did all that could
be expected of gallant soldiers ; for at whatever point the English landed, they were invariably
repulsed. They acknowledged to our prisoners that they never witnessed the like, and that so
far from expecting such treatment, they anticipated being received with open arms.
Towards nine o'clock of the same day, whilst we were removing their guns from the water
side, we perceived all their boats full of people, doubtless wishing to come in search of them.
But our presence induced them to abandon that purpose. They reembarked in their ships
and had scarcely got on board when they precipitately weighed anchor, left the roadstead and
went to lie two leagues below, opposite L'arbre sec.
Monday night, 23'^. Admiral Phips not knowing how to manage to get his men whom we
held prisoners since some months, and to restore ours to us, concluding that if he sent a boat to
town the people of the settlements would intercept it, resolved to send on shore Mad" Lalande
and daughter whom they had taken in the bark as already mentioned, to speak to M. de
Frontenac for him. They reached the town during night in a canoe which was furnished
them at the place where the English had put them ashore.
The governor accepted M'" Phips' proposal. With this view he on the next day, the Si"", sent
back 16 prisoners in care of his captain of the guards; who brought us 16 others three hours
afterwards. They set sail and with a full cargo of wounded continued their voyage towards
Boston, where I hope the admiral will be badly received, so angry will be the populace which
is master in that country, at the ill success of his expedition, the fitting out whereof has cost
them so much money and men, more than 450 of whom have, it is calculated, been either
killed or wounded.
This is a true Account of what occurred in General Phips' expedition against Canada.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: IV. 459
Count de Frontenac to the Minister.
November 12, 1690.
Extracts. i
* • • * * • •• • • •
I was on the eve of embarking on my return to Quebec, after having dispatched all business
at Montreal, and also arranged the winter quarters for the troops which were to remain in
that government, when I received, on the lO"" of October @ 3 o'clock in the afternoon, a letter
from the Major of this town advising me that an influential Abenaqui of Acadia, had
arrived express, by order of his tribe, to notify me that a very numerous fleet had sailed from
Boston more than a month before, having a large body of troops on board, with the intention
of attacking and taking Quebec.
You may suppose. My Lord, that this news, to which I did not attach entire credence, did
not make me defer my departure, but the vessel on which I embarked having been in danger of
sinking from a leak that had not been noticed, the Intendant and I were on the point of being
lost with all on board, so that we were under the necessity of taking canoes and could retire to
rest only four or five leagues from Montreal, whence we started the next morning at the break
of day, and were only six leagues from the place where we had passed the night when I
received another express advising me that the enemy's fleet was in sight of Tadoussac ; that is,
30 leagues from Quebec.
I then hesitated no longer to send an order in all haste to M'. de Callier to come down as
rapidly as possible with all the troops he had, leaving a company only in the town of
Montreal, and to bring along in passing the greatest number of militia that be could collect.
I proceeded, then, day and night, and notwithstanding a furious gale we encountered and tlie
bad weather we experienced, I succeeded in arriving on the 14"" of October, at ten o'clock in
the morning at Quebec, when I learned the enemy had paissed the Traverse, that is, that
they were within seven leagues of Quebec.
It aSbrded me a little consolation to witness the determination visible on the countenances
of the inhabitants of the town and neighboring villages, whom Major Prevost had called in.
I was also highly satisfied with the batteries and all the other retrenchments he had thrown
up, and which it was not possible to believe could be completed within the space of four or
five days which was all he had. It afforded evidence of his care, application and vigilance.
I made such additions as I thought most necessary, and ratified the order he had very
judiciously issued to the Captains of the Militia of Beauprg, Beauport, the Island of Orleans,
and Cote de Lauson, not to quit their settlements nor throw themselves into Quebec till they
saw the enemy come on shore and resolved to attack the town, lest the latter might land at
some of those places, which they might prevent by lining the shores on both sides and opposing
the boats that might attempt a landing, as they, in fact, have done.
The enemy anchored on Sunday at Varbre [sec], four leagues below this place; at
daybreak on Monday doubled Point Levy, and arrived in our harbor within sight to the
number of 34 sail, four of which were large ships, some others of inferior size, and
the remainder small vessels; we were informed that there were no less than 3000 men
on board.
I shall not particularize here. My Lord, the events of the siege ; their different movements
both on water and on land where they disembarked nearly 2,000 men and some guns ; the
460 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
cannonadings, the various skirmishes which occurred pending three or four days, and in
which they assuredly lost in killed and wounded more than five hundred men. The Account
thereof which I have had drawn up will put you in possession of all the details.*
I will merely state that my principal aim was to induce them to cross a little river which
they must necessarily pass to reaoh the town — unless they wished to attafik it on the side of
the principal roadstead, which apparently they were not inclined to do — because that little river
was dry only at low water I was putting it in their rear (meitois d dos), and without much risk
could reach them in full order of battle, and drive them into it without their ever being able
to recover their boats which they would necessarily have left half a league from the point at
which they would cross, and would have to wade knee deep in the bed of the river in order
to reembark. On the other hand, by attacking them with my whole force where they were
encamped, I was giving them the same advantage I was desirous of preserving, by placing
this tide water (riviere a la maree) in my rear and rendering my retreat very difficult. Besides,
the road to them was impracticable for large bodies owing to woods, rocks and embarrassments
through which they would have to march, and fit for small platoons only, that might skirmish
in Indian fashion, which all our soldiers are not capable of doing, but which was admirably
executed by our officers and Canadians and other volunteers and settlers with such French
officers and soldiers as were already accustomed to that mode of fighting; and, with such
success, that, at last, the enemy, experiencing daily new skirmishes and apprehending an
attack on their camp, having noticed in the evening some troops defiling in their rear which I
was sending to support those various small detachments, were seized with so great a panic on
the night of Saturday and Sunday the 22"" of October, that they reembarked in the greatest
possible confusion and in so much disorder as to abandon their cannon.
Such a heavy rain fell throughout the night which was so dark, that our people who were
furthest advanced could not see what was going on among them ; but sending out a little
before day to reconnoitre, they Jound five field pieces at low water which the boats of the
enemy could not take on board until the tide would rise.
As soon as it was light the enemy sent off three of their boats to recover their cannons but
our men had already got possession of them and by their constant fire kept off these three
boats which were supported by more than thirty others. After having held a council during an
hour all together beyond range of musket shot, they dared not attempt a landing, and
regained their ships without giving themselves any further trouble about their field pieces
which our people carried off'.
They no longer thought of any thing except preparing to leave, and finally disappeared
entirely on Tuesday and went to anchor four leagues from Quebec.
I omitted to inform you. My Lord, that one of the circumstances which disappointed them the
most was, that the arrangement they had made with the Iroquois did not succeed as they
expected. For I learn from all the advices I have received, that when the fleet was to appear
before Quebec, those of Manatlre and Orange were to make a descent to the number of 3000,
English, Mohegans (Loups) and Iroquois, for the purpose of investing us; repair before said
town by the upper part of the river whilst the others cooperated from below. The affiiir would
be very embarrassing, had not God interposed. The same advices state that the English and
Mohegans (Loups) having been attacked by the Small pox, sent to the rendezvous some persons
who were still red with the marks of it ; which greatly incensed the Iroquois who told
' See preceding Document, p. 455. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 4C1
them they were bringing the plague among them. • That disorder did in fact break out in their
midst, and destroyed more than three hundred of them, and finally, discontent having
increased, the Iroquois had retired to their villages, after they had pillaged some English
people. In confirmation whereof, a party of 60 men, which a few days before I came down to
Quebec I had detached from Montreal under the command of Sieur de Mantz to find out the
true state of Fort Frontenac, which together with all the ammunition, provisions, implements
and arms had been abandoned in 16S9, reported to me that there was no appearance of an
Indian having been at that place for the last four months, the grass being waist high in the
interior of the fort; and no Indian huts having been in the neighborhood of their route
from Montreal to said place, a distance of SO leagues, although it was the usual hunting and
fishing ground. I have received letters within a few days, that other parties of Indians who
had gone towards Onontague and to places which are never without hunters, have not
found any thing either; so that I am at a loss to know what has become of the Iroquois and
I expect news every day. As regards the condition of the Fort, Sieur de Mants assures me
that there were but a few breaches in the walls which could easily be repaired; but the
bpildings were all destroyed. This is an affair that, in my opinion, must be looked to in
time, as I am more convinced than ever that it is a post as useful, if war continue, as it is
absolutely necessary for the maintenance of peace, should we be sufficiently fortunate to
conclude it.
But to return to the English. When they anchored at Uarhre sec, Miss de la Lande, who
was one of those that had been taken in the bark which the enemy had met, proposed to
General Phips to demand an exchange. He agreed and sent her to ascertain if I would listen
to the proposition.
As it came from them, I considered I ought not reject it, being, besides, very glad to recover
principally Sieur de Tranville' who had been dispatched before my arrival by order of Sieur de
Prevost, the Major of Quebec, to reconnoitre the enemy, and an ecclesiastic called M. Trouv6
whom they took at Port Royal, and whom they had brought along with them, with what view-
he could not divine. I commissioned Sieur de la Valliere, captain of my guards, to effect this
exchange, of which duty he acquitted himself so well that we have had more French restored
than the English. The latter consisted only of women, girls and children, except Captain Davis
who had been taken by Sieur de Portneuf; the latter had to be exchanged for Sieur de
Tranville ; and in order to have our Priest, who would never have been restored had not
Sieur de la Valliere induced this General's principal Chaplain to come to negotiate with him,
and declared to him that he would carry him to Quebec, if they refused to exchange vSieur
Trouve for a little girl whom the Intendant's lady had bought of the Indians and whom she
offered to give up.
Now, My Lord, that the King has triumphed over his enemies, by land and water, and that
he is master of the seas, would he consider some squadrons of his fleet badly employed in
punishing the insolence of these veritable and old parliamentarians of Boston ; in storming them,
as well as those of Manath, in their dens, and conquering these two towns whereby would be
secured the entire coast, the fisheries of the Great Bank, the preservation of which is of no
small importance nor of slight utility.
' Grandville. — Ed.
462 • NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
That would, likewise, be tiie true and perhaps sole meftns of terminating the wars of Canada,
as the Iroquois, after that, could with ease be wholly subjugated ; and by going to the source
of the evil, the root would be entirely destroyed.
These expeditions appear to me neither feasible nor practicable except only from sea, for, as
I had the honor to submit to you when I was leaving Paris, I believe it Impossible to adopt
sure measures from this point, in conjunction with those that would come by sea. The
distance of the places, the uncertainty of the seasons, the difficulty of transporting so far
the requisite provisions and necessary munitions for the support of the army, without any
entrepot and in the face of the opposition the Iroquois could offer, being, in my opinion,
insurmountable obstacles and sufficient to disconcert any project that might be attempted.
Orange would be the only place within our reach whenever we have here a sufficient body
of troops to attempt it, and time to make all our preparations. Even that would require
precaution, the thing not being so easy as those who proposed it imagined ; which you will be
able to see by the plan I send you, whereunto I have caused those of Manath and Corlard
to be annexed.
I have been advised that they are incessantly at work at Orange, and that they haye
reinforced the garrison. But were Manath once in our possession, Orange and the entire
territory of New- York would necessarily follow, as would be the case with Canada were the
English to become masters of Quebec, which is the sole outlet of this country the same as
Manath is of the other.
«,* • • * « • • • • »
I am, My Lord,
Your most humble, most obedient
and most obliged Servant,
Frontenac.
Narrative of the most I'emarhaUe Occurrences in Canada. 1689, 1690.
An Account of the most remarkable Occurrences in Canada from the departure of
the Vessels in the month of November, 16S9, to the month of November, 16&0.*
Madam
The letters of last year and the more minute information of those who had the honor to pay
you their respects on their arrival in France from this country, have made you fully acquainted
with the condition in which Count (de Frontenac) found it, the agreeable manner in which he
was received, the acclamations of the masses and the universal joy every one evinced at his
happy return. All these things are already known and I shall not describe them. I have
matters to relate to you infinitely more to his glory, and the actions which have been performed
this year justify the idea that that people were truly inspired of God when they called him their
liberator. He found himself forced to wage war on his children against his inclination ; he
employed all sorts of means to induce them to resume the same disposition with which
' Addressed, it ia supposed, to Mde. de Maintenon, and embodied in Letter II., of the 3d Volume of M. de la Potherie's
Hitt. de I'Amerigue Septentrionale. — Ei>.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 463
he had inspired them when he formerly governed them ; they were totally changed by the
evil counsels of the English, and these very English were the first punished for the troubles
they had created in a country which the common Father had maintained in repose for the
space of ten years.
You will see, Madam, in the progress of this Narrative, how those whom the Count employed
had acquitted themselves of their duty. The same zeal excited the French, the Canadians
and our Indians, and it seemed that, when fighting under such happy auspices, they could not
but conquer.
We did not expect to receive any further news from our Upper Indian Allies. They had
left here after the sacking of La Chine, their minds full of terror and distrust. They no
longer recognized in us those same Frenchmen who were in former times their protectors and
who, they thought, were able to defend them against the whole world. They saw nothing on
our part but universal supineness ; our houses burnt ; our people carried off; the finest portion
of our country utterly ruined, and all done without scarcely any one being moved, or at least
if any attempts were made, the trifling eflTort recoiled to our shame, and resulted only in
the destruction of those who voluntarily sacrificed themselves. They knew it would be very
easy for us to oppose this irruption, had we not allowed ourselves to be lulled to sleep by
a false hope of peace. They had told their mind, and were very glad that we had deceived
ourselves, so as to have a more plausible pretext to execute the resolutions they had long
before adopted — to arrange matters with our enemies without our participation, under the
supposition that it was beyond our power to defend them.
These bad dispositions were known to Sieur de la Durantaye, commander of Missilimakinac,
and to Fathers Nouvel and Carheil, missionaries to the Hurons and Outawas. The interest
they feel in the preservation of the Colony obliged them to dispatch Sieur Zachary Jolliet, a
trader in that country, to inform the Governor General who was to relieve the Marquis de
Denonville, and whose name they did not know, of the state they were in, and of all the
designs of the Indians.
He arrived at Quebec at the close of the month of December, and the Count was not less
surprised at seeing a man undertake a voyage of this magnitude, which he was obliged
to make with only one companion, partly in canoe, partly on the ice, than at the news
he brought.
You have learned. Madam, from the Reverend Father Carheil's letter, copy whereof has
been sent you by the vessel that sailed last spring, what resolutions the Outawas and Hurons
entertained on their arrival. That letter laid bare all their sentiments and showed us that it
is difficult to deceive them ; the acuteness of their perceptions, and the just measures they
adopt in the most difficult affairs, are very perfectly set forth therein. You will find in it a
short epitome of their mode of speaking, and of holding their Councils. They are more
eloquent than is supposed, and thoug htheir harangues are a little long and they often repeat
the same thing, they always go to their object and seldom say any thing superfluous.
The Count determined, at the moment, to send this same Jolliet with five or six men back
to Missilimakinak with his orders to Sieur de la Durantaye and his message to the Indians'
to dissuade them from their designs, and to give them notice of the different parties he was
sending against the English for the purpose of renewing active hostihties, and making them
repent of all the evil they had wrought on us and our allies ; but the messenger, learning
' See supra, page 448. — Ed.
464 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
that a number of Iroquois were hunting on the way, was prevented continuing his Journey
which was not performed until the spring, after the Ice had broken up, when it was effected
in the most successful manner possible, as you will learn by and by.
The orders the Count had received from France to commence hostilities against New
England and New-York, which had declared for the Prince of Orange, afforded him
considerable pleasure, and were very necessary for the country. No more time was allowed
to elapse before executing them than was necessary to transmit despatches to France, and the
Count resolved, shortly after, to send out three different expeditions so as to declare war against
those rebels at all points at the same time, and to punish them at various places for the
protection they had afforded to our enemies the Iroquois. The First party was to be
organized at Montreal and to proceed towards Orange ; the Second at Three Rivers and to
strike a blow in New- York between Boston and Orange, and the third was to depart from
Quebec and to reach the seaboard between Boston and Pentagouet, verging towards Acadia.
They all have succeeded perfectly well, and I shall communicate to you their details after I
have spoken of an affair which happened at the same time we received the news of the first
party from Montreal. The letters of the month of November of last year have advised you.
Madam, that the Count, immediately after his arrival at Montreal, had determined to dispatch
a convoy to Fort Frontenac in order to endeavor to revictual it and place it in security during
the Winter; you have been informed how that post had been abandoned by order of M. de
Denonville and that its garrison had arrived the day after the departure of the convoy, which
was in consequence obliged to turn back.
That convoy was accompanied by four of the Indians whom the Count brought back from
France with Orehaoue, one of the most considerable Chiefs of their nation. This man, whom
you will often hear mentioned in the course of this letter, is one of the principal causes of the
war. He was much esteemed among his people, and was induced to visit Fort Frontenac under
pretence of peace and a feast of friendship, which is their manner of transacting business, and
then taken prisoner with forty others of his tribe by order of M. de Denonville who sent
them to France, as you are aware ; and they had still been in the Galleys if the King did not
think proper to send them back here with the Count, the treachery of which they were the
victims being in no wise to his taste.
The disposition manifested by Orehaoue, on our arrival here,i was such as to encourage us
to hope for peace with his nation, inasmuch as war was waged solely on his account ; and the
kind treatment he and his people experienced at the hands of the Count, since they were with
him, ought to have effaced from their recollection all the pain of their slavery. That disposition
appeared in the submission of a son to a father. He did nothing without consulting him, and
it was of his own motion and with the Count's consent, that those four men, in company with
another Indian who had come Ambassador, after the sacking of La Chine, and had offered some
very insolent propositions to M. de Denonville, had set out for Onontae, the principal town of
the Iroquois, where all their business is transacted, for the purpose of conveying thither the
news of Orehaoue and his people's return, and inviting all their tribe to come to welcome
their Father whom they had so long missed, and to thank him for his goodness to them
on his return, restoring to them a Chief whom they supposed to have been irrecoverably lost.
This, Madam, was the message entrusted to these envoys.
' Count de Frontenac arrived at Quebec on the 12th October, 1689. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: IV. 465
They arrived at IMontreal on the ninth of March of this year with Gagniogoton, the same
ambassador that had gone with them. They remained silent for some days ; finally, at the
urgent solicitations of M. de Callieres, governor of Montreal, who pressed them to speak, they
presented him six belts of wampum. This is the guarantee of their words, and it seems,
that they could not open their mouths, however eloquent they are, did this belt not make its
appearance before they spoke, and did not each of those they offer suggest to them what to say
on the different affairs they have to treat of.
The first belt explained the reason of their delay which was caused by the arrival of some
Outawas at the Senecas. It said, that some Iroquois prisoners had been restored there in the
♦ ofMissiUmakinak. name of the Nine different Tribes, the Hurons* having no share in this
negotiation. The Iroquois were invited to repair in the month of June, to the place indicated,
for the purpose of completing the good work of peace, the message of which they had just
brought, and of receiving twenty-six additional Iroquois prisoners whom they had to surrender
to them. Gagniogoton added, that this was the way things ought to be done when there was
a disposition to promote peace, and that people themselves ought to confer about business
without referring it to others not of their nation.
The second Belt expressed the great joy felt by the Dutch and the Five Iroquois Nations
learning the return of Orehaoue, whom they call the General in chief of the entire
Iroquois nation.
The third Belt contained the words of Onnontaee in the name of the five Nations. He
again demanded the prompt return of Orehaoue whom they still call the Chief of their
country, and that he be accompanied by the messenger, by some Indians who had remained
among us, and by all those who had returned from France ; that they come on the ice in order
to consult altogether respecting the measures they should adopt. It added, that all the
French prisoners who were in various villages had been brought to Onnonta^, and that no
disposition would be made of them until they should hear what Orehaoue would say on
his return home.
The fourth Belt spoke thus and was addressed to the Count : — Onnontio, my father ( it is thus
they name the Governor general) you say you desire to again set up the tree of peace which
you planted in your fort (that is, fort Frontenac). This is well. But it is the fifth Belt that
is about to speak, and I report it word for word : —
Know you not that the Fire of Peace no longer burns in that Fort ; that it is extinguished
by the Blood which has been spilt there ; the place where the Council was held is all red ;
it has been desecrated by the treachery perpetrated there; the soil of Ganneyout — a village
ten leagues above the Fort — has been polluted by the treacherous seizure of prisoners there;
the Seneca country has been defiled by the ravages the French committed there. Repair
all this, you will tiien be at liberty to build up the Fire of peace and friendship in some
other place than that in which you have located it, for it has been cast out thence. Fix it, if
you like, at Ousaguentera — a place beyond the Fort — or if that be too far, you can select La
Gallette where Teganissorens — a great chief who was much attached to the Count before he
left the country — will come to meet you. You will be at liberty to bring with you as many
people as you please, and I likewise. In fine. Father Onontio, you have whipped your children
most severely ; your rods were too cutting and too long ; after having used me thus, you can
readily judge that I have some sense now; I again repeat to you that I, Onnontati, am master
Vol. IX. 59
466 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
of all the French prisoners. IMake smootli the paths from your abode to La Gallette, and
towards Chambly.
The sixth Belt — that a party of twenty men has been out since October who are not to
make an attack on us until the melting of the Snow. It promises that if they make any
prisoners they will take care of them, and should we take any, on our side, requests us to do
the like.
The following are literally the words they add by this Belt: — "I had eight prisoners as my
share of the affair at La Chenaye. / have eaten four of them, and the other four are alive here :
You have been more cruel than I in killing twelve Senecas by shooting them ; you have eaten
the three others who survived without sparing one ; you might have spared one or two. It is
in return therefor that I have eaten four of yours, and I have spared four others, in order
to show you that you are more cruel than I. What disposition the Oneidas, who accompanied
me on the war path, have made of the French prisoners who fell to tlieir lot, I do not know.
At the conclusion of this harangue, M. de Callieres inquired if Father Millet, the Jesuit, who
was taken at Fort Frontenac, was still living? He answered that, when he left home, twenty-
eight days ago, the Father was alive.
He was also asked how it happened that the Mohawks came to make war against us? He
answered that ninety Mohegans (Loups) had formed a party in which they had engaged some
Mohawks and four Oneidas; but that measures had been adopted to follow the Mohawks in
order to tell them not to go to war.
This, Madam, is all that M. de Callieres learned of the resolutions of the Iroquois on their
return. He sent them, shortly after, to Quebec where they arrived without the Belts they
had brought from their country, and which they had presented at Montreal. Various reasons
prevented the Count listening to them, particularly because he saw that Gagniogoton was the
bearer of the message; a man with whom no business could be safely transacted; who was
entirely suspected by him, and who had left here to return home (au pays) against his will and
only at the solicitation of Father Lamberville, the Jesuit.'
This occurred at the same time, as I have already informed you, that news arrived at
Quebec of the success of the first party that had gone out against the English, and which had
been organized at Montreal. It might have consisted of two hundred and ten men ; to wit,
of SO Indians of the Sault and the Mountain, sixteen Algonquins, and the remainder
Frenchmen. It was commanded by Lieutenants Le Moyne de Sainte Hejene and Dailleboust de
Mantet, both Canadians, under whom were Sieurs le Moyne d'Iberville and Repentigny de
Montesson. The best qualified of the French were Sieurs de Bonrepos and de La Brosse,
reduced lieutenants (rcformcs) Sieurs Le Moyne de Biainville, Le Bert du Chesne, and la
Marque de Montigny, who all served as volunteers. They took their departure from Montreal
in the fore part of February.
After a march of five or six days, they called a council to determine the course they should
take, and the point they considered themselves in a condition to attack.
The Indians demanded of the French what was their intention. Messieurs de Sainte
Helene and Mantet replied that they started in the hope of attacking Orange, if possible, as it
is the capital of New- York and a place of considerable importance, though they had no orders
to that effect, but generally to act according as they should judge on the spot of their chances
' Compare III., 734. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: IV. 467
of success, without running too mucli risk. Tins appeared to the Indians somewhat rash.
They represented the difficulties, and the weakness of the party for so desperate an
undertaking. Even one among them whose mind was filled with the recollections of the
disasters which he had witnessed last year, inquired of our Frenchmen, "since when had they
become so bold?" In reply to their raillery, 'twas answered that it was our intention, now,
to regain the honor of which our misfortunes had deprived us, and that the sole means to
accomplish that was to carry Orange, or to perish in so glorious an attempt.
As the Indians who had perfect knowledge of the localities, and more experience than the
French, could not be brought to consent, it was determined to postpone coming to a
conclusion until the party should arrive at the spot where the two paths separate — the one
leading to Orange, and the other to Corlard.' In the course of this march, which occupied
eight days, the Frenchmen judged proper to diverge towards Corlard, according to the advice
of the Indians; and that road was taken without calling a new council. Nine days more
elapsed before they arrived, having experienced inconceivable difficulties, and having been
obliged to wade up to their knees in water, and to break the ice with their feet in order to
find a solid footing.
They arrived within two leagues of Corlard about four o'clock in the evening, and were
harangued by the Great INIohawk, the chief of the Iroquois of the Sault. He urged on all to
perform their duty, and to forget their past fatigue, in the hope of taking ample revenge for
the injuries they had received from the Iroquois at the solicitation of the English, and of
washing them out in the blood of those traitors. This Indian was without contradiction the
most considerable of his tribe, an honest man, as full of spirit, prudence and generosity as
possible, and capable at the same time of the grandest undertakings. Four squaws were
shortly after discovered in a wigwam who gave every information necessary for the attack on
the town. The fire found in their hut served to warm those who were benumbed, and they
continued their march, having previously detached Giguieres, a Canadian, with nine Indians,
on the scout. They discovered no one, and returned to join the main body within one league
of Corlard.
At eleven of the clock at night, they came within sight of the town, resolved to defer
the assault until two o'clock of the morning. But the excessive cold admitted of no
further delay.
The to-wn of Corlard forms a sort of oblong with only two gates — one opposite where our
party had halted; the other opening towards Orange, which is only six leagues distant.
Messieurs de Sainte Helene and de Mantet were to enter at the first which the squaws pointed
out, and which, in fact, was found wide open. Messieurs d'Iberville and de Montesson took
the left with another detachment, in order to make themselves masters of that leading to
Orange. But they could not discover it, and returned to join the remainder of the parly. A
profound silence was every where observed, until the two Commanders, who separated after
having entered the town for the purpose of encircling it, met at the other extremity.
The signal of attack was given Indian fashion, and the entire force rushed on simultaneously.
M. de Mantet placed himself at the head of one detachment, and reached a small fort where
the garrison was under arms. The gate was burst in after a good deal of difficulty, the whole
set on fire, and all who defended the place slaughtered.
' Schenectady. — Ed.
468 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
The sack of the town began a moment before the attack on the fort. Few houses made any
resistance. M. de Montigny discovered several which he attempted to carry sword in hand,
having tried the musket in vain. He received two thrusts of a halbert (pertuissane) one in the
body and the other in the arm. But M. de Sainte Helene having come to his aid, effected an
entrance, and put every one who defended the place to the sword. The Massacre lasted two
hours. The remainder of the night was spent in placing sentinels, and in taking some rest.
The house belonging to the Minister' was ordered to be saved, so as to take him alive to
obtain information from him; but as it was not known, it was not spared any more than the
others. He was killed in it and his papers burnt before he could be recognized.
At day break some men were sent to the dwelling of Mr. Condre^ who was Major of the
place, and who lived at the other side of the river. He was not willing to surrender, and put
himself on the defensive with his servants and some Indians; but as it was resolved not to do
him any harm, in consequence of the good treatment that the French had formerly experienced
at his hands, M. d'Iberville and the Great Mohawk proceeded thither alone, promised him
quarter for himself, his people and his property, whereupon he laid down his arms on their
assurance, entertained them in his fort, and returned with them to see the Commandants in
the town.
In order to occupy the Indians, who would otherwise have taken to drink and thus rendered
themselves unable for defence, the houses had already been set on fire. None were spared in
the town but one belonging to Condre, and that of a widow who had six children, whither M.
de Montigny had been carried when wounded. All the rest were burnt. The lives of between
fifty and sixty persons, old men, women and children were spared, they having escaped the
first fury of the attack; also some thirty Iroquois, in order to show them that it was
the English and not they against whom the grudge was entertained. The loss on this occasion
in houses, cattle and grain, amounts to more than four hundred thousand livres. There were
upwards of eighty well built and well furnished houses in the town.
The return march commenced with thirty prisoners. The wounded, who were to be carried,
and the plunder with which all the Indians and some Frenchmen were loaded, caused
considerable inconvenience. Fifty good horses were brought away. Sixteen of them only
reached Montreal. The remainder were killed on the road for food.
Sixty leagues from Corlard the Indians began to hunt, and the French not being able to wait
for them, being short of provisions, continued their route, having detached Messrs. d'Iberville
and Du Chesne with two Indians before them to Montreal. On the same day, some Frenchmen,
who doubtless were very much fatigued, strayed away for fear that they would be obliged to
keep up with the main body, believing themselves in safety having eighty Indians in their
rear. They were missed at the camp, and waited for the next day until eleven o'clock, but in
vain, and no account has since been received of them.
Two hours after, forty men left the main body without acquainting the Commander,
continued their route by themselves, and arrived within two leagues of Montreal one day
ahead, so that not more than fifty or sixty men remained together. The evening on which
' Rev. Peteb Tassemakkb was a native of Holland. He officiated in Kingston in 1676, and gained the esteem and respect of
the people of that place to such a degree that they petitioned for his continuance there as their minister. In 1679 he was
ordained by Dominie Newenhuysen as minister of the Dutch Reformed Church at New Castle in Delaware. Neu>-York Docu-
mentary History 8vo.. III., 865., New -York General Entries, 61. He ia said to have been the first Clergyman at Schenec-
tady. — Ed.
' Joannes Sanders Glen.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: IV. 469
they should arrive at Montreal, being extremely fatigued from fasting and bad roads, the rear
fell away from M. de Saint Helene, who was in front with an Indian guide, and who could not
find a place suitable for camping nearer than three or four leagues of the spot where he
expected to halt. He was not rejoined by M. de Mantet and the others, until late in the night.
Seven have not been found. Next day on parade, about ten o'clock in the forenoon, a soldier
arrived who announced that they had been attacked by fourteen or fifteen Savages, and that
six had been killed. The party proceeded somewhat afflicted at this accident, and arrived at
Montreal at 3 o'clock in the afternoon.
Such, Madam, is the account of what passed at the taking of Corlard. The French lost but
twenty-one men, namely four Indians and seventeen Frenchmen. Only one Indian and one
Frenchman were killed at the capture of the town. The others were lost on the road.
The return of the Three Rivers and Quebec parties were expected with impatience, but
there was no news of them for a long while after.
As soon as the river was open the Count resolved to restore four of Orehaoue's Indians who
had brought the belts that Gagnioton had presented at Montreal. They took their departure
and were accompanied by Chevalier d'Eau, a half-pay Captain whom the Count had selected
for that negotiation.
Orehaoue gave his people eight Belts, which I shall report to you. Madam, as he himself
explained them.
The first Belt is to wipe away the tears of the five cabins — these are the five Iroquois
Nations — and to cleanse their throats of whatever evil might have remained of the bad things
that had occurred, and also to wash away the blood with which they are covered.
The second Belt is to be divided into two : — the first half is to testify Orehaoue's joy on
learning that the Outawas had promised to restore the prisoners they had, to the Senecas.
The other half, to say to them he was very glad they had notified him to tell Onnontio that
they had recommended their people, who had gone out to fight in the fall, to spare the lives of
the French whom they may take prisoners, and that Onnontio had promised, on his part,
that, should the French take any of theirs, they would act towards them in the same manner,
until they should have an answer from those he sends to the Five Nations.
The S"* Belt thanks the Five Nations for having requested Onnontio to send him with his
Nephews back on the Ice, and begs them to put all the French prisoners in the hands of the
Onondagas, who, if affairs be arranged, may be able to restore them.
The 4"" Belt is to tell them that he sees plainly he is forgotten as well as his father
Onontio ; inasmuch as they have not sent any Chiefs in quest of him, and to speak to their
father ; and that they would have afforded him pleasure had they sent him even a solitary one.
The S"" Belt is to tell all the Nations that he is desirous of seeing some Chiefs at Montreal ;
that he is like a drunken man who has lost his senses, seeing they send nobody for him,
and he wishes those who had been in the habit of transacting business with him to come,
in order that they may be aware of the good disposition Onnontio entertains towards the whole
Nation, and of the good treatment he and his Nephews have received since they have been
placed under his care in France.
The G"- Belt is to tie the arms of the Five Nations in order to draw them to Montreal, after
which they will take him back with them.
The V"" Belt is to say, that it is at his request Onnontio has sent one of his principal officers
whom they also well know to accompany his people ; that this Belt is likewise to exhort them
470 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
not to listen to the Dutch who have turned their heads, and not to meddle with the affairs of
those men, nor to be uneasy because Onnontio has begun to chastise them as they are Rebels
to their lawful King who is protected by the Great Onnontio (that is, the King). That this war
does not concern them, wiiich they may perfectly understand because the French, in sacking
Corlard, did no harm to those of their Nation, all of whom they sent back without wishing
even to bring any of them away prisoners.
The 8"" and last Belt is to say, that the Orehaoue is brother of all the French, but
particularly of Collin, who had great care of them during their voyage from France and since
their return to this Country, and that they both form but one body ; and that being unwilling
though anxious to go and see them until they came in quest of him, he divides himself in two
and sends orte-half of himself, to invite them to come and get him in all safety, inasmuch as they
will be as free as he ; that he does not wish to quit his father to whom he desires to be always
united. Let them take courage, then, and come to Montreal where they will find him with
Onnontio, who always entertains for him and the entire Nation, the same friendship that he
has given them so many proofs of, during ten years.^
Gagniegoton was not among the number of those Indians who returned to their country.
Chevalier d'Eau was accompanied by four Frenchmen and by Colin, of whom Orehaoud
speaks in those Belts, who always acted as Interpreter to the Count in the voyage from France
and since his arrival here. He was not entrusted with any message for the Iroquois. He was
only to be present at the resolutions to be adopted on Orehaoue's message, to support the
negotiation of those people, without being a party to it himself, and be a witness of all in
order to make a faithful report of it.^
No reliable news have been received from him since he left. We have only learned from
the English who came this fall to attack Quebec, that the Iroquois, as a proof that they
desired no arrangement with us, had conducted him to New-York, and that he was a prisoner
there without any harm being done him.
M. de Louvigny, a half pay captain, whom the Count sent to Missilimakinak to relieve
Sieur de la Durantaye, also a reduced captain who commanded there, left Montreal at this
time with Sieur Nicolas Perrot who was entrusted with presents and messages which the
Count sent to all the Upper Nations. He was to dissuade them from the alliance they were
negotiating with the Iroquois and English and which was nigh concluded. I send you copy of
'these messages.
He was accompanied by one hundred and forty-three French Voyageurs and six Indians.
The French were going in search of peltries belonging to them, and which they could not
bring down here in former years in consequence of the war, Captain d'Hosta and Lieutenant
de la Gameraye, botii reduced officers, were likewise ordered to accompany them with thirty
men, only as far as the Calumets,^ sixty leagues from Montreal, to bring back news of their
passing that place, beyond which there was no longer any danger.
On the twenty-second of May, they left the head of the Island of Montreal ; having halted
on the second of June, three leagues above the place called Les Chats, under shelter of a
point that shot out quite far into the River, they discovered two Iroquois canoes which
appeared at the end of the Point.
Mess" de Louvigny and d'Hosta resolved to send thither three canoes of ten men each, and
sixty men by land to surround them on all sides. Sieurs d'Hosta and De la Genieraye
' Compare III., 736, 736. " Chevalier D'Eau's Instnictions are in III., 733. " On the Ottawa River.— Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 471
embarked on board the canoes and Sieur de Louvigny was to lead the land party. The three
canoes soon reached the enemy, and received a heavy point blank fire, the enemy aiming at
them from the shore where they lay in ambush. Four Frenchmen were killed by this first
volley. Two only remained unhurt in the canoe of Sieur de la Gemeraye who wished to be
the first to land. They were therefore obliged to return to the place where they had left the
other canoes. They found Sieur de Louvigny there, whom Perrot would not permit to quit
him, for fear of risking the King's presents too much, and of being no longer in a condition
(in case they were defeated) of continuing their voyage, and terminating the negotiation they
were engaged in with the upper Nations.
The urgent prayers of Sieur d'Hosta and the despair of Sieur de Louvigny at the loss of
his men, prevailed over Perrot's objefttions. They put themselves at the head of fifty @ sixty
men and ran over land to attack the ambuscade of the enemy. Their first shock was so
overwhelming that they forced the Indians to embark precipitately. They killed in all more
than thirty Iroquois and many were wounded in the four canoes that escaped of the thirteen
which they numbered. Four prisoners were taken ; two men and two women. One of the
men has been carried to Missilimakinak and eaten by the Hurons and Outawas ; the other
who was brought to Quebec, has been presented by the Count to Orehaoue.
Sieur d'Hosta returned to Montreal after the fight, and Sieur de Louvigny continued his
journey without any mishap. You will learn, by and by, the result of this negotiation.
News was shortly after received through some volunteers who returned and the prisoners they
took, of the expedition from Three Rivers commanded by Sieur d'Hertel.
He was accompanied by three of his sons, twenty-four Frenchmen, twenty Soccoquis
Indians and five Algonquins, making in all fifty two men. They left Three Rivers on the
twenty-eighth of January. After a long and most fatiguing journey he arrived on the twenty-
seventh March near an English Village called Salmon falls, ^ which he resolved to attack after
reconnoitering the place. He separated his party into three divisions in order to assault the
three principal points. The first, composed of eleven men, was to attack a small stockaded
fort of four bastions; the second, of fifteen, to capture a large fortified house, and himself
with the balance was to attack another Fort which was supplied with a cannon. These
three posts were carried without any great resistance. Those who made any resistance were
killed, and the others were taken prisoners to the number of fifty -four. One Frenchman had
his thigh broken in this attack and died the day following. Twenty-seven houses were burnt,
and two thousand head of cattle perished in the stables. After this blow, scarcely any thing
. remained on the premises which were only six leagues distant from Pescadouet,^ an English
town, from which a considerable force could march against him. And, in fact, two Indians
reported to M. d'Hertel, in the course of the night, that a body of two hundred men was
coming to attack him. He made a stand on the bank of a small river^ which the enemy, in
order to reach him, was obliged to cross on a very narrow bridge. He laid four of them on
the ground and wounded ten others, and forced them to leave him master of the field of
battle. The son of M. Crevier, Seigneur of Saint Francis, and a Soccoquis were killed
there; the Commander's oldest son was wounded by a musket ball in the thigh, which has
lamed him. M. d'Hertel continued his retreat as rapidly as possible and three days after,
having sent out some men to see if he were not pursued, they met some English scouts and
' Now, Berwick, New Hampshira. See note 2, III, 708. ' Portsmouth, N. H.
' Wooster river. Belknap t New Hampihire, L, 207. — Ed.
472 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
killed three of them. He succeeded without any other adventure in retreating as far as the
Village of the Indians where he left his son to have his wound attended to. He learned
there that Sieur de Portneuf had not yet struck a blow, and had not been gone more than
two days. This obliged him to send Sieur Gastineau his nephew, with some Frenchmen
and prisoners to the Count here with the news of this expedition. Sieur Maugras went off
likewise with five Algonquins and took the Saint Francis route. No intelligence has been
received of him since. Sieur Hertel afterwards joined Sieur de Portneuf near Koskeb^e
with thirty-six men, including French and Indians.
This officer had left Quebec on the 2S"' January with fifty Frenchmen and had as
Lieutenant Sieur de Courtemanche, Repentigny his cousin. Sieur de Portneuf is the third son
of Monsieur de Becancourt. He was to go and join Sieur de Menneval's Company of which
he was lieutenant, and had served here in the same capacity. Sixty Abenaki Indians from the
falls of the Chaudiere accompanied him. They spent all the months of February, March, April
and the half of May, in going with great difficulty, hunting on their way, to another Abenaki
village, where they did not find any person. They pushed farther down the River Quinibequi
and met, in another village, the Indians returning from the war against the English, six of whom
had been killed. All our Indian allies in the neighborhood were called together and the party
repaired on the 25"" May to within four leagues of the place they were to attack. This post
is called Koskebee, and is situate on the sea coast. It had a considerable fort' well supplied
with ammunition and eight pieces of cannon, four other small forts stood adjacent to it but did
not offer so good a resistance. Four Indians and two Frenchmen placed themselves
immediately on the day following their arrival, in ambush near the fort ; and a man having
ventured out at day break and death cries being afterwards raised, the English became aware
that some Indians were in their neighborhood. At noon, thirty men^ issued from the principal
fort, and came to the spot where our people lay who, after having discharged their guns at ten
paces distance, rushed on them sword and hatchet in hand, and pursued them so hotly, that
only four of them, all of whom were wounded, entered the fort again. As our men followed
hot foot, they were exposed to the fire of one of the forts in the proximity of which they
happened to find themselves. One Frenchman received a wound in the thigh, and an Indian
was killed. At night the principal fort was summoned to surrender, but an answer was
returned that they should defend themselves to the death.
The Count's order was, not to attack any fort, for fear of losing too many people ; but to
attend exclusively to laying waste the country. This order could not be executed, all
the surrounding places having been abandoned in consequence of notice of the approach ,
of this party having been given by a soldier who had been with M. Hertel and had
been taken prisoner by the English. Under these circumstances it was unanimously resolved
to attack the large fort in form, as it was impossible to capture it otherwise. The entire of the
enemy had withdrawn into it and had abandoned the four smaller ones. Our people lay during
the night of the twenty-sixth and twenty-seventh, on the ocean within fifty paces of the fort
under cover of a very bold bluff, whence they had no fear of the enemy's continual cannonadings
and heavy fire of musketry. On the night of tlie twenty-eighth the trench (iraversce) was opened.
Our Canadians and Indians had not much experience in that mode of beseiging places. They
did not fail to work right vigorously, and by good fortune found in the forts that had been
' Fort Loyal. It stood at the foot of King etreet, in the present city of Portland, Maine. Collections of Maine Historical
Society, I., 203, note. — Ed.
' Unier Lieutenant Thaddeus Clark. Williamson.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 478
abandoned, some implements wherewith to remove the earth. This work advanced with such
rapidity, that the enemy demanded a parley in the course of the night of the twenty-eighth-
They were required to surrender their fort, stores and provisions, and quarter was promised their
garrison. They asked, on their side, six days to consider tiiese proposals. They were allowed
only the night to make up their minds, and the work continued. Their fire redoubled on the
next morning — they threw a quantity of grenades without much effect. On arriving by trenches
at the pallisades, preparations were made to set these on fire by means of a barrel of tar that
had also been discovered, and some combustibles. Seeing this machine approacning very near
them, and not being able to prevent it, those who pushed it along being sheltered in the
trench, they hoisted a white flag in order to capitulate. The commander surrendered himself
shortly after to Sieur de Portneuf, and the entire garrison and those in the fort marched out
to the number of seventy men, exclusive of women and children. They were all conducted
to the camp. A moment afterwards four vessels, crowded with people, made their appearance
but seeing no English flag flying they retired. The fort was fired, the guns spiked, the stores
burnt and all the inmates made prisoners. The Indians retained the majority of them.
Captain Davys, the Commander, and the two daughters of his lieutenant' who had been killed,
were brought hither with some others. Our people decamped on the 1" of June after having
set fire to all the houses they found within a circle of two leagues, all of which were
unoccupied. They arrived here on the SS** of the same month — Saint John's eve. One
Frenchman had his arm broken in the trench by a cannon ball, and an Indian received a
wound in the thigh.
There was another expedition against the English, in canoes. Sieur de Beauvais, son of
Sieur de Tilly, accompanied by Sieur de la Brosse, a reduced Captain, and four other
Frenchmen, joined the Indians of the Sault, and of the Mountain who composed the party
which was led by the Great Mohawk.
They marched from the eighteenth of May to the twenty-sixth of the same month, without
meeting any one. Scouts whom they sent out in the morning informed them they had heard
the report of a gun, and shortly after they attacked two wigwams in which they discovered
fourteen persons whom they seized.
These prisoners told them that they would find the remainder of their party, amounting to
thirty men with their women and children, on the path they were pursuing towards an English
fort which they were desirous of attacking. They continued in that direction and were the
first to fall into an ambush those people had prepared for them. They attacked it, sword in
hand, and carried every thing before them, after having killed four men and two women. They
made forty-two prisoners, among whom were eight English women (Anglaises).
They did not think it prudent to go any farther, having learned that there were seven
hundred Mohegans (Loups) a day and a half's journey off" who were in wait for them; and
they retraced their steps towards Montreal.
Being arrived at noon of the fourth of June at Salmon river which falls into Lake Cham plain,
they constructed some canoes there for their return, and whilst engaged at evening prayer,
were discovered by a party of Algonquins and Abenakis of Three Rivers who were on a war
excursion in the same direction whence they were coming, and who attacked them the next
morning at sunrise and killed two of their men and wounded ten; two Frenchmen, six Indians
and two of the English prisoners.
• lieutenant Clark. Supra, p. 472.
Vol. IX. 60
474 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
This mistake was the more to be regretted as the Great Moliawk,' who has been mentioned
in connection with the affair at Corlard, was killed there. This is an irreparable loss which
has drawn tears from the eyes of the entire country. Misfortune, it seems, attached to this
party. All those who were defeated and taken prisoners by our people, were our most faithful
allies. They had just made a successful attack with Sieur Hertel on the English, as could be
proved by their prisoners. But the Indians of the Sault and of the Mountain knew nothing of
it. This accident might have caused trouble, but through the address which was used in
allaying discontent, it passed over.
Advice was received at Quebec, at the same time, of the fight which took place at Point aux
Trembles, on the Island of Montreal, with some Iroquois canoes, probably a portion of the
hunters who had learned the defeat of their party by Sieurs de Louvigny and D'Hosta, and
had come, with a view to be- revenged, by the River des Prairies, a branch of the Grand river
which runs North of the Island. They were discovered by a surgeon named Jallot, who gave
notice of their approach to Sieur de Colombet, a reduced Captain, who put himself at the head
of twenty-five settlers and lay in ambush for them. The enemy charged him manfully
and were received as bravely, but as our people were much inferior in number to theirs, they
were obliged to give way, after having lost twelve men among whom was Sieur Collombet.
The enemy lost twenty-five men in this affair, and retreated also.
Some time previously a party had made its appearance at la Riviere Puante,^ opposite Three
Rivers, and carried off fifteen or sixteen persons. Women and Children. They were followed, and
as the pursuit was rather hot, they killed their prisoners so as to be able to escape more rapidly.
The Count had detached two parties of Regulars for the protection of the settlements on the
south side of the River which were the most exposed. The 1*' was commanded by Chevalier
de Clermont, a half-pay Captain, who was to keep up a constant scout between Montreal and
Sorel, a distance of about eighteen leagues.
The other which was commanded by Chevalier de la Motte, also a reduced Captain, was to
patrol from Three Rivers to Saint Francis on Lake Saint Peter and come down in the direction
of Quebec.
Chevalier de Clermont, on arriving at Sorel, learned that five or six children who were
herding cattle in the vicinity of the fort, had just been carried off by a party of the enemy.
He followed in pursuit with the best of his men and some settlers wlio joined him, speedily
overtook the enemy and killed one on the spot, recovered four of the children, and put the rest
of the party to flight. Four otiier men belonging to the same party have since been found
killed; among these was an Englishman whose commission as magistrate of Orange has been
taken and sent to My Lord. They killed the fifth child who was the youngest, as it was
unable to follow them.
By the return of M. de Portneuf, news was received that some vessels coming from Boston
had appeared off the coast where he had been engaged with his expedition. They were
steering towards Port Royal which is the principal French fort in Acadia. This news was
confirmed in the course of July, wiien the particulars were received of the surrender of that
place. M. de Menneval was the King's commander, and governor of that Country. He had
a garrison of between sixty and eighty men ; eighteen pieces of cannon not mounted (imnt
en ballcrie), and the fortifications were so trifling that they in no wise protected the place.
' This Chief, who was known among the English by the name of Kryn, removed from Caughnawoga, on the Mohawk river
to the Indian village of Laprairie, in Canada, about the year 1674. Shea.
' Eiver Becancourt — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 475
Seven ships, which appeared pretty well armed, having a force on board exceeding 700
men summoned him to surrender. He accepted a tolerably advantageous capitulation, as
he did not consider himself in a condition to resist. He was promised permission to march
out with his garrison, arms and baggage, and to be conveyed to Quebec. He surrendered on
the word of General Phips. Cut when the English became masters of the fort, they did not
consider themselves any longer bound to observe any promises. The governor and all his
garrison, along with the Reverend Mess" Petit' and Trouve, missionaries in that country, were
made prisoners. The Governor's and the Priests' residences and the Company's store were
plundered; the Church, according to their goodly custom, was desecrated by divers ribaldries
and infamous actions, and everything itr possessed in the shape of ornaments was carried off.
They left a sergeant of the garrison to command, under them, the colonists who had signed
the Convention, to whom they permitted tiie free enjoyment of their properties on submitting to
King William. They hoisted the English flag, wliich, on the arrival of M. Perrot, has since
been removed by the settlers; the houses of the latter have consequently been burnt, and
some of themselves hanged by other English pirates who came to the same place.
Monsieur de Menneval, his garrison and the Priests have been conveyed to Boston, where
they still for the most part remain.
M. Perrot was absent from Port Royal at the time of its capture. He arrived there almost
at the same time as his ship which came from France with M. de Villebon, who was in
command of a company at Acadia, and steered his vessel towards the River Saint John
in order to be able to unload her witliout anxiety. But some English pirates having had
notice of the circumstance attacked him and he was constrained to escape on shore with Sieur
de Villebon. No one of consequence remained, with the exception of Sieur de Saccardie, an
Engineer, who went to that country in order to fortify Port Royal and was taken with the
ship. M. Perrot having concealed himself sometime in the woods, was discovered one day
whilst taking some rest, and made prisoner. He was subjected to a thousand indignities ;
but was fortunate enough, as we are informed, to have been overtaken by a French privateer
who recaptured his ship and also took the English pirates by whom he bad been seized.
Several other occurrences took place between the French of Acadia and our Indians, and
the English who summoned the settlers of the River St. John to sign the Convention which
those of Port Royal had accepted, but they were ill received, and retired with some loss. Our
Cannibas^ and Abenakis^ Indians have not ceased making war on them since M. de Port-Neuf's
' Rev. Loma Petit, of the Quebec Seminary, -was born at Rouen in 1629, and admitted to Holy orders at Quebec on the
21st December, 1670. In 1672 he was appointed Chaplain of the Fort at Sorel, and returned to Quebec in 1673. He went
back to Sorel the same year, and finally left it in 1676. He was sent to Acadia in 1677 and fi.\ed his residence at Port Royal,
■where he was taken prisoner by Phips, on 25th May, 1690, and carried to Boston. He returned to Port Royal in the course of
the same year, and retired from Acadia in July, 1700 ; remained at the Seminary of Quebec until 22d December, 1702, when
he was appointed to the Parish of Ancient Lorette. He resixned that charge on account of his infirmities in 1705, and
died in the Quebec Seminary on the 3d June, 1709, aged 80 years. Hev. E. A. Tasehereau't Memoir on the ilhsions at
Acadia depeadeiU on the Seminary of Quebec. — Ed.
" The Canibas were a tribe of Abenaquis on the Kennebec river, and consisted of two or three villages. The territories
they claimed extended from the sources of the Kennebec to Merry-meeting bay and the islands on the eastern side of the
Sagadahock, probably to the sea. They are called by modern English writers, Norridgewocks, from their famous village.
Williamson's History of Maine, I., 466, 467.
' Tlie Abenakis formed one of the two great families into which the Aborigines of Maine were divided, and consisted of
four tribes; the Sokokis, or Saco Indians; the Anasagunticooks, or those of the Androscoggin; the Canibas, or Kennebecks,
and the Wawenocks, called Pemaquid and, sometime* Sheepscot, Indians. They originally inhabited the country between
Mount Agamenticus (now York) and St. George's river, both inclusive; and eventually removed for the most part to Canada,
where they are now known as the St Francis Indians. Williamion, I., 463-469. — Ed.
476 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
departure; they have been burning them out as far as the vicinity of Boston; accompanied by
some French, they have defeated them in divers considerable rencounters, and however feeble
they might be against very strong parties, have always remained masters of the field of
battle. The son of Sieur de Bellefonds, a gentleman much attached to the Count, who had
performed wonders with Sieur de Portneuf's detachment and j-emained with the Indians in
order to go out again with a war party, has, after numerous brave actions, been unfortunately
killed with six Indians in a fight in which 40 Abenaquis contended against six hundred men;
their small number did not prevent them routing their enemies, and killing a number of them.
As I am on the subject of the Abenakis, I shall submit to you, Madam, an extract of a letter
they have addressed to the Count with a belt requesting him to cause the prisoners taken by
the Indians of the Sault to be restored to them ; namely, those of whom I spoke to you in
Sieur de Beauvais' expedition. These are their words: —
" Father, suffer me to interrupt you for a moment with a recital of my troubles. To whom
can a child disburden his heart if not to his father? You are aware what has happened to my
brother, the Praying Iroquois (Thus they designate the Iroquois our allies, who have become
baptized.) He mistook for enemies my relatives and some even of those who a short time
before, had accompanied the French whom you sent against the English. He still retains
them prisoners. This is what troubles me. I have just told him that, considering that
accident as a pure mistake, I did not in truth feel unfriendly on account of it, but I did hope
that on discovering, he would disavow, his error, and restore my relatives to me. Father,
this Belt presented to you is to request you to confirm my word with your voice, or rather to
draw from your heart, full of wisdom, words more efiectual than mine to persuade them
to restore us our relatives, who will come to dwell with us here if you think proper. If they
refuse to restore them to us, I apprehend that my Brother at Acadia will take it ill and
become disaffected in consequence, whereas I am sure he will listen to me, however bad the
thoughts that might be engendered, if they be restored."
Here is also the Belt they addressed to the Iroquois : —
"Brother Praying Iroquois — for such is the name we call you since Prayer and Obedience
to Onnontio, our common Father, have happily reunited us. I am about to visit you by this
Belt, in order to tell you that those whom you still retain prisoners are my relatives, and to
request you to restore them to me. Do not suppose that I have become ill affected on
account of what has happened them. People often kill one another without distinguishing
one from the other. These are some of the misfortunes attendant on war, and which it is
impossible to avoid. But you would have an ill disposed heart, if after having mistaken my
relatives, your allies, for enemies, after having carried them prisoners to your village, you
would persist in detaining them when you are aware of your error. I measure your heart by
mine own ; if what happened to you befell me, and I had taken your relatives prisoners, I
had no sooner perceived my mistake, than I should liberate them and restore them to you.
Brother. Do not imagine, that I deceive you when I tell you, they are my relatives. The
French can testify to the fact, because some of those whom you killed or captured did, as well
as we, accompany them against the English, and that but a few days before the occurrence of
that accident. I say nothing of the loss suffered by you of one of your warriors, (The Great
Mohawk) though I feel it most sensibly. I am busy bewailing hira and two of my warriors
whom I also have lost in this melancholy rencounter. Brother Praying Iroquois ! Let us
weep for the Brave who are Dead, without allowing their deaths to upset our minds and
estrange our hearts which Prayer and Friendship so long unite."
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 477
On receipt of this message the Iroquois of the Sault restored the principal Chiefs and some
Squaws. They have promised to restore the otliers wlien they will see them all disposed to
join their brethren who are settled here at the Falls of the Chaudiere,' within two leagues
of Quebec.
Dependent on Acadia was another fort called Chedabouctou^ commanded by Sieur de
Montorgueil with a dozen soldiers. The English proceeded to attack it after the capture of
Port Royal; landed eighty men, and sent three times to demand its surrender. But their
summons was not heeded. They afterwards assaulted it and were so well received that they
found themselves under the necessity of retiring. Again they caused it to be summoned, but
in vain. Finally, having discovered in an old store detached from the fort, some wet powder
they made fuses of it, by means of which they set fire to one end of the building which was
thatched. The flames soon communicated to the rest of the house, and Sieur de Montorgueil
found himself, after two other summons, under the necessity of capitulating, but evincing, at
the same time, so much bravery and such determination to bury himself in the ashes of his
fort, if they refused him favorable terms, that he and his garrison and a Nazareth Friar^ who
served him as Missionary were allowed to depart with the honors of war — drums beating
and match lighting — and to be conveyed to Placentia in the Island of Newfoundland. The
fort was entirely burnt, but no harm was done to the settlers.
Isle Percee, consisting of a few houses situate at the entrance of the Gulf of Saint Lawrence,
has also been plundered this summer, by some English pirates. That place is the rendezvous
for a few vessels which come there to fish for Cod. It contained only seven or eight settlers with
a Franciscan convent and a few friars; six vessels were at anchor there and fishing with their
boats, which were all taken without any resistance. The Captains and the major part of the
crews escaped into the woods along with the settlers, and finally got to Quebec in Biscayan long
boats.'' The houses have been burnt and the Recollect church desecrated. Some of those who
escaped returned hence to see if the enemy had left any thing, but they have been attacked by
the English army which was on its way to besiege us. They abandoned their vessel and escaped.
These are the most important occurrences in Canada that I have to entertain you with. Madam.
I proceed now to detail to you what has happened in Canada since the beginning of summer.
The Count's departure for Montreal was delayed by the desire he felt to see completed the
fortifications he was engaged in having constructed for the security of Quebec. He had
the palisades necessary to inclose it, cut and brought in during the winter. After the snow
had disappeared, he began a strong stone redoubt to serve as a bastion. They communicated
one with the other by means of a stockaded curtain ten feet high, terraced with good sods on
the inside, almost to a man's height. The exigency of the case and the want of money
prevented the construction of more solid works. However, the English who threatened to
swallow us up with their formidable armament, have never dared to approach these palisades,
although they had artillery on shore. That work having been completed and the Burgesses'
Companies arranged for the guard of their town, the Count with the Intendant and his lady
' The Chaudiere river rises, under the name of the river Arnold, in the height of land dividing the N. W. corner of Maine
from Canada, and after contributing to form Lake Megantic, flows northerly to within two leagues of Quebec, where it forms
a considerable and picturesque fall, and afterwards discharges itself into the Kiver St Lawrence.
' Now Slilford Haven, in the Southeast of Nova Scotia. — Ed.
° Religieux du Nazareth are properly Penitents of the third Order of St. Francis of the strict observance, or Recollects,
founded by the Rev. Vincent Mussart in 1594, and also known as Fathers of Picpus; that and Nazareth were the names of
two of their Convents in Paris. Helyot. Histoire des Ordres Monastiques.
* Biscaienne ; & row boat with sharp bow and stern, of various Bizes, the largest having two masts. Diclionaire National,
478 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
took his departure on the 22'' of July. He arrived at Montreal on the 31" of the same month.
He was long and impatiently expected there. Nothing new occurred since the engagement in
which M. de Collombet had been killed. Indians were out from time to time in the direction
of the English, for the purpose of taking prisoners. One among the rest brought in a person
he had captured at the gate of Orange. Scouts were kept constantly above the Island, on
the avenues by which the enemy could come down.
Hostile parties, not exceeding two or three men, found means, however, to glide in and kill
a soldier at la Chine. A farmer was also killed, or carried off, at River des Prairies.
We had only two alarms up to the eighteenth of August, on which day we experienced a
very serious one. Captain de La Chassaigne, commanding at la Chine, sent a letter in great
haste to the Count, from which it appeared that one hundred Indian canoes were coming down
within two leagues of his fort. Orders had already been issued to fire alarm guns to notify
every one to retire from the country; but this terror was soon turned into joy, when news was
brought by Sieur de L'lUe Tilly, who had outstripped the others, that it was five hundred
Indians of various tribes who were coming from Missilimakinak to Montreal to trade.
He was accompanied in his canoe by four of the principal Chiefs, Outawas and Hurons.
All the other canoes which had reached la Chine arrived the next day. They did not
address the Count until 2S'' in solemn Council which was attended by every person of note,
both among the French and the Indians.
So great a number had not come down since the Count had left this country, and their
voyage was the result of the negotiation of Sieurs de Louvigny and Perrot from whom they
received the presents the King had sent them ; they were very glad to see again a Father
whom they had formerly loved so much.
The speech of the Outawas was confined almost entirely to trade. They repeatedly demanded
to be furnished at a low rate with the articles they were desirous of buying. A promise to
that effect was given them.
They likewise demanded an explanation of the hatchet Perrot had hung up in their cabin.
An answer to that was postponed to another time.
The Baron, Chief of the Hurons, spoke much more modestly. He said that he came down to
see his father, to listen to his voice and do his will ; that he needed powder and lead, but did
not ask his father for any thing. He presented three Belts. By the first he exhorted the
prosecution of the war against the Iroquois as well as against the English. He said that he
feared his Father and he would die, if this war were not waged. But whatever would happen,
they must die together and on the same spot.
The second thanked the Count for having formerly drawn them to Missilimakinak where
they were in safety.
The third prayed him to take pity on their comrades, the Outawas, and to give them
good bargains.
8ouabouchie, chief of the Nipissiriniens, an Algonquin Tribe, said, that, agreeably to the
orders he had received from his father, he had been at the attack on Corlard ; (He gallantly
performed his duty there as well as with Sieur d'Hosta); that they had on that occasion
spared the Mohawks, who nevertheless came even to the gates of Montreal to kill them ; that
afterwards going up to Missilimakinak, he had also received orders not to attack any Iroquois
should he meet them ; that he was not the first who concluded from these things, that his
Father was desirous to make peace with them, and that he inquired his pleasure.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 479
The first meeting passed off in this way, and trade did not commence until the next day.
As it was about to begin, La Plaque, an Iroquois of tiie Sault,' who was returning from a scouting
party in the direction of the English, came within a quarter of a league of the camp of the
Outawas, repeating Death cries after their manner. The Outawas quitted their peltries,
and seized their arms in order to sally forth, believing the enemy were at hand. But they
soon returned to continue their trade.
This Indian reported that on his way towards Orange he had discovered a large hostile army
on the borders of Lake Saint Sacrament, constructing canoes ; that he had followed them
. for some days endeavoring to secure a prisoner, but that it was impossible ; finally that he
had suspended three tomahawks within sight of their cabins, indicating to them that they
were discovered, add that he defied them to come to Montreal. These tomahawks are a
species of club on which they carve figures and in that way manifest their wishes.
Precautionary measures were adopted on receiving this notice, which afforded a pretext for
inducing the Outawas to remain longer among us.
On the twenty-fifth, they were entertained at a Grand Feast consisting of two oxen, six large
dogs, two barrels of wine, some prunes, and tobacco to smoke.
The Count told them he had no doubt of their obedience, and required not a new
confirmation of it from them ; that he would undisguisedly explain his sentiments to them when
they were ready to return to their country ; that he demanded from them the same frankness;
as regards the war against the Iroquois which they appeared so anxious for, that he intended
to prosecute it unremittingly until tiiat Nation came, themselves, to sue humbly for peace; in
which, when it was made, they should be included, being as much his children as the French ;
that the occasion presented itself to avenge themselves; they were aware of the tidings he
received that a powerful army was coming to ravage his country ; that all that was
necessary to conclude was, as to the mode of proceeding ; whether to go and meet this army,
or to wait for it with a firm foot ; that he put into their hands the hatchet which had been
formerly given them, and had since been kept suspended for them, and he doubted not they
would make good use of it. He began, the first, with his interpreter, to sing the War song,
hatchet in hand; the Chiefs, the principal Indians and some Frenchmen chanted it likewise;
the Iroquois of the Sault and of the Mountain, the Hurons, the Nipisseriens, and such of the
Indians from below as were present, appeared the most disposed to execute what was
demanded of them.
To the song succeeded the feast, but it was rather a pillage than a repast, and they
afterwards retired.
Chevalier de Clermont had received orders from the Count when going up to Montreal, to
deviate from his ordinary course, and to proceed on a scout along the river Chambly as far as
Lake Champlain, which is the route the enemy proposed to pursue in coming to attack this
country. About the same time that La Plaque returned to Montreal, he discovered a number
of fires and heard the report of some shots, up the Lake. He went to the place, and during
the night saw eight of the enemy's canoes passing, in each of which were from eighteen to
twenty men, who repaired to an island below the place where he lay in ambush. They were,
doubtless, followed by others, and as he was afraid of being surrounded, and as his party,
which consisted only of thirty men, could not resist so large a force, he retired under cover of
the darkness, and encamped a league below the enemy. He watched them for two days
'Nephew of the Great Moliawk. Supra, p. 474,
480 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
successively; finally, as he feared an attack, he sent two of his canoes down the Charably rapid,
and with the third remained behind to be certain of every thing. He kept in the centre of the
river to attract the enemy, two of whose canoes pursued, but could not overtake him; he found
his men at the foot of the rapid, and proceeded by land with them to fort Chambly, whence
he dispatched an officer named Sieur de la Bruere, who arrived at Montreal on Tuesday the
29"" of August, at eleven o'clock at night.
This intelligence caused the Count to order the four guns to be fired as a signal to the
troops, who were dispersed throughout all the settlements for the purpose of assisting the farmers
to save their harvest. The nearest companies arrived in the morning with the settlers who
were to accompany them ; the others came in, one after the other, in the course of the day,
and some of them left the same day for La Prairie de la Madelaine, two leagues above
Montreal on the opposite bank of the river, which was the direction it was supposed the enemy
intended to take.
The Indians were invited to join us, and some refreshments were given them in order to
encourage them. They promised to send thither all their warriors and young men, the greater
portion of whom started the same time as the Count, on Thursday afternoon.
At night a scouting party was sent out, consisting of two Frenchmen and two Indians of
each tribe, making ten men in all. Friday morning, the first of September, the review came
off, and this little army was found to be twelve hundred strong.
In the afternoon, some Iioquois of the Sault invited the chiefs of the other Tribes to visit
the Count, when something of importance would be communicated to them.
Louis Ateriata was the Orator. He offered several Belts and exhorted every one to open his
heart to the Count, as they had promised, and not to conceal from him any, even the most
secret, transaction.
He told the Outawas that he was aware of all their negotiation with our enemies ; that he
was informed of it by themselves. If they were indeed brethren, let them explain, then, why
they wished to treat with the Iroquois, independent of the French.
One of the Outawas, who had accompanied La Petite Racine the head of the embassy to
the Senecas, answered — It was true they had restored some Iroquois prisoners, and promised
to give up some more ; that they had been forced to declare war; to cease and renew hostilities
without having been advised of the reason; that such conduct was wholly unintelligible to
them, but that fearing lest Onnontio (i. e. M. de Denonville) who was unable to defend
himself, should allow them to be crushed without affording them any assistance, they had been
constrained to look, themselves, to their own safety, and by an arrangement prevent
their ruin.
That this negotiation had not been concluded; that La Petite Racine had died at the Senecas;
that the other messengers were at Missilimakinak, and had laid aside all idea of bringing this
affair to a close, when they received their father's orders by the mouth of Perrot; that they
had come down with a view to learn his will, and would no sooner have returned home than
they would put all his orders into execution.
The Baron, a Huron chief, said: His Tribe did not participate in that affair; that as soon
as he knew his father wished to wage war against the Iroquois, he sent one portion of his
young men against them and had come, with the other, to see him.
The Count was very glad that Louis Ateriata had furnished him with an opportunity to
learn the true sentiments of all the Indians. He promised to lead them against the enemy as
soon as his scouts had returned; or to send them home as they requested.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 481
They, then, went to their camp where their young men commenced a War dance which
continued until night.
On Saturday at nine o'clock in the morning, the scouts returned. They had been as far as
Chambly only, although they had promised to go farther. Reliance was placed on their report
and representation that they had not seen any trails, and as it was of the greatest importance
to finish the harvest, every one was dismissed home on the very same day. The Count
returned to Montreal in the evening.
This negligence on the part of the Indians, who were too anxious to return home, was the
cause of a small, and the only check we received this year from the Iroquois.
On the Monday after we left La Prairie de la Madelaine, the enemy, who no doubt had seen
us and watched our movements, made an attack, a quarter of a league from the village at a place
called La Fourche, where all the farmers and the garrison of tlie fort were engaged cutting the
grain. This was the former site of the Village, the fort and La Prairie having been founded only
as a more convenient place for defence; all the reapers were at a considerable distance one from
the other, contrary to the orders they had received from the Count, and had no arms wherewith
to defend themselves. The Officer in command of the garrison, had neglected to station
sentinels and a guard who could give an alarm in case of attack. The enemy therefore
encountered less difficulty than they would otherwise have met, had things been in a proper
condition. Eleven farmers, three women, one girl and ten soldiers were either killed or taken
prisoners. Little resistance was offered ; six Iroquois, however, were killed on the occasion.
They had time to set fire to all the houses and to some stacks of hay, and to kill some horned
cattle before any reinforcement arrrived from Montreal ; after which they regained the forest.^
On the same day, 4"" September, a meeting was held with the Outawas who were expressing
a strong desire to depart. The Count told them they ought to be satisfied with the cheap
bargains they had had, and if notice of their intended arrival had been given, they would have
had still cheaper; that the canoes and provisions which they were selling the French who
were going to their country, were not any cheaper than the goods they received in return.^
That as regards the war, he endorsed all that Nicholas Perrot had stated to them; and he
again presented them with hatchets, as well for themselves as for their allies ; that he believed,
by engaging them to make war, he was giving them life, thereby guaranteeing them against
death at the hands of the Iroquois which they could not otherwise escape.
To what the Hurons had said, he answered — That he was very glad to see them so well
disposed to listen to the voice of their Father who will never abandon them, and who assures
them that he will never lay down the hatchet until he shall have humbled tiie Iroquois, and
forced them to sue for peace, in which they shall all be included as well as the French ; that
he exhorts them to harrass the enemy on their side as he will do on his, until an opportunity
be found to attack them in their villages ; previous to which they will receive news from him ;
that they knew what he had done to the English, and that he proposed continuing his
operations; that if the English had been attacked rather than the Iroquois, it was because he
regarded them as the instigators of the Iroquois revolt, and wished to punish them accordingly;
that the Mohawks had been spared in the affair at Corlard, because Orehaoue had advised
them of his return, and it was expected that on hearing it, they would again become dutiful
' The English ncoount of this fight will be found in Documentary History of New-Tork, 8vo. 11 , 287. — Ed.
' Que les canots et les vivres qu'ils venjaient aux Fran^ais qui allaient chez eux n'etaieut pas moins chers que les
marchandises qu'ils ea recevaitnt. Text.
Vol. IX. 61
482 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
and sue for peace; but as they had made no overture, orders had been issued to spare them no
longer ; that they saw clearly, he opened his heart to them ; let them decide what they had to
do on their part.
They were then dismissed, and presents were made to all the Chiefs and principal men.
The Count entertained them frequently at his table pending their sojourn at Montreal.
Three Indians made their appearance a few days after at the Fort of Chateauguay which
was commanded by Sieur Desmarais, a reduced Captain. He had stepped out before they
were discovered and was walking with a soldier and his servant. As he was somewhat
ahead of these, he could not regain the fort where they were crying To arms ! He was
overtniien by the Indians who knocked him on the head with their hatchets but had not time
to cut it off; they took away only three of his fingers. Nothing of moment occurred at
Montreal since that time. Some alarms were given but they turned out to be false. Some of
our Indians have gone to attack the Iroquois and have not yet returned.
On the 22"'' September a servant of Sieur Crevier, Seigneur of Saint Francis on Lake Saint
Peter, being in the woods, discovered some of the enemy, and came in haste to communicate
the intelligence to the Fort. M. De La Mothe, a reduced Captain, who had his detachment in
that vicinity, arrived there about two o'clock in the afternoon. He wished at first to attack
the enemy, and did in fact leave shortly after, accompanied by Sieur de Murat lieutenant to
Sieur de Galiffet who commanded the fort. They liad thirty-four men with them and discovered
the enemy in their huts, who were not expecting them and were put to rout by the first
charge which was a vigorous one; but the fugitives formed a junction with those in two other
cabins which had not been attacked, and returning in great numbers and together, found our
people divided and easily made them retreat in their turn. No more than half of them escaped.
Sieur de la Motte was killed on the occasion and nothing has been heard of Sieur de Murat.
Such is the account. Madam, of the last brush we have had with the Iroquois.
The Count was preparing to return to Quebec; winter quarters had already been designated
for each of the companies; he was waiting only for Sieur de la Durantaye and some other
Frenchmen who were coming down from Missilimakinac. They arrived about the first of
October to the number of fifty-five canoes loaded with beaver.
Ouabouchie, Chief of the Upper Algonquins, whom I have already mentioned, had left the
Outawas and came down again with their party to act as their scout. For the purpose of
escorting him beyond danger on his return, he was allowed a detachment of thirty men who
were to convey him fifty leagues beyond Montreal. They returned without meeting anything.
Sieurs de Mantet, de Perigny his brother, S' Pierre de Repentigny and de Montesson, with
the two sons of M. de la Valliere, Captain of the Count's guards, went, also accompanied by
fifty men, in the direction of Fort Frontenac, to try to take some prisoners from whom they
might receive some intelligence of Chevalier d'Eau and of the enemy's plans. They have
been as far as the fort, without meeting any one; they found only six trifling breaches in it
although it was supposed entirely ruined. There is little appearance of the Iroquois having
been there since spring, as the grass is every where extremely high. They arrived here two
days after the departure of the English.
That of the Count for Quebec was fixed for Tuesday the tenth of October. As he was
about to embark with the Intendant and Lady, a canoe, sent expressly by M. Prevost, Major
of Quebec, arrived about two o'clock in the afternoon. It made extraordinary dispatch
having left only on the seventh and brought two letters from him.
PAKIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 483
The first letter was dated the fifth, and he sent copy of the report brought by one of
the principal Indians of Acadia of the Abenaki tribe, who was deputed expressly by
his Chiefs.
" I come without loss of time to advise thee, that I have learned from an English woman of
respectability whom we captured at the taking of Pescadouet,' that thirty ships, tliree
of which are very large, are leaving in order to take Quebec ; that these vessels are from
Boston and four considerable towns; that the English boast they will reduce Quebec as
easily as they have taken Port Royal. On learning this news the chiefs and principal men
have deemed it necessary to send word to the Great Captain of Quebec. I have been twelve
days coming; therefore it must be six weeks since this fleet sailed."
The second message was to request the Great Captain of Quebec that he cause the Praying
Iroquois to restore their people whom they took on the supposition that they were attacking
Indians entirely in the English interest.
The third, that they had sent this Sachem to tell the Great Captain of the French that
their principal chiefs could not come this fall to speak with him as they had promised,
because they are still actually at war; they will endeavor to send some one towards tiie end
of next winter; that they will make a sudden irruption on the English after Christmas, when
they expect them all to be returned home.
The other letter of the seventh stated that Sieur de Cananville had, on his way back from
Tadoussac, and whilst stopping to ascertain if he did not perceive some French ships, had
seen four, eight ^ of which had appeared to him very large.
M. Prevost, on this intelligence, dispatched his brother-in-law Sieur de Granville, a reduced
lieutenant, with a well armed b'ucaicnnc^ and canoe towards Tadoussac to obtain intelligence.
We started shortly after the receipt of this news, without, however, attaching much
credit to it.
About two o'clock in the afternoon of the following day, whilst opposite S' Ours, fifteen
leagues from Montreal, the Count received additional intelligence from M. Prevost confirming
the first. He had learned from three men who had made their escape, that the vessel which the
Misses La Lande and Jolliet were on board of, had been captured thirty leagues below
Quebec, by an English fleet of thirty-three vessels; that the enemy might be about the Isle
aux Coudres, twelve leagues off.
This last confirmation obliged the Count to dispatch Captain de Ramsay to inform M. de
Callieres thereof, and to order down the troops and a portion of the militia. He slept that
night at Sorel.
Thursday. The wind b^ing favorable, he arrived at noon at Three Rivers where he issued
orders to send every body down. He was obliged to sleep in the sloop (galUotc) at Grondines,
fifteen leagues below, as the night and bad weather prevented his going ashore.
On Friday, he could only reach Point aux Trembles, where he arrived at noon. The
rain and storm detained him there the remainder of the day.
Saturday, U"-. He left in a canoe and arrived at noon at Quebec where, as you may well
imagine. Madam, he was received with great joy. The citizens seemed to have no more feari
now that they possessed their governor ; and although he brought along with him only two
' Piscataqna, New Hampshire.
' Sic. The numbers, ought, doubtless, to be transposed. — Ed.
' For an explanation of this term see note 4, tupra, p. 477.
484 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
@ three hundred men, they openly declared that they waited unflinchingly for the English
who could come whenever they pleased.
On his arrival he inspected all the posts; found every thing in perfect good order, and was
surprised at the diligence with which the Major had, within six days and with very little help,
constructed retrenchments at unprotected points, and batteries which, one would have supposed,
had been begun two months before.
Sieur Le Moyne de Longueil had already gone with some Hurons and Abenaquis to
examine the enemy's movements; the settlements of Beaupre, Beauport, the Island of Orleans
and Point Levy were perfectly well provided, and should the enemy approach them, the
settlers had promised to make a good resistance, which they did effectually.
The other settlers around Quebec who were even protected by the town had flocked into
it ; streams of them were arriving every moment, and it appeared that every one would fain
participate in an action which each hoped would terminate gloriously for Canada.
Sunday morning the 15"" S**". M. de Vaudreuil, Colonel of the Regular Troops, left with a
hundred men to meet and attack the enemy, should they land ; he was, also, to keep them
constantly in sight, and give notice of the moment of their arrival.
The Count dispatched at the same time two canoes which were to go along each side of the
river, to meet our vessels and advise them of what was going on.
He caused the erection of a battery of eight guns to be begun the same morning on the
height, to the right of the fort; it was completed next morning at day break.
Though I am no Engineer, I shall give you Madam, a brief description of Quebec, which
will not be perhaps entirely technical, but you will excuse my imperfect ability in this regard.
You know that the River, at that point, forms a large basin ; it flows down in a single stream
and divides at the Island of Orleans, two leagues below, into two arms, one of which passes to
the North between that Island and Cote de Beaupre, and the other to the South, between the
same Island and Point Levy. Thus is formed that large basin, on the Beauport side of which
the enemy's fleet came to an anchor. The falls of Montmorency, the most beautiful sheet of
water in the world, separates Cote de Beaupre from Beauport which is only a league from
Quebec. There is a Little river' between these two last mentioned places, fordable at
low water.
Quebec is situate a little above Point Levy, on the opposite shore. It is divided into an
Upper and a Lower Town. The only communication between these is by a very steep street.^
The Churches and all the Convents are in the Upper Town. The fort is on the crest (croype)
of the Mountain (Montagne) and cojnmands the Lower town, where the handsomest houses are
located and all the Merchants reside. •
The Palace in which the Intendant lives is almost wholly detached from the other parts of
the town. It lies to the left, on the shore of the Little river, and at the base of the hill.
The fortifications the Count caused to be erected, began at that point, ascended towards
the Upper town which they inclosed, and terminated on the fort side at the pitch of the
Mountain, at the place called Cape Diamond.
A palisade was continued along the beach near the Palace, and ran under the Hospital as far
as the fence of the Seminary where it was lost in inaccessible rocks. Above was another
palisade that terminated at the same place, which is called Sault au Matelot, where a
battery of three guns was erected.
' The Kiver St. Charles. » Mountain-street — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 485
The other upper battery, already mentioned, stood to the right. There were two in the
lower town of three eighteen pounders each, both of which were located in the interval between
those above.
The entrances where there were no gates, were barricaded with heavy beams and hogsheads
filled with earth, and mounted with pedereros.
The street leading from the Upper to the Lower Town was intersected by three distinct
barricades (retranchcments) formed of barrels and bags of earth. Another battery has been
erected, since the attack, at the Sault au Matelot a little further to the right than the former
one. Still another has been constructed at the gate leading to the Little river.^
Some small cannon were ranged around the Upper town, particularly on the Windmill hill *
which served as a Cavalier.
Such, Madam, was the disposition of the town on the arrival of the English. But we
placed more reliance on our good cause and the resolution each had seemingly formed to
perform his duty well, than on such feeble fortifications.
At seven o'clock in the evening of the same day, news arrived that the enemy's fleet had
weighed anchor and passed the point at the lower end of the Island of Orleans. Another
message stated that they had anchored three leagues from Quebec.
Monday IG"" October. M. de Vaudreuil returned about three o'clock in the morning, and
the ships' lights were perceptible shortly after. At day break, the entire fleet was discovered,
numbering thirt3'-four sail, four only of which were first class ships; four others were smaller,
and the remainder consisted of ketches, barks, brigantines or flyboats. The small craft ranged
themselves along the Cote de Beauport, and the large ones kept farther out in the ofiing.
At ten o'clock a boat carrying a flag of truce at the bow, left the Admiral's ship and made
toward the shore. Four canoes carrying a similar flag, went out to meet it; they met about
midway. On board the boat was a trumpeter who accompanied the General's messenger.
The latter was placed alone in a canoe ; his eyes were bandaged and he was conducted to the
Count's quarters. The following is a copy of the letter he presented :
Sir William Phips, Knight, General and Commander in Chief, in and over Their
Majesties Forces of New England, by Sea and Land ;
To Count Frontenac Lieutenant General and Governour for the French King at Canada;
or in his absence, to his Deputy, or Him or Them, in Chief Command at Quebec.
The War between the two Crowns of England and France doth not only sufficiently warrant,
but the Destruction made by the French and Indians under your command and encouragement,
upon the Persons and Estates of their Majesties Subjects of New England, without any
provocation on their part, hath put them under the necessity of this Expedition, for their own
security and satisfaction.
And although the cruelties and barbarities used against them by the French and Indians
might, upon the present opportunity, prompt unto a severe Revenge, yet being desirous to
avoid all Inhumane and Unchristian like Actions, and to prevent shedding of Blood as much as
may be ;
' Now called Palace Gate.
" The "butte du MouUq" mentioned in the text -was a hill or elevation, originally called Mount Carmel, situate behind
Saint Louis-street. It was the site of a WindmilL Letter of O. B. Faribault, Etq., Quebec,
486 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
I the aforesaid Sir William Phips, Knight, do hereby in the Name, and on the Behalf of
Their Most Excellent Majesties William and Mary, King and Queen of England Scotland
France and Ireland, Defenders of the Faith, and by order of their Majesties Government of
Massachuset Colony in New England, Demand a present Surrender of your Forts and Castles,
undemolished, and the King's and other Stores, unembezzled, with a seasonable Delivery of
all Captives; together with a Surrender of all your persons and Estates to my Dispose; Upon
the doing whereof you may expect Mercy from me, as a Christian ; according to what shall be
found for their Majesties Service, and the Subjects' security. Which if you refuse forthwith to
do, I am come provided, and am Resolved, by the help of God, in whom I trust, by Force of
Arms, to Revenge all wrongs and Injuries Offered, and bring you under Subjection to the Crown
of England ; and when too late, make you wish you had accepted of the Favour tendered.
Your answer positive in an Hour, returned by your own Trumpet, with
the Return of mine, is Required, upon the Peril that will Ensue.
(Signed) William Phips.
After this letter, which was in English, was interpreted, the Messenger pulled out of his fob
a watch which he presented to the Count who took it and, pretending not to see distinctly
what hour it was, the Messenger came forward to inform him that it was ten o'clock, and
required him to send him back, with his answer, at eleven o'clock precisely. "I will not keep
" you waiting so long," replied the Count. " Tell your General I do not recognize King
" William, and that the Prince of Orange is an Usurper who has violated the most sacred ties
" of blood in wishing to dethrone his father in law ; that I recognize no other Sovereign in
" England than King James ; that your General ought not to be surprised at the hostilities he
" says are carried on by the French against the Massachusetts Colony, since he must expect
" that the King, my Master, having received the King of England under his protection, and
" being ready to replace him on his Throne by the force of his arms, as I am informed, would
" order me to wage war in this country, on a people who would rebel against their lawful
"Sovereign." — And pointing to a number of Officers with whom his room was filled,' he
said to him, smiling, "Does your General imagine, even if he offered me better conditions,
" and that I were of a temper to accept them, that so many gallant gentlemen would consent
" to it, and advise me to place any confidence in the word of a man who has violated the
" Capitulation he had made with the Governor of Port Royal ; who has been wanting in loyalty
" to his lawful King, forgetful of all the benefits he has received from him, in order to adhere to
" the fortunes of a Prince who, whilst he endeavors to persuade the world that he would be the
" Liberator of England and Defender of the Faith, tramples on the laws and privileges of
" the Kingdom, and overturns the English Church. This is what Divine Justice, which your
" General invokes in his letter, will not fail some day to punish severely."
This speech having greatly astonished and alarmed the Messenger, he asked the Count if he
would not give him an answer in writing? "No," replied he; "the only a'nswer I can give
" your General will be from the mouth of my cannon and musketry, that he may learn it is
" not in such a style that a person of my rank is summoned. Let him do his best as I will
" do mine!"
On this reply being rendered, the messenger's eyes were again bandaged, and he was
conducted back to his boat.
About four o'clock in the afternoon, some of the enemy's boats went in pursuit of Sieur
de Longueil who was passing along the fleet on his return with his Indians, in company with
PARIS DOCUMENTS: IV. 487
Sieur de Maricourt, his brother, who was coming from Hudson's bay in the ship commanded
by Sieur de Bonnaventure, the latter having been fortunately advised sufficiently in season to
avoid falling into the enemy's hands. Mons'' de Longueil, however, gained the shore and
received them with a sharp volley of musketry. The boats were forced to return to their
ships, and on their way were saluted also by the people of Beauport, who were on the beach.
Tuesday, a bark crowded with men proceeded from the Point Levi side to between
Beauport and the Little River: a pretty considerable skirmish occurred there after she
grounded, and she would have been boarded were it not that the people would have to go
up to their waists in the water to reach her.
Wednesday IS"". About two o'clock in the afternoon, almost all the boats were seen making
towards the same point where this bark grounded the evening before. As it was uncertain
where the enemy would land, there was but a small force at that place. The major portion of
the Montreal and Three Rivers Militia, and those who were considered the most alert, were
dispatched thither to skirmish. The enemy, to the number of two thousand men, had already
landed and were drawn up in order of battle before the arrival of our people, who with
some settlers from Beauport that united with them, amounted to at most three hundred men,
all of whom were not engaged, as the ground was very uneven, full of brushwood and
rocky, add to which, the tide was out and they were half up to the knee in mud. They
were divided into several small parties, and attacked this large force which was very compact,
without observing scarcely any order, and in Indian fashion. They caused a first battalion
to give way and force it to retire to the rear. The firing continued over an hour; our men
skipped incessantly around the enemy from tree to tree ; consequently the furious fire to which
they were exposed, did not greatly inconvenience them whilst they took sure aim on men who
were in a solid mass. The Count detached a battalion of the troops to bring off our people.
We lost on this occasion Chevalier de Clermont, a half pay captain who had volunteered
with some other officers. He advanced rather too far, and was unable to retreat. The son of
Sieur de la Touche, Seigneur of Champlain, was also killed on that occasion and Sieur
Juchereau de S' Denis' aged over sixty years, who commanded the Beauport Militia, had his
arm broken. We had, in all, ten or twelve wounded, one of whom is since dead; all the
others are expected to recover.
The enemy lost in that affair one hundred and fifty men according to the report of a farmer
who visited the field of battle during the night. They burnt some houses after the battle.
At night, their four largest ships anchored before Quebec. The Rear admiral who bore the
blue flag, lay a little to the left, nearly opposite the Sault au Matelot; the Admiral was on his
right; the Vice admiral a little above, both opposite the Lower town, and tlie fourth who bore
the pennant of Commodore (che/d'escadrej lay somewhat further towards Cape Diamond. We
fired at them the first, and they then began a pretty brisk cannonade. We answered them as
vigorously. They fired almost entirely at the Upper town. That evening a citizen's son was
'Nicholas Jucsereau de St. Denis, son of Jean Juchereau, Sieur de More, a native of Ferte Vidarae, diocese of Chartres,
came to Quebec with his father in 1640. In 164:9 he married Marie daughter of Robert Giffart, Sieur de Beauport, first
surgeon of the Prorince. He was appointed by De Tracy, captain in the militia; served in both campaigns against the
Mohawks and continued to serve in that capacity in the various subsequent campaigns and in 1690 was wounded as above.
For his bravery he obtained letters of Noblesse in 1692 entitling him to the rank of Esqiiiie. He died at Beauport in October
of that year, and was buried on the 6th of the same month. His age according to the Parish Register was about 66.
His son was the celebrated St Denis who attempted in 1700 to found a settlement at the mouth of the Ohio, and
subsequently took a prominent part in the colony of Louisiana. — Ed.
488 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
killed and another wounded. Sieur de Vieuxpont had his gun carried away and his arm
disabled by the same shot. About eiglit o'clock at night the firing ceased on both sides.
Thursday. At day break we again were the first to begin. ■ The enemy had, seemingly,
slackened their fire somewhat. The Rear admiral who kept up the most vigorous fire found
himself greatly incommoded by the Sault au Matelot batteries, and that to the left, below.
He also was obliged the first to haul oW (reldcher). The Admiral followed him pretty closely,
but very precipitately ; he had received more than twenty shot in his hull many of which
were below the water line. All his rigging was cut ; his main mast was almost broken so that he
was obliged to fish it; a number of men were wounded and several killed. For the most of
these shots he was indebted to Sieur de S'* Helene, who, himself, aimed the guns. Fearing to
receive any more which would finish him, he paid out the whole of his cable, cut it, and
drifted away in disorder. The two others held on their fire a little longer, but ceased between
noon and five o'clock in the evening. They went for shelter into JJance des meres, beyond
Cape Diamond, where they repaired as best they could. A detachment was sent to this cove
to observe them ; some of their men were killed on shore, and they were obliged to anchor
beyond the range of musket shot.
Friday. Sieurs de Longueil, de S'^ Helene with some Frenchmen began to skirmish, about
two o'clock in the afternoon, with the van of the enemy's army which was marching in good
order along the Little River, and drove in their flankers (gms dciachcs) who rejoined the main
body. The engagement was a long while obstinate; our people fighting in the same manner as
the day before. The Count had, meanwhile, caused three battalions of Regulars to be posted
in order of battle on this side of the river, and was at their head to receive the enemy should
he attempt crossing. Our men retreated regularly but unfortunately Sieur de Sainte Helene
had his leg broken by a musket ball. His brother, Sieur de Longueil, who had an arm broken
last year at the battle of La Chine, received, also, a contusion in the side, and had it not been
for his powder horn which happened to be where the ball struck, he would have been killed.
Two other men were wounded and a soldier and farmer killed. The enemy fired some volleys
of cannon at our people, without effect. They sent some shots, also, where the Regulars were
in line, from which we knew that they had loaded some guns. They were answered from
the battery at the Little River gate. They afterwards set fire to some barns,- which could not
be prevented, and killed some cattle that were wandering about the country and sent them on
board their ships. They did not lose less on this occasion than on the preceding.
Saturday 21". Sieur de Villieu, a half pay Lieutenant, who had demanded a small
detachment of Volunteer soldiers from the Count, proceded also towards the enemy's camp.
Sieurs de Cabanac and Duclos de Beaumanoir' went out likewise with some other
small detachments.
Sieur de Villieu began skirmishing about two o'clock in the afternoon. He drew the enemy
into an ambuscade where he maintained his post a considerable time. With a view to surround
him, they detached a party which was attacked by another ambuscade of militia belonging
to Beauport, Beaupre and the Island of Orleans. Sieurs de Cabanac and de Beumanoir made
an attack also, on their side. Our men skirmished whilst constantly retiring until they reached
a house when they came to a halt where tiiere was a quantity of palisades on a iiill, and
from behind these renewed their fire. The fight continued until night, and the reinforcements
the enemy were always sending thither served but to increase their loss. We had only a
' Charlevoii makes tUiee, of these two officers. Hisloire de la Nouv. France, I., 86. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: IV. 489
young student and one Indian wounded. The enemy must have suffered considerably. The
night, which was very dark and wet, afforded them means to remove their dead and to conceal
the extent of their disaster and prevent its being known ; for their alarm was so great that
under favor of the darkness they precipitately reembarked and abandoned their artillery.
Sieur de Villieu and the militia were not aware of the circumstance, and did not perceive their
success until daybreak the next morning Sunday the twenty-second. The Indians, who first
made the discovery, found five cannon witli their field furniture, a hundred pounds of powder,
and forty @ fifty balls ; those of Beauport and Beaupre took possession of them. Several
boats attempted to land in order to retake them and were repulsed.
Captain de Moine went out on the evening before, with a hundred men. He made a very
considerable circuit to reach Beauport and was not in the engagement. The Count stationed
him at some distance from the Camp of the militia in order to support them in case of a fresh
attack. They felt confident of keeping their ground with two pieces of cannon which were
left them. The others three were brought hither the same day.
In the afternoonthe two Vessels which were in L^ansedcs Meres set sail in order to rejoin the fleet;
they were saluted with some shots in passing which they returned without doing us much harm.
Monday. Captains de Subercaze and D Orvilliers started at the head of one hundred men to
throw themselves into the Island of Orleans. Sieur de Villieu also received orders to go down
to Cape Torment, below Cote de Beaupre. It was correctly surmised that the enemy would
soon quit us, and it was feared they would attack those places. They sailed during the
night and drifted down with the tide; but some not being able to find good anchorage were
obliged to put into port. Finally, tiiey all disappeared on Tuesday at ten o'clock in the
morning, and went to anchor at L'Arhre Sec.
Miss de La Lande, who was prisoner on board the Admiral's ship, seeing they were about
to return home inquired of the General, through an interpreter, if he wanted to take her
along and abandon a number of his countrymen who were prisoners at Quebec; if an
exchange were proposed, she hoped such negotiation might succeed. She, herself, was sent
on parole to make this proposal. The Count readily consented, being very glad to recover
her and her maid, Sieur de Grandville, and Sieur Trouve, a priest, who had been taken at
Port Royal and had been brought hither with some others from Acadia, expecting they would
be very useful after the capture of the Country.
In the evening she returned, greatly elated, on board the Admiral's ship. The English
prisoners we wished to restore were mustered that very night; they consisted merely of women
and children and none of any consideration except Captain Davys* who was commander of
the Fort which Sieur de Portneuf took. There were, besides, his lieutenant's two daugliters
who appeared very well bred. The Count had ransomed them from the Indians, and put them
to board. Another girP of nine or ten years of age who was somewhat well looking, had
SiLVANUs DavIs belonged to one of the oldest families in JIaine. He had served already in the Indian war of 1676 when
he was wounded and had a narrow escape from the enemy. He settled in Portland in 1680 as a merchant and built saw
mills there. At the commencement of hostilities in 1689 he again entered the public seryiee and was in command of Fort Loyal
(Portland) when the French captured it. He remained at Quebec a prisoner four months. On the return of Goveruer
Phipfs from England with the new Charter in 1692, Capt, Davis was appointed a Counsellor for Sagadahoek. He died in
Boston in 1703. Collections of Historical Society of Maine, L, 209.
" Sarah Gerrish, grand-daughter of 3I.ijor Waldron, who was killed in the attack on Dover, New Hampshire in 1689. She
had been taken by the Indians to Canada, ransomed by Mde de Champigny who treated her courteously, and sent her to
school. She lived with her friends on her return till she was sixteen years old. Belknap's New Hampshire, I., 203.
Vol. IX. 62
490 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
been ransomed by the Intendant's lady, who felt considerable pain at her surrender yet,
nevertheless, submitted for the public good. They amounted to eighteen in all.
M. de la Vallieie was entrusted to make this exchange. He proceeded by land on
Wednesday morning to the place opposite where the English were moored. The negotiation
continued throughout the day. A Chaplain had come ashore and means were found to detain
him in consequence of the difficulties which were thrown in the way of the surrender of
M. Trouve. Finally, the exchange was completed in good faith, but we had greatly the
advantage in it, since in return for children we received adult men, fit for service, and the
number of French exceeded that of the English. They detained two of our French pilots
whom they promised to put ashore after passing the dangers of the River. It is not known if
they kept their word, as they boasted they would return next spring.
All our prisoners arrived that night, with the exception of Sieur Trouve who did not return
until Thursday morning with Sieur de la Valliere. Some Abenakis arrived from Acadia at the
same time. They said they had been to a Mohegan village where they learned that the English
had been defeated off the Coast of France.
That the Small pox had destroyed four hundred Iroquois and a hundred Mohegans (Loups)
and that in the great Mohegan town where they had been, only sixteen men had been spared
by the disease.
That one hundred Iroquois belonging to the party that accompanied the English, had died
of it ; that the Iroquois afflicted by this loss had returned home, so irritated against the
English that they plundered them on the way of ail they could.
That fitty Dutchmen were to go in seven days, with some of their Indian allies, to
the Outawas to endeavor to impose on them.
That within two months, the Canibas had defeated one hundred and seventy Englishmen
and thirty Mohegans (Loups.)
That on one occasion, when the English manifested a disposition to make peace with the
Abenakis, the latter gave them for answer, that neither they, nor their children, nor their
children's children should ever make peace with the English by whom they had been so often
deceived. This is the latest intelligence we have had from Acadia, and the only news we
have had of the Iroquois. That distemper might have been the reason that they had attempted
so little during the whole of this year, and doubtless made them retire to their villages.
Friday, S?"". Three men arrived from the Bay S' Paul who report that they had been on
board two French ships which were ready to pass the Narrows at Isle aux Coudres; that they
had notified them that the English fleet was before Quebec; that they learned from them that
they were to be followed by eight others in whose company they had left Rochelle. Some
canoes kept expressly by the Count along the shore, confirmed soon after what those settlers had
reported. A third sliip called le Glorieux was also notified to the same effiict, and news
arrived that she was preparing to enter the river Saguenay in order to remain concealed there
until the enemy's fleet had passed ; no news of any the others had been received. Regarding
the two first, it is not yet ascertained what decision they have come to, and at this date which
is the ninth of November, no intelligence of them has as yet been received. Immediately upon
receiving this information from those settlers, the Count dispatched a number of canoes filled
with people to go on board those ships, but they could not find them. One of these canoes
went down as far as Saguenay, and has not yet got back, which induces us to hope that it will
have overtaken some of those vessels and returned in her when the wind comes around
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 491
favorable. An armed bark with thirty men on board, has also been dispatched to meet those
vessels. We are thus prevented despairing, as yet, of their arrival, and we expect them from
day to day with impatience in consequence of our want of all sorts of necessaries, every
thing failing in this country, and the Count's family not being spared any more than the rest
by this scarcity.
Several passengers left the ship and came here in a canoe. Sieur De la Foret has delivered to
the Count the King's packets and your letters. It has afforded us great joy to receive news
so agreeable as those which have arrived from France. We hope the great victories his
Majesty has gained over the enemy by sea and land, and the advantages France derives from
them, may be reflected on us, and that He will not abandon this poor country, which despite
of the wretchedness in which it has long been, essays to make the other extremity of the
Earth acquainted with the Glory of its August Monarch, and has been fortunate enough to
add some trifle to his triumphs.
Sunday last, rejoicings were made with great pomp. The Admiral's Flag and another taken
by Sieur de Portneuf at Acadia, were borne to the Church amidst the rolling of drums. The
Te Deum was sung by the Bishop, and there was afterwards a solemn procession in honor of
the Virgin, the patroness of the Country, all the troops being under arms. A perpetual festival
under the name of "Our Lady of Victories" was instituted, and the Church commenced in the
Lower town was dedicated, in eternal commemoration of the protection we have received
from Heaven on the occasion of this sudden attack ; since, had the enemy used as much
diligence as they might, and not been delayed by the winds, they would have arrived at
Quebec unawares and had infallibly overpowered it, as it was unprovided with any force.
Bonfires (Jeu dejoie) were lighted at nightfall in honor of the Count. Cannon, and musketry
were repeatedly discharged, and we did not forget to fire off several times, the guns we
captured from the enemy, and which will be of use hereafter, to us.
At last, on the 12"" November we learned that the three French Ships which appeared off
Isle aux Coudres, had entered the Saguenay, which after having seen the enemy's fleet sail by,
they had left and were at hand. Le Saint FrariQois de Xavicr came to anchor on the 15"";
the frigate called la Fleur de Mai the 16"" and le Glorieux the l?"". The two former prepared
to return, although the season is far advanced and ice appears already in the river, all
the small streams being frozen; we should have been glad had the eleven ships which, we
understand, have left Rochelle for these parts, arrived here in safety. This year might be said
to have been replete with every sort of good fortune.
You ordered me, Madam, to give you a detail of every thing that occurred. I know not if
this Account will be acceptable to you. It is true. This is the sole good quality I dare ascribe
to it. I shall be richly rewarded for my trouble if this little task be agreeable, and can add any
thing to the protestations I have ever made to you, that I am with profound respect, Madam,
Your most humble and most obedient Servant
De Monseignat.'
' M. de Monseignat was Comptroller general of the Marine and fortifications of New France. He was a protege of the
celebrated Mde de Maintenoo. J. B. B.
492 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Chevalier de Callieres to M. de Seignelay.
Memoir of Chevalier de Callieres Governor of Montreal, for Mylord, the
Marquis de Seignelay. 1649.
The English having designed to conquer Canada completely after having reduced Acadia,
resolved to come overland to attack Montreal with two thousand men of they- nation and 1500
Iroquois and other Indians, their allies, whilst a fleet, equipped at Boston, consisting of four
large men of War and 28 small vessels, would proceed with an invading force of 2000 men to
attack Quebec.
Small pox broke out among tlieir land forces, and destroyed from four to five hundred men
on their march. This obliged them to return, and we have been sufficiently fortunate to drive
their fleet from before Quebec.
They threaten to return and attack us in the spring both by sea and land; and their General
told our prisoners that they must subjugate us, or we must hecome their masters.
This opinion is sufficiently well founded, and it will be difficult for our Colony and theirs to
exist except by the destruction and conquest of one or the other.
The question is, then, either to place us in a position to resist the new efforts of the English,
or to conquer them.
For our support and defence we require supplies to leave France promptly, in the month of
March next.
These supplies must consist of flour, pork, powder, lead, muskets, clothing for the troops,
money for their pay, and other articles required by the Memoirs of the Intendant who
represents the scarcity and necessities of this country.
We would require, also, six hundred men to replace those who have perished in the war
and by sickness since the year 16S9, to the number of 6 @ 700 as well soldiers as settlers ; or,
at least, 300 recruits and an increase of 300 settlers in the King's pay, in militia companies to
be formed of one hundred men each with a view of saving the expense of officers. These
three companies of young Canadians would render more service than Regular troops by
going out in detachments against the English and Iroquois ; it will be particularly necessary to
have one of them in my government which is a frontier, so that I may send them out at the
first notice of the enemy's approach ; and this should be the governor's company with a
Lieutenant and Ensign, natives of the country and possessing the greatest experience
in hunting.
The expense hereof to the King will not amount to more than 100 regular soldiers ; it
will be of great help to the country and serve, at the same time, to discipline the youth You
led me to hope. My Lord, for a company with the pay allowed by the King to a Captain, over
and above any allowance as Governor, inconsequence of the small amount of the latter. This
is what you have granted M. de Vaudreuil in addition to his ordinary pay as commander of
the other companies. But I consider rather the good of the service than my own interest in
this establishment of one or more companies of natives of the country in his Majesty's pay;
for I know from repeated experience what they will be capable of doing when they will be
well officered and thoroughly disciplined, which I intend shall be done if you please to commit
the care of them to me.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 493
In regard to the conquest of New -York and subsequently of New England, the management
of which, as well as the government of these countries you do me the honor to destine for me,
it would be necessary, should his Majesty still continue disposed to think of it, to equip
immediately six good frigates, some flyboats, or transports with 1500 land forces and eight
months' provisions together with the other articles demanded in my Memoirs of 1689; and
that this armament leave in the spring for Chedabouctou' or La Heve, in Acadia. A vessel
should be detached to Quebec to arrange with Count de Frontenac the orders and time for
attacking New-York by sea and land.
We should march a force of 1500 Regulars and Militia, by land and water, direct to Orange,
of which, I dare assure you, we will render ourselves masters in a few days; and be afterwards
in a state to descend the Albany river to Manatte in order to take that town with its stone fort
by the aid of the troops and the ships' guns, according to the plan I had the honor to submit
to you in writing. If the season were not too far advanced, we could, afterwards, proceed
againsfc Boston, and attack it by sea and land with our entire reunited forces.
But though we should take only Orange and Manatte, we shall secure the whole of
Canada by subjugating the Iroquois, who would not have any more communication with
the English. We should cut off at the same time the communication of Boston with the other
English Colonies, and thereby facilitate its capture, or eventual ruin.
After the reduction of Manatte, those six frigates could go to the Islands in the month of
July so as to provide for their safety.
The privateers of S' Malo could be also interested in this expedition by attaching to it 4
privateers with two men of war; and we have learned from M. Trouve, priest of Acadia, who
has been a prisoner at Boston, that the Saint Malo privateers have captured this year, 16
Boston vessels with 25,000 pistoles they were sending to the prince of Orange, and General
Phips' brother, and that pilots acquainted with the coasts of New- York and New England can
be found among those prisoners.
This expedition would be so much the more useful as by protecting Canada against the
continued incursions of the English and Iroquois who have combined to destroy it, 'twould
secure for his INIajesty a fine and fruitful country and gain for his subjects divers considerable
and highly useful branches of commerce, such as the cod fishery and fur trade, several millions
of which France imports annually. It would diminish the expense his Majesty is obliged to
incur for the preservation of Canada, and increase his revenues by the duties he would
derive from those conquered countries, which abound in various sorts of commodities.
No fear of attack need be entertained by us from the English when they would know that
we were in the field. It would suffice to cause the Canadian settlers to retire with tiiree
companies of soldiers, pending the expedition, into the three towns of Quebec, Montreal and
Three Rivers, so as to protect them against the incursions of the Iroquois. But if we be not
placed in a condition to go and attack the English, we shall languish and perish eventually in
consequence of their frequent attacks, and the burnings by parties of Iroquois who will set
fire to the houses in the country and prevent the saving of the harvest.
' See note 2, supra, p. ill.
494 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Louis XIV. to Coimt de Frontenac and M. de Champigny.
Camp before Mons, T"" April, 1691.
His Majesty not being in a condition at present to authorize the execution of the attack they
proposed against New-Yorli and New England, they must continue to inform themselves of
the means of effecting it and advise him thereof; also make the necessary arrangements to
attack the English Colonies by land, in case that comport with the King's service.
His Majesty is very glad to recommend to tiiem again the execution of the orders they
have received for the concentration of the colonists into villages, and for the security of the
farmers whilst sowing and harvesting, as was done last year.
His Majesty hoping that they will have induced the inhabitants of Quebec and Montreal to
prepare palisades and materials necessary for the fortifications, has been again pleased to order
the transmission of a fund of 20,000"" for the purpose of completing them as well as the other
posts, with the aid the settlers may be able to lend them.
He desires also, that Sieur de Frontenac pay particular attention to the orders given to
prevent either the Iroquois or English taking advantage of the Works left standing at Fort
Frontenac when it was abandoned; and as it appears, according to the reports to his Majesty,
that they have not been there, he desires that an account be rendered him of what has
become of the provisions, implements, ammunition and arms left at that place, to a very
considerable amount, being obliged to inform them in this regard, that he has cause to be
highly displeased with those who authorized the abandonment of that post, who might have
removed the most valuable property, or at least concealed it in the woods, where the enemy
will not have been able to make any use of it.
Sieurs de Frontenac and de Champigny will likewise give his Majesty an account of the state
of Fort S' Louis of the Illinois ; of the conduct of Sieur de la Forest who obtained the grant
of it for himself and Sieur de Tonti ; and of the movements in which said Sieur de la Forest
will have engaged the said Illinois against the common enemy.
Although his Majesty may have explained his intentions respecting the war to Sieurs de
Frontenac and de Champigny, he would wish to inform them also, that he approves the means
said Sieur de Frontenac has commenced employing to force the Iroquois to a peace, and to
detach them from the English, taking care always to let them understand that he does not desire
it through fear of the continuance of the War, his Majesty being, nevertheless, persuaded that
nothing can be more necessary to his service and to the improvement of the Colony, than
to secure, as soon as he will be able, a treaty with the Indians, in connection with theOutaouas
and others who are under his obedience.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 495
M. de Frontenac to M. de Pontchartrain.
My Lord,
If the frigate we dispatched on the 27 November last, has, as I hope, arrived safely, you will
have learned by the letters I did myself the honor to write to you, and whereof I send you
duplicates, all that occurred in this country and the successful manner in which we have
driven the English from before Quebec.
Their expedition was not badly arranged, for I have since learned for a certainty that at the
time they were to attack Quebec, another body which they formed at the head of Lake S'
Sacrament, composed of four thousand men, as well English as Dutch who live around Manath
and Orange, as of the Five Iroquois Nations and Mohegans (LoupsJ, who adjoin the English,
and their allies, was to fall on Montreal. This would have exceedingly embarrassed us, but,
the small pox or plague having been fortunately communicated to the Iroquois and English,
by the goods and clothes the latter brought them, killed five or six hundred in four or five
days. This broke them up, and obliged them to return to their villages where the bad air
continued to destroy a number of others.
The Kanibats and Abenakis, who are Indians from the neighborhood of Boston and our
allies, have sent me a confirmation of this news by delegates they deputed to me ; also that
when they left their country in the month of February, there had arrived at Boston only four of
the ships which composed the fleet that had been before Quebec, and that the English had lost
in that expedition more than nine hundred men. It is impossible to describe the ravages these
Indians commit for fifty leagues around Boston from which they are within three days'
journey, capturing daily their forts and buildings; killing numbers of their people, and
performing incredible deeds of bravery. Their fidelity and affection towards the French are
not the less, as you perceive by the assurances they have communicated to me by the messages
their delegates have brought me, copy whereof I send you.
Wherefore I shall not omit any thing in order to maintain them in these good dispositions,
and though we are straitened for ammunition as well as for every thing else, I have
nevertheless given them powder and lead, as much as ten men, that their party consisted of,
could carry, and have assured them I should immediately send them some by canoes until
I could dispatch a sloop loaded with all sorts of necessaries to them, when the ships will have
arrived from France.
I know not whether the embarrassment consequent on this ill success and the bad news
they have received from Europe, whence they have not had any reinforcements since two
years, have not led the English to adopt the resolution of getting the Mohawks — who are
nearer and more attached to them than the other four Iroquois tribes — to proceed as narrated
in the letter of Father Bruyas, Superior of the Sault Mission, copy whereof I send you.
Though these advances were made, apparently not without the concurrence of the other
four Nations, who doubtless had learned with reason that I did not wish to listen to them
after their perfidious conduct in detaining Chevalier d'Au, and killing two of the Frenchmen
whom I had sent last year witli him to inform them that, pursuant to the King's orders, I was
ready to send them back the Indians who had been transported to France with Oroaoue their
chief, when they would come in quest of them, as he asked them to do, there is so little
sincerity in all the messages they send, that I am taking new precautions to guarantee us
496 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
against whatever surprisals tbey may make, so tliat I may not experience what has already
happened to M. de Denonville, who allowed himself to be amused by similar proposals.
Nevertheless, I directed M. de Callieres to protract these negotiations through our Indians
of the Sault, in order that it may not appear that I made ,any advances on my side, for
knowing the humor they are of, the surest means to induce them to wish for peace is, to
evince an indifference about it, and to prosecute the war against them with the utmost
vigor possible.
This is what I sent word to the Hurons and the other Upper Nations to do, by Sieur de
Courtemanche whom I dispatched to them with an escort often men only; and that they should
not discontinue perpetually harrassing the Iroquois by frequent parties, as they commenced
doing this winter, having carried off several prisoners from them and killed many others.
Perhaps this is one of the motives which causes them to desire peace.
I recommended the same course to the Chiefs of the Cannibals' when they left me, and I am
persuaded, if his Majesty adopt the resolution to send out an expedition to bombard Boston
or Manathe, and particularly to take the latter, the capture of which may guarantee this peace
and deprive the Iroquois of every hope of protection, a solid and stable peace will be
effected, and this war will be terminated with as much glory for his Majesty as advantage for
this Colony.
The King of England must be the first to desire the chastisement and reduction of those
Rebels and old Republican leaven of Cromwell, inasmuch as, previous to this War, they never
heartily recognized the authority of the late King his brother, and declared openly against
himself on this last occasion. I should think, also, that he ought to entertain like sentiments
towards those who occupy posts in the Island of Newfoundland; and that, on his Majesty
retaking Acadia, thoroughly routing the English from the Island of Newfoundland, becoming
absolute Master of the Great Bank, and consequently of the entire of the fisheries, were he to
send three or four frigates every year to cruize from Cape Sable to the North of the Island of
Newfoundland, he will secure for his Kingdom a trade exceeding twenty millions, and which
would be more profitable than the conquest of the Indies.
I beg your pardon, My Lord, for expressing my thoughts so freely to you, but the ardent
zeal I entertain for the King's and your individual Glory — since you may be the first promoter
of these great enterprizes — induces me not to conceal aught from you that may contribute
thereunto.
» ».* * ♦ « * * • « *
Your most humble most obedient
and most obliged Servant,
May 10, 1691. . Frontenac.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 497
M. de Champigny to M. de Pontchartrain,
Extracts of the Memoir of M. de Champigny to the Minister, dated 10th May,
1691.
M. de Champigny I. The present condition of the Colony causes us to desire the speedy arrival
m.nu, which ihe of the reinforcemeiits which have been demanded by Count de Frontenac and
impen'Miii: attack of *'
him most' aoxTousr "lyself. Wc havc informed you by our letters of the Month of November
*^'^'"'- transmitted by the frigate la Flcur de Mai, dispatched expressly by us for that
purpose, that we experienced a serious want of provisions; that of ten or eleven ships which
have sailed from France for this country in 1690, only three had arrived ; that we had repulsed
the English in the attack they had made on Quebec, and that we were threatened with their
reappearance in the course of this Spring with a larger force. Neither resolution nor firmness
is wanting here for a vigorous opposition to their designs and I am persuaded that you will
have reason to be satisfied. I have been careful in economising the pork and flour which
arrived last year, so that I have still sufficient for the support of the troops for two months. But
we have very little ammunition.
portifl^ationofQne- H. It being absolutely necessary to inclose Quebec, to construct retrenchments
T'hrVe"i?m'r?Lc"^ in the Place, cover the redoubts, repair the batteries, erect new ones, make a
^^tioaoi'caulda";'^' ncw palisnding at Three Rivers, the present one being entirely ruined, and complete
the ditch which surrounds Montreal, We have had these works begun, as the safety of Canada
depends on the security of those three points. I send you. My Lord, an estimate of the
expense thereof. However economical and saving we may be of the King's supplies, it is
impossible to expend less than the twenty thousand livres I have required.
Appropriations for The seveuty-five thousand livres appropriated for the expenses of the war
e/p,n!r.rt"Tr,"'"he of 1690, have been expended for that object according to the two returns I send
occasion of the siege ^ •'
of Quebec you. One amounts to 42,709" 9' including the disbursements to the nrst of
September 1690, whereof I have sent you tiie like for the month of November last; and the
Second of 32,270" 16 . 10. which is the amount of the disbursements expended since, principally
on occasion of the siege of Quebec. Some additional expenses have been incurred for the
war, but they will be included in those of the current year, an account of which I shall ^end
you, as well as of those which will hereafter accrue, by the ships to arrive. I am very glad,
My Lord, to assure you that I pay the strictest attention to economizing the King's funds as I
am well aware that my duty obliges me to it, and that it is what is most agreeable to you.
Paper money. III. Though Couut dc Frontcuac and I have drawn, through M'' de Lubert's
clerk last November, bills of Exchange on France for 87,377" in order to have funds in this
Country, we could not meanwhile avoid this year to make a new issue of paper money (monnaie
de cartes) in order to meet all the expenses, as a portion of our funds which consists
of ammunition, did not arrive last year, and we have redeemed the paper money issued in
1690. It is highly necessary. My Lord, to adopt some other expedient in order to have funds
every year in this Country to meet the expenses of the first five or six months of the one
succeeding. If you will authorize the payment in France of Bills of Exchange to be drawn
here when the last ships sail, at two or three months' sight, by M. de Lubert's clerk, means
Vol. IX. 63
498 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
will be found to borrow to the amount of fifty thousand ecus in ready money. We pray you
think of it, My Lord, and consider the wrong done the troops who purchase at much higher
rates for paper money, than for specie, and who experience, in addition, considerable difficulty
in procuring necessaries.
or the disiribiiiion IV. Some people pretend that the prohibition to convey Brandy into the
"heindralfs. ''"™° dcpths of the forest does not exclude them from introducing it into the villages
of the Indians settled within the Colony, at Michilinakinak, three hundred leagues from
Montreal where there is a fort for the reception of the Missionaries; nor into other distant
places along rivers, as if these in this Country did not run through forests. My opinion is,
that the King intended to exclude its introduction among the Indians who are almost entirely
settled on the banks of rivers, and meant to permit the inhabitants to vend it in Quebec,
Three Rivers and Montreal, and in the settlements of the Colony. Do me the favor to
communicate to me your pleasure, in order that I may cause it to be executed.
Death of sienr V. We lost this winter Sieur le Moyne de Sainte Helene a gentleman of this
le Moyne iJe Ste. „,m it, ii ill
H6iene. Country, lieutenant of the Troops, whose death was caused by a musket shot he
received in the attack by the English last autumn. He has been regretted by French and
M. de Longueii ludiaus. M. de Longueil, his brother is going to France to the Barege Springs,
springTofBur'l^e. "0* being perfectly cured of a gun shot wound he received two years ago in the
arm. He is a highly honorable man and deserves a company.
Useless eirorts of yi. The Indians of Acadia have sent hither this winter, several of their people,
the English to se- ■ i l
of Acadii
These Indians are
and irreconcilable
) Eng-
adia!"'*""'' who have reported to us that they had been warmly pressed to submit to the
English, who asserted that they had reduced Quebec. But instead of believing them, and
receiving their proposals, these Indians had continued the war, and had captured one of their
vessels, freighted with merchandize. They reported likewise that M. de Menneval, who was
taken prisoner by the English last year, had been sent to Old England, and that M. Petit,
priest of Acadia, whom they had, also, taken, was sent back to Port Royal. M. de
Frontenac had these Indians supplied with powder and ball for their tribes, in order to
encourage them to continue the war. He had promised to send them some canoes to convey
these as well as other supplies to them. I am fully satisfied that such cannot but be useful.
These Indians are much attached to us, and irreconcilable enemies of the
English in consequence of a piece of treachery the latter had perpetrated on them
The cause.", somc ycars ago, killing and massacring a large number of their people who had
visited them in good faith. M. de Frontenac has also, proposed to me to send a ketch by sea
to the river Saint John in Acadia, to transport to these people a larger supply of ammunition
and goods to be traded among them. But I have represented to him that I could not entertain
such a proposition without your express order, as you had forbade me engaging in any traffic.
Besides, the Indians who came here have stated that they did not know any thing of the
place to which it was proposed to send this Ketch. On fully considering matters I am led to
believe that this voyage and trade were designed for the benefit of the Captain of M. de
Frontenac's guards who has a settlement and some establishments in those parts. However
that may be, having informed M. de Frontenac that the fitting out of this vessel would cost
the King considerable, that all the stores were short of arms and of all sorts of supplies, tiiat
we had no funds to meet these advances, he perceived the indispensable necessity of deferring
quois. among \
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 499
these enterprises and contenting iiimself with sending at present a Biscayan longboat and two
canoes under the command of a son of the Captain of his guards. I agree as to the importance
of forwarding goods and ammunition to the Indians for tiieir own support, and to obtain tlieir
peltries to the exclusion of Foreigners, especially at this time when Acadia has been seized by
the English to whom these Indians have been in the habit of resorting for purposes of trade.
But licenses or permits can be given to our merchants to go there, similar to those issued for
the Outawas Country, and people can proceed thither by the rivers which fall into the
St. Lawrence, without incurring the dangers of the seas. Merchants will be found to
undertake that.
Two Mohawks, ar- We leamcd in the beginning of April, that two influential Iroquois of the
Worm" ur M?ao8 Mohawk tribe had arrived at the village of the Sault, a league from Montreal,
of the apprniuh of , , ,
and told our Christian Indians, treating them as brothers, that being incapable
English. Qf permitting any injury or violence to be committed against them, they
had come expressly with one hundred and forty-six men who were encamped within two
leagues of the Sault, to notify them that a large force, consisting of eight hundred Iroquois
and some parties of Mohegans (LoupsJ among whom were some English, was on its way to
carry them off and to inflict on this country all possible injury, and that they advised them
Invited to aocom- to rctum to the Mohawk village in order to avoid the impending tempest. But our
Sany thi-in to the . ° _ r o r
on"'iheir decS'i Indians eucouraged by their missionaries, and aided by a reinforcement M. de
whoTthe%''a'ij"iJri- CalUercs had sent them, remained faithful, and declined the proposal. This
peace". """^ '*"' °' Mohawk party having, before arriving, captured twelve persons belonging to the
Sault, brought them back, and told our Indians that there ought to be a cessation of
hostilities; adding that if the Iroquois did not wish to make peace, they would withdraw
from them and remain in their village, smoking. Our Indians gave them for answer that the
governor must be spoken to and nothing be undertaken, meanwhile, on one side or the other.
M. de Frontenac being at Quebec and the Mohawks being unable to wait, they returned home
except twenty-five who remained with their relatives at the Sault. They added, likewise, that
they had not burnt those of our people whom they had captured on the retreat from Corlard
in the beginning of '90 and at La Prairie de la Madeleine last summer, because we bad spared
the lives of thirty of theirs who were found at Corlard when it was burnt by our Frenchmen
and Indians. M. de Frontenac is to inform you particularly regarding every thing that
occurred on both sides.
These Mohawks have, also, reported that Chevalier d'O, a reduced Captain,
ChevaIierd'0,M.de ' ' r r '
fado^to" iht"i?it ^^"'' ^° '-'^^ Iroquois by M. de Frontenac in the month of May 1690, had been
?rary trihe'Laws°of g'veu Up to and scnt by them to Boston, where he remained ; that his interpreter
£l"Moiiawk'3''wh'!^ and two other Frenchmen who had accompanied him, had been burnt by the
8 Frenchmen, hii Iroquois iu three Villages to which they had been distributed ; that Father Millet,
companions, burnt. *■ _ '-'
Newa.^nhcEngiish a Jesuit, was a prisoner with other Frenchmen, in the Indian Villages ; that the
English had taken a vessel loaded with beaver, apparently belonging to
the Company of Acadia where M"' Perrot was; that they had captured four or five others,
supposed to be those that had been fishing at Isle Perc^e last summer: They, likewise, stated
that our Upper Indians had struck several blows on the Iroquois and killed fifteen or twenty of
their men; that goods were very scarce in New England; that the entire country was
abandoned; that the old men, the women and children had retired to Boston and Manatte ;
that only four of the ships belonging to the fleet which had appeared before Quebec, had
500 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
returned to Boston, and tliat the others had remained at the mouth of this River for the
purpose of laying in wait for the French Ships; but this last statement is probably not true,
as it is impossible to winter in those parts which are very dangerous, and the greater portion
of their vessels were small ketches, with a great many sick and wounded, and no provisions
on board.
La Phiqu", an In- ^^ Plnque, an Indian, who set out with some of his men from the Sault last
Gi^inhaw™ merts wintcr on an excursion to capture some English prisoners so as to obtain
toUi^'sauiVliiifrre- intelligence from them, met, on ills return, the Mohawks on their way home,
on.Tf h- haiiiak.n who informed him of what they had said and done at the Sault. This obliged
hplongiijg lo iheir •' ^
'^"'"'- him to surrender five prisoners he was conveying, and on his return to the Sault
Fri.M?™osec 'if.uia '^^ Confirmed what the Mohawks had stated. This Indian is proceeding to France,
■^^^" saying that he wishes to see the Great Onnontio, — that is, the King, — of whom
he has heard so much talk. He is a very brave, and well looking man; the nephew of the
Great Mohawk who was the Chief of our Indians.
or the reconsiruc- Wiicn Mousicur de Denonville was here, we wrote yon, My Lord, respecting
Quebec. the bad condition of the Castle of Quebec. M. de Frontenac who occupies it
at present, has also remarked it, and would wish it to be rebuilt. If the King is disposed
to incur this expense at present, it were well, the building not being worth any thing. It
will cost at least 20,000 f. by making use of the old foundations. And if his Majesty do not
desire that to be done, it will suffice to cover it with shingles, replace some beams that are
rotten, and make the necessary repairs without thinking of building a roof,* or slating it, as
may possibly be required, for the walls are not sufficiently strong to bear such a weight; and
provided two or three thousand livres be laid out on it, it can last some years longer.
But these are always useless expenses similar to those incurred heretofore, which though
trifling in amount, form nevertheless a pretty considerable sum.
Quebec, 10th May, 1691. Champigny.
M. de Champigny to the Minister.
Extract from the Memoir instructif annexed to M. de Champigny's despatch of
the 10th May, 1691.
Fortified places into which the people can retire for security, in season of war, constitute
the main stay in all parts of the world. Canada is exposed on all sides. Every house
borders on the forest, and is consequently open to the unimpeded incursions of the enemy. It
is plain, then, that villages inclosed with palisades must be completed in order to protect the
settlers from the Indians; and Quebec and Villemarie fortified with a good wall, particularly
the former, in consequence of the attacks from the sea to which it is open so as to afford the
people a place of refuge in case of an attack by Europeans, and a means of making a vigorous
defence; simple picket inclosures such as they have, being insufficient and of no duration.
^Mansards. A roof, the top of which is flat and the sides perpendicular; so called from Mansard, the architect, who
inrented it. Jamei Military Diciionary. — Eo.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 501
The Intendant in that country, aware of the importance of that fortification, has submitted
to My Lord the Marquis de Seignelay in his letters of the month of November 1G90, the views
he entertained to effect it without subjecting the King to any expense. Notiiing more is
necessary than to appropriate to that purpose the twenty-five licenses usually issued every year
for trading in the Outawas Country, each of which produces a thousand livres; they are
bestowed gratuitously to settlers and are of no benefit to his Majesty. The public interest
cannot be better advanced than by applying them to that use. Fifteen more can be issued for
the Illinois trade, each of which will also produce a thousand livres, and thus an annual fund
of forty thousand livres would be obtained, provided peace existed and we could send to
those Tribes.
The French for several years occupied Fort Cataracouy sixty leagues beyond Montreal ; the
Marquis de Denonville had been constrained to cause it to be abandoned at the close of the year
10S9, it being untenable in time of War in consequence of the difficulty of victualing it-
M. de Frontenac has always intended to establish it, because it is his work, and he still persists
in that design. But there is no appearance of its possibly succeeding, owing to the many
difficulties which attend it. All the buildings have fallen, and almost all the walls have been
blown up, so that it would require to be rebuilt anew, which cannot be effected unless
at incredible expense, and even were this fort rebuilt it would need as much preparation,
expenditure and men to supply it with necessaries as to make a campaign in the enemy's
territory. Besides, strictly speaking, this fort is a prison for the confinement of a garrison,
and does not prevent the going and coming of the enemy except they be within musket shot.
Hence it is to be concluded that it is very difficult to reestablish it ; that it requires a considerable
sum to maintain it, when built, and that it is utterly useless. It will be possibly alleged that
it is a retreat for the Indian allies of the French when they come to make war against the
Iroquois; but that argument is destroyed when it is known that they always make their
attacks suddenly, and that as soon as they strike the enemy, they retreat homeward, the
forest and the swiftness of their heels being their greatest security. All that can be done at
that post is to carry on trade there in time of peace.
There is not the smallest shadow of a doubt but Peace is the principal and greatest good of
the country. But we have it not; and although people may represent that it will be made, I
do not think we should so flatter ourselves. It is true that in the month of April last there
arrived at the village of our Indians at the Sault, a league from Montreal, a party of one
hundred and forty-six Iroquois from the Mohawk country, who said that there ought to be an end
of killing, which means, that peace ought to be concluded, and gave notice that a large body of
eight hundred Iroquois with some Mohegans and Englishmen among them, was coming to
attack the Sault, in order to carry them off and afterwards overrun the Country for the purpose
of inflicting on it all the injuries in their power. The speech and these Mohawks will be
converted to whatever use people please. If they like, it will be said that the Indians are in
good faith and wish to detach themselves from the other Iroquois villages ; but no reliance is to
be placed on them, for they, themselves, would be overwhelmed by their own nation: As a
general observation, the Iroquois do not seem to desire peace, inasmuch as they have burnt
Chevalier d'O's interpreter and two other Frenchmen whom M. de Frontenac sent with him, a
year ago; and have delivered Chevilier d'O to the Mohawks who sent him to Boston to save
him from destruction, as a return for our Frenchmen and Indians having spared the lives of
thirty of their people who were at Corlard when it was burnt. Oreoaoue, a Chief of one
502 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
of those villages who was a prisoner among us, and is one of those who returned from France
in 16S9, went hunting in the beginning of last Spring and has not returned, which makes us
suspect that he will have gone back to his own country. Another similar prisoner killed one
of our Christian Indians, whilst hunting with him last winter, and went afterwards over to
the Iroquois. The Outawas and Illinois have made some attacks on them within a year and
killed some of their people, and the English are continually with the Iroquois to divert them
from any thoughts of peace. Thus, it is evident that matters are more embroiled than ever;
and as we are not in a condition to go with force of arms to the Iroquois to destroy all their
towns at the same time, nothing remains but to make some presents to all our Indian allies,
Outawas, Illinois and other Upper Nations in order to induce them to continue to harrass the
enemy; to act in like manner towards the Abenakis, Canibas and other Nations of Acadia so
that they may persist in their attacks on the English in the neighborhood of Boston; in which
they have heretofore experienced invariable success, and advantage; engage our Christian
Indians settled in the Colony to unite with our French to do the like in the direction of Orange,
and to be most vigilant within the settlements; to perform the sowing and the reaping in a
body without being dispersed and at too great a distance, as the Iroquois most generally take
advantage of those seasons to attack the Colony; on which occasions success has hardly ever
failed them up to the present time.
For the support and continuance of this war, it is necessary that the King be so good as to
assist the country, as he has done of late years, with a supply of troops, money, provisions and
ammunition. The Intendant has sent My Lord the Marquis de Seignelay estimates of all that
is required, wherein he has only entered the articles absolutely necessary. It is full time
that they arrive as well as the clothing for the Soldiers who have not had any for three years.
The stores are empty; and the Treasury without any funds except paper money, which is not
employed so profitably as ordinary currency.
It is proper to add to this Memoir the news which has just arrived from Montreal, in proof
that the war rages worse than ever. The eight hundred Iroquois whose approach the Mohawks
reported, made their appearance at the upper part of the Colony. Three or four hundred of
them fell on the lower part of the Island of Montreal, where they burnt twenty-five houses, and
took, or killed three persons; the others have scattered themselves, in divers bands, through
different places without any one being aware where they will strike as they keep the woods.
It is evident then how important it is not to flatter ourselves any longer with the hope of peace,
and to send from France (if the preservation of this Country be desired) necessary aid in
men and ammunition ; to provide, at the same time, for the security of the three principal
places, and when such defences will be constructed, to proceed against the enemy who at present
rules the Country and prevents the sowing being completed, which throws the settlers into
great consternation.
Oreoae, the Iroquois chief who was a prisoner here, and was supposed to have gone
home, as we have already stated, has come in to-day from hunting. He appeared greatly
displeased with his Nation when he learned that they burnt the Interpreter and the two
Canoemen of Chevalier d'O. M. de Frontenac has proposed to him to speak to those nations,
to which he answered, that since they had burnt Chevalier d'O's men he was no longer their
Captain, and that perhaps they would burn himself. This will show that affairs are more
confused than ever.
Quebec, 12th May, 1691. Champigny.
My Lord,
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. ' 503
M. de CTiampigny to the Minister.
The Roo iroquou ^^ \\2iVQ just learned by a canoe sent by M. de Callieres, that the eight
imh)°atiack''Mo''n°. hundred Iroquois with whom we were threatened, had made their appearance
auhe lower endTf and Were dispersed in various bands throughout the neighborhood North and
houses; 'foriuDate South of Montreal ; that three (cb. four hundred had invaded the lower part of
preoaiitions of M. i \^ r
docaui^res. ^hat Island where they burnt twenty-five houses in which, fortunately, there
were but one man and two women who have been killed or taken prisoners. The
precautions adopted by Mons' de Callieres have saved a considerable number of persons
thereabouts; also the grain, furniture and cattle which were distributed among the forts. We
It is not yet known do not yet know what place will be attacked by the others who are in the woods
wiuSight.* " °" and at liberty to make a descent at whatever point they please, and it is scarcely
possible with the few troops in the country to garrison the three principal places, and the
Mnuin^ml'Vow™" fo^ts, and to take the field against them. The difficulty of continuing the sowing,
coumfyaneasy.'"'"''^ which had Only been begun throughout the entire Upper country above Three
Rivers, and the want here of munitions of war, are most unfortunate circumstances. Vou
Demands reinforce- ^""^ aware, then, my Lord, how important it is that we be supplied with troops,
""""*■ provisions and ammunition. I am reduced to the necessity of having the leaden
gutters and weights melted in order to be run into bullets. M. Gaillard who is about to embark,
will explain to you every thing you desire to know. He has a thorough knowledge of the
state of this Country. He takes charge of a Memoir I have drawn up on every particular, so
that he may have the honor of conversing with you thereupon, when he submits it to you.
He is as well informed as I am of its contents, and you can repose entire confidence in his
representations, being full of integrity and honor.
I am with most profound respect
My Lord,
Your most humble, most obedient
and most obliged servant
Quebec 12 May 1691. Champigny.
M. de Chamingny to M. de Pontcliartrain}
My Lord,
Thanit^ the Minister We could not dcsire more agreeable news than those we have just received
mentasML " from you by the fleet you have had the goodness to send us under the command
' Loins PHfiLTPEAUX, Count de Pontcharteain, son of Paul Phclypeaux, Lord de P., Secretary of State, was born in 1643.
At the age of 17 he was admitted Councillor in the Parliament of Paris, and in 1667 was elected first President of the
Parliament of Brittany. He was appointed Intendant of Finances in 1687, and succeeded M. de Seignelay as Secretary of State,
in 1690. In 1699 he was appointed Cliancellor, and after having served his country with zeal in that office for the space of
15 years, resigned the post in 1714 and retired to the Institution of the Oratory, where he occupied his time in prayer, reading
meditation and almsgiving. Towards the close of his life he removed to his Chateau of Pontcliartrain, where he expired on
the 22ad of December, 1727, at the age of 85. SL de Pontchartrain was very small of stature, thin, but well formed. _ Though
poor, he was so honest that force was necessary to oblige him to accept an office which conferred on him power, patronage
and wealth. In authority he preserved an inviolable attachment to the laws and forms of justice. Biographic UniverulU.
504 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
of M. du Tast, who has acquitted himself very well of his charge whereof he will render you
an account. Count de Frontenac will communicate to you the reasons which induced him not
to send that officer to Hudson's bay, and why he detained him here. Le Soldi cCAfrique goes to
Acadia, and la Catherine remains with us for the purpose of conveying the latest intelligence
to you. This succor was needed, and has arrived at a time when we were in great want of it.
We know not how to express to his Majesty the deep obligations of the country for the
powerful protection he has afforded; and as it is through you, My Lord, we have obtained it,
we tender to you our most humble thanks. If the arrival of this fleet has diffused general joy
throughout the country, I have individually experienced the most profound gratification
on learning that the King had bestowed on you the offices held by My Lord the Marquis de
Seignelay. I participate in the joy as in duty bound, and feel highly honored in serving under
your orders; my zeal, exactitude and fidelity herein will equal my efforts to deserve the honor
of your protection.
The Iroquois cnn- Since the despatchcs I have had the honor to address My Lord de Seignelay last
since M.iyTc'usI May by le Saint Francois Xavier and le Glorieux, which will have been handed
the si-iikminte of you, the IroQuols have continued to remain in the Colony, harrassing us. They
Monlrt-al aud eavi- •' T J ' ft J
'"IS- never acted with so much obstinacy, having taken and killed many Frenchmen
and committed great havoc throughout the settlements of Montreal and its environs. A party
A pnriy consisting consisting of English, Iroquois, Mohawks, and Indians called Loups, three
M',hl''wk8'^an!i*^En<Jl huudrsd in all, has just fallen on La Prairie de la Madelaine where we had a
ia''Made'iain'e™u,- camp of six hundred men including both Regulars and Militia. They surprised
the Unionists. B-nt- and routed our Militia, to whose support the Regulars proceeded immediately. The
en in turn by M. ' fr o r J
head "oran^infer'ior cuemy fired a voilcy ; killed several officers, soldiers and militia and retreated.
'°''^' Our loss has been repaired by Captain de Vallerenne, commanding a small separate
detachment. He fell in with the enemy on their way back, and though inferior in point of
numbers, he fought them with such tact, resolution and courage that he cut them to pieces,
having killed or wounded nearly all of them, and this has most effectually reestablished our
honor. That officer deserves your protection, My Lord. M. de Frontenac sends you a
detailed account of this action.
I do not transmit to you by this opportunity a report of my department, deferring it until
the sailing of la Catherine. I will merely say that we shall need early assistance in the spring
equal to that afforded this year, together with a thousand soldiers, for we have every reason
to fear that the English will attack us by sea towards the close of next May. This is
particularly to solicit the honor of your protection, being with most profound respect,
My Lord,
Your most humble, most obedient,
and most obliged Servant,
12 August 1G91. Champignt.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 505
M. de FrontenoG to M. de Pontcliartrain.
• ••••••••••
T detained him [M. du Tast] as well as Sieur de Bonnaventure here for reasons which I
submitted to you, and they sailed hence only on the S"* September; the first with orders to
cruise, as long as his stores permitted, along the mouth of our river, where we are informed
there are some vessels from Manathe and Boston ; and to touch afterwards at Placentia and
the Islands of St. Peter as his orders from Court direct.
The other will land Sieur de Villebon at the place he shall select for his establishment, and
is ordered to call at Port Royal, to push as far as Boston and Manatte, and acquire all the
information and knowledge possible respecting the entire of those coasts, with a view to render
you a faithful report thereof, which may facilitate the execution of any demonstrations it will
possibly be desirable to make against them.
This year the opportunity would have been the most favorable in the world, in consequence
of the situation of affairs in that country and the confusion which must prevail at Manatte, as
you perceive by the copy of Sieur de St. Castin's letters which I send you. Those the
Governor of Boston and M. de Nelson' address me, and which I annex, will lead you also
to conclude that the nature of their advances and their friendly language, so different from
what they formerly addressed to M. de Denonville, indicate that their arrogance is somewhat
abated, and that they are greatly afraid of our incursions and of those of our Indians.
I know not whether you approve my answer and the complaints I make that, under pretence
of asking leave to release their prisoners in the hands of our Indians, they appear rather to
entertain the design of attempting to alienate the latter from us and to debauch even our
Frenchmen. As they have none of our people in their hands, we have no interest in
listening to an exchange unless they include such as are among the Iroquois so as to make the
exchange general.
It will, nevertheless, be always well to know what they desire to propose, and if they should
make other overtures, which I could submit to you by our last ships, I shall request you to
prescribe to me what course I am to pursue.
It would be useless for me to repeat to you all the arguments contained in my despatches of
to the Marquis de Seignelay on the subject of the capture of Manath, and New-York,
as the most assured means of terminating this war and of utterly reducing the Iroquois.
Neither is it necessary for me to tell you that, according to my limited information, the Canada
forces cannot cooperate in that expedition, even were they more numerous than they are,
owing to the distance of the places; the difficulty of the communications, of the precise
rendezvous necessary to be made, and many other reasons I have explained sufficiently in
detail ; that therefore, the only thing we could undertake from here would be to attack Orange,
for which would still be required both time and forces in addition to those we already have, so as
not to expose this country by utterly stripping it ; and that, if the design were formed to proceed
to Manath, such could not be accomplished except by sending an expedition by sea to bombard
it, and by landing at the same time a force which would conquer it.
I proposed likewise sending other vessels against Boston, to bombard that place, and to see
if the fright into which it would throw its inhabitants, would not force them to surrender,
' See note, IV., 211. — Ed.
Vol. IX. 64
506 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
whereof there is some appearance. This would at least cause a diversion ; give them some
occupation and prevent them thinking of sending reinforcements to Manath, the capture
whereof is alone necessary for the security of this country, which is very well able to dispense
with that of Boston. I believe it would be necessary to burn and entirely destroy the latter
city, were we masters of it, and to think only of placing the post of Port Royal on a
solid foundation.
I am aware that in the present state of European affairs, it will perhaps be difficult to think
of matters so remote. But the King's arms are everywhere accompanied by such considerable
good fortune and success, that I hope those he will have gained over his enemies this
campaign will place him in condition to undertake what he pleases in more distant countries.
My Lord
Your most humble and most
Obedient Servant
October 20 1691. Fkontenac.
M. de Villebon to M. de Pontchartrain.
Extracts from a Memoir annexed to Chevalier de Villebon's letter to My Lord
de Pontchartrain. 12"" October, 1691.
On Acadia.
1" Had the English succeeded in gaining our Indian allies over to agree to a peace with
them after the fall of Port Royal, there is no doubt but Canada would have been entirely
exposed and, I dare add, lost, in consequence of the facilities they possess of reaching Quebec
from the river Saint John and from Pentagouet in ten or twelve days at farthest, and of the
knowledge of the state of the country and of our forces.
Therefore, they cannot be too closely engaged in our interests ; this is easily effected by
continuing the presents that his Majesty has begun to make them this year. Munitions of war
ought especially to form a large proportion of these presents, and the gentlemen of the Company
of Acadia, bssides, ought to supply them, as they do the settlers, with whatever will be of use
to them.
A garrison ought to be always stationed, during the war, at the place where I am going to
reside. The Indian never feels so much encouraged as when he sees himself sustained.
2'' As the Cod constitutes the greatest part of the New England trade, and as that fish is
only transiently with them, they are obliged to come and fish along our coasts, and it may be
asserted that half of New England has supported itself by this trade ; and as the Indians
prevent them entering our ports, -to wood and water and shelter themselves from bad weather,
they will leave nothing undone to engage the said Indians in a peace, or to establish
themselves at Port Royal, where, once settled, they would easily attract those Indians who
would be forced to go thither in order to procure their necessaries.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 507
Respecting Boston.
S*. I am told by well informed inhabitants of Port Royal, wbo returned from Boston in the
month of May, tiiat there were no fortifications to the town, althougli Count de Frontenac, on
the report made to him, states that there is a sodded inclosure around it. There are only two
gun-batteries on the left, going in.
The fort at the entrance, about a league from the town, is no great afflxir. It is of stone
with four small bastions, on a little island somewhat perpendicular, and washed by the sea ;
a battery of ten or twelve guns, without embrasures, must be passed; the channel is narrow,
and their resource, in case an attempt be made to pass the fort, is to sink, two vessels for the
defence of the mouth of the harbor. No town can be easier burnt than Boston. More than
two-thirds of it consists of frame houses, covered with shingles. The streets are very narrow.
I estimate the town, having been there twice, as two-thirds the size of Rochelle.
Respecting Manatte.
The memoirs which Count de Frontenac sends respecting Manatte are very correct. The
Governor sent thither by the Prince of Orange is called Colonel Slaughter. He arrived there
this spring in a frigate of forty-six guns and about one hundred and fifty soldiers, and on his
arrival, caused a colonist' and ten or twelve others who had seized the fort, to be hung.
The expedition against Manatte would be the most advantageous for Canada. It would
render the King master of^a-iine Country, and put an end at once to the Iroquois war. The
expense incurred for Canada during two years would be more than sufficient for this expedition.
A French privateer has taken three Vessels this summer within view of Boston. I could
not learn where he was fitted out. Two or three frigates would be required to cruise along the
coast. No vessels could enter without being captured. This year's fleet to the number of ten
or twelve, arrived there without convoy.
Petition of M. de Collier es to M. de Pontchartrain. 1691.
To My Lord de Pontchartrain, Minister and Secretary of State.
My Lord,
Chev' de Callieres, Governor of the Island of Montreal and territories adjacent, and
commander in chief of Canada in the absence and default of Count de Frontenac, represents
to you that, when his Majesty was pleased to honor him in 16S9, with the commission of
commander in chief in addition to that of governor of the Island of Montreal, whereof he is
in possession since 1684, his Majesty having regard to the modicity of his ordinary pay of
3,000" and to the expenses to which he is subject, being on the frontier of the Colony where
he has the honor to command all the troops and militia of the country, and where he bears
the chief brunt of the war against the English and the Iroquois, granted him as a gratuity for
the year 1690, the sum of 2,000" with the hope of increasing, and fixing it at 3,000" per
annum, equal to the allowance to his other governors of the American islands who have
' Jacob Leuler. — Ed.
508 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
3,000" old pay and 3,000" gratuity annually. But the vast expenses of the war having
prevented him last year enjoying the plenitude of his Majesty's bounty, the gratuity granted
him for that year amounted to only 1,500".
He hopes, My Lord, that you vrill have regard to his long service of twenty-eight years,
twenty of which have been spent in the King's armies and the last eight in his government;
to those he renders with success and all possible zeal and industry in the defence of the
entire Colony, and to the great need he has of support in a period of general scarcity
throughout this country, where he is subject to heavy expenses appertaining necessarily to his
office, and is obliged even to pay a high rent for a house, being the only governor to whom the
King does not furnish quarters.
He requests of you the favor. My Lord, to cause to be accorded to him, this year, a gratuity
of 3,000", equal to that of the other governors of the Antillas, who are not subject to the
same expenses, and for your prosperity he will ever Pray.
Memoir on the state of Canada.
Memoir on the present state of Canada, and the aid required to be extended to
it for its preservation. 1691.
Dangers to whioii The EugUsh of New England having been unsuccessful in the expedition they
ana aisexpose . ^^^ ^^ ^^^^ .^ the year 1690, for the conquest of Canada, it is confidently reported
that they are preparing to renew the attack with a greater force, both by sea and land.
General Phlips' who commanded the former expedition, has obtained for that purpose from the
Prince of Orange, three men of war, which he is to add to all the forces of New England and
New-York, whereof he has been created Governor General, and gives out that he is to return
this year to besiege Quebec, with five thousand land forces, whilst another body of three
thousand English and Iroquois are to march to the attack of Montreal.
The troops maintained in Canada by the King were about thirteen hundred men in 1690,
at the date of the English attack. They have decreased since ; more than half have been
either killed on divers occasions or have died of disease. More than two thousand nien,
including Militia, Regulars and Veterans, have been lost in Canada since the War.
This remarkable diminution in a country that is sparcely peopled, the settlements of which
extend more than eighty leagues along the river S' Lawrence exclusive of the frontier forts
which are more than three hundred leagues off, renders this Colony unable to resist any new
attack by the English, unless promptly aided by his Majesty.
Keinforccmenta re- For that purposc, Canada requires one thousand effective men to complete the
quired for the de- » i i
fence of Canada. thirty-two Compaules his Majesty has maintained hitherto here, some of which
are reduced to fifteen or sixteen men. This reinforcement will not increase the pay roll (etat)
of his Majesty's troops; the officers being paid, new ones will not be required.
There are three towns to be garrisoned, viz' Quebec, Ville-Marie in the island of Montreal,
and Three Rivers, besides several small posts throughout, and on the frontier of, the Colony
which render this aid absolutely indispensable.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 509
Flour, Pork and other provisions are also required for the subsistence of the troops, with
arms and ammunition as per memoirs of the Governor General and the Intendant.
It is necessary to fortify Villemarie by doubling and terracing the palisades vphich the
Governor of Montreal erected there and veidening the ditch. This will not be a great expense;
it will secure the entire Colony, whereof the island of Montreal is the frontier and the most
important barrier in the whole Country against the incursions of the English and Iroquois.
It would be further expedient that his Majesty be pleased to send this year, four frigates of
about 40 guns to cruise at the mouth of the river S' Lawrence, and along the Coasts of Acadia
and New England. These will be sufficient to cripple the Naval expedition which is to be
fitted out at Boston, the capital of New England, with a design of returning to besiege Quebec;
and would secure the passage of the reinforcements his Majesty will please to send hither, and
the trade of his subjects on all these Coasts; those four frigates can also capture prizes there,
which will indemnify his Majesty for this expense.
Eeasons for pre- ^^ comports with His Majcsty's interest, glory, and piety to preserve Canada;
Berving Canada. ^jjich is the first and most ancicut of our Colonies in America and the
establishment whereof has cost his Majesty and his subjects several Millions.
That country is useful of itself, by furnishing a quantity of peltries, to wit Beaver, Martin,
Elk. for making robes (Bi/ffles), black Fox, Bear and other Skins which are sold in France and
foreign Countries for considerable sums; it exports Indian corn, wheat, peas, and other
vegetables and articles, which contribute to the supply of our Insular Colonies.
It is capable of furnishing very fine masts and all sorts of timber for the construction of
Vessels, as has been shown by the specimens thereof that have been transmitted; whereby we
would be placed in a condition to dispense with that of Sweden and Norway.
Exclusive of a quantity of Whale, porpoise and other oils, a large amount of dry Cod and
Salmon can be supplied ; its stationary fisheries, the establishment of which has been
commenced both on the coast of Acadia and in the river S' Lawrence.
A great quantity of P'rench wines and brandies, and of all sorts of manufactures are sold
there; these are exported every year from Rochelle, Rochefort, Bordeaux, Bayonne, Dieppe
and other ports whence is carried on a considerable trade with this country from which his
Majesty derives large revenues. One of the chiefest reasons his Majesty has to preserve this
Colony is, because it carries on the trade in green cod, in which are engaged more than four
hundred merchants' vessels, the property of his subjects, who go for that fish to the Great
Bank and to the Newfoundland coast dependent on the government of Canada, and supply
almost the entire of Europe with it. This trade alone is, also, one of the most considerable
that is carried on in France ; it is estimated to amount to between fifteen and twenty millions
annually, and could not be prosecuted in time of war, should the English become Masters
of Canada.
It comports with his Majesty's glory not to abandon over ten thousand of his subjects, in
this Country, and who would there be put to the sword or constrained to submit to the
Conqueror's yoke.
But the interest that is paramount to all others in his Majesty's heart is that of the Religion
which, after having taken such deep root there by his pious care and charity, would be utterly
destroyed and abandoned to the fury of heretics, and especially of French Huguenots who
have fled in great numbers to New England; constitute the main force of those expeditions;
and openly proclaim that they will revenge themselves on the Priests, Friars and Nuns of that
510 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Country. Add to this, the loss of the entire fruits of so many holy Missions which have
converted a great number of Indians, of whom more than forty thousand souls owe, under
God, their salvation to the forethought and charity of his Majesty, who therein satisfies the
pious intentions of the late King his father, who resolved to maintain this Colony with a view
to propagate the Faith among a barbarous people, in order to drawdown on the Royal Family
the blessings of Heaven which we behold so abundantly showered on it.
Measures recommended for the letter Defence of Canada.
Eemarks on what appears Important to the King's service for the preservation
of New France. 1691.
As the inhabited parts of Canada lie along the River S' Lawrence, both on the North and
South shores, and as the cleared lands extend on an average only a quarter of a league back into
the woods, the settlements are, by such proximity, always in danger of being burnt by the
enemy who possess, by instinct, so thorough a knowledge of the forest that they find themselves
much less embarrassed in it, than we in the best beaten roads. Tliis shows that it is impossible
to protect, with the troops in this country, all the houses situated as they are at a considerable
distance, one from the other; or to save them from danger except by collecting them all —
at least between Montreal and Three Rivers — into villages which can be inclosed by pickets
in a very short time, and thereby placed beyond insult ; the Indians rarely attacking fortified
posts.
There is no doubt but the people of this Country, who are not very docile nor easily
governed, would strongly object to shut themselves up, loving liberty and, by no means,
discipline. But it is well to constrain them in this instance by a Royal order, with a penalty
to those contravening it, of having their houses razed; the enemy, also, will be thus deprived
of the privilege of burning the settlements, as they are in the habit of doing to their advantage
and our prejudice.
And in order that the settlers may be able to plant and to attend to their harvests and
other operations in perfect safety, the troops can be distributed around said forts, causing
regularity to be observed in all things.
That is to say: — let several of the peasantry assemble with their arms and work equally the
one for the other, whilst they will be supported by detachments of soldiers ; all retiring every
night to their post in good order.
This being regularly observed, the bravest of the settlers can, without fear for the Country,
be sent out with our Savages who will be attached to six or seven hundred good men to be
selected from among the troops. The remainder will be suiBcient to guard the posts confided
to them.
The detachment to be composed of said troops, settlers and Indians will be strong enough
for an expedition against the Mohawks and even against Orange which they can insult whilst
detachments will lay waste and burn the adjacent settlements (plat pays.)
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 511
And in order to facilitate the success of this affiur, it would be desirable that the places
occupied by the English on the Coasts might be bombarded and cannonaded from the sea at
the same time. That would worry and throw them assuredly into all sorts of panic; and,
loving their trade better than war, it would oblige them to think seriously of seeking repose
and of no longer inciting and urging the Iroquois by presents to invade our territory. These
would, undoubtedly, accept a peace, which, however indifferent it may be, would always be
more beneficial to us than the greatest victories and advantages that we might gain over them,
short of their utter annihilation which is very difficult to effect, as we have neither sufficient
troops nor, even had we the force, sufficient facilities to admit our going to their Country in a
somewhat considerable body, on account of the Rapids and inaccessible places which have to
be passed to reach it. This forms no impediment when they make a descent on us, nor
when they return home, because they go across the woods, which we cannot do except
with difficulty.
To remedy the necessity that may exist of making war against them, a hearty union must
be always maintained with the Indian tribes in our interest; because it would be very
disadvantageous and altogether ruinous to trade should they form an alliance with the Iroquois :
for, besides encouraging them to carry their peltries to the English, they might even seduce
them into a mutual league for the destruction of the Colony.
To avoid such a misfortune, it is well to preserve the posts we occupy in their country,
namely, Fort S' Louis of Louisiana, Detroit, and Michilimacquina. These can be kept up
at a very trifling expense which will not be of less utility to us than if it were more considerable.
By this means, we render ourselves masters of those Indians, who are much better adapted
than we, to the war to be waged against our enemies.
And for that purpose they can be won by some presents to which they are very sensible.
This will in no wise increase the expense the King has concluded to incur for the support of
this Colony, if it be deducted from the extraordinaries of the war, which would amount to a
much greater sum, were the enemy to be attacked by large armies, as has been heretofore
the case.
Our Indians in the adjacent Missions will not ask anything better, after the example of
the others, than to wage war in their own way, that is in large and small parties which it
were well to send from all points very frequently against the five Nations.
Officers and soldiers are to be found among the Regular troops who will act perfectly in the
same manner.
Those of respectability belonging to the country, almost all of whom are well disposed and
very enterprizing, will eagerly demand leave to attack the enemy. They cannot fail to be
very useful, possessing as they do almost the same knowledge of the woods as the Indians,
with whose manners they are also acquainted, which is a very great advantage.
And as it may happen that the number of Colonists who would volunteer to accompany
them would not be always sufficient for the expeditions to be undertaken; and that Regulars
would have to be attached to those sorts of parties, it were well if the Governor General had
the Royal authority to commission such as he might find qualified for such expeditions.
They have so much ambition that nothing seems to them difficult when there is question
of undertaking any thing extraordinary, by which distinction can be acquired, if the King were
pleased as an encouragement to them, to reward those who would occasionally signalize
512 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
themselves with a silver gilt medal of trifling value, having his portrait on one side and on
the other a branch of palm or some other honorable device; it would produce most certainly
wonderful emulation and effect were the Governor General to have a number of these for
distribution among the most valiant.
It is to be remarked that the enemy come rarely to invade the north part of our territory
except by lake S' Louis or S' Peter. They can be prevented by incurring a very trifling
expense; that is, by constructing four long bateaux, with oars, in each of which twenty or
thirty soldiers can be placed with a small cannon and some swivels ; and by stationing two of
these bateaux to guard each lake. The Iroquois would assuredly be thereby prevented
passing, as they have only bark canoes which could be sunk by firing small shot into them.
The King being at war with so many enemies, it may possibly happen that some of their
adventurers may surprise Quebec which is without any fortification or force to resist an attack,
however trifling it may be.
The plan to obviate such an accident, which would inevitably bring with it the loss of
Canada, is to have two small galleys constructed here, to serve not only for the transport of all
the provisions required by the troops in the Upper country, but for going to reconnoitre all the
craft that would approach, and prevent them attempting any of those things above alluded
to, by annoying them with those two galleys which would give warning at Quebec, of
their approach.
This can not fail of success, because within ten or twelve leagues of Quebec are narrows
called Isle au Coudre, and Traverses the passage through which causes the best pilot to tremble;
ships are always stopped there unless they have the wind and tide entirely favorable, which
happens but rarely. As regards the maintenance and armament of these galleys; to save
expense they can be commanded by two captains of the troops of this country, and in order
that they always be in a condition to sustain all the fatigue to be endured, their crews should
be formed of good soldiers aad sailors selected from the other companies, as is the custom
for Grenadiers in the Regiments in France.
Their pay might also be increased on account of the trouble they will be exposed to; all
which could be effected without any extra expense to the King, by appropriating a part of
what has to be paid for chartering vessels employed in the transportation of supplies and
ammunition to the stores of Mont-royal, in which service those galleys can be employed, as
we have already observed, whenever fears are not entertained for Quebec.
Those two galleys could be easily supplied in a short time with rowers, by condemning
thereto deserters and other persons of the country who would deserve punishment. This
would tend considerably to keep the Volunteers and Libertines within the bounds of duty
and submission.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 513
Narrative of the most remarlcable Occurrences in Canada. 1690, 1691.
An Account of the most remarkable Occurrences in Canada from the departure
of the frigate La Fleur de Mai, on the S?"" November, 1690, to the close
Sixteen hundred and Ninety-one.
Shortly after the English had left Quebec, the troops, which were all collected there, were
sent away; and as the small stock of provisions received from France was hardly sufficient for
a month's supply. Count de Frontenac, the governor general, and M' de Champigny, the
Intendant, resolved to distribute them throughout all the Settlements, and to oblige the farmers
to feed them for the same sum the King allows his soldiers a day. This was effected with
some difficulty, the crops having that year fallen very short. The joy felt by every one for
the success we had gained, and the hope that it would be followed by powerful reinforcements
from France, moderated, however, in some degree, the sorrow that scarcity might create.
The death of Sieur Lemoyne de S" Helene Lieutenant in the army, affected every one
profoundly. That gentleman had, as already stated, been wounded in the late affair, whilst
fighting courageously against the English. He was an officer of distinction who on divers
occasions afforded proofs of his bravery against the Iroquois; at the North, against the English,
from whom he had right boldly taken Corlard, the preceding winter.
Meanwhile, six months of winter which are to be certainly calculated on in this country,
and the impossibility of receiving any supplies until Spring, rendered every thing excessively
dear. Wheat was worth some twelve to fifteen livres* the minot ; Wine one hundred 6cus the
barrel ; Brandy, six hundred livres, and all other articles in proportion.
Every description of food was acceptable, and the ground was no sooner bare of snow than
herbs, roots, and the trifling quantity of fish that could be caught, constituted the sustenance
of a large number of families.
This pitiable state to which the country was reduced, absolutely prevented the possibility
of thinking of sending any expedition against the enemy. The entire Winter thus passed
away without scarcely a single movement.
In the month of February, an Indian of the Iroquois' Nation, who had been taken by the
enemy near Orange, came to Three Rivers where several of his relatives lived; he reported
that he had been conveyed, after his capture, to the head (au hautj of Lake Champlain where
the Iroquois Tribes and other Indian allies of the English were assembled ; that he had been
released by some of his relations who took him to their Wigwam; that the Iroquois numbered
nine hundred ; Senecas, Cayugas and Onondagas, and 470 Mohawks, Oneidas, Loups or
Mauraygans,^ that they worked for a month constructing Canoes, during which time the
English supplied them with provisions and sent some cases containing, the Indians say,
poisoned clothing which they were to abandon to be pillaged by the French Soldiers.
The canoes being completed, sixteen hundred English joined the Indians with the intention
of coming to attack Montreal, whilst the Ships should attack Quebec. But they were always
unwilling to go on board the elm canoes* which the Iroquois had made for them, for fear, as
they said, of being drowned. This greatly incensed all the Indian Nations, who reproached
' About $2.70. ' Sokoquis. La Potherie, III., 126. • Mohegans.— Ed.
* Canots d'ormes. The Nations of the Algonquin family used only canoes of Birch bark. The Iroquois make theirs only
of Elm bark, or buy those of Birch from other Tribes. Lafiiau, Maun des Sauvaget, II., 216.
Vol. IX. 66
514 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
them with having given a great deal of unnecessary •trouble; that it was they who had
prevented the Indians making peace with the French; that they were incapable of affording
them any assistance and had not yet taken any of our Islands wiiilst they were killed
by us every day ; that so far from being of any advantage to the Indians, they had just caused
the death of numbers of them by the poison they had designed for us; that three hundred
Senecas, Cayugas and Onondagas, and ninety young Mohawks and Oneidas did, in fact,
die within three days; and that he believed the English had lost five or six hundred men,
whether this mortality proceeded from these pretended poisoned clothes or from some
contagious disease.
The Indians withdrawing from them, destroyed all the grain around Orange, and killed most
of their Cattle.
We have since received advices, that a large number of Indians had in reality died during
that campaign, which was the cause of breaking up the expedition.
In the month of March, some Abenakis belonging to the Mission of Pentagouet arrived, and
presented the Count with their Message in form of a petition wherein they requested him not
to be surprised at their long silence, and to attribute it only to the attention they had given to
the prosecution of the war which they had undertaken by his order, and to protecting themselves
from the schemes of their enemies, against which he had put them on their guard : That they are
poor, having neither necessaries for clothing nor for fighting ; that their greatest sorrow proceeded
from their inability to strike a blow during the winter — which is the best season ; but that even
though he should give them neither powder nor lead nor iron arrow-heads, (fers de fitches),
they would make use of the bones of wild beasts and would not discontinue harrassing their
enemies, to whom they had so declared last fall, and that, despite of menaces to destroy them
which had been uttered in the confidence of superior numbers, they had answered — Though
"we be few, our destruction will cost you dear. Even should they have taken Quebec, as they
gave out, they (the Abenakis) would never make peace until their Father, in Canada, had
so ordered them.
Finally, they prayed him to cause their Brethren to be given up to them who are detained
prisoners by the Iroquois, (meaning our Indians of the Sault and of the Mountain;) whom
they beg to believe that, however that ill treatment may be considered a cause of complaint,
they never thought ill of their brothers, the Iroquois ; that they deposited all their resentment
in their Father's hands, like a child who seeks for means to live in friendship with his brethren.
This was what they had to say to him, at present.
The Count answered: that he thanked them for the good-will they manifested, and the
fidelity they had invariably preserved towards the French; that he saw very well the English
could not have gained much success against Quebec; on the contrary, they would have been
well beaten there ; that he did not believe they would hazard coming hither with so small a
force, and that the French were expecting considerable reinforcements from France who would
bring, at the same time, the necessary supplies both for the French and for the Indians their
allies; that he had already sent powder and ball to their villages; that he (the Count) would
give them still more, and as many iron arrow-heads as they could carry; that on the opening
of the navigation he would dispatch a Biscayan long boat (biscayenne) by sea, and some canoes
by the river S' John, which would carry them a furtiier supply and the goods they said they
stood in need of, which has been done; and that on the arrival of the fleet from France
they would receive powerful assistance; that they should retain tue-ir good dispositions, and
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 515
bear particularly in mind not to confide in the English, who would infallibly deceive them as
they had heretofore done; that he would never abandon them, and that he hoped the result
of this war would be in harmony with its commencement which had been sufficiently
prosperous. He finally dismissed them after having treated them well, and given a present
privately to each of the chiefs.
Some time after this, there was quite a serious alarm in the vicinity of Montreal. A party
of Indians of the Sault and of the Mountain, whilst hunting in the immediate neighborhood of
Chambiy were set on by a large body of Mohawks and English, and ten of them taken prisoners.
Two days after, the same Mohawks sent back two of our prisoners by three of their men,
who entered, unarmed, the fort of the Sault. This proceeding created various surmises as to
their designs, particularly when they sent back the remainder of our people, whom they had
taken, and when also some forty of them came unarmed to visit their relatives; some of them
even remaining there, and saying that they were willing to risk themselves with- our Indians,
who gave them some presents as an acknowledgment of the good treatment they had received
at their hands.
This gave rise to some sort of negotiation, and it appears from the letter which Father
Bruyas, the Jesuit Missionary at the Sault, wrote to the Count on the subject, that the
Mohawks were not very averse to a peace, to which they would endeavor to cause the other
Iroquois nations to agree. They said, as the Father reports, that they were weary of killing
and of being killed; and as a mark of their earnest desire to terminate the war, that they had
hastened their arrival in our settlements in order to warn us that eight hundred Iroquois were
ready to fall on us and to destroy every thing between Montreal and Three Rivers.
That as regards their Tribe, the Warriors principally were solicitous for peace and had
already concluded it without the participation of the Chiefs who are not always sincere; that
if the Dutch and the other Iroquois did not wish to enter into the projected arrangements,
they would allow them to do the fighting and they would smoke in peace on their mats.
This Father added, that if he were permitted to speak his mind respecting what he had
seen and heard, he believed they were sincere, and that things were in a fair train for a
durable peace with that Tribe, and through them with all the others; that the high price of
the clothing and provisions they got from the English, and the Pestilence which prevailed
among them, might have disgusted them with a War in which they had lost a number of brave
people; that, however, he would not guarantee their perseverance, yet neither could he share
the opinion of those who doubted their good faith.
Father de Lamberville, also a Jesuit and Missionary at the Sault, seemed to be of this
number; although he considered them sincere in certain things, he, nevertheless, could not
believe them so in all.
They answered the questions M. de Callieres put to them at Montreal, whether he had
thought proper to have them conducted, on parole, for the purpose of interrogating them
without meddling with the proposals for peace they had submitted to the Indians with whom
he left that negotiation. They spoke somewhat diversely; greatly enhancing the advantages
the English had gained on the Coast of Acadia and diminishing their loss before Quebec and the
number of people whom, we know, they had lost in the different engagements throughout
the course of the past year. They confirmed the news we had received that Chevalier de
D'eau was at Manatte, and that two of five Frenchmen who had accompanied him had been
516 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
burnt at Onondaga and Seneca; that a third had died of sickness at Mohawk and that the
remainder were alive.
The result showed us that this negotiation was but a scheme either to prevent us forming
expeditions against the Mohawks, who are more within our reach, or to debauch the Indians
of the Sault and to induce them to keep quiet.
However, it was not considered wise to repel them altogether, lest it might appear as if
we declined all proposals of peace, and the warning they gave, served only to put us more on
our guard.
The ice which had not yet moved in the beginning of April, retarded somewhat Sieur de
Courtemanche whom Count de Frontenac was sending to Missilimakinac to convey to the
Hurons, Onnontagues' and our other Indian allies in the Upper country, the news of what
occurred at Quebec during the English siege. His voyage was most prosperous, having met
none of the enemy though he passed places where they most generally hunted, and which
were their rendezvous when lying in wait to attack us.
Having called together all the Indians in order to ascertain their sentiments respecting what
the Count had said to them last year at Montreal, and whether they had commenced hostilities
against the Iroquois, as he had exhorted them to do ; the most of them answered, that their
warriors had gone to execute his orders, and that those whom they had not yet dispatched,
promised to follow immediately and to manifest to their father their entire obedience. He had
also learned that the Miamis and the Illinois, who are much farther off, had likewise organized
their war parties and were on the march, which news is found to be correct, the enemy having
been harrassed from all sides in their villages and in their fishing and hunting grounds, and
having lost considerable people ; so that the Senecas have been obliged to abandon their towns,
and to remove to the Cayugas who are not so open to invasion as they.
Sieur de Courtemanche set out from Missilimakinac on the SO"" of May, and arrived at
Montreal on the IS"" June, without any accident, though the enemy had overrun more than
twenty leagues of territory on his route.
The information we had received from the Mohawks of the descent of that party of eight
hundred men, put us quite on the alert. Meanwhile as it was the season of planting, there were
always some laborers scattered throughout the rural districts, some of whom, consequently, fell
into the hands of the Iroquois at the lower end (au bout) of the Island of Montreal, La Chine,
River des Prairies and Point aux Trembles, where they burnt some houses. But their exploits
were not of any moment, the most of the inhabitants being in the forts and the houses empty.
The Indians never dared to attempt carrying any of the places where they expected resistance,
keeping themselves beyond the range of musket shot, and making great uproar accompanied
with an incessant fire.
After the first effort, they spread in small squads all over the Island and along the North shore,
whence crossing occasionally to the South side, they endeavored wherever they happened to
land, to make prisoners of those whom they surprised in field, and to kill the cattle ; that ia
the only thing they effected.
It was vexatious enough to see the enemy rove, in this way, all around us, and make
themselves masters of the rural districts. We did not lack the courage and desire to attack
them. But we had such a small quantity of provisions, that it was impossible to keep parties
out a long while and to supply them with necessaries.
^Sk. Outaouacki. La Potherie, III, 132.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 517
Some battalions of Regulars were, however, always kept in the field to patrol the most
exposed places.
The post on the Mountain, only half a league distant from Montreal, was not supposed to
be subject to insult. The enemy, notwithstanding, attacked it when the major part of the
Squaws were busy at their Indian corn ; captured some of them and drove the rest into the fort.
Assistance from Montreal having soon arrived, they were easily repulsed with the loss of
some of their men. They killed and wounded also, two or three of our Indians. This
greatly excited the latter and contributed to the formation of a party of two hundred men,
French and Indians, under the command of Sieur Lemoine de Bienville.
Something good was anticipated from this, and they appeared to be resolved boldly to
attack whatever they might encounter; but having met, near the Long Sault of the River t^es
Iroquois,'^ some eighty or ninety Indians whom they recognized to be Oneidas or Mohawks, they
deliberated a longtime as to whether they should attack them or allow them to pass unharmed
on account of the negotiations about peace, in favor of which the Mohawks appeared to be
willing to act as Mediators. Finally, the Indians from the Sault, who formed the majority,
prevailed on the Frenchmen, and it was resolved not to attack these pretended allies, who have
since had no opportunity to inflict much harm on us.
Some of them accompanied our Indians to Montreal, and the remainder returned home.
Those who conversed with Monsieur de Callieres appeared to be satisfied with the proposals
which the Mohawks, who were here in March, had made to the Indians of the Sault, and
approved of the proposals of peace and of neutrality submitted by Onouragonas, one of their
Chiefs. Their real sentiments are still a matter of great doubt; but what we shall say,
hereafter, of the same Ouragonas, will scarcely suspend the judgment to be passed on all those
Indian propositions.
Chevalier de Vaudreuil, the commander of the troops, did not exhibit the same indulgence
towards a party of 40 or 50 Oneidas ; and as this battle was very hot, I shall detail it somewhat
more at length than I proposed to do in this Relation.
Captain de Mine was with some soldiers at a place called Repentigny on the North shore ^ to
examine the enemy's movements, and perceiving some persons quite at their ease in a house
that had been abandoned, he retreated to the Islands in the middle of the River, so as not to
excite any suspicion. Here he was joined by Monsieur de Vaudreuil, who had left Montreal
shortly after him, with some Canadians, picked Soldiers and Oreaoue, the famous Indian
whom the Count had brought from France, who began, on this occasion to give marks of his
bravery, and of the fidelity he entertained towards the French.
The two parties having formed a junction, it was determined to land a little below the
house occupied by the enemy, and to approach it with the greatest precaution possible. In
fine, it was entirely surrounded so that no person could escape. Fifteen or twenty paces from
the door some Iroquois were found asleep, who were easily killed; the remainder made a
vigorous resistance in the house, firing continually through the windows and loop holes they
had made. This cost the lives of four or five of our Frenchmen, whom the desire to be
revenged for the affronts the enemy daily inflicted on us — ranging throughout all our settlements
in the assurance they felt that they could not be followed in the woods — carried a little too
far, some among them being so daring as to go up to the very house to drag out by the hair
' The Saint Lawrence.
' of the river Saint Lawrence, in the present county of St. Sulpice, and a little below the Island of Montreal. — En
518 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
those who presented themselves at the windows and at the door. The house was all in flaraes
and the Iroquois, being no longer able to resist, made a virtue of necessity, and rushed forth in
small parties and endeavored to avenge their inevitable death, by killing some of our men.
They perished for the most part in these sorties; some were burnt in the house; five were taken
alive and a solitary one escaped through more than fifty discharges of musketry. Of those
five, two were conveyed to Montreal one of whom has been given to the Sontaouans' who came
down since, as will be related hereafter; the other a young lad, fourteen years of age, belonging
to those who entertain Father Milet, and who have preserved his life, has been given to
the family of a man named Paul, an Indian of the Sault, who has since been killed on
another occasion.
The remaining three having fallen into the hands of farmers who lost their relatives, have
been burnt at Point aux Trembles, Boucherville and Repentigny ; But it will require a great
deal before the animosity of the French, whatever cause of vengeance they may have, will
equal the unheard of cruelties which the Iroquois inflict daily on the prisoners who fall into
their hands.
This victory abated considerably the ardor of the enemy. Independent of the loss of three
or four brave farmers and soldiers on this occasion, the death of Sieur Lemoyne de Bianville,^
the brother of the late Sieur de S" Helene, was exceedingly regretted. Captains de Mine
and de GrisafFy highly distinguished themselves on this occasion; also Sieurs Declarain and
Calatogne, Subalterns, and several Volunteers.
The conduct and bravery of M'' de Vaudreuil must not be forgotten, and it may be said that
on this, and on all other occasions where he was present, he afforded proofs of an experienced
commander and an intrepid soldier.
Before detailing what subsequently occurred, T think it will not be out of place to note the
secret intrigues the enemy was endeavoring to set on foot with our Indians for the purpose of
carrying them back, or of at least diverting their arms away from themselves.
They took advantage, then, of a belt they were sending to the family of Sieur S"Hdlene for
whom they expressed great consideration, and whose death they professed to condole. But at
the same time they instructed two Squaws belonging to the Mountain, who were prisoners
among them, and whom they were restoring, to give a Belt, secretly and under hand, to
an Indian of the Sault named Louis Atoriata, (the King's godson, who carefully cherishes
the Medal which his Majesty has presented to him,) exhorting him to retire, with his family,
among them and to bring the greatest number possible of the people of the Sault along with
him, that they may avoid inevitable destruction. By another Belt they invited Tamouratoiia,
an Indian of the Mountain, to withdraw also with all his people, and to advise them of his
instructions by a Seneca whom they demanded back. They threatened both of them, should
they not return forthwith, to confound them with the French of Montreal whom they were
about to attack. These two Indians communicated these messages to Monsieur de Callieres,
and, promising inviolable fidelity, delivered those two Belts into his hands.
The two Squaws reported that the Iroquois had gone to the Long Sault of the River
Sonnontouans,^ twenty leagues above Montreal, where they intended to lie in wait for whatever
might be coming down to us from Missilimakinak, and to harrass us until harvest. However,
' Sic. Outaouaus. — Ed.
' After his death, his name was given to one of his brothers, then a youth, who became subsequently Governor of
Louisiana. Charlevoix.
' Outaouais. Za Potkerie, IIL, 136 ; Charlevoix, IL, 99.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 519
whether they were induced to retire in consequence of the news they received that two
hundred canoes were being made, preparatory to an attack on either their posts or villages, or
of intelligence from home, that our allies were making continual inroads into their country, and
were killing a great many people, they decamped towards the end of June, since which time we
have seen only small parties, that came either to break a few heads or capture some people by
surprise. The situation of the country puts it out of our power to prevent these forays.
The desire to expel the enemy from the Long Sault induced M. de Vaudreuil to come down
from Montreal. Independent of the serious loss of his equipage which he incurred, this
voyage nearly cost him his life, one of the wildest storms ever experienced having upset in
Lake S' Peter the vessel he was on board of. It was with difficulty he escaped in a small
boat; some persons were drowned in the vessel which could never right itself
The Count, on his report, detailed a detachment from the three companies employed on the
fortifications that had been undertaken at Quebec, and having collected all the provisions and
canoes possible, went up as far as Three Rivers where he could more conveniently ascertain
what might be doing on one side or the other — either by the Iroquois above, or by the English
whose attack by sea was always to be apprehended.
But the receipt of assurances that the fort at the Long Sault was abandoned, caused this
expedition to abort, the want of provisions not allowing us to proceed farther.
Another motive obliged him to make this voyage. He was desirous to visit the fortifications
which M. de Ramezay, the governor, had erected at Three Rivers, since winter. He had
every reason to be pleased with them. Never was there such beautiful pallisading and the
attention Lieutenant de Beaucourt had applied to this work which he conducted, has been
crowned with perfect success.
That voyage occupied eight days, and the Count arrived at Quebec on the SO"" of June.
The first of July may be noted as one of the most fortunate days for Canada, the frigate
le Soleil d' Afrique, commanded by Sieur de Bonnaventure, having unexpectedly arrived between
five and six o'clock in the evening of that day. The important news she brought from France,
and to speak naturally, the succor by which she was followed, had a salutary effect on the
hearts and spirits of every body.
Canada had been for a long time groaning under a cruel famine, and the advantages she had
gained last year over her enemies, did not dispel the apprehension of another visit from them
in her present unfortunate condition. But sure of the protection of her prince, this fear was
easily dispelled, and the joy of having been able to please him by the efforts she had made,
prompted her to desire more brilliant opportunities to manifest to him her fidelity and zeal.
This news soon spread throughout the country and inspired the most desponding
with courage.
Monsieur Dutartre^ followed by all his fleet, arrived twelve days after the Soleil d'A/rique.
Some Sonnontouans^ canoes, numbering sixteen men arrived almost at the same time; not
finding Count de Frontenac at Montreal, as they expected, they went down to Quebec to
see him.
They dwelt considerably on the risk they had encountered in passing through the fire of
the war to our settlements, and, in the usual style of that nation, demanded that they might
have good bargains of what they would wish to purchase; the desire of seeing their father
' Du Tast. Charlevoix, IL, 100. — Ed. ' An error for Outaouae. See tupra, notes 1, 3, p. 518.
520 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
alone had brought them to Quebec, where their Ancients had formerly had a governor with
whom they were highly pleased, having had every thing at a low price.
But if the high price of clothing did not allow us to content them in every respect, at least the
good cheer, the presents they received^and the exhibitions (spectacles) unknown in their country,
afforded them ample satisfaction.
The fourteen beautiful ships in the harbor, the various evolutions of the sailors, the roar of
the artillery and the structure of the vessels which was shown to them, were so many novelties
that they admired without ceasing.
But nothing delighted them more, than what occurred at the public rejoicings on the twenty-
second of July, by the King's order, for the capture of Mons.
After ihe Te Deum, the Count gave an entertainment at the Castle of Quebec to the most
respectable citizens of both sexes.
These Indians admired some thirty beautiful Ladies who, out of very becoming respect for
their host, paid them every attention. They were unable to understand how we could have
glasses of all sorts of colors; they were playfully made to believe that those Big Canoes they
had seen in the river, had brought them to us, and that the French were not less curious in
what contributed to pastimes and pleasure than in what might be of use in attacking their
enemies, and defending themselves.
Conversation turned on the number of canoes, cannon, shells and balls that had been shown
them, in order that they may, hence, expect to be powerfully aided in making war, and perfectly
well regaled when they would come to see us.
After the bonfires lighted by the Count and Intendant, they were not less astonished by the
illumination of the ships and all the houses, the discharge of the guns both of the town and
vessels and the fireworks which were set off.
They were dismissed on the following day, when they carried away a great many presents.
Meanwhile preparations were making to dispatch Sieur de la Foret, a reduced Captain and
commander of Fort S' Louis of the Illinois, who was to convey the Royal presents to
all our Indian allies in the Upper Country. He was to be accompanied in his voyage by
several Frenchmen.
Intelligence was received at the same time from M. de Calliers, that an English prisoner,
whom some Indians had taken at the gates of Orange, had assured him that two hundred of
his countrymen and a great number of Mohegans (Loups) and Mohawks were about coming to
make an attack in the direction of Montreal.
This obliged the Count to muster what remained of the troops at Quebec and the best of
the settlers in that neighborhood, in order to take them with him to Three Rivers, and detach
them thence wherever it may be proper.
He also detained the ships of Mess" du Tartre and Bonneaventure so that they may act in
case any thing come from the sea board.
A few days after his arrival, he learned that the enemy had on the eleventh of August, fallen
on La Prairie de la Madelaine where our little army was encamped.
The announcement of the death of some officers of rank excited alarm at first, but the news
received since the fourteenth, afforded so much cause to rejoice that those interested forgot the
loss of their relatives; and I cannot, I think, employ myself better than in describing the most
obstinate battle that has ever been fought in Canada since the foundation of the Colony.
I shall, therefore, resume matters a little further back.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 521
On receiving the various accounts of tlie marcli of the English, the Mohegans and the
Mohawks, M. de Calliers mustered what he could of Regulars and garrisons and the greatest
number possible of Militia, and encamped them at La Prairie de la Madelaine, on the ground
occupied by the Count the preceding year. Scouting parties were continually sent out. One
of Sieur Hertel's sons, accompanied by three Algonquins and an Indian from the Mountain,
discovered in the river Richelieu above the Chambly rapid (portage), a canoe at which he fired.
They were Moiiawks who were, also, scouting. As it was supposed that the enemy would
attack Chambly, or take the road leading thence to La Prairie de la Madelaine in order to fall
on our settlements to the South, Mons"' de Calliers thought it well to detach M' de Vallrenne,
a veteran Captain, with Captains de Muyes and Dorvilliers, Sieur de LEpinay his Lieutenant
and several Subalterns; he was followed by some picked men of his battalion, some Militia and
Indians the greater portion of whom were Themiscamings or northern people belonging to the
tribe of the Chief named Routine; Oreaoue who had but just arrived, as we shall state
presently, wished to march with him; he was accompanied by some Hurons of Loretto, near
Quebec, brave and faithful Indians, who have performed prodigies throughout the whole of
this campaign.
Some Iroquois of the Mountain and Sault, the most considerable of whom was Paul, of
whom we have already spoken, also joined the expedition.
This force was to form a junction with Sieur Lebert Duchene who was accompanied by
some Militia and already posted near Chambly.
The order was to take possession of, and defend that fort should the enemy threaten it,
or if they marched against La Prairie, to follow, and attack them in the rear whilst those
remaining in the Camp would oppose them in front.
The whole army had been already three days bivouacking in the Camp, and awaiting the
enemy with a firm foot; at length, the night of the tenth and eleventh being very rainy and
dark, some of the Militia, weary from watching, retired into the fort where a severe attack of
fever confined M. de Calliers to his bed since he had left Montreal.
In order to understand more clearly what I have to state, I think it proper to give a short
sketch of the manner in which he was encamped.
This fort is some thirty paces from the river at low water; the ground on which it is situated
is sloped as well as the two prairies which are alongside the place called La Fourche, and
intersected by a small stream within range of half cannon shot of the fort, and, also, by a
ravine a little nearer the fort. Between these two stands the Mill.
In that direction the Militia was encamped to the left of the fort. It was thought best to
station them on the bank of the river which is, as already observed, within thirty paces of
the Prairie. The Outawas were likewise with them. The troops were encamped on the
right, and the officers' tents were immediately opposite them on a height (en haul.)
About an hour before day break the Sentinel at the Mill hearing a noise and perceiving
somebody gliding along the side of the hill (Vecorre) discharged his piece and shouted "To
Arms!" The enemy had crept along the river La Fourche and the Ravine' and gained the
water side. They pressed pretty hard the few Militia that remained, some of whom were
killed, and, among the rest, six of our Outaouaus.
Meanwhile, the troops that had been under arms all night marched in good order; a part
by the Prairie going around the fort ; a part along the beach.
'Racine. Text. — Ravine. Charlevoix. — Ed.
Vol. IX. 66
522 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
They were led by Sieur de S' Cirque, a Veteran Captain, wlio commanded in the absence
of M. de Calliers. It could not be supposed that this large crowd in the camp of the Militia
were enemies, no notice having been received that the Canadians had retired into the fort.
They, therefore, were not attacked at first, and our troops were consequently exposed to a
pretty sharp fire.
M. de S' Cirque received a ball in the thigh. Captain Desqu^rat was mortally wounded, and
Sieur d'Hosta, a reduced Captain, was killed on the spot-.
This did not prevent the enemy being vigorously pressed, and as there was too much haste
in following them, some of the officers and many of the soldiers who were farthest in advance,
fell into an ambush that had been prepared for them at the Ravine above mentioned, and where
the enemy had made a stand.
This cost Lieutenant Domergue his life.
Sieur de S' Cirque died on entering the fort. The ball had cut the artery. It was impossible
to prevail on him to retire until the enemy had retreated. He had served, all his life, in the
best regiments of France and commanded a battalion in Sicily.
Sieur Desquerat, who died on the next day was not less regretted ; also Sieur d'Hosta who,
during the eight years he had been in this country, had given strong proofs of distinction.
The death of these gallant men was fully revenged two or three hours after.
The enemy retreated with more than tliirty wounded; they left several dead on the field,
and one a prisoner; he was caught in the act of throwing grenades into the fort, and stated
that their design was to carry it by assault (d''emhlee), not supposing that it was so strongly
garrisoned. They had marched hardly two leagues when one of their scouts showed himself to
M de Valrenne's troop who followed their trail at a rapid pace. That officer had scarcely time
to put his handful of men into a position of defence; his entire force consisted only of one
hundred and twenty men, so that the English were more than two to one.
Two large trees which had fallen down across the road served him for a retrenchment ;
behind this he posted his men three deep, and they were to fire by ranks, which they executed
very well.
The enemy were marching precipitately and, imagining to frighten us by their cries,
approached within pistol shot of the retrenchment and of the fire of the first rank. More than
thirty of them dropped. They were not, however, deterred by this heavy fire, and the English
and Mohawks returned as many as three times to the charge. The Mohegans (Loups) who
did not expect such a vigorous resistance, gave way somewhat.
[loutine and his party thinking to surround and put them all to flight, was, himself, repulsed
by the enemy. Here a sort of melee occurred, each quitting his post to engage at close
quarters, where, if fire-arms were used, it was so near that, it may be said, they burned rather
than killed one another.
Some of our young Canadians who had never smelt powder before, gave way a little, but
were easily rallied by Sieur I^e Bert Ducheiie, their Commander, and the shame of having
flinched made ihein afterwards do wonders. Our soldiers also greatly distinguished themselves
on this occasion, and the emulation between the French and Indians caused every one to
perform his duty perfectly. But nothing could equal the intrepidity displayed by Sieur de
Valrenne. He was every where; his presence of mind, and the coolness with which he gave
his orders, animated every body; he was efficiently seconded by Sieurs de Muyet, Dorvilliers,
I'Epinay, Varlet, Perres and Lebert Duchene. The three last were dangerously wounded.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 523
Sieurs de la Bruiere, Denyt and de Poiras, subaltern officers, were killed, and Mess" Varlet
and Ducliene have since died; M'' Peres' fate is still iincertain.
The Indian Chiefs were not behind the French officers in signalizing themselves. Oreaoue
surpassed himself, and Paul of the Sault fell encouraging all by word and example.
But the severe loss experienced by the enemy cooled their ardor by degrees. For one of
ours that fell, we killed four or five of theirs, and after an hour and a half's fighting, they
withdrew but in such disorder that they abandoned all their baggage and colors and, had not
the strength to pursue them failed our Frenchmen and even the Indians, not a single man of
them had escaped.
Three days' marching through the country, intersected by fallen trees, ravines and marshes,
with scarcely any food and no drink but very muddy water, had so fatigued M. de Valrenne's
party that it was not only impossible for them to pursue the enemy, but even to defend
themelves any longer had the fight been prolonged. That officer, therefore, thought proper to
recall those who were in pursuit of the retreating party, and to entrench himself on the field of
battle behind a large abatis of trees which he had constructed. He sent those who were able
to march, to the camp of La Prairie to demand some fresh men to remove the wounded,
and to assist his troops to return thither.
The Indians of the Sault having received news of the great victory, started from their fort
to the number of 6" men, and it seemed by their appearance that, being fresh and active,
they ought to pursue the enemy, and that were they to attack, they could easily defeat the
handful that remained, the most of whom were wounded and left marks of their weakness and
disorder in the traces of blood to be seen every where they passed. Nevertheless, having
arrived at the field of battle, they contented themselves with counting over and pillaging the
dead, and then retired under pretence of the firing they said they heard at La Prairie, and
which took place at the burial of the officers who had been killed.
If we are to believe the report of an Englishman, which Sieur de Valrennes had from
another that was found in the fort they had constructed on the Richelieu river for the security
of their canoes; of Indians who had counted the dead, and of prisoners whom Sieur de la
Chapelle has since brought in, the loss of the English on this occasion, appears to be nearly
two hundred men.
The Mohawks had thirty killed on the field, and out of more than a hundred who had left
home only some twenty had returned to their village, fifteen days afterwards.
The loss of the Mohegans (Loups) is not so well ascertained, as they gave way the first.
But what is very certain is, that, considering the nature of the ground and the small number
of our Frenchmen, no one could even have adopted more effijctual measures than Sieur de
Valrenne, or made so good a use of the advantage affiarded by a trifling retrenchment.
He acted impartially towards the French militia, tiie Regulars and the Indians; he assigned
to each the post for which he considered him best qualified; and charging only at the proper
moment, intimidated the enemy so much by his calm behavior that, though he was considerably
inferior to him in point of numbers, the experience obtained in the course of a long service,
from his early youth, furnished him with means to drive them before him, and he would have
totally defeated them as we have represented, had the fatigue of his men allowed him to
pursue them.
M. de Calliers sent him a battalion to convey the wounded, as he had required, and he
arrived at La Prairie in the evening. In addition to the officers already mentioned, we have
524 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
some eighteen or twenty men, Soldiers, Militia and Indians, killed in this engagement;
the dead at La Prairie and on this occasion may amount to forty, and as many wounded.
This seriously reduces our troops.
Sieur de Valrenne was dispatched in person to Three Rivers to furnish M. de Frontenac
with the details of every thing that happened. Oreaoue and some Indians of Loretto
accompanied him, and I think it my duty to state what that Indian had previously performed.
He had started with fifteen or sixteen as well Huron as other Indians of the Mountain to go,
he said, to revenge himself on the people of his nation for the affronts he liad received
from them. He struck his blow between Cayuga and Onondaga, and brought a man and a
woman away prisoners; another Indian of the Mountain brought away three scalps.
On his return, Oroaoue met in Lake Frontenac fiftyTionnontatezor Huronsof Missilimakinac,
our allies, who also were on the war path. Under the impression that he was an Iroquois,
they, at first, wounded one of his men, who has since died, but afterwards having mutually
recognized each other, he informed them of the vigorous war we were prosecuting; of the
advantage we had gained at Repentigny, and of the supplies we were daily expecting from
France, which would place us in a condition to do better in future and to provide our allies
with whatever munitions of war they may require.
We have not yet heard the particulars of the success gained by these different parties of our
Upper Indians who, it is calculated, must have been at least from seven to eight hundred strong.
But the marked inactivity of the Iroquois Nations, 'with the exception of the Mohawks, and
the abandonment of their Village by the Senecas, would lead us to infer that those have, for the
most part, been successful.
Oreaoue on arriving at Three Rivers on the fourteenth experienced a very cordial reception
from the Count. Tiie latter never doubted his fidelity, notwithstanding the opinion of many
persons who did not know him as well as he ; but a hunt of four or five months in the
winter within a few days' journey of his country and his return to Quebec, when he was least
expected and when it was in his power easily to have escaped, if he pleased, effectually
closed their mouths.
He presented his Onondaga prisoner to the Count who despite the repugnance he felt,
considered it his duty to hand him over to the Algonquins to put him to death, as a small
return for the cruelties they inflicted on us every day. He was not, however, tormented as
much as he deserved and a blow from a hatchet which a Huron inflicted, pursuant to orders,
delivered him from the torture of the fire he would have made him endure by those Algonquins,
who are better judges of those sorts of things.
Two days after the execution, Oreaoue started anew with the same Hurons of Loretto and
those of the Sault and the Mountain, who appeared to him the most faithful ; and on arriving
at Montreal, was fortunate enough to find an opportunity for signalizing himself again.
Two Frenchmen and a woman had been taken at the River des Prairies by a party of the
enemy; Oreaoue set off on their trail and overtook them at the place called the Rapide Plat of
the River dcs Iroquois, whilst making their canoes, and killed two on the spot, took four
prisoners, and set our three French people at liberty whom he brought in triumph back
to Montreal.
Never was man so much caressed. Every Indian tribe demanded him as their Chief, and
the deliverance of our prisoners made all bless the hour he had been brought from France by the
Count, and the care the latter had taken of him.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : IV. 525
After having visited Quebec, to receive the reward of so many heroic actions, he set out
immediately to return again to the War. He observed with a modesty not very common
to an Indian, that he had not yet done enough to repay the obligations he was under to his
father Onnontio, and to mark his attachment to the French.
A few days before his return to Montreal from this expedition, Sieur de Lachapelle, a reduced
lieutenant, arrived there. He had organized a party of seven or eight Indians to go towards
Orange to carry off some English. Two leagues from the town they fell in with a Mohawk
hut in which they found two men. The talk about peace prevented any attack on these;
three others arrived there shortly after, and conversing peaceably together stated that several
of their nation had joined the English, and had (as they reported) killed a great many people
at La Prairie de la Madelaine.
This made our party resolve to kill them in the night, not being able to take them all prisoners ;
but an Indian traitor belonging to the Mountain notified them of this design, caused three of
them to escape and went off, himself, with them. The other two have been brought to Montreal
and interrogated more minutely. They report, that of all the English who had come against
us, only ten had returned to Orange when they had left ; that of their nation thirty had beea
killed on the field, both in the engagement at La Prairie and in that with Sieur de Valrenne.
That a large number of wounded had not yet come back; that Onnonragouas, that fine
intermediator of last winter, was one of the leaders of the party, and had been killed ; that
they did not know the loss of the Mohegans (Lovps). The lives of these two prisoners
were spared.
Lieutenant de la Brosse returned also, a few days after, with some Indians he had conducted
over a large extent of hunting ground that he had explored. He met scarcely any one, and
contented himself with bringing in some scalps, not having been able to take any prisoners.
Twenty-fourth of August. The Count, on his return from Three Rivers, set about preparing
for the dispatch of the ships of Mess" Dutartre^ and de Bonaventure. They sailed in the
fore part of September, the former to cruise at the mouth of our river where, we were
informed, some English pirates were prowling ; the latter, to convey Sieur de Villebon and his
men to Acadia.
The Count received letters, soon after, from M. de S' Castin of that place, who sent a
canoe with two others addressed to him by the Governor and Council of Boston and M. de
Nelson. They were very civil, and designed to induce him [M. de Frontenac] to prevail on
the Abenakis and other Indians, to surrender the prisoners in their possession ; they reminded
him of the obligations their Colony was under to him formerly; and requested him to continue
the same friendly disposition notwithstanding theWar the English and French were unavoidably
engaged in. He answered them in nearly the same style, and that if they were desirous of
having their people back it would first be necessary for them to restore Chevalier d'Eau who
.whilst acting as his envoy, had, contrary to the Law of Nations, been captured by the Iroquois;
his companions burnt, and himself detained at Manath; that they had no more right to carry
off, in violation of the articles of Capitulation which had been granted, Sieur de Monneval
Governor of Port Royal, and his garrison some of whom were still prisoners ; that when they
would have repaired these contraventions of the laws of honorable warfare, it would be time
to think of a general exchange of what prisoners may be in the hands of each Nation or of
the Indian allies.
' See note 1, supra, p. 519.
526 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS,
In the way of news, Sieur de S' Castin informed him, that New England was in an extremely
low condition; that they had experienced a considerable loss at the Islands; that great divisions
between the English and tlie Dutch existed at Manath since the death of their Governor,' and
that a sort of civil war prevailed there ; that all this talk about an exchange of prisoners was
merely to bring our Indians to a peace, and that he would oppose it with all his might.
The harvest at Montreal, which was very fine and saved with all possible care, being
completed, M. de la Forest, a reduced Captain, took his departure, at length, from the head
of the Island, on the eleventh of September, with a convoy of one hundred and ten men for
the purpose of transporting to Missilimakinac the presents destined by the King for our Indian
allies. He took back with him the Onnontagues^ to whom two prisoners had been given with
a view to diminish any sorrow they might feel for the loss of six of their people who had been
killed at La Prairie.
Though this voyage was absolutely demanded by the public interests, and for the
encouragement of our Indian allies in the vigorous prosecution of the war — these people
being influenced only by presents — it was retarded by various secret intrigues such as are
commonly resorted to here.
The Indians of the Sault, in consequence of some movement to which they were prompted,
took itinto their heads to wish to stop it, remonstrating by Belts that, independent of the risk of
attack to be encountered on the way, the Colony would be stripped of the best of its young men.
But these new Councillors of State were not listened to, and on express and reiterated orders
from the Count, who perceived the spirit by which they were prompted, this Convoy started on
the day I have stated.
We had the frigate, le Petit Sage, on the twelfth of September. She met three English
ships ; one in passing Cape Ray; the other near Bird Island, and the third at Anticosti. They
did not attack her.
L'Honore, which arrived eight days after, was attacked by this last. Her gallant bearing
saved her, and after having exchanged some shots, the Englishman tacked about, and our ship
continued her course. She informed Mess" Dutartre and de Bonnaventure of the place this
privateer was to be found.
Le SK Francois de Xavier and le SK Jean anchored here on the fifth of October without
having fallen in with any thing.
One of the ships belonging to the Northern Company, named la S'^ Anne, commanded by
Sieur Lemoine d'hiberville [arrived from] Hudson's bay on the nineteenth of October,
freighted with beaver and peltries for said Company. On the sixth of November, Sieur de
Neuvillette, brother of Sieur de Villebon the governor of Acadia, brought accounts from thence.
Sieur de Bonnaventure after leaving this harbor did not fall in with any vessel until
he reached the coast of Acadia, where he captured a small craft of little consequence which he
ordered to be burnt.
He went with Sieur de Villebon to Port Royal, and having landed, hoisted the French, in
the place of the English, flag which he found there. The settlers appeared to him to be very
well disposed, but it will be very diflScult to keep them so, if they be not protected against the
incursions of the English, who by the facility they possess of reaching that place, could give
them reason to repent of any excessive attachment they miglit entertain towards us.
•Sloughter. —Ed. 'Sic. Outaouaks. Za Potherie, IIL; 147.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. 527
From Port Royal they proceeded towards the River S' John and, learning that M. de Nelson
was coming there with a vessel, concealed themselves behind a point. On hearing the report
of two guns — which was the signal to give notice of his arrival — they gave him chase,
and easily brought him to and made him prisoner. Another small Ketch escaped under favor
of the twilight.
There might have been on board this prize, some twenty @ twenty-five men ; among the
rest Colonel Tync' who was returning from Port Royal, whither he had been sent in the capacity
of Governor. He had not thought proper to remain there, not being able to engage the
settlers to guarantee him against the insults the Indians might offer him. One Aldem and his
son, Boston merchants, were, also, on board.
The father has been released with the crew, and has left his son as a hostage for the security
of the ship. He has promised to bring back, from Boston such of the soldiers as maybe found
there belonging to the Port Royal garrison who have been detained contrary to the promise
given them when they capitulated.
Colonel Tync has also remained at the fort at the mouth (au bas) of the river S' John,
occupied by Sieur de Villebon, who has sent to Count de Frontenac M. de Nelson from whose
capture this country will, possibly, derive great benefit. He is a gentleman of merit and
intelligence ; possessing influence in Boston, where his friends have always been opposed to
those of Sir William Phips. He has ever distinguished himself by kind treatment of the
French, as well in peace as during the War, and to him M. de Monneval, Governor of Port
Royal, is indebted for his liberty. In like manner he may anticipate every civility that can
be extended to a prisoner.*
Report on the Affairs of Canada^ Acadia and Newfoundland.
Extract of the Memoir on the Affairs of Canada, Acadia and Newfoundland.
17 February 1692.
After the retreat of the English of Boston from Quebec, and the failure of the expedition
of those of New-York, which was in connection with the Iroquois, to make a simultaneous
attack on the upper part of the Colony in the month of October 1C90, the country found itself
in want of every thing, and particularly of provisions because the greater portion of the ships
' Colonel Edwakd Ttng was the second son of Edward Tyng who emigrated to Massachusetts in 1636 ; he became a proprietor
of land in 1663 in Portland, whither he removed in 1680, and was commandant of Fort Loyal in 1681. He married
Elizabeth, daughter of Thaddeus Clarke, mprn, p. 472, and was appointed one of the Cuuncillors of Maine in 1678, and
so continued during th.; presidency of Mr. Danforth (1680-1686), and in 1686 was appointed by the King member of the
Council under President Joseph Dudley, who married his sister, and held that office under Governor Aiidros, with whom he
was a favorite; by whom he was appointed Lieutenant Colonel in the province of Sagadahock in 1688, 1689, and whose
"arbitrary power ambition prompted him to support against the riglits and interests of the people." He was conunissioiied
Governor of Annapolis, in Nova Scotia, and was taken prisoner, not on his passage thither, as is generally slated, but on hi'
return from that place ; he was carried to Quebec, whence he was removed, by order of Louis XIV., to France, where he
died. He left four children, two sons and two daughters. One of the latter married a brother of Dr. Franklin. C'olUcliom of
Maine Historical Society, 192, 214. — Ed.
'The above Document is embodied in Letter III. of the 8d Volume of M. de Potherie's Hittoire de la Ameriqut
Septentrionale. — Ed.
528 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
which were bringing supplies from France to enable the troops and the settlers to continue the
war, had been obliged to return, the river being occupied by the English.
This distress obliged M. de Frontenac to cause the soldiers to be quartered among the
farmers during the winter and up to the month of July, when the King's ships and
the merchants who had sailed from France in May, arrived at Quebec, whereby the Iroquois,
the English and the Dutch of New- York were afforded an opportunity to make an attack in the
spring on the Colony at the Upper part of the river, and even on the forts near Montreal
which they expected to carry. Some sharp fighting ensued in which the King's arms had the
advantage, with the loss, however, of several brave Officers and a number of Soldiers
and Canadians.
The Colony was reduced to the lowest ebb when the reinforcements arrived. He has sent
to the Upper Indians, whom he had conciliated, the presents the King had designed for them
in order to stimulate them to prosecute the war against the Iroquois, whilst agreeably to his
Majesty's orders, he had dispatched ammunition, arms, officers and some Canadians by sea to
the Canibas, so that they may wage war against the people of New England, their enemies
and neighbors.
The harvest has since been saved pretty quietly. M' de Frontenac had intended to send a
strong party towards Orange for the purpose of attacking the English and the Mohawks, but
the season being found too far advanced, he has been obliged to abandon that point, and to
let the winter pass until reinforcements should come from France so as to commence operations
when they would arrive, and be in a condition to resist the enemy, who were threatening to
make another attack on Quebec by sea, and on Montreal by the Iroquois and those of New-York.
In fact, Phips who commanded the expedition against Quebec, came to England in the
summer to solicit some men of war on behalf of the people of New England, who offer to
furnish men and to defray the expense of an attack on Quebec.
M. de Frontenac who was engaged with all possible activity in fortifying Quebec, represents
that having lost more than 500 Regulars and a number of the best Canadians in the frequent
and sharp conflicts he has had with the enemy during the past and previous year, it becomes
necessary to send him some men to reinforce the 28 companies, and additional soldiers to place
the seven reduced companies on their former establishment; some ammunition and provisions,
and some such presents as his Majesty made last year to the Indian allies.
He also represents that with his remaining soldiers he can scarcely hope to effect any thing
except to make the enemy purchase dearly the execution of their plans.
He demands particularly that the King would be pleased to send as early as possible any
assistance his Majesty may be willing to afford that Colony, which is of so much importance
of itself, and in regard to the English and the fisheries of the gulf of S' Lawrence, of Acadia
and particularly of Newfoundland, which constitute one of the most considerable branches of
the National commerce, and give employment to the greatest number of sailors. The invasion
of Canada would inevitably carry with it the loss of these fisheries.
Diligence in the dispatch of those reinforcements, which are to guarantee the safety of those
interests, will tend to prevent the inconveniences resulting from forced inaction, and from any
expeditions by the enemy in the beginning of Summer. It will afford time to distribute those
reinforcements so as to resist the enemy's greatest efforts, and the King's ships which are to
convey the troops, will have time to leave Quebec in sufficient season to operate elsewhere and
in other expeditions without any increased expense.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: V.
529
M' de Frontenac and the Intendant demand 1,000 men to recruit and increase the forces.
Note. — The reduced officers, now employed, will serve to organize the additional companies.
They have transmitted an Estimate of the Indian presents.
It amounts to 17.95S.
Another Estimate of munitions of war,
provisions, clothing and merchandise, amount-
ing, exclusive of artillery and 12000"'' of fine
powder, to ^ 98,339.
They make urgent entreaties for funds for
the fortifications.
The King sent last year 24,000.
The provisions contained in the annexed
estimate are partly for the subsistence of the
troops and his Majesty made remittance in
1691 for the extraordinary expenses of the war.
Sent in 1G91 for the payment of the fortifi-
cations of 1690 16.000 "
And for 1691 20.000
The expense for subsisting the soldiers that
his Majesty will send out, will have to be
increased.
36.000.
M. de Champigny has sent a statement of
the application of these 36.000 and another
of 15,505" 3 sous 9 farthings additional which
have been expended, and which he caused the
Treasurer to advance.
The funds appropriated last year for the pay
of Chev: de Vaudreuil, of the officers of the
28 companies, of the reduced officers and of
the soldiers to the number of 1313, amounted
to 218.072."
It is proposed to fit out two 36 gun frigates each on a war establishment, and a transport of
400 tons, to convoy the merchant vessels and to guard and carry over the soldiers, provisions,
ammunition, arms, and goods.
To provide for what the three vessels will not be able to carry, his Majesty will, if he
pleases, have the goodness to grant permits to six merchant vessels for the transportation of
supplies necessary for the inhabitants, on condition that they will convey gratuitously some of his
Majesty's effects in proportion to about one-fourth the contents of said vessels; and some
soldiers on his Majesty paying their board and passage.
After having been unloaded at Quebec, one of the frigates will proceed with two of the
ships belonging to the Northern Company of Canada, to Hudson's bay, in order to cooperate
with Sieur d'Iberville's expedition against the English of Port Nelson, after which it will
return, passing along the island of Newfoundland in order to wage war against the English,
and to succor the French, of that island.
Note. — Sieur d'Iberville took three forts from the English in that Bay in the year
1689, and, the year following defeated and captured three ships sent by the English
to expel them from these posts.
It appears necessary to give the command of this frigate to said Sieur d'Iberville,
and to place a lieutenant on board to bring her back, after tlie Nelson expedition.
Vol. IX.
530 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
It is intended that the other frigate, after having been at Quebec, will crnize along the coasts
of Acadia, enter la baie Francaise' and convey the supplies which the Company of Acadia
sends to the Colonists and to the river Saint John, and whatever his Majesty transmits to the
Canibas and for the French, who have been ordered thither to operate against New England ;
she will afterwards make a foray on the Boston coast and so return by the island of
Newfoundland.
The Castle of Quebec is in ruins. M. de Frontenac sends the report of the inspection, and
of the work to be done for 12 @ 1400" which he demands, or at least a part of it to begin with.
M. de Pontdiartrain to M. de Frontenac.
Versailles, April 1692.
Sir,
The King having informed you of the attention his Majesty has paid to your reiterated
proposals to attack New-York and New England from the Sea, I am highly pleased to inform
you again on that point, that he would have had a force organized for that expedition, if
the present state of his affairs had permitted it and that, when feasible, he will not let the
opportunity pass. But as the Memoirs sent by you do not contain information as precise as
would be desirable in order to facilitate and guarantee the execution of such a design,
particularly as regards the lay of the coasts, the landings, and anchorage of the ships, it
becomes necessary that you again consult with those who will happen to have been at those
places, in order to prepare extensive plans thereof, and to mark thereon the soundings (les
fonds) and all requisite observations. His Majesty approves, also, that you send Sieur de
Cadillac to France by the first ships, who, he understands, is the best instructed on these
points. You will make any excuse you please for sending him, so as to conceal ^ the knowledge
of this design which the English already seriously suspect. Wherefore, I must remark, in
regard to the liberty I understand has been allowed to M'' Nelson, that such a degree of civility
and good treatment maybe extended to him as is due to a prisoner of rank, but more precaution
ought to be taken in his case, to prevent a man like him, who is esteemed the most active
and most determined against Canada and the best adapted to aid the designs of the English in
getting up expeditions, having the means of ascertaining your condition by the liberty he
enjoys of seeing places and communicating with all sorts of people. Under these circumstances,
I think you ought to have him confined after the arrival of the ships, and not allow him to
speak except to persons of education, and to those whom it will not be possible for you
to suspect.
You must not exchange said Nelson, unless the English have restored, as they were bound
to do, the 53 French soldiers of Port Royal detained at Boston for the English prisoners sent
back to Boston, pursuant to the agreement with Sieur deVillebon; and you must wait for
the return of those soldiers inasmuch as they have been detained contrary to the faith of the
Capitulation granted by Phips to Sieur de Meneval.
' IJay of Funfly.
' "pour diifof la tronnoissancb cU cc dteBfein," is tlie text. Tho woi'd ahlr 'a snpjiD?o(l (o be a mistake for ciler. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. 531
If, in that case, you have to negotiate the exchange of M' Nelson and other English prisoners,
you can surrender him on obtaining Chevalier d'O and Father Millet, the Jesuit, if they have
not been sent back, as Sieur de Villebon had caused us to expect; or in all events, you can
exchange said Nelson for such other Frenchmen as will possibly fall into the enemy's hands.
I have still to add to the King's observations regarding his intentions for the next Campaign,
and to what I have written to you on the same subject, that as it appeal:^ by the adieus of
M. de Champigny and your own letters, that you had prepared last fall the forces and material
necessary for attacking Orange and the Mohawks, and that such expedition did not take place
in consequence of the proper time for it having been allowed to pass away, it seems that it
would be highly advantageous that you prepare, in good season, to execute it at the
commencement of Autumn, if you consider its success possible, and if the English have not
entered the river and the Iroquois have returned home, or are occupied by the diversion made
by the Indian allies.
M. de Frontenac to M. de Pontchar train.
The different movements also on our side, and which have been continued from the
beginning of winter to the present time, have given a considerable check to the Iroquois. It
is true that they have received serious rebuffs in three different encounters; one towards Lake
Champlain in the month of December; the second in the beginning of the month of March,
near the Islands of Tonuiata,' 50 leagues from Montreal where they were hunting, and the
last at the falls of the Long Sault on the river leading to the Outaouas where one of their
detachments was overtaken, consisting of two hundred men who had the hardihood to advance
even below the Island of Montreal, but did not return the same way having been pursued,
captured, killed and defeated with loss of their principal chiefs. M. de Vaudreuil commanded
on that last occasion on which he distinguished himself, having been very well seconded by all
the officers who were with him. He is an officer of merit and of right good will. I shall furnish
you. My Lord, by the last ships sailing hence, with a fuller detail of these actions, and of what
occurred in this country since the departure of the vessels last year, allowing myself at present
only the honor of writing to yon hastily, and merely to give you a general outline of things,
under the impression that my despatches will be safer in these ships, though apparently
they may not arrive in France as soon as those which will leave here only towards the end
of October.
I shall add that those advantages have secured us repose during our seed time and harvest ;
and that small detachments frequently renewed, which has been our policy, have caused more
inconvenience to the enemy than the marching of large levies of men to their villages. The
latter make great noise and do little harm and, besides, could not be raised, in consequence of
the number of Wolves we have at present, without stripping the country and consequently
exposing it to such attacks as the English and Indians would make when they would find us at
'Above Prescott, C. W. See eupra, p. 77.
532 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
a distance; the former coining either by Sea or from Orange by lake Champlain; the latter
by the Great Iroquois' and Outaouas rivers where they ordinarily hunt.
I am well aware that there are people of a different opinion, who urge the Indians to make
earnest entreaties to me in order to induce me to go and attack the enemy in the centre of his
country with the slender force that I have remaining. I put them off, and endeavor to amuse
them by always giving them hopes, that I shall grant their desire so as not to lead them to
suspect our want of means. But I will not hesitate, My Lord, to tell you that such is not my
opinion, and that I consider I should be guilty of great imprudence in risking a matter of
this nature so long as you have not sent us wherewithal to reinforce our troops, and until I
have found means to establish entrepots and sure depots for provisions so that we may not
experience any want and may be able to convey thither, without difficulty, the sick and the
wounded, the number of which cannot fail to be considerable in expeditions so distant and
routes so difficult as those are that must be followed.
All, then, that I think myself able to effect this year, whilst awaiting the reinforcements you
lead me to expect next season and which we so much need, is to observe an efficient defensive,
to put myself in a condition to repel the enemy should they come to attack us, and [so] to
manage [as] to be safe next spring.
The worm^ has made great ravage this year among our grain, and the harvest is much less
abundant than was expected, so that we should continue to be greatly straitened for food
as in preceding years, had not the last ships, on board of which, 'tis said, was to be put the
remainder of the flour in the invoices sent us, not arrived in safety. The Intendant is to advise
you of the price at which it is charged to us; it is much higher than private individuals who
import the article purchase it for in France. The consequent increased rates of the Soldier's
ration diminish his balance and deprives the officers of the power to keep him in as good
condition as would be necessary.
The bad faith of the English respecting the restoration of the fifty-three soldiers of the
Port Royal garrison, has been very flagrant. Instead of sending them back by the merchant
named Alden who, when Sieur de Villebon permitted him to return with his vessel to Boston,
had pledged himself to bring them back, he (Alden) at his next visit did all in his power to
entice Sieur de Villebon on board an armed brigantine in which he had come, with a view
apparently to carry him off. Perceiving that the latter was not such a dupe as to fall into that
trap, he contented himself with landing merely six of the Port Royal soldiers, saying that the
others were desirous of remaining; and setting sail, he returned to Boston forcibly taking
with him two of Sieur de Villebon's men who through curiosity had gone to see his vessel, and
without paying for the one that had been restored to him when he was taken, and for which
he had given his note. Sieur de Villebon, therefore, considered it his duty to send hither to
me Colonel Ting and this Alden's son, whom he had until then detained with him, and whom
I caused to be lodged in prison on their arrival. But as they, as well as M"' Nelson and the
other English persons whom we have taken, or have rescued from the hands of the Indians,
are a heavy charge to us; as it would be easy for them in time to find means of escape and to
return to their country, and as the English of Boston have hone of our prisoners whom they
could propose to exchange; those belonging to the garrison of Port Royal not being admissible
in such exchange, as you observe to me in your despatches; we — the Intendant and I — have
thought proper, in order to free ourselves from this embarrassment, and from the expense
'Saint Lawrence. ' The word in the text is Chenilles, caterpillars. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. 533
attendant thereupon, to send tlie major part of them to France, and to distribute them among
tiie vessels about to sail thither, in order that you may direct what shall be done with them,
and prevent the return particularly of M"" Nelson, Colonel Ting and this Alden's son especially
to Boston and Manath.
The generous liberty I allowed the first has not greatly augmented his stock of knowledge
regarding this country and town, in which he sojourned, previous to the war, a sufficient
length of time to become acquainted with it, and to see that it is at present in a better
condition than it was then.
Yet he is so full of zeal for the Prince of Orange's party, and for his religion, and so strongly
impressed with the justice of his claims on Port Royal and Acadia through an uncle of his,' to
whom, he says, they belonged before the restitution thereof by the English in virtue of the
Treaty, that it is highly important not to allow him to return to Boston though Phipps, at
present governor of that place, be his mortal enemy and the cabal of relatives and friends
there be, as it were, entirely opposed to him. Moreover, there is no exchange to be proposed
for Chevalier Dau or Father Millet, the latter not being at the disposal of those of Boston,
but in the hands of the Indians in one of the villages called Oneida, whence the former could
not withdraw him; and the first has found means to escape and return here, where he has
arrived within these few days.
He will give you an account, My Lord, of the perils he has run, and of all his adventures
which surpass those of their kind we read in Romances. It is impossible to evince more
firmness and zeal for the King's service and glory than he has manifested in all the trials to
which he has been subjected. And he, therefore, hopes that you will have the goodness to use
your endeavors to procure some reward for him in return.
The information he will likewise furnish you regarding Manath and Boston will possibly
add something more to what you will learn respecting them from the persons I have already
mentioned. You will thus possess, I hope, all the light you express a wish for, and will turn
your attention, seriously, to the execution of an expedition which will never be so easy as it
is at the present conjuncture, when confusion and division reign paramount in those two
cities which cannot expect considerable assistance from Europe.
Chevalier Dau assures me that Phipps always intends to make an effort to come and attack
us next year. This will oblige me to adopt all possible precautions in order to give him a
proper reception, and forces me to supplicate you to solicit from his Majesty a strong
reinforcement of troops, without which I cannot avoid falling; and should it be granted, to
have it dispatched in such season that it will arrive here in all the month of May.
When I spoke to you, My Lord, of Fort Frontenac and of the advantage 1 could derive
from it during the continuance of this war, it was not with the intention of reestablishing it
immediately, and as soon as I should have his Majesty's permission. I am well aware I have
not the means of doing so at present owing to the few troops here, who must neither be
separated nor detached ; but I dare to tell you, and to maintain the position against
whomsoever at the peril of my head, that should the occasion offer, I could not render the
King a greater service, nor the Colony a greater benefit, than by reestablishing that post, which
is equally necessary both during war and during the most profound peace; and that all
those who will say the contrary are either very ignorant of the affiiirs of, and have not
profited by their sojourn in, this country; or are moved by motives of jealousy and private
'Sir Thomas Temple. See note, supra, p. 75.
534 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
interest to make representations to you, the falsehood of which is easily demonstrated, when
you will be pleased to inform yourself of the utility it has been to me during the ten years
of my first administration, having the Indians in peace now only hy means thereof; and learn
also the advantages the governors, ray successors, have derived from* it when they wished
to carry the war into the heart of the enemy's country, which J should have already done,
since my return, had I not found the place abandoned either through caprice, or from motives
perhaps not entirely known to me, but which 1 might, nevertheless, be able to expose when it
will please you to order me so to do.
Let my great distance and the small means I possess of recalling myself often to your mind,
not weaken nor diminish the desire you may entertain to be the author of my fortune and of
my repose, inasmuch as you could not procure it for any one who would be more grateful, or
with more profound respect and more sincere and perfect attachment.
My Lord,
Your most humble, most obedient
and most obliged servant
15 September, 1692. Frontenao.
Narrative of Military Operations in Canada. 1691, 1692.
An Account of the Military Operations in Canada from the month of November,
1691, to the month of October, 1692.
In the beginning of December, a party of hostile Indians, 34 in number, having surprised
22 of our Savages, men, women and children, who were out hunting in the neighborhood of
Chambly, took them prisoners and set off towards Orange. Intelligence of that event having
been immediately conveyed to the village of the Saut S' Louis by a Squaw who had made
her escape, 40 of our Indians belonging to that post started at the same time in pursuit of
the enemy and, having overtaken them on Lake Champlain, attacked and forced their
retrenchments. Of the 34 they numbered, 16 were killed ; 14 taken prisoners, and the
remaining 4 escaped. Those they had captured were recovered, and we lost on this occasion
only 4 of our Indians. This action was so promptly executed, that we heard at Quebec of
the capture of our Indians, and of the defeat of the enemy at the same time.
Having come down to Quebec after striking this blow, in order to inform Count de Frontenac
thereof, our Indians requested permission, at the same time, that a party of Frenchmen and
Indians be organized to go in quest of the enemy in their country. This having been granted,
it set out in the month of February, to the number of 120 Frenchmen and 205 Indians under
the command of Captain Dorvilliers. This officer, after being three days out, scalded his foot
by the accidental upsetting of a kettle of boiling water, and was obliged to return; he resigned
the command to Sieur de Brancour,i a reduced Captain in this country. They proceeded as
far as [the Island of Tonihata^] above Montreal in the direction of Cataracouy where they
' Sic. Charlevoix prints it Beaucour, or rather Beaueourt — Ed. ' Charlevoix' Histoire de la Nouv. Prance, 11, 112.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. 535
discovered 50 of the enemy whom they attacked at noon in Camp, killing 24, and taking
16 of them prisoners ; the other 10 escaped. Among the enemy were found three French
prisoners who were liberated. We lost, on this occasion, 5 Indians, 1 Frenchman, and had
5 wounded. Sieur de. Brancour conducted this expedition with a great deal of prudence.
He was accompanied by Lieutenants de Sourdy, Dauberville, Labrosse and Forsan, and by
Beaubassin, a reduced lieutenant, who acquitted themselves very well on the occasion. It is
impossible to describe the fatigue attendant on these expeditions in which every person walking
on snow shoes is obliged to carry his provisions on his back across the woods and over the
snow. These officers ought to be distinguished by some special favor, as there are but few of
them in this country capable of marching on such expeditions.
In the month of April a party of hostile Savages killed one of our Indians in the river S'
Francis, above Three Rivers and made good his escape.
In the same month, divers small parties, composed of 3, 4, 8, 10 and 12 of our Indians, set
out from Montreal to go to divers parts of the enemy's territory. One of these having laid in
ambush within sight of Orange, surprised three Englishmen, 2 of whom they killed and brought
in 1, who reported to us that no ship had reached them; that goods were scarce, and that a
pound of powder sold for a pound of Beaver which they value at 10@12 french livres.
Two other of these parties having met without recognizing each other, fought like enemies;
and three of them fell at the first shot; they afterwards discovered their mistake.
Several Indians belonging to these small parties deserted to the enemy; they had been
previously prisoners, and at war with our Indians.
At the close of April, M. de Frontenac dispatched 43 Frenchmen from Montreal with his
orders to Missilimakinac in the Outaouas country, and caused them to be escorted by 3
Frenchmen and 25 Indians under the command of Sieur De La Noue, a Canadian officer,
beyond a certain point where it was reported the enemy were lying in ambush. After a march
of several days without meeting any one, and under the impression that the enemy was not on
that route, the escort returned to Montreal where the 43 Frenchmen arrived the following day,
having discovered the enemy's fires two hours after separating.
On their arrival, M' de Frontenac dispatched the same 43 Frenchmen with a more numerous
escort, but they, too, were constrained to come back, having discovered the main body of the
enemy about the same place that they had originally seen them.'
These two retreats obliged .M"' de Frontenac to send two canoes of Frenchmen and Indians
by two other routes to convey his orders to Missilimakinac, and to give notice to the Voyageurs
that the enemy were waiting for them on the way.
At the end of May, 29 canoes of Indians called Algonquins d tetes de Boule^ came down to
Montreal to dispose of their peltries. M. de Frontenac gave them 36 Frenchmen to escort
them beyond the dangerous points, which extend from within 12 leagues of Montreal to a
place called the Long Sault,^ the navigation of which is very difficult in consequence of strong
currents and vast breakers (bouillons). One portion of our Indians and Frenchmen being on
shore and the other in canoes, the enemy attacked those more in advance and charged them so
violently that those who were in the water were obliged to paddle out among the breakers;
' At the Eiver du Lievre (Charlevoix) or Hare river, which flows from the North, and falls into the Ottawa river in tlie
town of Buckingliam, county of Ottawa, C. E., a little below, but on the opposite side to, Bytown. — En.
' The Indians around Lake Abitibis, South east of Hudson's bay, were called by the French, Tetes de boule, or Round Hends.
' Of the Ottawa river. Charlevoii:
536 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
some of those on land reembarked and did likewise, and the remainder fled into the woods;
almost all the canoes upset, and all what know for certain of this affar is, that we lost on that
occasion 21 Frenchmen and three Indians. Of this number fifteen are prisoners. What is
also to be regretted is, that the enemy will have a quantity of ammunition and merchandise
with which the canoes of our Indians were loaded ; this will render them more insolent, and
furnish them with means to carry on the war against us with greater vigor.
On the 29"' June, the day succeeding the receipt of this intelligence, M. de Frontenac
dispatched 130 men, including officers and soldiers, and 60 Indians under the command of
Sieur de Vaudreuil, commander of the forces, to the place where the enemy struck the last
blow, in order to observe their movements, whether they were preparing to make a descent on
our settlements, and to collect our people who were dispersed in the woods by the late defeat.
This force repaired to the scene of the action but found no enemy, nor any of our people,
A canoe belonging to this detachment on board of which were three soldiers, upset, and one of
them was drowned.
In the beginning of July, our enemies took 2 farmers who were mowing near Fort Roland,
four leagues above Montreal, and, some days after, captured nine at La Chenaie five leagues
below. M. de Callieres having been advised of this, sent a detachment of 80 men commanded
by Captains Duplessis and Merville, but this did not prevent the enemy taking two settlers
more on Uile Jesus, near La Chenaie, and burning a barn full of hay; Our detachment
marched against them, and went as far as the woods which it was deemed imprudent to enter
fearing to fall into some ambuscade. Meanwhile M. de Callieres dispatched M. de Vaudreuil with
150 men, French and Indians, to join the detachment; but the enemy having discovered them,
retreated forthwith. Sieur de Vildenay, an officer of the regular army, who had been three
years a prisoner among the Iroquois, escaped, and informed M. de Vaudreuil that they
numbered only 150; that it was the party which lay in wait for the Voyageurs from the
Outaouacs, and that they had prepared two loads of beaver above the Long Sault.' On this
report, M. de Vaudreuil and his party returned to Montreal where M. de Callieres ordered
500 men, French and Indians, to go and await the enemy at the place where the beaver was
concealed. This force, commanded by M. de Vaudreuil, hastened beyond the Long Sault,
where having descried one of the enemy's canoes crossing the river, they thought themselves
discovered. M. de Vaudreuil caused his party to land, left 100 men to guard the bateaux and
canoes, and set out through the woods in search of the enemy's camp. Hearing at nightfall
the noise of men chopping, he approached the spot and, being discovered by the wood
cutters who raised a great cry, the enemy came out of their wigwams, and placed themselves
on the defensive. Notwithstanding their fire, they were charged at once by the van of our
party, but as soon as the enemy perceived the main body, they gave way and fled into the woods
through a place which could not have, as yet, been guarded. The night favored their flight;
they lost 20 men including killed and prisoners, and 9 women and five children, without
counting the wounded. Their camp was plundered, and 12 of our French prisoners recovered.
We lost, again, on this occasion three officers, the best qualified for war in this country; namely,
Sieurs Labrosse, Montesson and Lapoterie ; 3 soldiers, 4 farmers and 4 Indians, and had six
wounded. On looking next day for the beaver none of it was found.
About the 2&"' of July, Sieur de Lusignan, a reduced Captain, two other officers and thirty
men were attacked, on their way from Three Rivers to Montreal, by thirty-nine of the enemy,
' Of thu Ottawa river.
PAWS DOCUMENTS: V. 537
called Mohawks and Mohegans (Loups), neighbors of the English of Orange, who fired on
them unexpectedly about nine o'clock in the morning, whilst passing along the shore of the
Richelieu islands, above Lake S' Peter; on this occasion Sieur de Lusignan and three
soldiers were killed and two wounded.
After firing, the enemy withdrew and repaired to Saint Francis on the last mentioned Lake,
where they carried oflT a little girl of 15 @ 16 years and broke her mother's arm, who would
also have been captured had it not been for a soldier who wounded an Indian that was taking
her away.
M. de Frontenac desiring to protect the farmers of the Upper country in their labors sent up,
at the season of harvest, 200 Canadians from the environs of Quebec with 40 or 50 Indians,
whom he accompanied to Montreal where the harvest was saved without any trouble.
On the way up, he met a canoe manned with 10 men who brought him intelligence of
the arrival at Montreal of a party of 400 men, French and Indians, that had left Missilimakiuac
on the arrival of M' de S' Pierre, who had been sent thither overland. This party had set out
without any peltries, intending only to attack the enemy who were waiting on the Grand river '
for their coming down. But they were no longer visible, for they composed the same party that
had been beaten and routed by Sieur de Vaudreuil, so that those from Missilimakiuac found only
their camp, and thus proceeded to Montreal without any interruption. M. de Frontenac, on
arriving, had every reason to be pleased with the good dispositions in which he found these
Indians. They consisted of Hurons, Outaouaes, Illinois, and other Upper Nations, allies of the
French, and have, for a year past, afforded every manner of proof of tlieir particular attachment
for us, by the diflferent parties they have sent out against the enemy, around whose villages
some of them were continually prowling who have unceasingly arrested their progress, and
always carried off some of their people. Sieur de Lovingny, commandant of Missilimakiuac
writes us, that as many as 800 of those Indians have been scattered, at one time, over all the
adjacent country, and that they have defeated 42, including those taken prisoners and those
killed whose scalps they have brought away.
Such are the fruits of the presents we have sent these Nations who permit themselves to be
governed principally by such means, which possess the secret of putting them in motion and
of endowing them with courage, and we may e.xpect hereafter to witness similar, and even
more progress, by continuing the presents the King has the goodness to bestow on them.
Whilst these tribes are thus performing their duty, the Canibas and Abenaquis of Acadia
do not forget theirs; they make continual attacks on the English around Boston and Manate,
where they ruin and devastate the country. The best proof that they have afforded thereof
has been the great number of prisoners of all ages that they have brought in, and the scalpa
they have taken from those they killed. But such good fortune did not attend one of the
parties in which the French accompanied them. Sieur Villebon, commanding in Acadia
having sent his brother Portneuf, two other officers and divers Canadians with those Indians
to capture a fort belonging to the English,' they wej-e surprised, when on the point of carrying
the place, by the appearance of two English sloops, which they resolved to attack, but not
being sufficiently strong, were constrained to retire after having fought with great bravery.
These Indians are very courageous and more reliance can be placed on them than on any other
tribe. We lost, in this last affair, one officer,^ one Frenchman and three Indians.
' or river Ottawa. ' Wells, York county, Maine. Williamson, I., 631, 632, gives a full account of this affair. —Ed.
' M. de Labrocree. Williarmon, I., 634.
Vol. IX. 68
538 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Sieurs d'Iberville and Bonaventure who command le Poly and VEnmiyeux, and sailed with
the intention of making an attempt on New England, will report their proceedings, and the
events in Acadia to the close of the Summer.
La Plaque, chief of our Indians at the Sault S' Louis, had no sooner returned from France
this year, than he raised a party of 160 Indians, which includes nearly their entire force, in order
to signalize himself and give his Majesty proofs of his desire to render good service, in grateful
return for the benefits he has received. If his plans be crowned with the success he
anticipates, there is reason to believe that he will strike a severe blow on the Mohawk tribe
of the Iroquois, bordering on Orange, where he expects to sleep.
Quebec, 5"" S""" 1692. (Signed) Champigny.
M. de FrontenoG to M. de Pontchartrain.
My Lord,
On receiving advice some days after the departure of the ship le Pontchartrain, that the
enemy, numbering 800 men, had formed the design of coming to make an incursion on our
settlements, I detained until now a small vessel which was lying in the harbor, in order to inform
you of the result.
The precautions adopted and the force that was thrown into the forts, have prevented
them daring to attack these posts. And what I have to advise you of, on this point, is
important, inasmuch as 400 Onnontagues, Cayugas and Senecas, having descended the Grand
river of the Iroquois, were contented with showing themselves at the palisades of the Indian
fort of the Sault, three leagues above Montreal, without evincing any disposition to abandon the
forest, (Indians as they are) and to come out into the open ground where they would not fail
to have been attacked. In the course of two days there were merely some skirmishes and a
few killed on both sides, after which the enemy retired perceiving we were on our guard and
resolved to give them a warm reception.
The same number of Mohawks, Oneidas, Mohegans and English have likewise made a
descent by Lake Champlain, but perceiving that some of the Mohegans (Loups) had come
over to us, and learning the retreat of the party I have already mentioned to you, they
also retired, with the exception of 40 @ 50 of the most hot-headed who separated in different
parties and fell on two or three small settlements on the South shore, where they killed or
took off five or six persons, settlers or soldiers, who had strayed out into the fields, in
contravention of the orders they received to remain within the forts.
It is impossible to prevent these sorts of surprisals however prudent we be, or to overtake
these people after they have struck a blow, because they disperse through the woods, and are
no longer to be found in the places where they are expected to be; and herein consists the
great difficulty in waging war in this country.
Your most humble, most obedient,
and most obliged servant
11 November, 1692. Frontenac.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. 539
Memoir 07i behalf of the Christian Iroquois in Canada.
Endorsed 11"" Nov: 1692.
My Lord de Pontchartrain
Is most humbly supplicated to be pleased to remember the services which the Colonies of the
Iroquois Christians established in New France, have rendered and still render the French in
whose defence nearly the half of them have perished fighting, like brave men, against the
English and against the Iroquois, their relatives, and other Indians, our enemies, many of
whom they have slain or taken since the war. They descry them every where and advise us
of their march, which the French cannot do as well as they in the woods, where, with their
usual fleetuess, they have frequently overtaken divers parties who were carrying away French
and Indian captives in order to roast them before a slow fire; attacked them on land and
water, into which they have thrown themselves during the fight; where they have defeated
them whilst swimming and recovered their prisoners, whom they have brought back.
They are so strongly attached to us by Religion that they have despised the caresses,
presents and menaces of the Iroquois, their countrymen, who were soliciting them to abandon
us and to return with them for the purpose of making war against us. Like generous
Christians, and firm friends of the French, they have endured cruel incisions on their bodies,
mutilation of their fingers and the tortures of fire, in which many have expired, preserving
unshaken the fidelity they swore to God and the King, to such a degree that all the men and
women who, after having been taken prisoners, had their lives spared by the enemy, have
always returned to us, in order to preserve the Christianity they embraced; to inform us, also,
of the designs of the English and the Iroquois, and to furnish us with incontestible proofs of
being in our interest.
The war occupying them too much to allow them to supply their wants by hunting, his
Majesty had the goodness to grant them last year some gratuity, in virtue whereof clothes
were furnished those who killed, or captured, any of the enemy.
But those who are disabled and invalided in defending the French Colony, suffer serious
inconveniences from not being able any longer to relieve the misery to which, in consequence
of the wounds they have received, they, their wives and children are reduced.
There are, in like manner, many poor widows and orphans whose husbands and fathers
have been killed in the war they have undertaken for us, and who, being destitute of the aid
they received from their hunting, are in extreme need of every thing. If the King would be
pleased to extend his charity to these faithful friends of the French, it would be of great
merit for him in the sight of God, and for those good Christians a new and very powerful
motive to continue their services, seeing that their wives, their children and their poor
relations would not be friendless after their deaths.
Such liberality would undoubtedly be very advantageous to New France, which thereby
would secure the aid of these brave Indians whom the enemy are endeavoring by all possible
means to seduce away from us, because their mode of making war in the forests disconcerts
them, and we, were we deprived of them, could be easier insulted.
Pending some attacks these Iroquois Christians vigorously sustained, last year, in their fort
at the Sault, whatever artillery they had, burst. My Lord de Pontchartrain will be so good as
to order, if he please, that two small cannon or culverins be given them.
540 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Canada will be vigorously attacked this year, 1G92.
This is proved First, by the return of Sir Phips to Boston of which place he has been
appointed Governor by the Prince of Orange, who has given him two or three men of war and
some soldiers to increase his fleet. He has asserted that he is desirous to repair the honor of
the English and to carry off, at the peril of his life, the anchor and five cannon he left at Quebec,
when he raised the siege of that place.
Secondly, because the best disciplined Indians of the Country have agreed with the English
to make a diversion by attacking the French settlements by way of Montreal which is the
frontier post, whilst Sir Phips will lay siege to Quebec. They have already partitioned
the country between them.
Thirdly; A french pilot, whom Sir Phips sent back, after having employed him whilst
leaving the Quebec river, and all the prisoners, both Indians and English, confirm the design
of the latter against Quebec, in order to render themselves, by the capture of that place,
masters of all North America, of the fisheries, of the fur trade, and of the interior of the
country, as they have done of the sea coasts, from Florida to Acadia, which they have taken
from us. This demonstrates that
Canada stands in need of considerable assistance which his Majesty is most humbly
requested to vouchsafe. This need of aid arises
First, from the circumstance that but very few forces remain in the country. The Regulars
and the militia are much diminished by sickness and the war; the country has two thousand
men less than at the commencement of hostilities, and will apparently be attacked by sea
and land.
Secondly, The elite of the surviving settlers in Canada are gone to a great distance in quest
of Beaver and other peltries, and to meet some Iroquois who have already ruined the eighth
part of the country. Our Indians who are daily perishing in our service on the frontier of the
Colony, are weary of the war, perceiving that the enemy are continually attacking our
settlements, without our daring to go, either in detachments or with an army, to their country
for want of people ; contenting ourselves with acting on the defensive. The enemy is,
consequently, sapping and destroying us, little by little. Our Christian Iroquois have generally
rejected the presents the hostile Iroquois made to induce them to abandon us ; have given
these presents to the Governor of Montreal; have pursued and killed the person who sent
them and defeated his entire troop and two other parties who were carrying off some Frenchmen
whom they brought back. They would wish that the French should, like them, go to war as
far as the enemy's country. They offered twice to act as their guides, but their offers were
rejected. This chagrins them because the enemy is becoming insolent and scatters terror
through the people's minds.
Thirdly ; Because our enemies are very numerous, whether English or Indians, — who amount
to more than three thousand — or French Calvinists, who have taken refuge in New England,
and who have already come to the siege of Quebec in aid of which they made considerable
advances, and who flatter themselves that they will come again in order to indemnify themselves
for the losses they allege they have sustained in quitting France.
Fourthly: Because Montreal, an important post around which the enemy is constantly
hovering, is not fortified except by a wretched palisade of vast circumference, and is
commanded by a hill which could be easily put in a condition to defend the town.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. 541
The preservation of New France is, liliewise, a matter of considerable moment.
It concerns the King's glory to extend his protection to that Colony which has been for five
years so courageously defending itself against the Iroquois and the English, who have killed
its bravest settlers; by its means, his Majesty's name is spread throughout all the Nations as
far as the gulf of Mexico; by its means also, the friendly Indians are armed against the
English who are wishing to render themselves masters of the whole of this Continent. The
French are contending with them for the interior of the country; for the fur trade and fisheries
which are a source of great revenue to France, and of which they will not be the sole possessors
if his Majesty vouchsafe to assist his subjects.
But what will still more feasibly touch the King's heart is, that the Religion, propagated more
than seven hundred leagues from Quebec, is stretching out her arms to him in order that he may
protect her from the fury of Heretics and Barbarians who have conspired for her destruction.
Shall so many holy Priests, so many Friars and Nuns, so many Missionaries who have laid
down their lives and poured out their blood for the propagation of the Faith which would so
effectually establish itself were it not for the calamity of war; in fine, shall so many worthy
Frenchmen who have so nobly despised the deceitful offers of the English in order to signalize
the fidelity they owe to their King^shall they become a prey to their enemies who threaten
them with a hundred cruel indignities? This Colony though distant and encircled on every
side by enemies, will make the last efforts to second the assistance it expects from his Majesty,
having been planted by the late King and Cardinal Richelieu only for the purpose of drawing
down the blessings of Heaven on the Royal family, by communicating the Faith to so many
thousands of Indians, more than forty thousand of whom owe their eternal salvation to the
King and late Queen, the King's mother, who was so full of zeal for the conversion of
the Indians. It is expected from his Majesty's beneficence that the Religion which he has
caused to flourish throughout his entire Kingdom will not be destroyed by Heretics in New
France, and that he will vouchsafe pity towards so many thousand poor Savages that
remain still unconverted, and who will perish if the French do not prevent their enemies
becoming masters of a Country which, up to the present time, has been maintained by the
piety, the benevolence and the arms of the King. These, conjoined to his exceeding zeal for
Religion, cannot fail to draw down the protection of God on his person and on all the Royal
family, and finally, so many auspicious victories which render his name glorious throughout
the whole world.
Petition to My Lord de Pontchartrain to allow the Indians of Saut Saint Louis
and two other Colonies adjoining Quebec, in New France, if he pleases, to
participate in the gratuity the King granted last year to the Indians who
are waging war against the Enemies of the French in that country.
My Lord de Pontchartrain
Is most humbly supplicated to consider that there is a frontier post in Canada, beyond
Montreal, called the Saut Saint Louis. It is a colony of Christian Iroquois, established by
order of the King, and the care of the late M-- Colbert; they quitted their country and the
vicinity of the English to avoid drunkenness and to seek an asylum among the French where
they might make a true profession of Christianity.
542 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
They have always been very useful to the French both in peace by their hunting, and in
war by the parties they continually sent out against our enemies as well Englishmen as Mohegans,
(Mahingans) River Indians (Loups) and Heathen Iroquois.
The forts attacked and captured by these Neophytes of the Saut, and by those of the two
Colonies of Loretto and Saint Francis de Sales, near Quebec, either alone or sometimes in
company with Frenchmen —
The wounds by which they are disabled, the men they have lost, the great number of
prisoners they have taken from those enemies they have fought with and killed in various
encounters —
The rescuing of several Frenchmen from the hands of the enemy after having defeated
them; the generosity with which they have despised the presents and threats of their Iroquois
relatives who would force them to abandon the religion and the interests of the French ; The
bravery with which they have repaid their threats, and the firmness with which they endured
the fires of the Iroquois rather than renounce Christianity and their sworn fealty to the King,
although the war they are engaged in, had reduced them to extreme want for every thinfg they
had in abundance at home, — are convincing proofs of their attachment to the French Colony,
as can be seen by the Memoir annexed to the certificate of IVP de Champigny Intendant in
Canada. It seems that it concerns the justice and even the glory of the King, that these
worthy Indians be not deprived of the share which his Majesty has apparently intended they
should have in the gratuity he sent last year to Canada for the Indians who are attached to
our interests.
This is the favor. My Lord, they hope to obtain from your Lordship for whom they will
be bound to pray God, satisfied that you will cause some marks of the King's bounty to be
conferred on them, whereby they will be under still greater obligations to perform more
signal services.
Certificate granted by the Intendant of Canada to the Christian Iroquois
Indians of the Saut Saint Louis of their fidelity to the French Colony of New
France, and of their bravery in defending it against the Heathen Iroquois
and other enemies.
The Reverend Jesuit Fathers, missionaries to the Christian Iroquois of the Saut Saint Louis
near Montreal, demanding of Us testimonies of the fidelity, bravery and attachment of said
Indians to the French Colony, We certify and attest for the purpose of rendering justice to
the truth of which we have a perfect knowledge, that the said Christian Indians of the Mission
of the Saut have, since the commencement of the war in 16S4 by M'' de la Barre, continually
been employed against the enemy and have been present in all engagements, on which occasions
they have given proofs of their fidelity and bravery, as well by themselves as in company
with the French, having killed and captured a number of hostile Iroquois and English, and
rescued at various times several Frenchmen whom the hostile Iroquois were carrying away
prisoners; when they have even killed some of their relatives; And finally that they themselves
have lost more than sixty of their warriors who have been slain or burnt alive by the hostile
Iroquois. . We are likewise informed of the sincerity with which they embrace and profess
the Christian Religion which has induced them to reject and despise the presents their Iroquois
relatives, have in the name of the entire nation, repeatedly made them, in order to detach
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. 543
them from the French, to get them to ahandon the Religion, and to return to their country;
and finally, it is our duty to make known that, without them, the enemy would have spread
themselves along the settlements of the Colony and constrained [the settlers] to abandon all
the Upper country above Three Rivers.
In testimony whereof We have signed this present Certificate at Quebec, the ll"" November,
1691.
Champigny.
Since the above date, he writes on the thirtieth of September, 1692, that tb^have given
marks quite recently of their fidelity and attachment to the French Colony, and that tiiey had
just seized a large body of Lower Iroquois on lake Champlain. Every where they have been,
they have beaten the enemy and there was but one occasion on which they were not victorious,
and that occurred where we have been utterly routed on the river leading to the Outaouacs.
(signed) Champigny.
Memoir on the Projected attack on Canada. 1692.
Of the projected Attack on us by all the New England Colonies; and Of the
means of preventing or opposing them.
The officers who arrive from Acadia uniformly represent that those of New England and
New-York were laboring since this summer at preparations necessary for the attack on Canada
on the plan of 1690, with this difference however, that of the seven governments of which
New England is composed, that Boston only had entered on the execution of that design,
whilst the present project is to be supported next year by the entire of New England which is
very populous.
The expenses of this expedition being defrayed by a poll tax, are not at all burdensome to
individuals. They possess such a great number of Ketches tliat they will experience no
difficulty on this point in transporting forces. They have three men of war; two at Boston
of 48 and 36 guns, and one at Manatte. There are besides at Boston three ships on the stocks
from 24 to 40 guns which it is asserted are to serve in this expedition. It is not known
whether Old England is to furnish any additional aid.
Letters state that New- York is to attack the Upper part of the Colony near Montreal, and
that those of New England will come to Quebec by way of the river; that the former can
furnish 3000 men including the Iroquois, and the latter at least as many by Sea.
Those who have returned from those parts, particularly from Acadia will have to be heard,
especially Chevalier d'O, who escaped last August after more than two years imprisonment;
and Sieur de la Motte Cadillac. The interest of the English leads us to conclude that they
will not fail this time. Their colonies which constitute the capital of England are considerable,
and those of North America cannot well subsist but by the destruction of Canada. They are
as well informed as ourselves of the state of our Colony, and quite lately by Nelson,' the most
audacious of the English and most determined in this design.
' For some account of this geatleman, see IV., 211.
544 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
This same Nelson, on learning whilst at Quebec, of the order issued to the ships le Poll
and VEnvieux to attack Pemkuit and ravage the Coast debauched two French so^diers by
whom he sent intelligence thereof to Boston.
Those two ships, which were detained at Quebec until the 23'' September, had orders to
touch at Bale Verte, and thought proper to go to Spaniard's Bay^ in search of Monsieur du
Palais, and thereby to waste more than three weeks, which consumed all the time that
remained for the expeditions, for which they were already greatly in arrear.
The allied Indians as well from the vicinity of New England as from more distant parts, as far
as the moutTOf the river Saint Lawrence, who had been notified, came to Mount Desert to serve
in the expedition against Pemkuit. The men of war made the bad weatiier an excuse to
return to France without being able to effect anything, after having given the Indians the
presents the King had sent out.
The English of Boston, already advised, made every effort that time admitted to secure the
post of Pemskuit; They dispatched the two deserters, who had been sent by Nelson, with
two other Frenchmen to carry off or kill Sieur de Saint Castin, a french gentleman of
Acadia, much esteemed by, and domiciled among the neighboring Indians and who had
married the daughter of one of their Chiefs. These two Frenchmen delivered up the two
soldiers who, before the King's ships had sailed, have had their skulls broken on the spot.
The post of Pemskuit being in a state of security, the neighboring Indians will experience
great embarrassment and difficulty in resisting the attempts the English have been making for
three years to seduce them from our alliance. Sieur de Villebon writes, that they have been
disgusted at the refusal to attack Pemskuit, notwithstanding the reasons of those on board
the men of war. They were desirous to make the attack on the land side, and those who had
come from a distance, by sea with a detachment from the ships ; Moreover, those from the
river Saint John who had formed, in the course of the summer, a design against some oC
the English posts, have said that they throw the blame on the French who were with them.
There is no doubt but these Indians will remain faithful. They have been led to expect
assistance in the Spring, and the two principal Chiefs have each sent one of their children to
see the King and to return with the reinforcement.
It is, also, to be observed that Sieur de Villebon, commandant of Acadia, who has fortified
a post on the river Saint John, had been ordered to repair to Mount Desert with the Indians
of his vicinity, and has returned with only six men. Monsieur de Frontenac having given
leave to the Canadians he had previously sent there to return to Quebec, as they had no
more clothes.
It may be hoped, then, that Sieur de Villebon will be able to maintain the Indians during
the winter, but the English, who have threatened the few French inhabitants remaining on the
River Saint John that they will come and burn them out, would not fail, apparently, to effect
their purpose, knowing that Sieur de Villebon is abandoned.
It is of importance to prevent the desertion of these Indians who, alone, can make a diversion
of any consequence against the English. Wherefore it would be considered expedient to
' Now Sydney Harbor, Cape Breton. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: V. 545
LTmber S«yf T <^'sp^tch, in February, a vessel of about 150 tons to the river Saint John with
b«n°/iio!J!d wal™ some supplies, together with the Canadians who have returned in the men of
fheKinlMhe'ihe^'^ war ; and some twenty soldiers and six cannon for the fort which Sieur de
whn"ihZveTeMf ai- Villebon has constructed.
lowed Iheir passage .
l"Lnd!^('LZncl ^'"^ vessel, it is expected, will be able to reach the River Saint John before
mihecnSltonThrif ^^^ English move or take precautions in this regard. It will arrive in season to
must'"teToked''up advise the Indians of the aid now sent and of that they may expect in future.
besentbaJk!]' """^ These Indians being maintained in the alliance with the French, will be able to
take advantage of the absence of the English to inflict some serious damage on them if they
prosecute the Canada expedition; if not, a powerful diversion will be effected and the invasion
of the whole of Acadia at least, rendered more difficult, the English not having, up to the
present time, turned the capture of Port Royal to any account.
This vessel will obtain, at the river Saint John, precise information of the preparations and
dispositions of the English, so as to send word thereof to Monsieur de Frontenac overland.
She will be able to notify the inhabitants of Minas to pass to Port Royal and convey some
articles of provisions and ammunition, which the Company is to send thither.
Nelson has stated that the English admitted having mismanaged matters when they attacked
Quebec in 1690, and that they ought to have previously destroyed the adjacent settlements of
the Colony, on both sides of the river, and they will apparently adopt that course. The
mistake of the English in that first expedition might have arisen from necessity, from the lateness
of the season and from the delays they had experienced. They will endeavor, hereafter, by
bribes or threats to seduce the inhabitants of those settlements. However that may be, the
project of this expedition being deemed certain, the reinforcements intended to be furnished
to JNI. de Frontenac ought to be sent early in order that he may have time to adopt proper
measures to prepare the settlers, and provide, also, for the Upper part of the River and the
preservation of Montreal.
If the King's affairs were in a state to admit of sending some men of war, not only the
overthrow of the English designs and the destruction of this armament, but even the ruin of
New England, appear certain.
But should his Majesty not wish to make this diversion with his naval forces, nothing
remains but to use diligence in forwarding to Quebec the subsistence of the troops and the
articles that are most required particularly for the war, with 400 soldiers at least. These
could be conveyed by two good, commodious fly boats (flulesj, and one or two men of war, to
sail at latest on the 20"" of March.
If the merchants could not be got to leave with the King's fly boats, the second man of war
might be retained to convoy them, and the first would arrive in season to proceed on the
expedition against Hudson's bay with the two ships belonging to the Northern Company,
which has greatly suffered from the fruitless preparations of the last two years, into which it
has been led. They have one vessel in Canada which will be found ready, but the other,
which has been sent to the Islands in order to return to France to take in the articles required
for the Hudson's bay expedition, cannot be back in season, and it will be necessary to assist
that Company.
In regard to Trade, as the plans presuppose an attack oh Canada by the English, there is
less inconvenience in suspending a more extensive commerce, and it is thought possible to
manage with the preparation of only two or three of the largest merchantmen of Rochelle among
Vol. IX. 69
546 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
those which are engerly offering themselves, so as to be ready to accompany the men of war.
The delays of the merchants arise simply from the time they require for collecting the Bourdeaux
wines and the dry goods, which they procure in other places than Rochelle. These might be
omitted this year, and the attention of the merchants directed solely to the articles necessary
for the support of the settlers, which may be procured in Rochelle.
In all cases, should it be deemed proper to extend greater assistance to the Colony, the
second vessel of war may be detained until the tenth of April in order to be dispatched with
the merchants destined thither.
In the present circumstances of that country, rendered important by an Establishment that
has cost more than a century of care and expense; which prevents the English becoming
masters of North America, and which will cause them a very serious diversion pending the
war, and in trade during peace; many expenses can be curtailed and others suspended this
year, and these only incurred which regard the war.
Here it will be observed, that the sojourn the men of war under M. du Palais' command
were obliged to make at Spaniards' Bay," having consumed the time of the expedition fixed
for the reduction of the English posts at Newfoundland, contributed, also, to the loss of the
ship le Bon which had not any one on board acquainted with the Bay of Placentia, at
the head whereof lies the best harbor in the world.
That expedition can be refitted agreeably to the proposal of Sieur de Le Lande Magon for
the invasion and destruction of the English posts in said Island. The Governor of Placentia
can cooperate therein, and said Sieur de Magon will afford the necessary aid for the subsistence
and fishery of the settlers of the islands of Saint Peter.
Provision will be made for the preservation of the people of Placentia, for their support,
their fishery, and for strengthening the fortifications and garrison, by the contract to be made
for obvious reasons with those of Nantes in preference to others, and on condition of furnishing
the supplies of said garrison, and whatever is necessary for the King's service.
Note. When Phips was to attack Quebec in 1690, at the sole expense of the government
of Boston, the contribution of RP Nelson, the chief man of the country was only S7'^
Memoir on Acadia^ New England^ New -YorTc and Virginia. 1692.
Extracts from the Memoirs of M. Lamothe-Cadillac respecting Acadia, New
England, New Netherland and Virginia.
I. Indians of Acadia.
In regard to the Indians in general, they are, also, of a good figure, active, strong, with
black eyes and hair, without beards or hair on the body, expert hunters, swift of foot, good
marksmen with the gun, gluttonous, proud, haughty, cruel, charitable to their friends,
vindictive and unforgiving. They are divided into various tribes, or by provinces, and their
language is entirely dissimilar. In some places they are better made, more warlike, and more
' See note, mpra, p. 644.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. 547
civilized than in others; they have more love and regard for their offspring than for their
fathers, mothers and wives. They have chiefs whom they call Sugomos, that is to say Their
Lords, for whom they entertain consideration and some respect. He is generally the one among
them who is the best warrior or the best hunter. They do not admit women or girls,
whilst menstruating, into their wigwams; they construct one apart for them at the door of wiiich
they set their food. After a woman is confined, tiie husband does not approach her for forty
days. They like poligamy; marry when they please and unmarry in like manner. The women
have the same privilege with this exception, that they have only one husband at a time. When
a man dies, they inter with him his arms and every thing he possessed during his life, which
is not much; they fire, on the same day, several shots around their cabins to drive away, say
they, the ghost of the deceased. They acknowledge a master on High, and a master below;
they will not pray to Him on high, because, say they, he does them no harm, and they pray
to him below that he may not ill-treat them. This is in brief the account of this province.
n. River Saint John.
Schiginnigtou' is twenty-three leagues by sea from the river Saint John, whose mouth is
twelve leagues from Port Royal across the bay.^ There are several harbors for vessels of
thirty to thirty-five tons, but they are not worth stopping at and describing. The mouth
of this river is very wide; two islands are visible at its larboard side on going in, and a cape
on its starboard the soil of which is red, like blood. The harbor is very commodious and free
from rocks. Large vessels can enter and anchor there, especially with a south, or south west
wind. It possesses an earthen fort of four bastions which could be placed in its original condition
at a trifling expense. About a third of a mile above the harbor are two large perpendicular
rocks so close to each other as not to admit the passage of more than one vessel at a time. At
that point precisely are Falls which are impassable either by ship or canoe without being
wrecked. We must wait for half flood and then they are passable either at the flow or
ebb of the tide, without any danger. These Falls, which are only from seven to eight
hundred paces in length, being once surmounted, the river becomes all at once half a league
wide; also very deep and a vessel of 50 tons can witiiout danger sail up 35 leagues. It must
be allowed that this is the finest and richest river in Acadia and New England, and the most
convenient for navigation. The greatest variety of timber is to be found on its banks; hazel,
walnut, cherry, vines, all bearing fruit which is not bad, and indicating that if care were taken
in its cultivation it would succeed much better. In a word, there is no sort of timber but can
be had there. Around a lake near Gemseq^ is a pinery in which material for very fine masts
could be found; in the environs of the same lake, is a tin mine. I have seen some of the ore
that the Indians were smelting, which they used for casting bullets for their hunting excursion.
It is the most navigable on account of its width and depth, and this arises from the great
number of lakes and rivers that empty into it; the richest, because of the superior quality of its
soil, and the salmon fishery there is incomparable, extending eighty leagues into the interior;
trout, shad, gasparot, sturgeon, turbot and a hundred other species of fi.h abound there; the
richest, because it furnishes much the greatest quantity of furs. I ascended this river in a bark
canoe 150 leagues. To avoid prolixity I pass over in silence the visible beauties of that
'Chiegneeto. " of Fiindy.
• Jemsec, as it is written in (lie maps, lay on the cast bank of the river St John, opposite what is now Gagetown, having
Grand Lake, anciently called Lake Frqneuse, on its North. — En.
548 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
country. One thing to be regretted is, that the finest parts, or the low lands, are overflown
every spring at the breaking up of the ice, and this inundation continues a long time, as the
rivers cannot empty themselves on account of those two rocks I have already spoken of, which
contract the mouth of this river. Marble exists there. Thirty leagues up the river is a
Micmac fort at a place called Naxehouac,^ and thirty leagues farther up is one of the Marisizis.^
This tribe is pretty warlike. They are well built and good hunters; clear the land and every
year make fine fields of Indian corn, beans, kidney beans and pumpkins (citrouilles). Forty-four
leagues further, is another fort where the Canibas ordinarily retreat to when they fear anything
in their country.^ It is on the bank of a small stream which discharges into this river and
rises in a lake called Madagouasca which is 12 leagues long and one wide; very deep
and abounding in trout, carp and pike. It is a very fine Moose hunting country.
III. Of New-York and Manatte.
From Rhode Island to New-York is 5-5 leagues. There is a good passage between Long
Island and the Main land but it is necessary to be acquainted with the Channel, there being,
besides, one place where the river is very narrow, which cannot be passed, except at half
flood (Stale) ; because of a rapid they call Hellgate — that is to say, Porte d'Enfer. The safest
course is to steer South, and wide, of Long Island; this is fifty leagues long and inhabited
from one end to the other and produces a prodigious quantity of wheat, which makes as good
bread as the finest grain in France; they also carry on whale fishing and sell their produce at
New-York. Long island seems joined on its west side to another called Staten island. It
forms a hook which juts out into the sea. It will be necessary to make the Cape and steer
for this hook; when near it a passage and the opening between the two islands become
visible; this is precisely the mouth of the New-York river. It is well to keep the lead
going, in consequence of the sand banks at the entrance.
Manatte, so called when in the possession of the Dutch, is properly speaking an island,
three leagues long and one wide. The fort is situate on a triangular point of land, and on the
banks of two rivers, one called the South River and the other the North River. It has four
Bastions, and is faced with stone and terraced on three sides ; on the North, South and
East. Some barracks and the gate are on the west side ; the ditch is but a miserable affair,
and is almost filled up on the East and North. There is a very fine armory which is in good
order; good muskets, fusils, pistols, halberts, pikes, swords, cuirasses. There are 27 pieces of
iron cannon around the fort, and four small brass pieces at its gate. It is surrounded by
houses on all sides except the South. The roadstead cannot be cannonaded without razing
and throwing down almost one entire street. The same is the case on the side of the town
which is built of brick and stands on the banks of the two rivers. It is not inclosed either by
walls or palisades. There is one wooden wharf but smaller than that at Boston. The Vessels
enter the port and are aground at low water. There may be in the town five hundred men
capable of bearing arms, but they could [muster] 3,000 men in a short time. Here it must be
remarked that there are a great many Quakers or Tremblers who are non-combatants. The
Dutch church is in the fort. The garrison consists of 60 men. The population is composed of
' Naxoat. Charlevoix. On the river Nashwaak, opposite Frederiekton, N. B. — Ed.
' Marechites or Etehemins. The locality in the text is presumed to be Meductio point, just above the confluence of the
river St. John and Eel stream, where stood according to Williamson ( I., 477,) a Marechite Village.
' The other called " Indian Village" is on the east side of the river near the Little Falls, and opposite to the mouth of the-
Madawaska. It is -wholly within the State of Maine. — Ibid.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. 549
Calvinists, Lutherans, Anabaptists, Jews, Quakers, Ahadievs, French Protestants and some
Catholics. Each sect has its Churcii and freedom of religion. Their trade is made up of
beaver and peltries which they buy from the Iroquois ; whale oil, pork, staves, horses and
tobacco. The people are almost all Dutch; there are about forty English families, and a great
many French. This Island is almost entirely cleared. They have Negroes as in Boston.
East Northeast, within 120 rods of the fort, lies an Island, on which cannon can be planted to
batter the fort or the town. It is clear of wood, and easy of access. This town is much
richer in money than Boston. Its principal currency consists of Spanish coin. They have
considerable merchandise there also.
On the other side of the South river is a small town called Newiazze.' People pass there to
go to Albany. It is no great things. Orange is thirty-five leagues from New-York. It is a
little fort, utterly defenceless. It has a few guns in very bad order and perhaps sixty men
bearing arms.
Note at the end of the Memoir.
The preceding Memoirs are drawn up only on the idea Sieur de la Mothe Cadillac has of
the Country. There are some more extended ones of Acadia, in which are noted down even
all the Winds necessary to enter each river, and particularly to which point of the compass
the current sets, either at flow or ebb, and several other particulars.
Louis XIV. to Count de Frontenac and M. de Champigny.
Memoir of the King to Count de Frontenac, Lieutenant-General, and Sieur de
Champigny, Intendant, of New France. (28"" March, 1693)
The report made by those who have returned from Boston, of preparations which were
making there for a new expedition against Quebec, and the information they have also given
that the English of New York on their side were, with the Iroquois, to attack the Colony by
the upper part of the river, have induced the King to adopt the resolution to send thither a
powerful reinforcement of men, ammunition, arms, provisions, money and other articles, and
to dispatch shortly the vessels intended to carry and convoy them, in order that Count de
BVontenac may be in a condition to prepare for repelling the enemy, should they cojne to
attack him; or to make a vigorous war on them in case they confine themselves to menaces.
Sieur de Frontenac's capability and experience prevent his Majesty giving him any particular
instructions as to what he has to do for the defence of the Colony against the threats of the
enemy, and assaulting them when able. His Majesty is entirely disposed to refer herein to
what he shall deem proper, and to say to him only, that after having caused to be examined
Sieur de la Motte Cadillac's proposal to have vessels of war of light draft, and adapted to the
defence of the narrow defiles of the rivers and lakes on the usual route of the English and
Indians coming from Orange, He has issued orders at Rochefort that the plans for their
' New Jersey.
550 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
construction be sent to Canada with all that is necessary for procuring timber for that purpose.
His Majesty's intention is that they cause these bateaux to be built as soon as they will have
received these plans and specifications, in order that they may be able to make use of them this
year for the defence of the country. Sieur de Frontenac can confer the command of these
bateaux on said Sieur de la Motte Cadillac, but that must be done very secretly and in such a
manner that intelligence of these armaments be not conveyed to the enemy previous to
their descent.
Narrative of the Military Operations in Canada. 1692, 1693.
An account of the Military operations in Canada against the English and the
Iroquois, since the month of November 1692. By M. de Champigny.
The Iroquois not liking to wage war except secretly, ordinarily select the season when the
trees are full of leaves, to approach the French settlements on the frontier of the Colony.
When they see the leaves fall and the ground covered with snow, they retire home and do not
appear any more, or at least very rarely, during winter.
Count de Frontenac being desirous to take advantage of the season of their retreat in order
to strike a heavy blow on them, dispatched from Montreal in the month of January a force of
six hundred and twenty-five men, consisting of one hundred soldiers, two hundred Indians,
and the remainder the most active young men of the country, under the command of Sieurs
de Mantet, Courtemanche and de Lanoue, Canadian officers, accompanied by Sieur de .
L'Invilliers and twenty other officers, with orders to proceed against and destroy the Mohawks,
and afterwards to commit as great ravages as possible around Orange. This party provided
with every thing necessary for so long and fatiguing a march on snow shoes through woods
and over frozen rivers, dragging their provisions after them, were guided so correctly by our
Indians that they arrived near the three Mohawk villages, within fifteen leagues of Orange
without being discovered. At nightfall, on arriving, our Indians in company with some
Frenchmen went to reconnoitre two of the Villages, situate a quarter of a league the one from
the other. On approaching these, they heard the enemy sing which obliged them to wait
until the Indians should retire in order to surprise them whilst sleeping. The main body, in
the meantime, advanced in two divisions, so as to be able to make a simultaneous attack on
both Villages. Our scouts did not delay reporting that the enemy made no more noise. The
Villages, which were surrounded by strong pallisades and closed with gates, were approached;
our Indians scaled the inclosure in order to open the gates. A crowd entered and became
masters of all the cabins without resistance. The small Village, after having been burnt with
all its contents, was abandoned at day break, and the Indians and their families brought
prisoners to the large Village where the commanders left a portion of their force to guard them.
Early next morning our party set off for the third Village, distant seven or eight leagues,
where they arrived in the evening, and surprised it on the following night in the same manner
as they had the others; set it on fire and brought the prisoners to the principal Village.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. 551
The Count's orders were not to give any quarter to the men who would be found under
arms, and to bring away the Women and Children for the purpose of augmenting our Indian
villages. But this order was not strictly executed, because they surrendered at discretion
and expressed themselves pleased at having this opportunity to come and live with our
Indians, to whom they were closely related ; so that, of about eighty fighting men found in those
three villages, only eighteen or twenty were killed, and the others, with the women and
children, were made prisoners to the number of two hundred and eighty persons.
This expedition having succeeded as much as could possibly be desired, and our Frenchmen
having perceived that a young Englishman,' a prisoner of our Indians whom they brought with
them on this march, had made his escape during the night on which the two Villages were
taken, and that he would undoubtedly notify the English of their design, judged it unsafe to
remain any longer in the enemy's country, as the smallest delay might prevent their retreat,
having to travel over the lakes and rivers on which the ice was beginning to rot. Therefore,
after they had sojourned only one day at the principal Village, they burnt it, and set out with
all the prisoners. On the first and second days of their homeward march, several Mohawks,
who, whilst hunting in the neighborhood, had learned the destruction of their Villages, came
to join them, expressing their desire to follow their wives and children. They reported that
the English and Iroquois had received intelligence, the former by the young Englishman who
had escaped, and the latter by four Iroquois who on their way to Orange discovered the trail
of our party and then returned to their village to notify the warriors, who were then assembled
there to the number of seven hundred, deliberating on the expeditions they were to organize
in the spring, and who they believed were on their march to attack our party. On the third
day the avant-couriers of the Iroquois did, in fact, overtake our Indians, and submit several
propositions to them from their people and the English, to induce our people to wait for them
on pretext of having a talk about peace which they represented, on the part of the English, was
already concluded in Europe. The Commanders correctly judging it a feint to enable the
English and Iroquois to overtake them, for the purpose of attacking them, resolved not to
wait; but our Indians having received new assurances of good faith from the enemy who
asserted that the Iroquois were in great consternation at the destruction of the three Mohawk
Villages; that they were almost certain of their being inclined for peace in order to avoid
similar treatment with which our Indians were threatening them ; and that, moreover, our
party being come to wage war, it must oppose the enemy in case they should dare attack it,
so that the resolution was adopted to wait for them and to construct a fort of stockades, for the
purpose of security and the confinement of the prisoners.
Two days afterwards, the Iroquois to the number of three or four hundred men arrived, in
company with some Englishmen, within musket shot of the fort, where they at once entrenched
themselves behind a large abatis of trees. Our Frenchmen and Indians judging correctly
thereby, that their design was not to talk of peace resolved on immediately attacking them.
They sallied from the fort and advanced towards the enemy and some shots were exchanged
on both sides and the foe repulsed within their retrenchments which it was not deemed
expedient to force, for fear of falling into some ambush. We lost on this occasion [eight men^]
and the enemy as many according to their report.
Our Frenchmen having learned from some Mohawks who came over to them, that the
English were coming with a large body to reinforce the Iroquois and attack our people,
'John Baptist "Van Eps., IV., 616. " De la Potherie, III, 173.
552 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
abandoned the fort an hour after the last action, and continued their march the remainder of
the day, conveying the wounded on litters. The enemy pursued and encamped within half
a league. Some Iroquois came again to assure our Indians that the English Commander was
approaching to make peace, and pressed them to wait for him ; but our officers aware that this
was merely to amuse them, made answer that they had been waiting too long for them, and if
they wished to come, let them repair to the centre of Lake Champlain, where they would again
wait for them, either to receive their propositions or to fight them. Our party marched the
whole of next day, followed by the enemy, and reached the lake on the day following; the ice
on it was found all rotten, and the men sunk in some places up to the waist. The greater
number of our Indians separated from our Frenchmen with intention of striking across the
woods, and the prisoners being too much embarrassed by their baggage (equipages) and
the women by their children, were almost all forced to remain on the lake-shore. Only fifty of
them followed, and the other prisoners promised to come in the spring. Our Frenchmen
having arrived at a place where they had secreted, when on their way up to the Mohawk
country, a portion of their provisions to serve them on their return, discovered these entirely
spoiled by the rain; so that they found themselves entirely destitute at a distance of nearly
fifty leagues from our nearest settlements, having to carry the wounded also, under these
unfavorable circumstances. They dispatched four Indians and one Frenchman to advise us
of the circumstances, that assistance maybe promptly sent them; and those messengers
reached Montreal in five days. M. de Callieres immediately dispatched one hundred and fifty
men to them with provisions on their backs. Never was there such distress. They were four
or five days without food. About one hundred and twenty, overpowered by fatigue, remained
behind until they should be somewhat restored by the supplies that we forwarded to them.
Two or three died of hunger; many threw down their arms, and almost all arrived without
blankets (couvertes) and half naked, scarcely able to drag their heels after them. What was
surprising under such untoward circumstances was, that the enemy did not pursue them ; they
did not dare to follow over the lakes, as the ice melted under their feet. Certain it is,
had it not been for this special interposition of Providence, not a solitary Frenchman would
have returned.
Whilst this party was out, letters from Acadia and from Sieur d'Iberville commander of
le Poly, were received at Quebec, stating that two Frenchmen who had deserted from that
place last summer with some English prisoners, had repaired to Boston whence they had been
sent to Acadia by Governor Phips to carry off" or assassinate Sieur S' Castin, a gentleman
esteemed among our Indians — and that these two Frenchmen having been arrested, had
confessed every thing, and reported that warlike preparations were in progress on a large scale
at Boston preliminary to coming next spring to attack Quebec by sea with ten thousand, and
Montreal by land with two thousand, men. This led Mess" de Frontenac and de Champigny
to make the necessary preparations for the extensive fortification of these two posts, and to put
them in a complete slate of defence.
At the opening of spring, M. de Callieres sent out a detachment of nine Indians in the
direction of the English to procure some prisoners, in order to ascertain the designs of the enemy.
They went within two leagues of Orange where they discovered five or six men at work in
the bush. They killed all except one whom they brought off a prisoner. He was a Frenchman
who had been taken at Placentia four years ago; he assured us that the English had issued a
proclamation calling on the people to prepare to attack Quebec ; that orders had been sent
PAEIS DOCUMENTS: V. 553
throughout the entire country to muster the settlers ; that the rendezvous was fixed at Boston ;
that they were to leave on the lO"" of May and that there were to be ten thousand men
exclusive of the crews. This news confirming what had been brought by the French who
attempted the murder or seizure of Sieur Saint Castin at Acadia, obliged Mess" de Frontenac
and de Champigny to urge on the fortifications of Montreal and Quebec, so as not to be
surprised, and to notify the Acadian Indians to hold themselves in readiness to march to the
assistance of Quebec at the first notice they should receive of the sailing of the fleet.
And in order to have some reliable news of the enemy's departure and movements, M. de
Callieres dispatched from Montreal different parties of Christian Indians in the direction of
Boston and of the Iroquois Villages. Those who proceeded towards Boston took some English
prisoners whose heads they were obliged to break, being unwilling to accompany them ; the
others did not find an opportunity to strike a blow, so that nothing could be ascertained
through them.
In the month of May, M. de Frontenac dispatched four canoes with twenty-three men,
escorted by twenty-seven others, to convey his orders to Missilimakinac and to adopt measures
for bringing down the peltries. They went through in safety, but the escort, in returning, was
attacked above the Island of Montreal by a party of the enemy in ambush on the margin of
the River, who fired a volley on the canoes, killed men and took prisoners;
Among the number of those was Sieur de la Valterie, a Canadian ofiicer, who commanded
the party .1
Three or four parties of Abenakis and Canibas arrived at Quebec from Acadia in the course
of the same month and in June, bringing some English children whom they had captured, and
the scalps of several men whom they had killed in the neighborhood of Boston. Those who
arrived last have informed us that the English had sailed from Boston and that an English
lady, whom they had taken and left in Acadia, had assured them that several of her relatives
were gone on board the fleet.
This intelligence caused the works at Quebec to be hastened. The settlers within twenty-
five leagues were commanded to repair thither, and in less than a month the town was
inclosed by pallisades fraised after the new fashion, and having a sodded parapet from fifteen
to eighteen feet in thickness ; the platforms were placed within the bastions, on terre-plains of
eighty feet from the parapet; two extensive pieces of Masonry were constructed, one on Cape
Diamond, which commands the entire town, for sixteen pieces of cannon, and the other on a
height which defends the Cape. M. de Frontenac visited the settlements below Quebec in
order to dispose the people to retire into the woods with their movables, cattle and provisions,
on the first news of the enemy, so that the latter may not find any thing — not even a blade
of grass or any refreshment.
In the latter end of June, an Iroquois Indian belonging to a Village called Oneida, arrived
at Quebec with a Frenchman who was a prisoner there.^ This Indian said that he came on
behalf of his family and a portion of his Village, to ascertain whether there were not some
means to negotiate a peace, and that he was disposed to mediate with the other Iroquois to
' " tuerent hommea et en prirent , du nombre desquels etait le Sieur de la Valterie." It is not clear from
these words, whether Mr. de la Valterie was killed or taken prisoner. La Potherie and Charlevoix say he was killed. The
latter adds — with three Frenchmen ; one Iroquois of the Mountain was taken prisoner. Jlistoire de la Nouv. France, II., 129,
130. The next Document is more explicit on this head. — Ed.
^ The Indian was Tareha, an Oneida Chief; the Frenchman's name was D'Amour.
Vol. IX. 70
554 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
induce them to agree thereto in case the Governor should consent on his part to lend a hand
to it. M. de Frontenac told him that, before listening to any proposals, the Chiefs of the Tribes
must come and wait on him to assure him of their good dispositions, and that their persons
would be entirely safe.
Seven or eight days after this Indian had taken his departure, there arrived at Quebec a
Frenchman named Saint Michel who had been two years a prisoner among the Iroquois.
Having been condemned by them to the stake, he preferred to expose himself to perish in the
woods. He slipped out at one of the Village gates, which he fortunately found open some
hours before the time fixed for his being burnt and, nearly naked, without food, arms or any
thing else, he traveled more than two hundred leagues through the forest in twenty-five days,
living on grass and roots. He informed us that eight hundred Iroquois were preparing to come and
attack us, and that the Indian who had come to speak to M. de Frontenac was acting in good
faith, but his adherents were not considerable. He reported also, that the Outawas and other
Nations at a distance from the French, had been harrassing the Iroquois around their Villages,
and had killed some of them; that a Frenchman, a prisoner among the Iroquois, being out
hunting with seven men and two women, had with an axe killed the seven men whilst sleeping,
and conveyed the two women to the Outawas.
News was brought at the same time to Quebec by a canoe from Hudson's bay, that the
posts there in the occupation of the French, were guarded by only four men, and that the rest
had left for want of provisions; that one Guiilory, the Company's armorer, had assassinated the
Surgeon and Father Dalmas, the Jesuit; the first by a shot of a gun outside the fort in
consequence of a slight difference that had arisen between them whilst the garrison was
engaged hunting; and the Father with a blow of an axe, being apprehensive, on confiding the
crime to him after serving his mass, they two only being in the fort, that the Father would
denounce him to the Commandant. This post will be victualled by some canoes that the
Proprietors sent thither in the Spring, and by the Company's ship which sailed from
Quebec in the beginning of June, with a full supply of necessaries.
At the close of July, two of our Indians having escaped from the enemy by whom they had
taken them prisoners, notified M. de Callieres that eight hundred Iroquois were coming down
to cut off" the harvest; this intelligence caused him to determine on mustering all the forces in
his government, so as to form an expedition eight hundred strong, at the head of which he
placed himself, to go and meet them.
M. de Frontenac, on learning this movement sent him three hundred Regulars, under the
command of Sieur de Vaudreuil, who started from Quebec eight days after his arrival from
France, and took up, at Three Rivers in passing, forty-five settlers and 63 Indians. On arriving
at Montreal they found M. de Callieres returned with his party, without having encountered
the enemy. He had taken the precaution to station French Scouts at the passes so as to
prevent surprisals, and sent two detachments of Indians to Lakes Ciiamplain and Saint Francis,
on the route to Orange and the Iroquois, in order that no party might pass unnoticed, and that
the harvest may be gathered in security. He sent at the same time, under the command of
Sieur Hertel, who was ennobled by the King in 1691, a detachment of seventy Indians and
some Frenchmen to the Grand River of the Outawas to facilitate the passage of the Indians of
that name, and of the French who were bringing down the Peltries.
In the beginning of August a party of the enemy made its appearance at the place called
Saint Francis, ten leagues above Three Rivers; surprised a gentleman named Crevier, the
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. 555
Seigneur of that quarter, and fifteen or sixteen men who were cutting their grain. They
carried off Sieur Crevier and a soldier, and liilled a farmer; the others fled into the fort from
which they were distant only about a musket shot.
Done at Quebec the 17*'' of August 1693. Champigny.
Narrative of the most reviarkalle Occurrences in Canada. 1692, 1693.
An Account of what occurred in Canada from the month of September one
thousand six hundred and ninety-two to the departure of the ships in 1693.^
Tt has been seen by the Narrative of last year that the want of troops necessitated the
abandonment of the expedition against one of the Iroquois Villages, which had been agreed
upon in the Council held at Montreal with the greater part of the Indian Nations, our allies,
in the month of August.
That plan had been projected only in the expectation that the reinforcements which were
coming from France could make good our losses. Assistance having failed, it was found
necessary to confine operations to the sending out small detachments of Indians who would
keep the enemy constantly in check. One, composed of Iroquois of the Sault and of the
Mountain, was organized to proceed against the Mohawks.
At the same time, that is in the middle of September, two Soldiers who had escaped from
New- York, deserted from Quebec with three Dutchmen, and some other Dutchmen deserted
also from Montreal. The matter appeared of grave consequence. It was probable — as has
since been found to be the case — that M"' Nelson had a considerable hand in this evasion ; and
that, being perfectly acquainted, since he became a prisoner, with the state of Canada, with
which the two Soldiers were equally conversant, and as the latter could also state that we
had not received any reinforcements, it was thought advisable not to leave anything untried
to arrest these deserters.
The Count dispatched a canoe with some Abenakis and Frenchmen in pursuit of them ; sent
orders to M"" de Calliere to intercept them on Lake Champlain ; and offered a reward of thirty
pistoles^ to whomsoever should bring them back. But it was impossible to overtake them,
and we learned in a few days after, that they met within three days' march of Orange, a large
party of the enemy coming towards our settlements.
This news was first communicated to us by a Squaw belonging to the Mountain, who had
been taken prisoner two years previously. She had made her escape from the principal village
of the Mohawks, and reported that the Iroquois, numbering eight hundred, were divided into
equal parties, one of which was coming by way of Lake Champlain and the other by Lake
Saint Francis, or the river ^Zes Iroquois f that their plan was, to come and encamp near tlie
Sault, and to draw out the greatest number of the Indians possible under plea of a negotiation,
and to bind them or knock them on the head.
This was confirmed by an Indian that left the enemy, who were coming by Lake Champlam,
only five or six days' march from Montreal.
» Embodied in Letter V. of the 3d volume of La Potherie. —Ed. 'A pistole is 10 francs— $1.87^. ' St Lawrence.
556 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
The smallness of the force in that government did not permit marching openly against the
enemy, in the uncertainty which prevailed as to what quarter they would attack.
M' de Calliere merely ordered every one to retire into the forts, and sent as large a
reinforcement as he could to the Sault which was threatened the most. The Indians, on their
side, promised to meet the artifices of the enemy in their own style; to allow as many of them
as pleased to enter their fort, and then to seize them, knock them on the head, or send them to
M' de Calliere. The Marquis de Crisafy commanded all the French who were at the Sault;
a garrison was sent to the fort at Sorel which had been abandoned, and all the officers whom
business had called to Quebec, on the arrival of the ships, returned to their posts.
Finally, the party coming by Lake Saint Francis appeared first in sight of the Sault at noon.
On our appearing to be expecting them, the enemy contented themselves with firing several
volleys which were answered by a like fire. There was no great loss on either side ; the
enemy withdrew in the evening and our scouts reported that they were turning towards Lake
Saint Francis, doubtless with a design to hunt there, and to send out small parties. They
surprised some farmers who after the main alarm had passed away were unable to abstain from
visiting their farms. It was, however, not deemed expedient to pursue the enemy, the number
of persons that could be mustered, after all the posts were garrisoned, not equalling half their
force although the party from the Sault and Mountain, which had been recalled, had returned.
Thus, the expense incurred to fit them out, and which always amounts to a considerable sum,
was found to have been thrown away.
The wife of Chaudiere Noire' one of the principal Iroquois chiefs, who had been taken
some months ago on the defeat of the party commanded by her husband, and who was a
prisoner at the Sault, had a desire, it was discovered, to run away. Tataconicere an Oneida
Chief belonging to that Mission, on such suspicion, dragged her without the fort and knocked
her on the skull. He then struck his hatchet into the gate as a sign that he would not grant
pardon to any one, inviting his brethren to do likewise.
No news, however, were received of the Lake Champlain party, and when the time for
their attack was supposed to be near, a young lad and two squaws deserted from them and
reported that, after the escape of the Indian already mentioned, they had held a Council during
two whole days; that a part, seeing their project was discovered, had advised a retreat, and
that one hundred did, in fact, retire; that the remaining three hundred were intending to
come when we should have withdrawn.
Our scouts now discovered them encamped on a desert island in lake Champlain, but as the
season was pretty well advanced no great harm was anticipated from them.
M' de Calliere, thereupon resolved to send, agreeably to the Count's orders, to revictual
Chambly, and dispatched a canoe to examine the passes of the river Richelieu where it was
feared loaded bateaux would, apparently, not find sufficient water. This canoe in returning
learned that the enemy had killed some persons and taken others prisoner at Vercheres, drove
the cattle into the woods, and scalped a soldier at Saint Ours. This, it was supposed, was a
small detachment from the main body.
The convoy for Chambly set off. It was composed of six Companies that were to winter
in the government of Quebec, and some fifty Indian scouts. All the wood necessary for fuel
for the garrison was cut and hauled.
'Black Kettle. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. 557
Several Indians joined those at Cliambly and went to the borders of Lake Champlain, to
endeavor to surprise some of the enemy who were there. They succeeded in overtaking only
one Seneca whose head they broke; two others, who were accompanying him, escaped, in
whose wallets were found the scalps of two farmers of Sorel, a father and son, who had been
killed whilst hunting in the islands of Lake Saint Peter. .
Tiie ice beginning to form, every one retired to his post, and attention was directed to
preparations for a winter expedition, whereof we shall presently speak, and which made a great
sensation among the enemy.
Though the Mohawk be not the most numerous of those composing at present the Five
Iroquois Nations, its humiliation has always appeared a matter of importance. The most of
the Indians of the Sault belong to that tribe, many of whom are actually their brethren and
relatives, whom they have endeavored by all acts of kindness to persuade to come and join
them and to unite with them in prayer.
The Mohawks on their side omitted no effort to seduce the greatest number possible of our
Indians; and frequent negotiations, secret communications, messages of which it was
impossible for us to have any knowledge, and which were very much to our prejudice, engaged
us to omit nothing to obtain by force what our Indians could not effect by their negotiations.
Moreover, this tribe being the nearest to the English is, also, that in which most of the
parties are organized against us, and our Southern settlements have often unfortunately
experienced the prowess of these Indians, who the first waged war with the French, and who
would never have concluded a hearty peace had not M' de Tracy humbled them by three
consecutive expeditions within the space of eighteen months.
These motives, and the concurrence in sentiment of the oldest and best heads of the Sault
and of the Mountain, obliged the Count to direct his attention thereto.
The expedition was less difficult than that of Onontaguu which had aborted the preceding
fall, and the great desire our Indians felt to undertake it actuated as an inducement not
to allow them to become cool. Accordingly, at their request Lieutenants de Manteth,
Courteraanche and Lanoue were detached to command the French, who, they said, were
necessary for that expedition.
The Count promised to join thereto, in addition to these three Commanders, a number of
other officers, and the greatest possible number of Regulars and Militia.
From the first setting in of the winter, then, attention was turned to the preparation of
whatever was necessary for this undertaking. The Intendant dispatciied orders in season to
Montreal, to put in readiness provisions, ammunition, snow shoes, trains and other articles
sufficient for six hundred men.
The Hurons of Loretto, the Abenakis of the falls of the Chaudiere were invited to attend,
and furnished, each, thirty to forty men ; some Algonquins and Soccoquis of Three Rivers
joined them.
The smartest soldiers of each Company, (all not being adapted for these expeditions), and
such of the Militia of each settlement as were considered qualified, were detailed for the
occasion. The whole numbered more than six hundred men, both French and Indian,
exclusive of the officers. Sieur de Manteth led the van and commanded those belonging to
the government of Three Rivers.
Sieur de Courtemanche followed him with those of the government of Quebec, many of
whom had come from almost opposite Tadoussac, a distance of more than thirty leagues from
558 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
that city. To the credit of the Militia of Canada it can be said, that they went on this
expedition with a right good will, such as is difficult to be met with among people who cannot
abandon their property and settlements whatever the season may be, without doing themselves
essential injury. It would, then, be the height of cruelty to oblige them to go on these
expeditions at their own expense, inasmuch as, independent of the danger to life inseparable
from war, those who have been any length of time engaged in it are, by the fatigue attendant
thereupon, rendered incapable of labor for a long while after their return. Moreover, the
misery which has prevailed for several years in this country, exempts them sufficiently from
the expenses they should incur. Therefore, the large sums such movements necessitate, must
not excite surprise. Those acquainted with this country are absolutely ignorant on that head,
and many others who are here do not comprehend one-half the expense. Those who enter
into the details have, alone, a perfect knowledge of the subject.
January 20"". All the forces from the lower part of the Colony arrived at Montreal.
25"' Started from La Prairie de la Madelaine, and went to encamp at Chambly, where they
tarried on the twenty-sixth.
27"' All the Frenchmen marched thence, and on the
SO"" The Indians who had been hunting joined them.
The number of officers amounted to some twenty-five .or thirty, many of whom, finding
themselves the Seniors or superiors of those in command, went as volunteers.
February 16"" Arrived in the evening within sight of one of the little Mohawk forts. Formed
two divisions, for the purpose of proceeding against another only a quarter of a league ofi".
Sieurs de Manteth and Courtemanche marched against it.
Sieur de Lanoue remained to seize the first, in which he found only five men, several women
and children whom he experienced no difficulty in overpowering. One man, however, escaped,
notwithstanding his vigilance.
Sieur de Manteth found still fewer people in the second fort. They burnt that taken by
Sieur de Lanoue, and repaired together to the other, where Sieur de Courtemanche remained
with a detachment to guard the prisoners they had captured and some others whom they caught
hunting in the woods.
Sieurs de Manteth and De Lanoue marched with all the rest, towards the principal fort
where they arrived on the night of the Eighteenth.
They were surprised to hear great uproar and war songs, which made them apprehensive,
at first, that they were discovered ; but it turned out to be some forty warriors who were
about to join a large party that was organizing at Oneida.
The noise having terminated, means were found to open the gates of the fort into which an
entrance was easily effected, and it was captured without any loss but that of one Frenchman,
and one Indian wounded, though several muskets were fired. Some twenty or thirty men,
and several women were killed as well in the first assault, as in the subsequent intoxication of
our Indians ; and the cabins, the pallisades of the fort, the provisions, and whatever clothing
could not be removed, were set on fire. Finally, on the Twentieth, the drunkenness of the
Indians having passed off", a junction was formed with Sieur de Courtemanche at the little fort
where he had been left.
The number of prisoners amounted to more than three hundred, one-third of whom were
capable of bearing arms ; the remainder were women, little children or old men ; the plunder
such as is to be found in Indian wigwams.
PAHIS DOCUMENTS : V. 559
It is to be remarked that two young Dutchmen, a long time prisoners at the Sault, and whom
our Indians were carrying along with them, escaped in the course of the night of the first
attack, in addition to the Indian already mentioned and some others who might have had
cognizance of this expedition. This proved, eventually, of dangerous consequence.
21" Passed in taking rest and in deliberating whether Orange should be attacked, or the
march homeward commenced. The Indians represented that they were loaded with prisoners
whom they could not in any way be persuaded to kill, though they had on setting out from
Montreal, promised to do so, both to the Count when they demanded permission to organize
this expedition, and to M' de Calliere.
This was one of the points on which the latter had the most insisted, and it formed part of
his instructions to the Commanders. The Count enjoined this on him, and he did all in his
power to impress it on the minds of the principal Indian chiefs whom he had caused to be
expressly assembled at his house.
But these sort of people do not act like others ; they willingly promise what is asked of
them, reserving to themselves to perform what they have promised, according as their interests,
which they do not always clearly understand, or their caprice may suggest.
The French, therefore, found it impossible to make them listen to reason on this head ; and
this obstinacy, as well as that evinced by them on another occasion, (as will be seen by and by)
was the cause that this expedition was not accompanied by all the success that was anticipated.
22nd The last of the enemy's forts, where the troops had 'camped, having been burnt, like
the others, with all the provisions and clothing found in it, marched thence in very good
order, the prisoners in the centre of the main body, and the most active of the French forming
the rear guard. On halting at night, a Mohawk cried out, in front of the camp, that we should
soon see tlie enemy, who were in pursuit of us.
23'' Marched until noon in the same order as the day before, and on halting, the same
Indian that had spoken the previous night, came to notify us that the enemy were pursuing us
in great numbers, and would soon overtake us.
The French Commanders wished to push further on, but the Indians asked to construct a
fort in order to be able to resist the enemy in it. It was vain to remonstrate with them how
serious this delay would be; that during this time, uselessly wasted, the enemy would come
up to us, and starve us out; that marching in good order, there could be no fear of being forced;
and that there would always be means to construct retrenchments of fallen trees in the woods,
in which our prisoners would be safely secured, and ourselves placed beyond insult.
They did not appreciate any of these reasons, and, however pernicious was their advice, a
desire to manage them led to a compliance with it.
The fort was built in a short time after the Indian fashion, and was found to be in a tolerably
good state of defence. Scouts were sent out on all sides, and as the enemy did not make their
appearance next day, every effort was tried to induce the Indians to decamp. It was impossible
to persuade them to comply, so that two days were spent there doing nothing.
26"" At night our scouts reported that the enemy were bivouacking at our last camping
ground, and that they must be in great force, as their fires were as numerous as ours.
27th ^ Frenchmen and some Indians who had been on the scout, reported that the enemy
were approaching in full line of battle, and that they were very near. Preparations were
made by every one to give them a warm reception, not doubting but that they were coming to
attack the fort; but they, too, halted to fortify themselves behind some fallen trees. A few
560 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Indians went out, at first, to prevent them; the greater portion of the French quickly followed
and there remained in the fort only sufficient to guard it and the prisoners.
The attack on the enemy's retrenchments was very vigorous; they were driven from their
first ambuscade as many as three limes, and we were forced as often from it ; we should,
apparently, have succeeded in driving them altogether from their position had not many of the
French been occupied in removing the dead and the wounded, and had not several Indians
remained in the fort, doing nothing. Some of them, however, were killed in these skirmishes,
and including four soldiers and three settlers, we had about fifteen wounded; among these
was Sieur de Lanoue.
Means were finally found to induce the Indians to understand the necessity of decamping,
by representing to them that it was of the greatest importance to secure the passage across the
Orange river which might be preoccupied ; that the provisions were beginning to fail, and that
we might be starved in our fort, a danger the enemy was not exposed to, having in their
rear, and within a few days' journey, places from which they could draw a supply of men and
all sorts of provisions, and that if we delayed longer, they would be able to force our position
by their superior numbers, though they had not dared to attempt it being nearly eight hundred,
two thirds of whom were English, or Dutch men. It was resolved, then, to break up the
camp next morning, the 28"", and by day in preference to night, in order to avoid the disorder
attendant on those kinds of retreats, which are often converted into a flight.
The march from the fort was commenced at ten o'clock in the morning, and continued in
good order until evening. Next day,
1"' March, crossed the Orange river at a place which was found still frozen, and in the
evening learned that the enemy continued in pursuit of us. The greatest difficulty was
experienced in conveying the wounded on litters, one man alone sometimes requiring as many
as twenty persons.
The certainty that the enemy were in close pursuit, and the apprehension of being
momently attacked, made the commanders particularly attentive in obliging every one to march
in good order, the wounded and the prisoners in the centre. The Indians even gave some
alarms, and the manner in whicli all our soldiers and militia made their preparations, shewed
that it would be very difficult to surprise, and still more so to vanquish them. The scouts
who had been sent out, and who for the most part caused these alarms, reported that the enemy
were following slowly. Some Mohawks, who had come in, said we had fought seven hundred
men; that many of them remained on the field, and that a great number had been wounded,
all in the body.
2"'^ Came to sleep at Lake Saint Sacrament; several of our Indians left us to hunt, and as
Ihey alone were masters of the prisoners whom they did not guard very strictly, many of
these escaped.
4"' Arrived at the place where we had concealed a quantity of provisions which were found
entirely spoiled. This eventually caused a universal, and most rigid fast.
11"" Arrived, after inconceivable difficulties at the river Hazy;' two Frenchmen were
detached to Montreal for provisions, and those who remained, considered themselves very
fortunate when they would discover a few potatoes, or have a few pairs of moccassins to put
in the pot.
' Chazy. La Potherie.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. 561
Remained three days encamped on this river, A soldier died there of hunger and fatigue,
and several others appeared ready to follow him. Finally,
IS"" The provisions sent by M"' de Calliere arrived v?hen the most of those who could
march had already begun pushing along towards our settlements; the wounded, whom it was
impossible to carry any further, remaining under the guard of a few brave volunteers commanded
by Sieurs de Courtemanche and de Villedonne, in a small redoubt that had been constructed.
IS"" and l?"" Every one repaired to Montreal so wasted by the fatigue of the march and by
hunger, that those alone who saw them could conceive their condition.
Of this expedition it may be said, that it was happy and glorious in its inception, and that
the sequel would have been equally so, had not its complete success been marred by the false
pity of the Indians for their prisoners, and by their obstinacy in building a fort and unwisely
remaining in it.
This stroke did not fail, however, to cast a general consternation among the Iroquois
Nations and the Dutch, each village now apprehending for itself the same disaster that befell
the Mohawks.
A month before the return of this party, Sieur de Perigny, a reduced lieutenant, detached
at the time to Acadia, brought back letters from Sieur de Villebon ; from the Captains of the
Men of war who had left our harbor last fall, and from several officers who had embarked
with them.
We learned by him that the fleet commanded by Monsieur Dupalais, of whom we had
received news in the beginning of the winter, had hauled off the Coast of Newfoundland, and
that after he was joined by our two ships in Spaniards' bay' in the Island of Cape Breton,
they had sailed to Pantagouet, as had been agreed upon.
All that occurred there is well known in France, and at Court ; but the arrest of the two
Soldiers who had deserted from Quebec in the month of September of last year, and of whom
we spoke in the preceding Relation, was to us a source of grave reflection.
It appeared by their trial that M' de Nelson had furnished the enemy full information as to
the condition of Quebec, and of the means to be employed to get possession of it. The
preparations which, they assured us, all the New England Governors were making for an
extensive armament ; the advices received from our Indian allies on the sea board, left us no
reason to doubt of our being threatened with a serious attack. Our city which, witiiout
difficulty, had sustained the attack of thirty miserable craft, was not in a condition to resist a
more considerable force acquainted with our weakness, and ashamed, in consequence of the
information they had received, of not having come directly up to our pallisades.
Defences of a more respectable character then became necessary, and this is what induced
the Count and Intendant not to lose a moment in putting themselves in a good posture
of defence.
They confided the superintendence of their fortifications to Chevalier Dubois-Bertelot de
Beaucours, a reduced Captain of our troops, and Enseigne de Vaisseau,^
The selection of this Engineer is not to be regretted. With a profound knowledge of all
that appertains to that science, he combines, in the facility with which he executes the works
he undertakes, so much clearness of conception and so close an application to the smallest
details, that it can be said, we should not have completed in six months without him, what
we have efiected in three.
'JTow Sidney Harbor, N. S. — Ed. ' The lowest Commissioned officer on board a Frencli Man of War. — James.
Vol. IX. 71
562 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Immediately on the close of the winter, he commenced drawing plans of his fortification ;
according as the ground became bare, he staked out its principal parts and on the first of April,
we were in a condition to set the troops to work who had wintered in the government
of Quebec.
The Court will see by the plans transmitted, on which the old inclosure (enceinte) is laid
down, what are the works we have constructed ; and it is true that, including masonry, terraces
and carpentry work, five hundred men have not been employed over fifty or sixty days ; the
whole at a very reasonable rate for Canada.
Though the defence of Quebec appeared the most urgent affair, and what had to be principally
attended to, the necessities of other places were in no wise overlooked.
The return of that prodigious quantity of peltry which was known to be at Missilimakinac
was of considerable importance ; the fear "of an irruption of the enemy above and below,
excluded all idea of being able to send thither the number of Frenchmen considered sufficient
to transport them.
It was necessary, however, to make every effort to obtain them ; as the favor which the
Court confers on the inhabitants of Canada, by annual licenses, was not productive of any
benefit so long as such a vast number of Beavers remained at the place where the ordinary
trade is carried on.
This motive, conjoined to that of recovering nearly two hundred Frenchmen who were
dispersed among the Upper Tribes, and who could be usefully employed against the enemy
that was threatening us, induced the Count to dispatch Sieur D'argenteuil, a reduced Lieutenant
of troops, with eighteen Canadians to convey his orders to Sieur de Louvigny. It was impossible
to engage them for this voyage except by the hope of a handsome reward, the danger being
imminent for a party so small as theirs.
He was expressly commanded to send down the greatest number of Frenchmen- possible,
and to retain only as many as were necessary for the security of the posts he was occupying;
to engage the Indians to assist them in bringing down their peltries, and especially to hasten
their departure, in order to anticipate the designs of the Iroquois, who might, as in other years,
render themselves masters of the passes.
Sieur D'argenteuil was escorted by several Indians of the Sault and Mountain, and by some
twenty French Volunteers, who, as well as the Indians, had to be allowed a large daily pay
during their voyage, the soldiers being busy elsewhere. The whole was commanded by Sieur
de la Valterie Jun^, Ensign of the troops.
This escort was attacked on its return by a large body of Iroquois who threw themselves
on both sides of a rapid at the head of the island of Montreal.
They fired so suddenly on our canoes that it was impossible to avoid them ; that which
Sieur de la Valterie was aboard of, was the most severely handled, and having been forced to
run asiiore in consequence of the multitude of balls it received, and through fear of foundering,
the enemy, in whose vicinity M. de la Valterie, already severely wounded, disembarked,
overtook him as he was retreating with another Frenchman, and slew them both.
We lost, on this occasion, two other Frenchmen, and the enemy, an Indian belonging to
the Mountain who was taken prisoner, and who lias since been recognized, as will be seen
hereafter. At the same time that Sieur D'argenteuil started for the Outa8acs, several parties
were formed of Indians of the Sault and Mountain whom M' de Calliere sent out expressly to
obtain prisoners and learn some news.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. 503
Though the Indian disposition be naturally prone to war, and though an attempt was made
to persuade them that they are carrying on hostilities as much for their own, as for our interest,
yet they fail not to demand, every time they set out, a quantity of provisions and ammunition
which costs a considerable sum, and to refuse, would be to utterly disgust, them.
Surprise, then, must not be felt at the vast expenditure in Canada, and the little utility we
are reproached with deriving from it. • It is true that out of twenty parties these Indians
organize, one-tiiird of them sometimes do not strike a blow; but it is, also, very certain tiiat,
so far from rejecting any who offer, they must be encouraged as much as possible to form them,
whatever be tiie cost, owing to the necessity we are under of hearing news of tlie enemy,
which we cannot obtain except from prisoners, and of harrassing and keeping them in a
continual state of alarm. Small parties effect this object as well as large expeditions, and at
a smaller expense.
It can be asserted with truth, that for four years, no part of the season of navigation has
passed without somebody being always in the field ; and if these minutiaj have not been
mentioned, it was considered sufficient to state them all at once (en gros) and that their details
would be irksome.
The Indians, some settlers and active soldiers have formed small parties; and whatever
troops we have been at liberty hitherto, pending our scarcity of provisions, to detach from our
garrisons, have been employed under the command of the Captains in protecting our sowing
and harvests, or in pursuing the enemy when he made his appearance. Therefore, with the
extensive works we have constructed, it may be said that no person has been unoccupied.
It was not at Quebec alone that fortifications had to be thought of. The information received
from the prisoners taken at the Mohawk, that the Iroquois and Dutch were making preparations
to attack the neighborhood of Montreal, rendered it necessary to think of the preservation of
the principal posts that cover that place. Those of Sorel and Chambly appeared the most
important, and were not in a satisfactory condition.
Chevalier de Saint Jean commanded the former, and M"' de Calliere sent him a reinforcement
of twenty men under the orders of Lieutenant de Beauvais, who, with his company, put that
fort into thorough repair.
That of Chambly has been refitted by Sieur Desbergeres who has been in command there
for the last four years; and it is in the best state of defence that it is possible to put a
stockaded fort in.
The exactitude with which this officer performs his duty ; the thorough discipline he enforces
in guarding that post which is, at present, on the frontier of the country, places us entirely
under cover on that side. He has not contented himself with making use of everything there
that could contribute to his safety; he also went at the commencement of the spring with
twenty men of his garrison, two leagues from his fort, and rendered entirely impracticable
the portages by which the enemy are obliged to pass, when coming down in considerable
numbers; so that they cannot approach Montreal by water without being seen from Chambly
nor without being exposed to his cannon, or running through the rapids in which it is impossible
for canoes to save themselves.
After having attended to the frontier posts of his government, M' de Calliere applied himself
to the construction of works at Montreal whereby he could be placed in security. The entire
town could not be inclosed anew in sufficient time, and it became necessary to secure in the
first place, a hill (cOleau) which commands it on all sides.
564 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS,
At this point he caused a small oblong fort to be built with four bastions; terraced, fraised
and pallisaded and provided with a small ditch at its two narrowest sides; the other two being
extremely steep.
This work may be considered impregnable to the forces the enemy can lead against it from
above, it being impossible for them to bring cannon against it capable of destroying its defences.
It has at present eight guns on its bastions, in form of batteries, and though the enemy
were to render themselves masters of the town, which there is no reason to apprehend, they
could not hold all the streets, these being almost enfiladed, as well as the two sides of the
town fronting the river and the mountain.
Of the parties which as we stated, the Indians had formed, that commanded by La Plaque
which had gone towards Orange, was the first to meet with any success ; the others were out
some time without any great effect.
Some of them had gone towards Onondaga; others to the Mohawk country, and to several
English towns, even as far as Boston.
That of Laplaque, which had directed its course towards Orange, surprised fourteen persons
in the woods, two of whom he killed and took one prisoner; the latter turned out to be a
Frenchmen who had been captured four years ago by an English vessel at the island of
Saint Peter.i
He was brought to Quebec and his report was found to agree tolerably with that of the two
deserters taken last fall on the coast of Acadia.
He assured that the enemy were to be ready to embark on the twentieth of April at Boston,
where the rendezvous for all the English Colonies was fixed; and that this arrangement
had been entered into in the course of the winter by all the governors in command there; that
each was to furnish a stated number of men and vessels which were preparing for a long time;
that the expedition was to consist at least of ten thousand men, more than six thousand of
whom would land.
He added, that the Commandant at Orange was to come by lake Champlain with six
hundred Englishmen, without Iroquois, in order to create a diversion for the troops that were
above, and to facilitate the attack on Quebec.
This information from a man who ought to have been instructed by a long sojourn among
the enemy, confirmed us in the resolution of hastening as much as possible, the inclosure
of the town. I shall not enter into the details of the fortifications that have been erected there.
The plans and reports thereof will be seen, and I shall content myself with stating that the
greatest number of men, and the smallest amount of expenditure possible have been employed
on the works. Fortunately these are found to consist of such as the Court had thought proper
to direct; either of earth, of which we have constructed the walls, or of the advantageous
post of Cape Diamond, which we have fortified by a strong redoubt and included within the
ramparts, recovering, on that side, the ground we lost on the other, so as to try and render it
as regular as it could be. All the farmers within twenty leagues of Quebec furnished their
corvees^ for their board merely, and when they had been sent for a second time were paid at a
' Of the South Coast of Newfoundland. — Ed.
' Personal obligation of the tenantry under the Feudal eystem, to furnish a certain amount of service and time without
compensation. It amounted, by law, to twelve days' work a year, whilst in other instances it is said to have been unlimited.
Gentlemen and Nobles were exempted from it. In Canada the Militia, it is alleged, were ruined by these Corvees. Smith's
Bistury of Canada, I., 110.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. 5G5
very moderate rate. In order to engage them more readily in this work and to adopt necessary
measures to save the Country, especially the cattle, from pillage, the Count deemed it expedient
to visit these places.
He, accordingly, made a short voyage to the Island of Orleans and to the Cote de Beaupre ;
had the people assembled, and arrangements made respecting the manner of proceeding in
case of certain news of the approach of the enemy, and the places of retreat for the old
men, the women and children, where the cattle could be guarded by a small force. He had
no difficulty in getting them to agree to his wishes the moment he made known to them what
these were, although many persons had anticipated difficulty.
The earthen works, the pallisades, and fascines have been constructed by the job, ('a Veiitreprise);
the soldiers were superintended by their officers according to their turn of duty, and the
farmers were under the direction of the principal citizens.
The masonry was divided among the best builders; the excavation of the ditch was found
to be the most difficult and tedious, owing to the hardness of the rock on which we are located.
It was cut only at places where it was absolutely necessary, and which were found incapable
of deriving any protection from our flanks. This work is not yet completed, but we hope to
have it in good condition next spring, expecting as we do, that the Court will approve the
fortifications we have constructed this year, and furnish us with means to complete them;
the rather, as the English continue to threaten us more than ever, and as it is probable, from
what they have done in the Islands,^ that Canada will have her turn.
Our Indians, who had been out, have again taken several prisoners, women and children,
who all said that the English did not cease menacing us, and that their expedition was
nearly ready.
There arrived at Quebec in the month of June, a man named Lafaurie, who had been taken
a year ago at Acadia and conveyed to Boston where he has been exchanged for an Englishman.
His confinement doubtless prevented him learning any news, and he did not tell us much.
The Abeuakis presented the Count some English scalps, and a prisoner who although pretty
young, assured us, that he had heard it said that those of his Nation were prepa-ring to come
hither. At the close of the same month of June, Tareha, an Oneida Chief, repaired to
Montreal and was conducted to Quebec with Saint Amour, an inhabitant of Point aux Trembles,
who had been taken prisoner in a fight which occurred at that place four years ago, and whom
he was bringing back in good faith.
The pretext for this Indian's visit appeared, at first, to be nothing more than the wish to
recover one of his nephews who was a prisoner at the Sault. But he presented to the Count
some belts relating to affiiirs worthy of attention. He said that the most influential of the
Oneida cabins were extremely desirous of peace, and that if they had not previously demanded
it, they were prevented merely by the fear of appearing in the presence of a justly irritated
father; that he alone was disposed to encounter the blow, and whatever treacheries the Iroquois
might have committed against us, he hoped, that, coming as he did in good faith to give
expression to his thoughts, he should experience no ill-treatment ; he added, that the entire
Village would willingly follow the example of the cabins, for which he spoke, and that he had
caused notice to be given to all the Nations that he was coming to Canada, to see his father,
and to endeavor to accommodate what their bad faith had spoiled.
* A fleet had been sent under Sir Francis Wheeler against Martinico in 1093, but sickness had so weakened them that the
design aborted. Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts, IL, 71. — Ed.
566 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
He, likewise, brought letters from Father Millet, tlie Jesuit, who has been more than five
years a prisoner among them, confirming ail Tahera expressed- by his belts, and certifying
the favorable disposition of the Oneidas, without however presuming to answer for that of the
other Nations.
The Count spoke to him by one Belt only, which speech we now report word for word : —
The Belt that Onontio gives Tareha is to say, that the just resentment he feels at the horrible
perfidy the Onondagas perpetrated on the French, whom he permitted to accompany the
Iroquois he had brought from France and whom Oreaoue had sent back to them, combined with
the unheard of cruelties they, as well as all the other Nations, have since committed on those
of his Children who have fallen into their hands, would have obliged him to have recourse to
reprisals against Tareha, and to reject the Belts he had presented him on behalf of the three
principal families of Oneida, without listening to any of those things he had submitted to him,
did not the yet remaining tenderness for Children whom he has always loved, and whom he
never treated otherwise than well, induce him to endeavor once more to leave them some
means to enable them, by recovering their senses and returning to their duty, to eject the poison
they have swallowed, and to shake off the drunkenness in which they have been so long lying.
This is the sole motive which induces him to declare by this Belt, that if the Onondagas,
Senecas and Cayugas wish to participate in the dispositions the Oneidas seem to entertain, they
have to send him immediately two of the principal and most influential cbiefs of each Nation —
of whom he wishes Teganissorens to be one because he is his oldest acquaintance — to express
the hearty sorrow and sincere regret they feel for all their past faults, and he will listen to
what they will desire to say on the subject ; giving them full assurance that they shall be at
liberty to come and return in all safety, whatever may happen ; they must entertain the less
doubt on this subject inasmuch as they are aware that Onontio has never broken, and is
incapable of violating, his word.
It is for them to consider the resolution they are to adopt, because if they refuse to enter
promptly at the door the Oneidas have begun to open for them, Onontio is determined to close
his ears, to listen no longer to any proposition of arrangement, and to pursue them until they
be wholly exterminated.
Tahera was dismissed with this answer, and promised to return in September.
On the twenty-fifth of June sixty Amicois Indians' arrived at Montreal from Fort Frontenac
where they had been lying in ambush with a view to surprise some of the enemy. They
reported that the Nipissiriniens, their allies, whom they had accompanied on the war path,
had encountered three Iroquois Canoes, one of which they had utterly defeated ; that they
had taken one prisoner on that occasion who told them that they had killed two Frenchmen;
probably Sieur de Lavalterie and the man named Lac, a farmer, who had been taken with
him; that they had also recovered Orany, an influential Indian of the Mountain, who had
been wounded and captured on the same occasion, and whom those Nepissiriniens ought since
to have brought down to Montreal.
The Amicois went back after stating that notliing had happened in the direction of the
River des Iroqjiois?
' See note 4, supra, p. 160. — Ed. " The St. Lawrence.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. 567
In the beginning of July letters were received from Father Binetaut, a Jesuit missionary at
Acadia' who informed us that the Abenakis had taken, near fort Pemkuit, an English woman
prisoner who appeared to be respectable ; she stated that the enemy's fleet had set sail for
Quebec long since. This agreed with what we had been told by the Frenchman whom
Laplaque captured in the direction of Orange.
The day succeeding the receipt of these letters, arrived here Sieur de Saint Michel who, as
was stated last year, had been taken at the Long Sault of the river of the Outaouacs in an
engagement in which Sieur de Laganerays commanded and who had been conveyed toOmates^
with Sieur de Lafresniere-Hertel, Ensign in the Regulars, whence he escaped. He got away
in the most fortunate manner possible, which, at his advanced time of life, seems somewhat
miraculous.
His adventures are most extraordinary, and would merit a particular detail. He made his
escape on learning that the Iroquois had just decreed in council that it was necessary for the
good of the Nation that he be burnt. He has been twenty-five days coming to Montreal, and
may be relied on as to what he has reported to us respecting the condition of the enemy, of
whom he has long had considerable knowledge, confirmed now by the sojourn of more than
a year in their principal village.
He represents that the fort of Ononta^ which has been built by the English, has eight
bastions and three rows of stockades; and that in case we invade the enemy's territory, the
Iroquois are resolved to muster there and maintain their ground.
That they had determined to come down, this summer, to the number of Eight hundred to
impede our harvests, and his opinion, from the preparations he had witnessed, was that they
would put that project into execution; that Tareha's representations on the part of the Oneidiis
might have been in good faith, but assuredly the other Nations would not listen to peace unless
forced, which they must be, the very moment circumstances admit.
On the thirteenth of the same month a canoe arrived from Hudson's bay and reported that
the scarcity of provisions had obliged them to leave at Fort Saint Anne only five men of the
number of whom was a wretch who, without any provocation and in a paroxysiu of despair
bordering on lunacy, had killed the Surgeon of the Fort and afterwards Father Dalmas, the
Jesuit missionary who had a knowledge of his first crime ; that they had left him in irons, and
had come to ascertain what should be done with him.
About six o'clock in the evening of the same day, the tide ebbing and the wind blowing
strong from the North, a vessel hove in sight of Quebec. At first she was thought to be a
ship and did eventually turn out to be one called la Sainte Anne of Bourdeaux, which the fog
and bad weather had separated from the rest of the fleet. Two days afterwards she was
followed by fly boat le Saint Joseph and le Pontchartrain.
Sieur d'Iberville, the Commander, arrived eight days afterwards, and all the other vessels
about the end of the month.
'ReT; JuLiEN BiNETEAU did not remain long in Maine; lie 'was on the Saint Lawrence in 1694, and about 1695 was sent to
labor among the Illinois. He followed these Indians during the most oppressive heats of July on their summer hunt, in
order to administer to them in case of necessity. Sometimes he was in danger of being stifled in the midst of the tall grass,
and then suffered cruelly from thirst, not finding a drop of water any where in the parched prairies. During the day he
was drenched in perspiration, and at night obliged to take his rest on the bare earth, exposed to the dews, to the injurious
effects of the atmosphere and to many otlier miseries. These fatigues brought on a deadly fever which soon put an end to his
life. Kip's Jesuit 3Iissio?is, 209. — Ed.
" Sic. Onontae — Onondaga.
568 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
The reinforcements sent by the Count were disembarked as soon as possible. Some of them
were found to be sick, and many others became ill since they landed ; about forty died on the
passage. But we hope that, with time and the attentions already begun to be afforded them,
they will be fitted for the mode of warfare peculiar to this country, as they are for the most
part young men, who adapt themselves to it with the greatest facility.
The three ships r Impertinent , la Perle and la Fille blen-aimce arrived in the end of July.
Sieur D'Iberville had captured on the way a small English vessel coming from Virginia with
a cargo of Tobacco ; and Sieur Robert took another craft of fifteen to eighteen tons going
from Boston to the island of Newfoundland, the crew of which assured us that the English
were again threatening Canada after their expedition against the West Indies.
On the twenty-first of the month of July we were informed by letters from INP de Calliere
that our Indians had discovered a body of Seven @ Eight hundred of the enemy at the
Cascades of the River des Iroquois, on their way down to Montreal.
Some soldiers belonging to Sieur de Lorrimier's Company, who had been sent expressly on
the scout, thought they had seen their camp, within six leagues of Montreal, on the island
itself, opposite that of La Presentation.
The apparent certainty of these news, obliged the Count to dispatch M. de Vaudreuil
immediately with five Companies that were at work at Quebec, and one hundred and fifty of
such newly arrived forces as were found to be in the best state of health.
This greatly interrupted our fortifications, which it was hoped might be completed during
the remainder of the season, and did not result in any great things, no more than did the levy
of eight hundred men raised by M'" de Calliere in his government with very great diligence.
He marched with this force in the resolution to fight the enemy before they separated, which
would have been of the greatest importance, as small parties are more to be feared during
harvest than a large troop, which ordinarily retires on the slightest check.
He went as far as the Cascades without meeting either the enemy or any sign of their having
passed. M"' de Vaudreuil arrived at Montreal a few days after M. de Calliere's return, and the
troops were distributed throughout the settlements to gather the harvest which had been, this
year, more abundant than heretofore.
The movement was productive, at least, of one good effect. A Mohawk Indian, a prisoner
at the Sault, made his escape after M"" de Vaudreuil's arrival, and saw that the reinforcements
so long expected had, in fact, arrived from France, and that, on the slightest alarm, we could
put ourselves in a condition to return the enemy the blows they were coming to inflict on us.
His report cannot but have a good effect, from the change that has taken place in the disposition
of the Iroquois.
The Count, who was preparing to go up to Montreal, received, on the seventeenth of August,
a piece of the most agreeable news he could expect. This was the arrival of more than two
hundred canoes, both of Frenchmen and Outasacs, which had come from their country freighted
with a prodigious quantity of peltries.
His orders had been most punctually executed in those parts, and whatever Indians were
met unprovided with any means of transportation of their own, were accommodated by the
French to enable them to get their effects down. It is impossible to conceive the joy of
the public on beholding such a vast quantity of riches. For several years Canada had been
impatiently waiting for this prodigious heap of Beaver, which was reported to be at
Missilimakinac. The merchant, the farmer and other individuals who might have some
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. 5G9
peltries there, were dying of hunger with property which they did not enjoy. Credit was
exhausted and the apprehension universal, that the enemy would become masters, on the wayi
of the last resource of the country. Therefore, terms sufficiently strong were not to be found
to praise and bless him by whose care so much property had arrived. Father of the People,
and Preserver of the Country — titles so much in vogue since four years — seemed not
sufficiently expressive; and those who were at a loss for terms, contented themselves with
demonstrating, by the joy depicted on their countenances and the gaiety of their hearts, the
gratefulness of their feelings.
On this intelligence he set out, on the twentieth, from Quebec, and the principal Chiefs of
each Nation came as far as Three Rivers to meet him. He arrived at Montreal on the twenty-
eighth, and on the following day, the Indians of the various Tribes delivered their Speeches,
the burthen of which was, for the most part, to inform him that they had come down in
obedience to the order he had transmitted them by Sieur D'argenteuil, to hear his voice and
to demand a favorable trade.
The Hurons dilated a little more, and enumerated pretty fully all the parties they had
organized against the Iroquois, pursuant to Onontio's commands.
Trade was opened on Monday, and the answer to the one and the other was postponed
until after its close. This interval was employed in reading Sieur de Louvigny's letters, and
in hearing whatever matters of importance the most influential of those who came down, had
to communicate ; from whom an account was received of what had occurred in the Upper
Country; of the good or evil dispositions of the Tribes, and of the merit of each particular
Indian who possessed any degree of consideration. This was absolutely necessary to be
ascertained, in order to treat each as he deserved.
The only disagreeable intelligence we got was, that the Miamishad received some presents
from the English through the medium of the Mohegans (Loups). This afforded a just subject
of apprehension lest that Nation had received them in order that they might trade in their
country, and lest they would possess, by this means, free intercourse with all the others, which
would bring about the entire ruin of Canada, both in regard to trade and war. The Count
was, therefore, under the necessity of sending a much larger number of Frenchmen, Regulars
and Militia, than he had at first proposed, to expel the enemy from that post, if they had seized
it, or to prevent them entering it. This is to be done by Sieurs de Manteth and de
Courtemanche whom also he dispatched at the head of all the Frenchmen, whose orders are,
to think more of fighting than of trading.
The principal Indian Chiefs were, in turn, entertained at the Count's table. The general
feast came off on Sunday the sixth of September, when each emulated the other in singing
of war and recounting his exploits.
The King's presents to the Indians were distributed on Monday among each of the tribes;
the Count selected this opportunity to address them, and praised or censured each according
to his deserts. The following are the proper terms of his discourse.*
They retired all seemingly highly pleased, and set out three or four days afterwards, their
Chiefs having received particular presents and having been greatly caressed.
They were followed by the French under the direction of Sieur de Tonty, commandant at
the Illinois, under whom serve Sieurs de Manteth, Courtemanche and D'argenteuil ; the last
is to remain at Missilimakinac, and to act as Sieur de Louvigny's Lieutenant.
' There is no speech in. the French Text. — Ed.
Vol. IX. 72
570 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
In addition to these officers who have each their stations fixed, the man named Perrot is to
occupy one in the immediate neighborhood of the Miamis, in order to execute whatever will
be ordered him. This place is called Malamet,' aild the great concourse of Indians who repair
thither, among whom this man possesses very considerable credit, induced the Count to select
him to be stationed between the Miamis and the other Tribes who might receive proposals
from the English; a barrier which destroys all their designs.
Lesueur, another voyageur, is to remain at Chagouamigon and to endeavor to maintain the
peace lately concluded between the Sauteurs and the Cioux. This is of the greatest
consequence, asMt is now the sole pass by which access can be had to the latter Nation, whose
trade is very profitable, the country to the South being occupied by the Foxes and the
Masscoutins who have already, several times, plundered the French, under pretence that they
were carrying ammunition to the Scioux, their ancient enemies. These frequent interruptions
would have been punished ere this, had we not been occupied elsewhere. Lesueur, it is to be
hoped, will facilitate the Northern route for us by means of the great influences he possesses
among the Scioux.
There had been some trifling difficulties in regard to the conveyance of the remainder of
the presents intended for the Tribes, and the manner the French should govern themselves
during this voyage. The latter was arranged [at the moment of setting out from] Montreal,
and the Count tranquilized the minds of every one by his orders and the correct interpretation
of those of his Majesty. He was obliged to spend a whole night at la Chine, in order to have
what remained of the presents distributed in his presence among the several French canoes.
Each took a portion of them on board without difficulty so that nothing was left. One Canoe,
however, has since been obliged to return in consequence of the want of strength and skill
of three soldiers who were in it.
After the departure of the French the Count thought only of returning to Quebec, and of
quitting Montreal which he could leave in all safety in the hands of M"' de Calliere. Before
he left, he received two different pieces of intelligence by some canoes which had been
dispatched to him by Sieur Provost, the lieutenant-governor of Quebec.
The first was from Hudson's bay: M" Pachot, one of the directors of that Company wrote
to him that three English ships, which had wintered in that Bay, had attacked Fort Saint
Anne whose garrison consisted only of four men and one criminal in irons, as already stated.
That the enemy had at first landed forty of their men against whom our Frenchmen held out
during the first night; but on the second, seeing more than a hundred approaching, they had
abandoned their fort and retired as quietly as possible.
The English found in this fort more than fifty thousand ecus' worth of Peltries, exclusive of
the munitions of war, and the Cannon which might be there. This is a very serious loss, and
will deprive Canada of considerable beaver.
The second news the Count received came from Acadia. Sieur de Villebon, the commander
in that quarter, wrote him that the Abenakis lacking goods, went in search of them to Pemkuit,
an English fort, and had purchased some with their beaver; that, however, no apprehension
need be entertained that these communications would result in a peace, being simply for trade,
and that hatred was always existing between these nations. This has been confirmed to us
by the Indians who came since to us, and by Father. Binneteau, the Jesuit missionary to those
Tribes. Too much reliance is, however, not to be placed on this, on account of the
' Marameo, or the Kalamazoo in Michigan. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: V.
571
proximity of fort Pemkuit which, at present, is in a condition not to be attacked ; though it
could have been easily taken last year, had the orders that were issued been obeyed.
Sieur de Villebon sends, also, other intelligence which he had received from two Frenchmen
recently from the Boston prison. They stated, among other things that Governor Phlips' was
ready to sail with eight hundred Englishmen and Indians, to endeavor to seize him in his fort
on the river S' John ; that he is vraiting for them in good spirits, and that he does not
apprehend this fleet can do him any injur3^
That the Governor has approved the conduct of those of Chignictou or Beaubassin, the
territory belonging to Sieur de Lavalliere, Captain of the Count's guards who, having been
attacked by the English who landed during the night, repulsed them with loss; and that Sir
Phlips had severely censured the Commandant of that landing party for having so acted
towards people who, up to the present time, had committed no act of hostility.
Those two prisoners reported further, that fifteen days before their departure from Boston,
seventeen men of war of from twenty to sixty guns, had arrived in a very bad condition from
Martinico;^ that their army had been defeated there; that they had lost three thousand men
and that two of their large ships had been sunk ; that many of their people had come over to
us; that the fever (pestcj had broken out on board their ships and that the governor had put
those that arrived in quarantine. It was also said that they were very sorry those ships were
in such bad condition, for had it not been for that, there would be still time to take Quebec ;
but as soon as they would refit, they should send them to the mouth of our river in order to
endeavor to capture our ships on their return.
Advices have been received from New-York, that the Iroquois were always very insolent,
and had killed three or four settlers near Orange.
It was also reported, that considerable misunderstanding existed between the Governor
of Boston and Sir Furfax, Captain of a large English ship, who had withdrawn on board his
vessel, and that they were insulting each other daily; that the people of that town were
heartily tired of the war, and of the interruption of their fishing and commerce, having lost
more than fifty vessels within four years.
What has occurred in the Islands is better known in France than here. As regards the
other news, so much credit will be given to it as can be reposed in prisoners who are not
always well informed.
We, however, entertain no doubt but General Phlips will, eventually, carry out his threats
provided he have the means to do so, to which he is the more strongly committed as, apart
from the vexation of having been once already repulsed, it is the sole means of staying the
frequent incursions of the Abenakis, who so long lay waste the people of his government.
We have received advices that some of that Nation have, recently, had considerable
negotiations with the English. Those of the river Kenebeky have concluded a peace which
they pretend is only conditional, and merely to recover their prisoners. Those of Pamnasamske,^
and of Amireaneau have not gone so far in the treaty, and wished merely to recover some
of their Chiefs who are in the hands of the English.
Nevertheless, there is every reason to be apprehensive of all these negotiations, unless the
Indians receive considerable presents from us, as the English supply them with goods at a low
rate and the fort of Pemkuit has its foot on their necks. Considerable presents and an open
' Sic. Phipg. ' Sir Francis Whee'er's fleet. Supra, p. 565.
•An Island in the Penobscot river, now called Indian Oldtown. Williamson's History of Maine, L, 68, 473. — Ed.
572 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
trade to supply their wants, will alone prevent them seeking whatever they require from the
English. Therefore, whatever friendship they may evince for us, it is essential not to neglect
preventing them so far allying themselves commerciajly with the English as to destroy the
confidence they repose in us.
They have assured us that' they will, next Spring, renew the war most vigorously. Every
means will be employed to engage them to do so; and we hope the aid they will receive from
France will stimulate them thereto better than our messages, which the urgency of affairs
elsewhere prevented us effectually following up.
The negotiation we had eommenced with Tareha the Oneida, has been almost entirely
broken off by his return in the beginning of October.
The Iroquois held a number of consultations respecting answers the Count gave him at his
first trip. The English took a very active part therein, and all, together, caused a belt to be
presented by this Tareha to Ononlio, to tell him that the Chiefs of each Tribe were prevented
visiting him here by the dread they entertain of the detachments we and our allies have
continually in the field ; that if he will send two Frenchmen, capable of regulating affairs, they
will conduct them safely to Albany — that is to say, to Orange, — where they are to treat for
the future, the Tree of Peace and War having been transported from Onnontagk to that place,
and that terms can be concluded there by all the nations; that is to say, the Iroquois, the
Dutch and us.
This Belt was at once rejected by the Count who contented himself with answering, that
since the Iroquois were not willing to accept what had been generously proposed to them, he
possessed assured means to constrain them to obey his will.
Tareha presented another Belt from the Oneida Cabins, in whose behalf he had spoken at
first. They thanked Onontio for the kind reception he had extended to the said Tareha ; and
for having restored them the Indian, his nephew and their relative, and assured him that they
should not meddle in the bad affairs into which the Iroquois might fall.
The Count promised Tareha, by a belt in reply to the last that he would not confound
him or his in the expeditions he premeditated against the Iroquois Nations, the execution of
which a prompt repentance alone could prevent. He was dismissed with pretty considerable
presents both for himself and brother, and some were given to an old woman called Suzau,
who it was known had taken great care of the French prisoners at Oneida, and who had come
to see the Count with Tareha.
Since the departure of this Indian the greater part of the Companies who are to winter in
this government have arrived here. We have learned at the same time, that a party of six
Indians of the Sault, at the head of whom was Laplaque, had struck a blow within a short
distance of Orange. They captured two of the soldiers belonging to the garrison of that town ;
they were obliged to break the head of one, who having untied himself in the course of the
night after his capture, inflicted on three of our Indians, whilst sleeping, several blows of an
axe, the marks only of which will remain ; the other has been brought hither, and assures us that
the English of Boston, New-York, and Virginia are preparing to come hither in the Spring by
sea, and that another detachment is to be organized at Orange, with all their Indian allies, to
make a descent near Montreal.
The ship la S^' Anne, belonging to the Hudson's bay company, arrived here on the twenty-
eighth of this month ; found the English in peaceable possession of the fort we occupied in that
Bay, and having been attacked by a vessel of thirty-six to forty guns, fortunately got away
PAEIS DOCUMENTS : V. 573
after an engagement of two hours, and brought back every thing the merchants destined for the
winter's supply of their people, and the Indian trade.
Such are nearly all the most important occurrences in Canada since the sailing of the ships
last year. Those who will understand the true state of the country, and the manner in which
war can be waged there, with such indifferent forces as we have had up to the present time,
must admit that the funds his Majesty has entrusted to us cannot be more usefully employed,
nor the glory of his arms be more brilliantly sustained by a handful of men.
Louis XIV. to M. de Frontenac and M. de Champigny.
Memoir of the King to Count de Frontenac and Sieur de Champigny. 8 May
1694.
The threats of the English as communicated by the Officers returned from Acadia at the
close of 1692, and the information Sieurs de Frontenac and de Champigny have pretended to
have had, that they design a general invasion of Canada and to besiege Quebec, having been
without any result, and as there is but little appearance that those English have been since in
a condition to prosecute the attack, his Majesty is persuaded that Sieur de Frontenac will not
only have placed the country in a state of security against their incursions and Indian forays,
but be able to have executed the projects, which, he had informed his Majesty, he was
preparing with a view to prosecute hostilities vigorously against them ; so that his Majesty is
not without hope that the Iroquois may be disposed to make some advances towards peace.
His Majesty desires that they conform themselves to the order he gave them last year, to
cease paying the Christian Indians 10 silver ecus' for every Indian killed, 20 ecus for each
prisoner, and half these sums for women; this will be a further diminution of the estimate.
This expense cannot be afforded, and it appears so much the less necessary as on the occasion
of the invasion of the Mohawk country and the retreat of the French party which had so
successfully made that expedition, the hope of this recompense did not prevent the Christian
Indians conniving at the escape of the Mohawks, and rendering that expedition not only
useless, but even very destructive to the French, all whose sufferings Sieurs de Frontenac and
de Champigny have described in the Relations they have sent of the retreat of the French,
who allowed themselves to be prevailed on by their Indians to form a camp and to remain in
it, in order to afford the English time to muster and pursue them, as they have done. Had
the escape of the prisoners to the number of more than 300, not been favored by the friendly
Indians, the entire of the fund appropriated to the expenses of Canada, would not have sufficed
to pay these rewards. Finally, his Majesty understands that they replace matters in this
regard, in the condition previous to the formation of that resolution, inasmuch as their
subsistence and other supplies furnished these Indians when they are employed in war, are
entirely on his Majesty's account.
' Each 60 sous. — Ed.
574 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
M. de Villebon to M. de Pontchartrain.
Memoir for My Lord de Pontchartrain respecting the expedition to be organized
against fort Pemquid; dated 20"" of August 1694. By M. de Villebon.
The English have so well understood the importance of reestablishing fort Pemquid, which
our Indians had taken from them in the beginning of this war, that they adopted, in 1692,
every suitable measure for its recovery w?thout sparing any expense to place it in its present
condition; and it may be alleged, that they are quite safe there from Indians, unless in case of
surprise, and even from French, if the resolution be not adopted to attack, them in form.
They judged very correctly that in building Pemquid, they vpere depriving our Indians of
the power of going freely coastwise on their expeditions; embarrassing them in an
extraordinary degree in hunting Deer which were very abundant thereabout, and that the
Indians, finding themselves thus straitened, would be obliged to enter into negotiations, as has
in fact been the case; having been tempted by the proximity of our enemies who were able to
supply them with all sorts of merchandise they would require, at Boston prices, in order to gain
them over to their interests by cheap bargains. This, however, did not, at any time, deprive
the French of the friendship of the Indians who always amused the English, until they would
find themselves in a way to obtain goods, abundance of every description of which the gentlemen
of the Company furnished last year and have continued to supply this season, suitable to
their use.
No conjuncture can be more favorable than the present to attack fort Pemquid, inasmuch as
they (the Indians) are resolved to wage a more vigorous and a more cruel war than heretofore ;
as they have demonstrated in the last expedition,^ having spared neither women nor children.
The capture of fort Pemquid would embolden them the more as they would not have any
precaution to adopt to avoid discovery; since they are always uneasy, when passing near it,
lest the enemy would become aware of their march and prepare some ambuscade for them on
the return of their parties, as th«y are not accustomed to come back except in small squads in
order to avoid being discovered.
Moreover, on the capture of that fort, which the English represent as impregnable, the latter
would lose the best post they possess in this entire government, and we could extend our
bounds ten or twelve leagues to the river Quinibeki which is to be considered the property of
the King, since it is at present exclusively inhabited by our Indian allies; and it would be
easy, after the expedition against Pemquid, to station an officer there and some soldiers in one
of the Indian forts, for the purpose of maintaining possession of the place, which would even
afibrd them a great deal of satisfaction.
Fort Pemquid is situate in a commodious and safe bay, at the entrance of which only is a
Rock that is not at all dangerous. The fort stands on a point at the right on going in, and is
handsomely located.
The man named Abraham Boudrot, an inhabitant of Port Royal, who came from there
within six weeks, and who goes to and fro to Boston by Count de Frontenac's and my advice,
after having been twice in Fort Pemkuit has assured me that he had thoroughly examined it,
and that each curtain was about 160 feet in length, being, as well as he could judge, quadrated
by four bastions.
' On Oyster river N. W. of Portsmouth, New Hampshire. Belknap, L, 216.
I
PAJIIS DOCUMENTS : V. 575
That on the entrance or Northwest side where lies Roadstead, this curtain forms a wall
eight or nine feet thick, and on this front sixteen twelve and sixteen-pounders are ranged in
battery on the wall itself, with sodded embrazures; and that in the centre of this curtain is
the gate which is of oak, six inches thick, 12 feet wide and ten feet high, but not crowned
by any work.
That on the northeast, towards the harbor for sloops, the curtain may be six feet thick, and
is mounted with two four or six-pounders.
That the curtain which fronts a portage, half, or at most three-quarters of, a league in length,
leading to a little harbor they formerly occupied, is the weakest, because they apparently
concluded that they could not be attacked on that side except by Indians, and that they
had properly but two curtains to fortify; mainly those I have mentioned; since the fourth, of
which 1 have said nothing, resembles that at the Portage.^
This expedition may be undertaken at two seasons of the year. The first, of which I
propose to treat, appears to me by the last advices I have received from Boston, to be the
safest and properest. It is the end of May or the 15"" of June at latest.
It is very certain that the enemy hath all the trouble in the world to fit out every year their
frigate, which is not ready, however diligent they are, before the 15"" or 20"' of May, and
cruises towards Port Royal and Cape Sable, in order to make known to this former place that
it must remain attached to their interests, and to maintain the other at the same time, and to
protect their fishing vessels on the Coast. They receive hardly any news at that season of the
year from Old England, and whatever may arrive thence is no ways in a condition to oppose
the projected expedition, which will be almost executed before they have any intelligence of it.
The other season at which this expedition may be undertaken is at the end of August at
furthest. But as the vessels destined for it would, apparently, go first to Quebec, and as it is
so uncertain what time they might arrive here, the Court would incur an expense which, in
consequence of delays, might turn out entirely useless, and render the enterprise more difficult
of execution another year, on account of the advice the enemy may receive. And supposing,
even, that they did arrive before the end of August or the month of September, the English
would find themselves reinforced by the mast fleet and convoy, which do not fail to come
annually to Pescatoue at that season. Add to this, the winds begin to be squally and^rough on
those Coasts at the close of September.
Another weighty consideration also is, that the Indians can be relied on at the season I
mention — the Spring, — as they all return from hunting and repair to their principal quarters
in order to plant their Indian Corn, whereas in the month of August or September, they are
all distributed by families along the rivers in order to live on the Fish and Game they may
kill. It is only by having advices early from France that word can be sent them. But I would
not guarantee that the same number would be present as in the Spring.
For the expedition against Pemquid, and to control at the same time, the New England
Coasts, three ships will be required: One of 46 to 48 guns; another, a frigate of 36 guns, and
a fly boat adapted to the transportation of whatever is necessary for the garrison and requisite
for making the landing.
'Pemaquid river issues from a pond in Nobleborough, Maine. The fort stood on the east bank of the river near its
mouth, (where the tides rise from 14 to 16 feet), and completely commanded its entrance. The ruins, some of which are now
three feet high, are melancholy remains of great labor and expense. It was called, at different times, Fort George, Fort
Frederic and Fort William Henry. Williamson, L, 57. — Ed.
576 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
In sailing from France directly for the River Saint John, one hundred good picked soldiers
should necessarily be embarked on board the ships, to form a landing party and to make the
attack on shore. To these may be conjoined one hundred men from the three crews. I
should support these by an equal number of Indians, who are much greater adepts at the
musket than all our Soldiers, but less obedient, and in a sortie should not perhaps be much
depended on to stand their ground. However, being supported by 200 Frenchmen might
assuredly engage them not to give way.
4 Brass 12 or IS pounders, with their cedar carriages, equipments and ammunition.
4 Trains, or Devils, to transport them at once, from the sea by the portage I have mentioned
these will be of trifling inconvenience on board the ships, when dismounted.
2 gunners — 300 Grenades — 100 iron-shod shovels to remove the earth — 30 Rakes, 24 of
them iron — 50 good axes.
4 pieces of Coarse Clocheterre canvas for bags to hold earth.
Two mortars of only about 12 @ 1300 weight, with cedar carriages and equipments.
200 Shells — 2 bombadeers, as it is to be feared that having only one, he may fail either
through sickness or some other accident.
I shall land the troops in that harbor which is, at farthest, only three-quarters of a league
distant from Fort Pemquid, whence there is a wagon road to the fort; and the landing having
been made the ships will have only to cruize at the entrance of the Bay of Pemqui, and enter
it at the first shot from our battery, in order to anchor at an Island which is at the Northwest,*
and beyond the range of the guns of the fort; and in the course of the night, they could come and
lie alongside the fort which, as far as I can judge, would require only twenty-four hours of a
brisk attack.
To insure the success of this expedition will require perfect understanding and agreement
between the Commanders of the naval and land forces ; wherefore I request the Court to give
such orders as it will consider proper so that the King's service may not suffer.
I shall take the liberty of representing, were M. de Bonnaventure selected that, in
addition to the knowledge he is already in possession of respecting the country, he is of a
temper not to cause any difficulty.
This post being captured, attacks could then be made along the coast. Sieur Baptiste would,
with some pilots whom we have here, conduct the ships in safety, and a portion of the
Islands within sight of Boston could be destroyed without any risk.
Profound secresy must be observed in France respecting the vessels to come here, so that
the people of Boston may not have any information by way of Old England of this expedition.
I am very glad to remark, when asking for two hundred shells, that such a number will not
be required for fort Pemqui, but it may eventually happen that we would find the attack on
Pescatoue feasible, and we maybe in want of some to attack the fort, for it is very certain that,
should all the Indians take the field next year, it will be a bloody campaign for our enemies.
As the Indians of Cape Breton could not be readily notified in consequence of the distance,
and as it was they who went on board the Man of War la Bretonne, and who, M. de Bonnaventure
observed to me, were very much pleased, they could be shipped on the way hither ; to effect
which nothing is necessary but to enter Spaniards' bay,^ where some will be found awaiting
the news from France, with a settler who is going thither this fall to establish himself there.
'Now, Rutherford Island. Williamson, I., 68. — Ed. " See note, supra, p. 544.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: V. 577
Two montlis' Provisions to be brought for the subsistence of the Indians
estimated at 200 men, to be loaded equally in the 3 vessels.
2000 lbs. of Flour.
2 tierces of Molasses, to flavor their Sagamit^.
200 lbs. of Butter, for the same purpose.
10 barrels of Brandy; vpithout which 'twill be impossible to prevail on them to
act efficiently.
In order to avoid incumbering the ships, the surplus of the provisions they may require
during two months, can be sent for, on their arrival, to Minas or Port Royal, where they could
be procured cheaper than in France, and be advanced by the Company's agent who is in
that Country.
Memorandum of Presents for the Indians of Acadia, for the sum of 3640" which
his Majesty grants them in order to wage war against the English.
2000 "> of Powder.
40 barrels of bullets.
10 barrels of Swan shot.
400 lbs of Brazilian Tobacco.
200 Tomahawks, of which M' de Bonnaventure will furnish the pattern.
CO selected guns like those of this year.
200 Mulaix Shirts, averaging 30' each.
8 "•' of fine Vermilion.
200 tufts of white feathers to be given the Indians in order to designate them during the
night in case of attack, and which will cost at most only six @ 7"= ; to be selected in
Paris by M. de Bonnaventure.
Which presents will be distributed among the Indians when they will be all assembled at
the rendezvous to be indicated to them.
Narrative of Occurrences in Canada. 1694.
of the Negotiations in Canada with the Iroquois. By M. de la Mothe
Memo
Cadillac. 1694
In order to inform you of what has occurred this year, I shall first state to you that the
proposals for peace, made in October 1693 by Atharea the Iroquois, were continued by two
Indians who arrived at Montreal in the month of January, with the assurance that the Chiefs
of the Five Nations were coming for the purpose of learning what M. de Frontenac's intention
was in regard to the negotiation entered into by their Atharea; that they were coming to
Vol. IX. 73
578 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
ascertain whether they would be well received, and if there would be safety for their Chiefs
who were at a distance of five days' journey of Montreal awaiting their return, and the answer
the Count should give them.
M. de Callieres having advised the Count of this deputation, sent (so as to lose no time)
these two Iroquois back to their Chiefs with assurances, in advance, that they could come in
all safety and that no harm would occur to them ; that they would be conveyed to Quebec
with a good escort and without the smallest risk ; that the Count would there listen to their
words, and that they might in conjunction with him, devise some expedient for the conclusion
of a peace.
These two Iroquois and their Chiefs were expected some days, but in vain; and their
knavery was soon admitted. Nevertheless, when nothing more was thought of them, the
Count again received advice that three other Iroquois, belonging to the Mohawk village were
come and had Belts for our Indians of the Sault and the Mountain. M' de Callieres having
questioned them, made them go down to Quebec, where they remained two days by the
Count's orders before speaking; after this they flung three belts, that is to say, three
propositions, into the Council Chamber.
The two first assured our Christian Indians and others, that the road to the Five Nations was
clear as well as that to Orange and Corlard ; that they might go there and return without danger,
and that their hatchet was tied up pending 45 days on condition that they, also, would tie up
theirs for the same time. (To tie up the hatchet means a Truce.)
The third Beit was addressed to the French and embodied the same proposition.'
The Count kicked away these three propositions or Belts, and by this mark of contempt
and haughtiness, indicated to the proudest nation throughout this New World his indifference
for peace, and said to them : —
" I consider it a very bold and rash proceeding on your part to come here for the purpose of
seducing and debauching my. Children of the Sault and of the Mountain. There they are
present in this Council. They will tell you their thoughts at home. Think you that you
are able to corrupt or to shake them? You deceive yourselves. They are submissive and
obedient to me, as true Children ought to be to their fathers."
Our Indians hereupon uttered a cry expressive of their approbation of what he said. The
Count continued in this wise : —
" Although I regard you here as spies and fellows bribed by the Great Arrow,'' I cannot,
however, forget that I am your Father, and that you are my Children, who have become rebels
and disobedient to my orders. Wherefore and in order to afford you leisure to reenter into
yourselves, I will indeed tie up my hatchetfor two moons, on this condition that if Teganissorhens
be not here before the expiration of that time, and with two principal Chiefs of each nation, I
will no longer listen to your voice, and should you return to submit to me any new proposition,
I protest and declare to you, that I will commit to the kettle those who shall be so rash as to
dare to undertake such an embassy. Once more I repeat to you that Tegannisorens alone
and those who will accompany him, will find their path open; that it is his voice I will
hear, and that I will not close my ears to his word; that the road will be shut to all others but
him, and that those who will be taken will not escape roasting."
'For these propositions at length, see IV., 92, also Golden, 8vo., 163. ' Governor Fletcher of New-Tork.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. 579
Language so haughty undeceived these three envoys who were surprized at it. They were
sent back, two days afterwards to Montreal and thence to the fort of the Indians of the
Mountain and Sauit, to present them the two Belts the Count has rejected, to which their Chief
replied in these terms : —
19th April,. Onontio, that is to say our Father, has rejected your Belts; he was aware your
1694. hearts were bad; but no matter. He was wise to allow you to come here, in
order that you may be no longer at a loss to know our intention respecting your negotiation, to
which I answer by this Belt, that speaks for all my Nation, and is to assure you that our heart
is good and pure; that we shall never follow any but Onontio's will. He is our Father who
tenderly loves us, who does not abandon us, and we shall be always obedient unto him. We
have nothing to do either with Corlard or Orange, and have still less thoughts of going into
your villages to convey thither proposals of our movement. We have no other mind nor aim
than that of our Father. If he hang up his hatchet, we shall hang ours up likewise, and if he
sharpen it in order to strike the better, we will go whither he will turn it. However, as you
have solicited Onontio to tie it up for two moons and he has consented, we shall tie up ours
also, and during that interval Teganissores and those who will accompany him, will be at
liberty to come fre'fely and without fear. No harm shall be done them, for our Father so
ordains it.
The Indians of the Sault made the same answer by the second Belt, after which the three
Deputies, took the road towards Onontae, where they were to report what they had seen
and heard.
At the expiration of two moons, that is about Saint John's day, Teganissorens ^nd two of
the most influential Chiefs of each Iroquois Nation arrived at Montreal and then came down
to Quebec, where M"' de Caliieres happened to be. The Count received them quite courteously,
and at a formal interview let them know, that he deplored their misfortune, and was touched
with compassion for their errors. He then dismissed them, and they were conducted to the
lodgings prepared for them. They were, according to their custom, two days without explaining
themselves, and on the S^^ they delivered a public discourse in which they reported the
propositions they had to submit on the part of their Tribes agreeably to the resolution of their
Council; and with this view Teganissorens, in the name of the Five Nations, laid three Belts
before the Count in presence of the principal Indian Chiefs and the most influential of the
Clergy and Laity, in this country.
23" May, 1694. The following is the Tenor of the
1" Belt.
Father Onontio ! Atarh6a, whom we sent unto you last year In order to ascertain whether
it were safe to come and see you, assured us, on his return, that if I came with two of the
most considerable of each Nation, you would again condescend to listen to the proposals we
should submit, and that even should affairs not be arranged, we could return in all security.
On this message we set out and here we are on your mat, (that is, chair) to speak to you of
peace in the names of the Five Iroquois Nations, and even of our Brethren, the Great Arrow
and Peter Schuyler, mayor and commandant of Orange.
2""* Belt.
Father ! Permit us to tell you that your predecessors were the occasion of the war. They
chastised our children too severely which caused the latter to kick. They lost their senses in
580 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
a manner, and struck blows which we are now sorry for. Therefore am I come to tell you that
it is peace that brings me hither, and as a proof that I ask it sincerely, I have taken away the
hatchet tiiat I had given to all my allies; I pledge myself that they will not take it up any
more because they obey me, and I doubt whether you will be obeyed in the same manner by
your Ciiildren. In former times when I spoke to you at Montreal, we flung our war hatchet
up to the sky. A leathern string was tied to it and it was pulled down again. We threw
it into Famine river (a stream in their country) supposing that it could not be fished up, and it
was again drawn out for the purpose of striking us. This is the reason why we have taken
ours up again. We will now resume it and cast it into the very bowels of the earth, that it
may not be recovered ever more, and that if possible we may never lay eyes on it again.
Third Belt.
Onontio ! father of the Iroquois. It is you we address. We present you this Belt to let
you know that we have adopted Sieurs de Longueil and de Maricourt in the place of Monsieur
Le Moyne, tlieir father, as our children, and M. Lebert as our brother. We pray them to
entertain the same sentiments towards us, as their fetiier, and to incline Onnontio alway
to peace. They will have nothing to fear whenever they visit us, and will be well received
when sent by you.
Fourth Belt.
I address myself to the Indians of the Sault, whom I formerly called Iroquois. But now,
that you are children of Onnontio and pray God, I exhort you, if he condescend to grant us
peace, to adopt his thoughts and to communicate them to us, you who are acquainted with
us and our mode of action; cultivate tiiat peace on both sides, and put a stop to all subjects of
contention. We have mutually butchered each other. Forget what is past as we wish to do
also, because if you obey not Onnontio, He who is above, and who is the arbiter of life —
meaning God in whom he does not believe — He, should you violate it, would punish you who
are christians, more severely than us.
5"" Belt.
This expresses the same thing^to the Indians of the Mountain.
6"" Belt.
Onnontio ! I speak to you in the name of the Five Nations. You have devoured all our
chief men and scarce any more are left. I ought to feel resentment on account of our dead. By
this Belt I say to you that we forget them, and as a token that we do not wish to avenge them,
we tiirow away and bury our hatchet under the ground, that it may never more be seen. To
preserve the living we shall think no more of the dead, and as our Children of the Upper
Country, the Hurons, Outawas, Illinois, Miamis, Sioux, Loups, Foxes, Sokokis &c., are not
yet aware that we are come down to speak of peace, and as they will not fail, until notified,
to kill my nephews, even though they should destroy a great number of them, that will not
prevent us continuing to entertain the same thoughts of peace. Brethren of the Sault and
of the Mountain ! listen attentively to what I tell you, and we also submit our thoughts to
you. Father Onnontio, without wishing to penetrate yours.
PAEIS DOCUMENTS : V. 581
Seventh Belt.
Father! you have, no doubt, received many insults; your children have afforded you many
causes for anger. This Belt is to restore your temper; 'tis a medicine to enable you to expel
from your heart, and our children from theirs, whatever bad stuff it may contain. We wish
it may have the proposed effect.
8"" Belt.
The Earth, even unto fort Frontenac, and that place particularly, is red with blood. We
shall take a hoe to break the ground up well, and efface all traces of the stains, and shall clean
the mat of that fort in order that not one sign of blood may remain on it, and that we may
negotiate peace there with our father, and meet there as we have heretofore done.
9'" Belt.
There was no longer any path of peace ; the woods and the rivers were polluted. Be the
road to Onontae now clear; I open it by this Belt so that our Father may, when so inclined,
communicate his pleasure to us in all security, assuring him that those who will come there
from him shall be well received, and that I prepare by this Belt the mat at Onnontague,
which is the place for the transaction of our important affairs.
10"" Belt.
We were all in darkness; Light was no longer visible, so obscured were the Heavens by
clouds and fogs. In order to dispel all the clouds, I again fasten the Sun above our heads so
that we may once more behold it and hereafter enjoy the beautiful light of peace.
And throwing down some strings of wampum he proceeded: —
To prove to you, Father, that 1 am sincere in coming to solicit peace from you, I bring
back to you two of your French nephews and a Squaw belonging to the Mountain. I do
not ask you to send back those of our people whom you may have, but if there be any
among them who may desire to return I pray you not to stay them, and to keep only tliose
who will wish to remain ; assuring you that we will on our side send back from our villages
all the prisoners who will be willing to come back.
These are the words of Teganissorens which he enunciated with as perfect a grace as is
vouchsafed to an unpolished and uncivilized people. He went through his speech with freedom
and collectedness, and concluded with a certain modesty and so great a show of respect and
submission to the Count as to be remarked by the spectators; and as he represented that his
Nation might become impatient, if he made a long sojourn here, the Count told him to come
again on the morrow at two o'clock in the afternoon to the same place where he would return
them an answer, after which it would be free to them to go back whenever they would
think proper.
He answered them accordingly next day by Seven Belts which were laid down by the Count,
who spoke to them in this wise by the
1^' Belt.
Teganisorens, and you chiefs of the Five Iroquois Nations who accompany him. You were
right in coming to speak to me on the assurance of perfect security that Atharea gave you in
my name, provided you came submissive and repentant, as children ought to be, to their Father
582 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
when they have committed against him a fault as heinous as those you have perpetrated. I
am very glad to perceive because you have told me, that these were your sentiments, and that
you desired a sincere peace, assuring me on the part of the Five Iroquois Nations, and of your
allies the Lo7ips, that in order to preserve the lives of those who are still living, you have
abandoned all feelings of vengeance you may entertain for the killing of all your Nations by
my Nephews and allies. On my part I promise you also to forget the past; and in order to
enable you to judge better of my sentiments, I am perfectly willing to suspend my hatchet —
which was well nigh falling — by arresting the parties who were about to go to war against
you, and by postponing the execution of my more weighty designs.
2"'' Belt.
As for this peace for which you express a desire and which, I pretend, ought to include both
myself and the Upper Indian Tribes, my allies, I wish Father Millet, or some one else would
accompany you, to bring me back, within eighty days from the date of your departure from
Montreal, all the prisoners you may have in your villages, whether men, women or children,
including the French, the Indians settled among us, and all others of the Upper Nations, our
allies, without any exception, whose interests are as dear to me as my own ; in order to prove
to me that you indeed wish the Sun to be again fastened above our heads, to dispel all the
clouds and obscurities that may prevent us enjoying this beautiful light of peace you are
wishing for.
I pledge you my word that, should any of these Indians desire to return with you after they
are all here, I will grant them entire liberty to do so, promising you also, to surrender to you
all your prisoners, and to cause the doors to be opened to you of all the Cabins where any
will be found, in order that they return with you, if they desire it.
Third Belt.
As evidence of the frankness which I wish to use towards you, I desire also, in advance,
that Duplanty (a soldier who was taken at the time Chevalier d'O was sent to the Iroquois)
whom you never ought to have regarded in the light of a prisoner, may return as you wish,
and I restore you, at this very moment, the two Mohawk prisoners and the two women who
have been brought to us within a few days by our last parties ; but I demand that you, on your
side, leave me two of your people in order to be able to persuade the Upper Nations of the
sincerity of the proposals you have just submitted to me, and make them, the more readily,
suspend the hatchet, by inviting them to come themselves to be witnesses of what will be
concluded on your return at the time I have fixed, and that they may not have cause to reproach
me with having too easily attached credit to your words.
d"" Belt.
Children! In answer to what you have slipped into your words respecting the Dutch and
English, I say to you by this Belt that my war with them has nothing to do with my war against
you. They are two things entirely different. If, however, they desire to make any proposals
to me, you can assure them from me that they will enjoy the same security, in coming and
returning, as I have extended to you, provided they be within the eighty days I have prescribed
to you, and that those they will send be persons authorized by their principals. But if they
would entrust any commission on their part to you, do not accept it, because my ears will
be closed to all the proposals you would wish to make me on that subject.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. 583
Fifth Belt.
I am very glad to perceive from your proposal that all your Nations and allies are disposed
to remove the blood that has been spilt on both sides in Fort Frontenac and its neighborhood,
and that you w^ish for the replanting of that beautiful tree under whose shade you formerly
smoked in such peace and transacted such good business. To prove to you how agreeable
that is to me, I assure you, by this belt, that I, on my part, will likewise set about it as soon
as possible, and in a manner that the roots will be so deep and firm that nothing shall be able
any more to shake it.
e"- Belt.
I approve the words you address to the Indians of the Saut and the Mountain. They will
answer you when you will pass through Montreal on your return. I am well pleased, likewise,
that you let me know that you have continued to adopt Sieur Lebert and his Nephews Longueil
and Maricourt in the place of M'' Lemoyne their father. If I have, hereafter, any thing to
communicate to you I shall willingly delegate one of the latter, since you assure me tiiey will
be well received ; that confidence will be placed in them, and that your Cabins wish it.
V'h Belt.
As you have presented me with a Belt to serve me as a Cordial, and to help me to reject
whatever bad humor I may have in my heart, I, also, give you this last Belt to act in your
system as a Counterpoison to whatever the English and Dutch would insinuate into your ears
when trying to counteract the good dispositions you prove to me you feel, and thereby to oblige
me to give up the sentiments of friendship and tenderness of which I afibrd you so many proofs.
Our Indians of the Saut and the Mountain also gave Belts to the Iroquois by which they said :
That they were glad to see them desirous of peace, and themselves invited to unite with them
in persuading the Count to condescend to hear them. They would do all in their power to
induce him to grant them peace and to continue it to them if once agreed to; but would, at the
same time warn them against flattering themselves that any consideration was ever capable
of shaking their pledged fidelity and obedience; that they would have their eyes fixed solely
on him in order to suspend the hatchet when his would be stayed, and to let it fall when
Onontio would be seen raising his, so as never to turn it except in the direction he should order.
This terminated, Teganissorens left as hostages two of the Indians who accompanied him,
and promised to do his best to induce the Five nations to accept the answer, and comply with
the demand of the Count, who gave them a magnificent entertainment, and made them
considerable presents. They set out on their return about the beginning of June, escorted by
Sieur de Maricourt who, whilst with them, met within seven leagues of Quebec, coming down
with Sieur de Mantet, the Chiefs of the Hurons and Outawas to whom the Iroquois had
likewise sent Deputies to inform them that they had come to Quebec to demand peace. This
obliged Sieur de Louvigny, in this incertitude, to send the Chiefs of the Upper Nations to
learn the truth of the representation. The Count always prudent and penetrating, recalled
the Iroquois deputies, and would have our Upper Indians to be occular witnesses of all that was
done in order to deprive them of every shadow of suspicion, and to cure them of a distrust
to which they are very prone. With this view the Count had Teganissorens and suite
reassembled and caused to be repeated to them, in presence of our Huron, Outawas and other
Indians, the proposals they had made and his answer, with which they were highly pleased.
All this was designed only to let them know that they had not been forgotten ; on the contrary,
584 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
that it appeared evident that the Count had the same care of their interests as of his own; in
like manner forgot they nothing to evince their gratitude. The Chief Huron spoke by a Belt
in this wise ; —
Onnontio! We see clearly now that you are our Father, and that you have no intention of
abandoning us. The Iroquois has come to beg peace of you; He has come also to our villages
to propose the same to us, and that we hang up our hatchet which was sharpened in order to
strike him. We have come here to learn the truth of this matter and to see what you intend,
because we shall be always ready to execute your orders. Your province is to command; ours,
to obey.
Teganissorens, it is you I am now about to address. Know, then, that the peace
Onnontio accords you for himself and for us, hath no connection with the English, and if our
Father turn the hatchet in that direction, ours will turn thither also.
These words were supported by a shout of approbation from the other Nations, and they
finally remained thoroughly persuaded of the good will entertained by the Count for them.
The Iroquois took their departure on the next day, and some days after, the Hurons and
Outawas were ordered to return to Montreal within the eighty days to bury the hatchet
and conclude a real peace there.
The Count, in this interval, went up to Mont Real with all the troops. The 1"' of 7''"
witnessed the arrival, according to the prescribed order, of the Seven Upper Nations who
thereby indicated a true submission to the will of our General. On the tenth of the same
month Orehaoue (an Iroquois whom the Count had won over, and who achieved wonders for
us in peace and war) arrived here with four or five other Seneca and Cayuga Sachems.
On the 22°** the Count caused to be assembled all the people of distinction and all our Indian
allies to hear the proposals of the Iroquois, who will speak by three Belts which were laid
down by one of the Chiefs i —
Orehaoue began by three strings of Wampum, to denote that it was to wipe the Count's tears
for the loss of his nephews and to assuage any grief he might feel for their death.
The second Belt signified that they had brought back thirteen prisoners, who were in their
villages, on learning by Teganissorens that the Count had required them ; that the other three
Nations were at Orange to deliberate on the proposals of peace which were mutually submitted;
tliat pending such time all the prisoners were mustered with the intention of restoring them,
and thinking that the Count might become impatient at the delay of Teganissorens, they had
come to notify him beforehand and to assure him that he would arrive shortly.
The third Belt warmly exhorted the Count to persist in the sentiments of peace, and not to
form any plan of disunion ; that as far as they were concerned, they had come with sincere
intentions and to request him to be pleased to overturn that big Kettle which was suspended
in the air, and which was kept so long boiling.
The Count received the two first Belts, and thanked them; he rejected the other, and told
them to come back on the morrow to the same place where he would communicate his
intentions to them.
But as the Count has just notified me that he has concluded to send me to command the
Upper Nations at Fort Missilimakinak, permit me, if you please to think of packing up my
baggage and setting off", being persuaded, moreover, that you will be kept thoroughly advised.
You will remark the admirable conduct the Count has observed in the course of this negotiation.
No man will ever understand better than he the temper of the Indians who fear and love him;
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. 585
his most secret, his most jealous, enemies cannot contradict this ; and can the Court wish for,
and ought it expect, any thing more than he does? Pending the war he obliges his enemy
to come to demand peace of him with all the tokens of submission that can be expected of a
Nation which, hitherto, has never been willing to take this step for any French Governor. His
predecessors have always had Carte blanche. The Iroquois presented formerly but two Belts ; one,
of war; the other, of peace. Choose, they used to say; it is equal to us which. The language
they hold at present to the Count is very different. They are only words of submission and
respect. Onnontio, (say they,) Master of the Earth give us peace. It needs only to compare
the terms they employ to-day with those of days gone by in order to see the great difference.
This proud Nation would not do that, had it not experienced considerable loss and did it not
see itself on the brink of total ruin. What more could Count de Frontenac do, in the midst
of all these conjunctures ? He is more distrustful during the truce. His forts and settlements
are better guarded than usual. The designs of the enemy are either honest or dangerous. If
honest, they will come to a termination; if sinister, we are protected against them by a conduct
as happy as that observed by the Count. I cannot help pitying him on account of the
disappointment he experiences, which must not be attributed to any thing else than his luck.
The tears of joy the Colony in general shed last year, at the harvest of beaver, which had been
four years exposed to the forays of the enemy, and which has relieved such a great number of
families and traders from the slavery of their creditors, ought to redound, it would seem, to the
credit of the Count. The good, notwithstanding, turns into evil with him ; and feeling
in a forced position, he is obliged to regard with inquietude or at least with indifference, the
universal joy of his government. I beg of you, Sir, to consider that it is indispensably
necessary to divide the Colony into two ; one, the upper; the other, the lower Country. The
latter without the former would be a body without a soul. Your genius has only to enlarge a
little the observations I am about to submit to you, to be convinced thereof.
In order to arrive at a correct understanding, we must inquire what are the products of this
Country, from Cape Gaspay to the end of the Island of Montreal, which contains about one
hundred and eighty leagues, and see whether we can establish a Colony thereupon. I admit
that the Cod fishery can be carried on in front of the rivers Magdalen and Mount Louis,
which are one hundred leagues from Quebec; and again about Matane, sixty leagues from the
same place. But it is also proper to know how it is, and in what manner it can be, carried
on. I have been on the spot ; I have seen and consequently can give evidence. I admit, they
fish a quarter of a league off there, but I declare also that the Cod must be caught with eighty
fathom of line which is fatiguing and slow ; that at each of the three rivers there is but one
cove or point where the fish can be dried, and that in the whole, there is not accommodation
or anchorage for more than thirty or forty boats. Add to this, fishing does not commence until
about the month of June, and the fish disappear and quit towards the end of August. What
prospect is there of establishing a sedentary fishery in those places of so little importance? The
scheme is worthy only of a Riverin' who sees but the surface of a project that he cannot even
' Mr. RivERDj established a sedentary fishery in 1688, at the River Matane and afterwards succeeded in organizing a company
to prosecute the trade and removed farther down the Saint Lawrence to the River Mount Louis, where he had just founded
his establishment, when his operations were interrupted by the war and the company was broken up in 1697. His disap.
pointments, however, did not destroy his energy. He formed a partnership with two citizens of Paris and in 1700 was about
to resume business, when his associates, who preferred the fur trade, seized whatever was at Mount Louis belonging to
Riverin, on the pretext that it was their property, and thus blasted all the hopes of this energetic and most persevering
projector. Charlevoix. — Ed.
Vol. IX. 74
586 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
execute. What aid can Quebec afford fishermen a hundred leagues off? Can the enemy he
prevented cutting off this little trade ? This is impracticable unless by means of some frigate
which must be armed to guard it, and it would turn out, at last, that the Game was not worth
the Candle. Why say, then, that everything must have a beginning and that advantage must
be taken of past errors? I do not believe that the affairs of Europe will so soon admit of the
formation of new projects, and of people embarrassing themselves by desiring to construct
something considerable out of nothing.
Agriculture, then, must be the exclusive employment. That, indeed, is good. But it is
well to examine if this Colony can sustain itself solely by that means, and even were it to
produce as much grain as the two best provinces in France, we must inquire if that will afford
it a sufficient commerce for its support. Grain must be very scarce throughout the world to
induce Merchants to resolve on coming to Canada to get cargoes of it. Certain it is, however,
that no other production can be expected from this Lower province. Let us join to it the
Upper Colony and you will see that the two combined will be able to form a body perfectly
imbued with life, which can afford good and fair hopes and furnish by their reunion a compact
establishment.
The quantity of Beaver and other peltries sent by the Upper Colony affords us the means
of attracting commercial people thither and of importing prodigious quantities of merchandise
from Europe. It supplies an outlet to France which, on its part, receives very considerable
returns from this Country. It causes merchants to settle here, and people of quality to derive
means of subsistence there by the aid they derive from it.
And were we to abandon the Upper Nations, which would be the case were we to cease
furnishing them with the merchandise they stand in need of, can there be a doubt but the
English would substitute themselves in our place? The attempts at success they are daily
making, ought to convince us of this truth, inasmuch as they have been lately among the Miamis
and offered one hundred muskets for the first French scalp. Fortunately, their embassy has
been illy rewarded, for they have been partly defeated there. In a word, as interest is the bed
which lulls every one to sleep, it is certain that should our Indians perceive that their beavers
and peltries were despised, and that they were furnished only with very dear and ill-conditioned
goods, the consequence will inevitably be that they will listen to the suggestions which will be
most advantageous to them. All that a Commander in their country can do is, to prevent them
conferring with the English and the Iroquois whose object is only to detach them from us ; and
that is only effected by the presents the King annually makes them, and by instilling distrust of
our enemies among them. What would become of the Lower Colony, if all those Tribes should
side against us? It would soon be necessary to seek another asylum, and the cultivation of
the soil would, in that case, be utterly useless.
Those who would insinuate to the Court that it is only licentiousness that creates those
Courers de bois whom people represent as vagabonds, are for the most part of the time
influenced by other motives than those of conscience and religion. Finally there cannot be
a doubt about it: Either all those Far nations and others must be constrained to come and
trade here, or we must be constrained, indeed, to go to them. If force is to be had recourse to,
in order to constrain them to this trade, the attempt would be vain, and we are not sufficiently
powerful to dare to use force. If it be in the expectation that necessity might reduce them to
do it, this idea would not meet with better success, for they would not fail to go down to the
English who are much nearer them than we. Or rather, the English themselves would not
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. 5^7
lose any time in going up to them in order to furnish them with goods, and at a cheaper rate
and in greater abundance than we. The continual eilbrts of the English to obtain a foothold
there are frustrated now onlj' by the garrisons scattered throughout the divers posts in tiiat
country, and by the Canadians who go annually thither to hunt and who oppose them.
I know not whetheer the orders relative to the Upper Country, which the Court sent out
during the last, and confirmed this, year, may have originated from itself, or have been predicated
on the Memoirs it might have received. I believe it would be important. Sir, to aid My lord
de Pontchartrain with your experience on this subject, and to induce him to consider whether it
be possible for an officer to subsist at Missilimakinak on the amount of his pay. No person can
avoid declaring to you as an honest man, that it is the most terrible place imaginable to
sojourn. Neither bread nor meat is eaten there, and no other food is to be had there but a
little fish and Indian Corn, which, most of the time, is worth fifty francs the mjW. You can
object to me. Sir, that there is a great deal of Beaver and Moose (Orignaux). That's true.
But the place where the Indians go and kill it, is two hundred leagues from the fort.
Therefore, it is impossible to have any portion of it. Now, it costs as much as sixteen hundred
livres for a canoe and three men, exclusive of their diet, to catch the fish and to go to that place.
Judge then what must be the net profit of the one hundred pistoles which a Commandant is
allowed to carry there. If such be the advantages an officer derives from his capacity, vigor,
and the preference he receives, it were well that he had not given any proofs of them. Did
the King ever oblige an officer — what do I say? — a soldier or a sailor to pass an entire year
without bread, without wine, without meat and without peas? These poisoned Memoirs cannot
go down, and cross the ocean except by means of the Missionaries who wish to be masters
wherever they are; who cannot tolerate any one above themselves, much less inspectors over
their interests. A poor officer, who will be obliged to manage more than forty Nations of
entirely opposite humors and inclinations, and of wholly different interests, will have for reward,
after a year's deplorable misery, the chagrin of seeing himself in debt at his return. It is an
excellent policy to disgust the bravest men. If they be Memoirs of the Intendant, I perceive no
other motive that can have led him to that course than Jealousy of the Count, or an unwillingness
to refuse to subscribe to the intentions of Father Carel who has been his Regent, and is the
Missionary, at Missilimakinak.
Note. — This Memoir is imperfect; it wants at least one more sheet in the Original to complete it — J. R. B.
Report of the Minister 011 Operations against the English. 1694.
It appears from all the advices, that the English are preparing to send a considerable fleet to
North America. We have intelligence at the same time that extensive preparations are making
in Boston in New England. These forces and preparations cannot have any other object in
view than the reestablishment of the English Colonies in Newfoundland, the capture and
destruction of the fort of Placentia in said Island, the capture of Quebec, and the devastation
of the Colonies of Canada and Acndia.
588 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
An English fleet of ten or twelve good vessels cooperating with the New England and New-
York forces, is able to accomplish all these designs, and inflict thereby a very serious loss on the
King's subjects, and put a real embarrassment in the way of the negotiation of peace, because
the English would claim to be, in such case, the masters of that part of the world, and demand
for its surrender equivalents which perhaps it would be diificult to furnish, and, which are,
nevertheless, necessary to grant them, in order not to allow them to be the exclusive masters
of the rich commerce arising from the fisheries and peltries.
The King can obviate all these inconveniences with a fleet of ten vessels, which should be
dispatched by the 1'' of May, and proceed direct to Placentia. If the English were found
there, it should fight them, and whatever may be the result, the designs of the enemy would
be broken up.
If it happened that the enemy became Masters of Placentia, and afterwards entered the
river St. Lawrence, in order to take Quebec, nothing would have to be done but to follow
them, when they would be inevitably destroyed with all they might have drawn from their
Colonies. Were we sufficiently fortunate to meet and to destroy them in that river, or to fight
them before Placentia, the field would be clear for one of the greatest and most important
expeditions that it would be possible to attempt against the English. This would be against
Boston, the Capital of New England where the English carry on a very lucrative trade, and
whence the Colonies of Jamaica, Barbadoes and other islands they possess at the entrance of
the Gulf of Mexico, derive their supplies. The importance of this conquest is familiar to the
whole world, and it would be the most serious blow that England can receive, and the
foundation of an irreconcilable hatred on the part of the English against the Prince of Orange.
Such a conquest alone would be an object worthy the King's grandeur, and never can fleet
be more gloriously nor more usefully employed. But independent of that, it is expected that
his Majesty will think fit to provide for the security and preservation of his North American
Colonies, which are of such vast utility to his subjects' commerce and the augmentation of his
revenues, and will afford us the means to compete with the English in the fishing trade, the
richest that can be in the world, which would very soon enrich them if they carried it
on exclusively.
A fleet of ten ships will, it is confidently expected, remedy every thing.
It is certain that no other means exist for its accomplishment.
Sir,
M. de PontoJiartrain to Count de Frontenac.
Versailles le"- April 1695.
Whilst waiting until I should be able to answer you in detail, and communicate to you
more precisely his Majesty's orders and intentions, I am very glad to inform you, in advance,
of his opinions on the subject of the war and the negotiation you have had with the Iroquois
from the fall of the year 1693 to the departure of the ships, and to tell you, that this negotiation
appears to have been carried on by them in concert with the English. It seems that the one
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. 589
and the other have had in view more particularly to suspend and defer the expeditions you
stated two years since you were about organizing against them, rather than a sincere desire
to make peace, in order, by the liberty they expected to procure for themselves, to be able to
hunt and trade, and afterwards to resist more vigorously your designs, and even to carry the
war into Canada. The Iroquois have been jilted by the English, when expecting the arrivals
of larger forces from Europe for that object; for it appears by the different advices you have
had, that the latter fed the former with the rumors they had spread abroad, and which
have been found to be false. You cannot have more convincing proofs of the want of sincerity
in the Iroquois than in what you have discovered, viz: that whilst they were sending
Ambassadors, one after the other to you, they were tampering with the Upper Nations, our
allies, for the purpose of making peace with them independent of the French. From this
cheat you have at least derived the advantage of having convicted them of it in presence of
the Deputies of those Nations; and by making known to the latter, through the Iroquois
themselves, that these had no intention of including them in the pretended Treaty of peace, you
have more strongly confirmed their fidelity to the King's service and the confidence they ought
to feel that, on no condition, will his Majesty abandon them. He is, moreover, of opinion
that the affairs of the Iroquois are, effectually, in a bad condition, and that they are beginning
to distrust the English who have involved them in the war. Finally, to reduce the Iroquois to
the point of sincerely wishing for peace, there seems to me no better policy than to wage war
incessantly against the one and the other, by resuming the plans you have projected and of the
execution whereof you have given hopes ; such as invading the Iroquois settlements or attacking
Orange, for which you made preparations in the autumn of 1692. Or if you do not consider
yourself able to undertake these expeditions at present, to resume the course of harrassing
them by frequent and strong parties, and by detachments of regular troops, of Canadians and
Indians under the command of the best officers — it being impossible to have any that are too
good for that purpose — and by always directing particular attention to the engaging the Upper
Nations to make the strongest possible diversion against the Iroquois.
Things being thus circumstanced, the time does not appear favorable for the reestablishment
of Fort Frontenac, the expense and maintenance of which would cause too considerable a
diversion of the funds you possess for the more useful operations. Wherefore I think you will
have to defer this restoration to a more fitting season.
That you may be better able to prosecute hostilities vigorously, his Majesty has ordered the
supplies for Canada on the same footing that you received them for the preceding year, in
preference to more urgent demands for the employment of the funds at his disposal. He has
been graciously pleased to make this efllbrt, at a crisis like the present, on the assurances I have
taken the liberty to give him, that you would make so needful and so advantageous a use of
it for Canada and the glory of his arms, that he would have reason to be fully satisfied
therewith. This eflTort is so much the greater as the sort of truce you have been obliged to
make, must have afforded you an opportunity of saving the greater portion of the hundred
thousand livres that you received for the extraordinaiies of war in the year 1694; so that with
this reserve and a like sum to be sent you with the funds for the subsistence of the troops and
the other ordinary expenses, by the ship la Charante, in goods, provisions and stores according
to your requisition, I am persuaded the success his Majesty expects will crown your efforts;
especially if M. de Champigny and you, in concert, will apply yourselves in the expenditure
to a wholesome economy which has been so often recommended to the one and the other of
590 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
you, for the reduction and diminution in divers things to which your attention has been called,
and which notwithstanding have been very extravagantly continued, according to the last
transmitted accounts.
The orders issued by the King during the last and present years, respecting Acadia, must
make you sufficiently acquainted with the attention his Majesty has paid to your representation
of the importance of that Province for the preservation of Canada, and the advantages you
have to derive from the war the Indian allies can continue to wage against the English, by
which diversion these Indians keep the latter occupied. Were it not for this, the former would
be able to employ all their forces in a more vigorous defence against your expeditions, and
perhaps to attack you in the centre, or at the extremities at the Upper part of the Colony.
Wherefore his Majesty has resolved to attack Fort Pemcuit next year, if circumstances remain
in their present position, so that he may, by removing from the Indian allies this source of
uneasiness, be more assured of their fidelity against the intrigues of the English.
Lotus XIV. to Count de Frontenac and M. de Champigny.
Versailles, 14"" June, 1695.
By their despatch of the year 1693, the King was informed of the dispositions it appears the
Iroquois entertained in favor of peace, and of M. de Frontenac's project of waging a more
vigorous war against them in order to reduce them to submission. But his Majesty has been
astonished at learning, by the despatches and by the Relations that have been transmitted last
year, that the time has been spent, up to the date of the departure of the Vessels, in vain
negotiations with the Iroquois, even whilst these were endeavoring to debauch the Indian allies
from his service. He is persuaded that Sieur de Frontenac who is conversant with their bad
faith, will resume the first designs he had formed, and always hopes that by continuing the
war against them, they will be brought to sue for peace in better faith than they have done
hitherto, and to detach themselves from the English who have involved them in this war. The
result has justified what his Majesty wrote last year to Sieurs de Frontenac and deChampigny,
of the little probability there was that the English could attack Canada, either by a general
invasion or by besieging Quebec. On the contrary, the enemy was not in a condition to defend
himself from the attacks of the Indians of Acadia, nor against those of a privateer with a
solitary brigantine. This has caused his Majesty to suppose that the Iroquois, aware of the
weakness of the English, have engaged in concert with the latter in the negotiations for peace,
in order to elude, and suspend the execution of the designs projected against them, for the
purpose of gaining time to prepare to defend themselves. It appears according to the result of
these negotiations that they succeeded therein. Wherefore his Majesty is pursuaded that if
Sieur de Frontenac has deemed it proper to renew them, he will not have discontinued the
prosecution of the war, and that he will continue it until they shall have entirely submitted.
There is no more appearance this, than there was last, year that the English are in
circumstances to get up an invasion against Canada by sea, or by land. Therefore, nothing
will prevent Sieur de Frontenac attacking them and the Iroquois. His Majesty refers to his
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V.
591
ability and prudence wliat lie will consider best to be done, in order to combine the movements
of the Canadians, the allied Indians, the Illinois and those in the direction of Acadia so as to
take advantage of the feelings of deeper alienation from the English which he has instilled into
all their minds by the extraordinary presents appropriated to those Indians of late years.
His Majesty does not think proper, for reasons contained in his despatch of 1694, to continue
the revrard often ecus for each Iroquois that is killed and every Squaw that is taken prisoner,
nor of 20 ecus for every male Iroquois prisoner. Means less onerous to his Majesty must be
employed for the purpose of exciting the Christian Indians to make war on the Iroquois; the
former ought to be induced by the subsistence it appears they receive, when they go to war,
and by the other favors and the protection of his Majesty who has not perceived any great
effects from the 6326" which, they report, have been paid on the above account to the Indians.
Reasons in support of its usefulness
Memoir concerning Fort Cataracouy.
Reasons showing its uselessnes and ex-
pense.
In time of Peace, we shall be able to carry
on Trade there with the Iroquois who hunt in
the neighborhood, by which means we shall
obtain peltries from them ; and we shall be able
to establish a Smith, who would be also an
armorer, there to repair their hatchets and
arms, and apply these advantages to the relief
of the Creditors of M'' de la Salle, formerly
proprietor of this post, to whom considerable
sums are due.
2nd
In time of war our Indian allies of the Far
Country will make it their retreat and will
obtain their supplies there.
This Trade will not be considerable in time
of peace, because the Iroquois will, as much as
possible, carry his Peltries to the English, who
give him more for them than the French.
Observation :
This Trade in itself, is in opposition to the
principles on which the Colony must be gov-
erned ; It is not proper to go to meet the
Beaver and nothing is so strongly forbidden by
his Majesty's orders. The Beaver trade can
be beneficial only in so far as the Indians will
bring the article into the Colony for the pur-
pose of obtaining their necessaries there in
exchange.
They must go thirty to forty leagues out of
their direct course to pass by this fort in pro-
ceeding homeward from the enemy's territory,
and large parties cannot obtain provisions there
because there is too much difficulty in convey-
ing any from Montreal merely for the garrison.
592
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
3-1
It will serve as an entrepot for provisions
and stores necessary for the expeditions to be
organized, and as a place of retreat for the
French and Indians, either in going or return-
ing, vs'ho will leave the Colony to attack the
Iroquois, and for the reception of the sick and
wounded on coming back from expeditions.
If provisions are to be sent to this fort in
advance, in order to be available for a large
party, the same force would be required to go
there as would be necessary if proceeding
against the enemy, otherwise there would be
no security for the stores. There is no more
difficulty, on leaving Montreal, to go direct to
the Country of the enemy who are on the
South, than to go to this fort, which is at the
North, lake Ontario being between the two.
The people who will go on this war, will easily
carry their necessaries for the campaign in the
bateaux and canoes, and the entrepot, which
will be likewise the place of the retreat, ought
to be at the point of debarcation, on the terri-
tory nearest the enemy, where it is absolutely
necessary to construct a picket-fort, which is
the work of one day, for the safety of the
bateaux, provisions and munitions during the
overland march to the enemy's villages.
How can Cataracouy serve as a retreat for
the Indians and the French, being fifty leagues
distant from the nearest of the enemy's vil-
lages, and separated by a great Lake which is
almost always in agitation? Besides it takes
scarcely more time, and perhaps less, to go
down to Montreal than to cross to fort Catara-
coiiy, the river being very rapid.
It is well to consider also, in regard to the
sick and wounded, that this fort is very un-
healthy, eighty-seven men having died there
in one year out of the hundred who composed
the garrison. Let us add to this, that the army
which proceeds against the enemy, being able
to carry only what will be necessary for its
voyage, it will be requisite to organize a second
from the Colony to this fort in order to revic-
tual it. This is exposing the troops and
settlers to destruction from the extraordinary
fatigues of these voyages during which they
are almost constantly in the water, dragging
the bateaux and canoes. The sowing and the
harvest must, also, be abandoned.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V.
593
It is a frontier post, wliicii keeps tlie enemy
in check ; many detacliments can be sent
against them from it.
4111
It is, indeed, a frontier post sixty leagues
above Montreal, at tlie head of a small bay, ad-
joining a swamp that poisons the garrison, with-
out being on any river, or lake or pass ; it can
be of no use except to protect itself and what-
ever is within gun shot, the enemy being free to
pass beyond that without any impediment ; for
it would be sheer deception to try to persuade
us that the garrison would go in pursuit, as it
is impossible for it to go into the woods, and
moreover imprudent to send into them; for
though there may appear but four of the enemy
there might be a great many of them; and all
things well considered, 'tis a garrison of fifty
picked men who do nothing and are, as it were,
in a prison, within four walls.
The river thither is nothing but rapids, falls
and cascades which necessitates, in many
places, the conveyance of every thing over land.
This renders the access to this place extremely
difficult, and afibrds great facilities to the
enemy to attack and destroy the detachments
which will be sent thither, or else to take
advantage of their being on the march, to fall
on and devastate the Colony.
If it has been reestablished without impedi-
ment from the enemy, it is because he had no
notice of it, and unless twelve to fifteen hun-
dred men be sent there every year, to revictual
it, it is impossible to be certain of reaching it,
should the enemy be disposed to offer open
opposition.
How could it be possible to send so large,
and even a smaller detachment there, were
news to arrive of an English expedition against
the Colony. Our force is, already, too much
scattered in the Indian Country, Hudson's bay,
the fisheries and fort Chambly, without causing
this new diversion which may leave the Colony
almost unprotected.
Besides, if we take into consideration the
heavy expenses to be incurred for the support
of that post, which will be seen by the state-
ment annexed to this Memoir, an infinite
Vol. IX.
75
594 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
number of powerful reasons will be found
tlierein to overturn entirely tiie designs whicii
may be adduced in support of it, as it is wiser
to abandon it a second time than to retain it
and endanger the loss of the Colony.
This 6"" November, 1695.
(Signed) Champigny.
Narrative of the most remarkable Occurrences in Canada. 1694, 1695.'
An Account of the most remarkable Occurrences in Canada from the month of
September 1694 to the sailing of the Vessels in 1695.
You will have seen by the Relation of last year that Count de Frontenac sent back the
Outaouacs about the end of September, along with the French who usually go trading. The
Convoy was commanded by Sieur Delamotte-Cadillac, Captain of a detachment of Marines, a
man of very distinguished merit, and who was on his way to replace Sieur de Louvigny.
But the bad weather at that advanced season of the year preventing the continuance of the
voyage, the greater part of the French were obliged to give up at Montreal ; and others, to
the number of thirty, with Sieur de Coulange fancied that by remaining contented near hs
Allumettes,^ between the river Bonne Chcre^ and the river Creuse,* they might pass the winter
not only without any danger of the enemy, but also with all the pleasure to be derived, as well
in provisions as in peltries, from the hunting of the Indians, because the Algonquins and
Nepissiriniens believing themselves safe near the French, who would afford them shelter in a
fort, were determined not to bury themselves in the depths of the forest. Meanwhile Sieur
Delamotte, with a small party of the better disposed, resolved to push on. He put six strong
relays (alleges) in each canoe, and as he considered only the service of the King and the
Colony, to which he was willing to sacrifice his interest, his labors and even his life, he made
such diligence that (after difficulties insurmountable perhaps to all others but him) he, finally,
arrived, as we have learned since, very safely at Missilimakinac.
The severity of the winter was not an obstacle sufficient to prevent nine of those Frenchmen
who had remained with Sieur de Coulange coming on snow shoes over the ice and snow in
quest, as they said, of provisions. But as these deserters were returning to their fort, M" de
Calliere, a rigid observer of the Count's orders, judging correctly that provisions was not their
sole object, dispatched after them Adjutant de Clerin, a sergeant and a few soldiers who
took away from them some brandy, the conveyance and sale of which in the woods is
' Embodied in Letter IX., of the 4tli Vol. of La Potherie's Ilistoire de VAineHque.
° Les Allumeltes, or the Matches, are Falls oa the upper or Western part of the Ottawa river.
' This river rises in a series of Lakes and, flowing Eastward through the country of Renfrew, C. W., then turns to the
north and falls in the township of Horton into that part of the Ottawa river called Lake des Chats.
* Is in the county of Pontiao on the North side of the Ottawa, into which river it discharges itself, West of Les Allumettes.
PARIS DOCUMENTS :
595
contrary to the King's orders. The proceeds of the confiscation were employed in works of
charity, and this "Water," which was inflicting death on the purse of tiiose interested, has
truly proved a Water of life (eau-de-vie) to many sickly people who have derived some strength
from it, for it was, eventually, divided among the soldiers, the poor Recolets, and the Grey
Nuns (Religieuses Hospitalicres) of Montreal, whose residence, with that of the sick and the
entire building, in general happened to be destroyed very recently by fire.
That misfortune occurred on 24"" of February, the feast of S' Mathias ; The fire broke out
three hours before day, in the garret of the old Church, without any one knowing how it
originated, making its appearance first in the steeple it lost no time in enveloping the dwellings of
the poor and of the Nuns which in the space of two hours, without it being possible to prevent
it, were wholly destroyed, with the exception of two bakeries, a barn and stable fmen/igerie),
recently built, the saving of which cost all the trouble in the world. All that could be done
was to endeavor to secure a part of the furniture of the lower apartments. But as these good
Nuns have lost very considerably in furniture, clothing and grain, and particularly almost all
their linen, including that of the Poor as well as that of the Nuns, and amongst the rest all
that had been soiled during the winter, which lay in the garrets, and whatever was in the
cellar of the Poor which was not vaulted and could not be saved, they are rendered thereby
such worthy objects of compassion that the most obdurate heart must feel for them. It was
very fortunate that, by a special providence of God, the North East wind fell all at once.
Otherwise, the house occupied at the time by M' de Calliere in the immediate vicinity, would
with many others, have communicated the fire to the best part of the town which might have
shared the same fate.
This spectacle having filled every one with terror and pity, ftp de Calliere in order to take
advantage of it, and to strike the iron while it was hot, assembled all the citizens of Montreal
and its Liberties (ba?iliev) on the following day, and made them a most moving address, to
encourage them to contribute and relieve the sufferers; It had all the effect that could be
expected from his eloquence and zeal; every one subscribed according to the impulses of his
charity, so that this meeting produced a much more powerful relief than ought probably have
been expected, for with the collection which M"' Dolier, Superior of the Seminary, and
Lieutenant General Juchereau took up in the settlements within the government of Montreal
and among the officers and soldiers, it amounted to the sum of 8,000" including provisions,
work and money. It may be truly said, that this contribution is considerable, taking into
account the means left the Montrealists, after having so long experienced the burthens
of the war.
M"" de Calliere, whilst waiting for the collection at Quebec and the rest of the country to
add to the fund, set many persons to work to haul, during the short period the snow remained,
the timber necessary for the buildings, and his attention and diligence made us soon perceive
that industry surmounts every thing and that promptly, inasmuch as we expect in the course of
this year to place the lodgings of the Nuns and the dormitory of the Sick in a condition to afford
better accommodation for the winter than they have at the Convent of the Congregation,
where they are greatly straitened.
M"' de Coulange and his men whom the. desire of gain had stopped in the neighborhood
of les Allumettes, had more good fortune than good conduct; for, the hostile Iroquois having in
some way blockaded his fort' during the whole of the winter and a part of the spring, never
' Fort Coulonge was at the mouth of the river of the same name on the north bank of the Ottawa, ip the present County of
Pontiac, a little west of Grand Calumette Island. — Ed.
596 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
dared undertake anything against them, much less think of attacking them within their
pallisades. Our Frenchmen, notwithstanding, being desirous to repair the fault they had
committed in tarrying in the jaws of the Wolf instead of returning like the others to winter in
the settlements, caused their first imprudence to be so seasonably followed by their last and
prudent proceeding, and that in consequence of the judicious orders that M' de Calliere had
given them, that they finally started and continued tlieir route to the Outaouacs, with the
exception of five who came down to Montreal, to bring the peltries they had traded. These
were accompanied by some SO canoes of our Nepissiniens and other Indians who had been
hunting in the neighborhood of their fort, and arrived at length at Montreal to the great
gratification of every one. The divine protection manifested in the affairs of Canada cannot
be sufficiently admired. At a time when they appear most desperate, they resume all at once
new vigor, for it must be acknowledged that little was wanting to make us despair both of the
goods and lives of these poor abandoned people, to whom it was difficult to extend relief, and
which could not be afforded except at a vast expense.
Thioratarion, an Indian of the Sault, and Ononsista, an Indian of the Mountain whom the
Count had permitted to go to Onontaghe with Tarhea to hear what the Iroquois would say in
their Councils, returned to Montreal on the 24"' of March with a Mohawk who had joined
them in order to come and see his sister at the Sault. They had been conducted by Tarhea
as far as a river' wiiich falls (into the Saint Lawrence) at the foot of the Long Sault, three
days' journey from Montreal, where they met Tataksisere hunting, who had not been home as
had been supposed. They sojourned one day at Montreal, before going to Quebec to give an
account to M"^ de Frontenac of their negotiation. M'' de Calliere was, thus, afforded leisure to
learn from Tiiiorhatharion what was passing among the English, and after several inquiries he
answered as follows: —
1"' That he had not heard that M" Dongan had arrived at Menade, but he had heard that
400 English Soldiers had arrived in that city, and that goods were very high there.
2"'' That Peter's brother, the only Dutchman at Onontaghe, had told him in confidence, that
the Bostonians alone were urging those of New-York and the Iroquois to wage war; that on
the contrary those of Orange were so strongly in favor of peace that three of them were to
accompany the Iroquois, when the latter would come to this country, to confer on that subject.
3'''' That the Onontaghes did not come within the SO days specified by the Count, because
of the obstacles interposed by the English, whom they had been invited to visit, where being
arrived, they found a new commandant at Orange of whom they demanded what his pleasure
was. The latter replied, he did not know what they themselves wanted, and that he was not
aware that they had been told to come and see him.
4"" That the reason the Onontaghes had not accompanied him to repair the fault they had
committed of not coming to Count de Frontenac at the time indicated, supposing they desired
peace, was no other than the apprehension they labored under that, after having surrendered
all the French prisoners the Count, with the Onontakaes^ was to attack them in their country,
being advised by divers deserters that he had given a large Belt, underground, to the Upper
Nations inviting them to come and join him, that they may go together to devour the Onontaghe
and Oneida Vidages; that therefore they would not come unless Sieur de Maricourt be sent to
them with some prisoners of theirs, to reassure them.
'Grass river, St. Lawrence County, N. Y. ' Sic. Outaouaks. La Potherif, IV., 5. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: V. 597
It appeared to M' de Calliere from the above speech and other remarks added by tlie Indian,
that the Iroquois, instead of thinking of coming to see the Count, were requiring us to go to
them and to disarm the Abenakis so that they may cease making war against the English;
and he had just reason to believe that tiiey were not acting with a sincere wish to obtain a
peace, and had so much the less desire for it as they appeared attached more strongly than ever
to our enemies; that the latter caused them to temporise by negotiations in order to prevent us
going to attack the villages of those Barbarians, and to have all the time and leisure necessary
to disclaim their conferences with our Upper Indians for the purpose of causing the latter to
conclude some particular peace, independent of us; or, finally, to make them expect some
early expedition on their side, against Canada.
But what confirmed M'' de Calliere more strongly in the opinion that the Iroquois is wholly
English, was the request Tiorhatarion made him to send after a party of Indians of the Sault
who were going towards Orange and to prevail on them to come back. This party were, yet,
only three days' journey from Montreal and were hunting until the breaking up of the ice and
snow would afford them surer means of approaching the enemy. He then said, that striking
the English and particularly those of Orange, was to strike the Iroquois and spoil affairs that
were in a train of settlement. It was easy for M"' de Calliere to answer to this, that our
differences with the one and the other had nothing in common, and that if the Iroquois were
disposed in favor of Peace, they should remember that M' de Frontenac always told them, he
will not cease to strike them all, until they come together and bring back all our prisoners and
complete the negotiations commenced with TeganissorensT
After M' de Calliere obtained from Thioratarions and Ononsiaka all the information he
could, he sent them with Sieur de Maricourt to Quebec, where, in presence of My lord the
Governor, of the Intendant and of the King's Lieutenant, Thiorataiion spoke in this wise: —
On arriving at Onontaghe with my brother, I spoke thus by a Belt to the Iroquois and
the English : —
We are here by permission of our Father, on the invitation Tarhea submitted to him, for
the purpose of saying to you that we are surprised to see you come one by one, to speak of
peace, instead of coming all together to bring the prisoners belonging to our Father Onontio,
according to his expressed wishes, for he is your Father as well as ours.
By a second Belt which those of the Sault and of the Mountain had given me, I told
them — I had heard what you said to our Father Onontio, that you had leveled the roads
from this place to Quebec; I also make them smooth so that you may come thither, but
all together.
I left two Belts at Montreal (continued Thioratarion speaking to the Count ) which the
Iroquois gave me and which they address to the Indians of the Sault and Mountain expressive
of the joy they felt at seeing me and my brother in their Country, where we went of our own
motion and with Onontio's consent, and requesting them to join us in procuring a restoration
of their people who are among those of the Sault, the Mountain, and Lorette.
I also left two Belts of thanks for the one we carried to Onontaghe, and the following is
what I bring to our august father, Onontio.
First Belt.
We request Sieur de Maricourt to unite with us, as his father formerly did, to obtam peace
from the Governor; the mat is prepared for him at Onontaghe.
598 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Second Belt.
We exhort Sieurs de Maricourt and Du Plante to bring us, at early spring, the prisoners
who are with the French ; these are the sentiments of the entire cabin.
Third Belt.
We request Onontio to stay the hatchet of his Nephews, the Lorette and Abenakis Indians.
Fourth Belt.
As Onontio is obeyed by his Children we request him to cause them to restore to us our
brethren who are prisoners among the Upper Nations.
Fifth Belt.
Tho Outasais and Hurons came to Seneca where they made fast a Sun,' notwithstanding
which they failed not to come to strike us ; but we are always looking that way.
Sixth Belt.
Peter, the Englishman,^ told us that Onontio had sent him a message, with permission to
come and speak to him; but that he could not accept it without the consent of the King
of England.
As the Count did not permit his envoys to receive these Belts from the Iroquois, having
allowed them to go to Onontaghe onlj to listen, and not to enter into any negotiation whatsoever,
it is easy to conclude that he was not bound to answer them. Their demands were so insolent
and so contrary to what he had said to Taganissorens and to the two last Sononkan Deputies
that came to Montreal towards the end of the past summer, that he could not be other than
highly dissatisfied with the Chiefs of the Sault and the Mountain at taking charge of those Belts,
inasmuch as they ought to have declared distinctly to the Iroquois that Onontio would not
accept them.
The Count contented himself with telling the messenger who had brought them, that had it
been worth while, he would have given him a taste of the gridiron, in order to teach others not
to come spying on pretence of such conferences; that if they should feel disposed hereafter, to
continue doing so he would have all those whom he should catch, put into the kettle, looking
on them only as veritable spies, and being unwilling to hear, in future, any proposal unless
they brought him back not only all the French prisoners, but also all those belonging to our
allies whom they have in their hands ; that that alone would serve them as a passport whatever
expedition he sent against them ; and that, otherwise, he would not afford them any security.
Our two Indian chiefs were not altogether pleased with the Count's answer. He of the
Sault would have wished to be permitted to return to Onontaghe, and allowed two months' time
to see if he could not succeed better in a second negotiation than in the first. But he was not
allowed this second voyage, the Count declaring to him that he had closed his ears and nothing
could open them but the restoration of the prisoners; however, that he might explain his
sentiments hereafter; that he might go home but without any Belt, or answer in return for
those he had received.
The great desire Tiorhatarion evinced to return to Ononthae, enabled the Count, whose
penetrating mind fathomed the most secret intrigues, to perceive that there was duplicity in
' Attacker un Soldi, a figurative expreBsioa for making a peace. La Potlierie. — Ej). ' Peter Schuyler.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V.
599
all Ihe proceedings of these Indians. But he was fully enlightened six weeks after by what
ISV de Calliere wrote him.
The latter, having gone to the Saut to trace out for the Indians a new fort more commodious
than the old one so that they may be more efficiently and more readily assisted in case of attack,
learned from Tatakais-sereel [and seven'] of the most considerable chiefs of the tribe, that
Tiorhiatarion had brought them two Belts from the Iroquois, which they were unwilling to
retain in their villages.
That the first said, addressing Tiorhatarion; Are you of the same mind as Ononsiasta, and
can we speak to you unreservedly? To which Tiorhatarion had answered. If you have
any thing to say to me, speak to me in private about it.
The Iroquois continued, saying, It is then to you, and to Taksissere whom we know to be
our friends and the most influential at the Saut, that we speak, and tell you that we already
spoke to you by a Belt through Teganissorens, but you have rejected our word. Here is
another that we place between you and your friend Tataknissere, to tell you to persuade, like
good Christians, Onontio to peace.
By the S""* Belt the Iroquois spoke thus:' — I put this Belt, between you two underground,
where it must remain three years, in order to say to you that you must think much of the
union that ought to exist between us, and not forget that here is your ancient country; that
you ought to advise us of the designs of Onontio without letting him know it. Fear not
visiting us ; you will be always welcome.
M'' de Calliere learned further from them that Assinare, an Oneida by birth but a long time
settled among the Nepisseniniens, with whom he is incorporated, had told them, that being
hunting all winter on the Grand River,^ some Mohawks who were hunting there likewise, had
come to see him frequently and told him that Tiorhatarion had been to Onontahe where he
told the Iroquois that he had a fine blow for them to strike against some French Voyageurs who
had remained during the fall on the Grand River, and against the Algonquins and Nepissings
who were hunting there; whereupon the English at Onontahe strongly insisted on attacking
them; but the Mohawks said that Onontio had conquered them without the English affording
them any assistance, and let the latter go and do it themselves; expressing surprise that they
should propose war again when they were inclined to peace.
The same Assinare added that the Iroquois had resolved to come and speak to Onontio in
the winter, but were prevented and dissuaded by Tiorhatarion who assured them he should
return to report to them the state of affiiirs so that they may act accordingly. Tataksisser^ and
those seven Chiefs having informed M'' de Calliere of the above, and evincing considerable
indignation at such conduct, the latter ordered Thioratarion to be observed and even arrested
should he be preparing to go to the Iroquois without the permission of the Count, to whom he
sent a canoe express with an account of the whole.
Although these two Chiefs accompanied Tarheato Onontaghe, the Count, who unremittingly
watches over every thing, with wonderful application and foresight, was not thereby prevented
from sending out during the winter, different parties, (which have not been, and will not be,
discontinued,) with a view both to keep our people employed and to endeavor to make some
prisoners, who furnish us intelligence of our enemies. This has succeeded quite well up to
the present time.
' De la Potherie, IV., 9. ' Ottawa. — Ed.
600 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
The first of these parties that struck a blow consisted of fifteen Indians of the Saut, to whom
were conjoined two officers, Lieutenant de Chaillons and Ensign de Boisbriant. Having
marched in the direction of Orange, they separated, some of them changing their minds
thought they would bring us some Mohawks more easily than Dutchmen. They were not
mistaken for we saw them return, about the 15"" of April, with three Indians belonging to that
Tribe whom they had taken prisoners notwithstanding the pretended peace the latter attempted
to insist on. Ten or twelve days afterwards, the two Frenchmen and the remainder of the
party came back with a Dutchman, a prisoner who had been captured within a league of Orange.
All the parties had not a like success in making prisoners which was, however, what we
had most at heart. Some scalps were brought in, but they told no news. One, however,
of which I am about to speak, that was taken at the pallisades of Orange is well worth
mentioning. Two Indians belonging to the Mountain having separated from Totatiron, their
Chief, by his advice, in order more easily to make several prizes, attacked five Dutchmen so
close to Orange that the voices of those within the town were distinctly heard. Four having
been put to flight or out of the way, they took one prisoner, but he obstinately refusing to
march and they having no time to lose exposed as they were to bringing all Orange out on
them, killed him, and having precipitately scalped him, took to their heels and brought the
scalp to Montreal. This blow will not fail by its boldness to put the gentlemen of Orange
into a terrible fright.
Towards the end of May another party of Frenchmen and Indians brought us in a Dutch
prisoner, a dismounted horseman whose horse they had killed under him within two days'
journey of Orange. Here is what we learned from these prisoners, both Dutchmen and
Mohawks, on their arrival, separately and at various times.
The Mohawks reported that the English had expressed a great wish that Tiorhatarion
and Ononsista, when at Onontaghe, had been brought to them; but the Oneidas would
not suffer it.
That the English had assured the Iroquois that M"" de Frontenac had no other design than
to deceive and that, had he intended to make peace, he would according to the European
fashion, have employed them for the purpose ; that they (the English) had the advantage of us,
and finally, that all their preparations were made to come to Quebec towards the 15'^ or the
end, of June with the reinforcement expected from old England, which would not sail during
this year.
3rd
That the Iroquois were gone out with the intention of watching on the Grand River' in
order to defeat the Indians and Frenchmen who will pass up and down ; that if they should
meet any Indians or Frenchmen stronger than themselves, they will say, peace is concluded ;
if not stronger, they will fall on them.
Notwithstanding these reports, Tioratarion always affirmed that the Iroquois entertained a
perfectly good and sincere disposition to make peace. Under these conflicting circumstances
what could we think but that time alone would unfold the truth?
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. (301
The first Dutchman brought in prisoner says, First, that a vessel had lately arrived at
Menade with Soldiers from Old England that two others were daily expected witli troops. 2"
That 500 men' were being raised in the Country to oppose the recstablisliment of Fort
Frontenac, the abandonment of which had, until then, improved their affairs and those of the
Iroquois. 3° That he had in fact learned that the latter wished to make peace, but on condition
that the English of Orange be included in it. 4" That the lroc[uois had promised the English
that, if the French should recommence hostilities, they would cause Eight hundred men to
fall on them.
And in regard to the second Dutch prisoner, who turned out to be the brother of this first,
he being but a young lad of fifteen or sixteen years of age, and tiie place of his residence not
having much communication with Orange, he gives us no information, neither about the arrival
of ships at Manaffe^ nor of the designs of the English, and the Iroquois. [Oreouahe, wlio had
been sent to France^] in the Marquis de Denonville's time, and who, since his return to
Canada, appeared always much attached to our interests, arrived on the 20"" May, in Montreal,
on his return from hunting, with three Mohawks, who came to join us and establish themselves
at the Saut of the Mountain, having, as they said, no nearer relatives than those residing there.
As they had been a long time absent from their Country, were young and inexperienced, much
light could not be derived from the interview with them, nor even any information tiiat we
could desire. They said only, that a party of two hundred Senecas and Cayugas had set out
in the beginning of Winter on a war expedition against our allies, the Miamis; and another,
of one hundred against the Andastes,^ a nation with whom we have no alliance; and in
palpable contradiction they added, that the Iroquois were disposed to make peace with us.
Was not waging war against our confederates a fine proof of it"? They likewise gave us some
intelligence regarding those who had been hunting around Sieur Coullonge's fort which was
the only news we learned.
On being morally certain that the enemy were wholly retired from the Grand River, M' de
Calliere, on the 15"" June, dispatched under the command of M" de Laforest, a reduced Captain,
the convoy destined for the Hta8ais country. It consisted, for the greater part, of those who
had remained behind last Autumn. Whatever profession the Iroquois may make of being
desirous for peace, it is beyond a doubt that they will always show themselves avowed enemies
when they will be the stronger in point of numbers. Their attack on three Frenchmen in
which, however, the latter had the advantage, is a proof of what I advance and a very
evident token of their duplicity.
Our men had fallen in, at the other side of fort Lamotte,^ with two Indians who were on
the point of embarking, and inquired of them who they were? Mohawks, answered they ; to
which our folks having replied. We are Frenchmen. Well, retorted the Mohawks presenting
their pieces, we are looking for such as you; whereupon they fired and wounded the M' Montour
in the abdomen. This, however, did not prevent him having his revenge for, firing, he brought
down one of them. The other two Frenchmen fired also, and brought down the other, and
were under the impression, therefore, that they had killed both of them but were at once
convinced of the contrary on hearing them crying out in the direction of the woods whence,
they seemed to expect help. This led our people, after having dispatched them, to retreat
' Fifteen hundred. De la Potherie, lY ., \1. ''Sic. Manatte.
'The words within brackets are added to supply an omission iu the French text. — Ed.
* See note 2, aupra, p. 227. » On Lake Chaiuplain.
Vol. IX. 7G
602 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
with as much rapidity as was prudent, without desiring to amuse themselves with scalping,
being apprehensive that they were in considerable numbers. This happened on the IS"" June,
and as soon as M' de Caliiere received intelligence thereof, he lost not an instant in sending
out scouts in anticipation of the enemy's possible movements.
Some other Indians arrived, a few days after, from the neighborhood of Lake Champlain
and brought in a wounded prisoner, who was one of those that had fired on Montour and his
Companions, whereof I have just made mention. He reports that a great number of Dutch
and Iroquois were collecting at Orange for the purpose of organizing some considerable
expedition against the French settlements.
Count de Frontenac who was desirous of securing Canada by fortifying Quebec, had
recommenced on the works there from the very opening of the Spring. He was induced to
begin tiius early and to push forward operations so diligently, because of the frequent threats
of the English to come with such a force of ships and men as would not fail to repair their
honor; they being extremely desirous to avenge themselves for the check they received and
the disgrace that had overwhelmed them in 1690, which they could not wash away except
in the blood of the French, nor erase from men's minds, except by the ruin of Quebec and the
invasion of the entire Country.
It had been intended to inclose the whole of the Town by earthen ramparts ; to construct a
strong redoubt on the Cape .and to erect batteries in the Lower town. To provide for these
two wants required diligence and no less economy of the public funds. The inhabitants of
the town were taxed to contribute either money or provisions, and those of the country' their
labor and personal exertions.
Each applied himself with vigor, and the business advanced wonderfully under the
direction of Sieur Levasseur, one of the Captains of the detachment of Marines who acts as
Engineer for which he is perfectly qualified, when the Count committing to him the entire
superintendence of the remainder, and of the completion of the works, set out towards the
end of June, in a canoe for Montreal with the intention of putting into execution his plan of last
year, to restore fort Frontenac. He was accompanied by a few of the inhabitants belonging to
the government of Quebec and to that of Three Rivers; in passing the latter place he learned
the blow the enemy had quite recently struck at the Lake of the Two Mountains, near the
head of the Island of Montreal. The following is an account in two words, of the affair.
Sieur Charleville having perceived from the fort a dense smoke had the curiosity with his
natural bravery to go to the place to find out whether it was that of men (at work) or of the
enemy. He embarked with seven Indians, and having discovered ahead of him a canoe of
fifteen Iroquois, attacked it vigorously. The battle soon terminated, however, by the death of
Charleville who was shot with two balls and an arrow. Further resistance being unavailable
our Indians, who had no more Frenchmen with them, retreated, and reported to us that they
thought they had killed six of the enemy.
This attack obliged M'' de Caliiere to dispatch forthwith forty Algonquins and several other
Indians, including Nepissingues and those belonging to the Saut [and] the Mountain, in search
of the enemy. Mess" Saint Pierre, de Repentigny, Lavalliere Junior and other officers
volunteered to accompany them. When they reached the head of the Island they set out in
different directions in quest of the Iroquois, but in vain. Meanwhile, Sieur de Repentigny's
young son, a brave soldier, and three other Frenchmen were killed at two different places, on
' Compagnie in the text. Qu ? Campague. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. (]03
the River des Prairies, a few hours before our young warriors had arrived at the place wliere
the shots had been fired.
On receipt of this intelligence IVr de Calliere sent a detachment of about one hundred
and twenty men, including French and Indians, in small light bateaux, under the command of
Sieur de St. Oours, first Captain, who was joined by several officers as volunteers with the
most generous ardor and zeal.
As bad luck is usually followed by some good fortune, and as the latter often drags still
worse after it, 'tis not surprising if things experience the same alternation in this country as
elsewhere. The Count having heard, in the meanwhile, when passing Repentigny, of the two
blows above mentioned, one of which had been struck within sight of the fort and the other a
league higher up, arrived at length with the Intendant at Montreal on tlie Sth of July, to the
great pleasure and satisfaction of every one.
Notwithstanding some sorrow remained in the hearts of the citizens on account of the recent
expeditions to Bout de Visle and the River des Prairies, the arrival of ten or twelve canoes on
the 15th of July, administered consolation to the most afflicted. The dead were abandoned in
order to think only of rejoicing with the living on account of the good news Sieur Lesueur gave
us of the favorable state of affiiirs in the Upper Country; that all our allies, with the exception
of the Hurons, were constantly occupied in harrassing the Iroquois, and that they had actually
over nine hundred men in the field. These good tidings, I say, reassured the most timid
and disheartened.
These canoes were manned by Indians who were accompanied by only five Frenchmen, and
were attacked on their way down by some Iroquois, who lay in ambush on shore, and killed
one Indian, and wounded two others, and a Frenchman. It is to remarked that among this
party were a Sioux Indian and squaw, the first that ever visited the French settlements.
Count de Frontenac received some letters from Officers at the Upper posts, by which he
learns what follows: —
The Iroquois having carried of!' three women and three or four children belonging to the
Miamis with their Chief's youngest son, and struck this blow whilst these were working in
the fields — called Prairie here — advanced undiscovered, towards the French Fort commanded
by Sieur Courthemanche".' They had already stuck their guns through the pallisades when
they were repulsed so vigorously and fired on so briskly that they retreated to their camp in
disorder, leaving some of their men dead at the foot of the stockades, and crying out
repeatedly that, as peace had been concluded between themselves and Onontio, they had no
design against the French, but against the Miamis. They invited Sieur Courtemanche
afterwards to visit their camp, where they would surrender to him the prisoners they had
taken. To this he answered by inviting them on his side to come into his fort, where they
should not experience any harm, and that an exchange of prisoners could be made there on
both sides. But these conferences, carried on with high words and swaggering airs, were
productive only of insults and the enemy withdrew. Meanwhile Sieur de Courtemanche, being
desirous of ascertaining what route they had taken in their retreat, sent some scouts out, who
discovered at the lower end of the river fifteen litters, from which he inferred the wounded
might amount to thirty; in addition to this, seven or eight bloody places were observed among
the brushwood, which led to the impression that the bodies had been removed, after the custom
of the Indians, in order that the truth should not be known. Sieur Courtemanche, certainly,
' At the Eiver Saint Joseph. Charlevoix, II., 146.
G04 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
acted on this occasion with all the prudence, activity and valor that could be expected from a
brave and courageous man, vphilst the Iroquois, to the number of three or four hundred, vrere
exerting themselves to carry off the Miamis.
Sieur Delamotte who holds the chief command of the French in the Htagacs Country, as I
believe I have already stated, and whose residence is at Michilimakinac, the rendezvous of the
majority of the Upper Tribes, being informed that 'two Hurons had, whilst hunting in the
neighborhood of Sakinan,' been taken and retained by the Iroquois, and that the Baron, one of
their influential men had received two Belts from our enemies, wished to know wliat they meant.
For this purpose he thought proper to send a Frenchman, thoroughly conversant with their
language to meet them (forthey were not yet arrived at Michilimakinac) in order to learn adroitly
what he was desirous of ascertaining. The Frenchman having met them quite near, performed
his part very well, and gave Sieur de Lamotte all the information he could wish for. The latter
being well advised, set about infusing jealousy into the minds of the other Nations, in order to
render the Baron suspected; after which, having assembled them with the Hurons who just
arrived, he addressed them in this wise : —
Speech of Sieur Delamotte.
Children. I wish to tell you what I think of the recent conduct of the Iroquois. He has
formed the design of devouring the Miami, and on his way 'tis said, tied five or six Hurons;
and reflecting that such a trivial blow would not fail to alarm the Nations and make them fall
on him and force him to abandon his project against the Miami, he has had recourse to a trick.
He wishes to imitate a man who wants to surprise and kill his enemy without running any
risk; He comes on his victim whilst lying asleep; finding his dog keeping watch, the
Iroquois approaches and fondlingly throws the animal a bone ; and whilst he is gnawing it, kills
his master. What next? The dog, who believes he has got a prize, finds himself caught by
the man who fondled him, and being thrown into the kettle with his master whom he has so
carelessly watched, both become the prey of their common enemy, who makes a good meal of
them. This is what the Iroquois does by this Belt. He wishes to eat the Miami, but
fears the Huron who watclies as his friend and ally. He, therefore, throws you this Belt,
knowing well that whilst you will be occupied in admirhig it, in contemplating it, in turning
it on all sides on your mat; rolling council over council; in a word in gnawing that bone,
he will have leisure to destroy the Miami, and to retire without danger, whilst waiting for the
opportunity to boil you in turn in the Kettle which he is casting by the Belts he is sending you.
I am at last aware that many among you have experienced in your own persons the perfidy
of the Iroquois, and that many Nations, whose names are no more, have known his treachery,
and thou, who art but an insignificant remnant, thou oughtest to remember it better than any
one. Courage, then! Be ye men from this moment, or take to flight and remove beyond
Sun-down. Think you to live in safety near a neighbor who breathes nothing but blood, and
whose heart is filled with venom against the rest of mankind ? Can it be true that a mischievous
Belt would bind your hands and gouge your eyes out? If it be possible that you cannot see
a mite with them, open, at least, your ears to hear the word of a good Father; let it fall into
your heart and cherish it well. Here it is: You must break the bonds with which the Iroquois
fancied he has garroted you, supposing that you would not have the sense to find it out. You
' See note, supra, p. 293. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. 005
must no longer look on that Belt except with eyes of indignation, because on whatever side
you turn it, treason is every where concealed under it, as fire under ashes. Reflect, now, on
what you ought to do. This is an acceptable time. The Master of Life offers it to you. If
you go and aid the Miami who is stretching out his hands to you, the Iroquois will without
doubt find himself overwhelmed by the weight of my victorious arms. I have here some
French Chiefs who know the Iroquois, and who have repeatedly devoured their villages ; they
are all ready to put themselves at your head with all the Frenchmen here. You will be
witnesses of their bravery. Imitate them. Let us think once more not only of making war,
but of continuing it until the entire destruction of the common enemy; your villages have
become larger, your cabins have become filled with children and beautiful young people since
that war began. This is my word. 'Tis the mind of Onnontio; 'tis his voice. Listen to it
attentively. This is all I have to say to you.
Sieur Delamotte having concluded his speech, some thought proper to say that peace was
concluded at Montreal, and that the Iroquois had carried back the Black gown,' all the French and
other prisoners. To which he replied, that Onontio had declared in full Council, when speaking
to the Iroquois in presence of all the nations, that he should never make peace, until all his
children generally were included in it; that they ought to confide in his word rather than in a
rumor that evil disposed persons had circulated. If, added he, it be true that peace is made,
why, then, does the Iroquois strike the Miami? Can he carry his hatchet with impunity against
the children of Onontio without the latter lifting up his arm to avenge them.
Having disposed the minds of all in this way, he adjourned his Council to the IG"" of May,
when the Baron explained the Belt with which he was entrusted on the part of the Iroquois,
nearly in these words; abridging as much as possible the verbiage of the Indians, who are very
elaborate (polices) and, consequently, very tiresome, speakers.
Speech of the Baron, the Huron Chief.
I speak to all the Nations. The Master of Life is witness that I will not add any thing to,
nor aught detract from, the true account of what has passed.
Five of our people and two of our Iroquois prisoners had been overtaken and captured by the
enemy who, having released three, took two of them along to be spectators of the blow they
were about to strike on the Miami, and to be conveyed afterwards to Onontahe,^ where all
business must be transacted, in order that one of them should afterwards go to Michilimakina
and the other to Montreal to make their report. They released these three by a Belt and by
them sent another Belt here, expressing their good fortune at not having been taken on other
ground, and stating that they also were fortunate at having released two of their ovv-n Nation.
Brethren. Let us take good care then, not to mar the message, for they declare that the
Governor has praised and employed Tiorhatarion to negotiate peace, and that the latter is
actually at Onontaghe. As for us, what have we been able to do, except to send word to the
Miamis to provide themselves with a stout pallisading, and to fight like brave warriors.
It further says that the Iroquois nation being assembled at Onontaghe in the winter,
mutually recommended to each other to abstain from striking any of the Lake Tribes, and as
our people did not think of waging war against them this winter, they were desirous of directing
their hatchet solely against the Miamis.
'Father Milet — En. » Onondaga.
606 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
This Belt says further, that the Outasais, named Oukantikan,' has to give an account of all
the Belts the Iroquois entrusted t9 him, inasmuch as we Hurons, not being as yet informed
thereof, are with some reason surprised thereat.
That Oukantikan has brought a very large Belt here this fall which he received at Montreal,
and we ask what has become of five Belts that Amic also had brought. We do not wish to
conceal any thing so that our Father be informed of every transaction.
In fine, the Iroquois said by this belt, that he was going to devour the Miami in order to
unite the whole earth ; inviting all the Lake Tribes to repair with the French to the
neighborhood of Detroit when the leaves are red ; that is to say, in the Fall.
All the Nations, except the Mohawk,^ invite you to that rendezvous. This, which is the plain
truth, is all I have to say.
Big Head, the most influential of the Outasais du Sable, spoke thus: —
Brother Huron. You cast a reproach on me when you make Oukantikan speak; he did not
bring this belt. You say you conceal nothing; you are guilty of evasions, however, and though
I hear all you say, I understand not all of it. Yet I am somewhat rejoiced that our people at
Detroit are living. I felt some apprehension for them; for on the arrival of M"" Delamotte this
autumn he did not speak in that tone, having, on the contrary always told me to be on my
guard, and there is Manthet, a Frenchman of respectability and worthy of credit, who assures
me they are under arms at the South, and that even our people have struck a blow this winter.
Changouessi, an Outasais-Cinago said :
Go, scratch yourselves there, you base minded fellows; Detroit is a fine rendezvous.
OuisKONS, an Outasais-Cinago, added :
Far be from us this belt. Two of our Chiefs, after having received sacks full of them from
the Iroquois, have been killed the same year.
The Babon evading, as it were, the question, continued : —
Thus, Brothers, are we pained by what is happening at present to our brother the Miami, and
for our people of the Detroit, who do not arrive.
The Rat, a Huron of sense took up the word and said:
We bate but one cabin and one fire, and we ought to have but one mind. Let us unite. The
opportunity is favorable. There is corn in the village to feed the women and children; we have
brave warriors. What hinders us to die like men defending our lives? Shall we remain
passive whilst our brethren are being carried off"? I have confidence in the word of Quarante
Sous, our ally, who, though a prisoner, exhorts us not to trust the word of the Iroquois. We
ought to have no will but that of our father, and we cannot make peace without him. Let ua
adopt sure ground for our resolution.
Big Head, an Outasais dn Salle, continued, saying: —
My opinion is formed. I have no other will but that of our father. However, it is well
to assemble.
' The Outaouas, called Outontagans, formerly inhabited the Great Manitoualin Island, but were driven thence by the
Iroquois, and retired to L'isle du Detour (now Drummond's Island ). La Hontan, I., 164.
' Anniis. La Potherie, IV., 22, prints the word Amik, i. e., the Amicoue or Beaver Indians. See note 4, supra, p. 160. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: V. 607
Sieur Delamotte bad reason to expect good from all tliese speeches. But the Indian, not
exhibiting any great desire to go to the assistance of the Miami, all the private councils they
held among themselves had no other result, at the time, than to inclose their village with good
pallisades, in order that, having placed the women, old men, and children in safety, they might
go on the war path. In their frequent songs at their feasts, they were always saying that they
were going to start, and yet they did not stir. This obliged Sieur Delamotte to send out a small
party of sixteen men, who soon attracted one of sixty; so true is it that emulation infuses life
into the laziest.
If we attach belief to certain revelations and visions it is because they are authorized ; but it
is impossible to feel any thing but contempt for what gave rise to a grand and numerous
Council the Indians of Michilimakina convoked for the purpose of considering some dreams,
and drawing important conclusions from them. That Council was opened on the first of June
by the Baron, in presence of Sieurs Delamotte, the Reverend Jesuit Fathers, and the most
respectable Frenchmen.
The Baron began and said: —
An old man and his wife, each about one hundred years old, were discovered this winter in
the Sakinan country. They resided there, since the ancient expulsion of the Hurons, in a
prairie or field which they found already cleared. He has related all that has passed since
many years, being conversant with all the battles that have been fought and all the embassies
that have passed on the one side and onthe other, but particularly with that of the Iroquois
to Onontio. The intercourse and communication he has with the Master of Life, who
frequently speaks to him, prevents him being ignorant of any thing whatsoever, or in want of
whatever he requires, for He sends him animals, and makes his field abound with corn
and pumpkins.
This venerable old man has exhorted us to be attentive to the Black gowns, and to apply
ourselves to Prayer, assuring us that the Master of Life, who is One in Three Persons who
form but one Spirit and one Will, would be obeyed; otherwise he would destroy the
disobedient, by depriving them of their grain. He told us he was aware all our corn had
been blasted last year because we had not been assiduous in prayer. Finally, after having
recommended us to observe the eighth day, by abstaining from all work and sanctifying it by
prayer, he concluded his discourse with a prohibition to put the Dead under the ground
because that is opening them the road to Hell; but rather to elevate them in the air, so that
they may the more easily take the road to Heaven; and with very pressing exhortation to
hearken to the voice of Onontio, and to follow his will.
Such, added the Baron, are the words of this illustrious veteran, who presents this bundle
of Beaver to the Commandant and this other one to the Black Gowns.
*
Of all the Baron's story the only part that was not imaginary was the present of Beaver,
which seemed real. It was, however rejected by Sieur Delamotte, who, having inquired
whether it was the Old man's word or theirs, was answered ; it was the Old man's. He added,
this voice being unknown to him, he did not hear it, nor receive the present; that the best
proof of their good disposition both for prayer and the obedience they owe Onontio, consisted
less in the Beaver that was offered, than in prompt movement and vigorous action against the
enemy; that finally they had made a bad calculation in regard to the celebration of festivals,
having mistaken the eighth, for the seventh day; besides that, we celebrated others, about which
608 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
the Black gowns had sufficiently instructed them if they were desirous of hearing them. In a
word, he was not so simple as to be imposed on by such a ridiculous tale. After which
he withdrew.
The Indians were somewhat troubled because the French were unwilling to listen to the
voice of their pretended man of God, alleging that the Black gowns were very desirous of being
heard when they recounted stories about Paul, and the anchorites of olden times ; wherefore
then, they asked, shall not our Old man possess the same light?
This tale, which was spread among all the Indians, was invented and manufactured by the
Baron who did not fail to insinuate to them that the Old man forbid them to be the first to
strike the Iroquois, as he who should begin would be infallibly destroyed, and the Iroquois
himself would be annihilated were he so bold as to be beforehand with them with his hatchet.
And as Sieur Delaniotte had a reasonable suspicion that the Baron had concluded peace as
early as last year and had ratified it in the winter, he acted very wisely in not receiving the
message of the mock hermit; it would have been acknowledging him as true, and allowing
the Baron to make the Old man talk on every occasion that he would judge favorable for his
pernicious designs.
I should despair closing my Narrative were I to attempt to relate exactly and circumstantially
the intrigues, cabals and councils of the Indians, and the pains, fatigues and schemes that
Sieur Delamotte opposed to them, making use of every means (le vert et le sec) for the success
of his plan to induce all the Barbarians to go forth to war. The style at the Council is
besides, almost always uniform, full of hyberboles, similes and other figurative expressions,
some specimens of which I have already given. It is doubtless eminently useless to hear a
speech which could only weary the reader. I shall state, then, that the coldest becoming at
length warm, all the Nations, with the exception of the Huron have sent out separate war-
parties; Sieur Delamotte not being able to persuade them to organize a general expedition, he
accomplished a great deal in putting a stop to the negotiations with the enemy, the object of
which was the introduction of the English in order to obtain goods at a cheaper rate than
they got them from the French, not reflecting that in the lapse of time, the first who will
monopolize their trade by selling them at a low price will raise the rate beyond that of
the French.
It was on the knowledge we possess of their design that Sieur Delamotte in speaking to Big
Head invented a Parable which did not please him as much as it does me on account of
its applicability.
Hast ever seen, he asked, the Moon in thy Lake when the evening is clear and the weather
calm ? It appears in the water, and yet nothing is truer than that it is in the sky. Thou art
very old, but know that wert thou to return to thy early youth, and to take it into thy head to
fish up the moon in thy lake only once a year, you would more readily succeed in scooping
that Planet up in thy net, than in effecting what thou art ruminafing on. In vain dost thou
fatigue thy brain. Be assured that the English and the French cannot be in the same place
without killing each other. Those are arrangements made beyond the Great Lake.
Big Head appeared to approve in two words the aptitude of this parable, by merely
exclaiming — How strange!
Although the Indians had no desire to make a general movement against the enemy, they
did not fail to manifest a different disposition by means of a Council holden on this subject,
merely to sound Sieur Delamotte and to discover whether the ardor he evinced to go in a body
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. G09
against the Iroquois, was not a feigned and simulated zeal and quite remote from his thougiits.
But the latter having exhibited a most extraordinary joy on beholding them in these good
sentiments, and feigning to attach credit to their words, promised them, on the spot, to make
all the French within call accompany them, so that they may all go together to devour the
enemy. They were taken, then, at the word, but their courage failed them (Us saignere?u du ncz.)
We have dwelt long enough on the occurrences in the Outaaais country to render it necessary
to return to Montreal where the Indians, conducted by Lesueur, saw that every thing had a
marvellous aspect for the war which had been so loudly preached in their Villages. The
movements that were making, and had been made throughout the entire winter and spring,
were, doubtless, of a nature to dispel the strongest suspicions they might have entertained
of our intention ; but when they saw every thing ready for the voyage to Fort Frontenac,
M' de Calliere having made every preparation previous to the Count's arrival, they were forced
to abandon all doubts. These began to be dispelled by the general movement at Montreal,
and the ardor manifested by all to proceed with the restoration of their ancient asylum and of
a retreat common to them and to us ; from these things, I say, they correctly and with full
certitude concluded, that we were not disposed to make peace so readily with the Iroquois.
But what applause did they not bestow on Count de Frontenac when, three days afterwards,
they there saw the detachment provided with ammunition, provisions and necessary implements.
It consisted of seven hundred men, including Regulars, Militia and Indians. Chevalier de
Cresafi who is not less commendable by his bravery and prudent conduct than illustrious by
his birth, commanded in chief, and, under him,
The Marquis de la Groye
Sieur de Noyan
Sieur de Lavalliere ^aU Captains.
Sieur de Maricour
Sieur de Linvillier
and thirty others, including reduced Captains, reduced Lieutenants and Ensigns, all picked
men, who went with their little army to sleep at La Chine, whither the Count repaired on the
following day, to give them the last orders and to see them depart; they set off with
wonderful celerity.
Let us leave them to continue their voyage and let us attend to the Outasais Indians to
whom the Count granted an audience on the eighteenth July, on his return from Lachine, in
presence of the Intendant, M"' de Calliere and other persons of quality.
Chingouabe, Chief of the Sauteurs, said :
By a first bundle of Beaver, That he was come to pay his respects to Onontio, in the name
of the young warriors of Point Chagbamigon,' and to thank him for having given them some
Frenchmen to dwell with them.
By a second Bundle, To testify their sorrow for one Jobin, a Frenchman, who was killed at
a feast. It occurred accidentally, not maliciously.
By the third Bundle: We come to ask a favor of you; which is, to let us act. We are
allies of the Sciou. Some Oiitagamis or Mascoutins have been killed. The Sciou came to
mourn with us. Let us act, Father; let us act and take revenge. Le Sueur alone, who is
' On Lake Superior, in the NW. part of Wisconsin.'
Vol. IX. 77
610 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
acquainted witli the language of the one and the other, can serve us. We ask that he return
with us.
Le Brochet' speaking for his, and the other Tribes, said: —
We come on behalf of the Chiefs who gave us some robes to purchase powder; all our
young men are gone on the war path, and they will be very glad to find on their return
wherewithal to continue.
The Chief of the Scioux, before speaking, spread out a beaver robe, and laying another
with a tobacco pouch and an otter skin over that, commenced weeping very bitterly, saying,
Have pity on me! After consoling him somewhat, he dried his tears and said — All the
Nations had a Father who afforded them protection, all of them have Iron ; that is every
necessary. But he was a bastard in quest of a Father; he is come to see him and begs that
he will take pity on him.
Upon the beaver robe he next laid twenty-two arrows, and at each arrow he named a Village
of his Tribe that demanded Onontio's protection, and that he would be pleased to regard them
as his children, begging that a path be opened to them by which they may come here like the
rest; that he had as yet done nothing to render him worthy of protection, but if the Sun
could enlighten him on the path from his country to this place, 'twould eventually be seen that
the Scioux are men, and that all the Nations in whose presence he speaks, know it.
It is not, he continued, on account of what I bring that I hope he who rules this earth will
have pity on me. I learned from the Sauteurs that he wanted for nothing; that he was the
Master of the Iron ; that he had a big heart into which he could receive all the nations. This
has induced me to abandon my people to come to seek his protection and to beseech him to
receive me among the number of his children. Take courage. Great Captain, and reject me
not; despise me not, though I appear poor in your eyes. All the Nations here present know
that I am rich and that the little they offer there is taken on my lands.
The Count, after having spoken to the other Tribes and recommended them to live in peace
with the Sciou, in order not to think of any thing but to turn their hatchet against the Iroquois,
had the Scioux informed that he received them among the number of his Children on condition
that they would hear only their father's voice and be obedient to him ; that he would hereafter
send back Lesueur to them, who alone is acquainted with their language, and who would
carry necessaries to them.
They then approached Onontio, according to their usual custom in affairs of importance, and
taking hold of iiis knees, recommenced weeping and crying, Take pity on us ; we are well
aware that we are incapable of speaking to you, being, as yet, only Children; but Lesueur
who understands our language and has seen all our Villages, will next year inform you what
will have been achieved by the Sioux Nations whom you see here before you represented by
these arrows, who will be protected by so good a father that will send them Frenchmen to
supply them with Iron of which they only begin to have a knowledge.
Having ceased weeping, a Squaw belonging to a very considerable Chief of the same nation
who had been redeemed by Lesueur at Michilimakina, approached the Count, the Intendant
and M"' de Calliere with downcast eyes and embracing their knees wept bitterly and said : I
thank thee, Father; it is by thy means I have been liberated and am no longer captive. She
frequently repeated these words, continuing to shed floods of tears after their fashion.
' The Pike. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. 611
The Ciou resumed his speech and said : — I speak lil\e a man penetrated witli joy. The
.Great Captain, he who is master of the Iron, assures me of his protection and I — I promise him
that if he condescend to restore me my cliildren who are prisoners among the Foxes, Outaaais
and Hurons, I will return hither and bring with me the twenty-two villages whom he has just
restored to life by promising to send them Iron.
After Count de Frontenac had given audience to the Tribes, every one was dismissed to
attend to his private affairs until the 29"" July, when they were culled together anew, in order
that the Count speak to them in this wise,
To Ching8abe.
Chi[n]g8abe, my son. I am very glad to have learned by the thanks you present me for having
given you some Frenchmen to reside with your nation, that you are sensible of the advantages
you derive from the articles they convey you; and to behold your family now clothed like my
other children, Instead of wearing" bearskins as you formerly were in the habit of doing. If
you wish me to continue sending you the same aid, and to increase it still more hereafter, you
must also resolve to listen attentively to my voice; to obey the orders that will be given
you in my name by Le Sueur, whom 1 again send to command at Chagouamigon, and to think
only of making war on the Iroquois, who is your mortal enemy as well as the deadly foe of
all the Upper Nations, and who has become mine, because I have taken your part and
prevented him oppressing you.
Embarrass not yourself, then, with new quarrels, nor meddle with those the Sioux have with
the Foxes, Maskoutens and others except for the purpose of allaying their resentments, whilst I
find means to induce the latter to surrender the prisoners they have taken from the Sioux this
winter and to afford them satisfaction for what other causes of complaint they may have.
I reply not to the regret you have expressed to me for the misfortune that overlook the
Frenchman named Jobin, because I am informed it was an accident, and that you are not to
blame therefor.
To the Pike' and the other Outasois Nations: —
Though you have been witnesses of what I told the Iroquois in your presence last year, and
of the declaration I made them that I should never conclude a peace vpith them which did not
include you and all the other nations, my allies, and until they restored me all your prisoners
with those of the French, I clearly perceive that they have made use of their usual artifices to
excite fresh suspicions in your mind, and to induce you to think that I entered with them
into secret negotiations of which you had not had any knowledge.
What Sieur Delamotte told you from me on that subject, when explaining what had been
done, ought to have removed that suspicion from your minds. But open wide your ears ; hear
once from my mouth how the thing occurred and you will thereby understand the artifice and
malice of the Iroquois who are seeking only means to induce you to take umbrage against a
Father who never deceived you, in order to prevent you hearkening to his voice, and to turn
you aside from the war^ which they know he has ordered you to continue.
1 am going to tell you, then, once again how the thing occurred. Whereupon the Count
recapitulated every thing; related the arrival of Tareha with Father Milet and how he had
' See supra, p. 610.
» "et de te donner la guerre," are the words in the Text De la Potherie.has it — "et te detourner de la guerre," which
is adopted. — Ed.
G12 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
refused his Belts; the departure of Tiorhatarion and Ononsista to the Ononthagues without
being charged with any message, but merely to hear what they should say in their Councils;
the Belts they had presented on their return and his refusal of them, not forgetting the
declaration to the Mohawk who had come down with them ; he spoke of the different parties
continually sent out whilst Tiorhatarion was among the Iroquois; the attack which the enemy
made on the fort of the Miamis and recently on us at the Lake of the Two Mountains near
the head of the Island, and on five of our People who were killed at the River des Prairies.
Care was taken not to omit the attack the enemy had made on themselves when coming down
from their Country, notwithstanding they spoke and the Iroquois knew them very well; they
were made to appreciate the degradation by Onontio in their presence of Tiorhatarion the
Chief of the Indians at the Saut, for having surpassed the orders the Count had given him
when he consented to his going to the Village of the Onontaes, and the election of another in
his place. Finally, the Count reminded them of the large force he had just dispatched to
reestablish Fort Frontenac, and to carry on such operations as circumstances will permit.
After that, added the Count, I do not believe that you require further proofs to convince
you, that I am resolved to wage war against the Iroquois more vigorously than ever, and that you,
on your part, cannot avoid waging it against them also, if you desire that I should consider
you obedient children, and attached to your own interests as well as to that of your Father,
since the question is the destruction of a common enemy.
The Count having caused the presents to be distributed,
Chingsabe said : —
Father: It is not the same with us as with you. When you command all the French obey
you and go to war. But 1 shall not be heeded and obeyed by my nation in like manner.
Therefore I cannot answer except for myself and those immediately allied or related to me.
Nevertheless I shall communicate your pleasure to all the Sauteurs, and in order that you may
be satisfied of what I say, I will invite the French who are in my Village to be witnesses of
what I shall tell my people on your behalf.
Then the Governor addressing the Hurons and 8ta8ais said : — Children, I thank you for
the welcome you extended to Tioskate, chief of the Sioux. I have been informed of it by
Sieur Delamotte. 1 exhort you then to continue hereafter to receive them kindly at home
when they will visit you; to forget the dead you may have lost on both sides in the war you
had formerly waged against each other, and to regard them, at present, as your brothers and
my Children, leaving the path open to them to come to see me here and to look for what they
will stand in need of.
The Council broke up and the Indians left Montreal, two days after, to return to their Country
with the Count's orders.
In the interval between the first audience granted to the Btasas, (who arrived at Montreal
on the 21st of July,) and the last Council when they were dismissed, [there arrived] a Canoe
which had been dispatched express to the Count with some letters from France, which had
been committed to the care of Sieur de Bonnaventure who was lying at anchor at Pentagset.
Let us lay aside for a moment the affairs of Canada, to relate what occurred in Acadia.
Two frigates which had arrived at Boston last year, designed from that time to come and
cruise at the mouth of our river. Some prisoners had assured us that three others and some
middle sized vessels, were preparing for the same purpose. But whilst waiting until they make
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. G13
themselves heard, let us say a word about the gallant exploit of a Barkalonga,' called by the
English a Galley, mounting 8 guns, 6 swivels and having a crew of 70 men.
On the 20"" of September, {tobienne the privateer of Nantes was attacked by this Barkalonga,
and as his force was inferior, he took advantage of the flow of the tide to hug the shore,
ordering a portion of his men to land with a view to use their muskets where she should
anchor, having nothing to apprehend except being boarded, which he did not think the English
would attempt, because they would be stranded as well as he. As misfortune would have it,
the whole of his crew, except three, misunderstanding the word of command, went ashore, and
the English perceiving this manoeuvre, approached, at the same time, in order to board Sieur
Robienne. What is he to do in this dilemma? He forthwith takes a barrel of gunpowder
and strews it along the deck, and stations himself near his flag, match in iiand. The Englishman,
who was within pistol shot, summons him to surrender and to strike his flag. He is told that
he has nothing to do but approach if he wishes to be blown up with him. A cannon shot
was discharged at Robienne, accompanied by a volley of musketry, and possibly preparations
were making to continue, when his men who were on shore, opened so great a fire on the
Englishman that they forced him to weigh anchor and take a wider berth, under favor of the ebb
of the tide. Sieur Robienne having caused a good deal of water to be thrown on the powder
on his deck, began to cannonade the English, but on the fourth shot the stern of his ship
caught fire in a most unaccountable manner. Brandy, tar and the powder being stored in that
quarter, the flames and smoke increased in an instant with such violence, that he was obliged
to abandon his vessel which blew up in a quarter of an hour after.
The same privateer having captured an armed Ketch and its crew bound for the Islands,
took on its way four or five prizes and pillaged a small Island thirty leagues beyond Boston
in the direction of New-York.
Divers letters from Acadia have informed us that seven of our Abenaquis Indians having
indiscreetly gone about the end of the Autumn,- to the fort of Pemkuit, three of them had
been arrested there by the English, and the other four pitilessly killed at fort Sako. This
treacherous proceeding did not turn our Indians aside from their object; nor discourage them.
And as they are passionately desirous of first recovering their relatives who are prisoners, in
order to be able, afterwards to look for revenge and to recommence hostilities more vigorously
than ever, they tried to obtain an interview, and having received from the Lieutenant
Governor of Boston a letter, of which the following is a copy, they sent an answer to it which
is annexed: —
By the Honorable William Stoughton Esquire, Lieutenant-Governor and
Commander-in-Chief.
Having received certain information that the Indians of Amarascoggin together with others
of the eastern part of this Province have, contrary to their submission and declaration of Fidelity
to the Crown of England, since perfidiously adhered to and joined with His Majesty's enemies
in the late tragical outrages and barbarous murders committed at the settlement ofjiis Majesty's
'A small vessel used in war, without a 'deck, lower than the ordinary barges with a peak head and carrying bbjIs and
oars. — James.
' 19th of November, 1694. ffutchimon'a Sistory of Massachusetts, II., 81 ; mUiamson's Maine, I., 640. — En.
G14 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
good subjects at Oyster river' and Groton,^ and carried off' with them several prisoners who
are now detained by the said Indians at Amarascoggin and other adjoining places, whereby
they have appeared in open Rebellion and therein forfeited their. lives as well as those of the
hostages for their fidelity; who according to the custom of Nations and the law of Arms might
be justly put to death ; but having learned that divers of their Captains and principal men did
not participate in these late treasons and barbarities, I, therefore, in order that they may establish
their innocence and fidelity, do send these presents by the hands of Sheepscot and^ John
Albagata-Waroongan one of their hostages, in order that they may see that he is, notwithstanding
the cowardice and baseness of the Indians, still living, and be informed by him of the good
treatment he and his comrades have received, and that his Majesty's Governor in this Country
has not violated any of his promises made to them when he received the submission of the
Indians. Wherefore by order of our Sovereign Lord and Lady, King William and Queen Mary,
I strictly command and invite all the above named Captains and other Indians who will desire
to furnish proof of their innocence and fidelity, and who have a regard for their lives, to send
back all the English prisoners in their hands; also to seize, bring in, and surrender to Justice
tiie Chiefs and savages who have combined, assisted and acted in this last bloody tragedy.
Wherein they shall not fail on pain of being prosecuted with the utmost rigor of the Law, as
false traitors and rebels.
Given under Our hand and seal at Arms at Boston the twenty-first day of January, one
thousand six hundred and ninety-five, in the Sixth year of their Majesties Reign.
(Signed) William Stoughton.
Answer of the Abenaki Indians to the Letter of the Lieutenant Governor
of Boston.
Lord who writest to me, listen and understand what I am about to say, and write, to you.
Thou wilt easily recognize my words, and why wilt thou not recognize them. It is thou (so
to express myself) that furnishest them to me. Writing with too much haughtiness, thou
obligest me to reply to thee in the same style. Now, then, listen to the truths I am about to
tell thee of thyself; of thee, who dost not speak the truth when thou sayest that I kill thee
cruelly. I neverexercise anycruelty in killing thee, [as I kill thee**] only with hatchet blows
and musket shots. Thy heart must have been ever addicted to wickedness and deceit. No
other proof is necessary than the acts last autumn at Saco and Pemkuit, taking and detaining
those who were going to obtain news from thee. Never in the universal world has it been
seen, never has it been related of a man being taken prisoner who bears a flag and goes to
parley on public business. This, however, is what thou hast done; in truth, thou hast
spoiled the subject of discussion. Thou hast covered it with blood ; as for me, I could
" On the 28th of July 1694, the Indians fell with fury upon a village at Oyster Eiver, in New HampsLiie, killed and carried
away ninety-four, some accounts say about one hundred men, women and children. Hutcliimton's History af Mass., IL, 79.
Of the twelve giifrisoned houses five were destroyed, viz. Adam's, Drew's, Edgerly's, Medar's and Beard's. The house of John
Kuss, the minister, was destroyed with a valuable library. The other seven garrisons, viz. Burnham's, Bickfurd's, Smith's,
Bunker's, Davis's, Jones' and Woodman's were resolutely and successfully defended. Belknap's New Hampshire, I., 216. — Ed.
" On the 27th of July 1694, having crossed the Merrimack they fell upon Groton, (in Middlesex County) about forty miles
from Boston. They were repulsed at Larkiu's garrisonhouse, but fell upon other houses where the people were off their
guard, and carried away from the vicinity about forty persons. Hutchinson, II., 80.
' This conjunction seema to be superfluous, as the English writers call him Sheepscot John; the other appears to be his
Indian name.
' De la Potherie, IV., 42.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. G15
never resolve to act in that manner, for therein I have even an extreme horror of tliy
unparalleled treachery. Hovt^ then dost thou now expect that we would talk. Last autumn
we carried to Saco and Pemkuit our flag which was common to thee and to me ; we had only
one. On being carried to Pemkuit thou dost seize it. When carried to Saco thou coverest it
with blood. If now thou thinkest of me, I must know somewhat his thought is with whom I
am to talk. Restore to me our common flag which is the only medium by which we can talk
together. What thou sayest I retort on thyself. There, repent and repair the grave fault thou
hast committed; seize those who killed me at Saco, and made me prisoner at Pemkuit. I will
do the like by thee. I will bring tiiee those who killed thee when I shall be able to find them.
Fail not to do what I require of thee ; of thee, ( say, who killest me without cause ; who takest
me prisoner when I am off my guard. Here, again, is what I say to thee. Bring, or send
me back my relatives whom thou detainest without cause. Thus only, if thou doest it, can I
have a good opinion of thee. Take special care not to fail in what I tell thee. If thou
dost not obey exactly, thou wilt draw down calamities on thyself, thy cattle, thy provisions
and all thy substance. As for me, thou canst not inflict much injury on me except by your
treachery. My houses, my stores, my property are in inaccessible countries. If thou wilt
confiscate them, they will cost thee a great deal of labor and fatigue. Let Pagadocsngan
return within fifteen days; let him not fail to come back, and, within thirty days at the utmost,
let our people be brought back. Pemkuit, which thou hast defiled, is now no longer pleasant
to me. 1 desire another place for our negotiation ; namely, Meremitin. There will our
common flag be always hoisted, when thou wilt have restored it to me.
Signed Bsanmihbes Ekesambamet
all who are here. Our Chiefs are not here now. This is what we tell thee.
Merimitin,' was the place selected for the talk whicli was to take place towards the end of
May, on exchanging the English prisoners for those belonging to our Indians.
It was the Abenakis of Father Bigot's mission, that had received the Lieutenant Governor's
letter which was brought them by one of their people whom the English held as a hostage;
and as the major part of the Indians who composed that Mission were at a distance those who
happened to be there on the reception of this letter, answered it.
Would it not be supposed that every thing would fail rather than this exchange ? Yet, on
our Indians repairing to the place appointed, the English, so far from bringing our prisoners
there, did not even come there themselves, though they had promised to bring the
prisoners thither.
Our Indians impatient at this treatment, proceed, notwithstanding the resolutions of their
Councils, to Pemkuit in order to obtain news of their message, so strong are the ties of blood
and nature. But the sole reason given them by the Commandant and Minister was the obstacle
created by the wind which had been unfavorable to the arrival of the prisoners from Boston.
Each vented against the other whatever reproaches were on his mind, after which the English
becoming mollified and getting to talk about the pretended union between them, took a stone
which they gave as an emblem of the durability this peace ought to have; and the Indians
conforming to their mode of expression, placed another Stone beside that of the English, with
this difference — the Stone of the first was bedecked only with idle words whilst that of our
Indians was accompanied by eight prisoners which they surrendered in reality, though
' The lower part of the Androscoggin, before it unites with the Kenebec river, is called Merrymeeting bay. — Ed.
616 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
determined not to give up one except as tiielrs would be placed in their hands. The English,
finally, promised to bring in within thirty days all the prisoners captured during several years,
the greater portion of whom had been seized treacherously — that is to say, they promised to
bring back those who were near, and within two years those at a distance.
The Abenakis, in return, promised the restitution of those in their power; and this was the
result of the interview.
Since then we have learned by an Englishman taken near Boston by a party of Abenakis
from Three Rivers, that his countrymen had come to the place of rendezvous but did not bring
the prisoners there, which obliged our Indians to resume hostilities wherein there is no doubt
they are actually engaged, having been exasperated by the continual treachery of our common
enemy whom they wished to manage only for a season in order to withdraw their people out
of his hands.
In some cases misfortune is beneficial. Our Abenakis having become, at last, aware that
the chains and hardships of the poor prisoners, their relatives, had been doubled by the
English in violation of their promise, after having gratuitously received the eight prisoners who
had been surrendered to them in advance, took the bit so determinedly between their teeth,
that it is not considered necessary to put fire beneath their bellies in order to induce them to
visit the enemy with the bloody effects of a just fury: It is supposed also with some degree
of reason, if any reliance can, indeed, be placed on Indians, that the latter would have
continued the war neither more nor less, even had the English kept their words with them
and restored their prisoners; By not restoring them, that became evident; had they been given
up it was confidently expected that, released from their fetters, and unable to consent to ever
pardoning the English, these men would drag all the young men along to assist them in
revenging their wrongs, despite of every thing to the contrary which might be alleged by the
lovers of peace who desire to draw breath after so many years of fatigue.
As I propose to avoid prolixity, I pass a great many things in silence, such as the Abenakis
sending to the Count some English scalps, and some prisoners taken whom they captured at
different intervals.
But I must not omit mentioning the naval movements the English are making with the
design of doing us all possible injury. They use, sometimes, however, pretexts somewhat
specious, as was tiie case with a ship and ketch that entered under full sail and anchored in
the harbor of Menagouet.^ They stated that they were come to redeem some English
prisoners, and in fact eleven were given up to them. Their real design, however, was to see
if some ship had not arrived from France so as to be able, with the assistance of another
vessel that lay in the offing, to capture it if it should not have come in.
We have been pefectly aware that a ship of fifty guns and one hundred and fifty men had
arrived from Old England, and that a small Boston craft manned by thirty men was cruising
from one place to another for the purpose of carrying off Indians. But the English prisoner,
brought in some time after by the Abenakis of Three Rivers, removed all our apprehensions
regarding this larger ship of one hundred and fifty men, by informing us that she had returned
to Boston a complete wreck with ten killed and sixty wounded, having been frequently boarded.
The death of the Princess of Orange^ and that of William Philippe^ are not sufficiently
regretted in this country that I should interrupt my narrative by Funeral Sermons. On the
^ • Sic. Qu ? Pentagouet — Ed. ^ 28Ui December 1694. ^ Sic. Phips. He died 18th February 1696.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. 6I7
contrary I feel a pleasing inclination to continue it in consequence of the joy afforded me by
the following news: —
Our Abenaki Indians had been warned by a Frenchman belonging to the garrison of
Pemkuit to be on their guard, and that two hundred Englishmen concealed in the Islands off
the coast were with others, meditating an attack on them whilst engaged in negotiations.
This intelligence had the best effect possible, confirming as it did the faithlessness of that
nation which we had already so often impressed on them. They vowed eternal war and
immediately set off to those Islands in quest of the enemy, with quite a different intention than
that of holding a conference with them.
The second news we received and which afforded us joy, was the havoc committed by a
ship of fifty guns on the English to whom she gave no quarter. They were, doubtless, some
of our friends and possibly the same that had so effectually disposed of the vessel which, as I
just stated, had returned to Boston in so pitiable a plight.
But the most sensible pleasure we experienced arose from the happy tidings of the arrival at
Pentagouet of the ship / 'Envieux commanded by Sieur de Bonnaventure, who, in distributing
the presents from the King, made the Indians perceive that they ought not to be tempted to
make peace by an unjustifiable despair of receiving assistance, this year, from France. What
a strange thing is prejudice! These poor creatures had taken it so doggedly into their heads
that the English were masters of the sea and that no French vessel dare make its appearance
along the entire coast, that, had it not been for the arrival of this ship, I know not what result
would have been expected from such excessive terror which overpowered in their minds all
the good disposition they seemingly entertained, to be revenged on their enemies : Meanwhile
they soon passed from profound despondency to energy thoroughly martial. We shall see,
hereafter, what will have been its success.
Captain Baptist had taken a prize off Cape Mallebarre, which he left under the command of
Guion, a Canadian. The latter and the filiibusters abandoned it after having more than half
pillaged it. It was a craft of more than sixty tons, with a cargo of sugar, molasses and other
goods. Baptist started off again on a new cruise when he had the good fortune to take a prize of
twenty-five tons, which supplied generally all he required to fit him out for the entire summer.
He set out anew with orders to proceed to Spaniard's bay,' in the supposition that he might
fall in there with Sieur de Bonnaventure. But as the fortune of war is uncertain, and as
occasional ill luck cannot be avoided, he had the mischance of losiog his vessel; after having
bravely defended himself an entire day against a frigate, he found himself so riddled that he
finally foundered with eight Englishmen within sight of the frigate which could not render
them any assistance. One consolation afforded by this loss was that the English derived no
advantage from it.
This Guion whom I have just mentioned, after having made seven prizes, fell in with the
same frigate that had defeated Captain Baptist. But running aground with all his prizes on
the little Seal Rock, he forced the English to grant him terms. They gave him one vessel with
all its cargo.
I see nothing else worth mentioning respecting the affairs of Acadia except the news
furnished us by Sieur de Saint Castin, that a frigate of forty guns, and one of twenty-two were
ready to sail from Boston ; that a third of twelve guns had already left that port and had even
arrived at Piscaduoet;^ that their plan, no doubt, was to do some mischief in the Quebec
' See note 1, supra, p. 561. ' rortemoutli, New Hampshire. — Ed.
Vol. IX. 78
638 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
river, and that the sliip which is to bring out William Phillipe's, ' successor in the government
of New England, was daily expected at Boston from Old England.
Guion's brother having come of his own accord as far as Montreal, where he arrived about
the fifteenth of July, the Count gave him twenty men in order to encourage him to continue
his cruises, which can be productive only of a very good effect.
But now that we have come back, let us see what is doing in the neighborhood where our
enemies are wide awake.
In the afternoon of the second of August two Mohawks, who had been three or four months
prisoners at the Sault, left the latter place on their return home. Passing La Prairie de la
Madeleine, they attempted to seize, quite close to the stockades of the fort, a young French
child in order to carry it away with them to their Village. But some of our Indians happening
fortunately to be within call, made them drop their booty by firing at them.
Some of our Indian partisans who were in the direction of Orange, had captured some
prisoners but were obliged to let them go on being discovered by a party of thirty men, who
were much stronger than they. On their return, they reported that it was, according to all
appearances, greatly to be feared that the enemy would fall on the southern district. They
did in fact appear at Tremblay, within two leagues of Montreal on the 12"" August, where they
killed an old woman and a man ; after which they carried off two other women, one man and
four young children.
This loss considerably damped the joy we experienced on the same day by the return of
8 or 10 of our Indians who brought in two Englishmen and two Squaws, and the Scalps of two
Mohegans (Loups) who were killed near Orange where the blow was struck. Our sorrow
disappeared, however, two days after, on the return of the Convoy from Fort Frontenac. The
reappearance of the Sun dispersing the clouds does not afford greater joy to Nature than did
that of Chevalier de Crisafy to the Montrealists. Every one hastened to the water side to see
him when he was landing, and by their cheers gave expression to their feelings towards so
worthy a Captain who brought back his troops safe and sound, without leaving a single man
behind except the forty-eight to garrison the fort. As this expedition used extraordinary
celerity, I shall not undertake to give a long description of it, but merely observe that it
occupied from the time it started to its return twenty-six days, eight of which were employed
in repairing five extensive breaches made in the walls by the mine ; that some old mortar*
after having been broken and mixed with rich clay, was made use of for the purpose of rapidly
running up the masonry which will be as solid with the cement, as with mortar from new lime
the preparation whereof time did not admit ; that all the timber for the construction of the
houses and for fire-wood was cut and hauled with extraordinary diligence ; that throughout
the whole of the labor and fatigue of going and coming in the rapids and dangerous passes, so
special and so general a good fortune attended all, that not one was wounded. What I remark
most fortunate in this good luck is, not to have been discovered by the enemy, a circumstance
to be attributed to the great secrecy the Count observed up to the moment of departure ; being
well aware that his plan was not one of those to be bruited about; and to the prudent conduct
of Chevalier de Crisafy, whose guarded movement deprived the enemy of all knowledge of it.
But reflecting on such an excess of good fortune, I must not, in enumerating those secondary
causes, forget the principal, but attribute such great success to the good genius, the guardian
angel of New France, to whom God has committed the protection of the Country.
' Sic. rhips. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. G19
This fortunate return of the convoy from Fort Frontenac was not the sole pleasure of so
fine a day. It had been preceded, some liours, by the arrival of Sieur Nicolas Perrot from the
Btasais and Farthest Nations with ten or twelve Canoes of Pouteaatamis, Sacs, Folles Avoines,
Outagamis and Miamis of Maramek.' This was on the 14"" of August, and the following is
the substance of the news the Count received by them in a letter from Sieur Delamotte and
from the reports of Perrot and the Frenchmen who came down with him.
News from the Bta8ais.
The Outagamis have spared the lives of the Iroquois prisoners that had been presented by
the Basaiation^ of Chegagou in the Spring, with the intention of employing them in return,
in negotiating with the enemy. The apprehension that the Cioux, who have mustered some
two or three thousand warriors for the purpose, would come in large numbers to seize their
Village, has caused the Outagamis to quit their country and to disperse themselves for a season,
and afterwards to return to save their harvest. They are, then, to retire towards the river
Babache to form a settlement there, so much the more permanent as they will be removed from
the incursions of the Ciou and in a position to effect a junction easily with the Iroquois and the
English, without fhe French being able to prevent it. Should this project be realized, it is
very apparent that the Mascoutin and the Kekapou would be of the party, and that the three
Tribes forming a new village of fourteen or fifteen hundred men, would experience no difficulty
in considerably increasing it, by attracting other nations thither, which would be of most
pernicious consequence. But we have every reason to hope that the efficient orders issued by
the Count, and the care Sieur Delamotte will take to execute them, will dispel all these fogs.
He will not possibly effect this object with as much facility as he broke up a party of Hurons
who were on the point of embarking on a war expedition against the Cioux; for with a Belt
and a few words, full indeed of energy, he had the good fortune to dispel this storm at the
first conference.
All Sieur DelaMotte's penetration, however, did not prevent some Hurons, among whom
was the Baron's son, proceeding, unknown to him, with the consent of all the Nations, both of
Michilimakina and its vicinity to the Village of the Senecas, to make their peace, independent
of Onontio. They carried, for this purpose, fourteen Belts, of which some of the better
disposed Hurons secretly and mysteriously furnished him, eight days after their departure,
with the explanation, the substance whereof is briefly as follows: —
Our Father has vexed us; he has long since deceived us. We now cast away his voice; we
will not hear it any more. We come without his participation to make peace with you and to
join our arms. The Chief at Michilimakina has told us lies ; he has made us kill one another;
Our Father has betrayed us. We listen to him no more.
These deputies have carried back to the Senecas three of their men in order to give them up.
Two of these are to remain at the village, and the other is to return with some influential
Iroquois for the purpose of having an interview in the latter part of August with all the Lake
Tribes, and causing the existing war to be succeeded by a durable peace and close alliance.
It is a misfortune that it was impossible to anticipate the Embassy of those Indians, as this
blow could have been certainly averted. But it must be understood that when they are
determined to keep a secret, the policy of the most expert Machiavelian would fail against their
' See note, mipra, p. 670. ' A Miami tribe called Ouiatanona by the French, and Weas by the Englisli. —Ed.
620 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
finesse and deception, daubed over with the whitewash of sincerity and the fairest appearances
in the world.
Whilst the Baron was at Montreal, as I have already stated, acting the part of the couchant
dog and listening with apparent submission to Onontio's voice, all this fine scheme was
concocting in the Upper Country, and what was wonderful is, that the resolution of the Council
was taken and concluded before he started to come down, although the Traitor gave no other
excuse for his voyage than an ardent desire which consumed him to come and hear his Father's
will in order blindly to obey it.
But this is pretty tedious. Learn what is passing among the Outasais to be persuaded
how much they would be disposed to make their peace with the Iroquois, independent of the
Count, were they not vigorously opposed. Let us enter now into the Council with those recently
arrived Nations and witness the audience Onontio is giving them.
Being assembled on the sixteenth of August in the presence of the Governor, Intendant,
and several officers, Ononguisse, Cliief of the Poutouatamis, opened the meeting with the
following speech: —
Father. I come here, seeing all my Nation deranged, in order that you'may restore them
to their senses. This it is what brings me hither without a present and makes me look upon
you with my eyes.
T wish the Cioux, the Sacs, the Miamis and the Outagamis may listen to your voice. As for
me, half your heart is in mine, and I have no will but yours.
I have been surprised that the Kikakons, the Outasais du Sable, Hurons and others of
Michilimakina whom you call your children, are not hearkening to your voice to-day, and that
on the contrary they seem to wish to upset the earth and deceive you ; whilst I, who have not
seen you for a long time, am always inclined to obey your wishes as I have done since my
infancy. Up there at Michilimakina I have respected your word; I have adhered to it, and
not being able to resist all those other nations, have adopted the resolution to come down
to acquaint you, that you may apply the remedies you will consider necessary. When the
Indians I have named to you come here to see you and call you Father, I feel sorry that,
immediately after they are out of your presence, they alter their language, and act contrary to
what they promised, whilst I, no matter what injury the other nations may inflict on me, do
exactly what you desire me. I have even been killed by the Ciou ; you forbad me to avenge
myself and I have obeyed your word.
The memory I have cherished of your former words alone hath kept my feet within the
paths of duty, for we have not had any one, for a long time, with us to communicate your
wishes to us, and have almost been — I, Poutouatami, and the Sacs and the Puans and the
Folles Avoines — as if we had no Father, being at a distance the one from the other.
Those of Michilimakina are incessantly telling you that it is they alone who wage war
against the Iroquois, though we wage it more than they; and they tell you these sort of stories
only in order to stand better with you. I would wish that the Cioux, the Miamis and the
Outagamis wage war no more against each other.
Colubi, Chief of the Sacs, took up the word and said: — The French exhorted him to come
here, and he accordingly came down in his present poor condition. He retained in his
recollection since last year, the Word of his Father who commanded him to keep his tomahawk
always in his hand, and to turn it only against the Iroquois; and this is what he- has done.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: V. G21
Although he formerly made war against the Cioux, he had resisted the entreaties of the
Outagamis and Maskoutins to attack them, regarding them now as brothers.
Father, he added, I come to tell you, that although the Outagami, or the Fox, is my relative,
yet T could not dissuade nor prevent him last winter going to war against the Cioux.
Kioulous-Koio, Chief of the Folles Avoines said — He had nothing to add to the speech of
Oaonguisse; like him, he observed his Father's word.
Onanguisse resumed, and spoke for Makatemangaas, an Outagami or Fox, saying in his behalf
■what follows: —
Father. Though killed by the Ciou neither I, nor any of my family have desired to make
war on him as half my Tribe hath done, recollecting that Onontio my father hath forbad me so
to do. I do not approve of my Nation wishing to make an alliance and peace with the Iroquois,
and I come to advise you of it and to tell you that I have not changed my mind, and am always
obedient to you.
Messitonga, or Le Barbu, a Miami of Maramek> said : — Though, at a great distance. I heard my
Father's voice, and have no other opinion but that of Onanguisse and of the others who come
to speak, and no other thought than to make war against the Iroquois. When the Ciou kills
me I bow my head and recollect my Father has forbad me to turn my tomahawk against him.
I have not yet heard you. I complain that the Miamis of the river Saint Joseph rescue by
force from us, and spare the lives of, the Iroquois, prisoners we are bringing home.
I am come here to ascertain whether it be by your order these sorts of violences are
committed, as I have not heretofore understood your thoughts except by Perrot in whom we
hesitate to place confidence, the French and the Indians saying that he is but a pitiful fellow.
I come here to hearken to you, and to offer you, as I did last year, my body, covering up your
dead who were killed by the Iroquois, and to tell you that you are Master of my Tribe, which
is that of the Crane.
He then presented a Beaver robe, and added: —
I have not yet been able to learn your thought from your own lips, and have heard your
word only as Perrot repeated it to me from you. This has brought me down here.
Onanguisse demanded if it were true that Onontio had permitted Nassasakset, as he had
told him, and Sieur de Tonty, to go to war against the Kanzas and other Mississippi tribes.
Sieur Perrot presented a robe on the part of the Pepicoquis who, also, are Miamis of
Maramek, whereby they said they covered the French dead, and the Miamis slain in the
Iroquois country. This robe was stained red to show that they remembered the French who
died for them and whom they were desirous of revenging.
Onanguisse told Onontio individually and in private, that it was not he but Perrot that had
brought the Outagami or the Fox; whose heart he believed was false; who despised not only
the French, but all the other Nations also ; the Outagami however, was not the only one that
had conceived bad thoughts, inasmuch as the Mascoutins had a still worse heart than he.
Whilst fort Frontenac was repairing, several of our Indians embraced the opportunity to
organize different parties to endeavor to strike a blow against the Iroquois. Some of them
having seen thirty canoes which they judged to contain three or four hundred men, notice of
the fact was given to M' de Lavaliere who commands in that fort, and word was afterwards
sent to Montreal. This news was brought on the 19"" of August to the Count who received
' See note, supra, p. BtOi — Ed.
622 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
confirmation of it from others that arrived on the same day, and added that one of our most
respectable Indians named Btasal^on had been undoubtedly captured. But as it is very usual
for the Indians to retail such rumors, in order to mark our countenance, the Count, without
evincing any feeling, deferred sending out scouts until the twenty-fourth. Meanwhile other
Indians, reporting that they had seen in Lake Saint Francis a hostile canoe which certainly
was not far off, the Count hesitated no longer; he dispatched under the command of Sieur
Dumui 7 @ eight hundred men to Isle Perrot, a convenient and very advantageous post,
and issued orders that the remainder of the troops should be ready at the firing of the first
gun to go and meet the enemy if they ventured down the river, at the same time that
the corps which had set out and was instructed to let them pass, would attack them in the
rear. Whilst Sieur Dumui is making every effort to discover the enemy, and is sending out
French and Indian scouts in succession, and four times one after the other, so as to escape
surprisal and to insure the success of his own plan for discovering the enemy, a canoe arrived
here from Quebec, on the twenty-seventh which, far from giving us news of the French fleet,
informs us that some Canadians who had arrived from Anticostie had seen two frigates of
twenty-two and twenty-four guns, about Mingan, in the latter end of July, and a large English
ship, a month before, in the same place.
It is almost impossible to avoid some hostile incursion during the harvest. On the twenty-
ninth two Frenchmen were killed at La Prairie de la Madelaine and four carried off alive ;
and whilst this aggression was being committed, another party killed a man at Boucherville,
and wounded two, carrying none off; finally, two days afterwards, which was the thirty-first,
the Iroquois took off three of the bravest settlers from Cape Saint Michel.' These last
mentioned blows were struck by some Mohawks and Oneidas, as we discovered by their
tomahawks, which they left sticking in the ground, according to their custom.
Onanguisse the Poutesatami of whom we have spoken, had gone, with all the Indians
belonging to the Bay des puans' to seek to signalize themselves in the party commanded by M'
Demuy; But seven or eight days had scarcely elapsed when becoming impatient because the
enemy did not make his appearance, they were seen returning to Montreal, where the Count
gave them their farewell audience and having by considerable presents replied to what they
had said to him on their arrival, he dismissed them after having slightly reproved them for
quitting the army without his orders. They left the Council extremely firm, and evinced a
very strong determination to remain forever inviolably attached to Onontio's interests. But
it will not be out of place to insert here the speeches at this Council which was attended
by the Governor, Intendant M. de Calliere and a few officers; the major part being at the
time engaged looking up the enemy. On the third of September, then, Onontio spoke thus:
Onanguisse listen attentively to me.^ [I am very glad to see you. I was under the
impression that the Son whom I loved had fled from my presence for ever, and that far from
following, he wished to oppose, his Father's will. This is what has been reported to me of
you, and that you were doing all you could to prevent the accomplishment of my wishes.
You could not help acknowledging it to me, but I will forget it, as you seem to me now to be
better disposed and to have recollected that I had adopted you as my Son from your earliest
' A seigniory in the county of Verch^res, ou the South Bide of the St. Lawrence, about fifteen miles below Montreal.
' Green Bay, Wisconsin.
'These speeches, which are omitted in the Paris Manuscripts, are supplied from La Potherie's Histoire de I'Amerigue
Septentrionale, IV., 68-68, and included within brackets. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. G23
infancy. This obliges you, despite all the trouble you say you experience, to come and
notify me that you see many of my Children rebelling against me and disobedient to my voice,
but as for you, you offer yourself entirely to execute my will.
You are right in believing that one-half of my heart is yours, and this it is which gave me
pain when I was told that Onanguisse was opposed to those who were carrying my message.
It annoyed me very much, but I have not forgotten, on that account, that he was a Son whom
I had adopted, and who would return perhaps to better sentiments when remembering that I
had always been a good father to him.
You would have reason to be surprised if those of the Sable, the Kiskakons, Hurons and
others of Michilimakina were unwilling to hear my voice any more ; and could with justice
say to them, that I have ever been their father ; that I have made every effort at the cost of the
blood of Frenchmen, to sustain them, and that if I have waged, and desire still to continue
the war, rejecting all proposals of peace which the Enemy is thinking of so often making
me, it is only out of consideration for them and their allies, whom the Iroquois would not
include in the Peace they propose to me.
I now speak to you, and like a true Father express to you the sentiments I have always
entertained, and wish to feel towards you, if you endeavor to deserve them. I have adopted
you as my Son ; I love you ; I cannot have two hearts; when I have once given my friendship,
I cannot take it back from him to whom I have given it, unless forced thereunto. I forgive all
that you have done, if you will do well henceforward, and when you will come next year to
inform me that you have succeeded, you will be content with the reception I shall give you.
The officer in command at Michilimakina and Perrot will tell me whether you will have
deceived me ; and in return for whatever favorable reports of your conduct they will render
me, you may expect every thing from me.
Nancouakouet has deceived me when he turned my arm on one side ; I had told him in
terms sufficiently plain, that my Tomahawk was to fall only on the Iroquois and his allies, and
not on the Akan9as and others. It will not be difficult to persuade those of Michilimakina
that I do not desire peace, since you have seen within a few days that the Iroquois has come
to fight and has killed even some of my young men by surprise, under the conviction that I
was unwilling any longer to listen to him or to receive him as my child, after having rejected
all his proposals because he would not sincerely include you in them. You must all believe
that despair makes him act so, seeing he has been unable to surprise me, and that I saw
beforehand that the bait he was throwing to my Children, at which some of them did not fail
to bite, was merely with a view to deceive them and to put them in the kettle.
Be of good heart: you have just committed another fault in so soon abandoning, without
my orders, the French camp whither you yourselves offered to proceed ; in going there you
greatly pleased me, and your return has caused me great astonishment.
Communicate my intentions to the Sacs, the Outagamis and the other Nations of The Bay,
in order that for the future they may more readily listen to what messages I shall send them.
I would desire that your nation and all theirs which are at present dispersed in divers villnges
so distant the one from the other, may reassemble all in the same place, where they could form
different villages if they please. This union would enable them better to resist tljeir enemies,
and put them in a position to execute with more facility and readiness the orders I should
send them. And with this view it is that, after having made you personally this present, I
make you this one also, to invite you and all your nation to do as I now suggest.
(524 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
• Kolouibi, I address you : I cannot doubt that you, Kolouibi, are my friend : You told me
so last year, when you, in spite of the Saulteurs and Outaouaks, were desirous to march
against the enemy; you informed me of it, having accompanied M' de Mantet here ; continue
to do what I ask you, and rely on my support.
Perrot also told me all you have done up yonder to encourage the Fox ; I am very thankful
to you for it, but I see he is out of his head ; he is your Relative; assure him that I have never
abandoned him ; my heart is strong, and I feel when an attempt is made to detach any of my
Children from me.
Nancauakouet: You have done a noble deed; be always as courageous as you have been,
and never strike a blow except when and where I shall tell you. Know, that the Siou having
come to demand my protection, I have granted it to him, and that he is my Son. Who are
those that would oppose my will ? Your Nation hath many prisoners ; be assured that having
adopted them as my Children they are your brethren. Will you suffer your Brother to be a
Slave among you? Clean your mat so that I may sit down on it in peace.
Kioulouskau : Perrot has informed me that your Nation was doing its duty. La Motte has
sent me word from Michiliraakinak, that your young men were on the war path, and I know
that they were recalled thence last year. Entertain always the same thought, obey my will,
and you will find a Father who loves his children when they deserve it.
Makkathemangoua, the Fox : I see that you are a young man: your Nation has quite turned
away from my wishes ; it has pillaged some of my young men whom it has treated as slaves.
I know that your father Onkimaouassan, who loved the French, had no hand in the indignity
to which they were subjected. You only imitate the example of your father who had sense,
when you do not cooperate with those of your tribe who are wishing to go over to my enemies
after they grossly insulted me, and defeated the Sioux whom I now consider my Son.
Tell your nation from me, that though it does not deserve it, I wish still to take it under my
protection, in the hope that it will not cause me any further discontent, and that you will
endeavor to restore it to its senses. I pity the Siou ; I pity his dead whose loss I deplore.
Perrot goes up there, he will speak to your Nation from me for the release of their prisoners.
Let them attend to him.
I should have wished to see the Porc-Epi Capeoma and other Chiefs to whom I would have
restored their senses which they lost when they thought of going over to the Iroquois, who
seeks only to deceive and whom I cannot trust; I who have more sense than they, and whom
they fear.
Eh! what? Will Egominere and all the rest, who seem disposed to go over to the enemy,
behold with indifference the Miami devoured by the Iroquois! When he will have no more
meat do you imagine that he will not eat you. He wishes to exist alone.
As for you Nanangoussista and Macitonga, Miamis of Maramek, you are the Chiefs of that
great village, and I believe that you have visited me only with the consent of all the other Chiefs
there. I will believe, as you say, that you have no other will than mine. Perrot told you that
you must remove your fire from Maramek, and unite with the rest of the Miamis in a place
where you could oppose the enemy and make war on him; I can think only of the repose
of my Children; I can effect that only by the destruction of the Iroquois, and to accomplish
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. G25
that, my Children must live together so as to he able to execute with greater facility, the
commands I shall transmit to them. You told Perrot, a year ago, that you would come
down to hear me. You sent me such a message by your belt and by your coat that Periniond
brought me. I sent you an answer by him, but he did not deliver it. You tell me now, by
that which you present me, that you have no other mind or heart than mine. I am going to
explain my will to you. Obey it.
Children. I declare to you that I will not believe that the Miamis wish to obey me until they
make, altogether, one and the same fire, either at the river Saint Joseph, or some other place
adjoining it. I have got nigh the Iroquois and have soldiers at Katarakoui, in the fort that
had been abandoned. You, too, must get nigh the enemy in order to imitate me and to be able
to strike him the more readily.
All my children tell me that the Miamis are numerous, and able of themselves to destroy
the Iroquois. Like them all are afraid. What! do you wish to abandon your country to
your enemy? Will he not find you out, in what corner soever you may hide yourselves?
Should you not contest the entrance with him? Do you doubt my support since the
commencement of the war? He made his appearance only once at Chichikatia, and that
was at a time when they were pretending to be negotiating a Peace with me ; but now when
all my arms are turned against him, can you doubt of my depriving him of the means of
insulting you, and of my facilitating your designs against him. Have you forgotten that I
wage war against him principally on your account alone? Your dead are no longer visible in
his country; their bodies are covered by those of the French who have perished to avenge
them. I furnish you the means to avenge them likewise; I assist you as far as is in my power;
it depends only on me to receive him as a friend, I will not do it on account of you who would
be destroyed were I to make peace with him without including you therein.
Perrot is going up with you to conduct you to the place where I desire you to follow him.
Do as he desires you, and in obeying me you will find a father who will, if necessary, sacrifice
all his young men to secure your repose.
Regard not what Chichikatia might have told you of Perrot: He is not a Slave, he it is
whom I have sent with my message to you ; I respect you too highly to place you under the
superintendence of a slave; It is I who wage war and not he.
When you killed theZ,07<pand the English you obeyed me, and if Chichikatia released them
when made prisoners by you, he disobeyed me. I shall believe what you tell me if you remove
your fire in order to replace that which Chichikatia has abandoned. I send Perrot to explain
my intentions to all your old men, and if you do not believe what he will tell you, he has my
commands to leave you, and I will abandon you myself without thinking any more of
protecting you and without wishing to meddle with your affairs and your land. I want my
Children to respond to the protection I give them; they see my young men dying daily,
without any reproach on my part that they die for them.
As for the rest, I am well pleased, Onanguice and your other Chiefs, to give you notice in
the first instance, before you leave me, that the Commandant of Michilimakinak is my sole
representative throughout all your country, and that he will explain my thoughts and intentions
to you; the other French officers among you, such as Courtemanche, Mantet, d'Argenteuil,
de risle, Vincennes, La Decouverte, and Perrot, are entirely subject to him.
Listen then to his voice only, as he alone can truly explain my words to you, and you
cannot fail to follow it without at the same time disobeying me. But as he cannot be every
Vol. IX. 79
626 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
where, he is obliged of necessity to employ the officers whom I have just named to be his
Messengers, and to acquaint you with his intentions which can be no other than mine, and
which none of these officers nor any other of the Frenchmen among you, can either add to, or
take from, without failing in their duty. Should any of them tell you any thing that may
cause you pain, or of which you might entertain some doubt, seek for explanations respecting
it only from him, and do not heed any thing others may say to you, for he is the only
person, as I have already informed you, that can remove all your suspicions and doubts,
in whom you must place the same reliance as if your Father, himself, was addressing you.]
Onanguice and you, other Chiefs, remember well this my last advice, and follow it exactly,
if you wish that your Father regard and treat you as obedient children.
The departure of these Indians was delayed for some days after their dismissal, in order to
communicate to them their share of some good news we received. Two scalps were brought
in, Bamboura who had taken them, gave assurances that those who were expected to arrive in
a few days, would bring four more ; For in the attack they had conjointly made, six had been
taken which they divided, and then separated in order to retreat with greater security. On
the seventh of September, one of our Indians, named Kinrache, brought in two scalps of Loups
and three Squaws and three children belonging to the same tribe, and in the evening of
the same day, when Onanguisse and the Indians of the Bay were beginning to file off in order to
await Sieur Nicolas Perrot' within three leagues of Montreal, where he proposed joining them
on the next day with ten or twelve Frenchmen for the purpose of accompanying them as far
as their Country, the arrival of ninety French and Indian Canoes from the Btasais, under
the command of Sieur Demanthet, agreeably surprised us, for we did not expect them at
soonest until eight or ten days later.
The Bay tribes had no sooner retired from the Council chamber than here were more
Indians to take their place. The Count received their compliments on the tenth of September
to which he returned an answer four days afterwards, in the presence of the Intendant and of
M"' de Calliere, in the following words : —
Otontagon. Thy father [has been always faithful to my voice, and up to the time of his
death had kept his young men in the obedience they owed Onontio their father. It is for you
who now occupy his place, to imitate him, and you could not do it better than to prosecute
' Nicolas Pereot was, says Charlevoix, a man of talent, of some education, and belonged to a respectable family.
Necessity compelled him at an early period, to repair to the Indian country where he soon became familiar with the
Algonquin languages. On returning to Quebec in 1665, with a party of Ottawas, he was selected by M. Talon to accompany
Sieur de St. Lusson to the falls of St. Mary as Interpreter, and to collect the tribes dwelling around the Upper Lakes so that
they may submit to the French crown. la 1684, he was employed by M. de la Barre in bringing the Western tribes to his
assistance against the Iroquois, and in 1687, did the lilie service for M. de Denonville. He was sent by M. de Frontenao to
Michilimakinac in 1690, and induced several hundred of the Indians thereabout to come down and trade. He continued
employed for snceessive years as Indian agent and, in 1697, was on the point of being burnt by the Miamis, and saved only
by the Outagamis, by wliom he was much beloved. At the peace of 1701, he acted as Interpreter to the Western tribes with
whom he afterwards returned to Lake Superior, and was subsequently employed during the administration of the Marquis
de Vaudreuil, to whom he addressed a Memoir respecting French interests in the Western country. He complained, however,
that his recommendations were traversed by interested parties. To this enterprising Trader who had a fort on Lake Pepin,
is the world indebted for tlie discovery of the celebrated Lead Mines, on the river Des Moines in Iowa, which at one time
bore his name. He had traveled over the most of New France, and was intimately conversant with the character of the
Indians concerning whom he has left a very interesting Mnnuseript entitled Mceurs, Coiilumes et Relligion des Sauvages, dans
VAmerique Septentrionale, from which M. de la Potherie borrowed largely to fill up the 1st and 2d Volumes of his Hisloire
de I'Amerique. Charlevoix from whose History many of the above particulars are copied, acknowledges his indebtedness
also, to M. Perrot'e Memoirs. — Ei>.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. 627
the war vigorously against the Iroquois, and to live in great distrust of the Huron v?ho wishes
to drag you down in his ruin along with him. I take it kindly of you that you came down
expressly (as you assure me) for the purpose of informing me of the peace the Huron is
wishing to make with the Iroquois, and of the Belts he is sending him, in which it is reported
■ you have had a share. But 'tis right that you know that this news doth in no manner surprise
me, as I am assured that the Huron would have carried his carcass long ago over to the
Iroquois, had he not been afraid of the Kiskakons, the Outaouak Cinago, the Nancokoueten,
and of you, Outaouak of the Sable.
Otontagan My Son. Perhaps you have been led away by surprise into this bad road, because
you are yet young. But Okantican and Ouemakacoyeg through whose mouth you speak are
thoroughly informed of it. I wish iiowever, to forget it in the hope that you will listen more
attentively in future to your father's voice.
Okantican. I regret the death of your brother-in-law Nancouakouet. He strayed somewhat
from his duty in directing his Tomaliawk towards the Akan^as, but he has never had an
English or an Iroquois heart like the Huron. It appears by the young prisoner he sent me,
and whom I shall keep as a remembrance of him, that in dying he regretted having disobeyed
me. You will announce to all the Upper Nations that I will avenge his death when we shall
reduce the Iroquois. Operations against the Akan§as must be suspended and your young men
sent into the field immediately, and before Spring. They will find a retreat at Fort Frontenac,
which I have had repaired expressly to receive them on their way to and from Onnontague.
Here is a blanket and gun to wrap up the bones of my Son Nancouakouet which it will be
necessary to allow a short time to rest in peace, and think, meanwhile to wash away his
blood in that of the Iroquois. This is what I exhort you to do by this Belt. And I give you
this other one to place it on the bow of your canoe to close the road, and prevent you going
to revenge La Fourche on the Akanqas. Direct your vengeance solely against the Iroquois, as
I have already said, and when you will be at Michilimakinak fail not, Okantikon, to request
the Commander to assemble all the Nations, and to present them in full Council with these
Belts which I commit to your care, and to publicly deliver the Message I intrust to you, and
of which I send him a copy in order that no person be Ignorant of my intentions. Here is a
jacket I give you Otonthagan and Okantikan, in order that you second my message, and I add
this powder and these balls for you and your people.
Miamis. For you Chichikatia, I told you already what I have said to the Chiefs of Maramek
who accompanied Perrot, in order to induce them to quit their Villages to settle near yours.
They have promised me to remove their entire tribe there, and I have given them presents
inviting them to do so, after I had enjoined Perrot not to omit any thing to effect that object.
I hope they will keep their word with me, and that we shall see the effect of it before the end
of Winter. And if I learn from yourselves or from any other source, that Perrot has not used
his utmost efforts to compass this union, be assured I shall punish him severely for it.
You have always been so well intentioned towards the French, and «o obedient to your
Father's voice, that I doubt not but you will contribute on your part to facilitate the execution
of this affair, by leveling all the difficulties that may be encountered, and breaking all the
clumps of earth that may render the road rugged.
For the purpose of inviting you still to persevere in the friendly sentiments you entertani
towards your father and his Nephews, I give you and your brother chief of Chicagou these
two jackets, tliese two carbines, this powder and this lead.
628 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Assure all the Upper Nations that I am about to continue unceasingly the war against the
Iroquois and by imitating also my example yourself, induce them likewise to follow it.']
They left on the next day, the sixteenth, and must assuredly have had their minds filled
with the idea of our movements and continual action against the Iroquois, and reciprocally of
that of the latter against us, so that they cannot entertain the slightest supposition that we ■
dream of making peace.
They witnessed the return of our party which brought in on the eleventh, a little Loup girl
about nine or ten years of age, that had been captured within, at most, half a league of
Orange; they heard this same party assert that it had seen fifty Iroquois on Lake Champlain,
coming to attack us or our Indians, for the Count had dispatched Sieur de Ladurantaye with
two hundred men to intercept them.
They also witnessed the return of a party of our people of the Sault which had been so
unfortunate as not only to do nothing, but to have lost two of its men who had been taken
by the treachery of a false brother.
Finally, on the eve of their departure they saw the return of a Sault Indian who having gone
[with seven others^] to Onontaghe and captured two men and a woman. They were so hotly
pursued by the enemy that to get rid of them they were obliged to crack the skulls of their
prisoners so as to save themselves as speedily as possible. This solitary Indian only reached
the French settlements, after great difficulty, without knowing whether his comrades had been
taken or killed, or whether they could have the good fortune to extricate themselves as well
as he.
These Btasais ought to be convinced of our earnestness in carrying on hostilities, and that
there had never been the slighest appearance of a cessation of hostilities except among
themselves since the war commenced. On leaving Montreal on his return, the Count
dispatched a Frenchman with them, to carry his orders to Sieur Delamotte.
Whilst they are on the way, the wind aft, and the North-easter several hours in their favor,
news arrived that Sieur de Ladurantaye had attacked the enemy. Let us inquire the particulars :
On receiving certain intelligence that the enemy had made his appearance on Lake
Champlain in such numbers as to show that he intended to strike a blow in Boucherville, and
adjacent places, the Count, who is fully aware of the importance of not losing a single moment
in such a crisis, commanded Sieur de Ladurantaye to proceed with some Canadian
Voyageurs, picked Soldiers and ten or twelve Indians to intercept the Barbarians. This officer
having embarked with his party, resolved on going down the Main river,^ as far as Sorel, and
then to ascend that of Chambly fifteen leagues, to within sight of the fort, with all the
precaution that can be made use of by an extremely prudent captain who endeavors to surprise
without being surprised. He was aware, by the quite recent trail of the Iroquois which his
scouts had discovered and he had been to examine, that the enemy was not far off", and
remarking that the eyes of his people glistened with a fire that promised victory, he knew
how to take such advantage of it, that, despite the impassable roads of the horridest country
that ever was seen, and despite the rain and bad weather, he overtook the Iroquois on the
next day, the sixteenth, as they lay in ambush on the edge of the wood, at the end of
' The part included within brackets not being in the French Text, is supplied from De la Potherie's Hisloire de I'Amerigue,
TV., 69-72. — Ed.
' JDe la Potherie, IV., 73. ' The Saint Lawrence.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: V. 629
the fields of the Boucherville prairie (desert.) The enemy, according to what we have since
learned, was in considerable force. Our Frenchmen, whose natural impetuosity does not
permit them to wait long when fighting is in question, hardly discovered the Savages when
they charged them so impetuously and so promptly that to attack and put them to flight
was one and the same thing. Many of the Iroquois remained on the field; several were
wounded and our Indians not affording themselves time to remove the scalps, contented
themselves with taking merely the heads of five, and carrying them during the thickest of the
fight; whilst many who were wounded fled, and all those who were not wounded had all
the benefit of their light heels, having thrown aside both arms and clothes so as to be able to
run the swifter. One of their scouts, who had crawled on his belly pretty close to the pallisades
of the village, expected to find an asylum among the French, meditating doubtless a return to
his country on the first favorable opportunity. But the result will show that he did not adopt
prudent measures. The fight being over and two-thirds of the enemy either killed or wounded,
Sieur de Ladurantaye returned the same day to Montreal, with all his people safe and sound
except two Frenchmen who were killed in the field. He caused their bodies to be brought
back in order that such brave warriors should not be deprived of an honorable burial which
they had purchased with their blood and their lives. It was just to confide to their shade the
spy who surrendered himself as our prisoner in the sole thought of betraying us. But as too
much carefulness sometimes prevents the effect proposed, the precaution the soldiers took to
cut his hamstrings, so as to prevent his escape, deprived our Stasais of the diversion they
anticipated. The latter who had started, as I said, on their return home, having halted at la
Chine, were invited by an express from the Count to come and roast an Iroquois and drink his
broth. The most inveterate sycophant never repaired with greater zest to a delicious repast
than did these Anthropophagi, our allies, to the Governor's first invitation. The darkness of
the night was no impediment to them; they set out; arrive; make the prisoner sing according
to their custom until day-break, and anticipate vast diversion at his expense, when burning
him at a slow fire. But the latter who was losing all his blood by the wound of his severed
hamstrings, lay on the bed of death at the moment the sun was about to rise to commence a day
which was, seemingly to him, to be the most sorrowful of his whole life. It was a signal piece
of good fortune for him to die so seasonably and to avoid the torments infuriated Savages
would have obliged him to endure. The Btasais dragged the dead body without the pallisades
(a la voirie) and having cut off the head for a feast, resumed the road to la Chine for the
purpose of returning home to announce to all our allies that we are not so inactive as they
had imagined.
It is to be observed that the Count had dispatched some of the Sault Indians in pursuit of
those who had fled homewards, in order to attack them at a moment when their rout and
fright would probably render their destruction assured. This design was partially successful;
our allies were seen returning on the twenty-fourth, with two Iroquois scalps and two prisoners,
one of whom was severely wounded. It is true that they presented them to those of their
own Tribe and of the Mountain, to replace their dead, and that they paid their respects to the
Count only with the scalps, without the prisoners, not anticipating the censure he was
reserving for them; but they were made sensible of their fault, and the Count, in an eloquent
discourse mingled with mildness and hauteur, persuaded them so conclusively that they swore
by every thing the most sacred, that they would bring all the prisoners in future to submit
them to his disposition. The two prisoners were brought and offered to the Governor who,
630 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
pretending to be inflexible, postponed until the next day, the determination with his Council of
the matter; and the officers attending in great numbers, the result was that the Count, by a
very gracious kindness, in which policy and prudence largely participated, granted the
prisoners their lives, and gained as much love by his clemency, as he acquired authority by
his menaces.
We received no intelligence of the vessels from France, and our uneasiness appeared to be
increased by the report brought by Captain de Vilieu and Lieutenant Montigny recently
arrived from Acadia, that the English had captured a Bark, and a boat belonging to Sieur
Riverin, on the way from Mount Louis to Quebec. Three young men, one of whom was his
brother, had made their escape in a bateau and reached an island ; but the enemy having
pursued them and seized their craft, placed them under the painful necessity of constructing a
raft to reach the main land. They were shipwrecked. Young Riverin and a lad of sixteen
years old lost their lives, and the third, having fortunately escaped, brought the news of
the disaster.
The frigate and brigantine which were cruising at the mouth of the river, led us, with
sufficient reason, to apprehend that some stray and solitary vessel belonging to our fleet would
unfortunately fall into the hands of these pirates, and the intelligence we received that an
English brigantine had come to make an exchange of prisoners, in no wise encouraged us. It
was very true that M'' Gary, the gentleman sent by the Lieutenant Governor of Boston to
conclude this exchange, having left his ship at Tadoussac, was then at Quebec waiting for the
Count who was unwilling that he should go up as far as Montreal. But this Englishman was
neither security nor bail for our vessels from France.
Meanwhile, as the season was advancing, the Count after having given the Governor at
Montreal all the necessary orders, came down to Quebec, with the Intendant, anticipating his
departure some days through a presentiment that on approaching that town, the ships would
approach it also. But his just impatience soon ceased, for scarcely had they got down thirty
leagues when a canoe sent from Quebec by the King's lieutenant having fallen in with them at
Three Rivers, communicated to him the joyful news of the arrival of the fleet, composed of
eight ships under the command of Chevalier Des Ursins. It was on the last of September and
the following day that our port received with inexpressible joy succor so considerable and so
long expected. What pleasure, what joy, what consolation for people in want of every thing!
The latest advices from the river S' John informed us that Sieur Bonnaventure had encountered
at the mouth of that river, subsequent to his departure from PintagHet, an English frigate which
was disposed to contest the passage, and with which he fought a considerable time, with
tolerable success. His advantage, however, had been greater, had not the whole of his rigging
(manosuvres) been carried away in the encounter and his two larger masts injured by cannon
shot; this, however, did not prevent him getting off and reaching the lower part of the river
to take on board the provisions destined for fort Natchouat.' He afterwards set out to execute
the other orders he had received from the Court.
We have very recent intelligence from Acadia assuring us that the Indians belonging to
the Missions of Father Bigot and M. de Tury^ have attacked some English settlements
' Opposite Frederickton, N. B. See note, 1 supra, p. 648. — Ed.
' Rev. LooisPiebreThurt -was bora at Baycux in France, and admitted to Holy orders on 21st December 1&11, at Quebec,
in the Seminary of which eity he remained until 1682 when he was appointed to the parish of Charlesbourg, in that vicinity,
where he remained until July 1683. The Gentlemen of the Seminary having been long desirous to establish some Missions
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. (331
killing fourteen or fifteen men, and that tliey since struck a second blow in no wise inferior
to the first; for being in ambush on an island, ihey surprised an enemy's vessel in which they
killed or wounded twenty-five Englishmen. M'' Gary, having spent nearly a month at Quebec,
departed, finally, on the 15th of October to go on board his brigantine, which he had left at
Tadoussac. He carried away with him a larger number of prisoners than he had surrendered
to us, and the Governor wished to act thus in order that things should be conducted in future
with that mildness and humanity that should always distinguish civilized, from barbarous,
nations. This gentleman, who had come on the Count's passport for the purpose of concluding
this exchange, proposed a fixed one for the future ; but as he derived his commission only from
the Lieutenant Governor of Boston, and as he had none from the Governors of Menade and
Orange, the matter was posponed until the next year, when, possibly, he will be provided with
fuller powers.
The apprehension already entertained that the Hurons of Michilimakina had some bad
intentions, notwithstanding all their demonstrations here to the contrary, was not without
foundation, for Sieur De la Mothe, the commandant of that post, sent in all haste to advise the
Count that they had transmitted several belts, by some of their people, to sue for peace, and
that three Iroquois delegates had come to Michilimakinac with a like number of belts, in answer
thereunto, inviting them to conclude peace and to engage Onontio to be a party to it ; that he
had done all in his power to prevent the acceptance of those Belts, but that his efforts had
been useless, and that notwithstanding all the remonstrances he could adduce, he was unable
to make any impression either on their minds or on the other Tribes who, though they do not
appear so disposed to peace as the Hurons, do not fail to have some leaning for it, in the hope
of English trade, and of obtaining goods at a cheaper rate; and finally, that all he was able
to eflfect was, to induce them to postpone the last resolution, and to send some delegates with
a belt to Onontio to learn his pleasure, and whether he was inclined for war or peace. As it
would not be honorable in Onontio to listen to proposals of peace coming in that manner, he
rejected their belt, and gave them, for answer, that his ears were stopped on that subject, and
that he should not cease hostilities against the Iroquois until he had utterly reduced them, or
until they should come to him, as they had already done, to sue for terms, and submit to the
conditions he had imposed on them ; and after having reproached these deputies as their
conduct deserved, mingling his censures, however, with expressions of compassion which he
felt at seeing Children whom he always loved and who understood their interests so well, so
seriously blinded, he declared to them, that he was resolutely bent on war, and felt himself
strong enough to carry it on without them ; that he should, nevertheless, have been well
pleased to have them united with him in order to avenge so large a number of their Nephews
who had been massacred and burnt by the Iroquois, and that all proceeded [from the desire of
the Iroquois to surprise and betray them at the earliest opportunity ; that the example of the
among the Indians, Bishop de Laval sent Mr. Thury to Acadia in 1684 for that purpose. He visited Port Royal and on his
return the following year, it was concluded to send him back immediately and vest in him the superintendence of the design
•with the title of Vicar General. lie proceeded accordingly and established a mission at the River de la Croix, now the
Miramichi, in New Brunswick. St. Valiere. Elat present 30, 46, 85, 86, 10.3, 108. Being at Port Royal in 1090 when it was
invested by the English, he fortunately made his escape and proceeded to Panawamskc or Indian Old Town, on the Penobscot
river, where he continued to labor during the remaiuder of his life and where he died on the 3d of June 1C99. Taachereau. MS.
'WilMamson's History of Maine, I., 473, gives some interesting particulars respecting this ancient Mission; but the Collections of
the Maine Historical Society, L, 330, are incorrect in stating that Mr. Thury was a Jesuit. He was a Secular priest and
belonged to the Seminary of Quebec. — En.
632 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
death] of Kouskouche and his comrades at the time of the embassy, and within sight of
the deputies they had sent to sue for tliis peace [ought to cure them of their blindness;'] but
that if they were insensible to that affront and that new treachery, he should leave them at
liberty to do what they pleased ; that he asiced nothing else of them than to remember the
warning he was giving them, that all the overtures of the Iroquois were intended only that
they may the better surprise them, and commit, as usual, a greater treachery on them.
This firmness astounded the Huron without forcing him, however, to break silence, or furnish
more full explanations than he had done, restricting himself always to saying that he was
not empowered to do any thing except to hear Onontio's word and to report it to his Nation in
order that they may deliberate on it.
Not so with the Kiskakons ; for they declared they had no part in what the Huron was doing ;
that they said so to the Huron's face and avowed that their Tribe would always follow Onontio's
voice whether he wished for peace or war.
The Outasais Sinago said as much, and the Nepissirien added that as far as he was
concerned, he was not desirous to return home, but to remain near Onontio in order to
participate in the expeditions he was about to undertake. This disconcerted somewhat the
Huron emissary, who though very artful and false, could not but be surprised at perceiving
that others were not of his mind, so that it may yet be expected that, on their return home,
things will change and not go on so badly as was at first apprehended. The good treatment
which the Count directed should be extended to them during their sojourn here, and the few
presents made them, will, possibly, contribute greatly to this. The result must be awaited
patiently and we must be persuaded that M' de La Mothe will act with address so as to
arrange all his matters, for no one's conduct can be more just, nor more prudent. However,
not only the letters but the reports of every one that returns from that quarter, conclusively
establish this fact, that the two principal causes of the estrangement of those tribes from us
proceed, first, from the difficulty the French oppose to taking their large beaver at its weight ;
the refusal to receive it at the King's stores and all the other chicaneries daily added thereunto;
secondly, from the tintamara the Missionaries are continually making against the trade in
Ardent Spirits although Sieur De la Mothe introduces all imaginable order so as to prevent, in
conformity with the Count's express commands, all irregularities and scandals.
They could say with truth that the English will gladly receive their large beaver and furnish
them goods at a lower rate than the French, who are obliged on that account to increase the
price thereof; and they claim that, not being Slaves, they are at liberty to drink whenever
they please, and that the English will not refuse them liquor.
This first article, if not remedied, is capable of ruining the entire trade. The importance of
the second has so long since been explained, that it is unnecessary to detail the reasons
in favor of it in this place.
' The text is obscure owing to the omission of some worOs. The passages within brackets are added after a comparison
with La Potheric, IV., 80, who relates the transaction also. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. 033
Abstract of the Despatches from Canada. 1G95.
Canada.
Memoir submitted to My Lord of the contents of the Canada despatches of 1695;
of the requisitions for the support of the War, and of the disbursements to
be made &c. in the present state of affairs in that country in regard to tlie
Iroquois, the Upper Nations and the English.
The perpetual deputations of the Iroquois to M'' de Frontenac on tiie subject of peace which
he believed they sincerely desired, kept every thing between the French and them somewhat
in suspense and left him in a state of incertitude until the month of October 1694. These
negotiations have been continued until the commencement of April 169-5, by a final embassy
from the Iroquois who, a few days afterwards, recommenced with more cruelty than ever.
These divers parties who came against the Colony have killed a number of persons, and
inhumanly massacred and burnt those of whatever age or sex that fell into their hands.
The Iroquois under the direction of the English of New-York, and under favor of those
negotiations, which had been preceded by some damages they had received from the war the
French had been waging against them, had hunted and raised some provisions wherewith to
procure ammunitions and arms; and unknown to and without the participation of the French,
were at the same time taking advantage among the Upper Nations, our allies, of the prospect of
the peace which was negotiating between the Iroquois and Count de Fontenac The effect of
this was, that the Nations tired of carrying on the war alone, whilst they beheld the French
treating of peace with the Iroquois, were apprehensive that it would be concluded and that
they would eventually, be left to carry on hostilities alone. Previous to the departure of the
vessels, just returned from Quebec, M'' de la Mothe Cadillac, the Commandant at Michilimakinac
had sent an express to give notice that the Hurons were in treaty with the Iroquois; that the
Outtawas were shaken for the same reason; that two other Nations called the Foxes and
Mascoutens, mustering 1200 warriors that had never opposed the French, were, also, designing
to join the Iroquois, and to go and settle near them to protect themselves from the Sioux,
(another Nation, at a greater distance from the French trade,) who had declared, and made war
on them last year, so that no hope could remain of averting this storm from the union of all
those Nations of the Continent except by some considerable enterprise against the Iroquois in
order to retain the Upper Indians, whose obedience can be expected to be preserved only so long
as the French will be the strongest, and those Indians will continue under the impression that we
can prevent their destruction by the Iroquois. Wherefore, all efforts must be directed to this
point, and to the retrenching as much as possible the expense in the Upper Country, in order
to diminish, at the same time, the beaver trade of the French among the more distant nations
among whom they have spread themselves.
M' de Frontenac appears disposed to wage a vigorous war against them, but he deemed it
expedient to wail the previous reestablishment of Cataracouy, wherein he has employed last
summer a detachment of 700 men, who returned to Montreal on the 14'*" of August, after its
restoration and after leaving 48 soldiers there. This has cost 12000".
M. de Champigny writes, that the reestablishment of that post was contrary to his opinion;
he says, 'tis in opposition to that of the entire Colony, and that the detachment bemg only
Vol. IX. 80
634 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
one day's journey from Montreal on the arrival there of the despatches transmitted by VEiivieux,
forbidding Ar de Frontenac to organize this expedition, he had solicited its recall in vain.
The joint letter of Mess" de Frontenac and de Champigny mentions the difference of their
opinions in that regard.
M. de Frontenac regarded the restoration of this Fort as a means to facilitate his expeditions
against the Iroquois, and to aid and communicate with the Indian allies.
In the existing condition of affairs in Canada, it appears expedient to send thither
reinforcements with the greatest promptitude possible, so that they may arrive in time to profit
by the favorable season.
Extraordinary expenses attendant on sending a reinforcement of not less than
600 men to be incorporated into the 28 companies, with their subsistence.
For the Extraordinaries of war including 12.000 for revictualling Fort Frontenac, 96.525
For Indian Presents 20.000
For payment of the crew of the ship la Bouffonne, for 12 months commencing last
September, 13,269.12.4.
For 36.175 rations for the said year @ 125 per day, 21,465
For caulking during winter in order to have this vessel ready for
Spring 10.000
44.754.12.4
There is an estimate of what is required for the furniture and rigging of La Bovffonne to be
sent in 1696.
M' de Champigny has authorized the drawing of the bills of exchange for 200,000 on
account of the funds of 1696, for building the Castle of Quebec, exclusive of the fortifications.
He has sent the Estimate of the provisions, effects, and merchandises to be sent on account
of the funds, for which immediate provision must be made.
A statement of munitions of War.
Other demands.
Abstract of Despatches from Canada loith Notes of the Minister thereon.
25 February 1696.
The Negotiations of peace from the Iroquois to Count de Frontenac continued until the
beginning of April of last year, after which these savages recommenced hostilities with more
cruelty than ever; so that they inhumanly killed and roasted persons of all ages and sexes
that fell into their hands.
That Nation, which had suffered great injury from the war the French had waged against
it previous to these negotiations, was in want of every thing, and the result showed that it
proposed terms only to obtain time to provide supplies. It pushed its cunning further; it took
advantage of the honorable attention paid to its propositions, to create among our Indian
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. G35
allies the apprehension that it would attack them after it should have concluded its
arrangements with us ; so that the Hurons who had been faithful to us up to the present
time, have treated with them, and the Outaouas, Foxes, and the Mascoutens have
commenced negotiations.
These circumstances require the vigorous recommencement of hostilities against the
Iroquois, this being the only means left to retain the Indian allies, and to procure the return of
those who have strayed from their obedience.
For this purpose Mess" de Frontenac and de Champigny demand 600 soldiers
his Majesty
known imraediateiy to bc embodied iuto the 28 companies; they demand, also, llS^for the expenses
his decision on these r ' J r
que^°o'f%'he'^mllI °f the War and for presents for the Indian allies, instead of 100"" granted
E'SvSit *''^°' hitherto.
ofihesoms demand- M. dc Frontenac has, according to his letter, and in order to carry on operations
ed in articles useful J f
tothecoiony. succBSsfully against the Iroquois, considered it necessary to repair fort Cataracouy
otherwise called Frontenac, which is 100 leagues above Montreal, pretending that it will serve
as a place of meeting and a retreat for the Upper Indians ; and there has been incurred on
that account an expense of 165S0" exclusive of the employment there of 700 men during the
entire of last season.
It is difficult to de- Mons"" de Champigny writes in the ioint letter, that he is wholly averse to
termine whether the f O J J J
"osi*"hM"bee°n 'ne- ^his establishment which will expose his Majesty to immense expense, without
iTI^pVra dang'Tr- that advantage M. de Frontenac anticipates being derived from it. The required
arpr'e''se''nun'(^nr'e°- increased expenditure arises from the reestablishment of that fort.
opi'nion ° it womd Sjeur de Champigny has authorized the Treasurer's clerk to borrow 200"" "
give the Indians of r a j
whatM de Cham- ^''"'^ the merchants of Quebec in order to pay the troops durmg the year 1696,
SSon'?s no° only whilst awaiting the arrival of the ships.
Za"Ts"m,"ba\''u Thc corrcspondeuts of these Merchants request that M. De la Rayoye be ordered
tofore^autho'rizedby to acccpt aud pay those Bills of Exchange, so as to be able to prepare the
hia Majesty in order "^ "^ , , ,, i/-, ,,...,
to dispense with cargoBS they are to send to that country and be ready lor the end of April
transporting: specie o ./ ^ ^ i
to that country. accordiug to the orders they have received, and that there be no more
complaints of their having spoken too late.
Acadia.
This Colony, which has been laid waste by the English, and of which we have recovered
possession, is of very great importance on account of the fisheries that can be established there;
the convenience of its ports, and the vicinity of the English, who are furnished with considerable
occupation by the Indians whose friendship we have found means to secure. lu consequence
of this diversion, the English are less able to injure the Colony of Canada.
These Indians demanded last year the destruction of a fort which the English possess at the
mouth of the river of Pinkuit. The lateness of the season prevented a compliance with
the request at that time. The ships which must necessarily be sent to that Colony, and
which will afterwards proceed on the expedition against Newfoundland, will be able to
prosecute this enterprise, 2400" worth of provisions will be required for 300 Indians who will
be employed therein, and some ammunition, the memorandum of which is annexed. The
English having destroyed the fort the King had in the Baye Francaise' of Acadia when
possession was resumed thereof, it has been found necessary to establish a post up the river
' Bay of Fundy. — Ed.
636 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
S' John which falls into that bay; and this establishment has succeeded so well that all the
settlers who had sworn allegiance to the English have returned to their duty.
It was proposed last year to abandon this post and to occupy a fort which formerly existed
at the mouth of that river. The principal reason for the change is, to secure a retreat for the
privateers of Quebec and Newfoundland who by this means may damage the large trade
the English carry on in New England. A sum of 300U'' is required for that purpose, with
They can be deduct- some munitious, the estimate of which is annexed; also 60 Soldiers to make up,
SfthoStobe"s"e"uo with the 40 actually there, the number of 100, to be divided into 2 Companies.
Cana'ta, if the King -i n i t . i i i i j
grant the requesi. Sieur de Villebon, commandmg in that country, has caused to be prepared
stockades and all the materials necessary to render that fort tenable.
Sieur de Villebon has written that the fishermen of New England have proposed to him to
pay 10 pistoles for each of their vessels that he would permit to fish on the banks of Acadia
during one summer. He observes that he would be of opinion, for divers reasons, to accept
that proposal, more especially in order that it be used as a title against the English who
pretend to have conquered that Colony by mastering and destroying the King's fort.
Should it be accepted, the proceeds could be employed in the augmentation of the Colony.
Sieur Baptist, a privateer of Acadia, who formerly inflicted a great deal of injury on the
English, requests a passage in the King's ship for himself, his wife, his daughter and two
servants. Sieur Deschau an Acadian gentleman, requests the same favor for himself
and 2 servants.
Two Recollect Friars instruct the Indians in the truths of Religion, and acquit themselves
very well of their duty. It is proposed to grant them both 300" as an aid towards their support.
Louis XIV. to Count de Frontenac and M. de Wiampigny.
Memoir of the King for Sieurs de Frontenac and de Champigny.
His Majesty having been informed by Sieurs de Frontenac and de Champigny's despatches
of the xi. and xvii August and 4 and 10. November last, of the rupture of the Negotiations on
the subject of a peace proposed to them by the Iroquois during the last two years, and of the
irruption which, they report, these barbarians have made into the Colony with greater cruelty
than had ever before been exercised towards the inhabitants; it has appeared to his Majesty
that they did, in fact, feign a desire for peace only with the design to prepare means to attack
the Colony more easily during the suspension of the French expeditions. This suspension
they obtained by favor of their frequent deputations, in order to gain time to collect, by
unrestricted hunting, provisions and means wherewith to obtain ammunition and arms ; finally,
to intrigue among the Outawas and other Nations with a view to induce them, by jealousy of
those negotiations and tiie suspension of active hostilities, to league themselves with them, as
it appears they have done, according to the representations of Sieurs de Frontenac and de
Champigny, based on advices from Sieur de la Motte Cadillac, commandant at Missilimakinak,
and the declaration of Deputies from those Indians who were at Quebec when the vessels sailed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS
G37
As the defection of the Indian allies, which apparently will materially change the disposition
of atiairs in Canada, might also modify the projects reported to his Majesty by said Sieur de
Frontenac previous to being advised thereof, His Majesty does not, in this incertitude, feel
himself qualified to do any thing more in this regard than to communicate to them his
reflections and the consequences drawn from the Narrative of what has occurred not only
among the Iroquois, but even among the Indian allies, and to make on this occasion another
considerable effort to succor the Colony.
It appears to his Majesty that the war with the Iroquois, has arisen especially of late times
from no other cause than their jealousy of the trade with the Upper Nations, in order to
monopolize that between New York and these nations to themselves, through the advantageous
position possessed by the Iroquois establishments which bar the communication of the English
with those nations and of the latter with New York. Further, it results from the Narratives of
Sieurs de Frontenac and de Champigny that the estrangement of the Outawas and others
proceeds from the fact that the French, by ranging the interior of the country, have
usurped the trade these nations carried on with the Upper Tribes, and that some of the latter
are, on the same account, waging war against the Allies, or obliged to rally themselves to the
Iroquois; and that, finally, the ranging the woods, more unrestricted last year than it ever was
before — notwithstanding his Majesty's orders and the reduction of the licenses to the number
of -25 — is the source of all the disorders of the Colony, and has given rise to establishments
which by dividing, weaken its strength in such distant regions, and upset the views his
Majesty has entertained and which alone ought to prevail — to concentrate it and employ
the seUlers in the cultivation of the soil, in the fisheries and other pursuits he has always
recommended and which they can derive from the nature of the country and their own
application and industry.
The difficulty of communication with the Upper Nations, and even its impossibility by reason
of their union with the Iroquois, suggest to his Majesty that Sieur de Frontenac might not be
able to keep up that communication unless at such excessive expense as would deprive him of
the means of waging a more vigorous war against the Iroquois, in order to destroy them or at
least force them to sue sincerely for peace.
After an examination of what has been submitted respecting the proposed invasion of the
villages of the Iroquois, or the confinement of operations to the harrassing them by frequent
expeditions, his Majesty is pleased to leave it to Sieur de Frontenac's capacity and experience,
to execute, in whole or in part, what he will judge most adapted for his Majesty's service and
the advantage of the Colony, after having weighed the opinions which may be given him by
Sieur de Champigny and the principal Officers, persuaded as His Majesty is, that M. de
Frontenac will always adopt the most prudent course.
In addition to a reinforcement of three hundred soldiers including the 60 for Acadia, of which
they have been notified, His Majesty has ordered to be conveyed by tiie ships he has had fitted
outat Rochefort, every thing they required of ammunition, arms, provisions and merchandise;
and not only the same funds as last year for every description of expenditure and outlay, but
even an augmentation of 15,000" for the extraordinaries of war, and of 7000" on account of
the expense for subsisting and maintaining the troops according to the estimates thereof wiiich
have been transmitted.
With a view to encourage them to apply, as usefully as he anticipates, the extraordinary
effort he is now making, and to adopt other measures for the future, his Majesty is under the
638 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
necessity of notifying them, that there is no appearance of his being able to support for a long
time the expense to which the Canada war subjects him. He is unwilling, also, to make an
absolute gift of the 39,894" on the one part, and the 34,337" on the other, which they requested
to be made good. They must save those sums out of the annual grants, from which must be
deducted the munitions drawn from the magazines at Rochefort.
His Majesty has authorized the funds demanded for the expense of the masts already sent
and yet to be sent. Their length is not proportionate to their circumference. He orders a
memorandum thereof to be sent from Rochefort.
He has likewise ordered the repayment of the expense incurred for the fly-boat la Charente,
and being unable to do what they have proposed for the maintenance of the ship la Bovffoime,
he wishes that they send her back to France this year, and that she proceed to Placentia
to carry thither, early in the season, some plank and other materials necessary for the
construction of platforms.
Having seen the return of the expense incurred for the reestablishment of fort Catarakouy,
and the estimate for its support, his Majesty finds it difficult to imagine how they can expect
to be able to maintain it. Wherefore he desires that they examine anew the reasons in support
of that course by comparing them with those for the destruction and abandonment of that
fort in the present conjuncture, with a view to adopt then what Sieur de Frontenac will find
most advantageous for the Colony, and best adapted to the means of carrying on a more
vigorous war against the enemy and obliging them to sue for peace.
The defection of the allies must have given them sufficiently to understand what little
reliance can be placed on those Indians, whenever their interest will lead the latter^ break
with the French ; especially after the succor extended to them by Sieur de Frontenac, and the
assistance Sieur de Champigny and he have induced his Majesty to bestow on them. It is
evident that this has tended only to maintain in greater licentiousness the Canadians who are
in the depth of the forest, as remarked in tlie commencement of that Memoir, and to furnish
occasions for its perpetuation ; to favor private interests and foment every disorder consequent
thereon, under pretext of the war ; surreptitiously to establish prohibited posts beyond the
limits of the Colony, contrary to his Majesty's continually expressed intentions. Wherefore
he is persuaded, from what he has learned from said Sieurs de Frontenac and Champigny
[of] the treachery of the Indians, that being unable to destroy the Iroquois, they must make
peace for themselves independent of the allies, should they not be able to get the latter
included therein, in case the Iroquois demand, or they can lead them to ask for terms.
They must, pursuant to his Majesty's invariable orders, observe as their main rule in all
departments of the government of that Colony, to concentrate it, and to make it derive its
support from the employment of the settlers within its confines, and from their trade with the
kingdom and with the Indians who will necessarily bring peltries into the Colony in order to
procure there those goods of the Kingdom which they require. Such was their wont before the
Canadians were permitted to go into the depths of the forest, where they contract every
debauched and vicious habit which renders them useless and a burthen to civil society; leaving
out of consideration the extortions they are guilty of towards the Indians in the excessive prices
of the merchandise they carry thither, and the irregularity on account of the bad beaver they
accept indifferently from them, because they are sure of being equally paid for it. So that the
remedy his Majesty intended to apply to the depreciation of the price of beaver, by placing
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V.
639
the trade in the hands of his Farmers in 1765' with a view to its stability and the increase of
its value for the advantage of the Colony, has become worse than bad, and appears to have
been constantly aggravated, since unlimited ranging in the interior of the country has been
permitted. This has been productive of an immense superfluity and ruinous supply of beaver,
partly of a bad quality, which has augmented in an astonishing manner year after year, and
within the last, much more than in the preceding years.
* • • * « * • * «~* «
Done at Versailles, the 26"" of May, 1696.
Count de Frontenac to Loxds XIV.
Sire.
The blessings which Heaven has been accustomed to shower upon your Majesty's arms,
have extended even to this New World, and we have ocular proofs thereof in the expedition I
have just terminated against the Onondagas, the chief and principal of the Iroquois Nations.
I projected this expedition long since ; but the immense distance from Montreal to their
country — amounting to nearly 150 leagues — the difficulty of transporting and preserving all
the provisions and munitions necessary for so long a march; of navigating lakes scarcely
difTering from the sea, and rivers full of continuous falls and rapids; finally, the impossibility
of concealing from the enemy my movements, which would afford them the means of promptly
collecting together all their Nations and calling even the English to their assistance, caused me
always to look upon this undertaking as a thing much more rash than prudent. I should never
have determined on it, had I not reestablished, last year, a retreat and an entrepot, which
facilitated my communication to the Onontagues, and had I not known, beyond the shadow of
a doubt, that it was the sole and only feasible means that remained for me to prevent the
conclusion of the peace between our allies and the Iroquois, for which they were immediately
to give hostages and afterwards introduce the English into the country — a step that would
inevitably accelerate the entire ruin of the Colony which cannot subsist except by the trade
it carries on with the Upper Indians.
However, by a stroke of good fortune entirely unexpected, the Onontagues, who were
reckoned the masters of the other Iroquois Nations, and the terror of all the Indians of this
country, were struck with a species of consternation which could fall on them only from on
High, and became so panic-stricken at beholding me march against them in person and cover
their lakes and rivers with more than four hundred sail, that, without thinking of taking
advantage of the facilities they possessed to dispute with us the passages, in which one hundred
men could easily hold four thousand, a long while in check, they dared not prepare an
ambuscade against me, and contented themselves with waiting until I was within five leagues
of their fort when they set it and all their cabins on fire and retreated thence, with all their
families, twenty leagues into the woods with such precipitancy that they would hardly burthen
themselves with two days' provisions ; on reaching their village I, therefore, found merely a
heap of dust and ashes.
640 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
The Oneidas, who are their neighbors within a distance of fifteen leagues, and who were
not less scared, sent next day to me to ask for peace, which I granted them on condition that
they would abandon their village and come and reside among the Indians here in our French
settlements; and in order not to allow them time for reflection, I detached thither Sieur de
Vaudreuil with a strong force, and directed him to burn their fort, to bring me their principal
chiefs, until the remainder could follow, and to lay waste all their grain as I was then doing
to that of the Onontagues. He executed these orders with incredible celerity having been
only three days on that expedition.
In order to add brilliancy to the aifair, it were desirable that they would have remained firm
in their fort, as we were in a condition to force it, and to slaughter a great portion of them ;
but they will not escape destruction the less, for the misery to which they are at present
reduced through want of provisions, will cause more of them to perish of hunger than we
could have destroyed by fire and sword.
Sire, I can state to your Majesty that never did troops evince more zeal than did on this
occasion as well officers, soldiers, militia as Indians, despite the almost inexplicable labor and
fatigues they experienced; everyone having perfectly performed his duty particularly Chevalier
de Callieres with his usual care and attention, which was no small help to me.
I know not whether your Majesty will be of opinion that I have done mine, and whether,
if even so, you will consider me deserving any mark of honor that may enable me to pass the
few remaining days of my life with some sort of distinction.
Whatever judgment maybe formed, I most humbly supplicate your Majesty to be persuaded
that I will sacrifice in your service the remainder of my days with the same ardor I have always
displayed, and that I shall be, until my latest breath.
Sire,
Your Majesty's
Most humble, most obedient.
Most submissive and most faithful
Servant and Subject
Quebec, this 55"" October 1696. Frontenac.
Narrative of the most remarhable Occurrences in Canada. 1695, 1696.
An Account of the most remarkable Occurrences in Canada from the departure
of the Vessels in 1C95, to the beginning of 9''" 1696,
It will not be difficult to fill this Relation with facts of importance. The occurrences of this
year in Canada furnish ample material so as to exclude every thing that is not essential; and
though the intention is to be very succinct, it will perhaps be difficult to adhere to such a
rule, for never has a year, since M. de Frontenac's return to this country, been so fully
occupied, nor the war waged with greater vigor.
The Court is already advised by the despatches transmitted on the departure of last
year's fleet, of the plans concluded for a considerable expedition against the Iroquois, and
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. 641
principally against the Onontaes,' which is the principal Nation, where the councils of the
other five are held; the most devoted to the English, and the most strenuous opponent of
the negotiations for peace in preceding years. It became of importance to crush them, and the
winter appeared to many persons the best adapted for operations than any other season,
because we are certain, said they, of finding at least in the village all the women and children
whose destruction or capture would have drawn ruin on the warriors, or obliged them to come
and submit to us.
The necessary preparations for the expedition were begun at the commencement of last
Autumn, but the vast quantity of snow produced a change of plan, the rather as it was
impossible to tiansport the Militia of the south shore and Island of Orleans in the government
of Quebec, the river having been absolutely impassable from the sailing of the fleet to the
beginning of this year.
This caused the adoption of the resolution to proceed against the Mohawks with whatever
troops could be collected capable of traveling on the snow, with the militia of Three Rivers and
Montreal and the Indians. This had always been the plan of Count de Frontenac who foresaw
the difficulty of executing the other project in winter. But this design also aborted, because
news was received that a Mohawk prisoner who had escaped from us, had communicated our
intention, and that his Nation, united with the English of Orange, was waiting for us with a firm
foot. This consideration, however, would not have prevented us going in quest of them had the
continuance of the season permitted a large body of men to make so long a march and to
carry munitions and provisions necessary for subsisting there. This large force dwindled down
then, to 300 picked Frenchmen and Indians who marched to that triangular tract of country
between the river of the Ououtaouas and that of the Iroquois, the usual hunting ground of
the latter.
This party was commanded by Sieur de Louvigny, Captain of Marines, accompanied by
Lieutenants de Manteth, d'Auberville, de Sabrevois and several other officers. They were
storm-stayed within three days' march of Montreal by a fall of snow which continued 13 days
during which time they were obliged to lie by. Mons' de Calliere being informed thereof,
sent them fresh supplies to replace those that had already been uselessly consumed.
They continued their route as far as Gannanokouy, six leagues from Fort Frontenac, where
they fell in with a trail that was, however, very old. Sieur de Louvigny thought fit to detach
some Indians only in pursuit, and to wait with the Frenchmen the return of those whom he
had sent to the Fort to learn news of that place. Every thing there was in good order;
a single soldier was sick there, and is since dead.
Sieur de Louvigny arrived at Montreal on the 20"" of March after having set out very late in
consequence of the want of provisions as well as of the badness of the roads; he found
throughout the entire o( the forest as much as seven feet of snow, a circumstance never before
witnessed in this country.
The Indian detachment fell in, after a march of seven days, with a cabin in which they
found three men asleep, whom they made prisoners; at noon, next day, they took two more,
and in the evening found a cabin in which were only a man, a woman and a young lad wiiom
they mastered after some resistance. Three of the same hunting party remained ; they were
killed defending themselves like brave men.
• ' Onondaga?. — Ed.
Vox.. IX. 81
642 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
The four Onontaes who were found among these prisoners were burnt at Montreal on their
arrival. Two Seneeas had their lives spared in return for the kind treatment that nation
manifested of late years to our prisoners, and were presented to Totatiron, chief of the mission
at the Mountain who happened to be the uncle of one of them. The young lad was given to
the Indians of the Saut. He is grandson of the famous Garagontier, formerly chief of the
Onontaes and who, during his life, had been very much attached to the French. The Indians
of Loretto, near Quebec, who had been also of this party, got the woman as their share.
Chevalier de Grisalfy, captain of a troop died at Montreal about this time. His illustrious
birth was not the only quality that caused him to be regretted. He possessed every personal
merit that could be desired in an officer, united with great courage and consummate prudence.*
A party of Indians belonging to the Saut brought to Montreal in the beginning of May two
scalps; one of a Mohawk, the other of an Englishman taken near Orange. We were informed
by this same party that the Mohawks had retired into their fort, under the apprehension of
our visiting them.
Two prisoners belonging to the same nation were brought in by our Indians a few days
after; they said the Onondagas, Cayugas and Oneidas were coming with a considerable force to
attack us during seed time. They doubtless, did not consider it expedient to execute this
project, and planting was effected very quietly.
Totatiron, whom we have already mentioned, brought in, on the 21" May, an English
prisoner taken at the gates of Corlard after having killed three others. His first intention was
to go to the Mohawk country but he was prevented doing so by the desertion of one of his
party. This prisoner reported that the English and the Iroquois were on their guard fearing
that we should go and attack them ; that the first had refused the others the assistance they
required, under pretext that they had to defend themselves; that, besides, no preparations were
perceptible on their part, for an attack on our settlements.
Two other Mohawk prisoners were taken near the village of the Saut; some hostile Iroquois
appeared at La Chenaie where they carried off two men; and some others wounded one also
at Longueil, on the south shore.
The Count received letters at Quebec from M' de Thiery,^ Missionary of Acadia dated
21" of May, in which he gave an account of what passed at Fort Pemkuit between the
Abenakis and the English. It was proposed to make an exchange of prisoners ; Sieurde Saint
Castin took charge of the business alone in the name of Count de Frontenac. A more attached
or intelligent agent could not be selected.
Some Frenchmen had undertaken to deliver to the Boston government the letters which
were to bring about this negotiation ; but as they could not execute the trust, it became
' Chevalier de Crisasy, supra, p. 307, Lord of Messina, was cousin german of the Prince of Monaco and thus allied to one of
the most illustrious houses in Italy ; he was also Knight of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem, and had made his " Caravans "
with all possible distinction. In the revolt in Sicily the design of which was to deprive the King of Spain of that country,
the family of Chev. de C. was the first to declare for the French. The project having failed, he was obliged to expatriate
himself; and with his brother, repaired to Versailles, in the expectation of some recompense for his attachment to that Court.
But he was doomed to disappointment, and at length, after much solicitation, found himself reduced to the alternative of
accepting a company in Canada. He possessed all the qualities that could elevate a military man to the highest rank, but
after many gallant actions, after having displayed talent of the first order both in Council and in War, and though
recommended by the Governor and the Intendant, his merits were utterly neglected, and he at length died of grief and a
broken heart in March 1696. Ills death called forth universal regret, that merit such as his should have been doomed to
obscurity. Charlevoix. — Ed.
'Sic. Thury.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. G43
necessary to employ Indians, who delivered the letter the English prisoners wrote to the officer
in command of tort Pemkuit. That officer knew so well how to turn the heads of the Indians
that he persuaded them to come to his fort for whatever they required, promising that the
trade would be carried on there in good faith.
Tayoux,! an influential chief of the Abenaquis Nation was the first to fall into this snare.
He was followed by a number of others who altogether repaired to the English fort, despite
the remonstrances of M. de Thiery^ who represented to them the dangers into which their
credulity was leading them, and who even separated from them and withdrew into the woods
with the greatest number he could persuade to accompany him.
They traded there undisturbed for some days, but, finally, their Missionary's prognostications
were verified. The English perceiving the principal chiefs grouped under the guns of their
fort, began by killing Edzorunce^ a famous chief and his son by pistol shots. Taxoux was
seized by three soldiers, and some others were laid hold of in like manner, one of whom was
carried alive into the fort. Two more armed with knives liberated themselves from three of
the enemy who had each a hold of them, and four Englishmen lost their lives. One of our
Indians was killed by the shots which were fired from the fort ; another saved Taxous after
having killed two more of the enemy with his knife. Thus, we lost four, and the enemy six,
men by this treachery. It is to be hoped that the Abeuakis will not place any confidence
hereafter in English promises.
Some Micmacs and other Indians from Kinibe[c] surprised a detachment belonging to the
garrison of Pemkuit in some islands opposite the fort, and killed twenty-three of them.
The same letter stated that about the end of April last, Guyon, a Canadian privateer, had,
after capturing an English prize, been himself taken by the frigate with which Sieur de
Bonnnaventure had fought last year. The forces were not equal, and he contended longer
than was to be expected from the inferiority of his vessel and the small number of his men.
On the 9"" of June, the Royal frigate la Bouffonne weighed anchor before Quebec for a
cruise at the entrance of the gulf Her repairs were begun in the fore part of April; they
could not be effected without expense, this ship being in very bad condition, and requiring
considerable caulking. Some sailors that had returned last year from the wreck of ks Deux
Fieres were added to the crew she brought from France. She was commanded by Sieur de
La Valliere, captain of the detachment of Marines and of Count de Frontenac's guards, who is
thoroughly acquainted with this river and with all the harbors dependent on this government.
He had as Lieutenant Sieur de Beaubassin, his son, and for Ensign Sieur de la Potterie his
other son, and was accompanied by Sieurs de Fouville, de La Durantaye, Beaumont, de Saint
Lambert, Ensigns of the Troops all of whom aspire to the Marine service. Two soldiers per
Company were shipped on board of this frigate and of a brigantine commanded by Sieur
Outlai, an Englishman resident a long time among us, under whom Sieur de la Perade, a
reduced lieutenant, acted as Lieutenant.
Shortly after the departure of this vessel. Count de Frontenac started for Montreal. At
length arrived the time for that Great Kettle (to make use of the mode of expression common
among Indians) so repeatedly demanded by them. The Negotiations for peace, hitherto
fruitless, showed conclusively that the Iroquois would never be reduced to terms except by
force of arms. We have already stated that the Onnontague Nation was the most mutinous
and that which ought to be first reduced. The Count had entirely divested himself of those
• Taxous. Charlevoix. ' Sic Thury. ' Edzermet De la Potherie, lit, 258. Compare Williamson, L, 642. —Ed.
C44 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
humane sentiments which still remain in the heart of a good father notwithstanding his
children's repeated faults. Severe chastisement became now necessary, mildness having been
hitherto useless; but this great remedy should not be applied except efficaciously. The
occasion was favorable, and the indispensable entrepot of fort Frontenac invited us not to
defer operations any longer. It appeared almost impossible to accomplish a voyage so difficult
and so long as that from our settlements to the Iroquois country, without having a safe place
to deposit the sick, and to store provisions and munitions of war. The experience
acquired in this campaign must prevail over the speculations of certain individuals little
instructed as to the situation of the country, and I believe there are scarcely any in Canada
endowed with the least degree of sense, who do not admit that it is impossible to dispense
with this fort in time of war; no person questions its utility in time of peace. The Intendant
had caused the necessary preparations to be commenced as early as the beginning of Winter;
nothing could be added to the care he applied to that work. M. de Calliere, as usual, kept
every thing in readiness at Montreal, and on the 16"' June the Count set out from Quebec
preceded, some days, by the Militia of that government ; by the Abenakis and by the Hurons
of Loretto.
From Three Rivers to Montreal the army proceeded in a body (en corps), and the Count and
Intendant reached the latter place on the 22°^ of June.
A canoe arrived three days afterwards, from Missilimakinac, bringing letters from Sieur de
La Motte the commandant, which contained various news, good and bad. It is necessary to
dwell somewhat on the affairs of that country. Those who will give themselves the trouble
to read this Narrative, will draw such information from it as they will think proper, and see if,
in the present conjuncture. Nations, so difficult of government, can be left to their own
discretion, without endangering the total loss of all Canada, since all the skill of those on the
spot can, with great difficulty only, divert them from their evil designs.
It was remarked, at the close of last year's Relation, that the Deputies from the Iroquois
had been received, through means of the Hurons, by the five Nations of Missilimakinac and
their allies ; their belts accepted and peace almost concluded between them.
Those Deputies set out on their return, on the 10"" of October, after a number of Councils
and other private conferences to which Sieur de La Motte was not invited. He, however,
found means to learn all that transpired from Onaske, Chief of the Kiskakons — [that various
business presents and Belts had passed] besides several merely of thanks. The principal
present was a Calumet of red stone, of extraordinary beauty and size, by which all the Lake
tribes, namely, the Outaouas and others, invite the Five Iroquois Nations to smoke the
same Calumet and, whilst smoking, to recover their senses, and to assure themselves that
Missilimakinak and their allies will remember Anick's belt; let them not on their side forget,
that this present is not made them in vain.
Anick's belt was explained by Onaske. It comes, he says, from the English through the
Iroquois and invites us to eat White meat,' and I see that, when these Deputies had left, all
the Nations had agreed to it. However, you can rely on their eating me, also.
The Indians who had been down to Montreal arrived a few days after at Missilimakinac,
and gave out that all the French were dead ; that the Quebec river was stopped up and that
we dare not make our appearance on the Great Lake, i: e. the Sea; that we had neither Wine,
' i. e., The French De La Polherie, III., 261. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: V. 045
nor Brandy nor any merchandise ; that tliey were returning with tlieir old shirts and — wliat
grieved them more — without having liad a drink.
Sieur de La Motte's embarrassment, on receipt of this intelligence, was by no means small,
but he was reassured by the arrival of a solitary P'renchman who had embarked in the Indians'
canoes, and who was entrusted with letters from the Count.
He made the most, to the Indians, of the blow which Sieur de la Durantaye had inflicted
on the Iroquois, and promised them that the scarcity of goods, which arose merely from the
delay of the ships by the winds, would not prevent the distribution among them of what
remained in the stores at Missilimakinac at the usual prices, even on credit, in order to assist
them in their winter encampments.
Had it not been for this foresight he never would have succeeded in appeasing the Indians
whom interest alone governs, and whom neither difficulty nor fatigue will ever prevent going
in quest of a cheap bargain, wherever tiiey will imagine it is to be found.
After having thus soothed them, he called them together on the 24"" of 8^" in a general
Council and thus addressed them : —
Brothers. From all time have rebellious children existed, and in all time have some been
seen to hear with joy the voice of their Father. Suspicion has spoiled the hearts of some
among you, but many have remained firm and have not wavered. I see your thought; your
endeavor to conceal it from me is vain. I speak, then, to those whose hearts waver, and who
suspected that the Governor wished to conclude peace for himself alone, without including
generally all his children in it. Let them reflect on all that has been done, and reject the evil
designs malignant spirits have induced them to adopt. See with what fury he is striking and
fighting at present; he has cast away his body — an Indian expression — and will no longer
listen to the Iroquois for whose utter destruction measures have been taken.
Behold with joy Catarokouy, i. e. Fort Frontenac; That is the Great Kettle from which
the whole world will take what it wants to keep alive the war unto the end. Be not impatient;
that Kettle has not yet boiled ; it will boil soon. Then will Onontio invite all his children to
the feast and they will find wherewithal to fill them. The tears and the submissions of the
Iroquois will be no longer received as in times past. They have overflowed the measure ;
the patience of the common father is exhausted; their destruction is inevitable.
The proud' Onnaske answered in these terms: — Brothers: I hear the words of my father;
he is fighting, he does not let the Iroquois go. I wish to imitate him ; those who are unwilling
to follow me have only to remain quiet and on their mats. It is vain for you to attempt to
divert me from my purpose ; I will execute it at the peril of my life ; I have some young
warriors who will not abandon me ; I urge no one to follow me ; let every one act as he will
think fit, and let me do as I like.
Big Head, the most influential of all the nations, spoke thus: Father, I perceive for a long
time that you are grieving at our misconduct. I have suflered from it as well as you, without
saying a word. But 'tis time to relieve you. I tell you publicly and no longer conceal my
thoughts, that if I have been, in any manner, concerned in the peace proposed to us, whilst
the Iroquois were here, it was unintentionally. You could have seen that my son Mikinac was
mourning for it; he has not washed his face, neither has he combed his hair. You will see his
face painted and his hair dressed ; his heart feels glad; he is determined on war according to
'Faithful. De la Poiherie, III, 264. —Ed.
646 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
your wishes ; 'Tis my thought ; 'tis his. Who is there on this earth that will look me in the
eyes, and find fault with what I shall do ?
As these two chiefs are the most considerable among the Nations, none other presumed to
contradict them, and all sung the same song.
Two days after, they demanded some Frenchmen to accompany them on the war-path whom
Sieur de La Motte furnished; but it was impossible to get them to start without giving them a
little Brandy to sing the War song: They even broke into some French cabins where they
thought to find a supply.
This could not be prevented, and a Commandant who is at all times greatly embarrassed to
get them to act, could never absolutely effect his purpose had he persisted in refusing them
what they so passionately love. Are they not, in like manner, but too much disposed to go iu
search of some to the enemy, if they should not procure it from us?
Onaske, despite the belts presented to him by people belonging to his own Nation, and the
considerable presents they otfered him and he obstinately refused, organized a party whereof
means were found to debauch a great number, and faction ran so high that his canoes were cut
in the night. Notwithstanding all that, he departed and at Detroit joined Mikinak, Big Head's
son, of whom we have already spoken.
The Iroquois had been hunting the whole of the winter, living on very good terms with
the Hurons.
The Outaouacs, who were there, having disposed of a quantity of goods the English had
intrusted to them, one of them had been arrested, but even he was set at liberty. The arrival
of Onnaske changed the face of affairs. Wilameck, chief of the Poutouatamis, who left his
country expressly on a war excursion, joined him with 30 of his Tribe. The Hurons gave
intelligence to the Iroquois that Onnaske, Mikinac and Wilamak were preparing to go and
attack them. On receipt of this news, they bundled up their packs and our people did not
pursue them until some days afterwards, but they made such speed, marching day and night,
that they overtook them at last. The attack was vigorous and well sustained, but most of the
Iroquois, after a rough fight, were obliged to throw themselves into the water. According to
the report of those who have been taken, over 40 warriors were drowned on this occasion.
They have brought back to Missilimakinac thirty scalps and thirty-two prisoners, men, women
and children. The plunder amounts to between 4 @ 500 beavers,' exclusive of several goods,
the remainder of what the English had given them. Some Hurons who were following the
Iroquois, were taken at the same time, and have been since given up to their own tribe.
This blow was of so much the more importance that it entirely broke up the inceptions of
peace between the Iroquois and Upper allied Nations. We are under every obligation to the
address of Sieur de La Mothe who knew how to find means to move Onaske, Big Head and
Mikinac his son. It is not probable that the English will confide their goods to the Iroquois
and employ them as their Agents, as long as they will be apprehensive that we might get our
Indians to strike similar blows, and all are of a very fickle disposition; allow themselves to be
carried away by the first gust of wind, and pass easily from one extremity to the other. The
returns they will make them for this venture will be too poor. But may we not fear, on our
side, when no one will be at Missilimakinac to take advantage of these circumstances; to
encourage good, and divert bad intentions ; to make use in fit season of firmness or presents;
that this trade so successfully interrupted in its inception will not be entirely reestablished to
' which may be valued at fifteen thousand francs. La Potherie, III., 266. — Ei>.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: V. 647
the loss of Canada ? That of the Beaver, though constituting the sole support of the Colony,
would not he the most serious. It is to be apprehended that the English and the Nations
who would abandon us, forming a common interest, may turn their arms against us; or at least,
that we should be entirely deprived of their aid against the Iroquois, the moment we should
cease to hold communication with them. What chiefs could we gain over? What intrigues
discover? And how, at three hundred leagues' distance, divert the execution of their evil
designs, when those who are present, notwithstanding all their care and application, experience
a great deal of difficulty ere they succeed ?
To believe, however, and to assure the Court, as has been done, that they come every year
in quest of our goods to Montreal, is an indication either of malice, or consummate ignorance in
regard to the Savages. Interest alone governs them; their sole desire is to live comfortably
and to be clothed. Every thing turns on these two points, and is it to be presumed that they
will undertake a voyage to Montreal of more than 500 leagues in search of their necessaries,
at a time when they will be supplied at a lower rate at home by the English or the Iroquois ?
They used to come there formerly, 'tis true ; but the road on the English side was neither
opened nor known to them, and our retreat from Missilimakinac would render it absolutely free.
That, should they continue to wage war against the Iroquois — a thing not to be expected —
they would dare totally to abandon their villages, as they used to do in the time of the ancient
fairs, and leave their wives and children at the mercy of their enemies? They would then
find themselves under an absolute necessity to make peace, and that peace would be our ruin.
It is also alleged that the French traders cause considerable injury to the people of
Missilimakinac who alone were in the habit formerly of carrying on the trade, and distributing
among the most distant Nations what they used to draw from us. That is true ; but did they
furnish any to the Nations with whom they were at variance ? Were we acquainted, in those
times, with that multitude of Allies who are more attached to us than even the Outaouaes,
and all of whom regard the King and his representatives as their Father? Missilimakinac will
still carry on the trade, but the Beaver will go to Orange. The Nations will assemble there,
but they will lose all recollection of Onontio, and in future regard only the English who will
clothe them and make them drink Brandy at discretion.
Will Missionaries be in security in their new Churches; and, how fervent soever be the
zeal with which they are animated, will they dare preach the Catholic religion in sight of
Protestants? Even though they would, will the latter permit them?
Public interests have required this digression which is long, 'tis true, but too short for the
importance of the subject. Those who read this Narrative are at liberty to make such
reflections on it as they will think fit.
Onnaske, on his return, presented the scalps and a little prisoner he had brought along, to
Sieur de La Mothe; adding, thereunto, these words: —
Father. I shall not tell you what 1 have done. The French, who have wintered at the
Saguinan, have doubtless informed you of it. I believe that you are aware that my arms, my
legs and my waist have been tied; that guns and kettles had been suspended to stop me; I
passed over them all. I listened to you Father; I have performed thy will; I have fulfilled
thy word. Retain, I request you, what you have given me. Let the warriors have some
Brandy to drink; I pledged myself that they should have some; I will not taste any of it; I
promised it to them. They did as you desired; they told you no lies; they have killed the
648 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Warriors and made no prisoners. Do not lie to them. Give them to drink. This was
the song of all the rest.
Sieur de La Mothe was under the necessity, then, of ordering ten pots of brandy to be
distributed among those who had returned from that expedition. It was but little among two
hundred men who were very dry, and unused to drink. They found means to get some [more]
from the French [so as to continue] singing through the night, but there was no disorder.
The Missionaries, however, found fault, and complained of it to Sieur de La Mothe who
answered, That the action the Indians had achieved ought to serve as their excuse; if a little
hilarity grieve you so much, how will you be able to endure the daily exposure of these
Neophytes, for whom you feel so much affection, to the excessive use of English Rum and to
the imbibing of Heresy?
Sieur d'Argenteuil, lieutenant of the troops, who had arrived last year with the Hurons
and Outaouaes when the vessels sailed, and could not return, repaired, in the month of June,
to Missilimakinac with 17 Frenchmen and the remainder of the Indians.
Sieur De La Mothe caused all the Nations to meet in Council, and declared to them that
Count de Fronlenac was preparing to march with a numerous army against the Onnontagues;
that the heavy snow had prevented him doing so in the Winter; but that the time had come
for that great Kettle which they had so often solicited; he invited them by Belts to join it,
although Count de Frontenac did not manifest great anxiety to have them. Onaske answered
first: He willingly accepted the broth his Father wished him to drink, but he could not go to
see him at Fort Frontenac because he was under the necessity of repairing his fort in order
to place his women and children under cover. The other Chiefs answered in like manner.
A few days after this Council, it became necessary to hold several others on a most
important affair. A chief of the Outaouaes du Sable named Kitchinabe organized a party of
twenty men to go against the Iroquois, and was joined by a young Huron, a son of the
Rat, the famous chief of that Nation. After several days' march, the Outaouaes met a Huron
canoe with a man, two young lads and seven women or children in it. They massacred
them remorselessly and the Rat's son shared the same fate. He [Kitchinabe] returned to
Missilimakinac bearing as a trophy the scalps he brought back, as if they had belonged to the
enemy. The Hurons entertained some suspicion of this blow, and dispatched two canoes to
collect the facts concerning it. On their return, whilst the council was sitting, six other
canoes of the same nation set out, and proclaimed that they were going in quest of the enemy
who, they said, were near. Sieur de la Mothe adjoined to them 90 Outaouaes and 20
Frenchmen, suspecting that it was quite another thing than the Iroquois that caused the
Hurons to depart. The spot was discovered where the dead, cut into pieces, had been
interred, but through the influence of the French, every thing passed off quietly.
Sieur de la Mothe made the requisite speeches and presents to soften a blow of such dangerous
consequences. The Outaouaes did the same on their side, and the Hurons referred themselves
as regarded the whole affair, to the decision of Count de Fontenac, promising to forget that
act, and not to revenge it.
The answer Onnaske and the other Chiefs gave Sieur de la Mothe that they would not be
able to join the army that was going to Onnontague, did not prevent him intriguing, and he
expected that 400 Indians at least would proceed to Fort Frontenac. But the effect of their
design was prevented by this occurrence combined with visions of some among them who
announced in their villages that the bad weather which prevailed was evidence that Jesus
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V.
649
disapproved of their going to war. It appeared very extraordinary tliat tliese Indians, who
invoke this sacred name so seldom and hold it only capriciously in veneration, should make
use of it merely to justify their disloyalty.
Such trifles are capable, sometimes, of causing the miscarriage of good designs. It is not
known by what instigation a girl of the Island of Orleans, pretty well metamorphosed into a boy,
came to present herself to Count de Frontenac two days before his departure from Quebec,
saying she had highly important news to tell him of the English of Boston whence she had
come. She was interrogated in presence of the Intendant, and said that she had witnessed the
arrival at Boston of eight men of war, four of whom had, without anchoring, proceeded to
the lower part of our river to await the English fleet which was to be composed of forty @
fifty ships that were to arrive immediately here; that Sieur d'Hiberville had been taken prisoner
at Hudson's bay, and that she assisted in burning him at Boston. She related a hundred other
extravagancies with an assurance capable of imposing, but their lack of probability caused her
to be examined more closely. Her sex was discovered, and three days afterwards she was
whipped through the town.
Her brother and sweetheart were commanded to march; that perhaps, was the sole motive
of her action, and she said she had no other. However, it is not at all likely that a girl would
have adopted so bold a trick of her own mere motion.
The. news which we stated. Count de Frontenac had received from the Outaouas obliged us
to interrupt the account we had commenced of the preparations for the Onnontague voyage.
Everything was put in readiness during his short stay in Montreal, and he set out for la Chine,
where the main army had arrived, on the 4"' of July. Ten Outaouas had arrived there on
the same day from the neighborhood of Onnontague ; they had ranged around the village a
long while without having been able to make any prisoners, and perceiving that they were
pursued by a considerable party, took refuge in Fort Frontenac. They thanked the Count
for not having deceived them, and for having saved their lives by furnishing them at that fort
wherewithal to eat and especially to smoke.
On being informed by Sieur Dejordis, a reduced Captain who was in command of that fort,
of the Count's march, they said they were going to meet him, and intended to accompany him.
6"" Provisions having been delivered to the Indians, the entire army proceeded to encamp
at Isle Perrot, and was arranged, next day, in the order of battle intended to be observed
throughout the expedition.
The Indians, to the number of 500 were so divided that the majority of them were always
with the van-guard which was composed of two battalions of Regulars consisting, each, of two
hundred men. They were followed by several detached bateaux of settlers which were
conveying the provisions and the baggage belonging to the Count, and to Mess" de Callieres,
de Vaudreuil and de Ramezay.
M. de Callieres commanded the van-guard having two larger bateaux on board which were
two brass pieces; they carried also the Commissary of artillery, and the mortars to throw
grenades, the fire-works, and other necessary munitions of war.
Next to the van-guard marched the Count surrounded by the canoes of his Staff, of Sieur
Levasseur, Engineer, and of several volunteers. The four battalions of Militia, which were
stronger than those of the regular troops, composed the centre. M. de Ramezay, governor
of Three Rivers, commanded the whole of the Militia. The rear-guard, under the command of
Vol. IX. 82
650 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
M. de Vaudreui!, consisted only of two battalions of Regulars and the remainder of the Indians
who brought up the rear.
Sieurs de La Durantaye, de Muy, de Grays and Dumesnil, veteran Captains were in command
of the four battalions of Regulars. Sieur de Subercaze acted as Major General, and there was
an adjutant to each battalion of regulars and militia. Sieur de Saint Martin a reduced Captain,
commanded the Quebec battalion; Lieutenant de Grandville that of Beaupre ; Sieur de
Grandpre, Mnjor of Three Rivers, was at the head of the Militia of that district, and Sieur
Deschambaux, Attorney-general of Montreal, commanded the battalion belonging to that
place. The only officers that remained behind were those whose infirmities prevented them
undertaking such a voyage, — and it was difficult to find any to garrison the principal posts,
where such were required.
Captain de Maricourt was at the head of the Indians of the Saut and of the Abenakis who
formed one corps.
Lieutenant Gardeur de Beauvaire,' those of the Mountain and the Hurons of Loretto;
and Lieutenant de Beaucourt,^ commanded the Algonquins, Socoquois, Nipissirinens and the
few Outaouaes present. These formed another corps.
The order of battle was not broken during the expedition, and the forces that formed the
van one day, retired on the morrow to the rear. As nearly thirty leagues of rapids were to
be surmounted, progress was very slow, and it is inconceivable how many difficulties were
encountered in making the portages, as the men were frequently obliged to unload the bateaux
several times a day of the greater portion of their freight.
Those unacquainted with the country cannot understand what we call Cascades and Saults.
Falls are often met seven @ eight feet high, over which fifty men have plenty to do to drag a
bateau ; and in the least difficult places, it is necessary to go into the water up to, and
sometimes beyond, the waist, it being impossible to stem the current even with the lightest
canoes by the aid of poles and paddles.
On the day of the departure, a portion of the army encamped above the rapid called Le
Buisson ; the remainder filed along the day following, and the rain obliged them to halt there.
9"" July. Passed the Cedars rapid.
10"" The army separated into two divisions to ascend that of Coteau du Lac ; a part went
along the North, and another portion along the South shore. The same course was pursued
next day and a junction was re-formed at the mouth of Lake S' Francis which sheet of water
is over seven leagues in length. It was crossed under sail and in the order of battle.
In the evening our Indian scouts reported that they had discovered some ascending and
descending trails. A detachment was formed of Indians and some Frenchmen to go a few
leagues ahead of the main body, and to look out for ambuscades.
12"" Before decamping, nine Abenakis joined Count de Frontenac. The Intendant and the
King's lieutenant at Quebec observed in their letters that these Indians had stated that they
learned the English were to come to Quebec. These false rumors which are but too prevalent
in these parts, did not interrupt the voyage, and the army encamped at the foot of the
Long Saut.
13"" However long and difficult, it was all passed to-day.
' De la Potherie. III., 272, and Charlevoix, 11., 168, make of this Officer two persons whom tbey designate as "La Gardeur
and de Beauvais, brothers." — Ed.
' Beraucour, De la Potherie ; Bekancourt, Charlevoix.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. 051
14"> July. Arrived at the foot of the Rapide Plat. Lieutenant de Manteth was detached with
fifty Frenchmen and Indians to make the necessary discoveries.
IS"" Came to the Rapid des Galets.
16"' After repairing several bateaux it was impossible to advance more than three leagues
above the place called La Galette,' where the difficult navigation terminates.
At tliose places where portages had to be made, several detachments used to march by land
toj)rotect those who were hauling.
l?"" The rain prevented much progress.
IS"" Proceeded to within 4 leagues of the Fort. Over twelve leagues were made to-day,
and arrived at Fort Frontenac at noon on the day following; so that of 70 leagues, the distance
from Montreal to that fort, the passage of the smooth water including the crossing of lake S'
Francis occupied only four days, and the Rapids thirty, though the latter do not constitute one-
half the navigation.
The provisions for the garrison were first landed and the interval until the 26"", when the
Outaouaes were expected to arrive, could not, it was considered, be more profitably employed
than in cutting and hauling the fire-wood necessary for the winter; the other materials for the
proposed carpentry and masonry and three barks which had been scuttled when the place was
abandoned and were drawn two feet out of water, and in raising the best of the three. But
perceiving that the Indians were not coming, and tiiat the troops after having taken some rest,
were the best disposed in the world to go to the enemy,
26"" Started and encamped on Deer Island, (lie aux chevreuils^) the Scouts keeping always
ahead of the army. Captain Du Luth was left in command of the fort, with a garrison of 40
men and the masons and carpenters necessary for the buildings which he was recommended to
urge forward. Only 26 sick were left in the fort, the most part of whom were wounded in the
legs ascending the rapids.
27"' Came within three leagues of Famine river, and on the
28"' Reached the mouth of that of the Oanontagues. Our scouts informed us they had seen
the trails of nine men.
29"" As this stream is extremely narrow, 50 scouts were detached along each bank, and the
army advanced only according to their reports. Some had discovered the trail of thirty to
forty men; others, a canoe just abandoned. Only two leagues could be made this day, and
three, the next. The Count and M. de Vaudreuil with the troops and a battalion of Militia,
occupied the Northern, and Mess" de Callieres and de Ramezay, with the remainder, passed
along the South bank.^ It would be idle to describe the rapids of this river. An idea may
be formed how difficult they are, for after marching from dawn 'till dark only five leagues
can be made in two days.
SO"" Began making the portage of all the bateaux, canoes and baggage, it being impossible
to pass the falls in any other way. Count de Frontenac who was expecting to pass on foot
like the rest, was borne in his canoe by some fifty Indians singing and uttering yells of joy.
■ Prescott, C. W.
' Which the English have named Carleton, after Lord Dorchester. Rockefoucault-Liancourt'a Travels through the United
States, &c., 4to., I., 280.
' As the Oswego river flows in a northerly, or rather a northwesterly direction, it can naturally, have only an Eastern and
Western bank. Charlevoix says Count de Frontenac took the left, which would, as the Expedition traveled, be the Eastern,
Bide of the river. — Ed.
652 ■ NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
The battalions that could not accomplish the portage passed it the next day. Made four
leagues, the way being less difficult.
1*' of August. Detached one-half the army beyond the Oneida river; they marched over
five leagues, more than knee deep in mud. Mons' de Vaudreuil and the most part of the
officers were at their head. This precaution was the more necessary as at a place called Le
Rigoh^ the stream is no more than half a pistol shot in width as far as the mouth of lake
Ganenta.^ Nothing was met this day except the descriptive drawing of our army on bark, after
the manner of the Indians, and two bundles of cut rushes, indicating that 1434 warriors were
waiting for us. We passed the Lake in the order of battle. M' de Callieres, who on that day
commanded the left, because it was exposed to the enemy, made a considerable circuit, under
pretence of landing on that side, whilst Mons' de Vaudreuil with the right hugged the shore
to clear away whatever of the enemy he might fall in with. The vigorous manner tliis
landing was effiicted, sword in hand, showed that had the enemy been met there, he could not
have long maintained his ground. M. de Vaudreuil's detachment made a circuit of half a
league, and landed at the place M. de Calliere was waiting for him. The entire army landed.
2°^. Sieur Levasseur, the Engineer, traced out a fort which was nearly completed the same
day notwithstanding the timber had to be drawn nearly half a league.
The Scouts continued actively engaged. They reported to us that they had discovered
trails, proceeding from the Village of the Onnontagues to Cayuga and Oneida, which
circumstance induced them to believe that the Women and Children had repaired thither, and
that the warriors of these two Villages had come to the assistance of their brothers.
On the same night a bright light was perceived in the direction of the Village; it was hence
concluded that they burned it; some pretended even that they fired cannon.
3^. The fort was completed tliis morning. An Outaouaes Indian named the Cat, returned
from a scout. He had some days previously accompanied a Seneca who had been taken
prisoner last winter and whose life had been spared. They at first discovered two women
whom they neglected to capture, and subsequently seized a man who was bathing with his
wife. The Outaouac wished to bind him but the Seneca opposed it, and released him on
pretence that he would bring in others. This began to make the Outaouac suspicious, but
he had still more reason to be so when the Seneca left, saying he wished to eat some new
corn, and having wandered aside for that purpose, he uttered the ordinary warning cry to
detach some young Onnontagues who would have intercepted the Outaouac, the swiftness of
whose legs saved him. Half a league was made that day.
Captain the Marquis de Crissaffy was left in the fort with Captain Desbergeres and some
other officers and 140 Militia and Regulars, to guard the bateaux, canoes, provisions and other
heavy material that could not be transported. Their loss would have absolutely caused that
of the entire army; and although every one wished to share the glory the Count was expected
to reap, the latter was of opinion that he could not leave too good officers at that post. The
other Seneca, the comrade of him just alluded to, deserted the night of the same day in order
to advise his nation of the danger which menaced the Iroquois. Inconceivable difficulty was
experienced in transporting over the swamps and two considerable streams which had to be
crossed, the cannon and the remainder of the artillery stores, having been obliged to carry
them on their carriages and parapets (epaules) which occupied a very great number of
the Militia.
' Outlet of OnonJaga Lake. Clarke' n Oiiovdnga, I., 323. " Onondaga. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. G53
We encamped at a place called the Salt Springs, which in truth they are. They produce
enough of Salt to make us wish they were near Quebec. The Cod fishery would then be very
easy in Canada.
4"" August. The order of battle was formed at sunrise, the army being in two divisions. The
first was commanded by M. de Callieres who kept on the enemy's left. The centre consisted of
two battalions of Militia and the two battalions of Regulars composed the wings; the artillery
being in the middle preceded by the two centre battalions. The major part of the Indians of
the first division had been thrown on the right wing as they desired. From time to time
forlorn hopes of the most active Indians and Frenchmen were detailed for the purpose of
scouting and to receive the first fire.
The second division was commanded by M. de Vaudreuil who placed himself on the right
wing; it was composed of an equal number of battalions of Militia and Regulars.
The Count, preceded by the cannon, was borne in a chair between the two divisions, and in
a position to place himself, whenever he thought proper, at the head, through the interval of
the two battalions of Militia of the first division.
Each battalion was only two deep and showed a very great front. Near the Count's person
were his guard, his staff, his canoe and bateau-men.
In some places, during the march, defiles and pretty large streams were met where it was
very difficult to transport the cannon, or where the order of battle was interrupted, so that we
were from sunrise 'till sunset in getting to the site of the Village, after an infinite number of
quarter wheelings and other evolutions sufficiently difficult of execution in woods.
But Major Subercaze's activity supplied every requisite ; ten others could not have effected
what he performed alone, and though he was assisted by excellent adjutants he yet considered
it his duty to be every where. This campaign furnished him an opportunity to signalize his
activity and zeal on several occasions, but as this is the principal, mention of it cannot be
avoided. No man ever executed with more promptitude than he the prudent orders issued by
the general.
Were we not apprehensive of being considered rather a panegyrist than a historian, we
would speak in suitable terms of the conduct of Mess" de Callieres, de Vaudreuil, Ramezay
and other principal officers, but the confidence the King reposes in them is a sufficient proof
that he deems them worthy of the posts they occupy in this country, and it is unnecessary to
enlarge in their praise to demonstrate that they are truly so. His choice alone justifies it.
The wigwams of the Indians and the triple pallisade around their fort was found entirely
burnt. It has since been ascertained that it was in a tolerably strong state of defence. It was
an oblong, flanked by four regular bastions. The two rows of stockades that touched each
other were of the thickness of an ordinary mast, and outside, at a distance of six feet, stood
another row of much smaller dimensions, but between 40 and 50 feet in height.
If the flight of the Indians saved the army the trouble of forcing them in their fortifications
by trenches, as had been determined, having all the necessary tools, it robbed it also of the
glory of entirely destroying them. But it must not be expected that Indians will ever stand
against a considerable opposing force. The expense attendant on this expedition must not,
however, be regretted.
Some alarms occurred on the night after arriving, and a soldier on duty at an outpost was
wounded by our people.
5'\ Early in the morning arrived two Squaws and a child belonging to the Mountain near
Montreal, who had been a long time prisoners. They told us that they had fled five days ago,
654 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
with the other women and children, who were withdrawn on the report of our approach.
Another aged woman was captured in the woods ; she was unable to follow, and our soldiers
broke her skull. In the afternoon a Frenchman, a prisoner among the Oneidas arrived with
an Indian. They brought from that nation a Belt whereby they solicited peace from Count
de Frontenac. He sent them back immediately, and promised them peace on condition that
they would come and settle with their families among us, assuring them that they should
receive lands and sufficient seed. He added, if their wives and children were not ready,
that they should bring five of the most influential of their chiefs as hostages ; that the
army would follow without delay, in order to oblige them by force to submit to the conditions
imposed on them.
7"" August. On the next morning a young Frenchman who had been seven years a prisoner
among the Onnontagues arrived in the camp. He had escaped from those who were out, the
night preceding, on the scout, and reported that the enemy had retired with their families twenty
leagues from their fort, having scouts continually around in order to fly further off, if pursued.
He added, that a great number would, probably, perish, having fled in such haste that
they took with them scarcely any corn, some caches of which they hurriedly made, and
that they already began to want.
Almost all these caches were discovered; the grain and the rest of the plunder, consisting
of kettles, guns, hatchets, stuffs, belts and some peltries, were pillaged by our Frenchmen
and Indians.
The destruction of the Indian corn was commenced the same day, and continued on the two
following. The grain was so mature that the stalks could be cut without difficulty by blows
of the sabre and sword, without the least fear that any could sprout again. Not a single head
remained standing.
The fields extended from a league and a half to two leagues from the fort. The destruction
was complete. A lame girl was found concealed under a tree, and her life was spared.
An old man, also taken prisoner, did not experience the same fate. The Count's intention,
after having interrogated him, was to grant him his life on account of his great age ; but the
Indians who had taken him and to whom he was given up, were so excited that it was not
deemed prudent to dissuade them from the desire they felt to burn him. He had, no doubt,
prepared himselfduring his long life to die with firmness, however cruel the tortures he should
have to endure. Not the slightest murmur escaped his lips; on the contrary, he exhorted those
who tormented him to remember his death, in order that they may display similar courage
when those of his nation should revenge his murder on them. And when a Savage, weary of
his harangues, gave him some cuts of a knife; "I thank thee," he said, " but thou oughtest
rather complete my death by fire. Learn French dogs! [how to suffer,'] and ye Savages, their
allies, who are dogs of dogs, remember what you have to do when you will occupy a position
similar to mine."
Such sentiments as these will possibly be considered as ebullitions of ferocity rather than of
true valor; but there are heroes among barbarians as well as among the most polished nations,
and what would be brutality among us, may pass for virtue in an Iroquois.
Q"" M. de Vaudreuil returned from Oneida at 8 o'clock in the morning. He had departed on
the morning of the 6"" with a detachment of six to seven hundred of the most active of the
whole army, Regulars, Militia and Indians. Under him were Captains de Louvigny and de
'^Dela Potherie, III., 279. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. 655
Linvilliers; Mess" Desjordis and Dauberville, reduced Captains; Soulange and de Sabrevois
lieutenants of infantry and several other subaltern officers. Lieutenant de Vliledenay acted
as his aid-de-camp.
As very great diligence was required, they did not march in as exact order as the army,
M. de Vaudreuil contented himself with causing some scouts to march about a quarter of a
league in advance, and he placed on the wings, between the scouts and the main body,
a detachment of 50 as a forlorn hope, commanded in turn by a lieutenant. They arrived
before sundown, on the same day, within a league of the Village, and would have pushed
even further if the convenience of camping on the bank, of a beautiful river had not invited
them to halt.
They were at early dawn within sight of the Village, and as they were about to enter the
fields of Indian corn, they met Deputies from the entire Tribe.
Who requested M. de Vaudreuil to halt, fearing that our Indians would spoil their crops,
assuring him they would execute in good faith the orders the Count had given their first delegate.
Determined on his side to obey punctually the commands he had received, M. de Vaudreuil
told them it was useless to think of preserving their grain, as according to the promise of
[Onontio] their father, they should not want for any thing when settled among us ; that,
therefore, he should cut it all down; that their fort and wigwams would not be spared, either,
as some were quite ready for their reception.
He found in this Village only 25 @ 40 persons, almost all having fled at the sight of this
detachment; the most influential chiefs, however, had remained. M. de Vaudreuil permitted
two or three men to go after these fugitives to endeavor to bring them back.
On entering the Village, a young French woman was discovered who had just arrived from
the Mohawk ; she reported that that nation and the English to the number of 300, were
preparing to come and attack us. A Mohawk who had deserted from the Saut last winter —
the same who had given intelligence of the proposed attack against his Tribe — was taken
whilst roving around the village. He said, he had come there intending to surrender himself
to us, which it was pretended to believe. An eye was kept on him, notwithstanding. He
confirmed the report of the young French woman.
Another Indian, also of the same Tribe, but who had been captured with a party of our
people belonging to the Saut where he resided, assured M. de Vaudreuil that the English and
the Mohawks had, in fact, set about coming; that several of the former had moved out of
Orange, but that they had contented themselves with remaining some hours outside on parade
and had returned; that general consternation prevailed among the one and the other.
This last news caused M. de Vaudreuil's detachment as much regret as the first had afforded
joy. It was received with a thousand yells of satisfaction, particularly by the Abenakis who
said that they required only knives and hatchets to destroy the English ; it was useless to burn
powder on such a set.
M. de Vaudreuil had resolved to await them in the woods without shutting himself up in the
fort, which he left on the eighth, between nine and ten o'clock in the morning, after seeing
it burnt and the corn entirely cut.
He came the same night and encamped within two leagues of Onnontague. The celerity of
his movements cannot be too highly praised, since he occupied only three days in going,
returning and executing what he had to do, although from one Village to the other was fourteen
good leagues through the woods, with continual mountains and a number of rivers or large
656 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
streams to be crossed. He was, therefore, not expected so soon, and the Count was agreeably-
surprised to see him return in so short a time with 35 Oneidas, among whom were, as we
have stated, the principal chiefs of the Tribe, and four of our French prisoners.
But we are accustomed in Canada to see him perform so many gallant acts, and he has the
King's service so much at heart, that those acquainted with him will not be surprised at this,
however extraordinary it be.
The Mohawk deserter was burnt before the departure of the army, which encamped, on the
same day, midway to the Fort where the bateaux had been left. Some Indians having remained
behind in the hope of finding more plunder, received the fire of a small party ; three of them
were killed without the enemy daring to advance near enough to scalp them.
10"' August. Reached, and destroyed this fort.
11"' The army encamped below the Portage; and on the
12'\ at ten o'clock in the morning, on Lake Frontenac at the mouth of the river.
It was time to quit that river, and if the waters had been as low as they are, usually, in the
month of August, a portion of the bateaux would have to be, of necessity, abandoned. A very
violent gale from the West detained the army until the
14"" Though not altogether calm, ten leagues were made to-day under sail notwithstanding
we did not leave until noon.
The navigation is pretty dangerous for canoes and bateaux ; the waves extraordinarily high,
and the landing very difficult, there being numerous shoals in some places, and in others head
lands against which the billows dash to a stupendous height. We camped in a river where
the wind was less violent, and next day
16"" Arrived at Fort Frontenac.
16"" The Militia and Regulars were engaged hauling fire-wood into the fort, and in cutting
and transporting what was needed for the planks and boards that were required.
The masons who were left there had erected, during the Count's absence, a building of 120
feet along one of the curtains, not so high, on that side, as the parapet. The carpentry work
is put up, and along the garret is a range of loop holes as in the remainder of the fort. This
long building contains a chapel, the officers' quarters, a bakery, and some stores at present
filled with provisions for the subsistence of the garrison for more than eighteen months,
exclusive of refreshments and necessaries for Indian parties which will happen to pass there.
The two pieces of artillery employed in the campaign and a quantity of grenades were
left there.
17"" The army rested.
IS"" Came to camp at La Galette ; and on the
IQ"" In Lake Saint Francis. On the same day, the enemy attacked some canoes of our
people who found means to precede us. One of ours was drowned ; one wounded : the
enemy lost three men, and could not be captured by a detachment sent in pursuit of them,
20"" Arrived at Montreal. Some bateaux upset in descending the Rapids, and three of the
Militia were drowned. We were obliged to make good to the others, whatever arms and
baggage they had lost by upsetting.
The Narrative of this campaign might be extended to greater length, but as we should be
obliged to make use of terms unknown to those unacquainted with Canada, this slight sketch
was considered sufficient.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. 657
It would have been more advantageous to the King's arms, and more glorious to Count de
Frontenac, had the Onnontagues adhered to their original design ; it would have, no doubt,
cost the lives of some brave fellows, as the Iroquois do not fight witii impunity. There might
have been between six @ seven hundred men in their fort, including those who had come to
reinforce them, scarcely any of wliom would have escaped ; but their loss did not fail to
be considerable. After M. de Denonville's campaign in the Seneca country, we know the
difficulty to subsist that Nation experienced for several years. The Iroquois were powerful
and are since diminished. Assistance from the English, particularly in provisions comes
forward less abundantly. Wheat is wortli as much as twenty-five francs the minot^ at Orange ;
the pound of powder a pistole. Lead and other articles are, indeed, cheaper than with us.
The Mohawks have very little Indian corn ; the Oneidas are ruined, and it is impossible to
say whether the Seneca will not recollect the high price the Onnontagues placed on provisions
at the time of his discomfiture, inasmuch as he was obliged to give most valuable belts
for supplies.
The Cayugas, only, remain capable of succoring their neighbors ; and it is not known
whether they alone will suffice for that purpose.
Their hunting and fishing will doubtless, be interrupted by diflerent small parties now in
the field. In fine, it is certain that by continuing the war as it has been begun, and as Count
de Frontenac determined, the Iroquois will be reduced to the necessity of perishing of hunger,
or of accepting peace on such conditions as we shall conclude to impose; and should they
continue, as they appear, almost invincibly obstinate in their hostility towards us, we should
not despair of reducing them if this blow, struck without the participation of our Upper Allies,
and which they thought could not be done without them, could put courage into the latter and
engage them to make as great efforts on their part, as we have on ours. It will be easy to
urge them to it as long as the French remain at Michilimakinac and other posts, but when the
fatal moment for the return of our people shall have arrived, and the Indians see themselves
abandoned, the little good-will they might have entertained towards us will be at once terminated.
Perhaps they will be considerably cooled down even this fall, seeing neither powder, nor
ball, nor goods arriving in their country. How are they to be persuaded to wage war, if
not furnished with the means ? How complete the destruction of the Iroquois without their
aid, should they withdraw to a distance from us, and retire into the woods?
Count de Frontenac learnt, on bis arrival, that an Onnontague who had been taken at the
fort at the upper end of the Island of Montreal had committed suicide in prison.
22"** August. Thirteen Algonquins brought in two Mohawk scalps, and one woman and two
girls prisoners.
Seven Indians belonging to the Saut and the Mountain, who had separated from M. de
Vaudreuil at Oneida, brought in one of that Nation a prisoner who was burnt at Montreal.
Some small parties of the enemy appeared along the south shore, but did not make any
attack, and the harvest was saved very quietly.
25"' The Count on returning to Montreal, also received news from France, which came both
by way of Acadia and by the ship le Vespe.
The King's orders were to the effect that Sieur d'Iberville should be furnished with SO
Canadians and some officers, so as to proceed to Placentia, which was done ; and if le Vcspe
did not leave as soon as she ought, the blame must be attached to those whom Sieur d'Iberville
' A measure equal to three Bushels. — Ed.
Vol. IX. 83
658 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
employed to dispatch her; as the detachment put on board her, was fifteen days waiting at
Quebec until private business had been arranged.
Sieur d'Iberville would have wished to have only Canadians, but it would have taken much
more time to muster them; and the two soldiers per company that have been furnished him,
are capable of any undertaking with the officers that have been placed at their head.
Private letters received by the Count from Sieur de Villebon, commander at Acadia, and
from Sieurs d'Iberville and de Bonaventure, state that the two last had captured, at the mouth
of the river Saint John, an English frigate carrying twenty-four guns and eighty men, after a
fight of two hours, without the loss of a man on our side.
She was accompanied by another of thirty-six guns, the same with which Sieur de la
Bonaventure had fought the preceding year, and which would have certainly been captured
had the fog not separated our vessels, as she did not dare to stand more than two volleys from
our guns.
The provisions for the fort on the river S' John were landed, and orders issued to the Indians
to repair to fort Pemkuit.
The two men of war rEnoieux and la Profonde with [the prize^] Newport proceeded to
Pentagouet where [repairs] having been completed and the King's presents distributed among
the Indians, they embarked to the number of two hundred and forty under the command of
Sieur de Saint Castin, along with twenty-five Regulars detached from Sieur de Villieu's
company, with their Captain and Sieur de Montigny, his lieutenant. They anchored on the 14"*
of August before Pemkuit. Sieur d'Iberville summoned the fort at once to surrender; the
commander refused to do so. Two field pieces and two mortars were landed ; the batteries
completed in a short time, and the assailants contented themselves with throwing four shells,
which were fired even over the fort.
They were next summoned and told peremptorily that they should receive no quarter if
they persisted in depending on circumstances. They accepted M. d'Iberville's offers to go out
with their clothing only on condition of being sent back to Boston and exchanged for French
Indians and Abenakis who might happen to be prisoners there.
Sieur de Villieu took possession of the fort. An Abenaki, taken at the same time as
Edzerimet, was killed, as we have already informed you. The garrison consisted of ninety-
two men, exclusive of some women and children. There were in this fort fifteen pieces of
artillery. The muskets and other munitions of war were abandoned to the Indians as an
indemnity for the losses this fort had caused them.
Its capture afforded them great joy, and it were desirable if, as certain people pretend, it could
protect the French fishermen on the coast of Acadia and the river of Canada, and prevent the
parties who may make inroads on our south shore, whether Englishmen, Loups or Iroquois.
This would be somewhat like the observation, that his Majesty's conquests in Piedmont secure
those of Catalonia. The result of the exchange of prisoners is waited for.
8"" September. The Count prepared to leave Montreal and on the
12"" Arrived at Quebec.
IS"" The Canada fleet commanded by M. Des Ursins, anchored at that place. He fell in
with Sieur de la Valliere in the frigate la Bovffonne and with the Brigantine at the islands
of Kaouy2 on the 26"' of August after having cruised in the gulf and throughout the river,
' Hutchinson, II., 92 ; Charlevoix. — Ed. • Canary f
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V.
[Since his] departure he met only one of the enemy's ships between
tlie Islands of Percee and Bonaventure. She first appeared inclined to approach him, but he
gave her chase for several hours without being able to overtake her, his ship making no
headway. He reached Quebec with the remainder of his fleet on the same day.
Mr. de Lagny to M. de Pontchartrain.
Plan of an Expedition against Boston and Manatte, presented to tlie Minister.
Paris 20"" January 1697.
My Lord,
I have arranged, in conjunction with M. de Chenvy, the annexed Memoir for the execution
of the project that I submitted, by your order. The knowledge we possess of its contents,
especially in regard to places, has been furnished by officers of experience when it was
formerly designed to put this expedition on foot; that regarding Boston in particular, by
M"" de Menneval, Governor of Port Royal, who after his capture resided there a considerable
time at full liberty, possessing the confidence of M' Dungan and M"" Nelson at whose house
said M'' de Menneval lodged ; so that he saw and examined every thing.
The arrangement for its execution is entirely M""de Chenvy's who has served a long time in
France and abroad, with the reputation of an able infantry officer.
I have taken the liberty to submit this project to you, My Lord, because M. d'Iberville
drew it up during the voyage he made last year to Acadia for the capture of Pemkuit.
The confidence entertained by Sieur D'Iberville in this expedition might create the idea that
it would be more certain in his hands than in those of the best naval officers unacquainted with
those parts, and that what would appear easy to the first, would, possibly, appear monstrous
to them. It is not so certain that the latter would agree with the Canadians and Indians. If
he could be dispensed with at Hudson's bay, he might be appointed only second in command
on board the fleet with such admiral as you would select, who, in such case, would not land for
the attack. M'' de Vaudreuil on the one, and M'' d'Iberville on the other side, might command
the two attacks; but as there is no one for Hudson's bay but the latter, he can be replaced in
some sort, as far as the Indians are concerned, for Sieur de S' Castin may be expected to do
that, and you will doubtless find. My Lord, among the many brave men belonging to your
Navy, a suitable commander of the fleet.
The views that originally directed attention to New England and New York were suggested
by the proposition submitted by Chevalier de Callieres, when here in 1689, to the late Marquis
de Seignelay for the attack of New-York, which, owing to circumstances, could not then
be executed.
Sieur de la Motte Cadillac, a gentleman of Gascony who had previously served in France,
then a resident in Acadia and at present Captain in Canada and commandant at Missilimakinac
was, at the time, here. He had frequented all parts of those coasts; returned thence in 16S9,
and on the representation of M. de Frontenac and Chevalier de Callieres, was afterwards
invited to attend a conference for the consideration of these expeditions, the execution whereof
G60 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
it was considered proper to postpone until iiis Majesty could dispose of the necessary number
of ships and men, without affecting designs then of advantage to his service. The propriety of
attacking New-York and New England in the same campaign was considered; a good infantry
Officer and an effective force of Regulars for a landing party were to be granted, all to act in
concert with Canada and the forces of that country.
As regards the Eng- Chevalier dc Callieres was to proceed from Canada against Orange with at least
lish and the Iro- ,,.,,,/., i
quois,it appears to two thousand uicn, to occupy that slightly defended post.
persons conversant ' •' o j i
rte'' iayatian "of He was to leave five hundred at Orange, and proceed thence by, or along the
bie^llfairX^desI river that leads to Manhatle in order to attack the latter place in conjunction with
to"tbe'canada^torIe8° the sca forccs and a landing party of five hundred men; a plan whereof was
drawn up, which we have not yet been in a position to execute.
I am under the necessity, My Lord, to report these facts to you in answer to the order I
received from you on the idea you entertained of attacking New -York also.
I do not think. My Lord, that that can be effected with four vessels separated from the four
others intended for the expedition against Boston. The [two] thousand men from Canada are
necessary to both; and the cooperation of that country as well as the season of the year, are
matters for consideration. I maturely considered these points when I had the honor to submit
the Memoirs respecting Boston to you, and to propose to you, My Lord, the sending precise
orders to Canada for the arrangement in advance of matters there so as to proceed to Orange
early in the spring, and to Manhatte next year at the time the fleet arrives there.
Nevertheless it must be admitted that there would be more certainty for both expeditions
were the largest forces combined. The only question is regarding the season. That in which
we now are, admits of no plan except to commence with Boston and proceed thence to Manatte,
because to return in order to be embayed in the harbor of Boston at the north, at an advanced
season, is out of the question, whilst, were the fleet to sail in good season from Boston
southerly to Manatte when the sea is in the finest order, it would admit of more time for those
expeditions and for other convenient arrangements.
by the Wherefore, My Lord, in order to respond to your wishes, I am of opinion that
only fifty ^teigues by leaving France and Canada a little earlier than the time indicated for the
Boston project, these two enterprises could be executed with the eight ships,
if you think proper; and the remainder, after you have examined what I am about
to propose to you for that purpose.
Map,
frum Manatte" bj
and Long '.
Bity of doubling
Cape Mallebarre or
Cod, { which juta
very far out,) in rp^ ,„;(.
order to reach the 10 Wit:
Kow-York Coast
Monhaite To dlspatch the news-boat for Pentagouet at latest on the IS"" of February;
the sooner the better. Its arrival there may be expected towards the end of
March, or, at farthest, in the fore part of April, and the orders would most assuredly be received
at Quebec direct from Pentagouet, and even the duplicate from the River Saint John, in
all April.
Were a second news-boat dispatched for greater certainty, which is necessary in an affair of
this consequence, the delay, or failure of the first would still allow to the first of May at
fiirthest for the arrival of the orders at Quebec; six weeks at least for the Canada preparations,
so as to leave there on tiie fifteenth of June at the latest, and arrive at Pentagouet.
It would be, likewise, necessary that the fleet sail from the ports of France precisely on the
first of May at farthest, and if possible on the 20"' of April, in order to arrive at Mount Desert
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. GGl
Bay, which is the Pentagouet roadstead, where it would meet the troops from Canada and the
Indians from Acadia, so as to leave there for Boston in the beginning of July. The execution
Theyconid leaveBos- of the enterprise may be calculated on in all July, and that tiie fleet would be
ton probably I'arlier i j Jk
thanihe loih of Au- gt liberty to sail for Manatte about the 10''' of August at the farthest.
seei '"'^acdden "^'ife Previous to Starting for Manatte the fleet would assist the Canadians and
Souw deia'in''"ti'ie Indians in the reduction of Salem and other places along the coast, as far as
zuK'septe^bera! Piscatoe, which is the last place on this seaboard inhabited by the English, our
latest, il is the opin- ^ jo
ion that it would not indjans having destroyed all the others.
be proper to proceed ^ •'
that tto?"'^n ^hai Piscatoe Is the point for the reembarkation of the Canada forces, and for the
go''w'rMacen't'ato"'(^ dismissal of the Acadian Indians, who would return in safety in their canoes
take and reflt it in , ^
case the enemy may tO PeUtagOUet.
have captured it. '
Should the enei
: still there, and My
fa
In regard to the Canada forces, two ways are open for their return ; One, by
conveying them back to Pentagouet, where they would have left their canoes;
the other, to go back by the river as far as Orange, as would be found most convenient.
In the latter case, orders might be sent to M. de Frontenac to go, or dispatch another party
of troops from Canada as far as the neighborhood of Orange, to meet those that might be on
the Manhatte expedition in order to form a junction with them, and to drive the English from
Albany. This would entirely disconcert the Iroquois to whom Orange serves as a retreat.
Although the fortifications of Manhatte, on the land side, are bad, and it was so admitted at
the time the expedition was discussed, the latter is, nevertheless, more difficult than that
against Boston ; that is to say, it requires more art and skill. In other respects, the dispositions
of the attack by land and sea are. nearly similar. There is hard by an unfortified island to
be occupied; shells can be thrown from it into the fort and town. The landing can also be
effected from the river above the fort. A sketch of the attacks, similar to that which is sent
for Boston, will be annexed to M" de Chenvy's and my Memoir and to the plans.
When the attack of New-York was projected, il was proposed to embark a superior Infantry
Officer. Sieur de Villebon, who is acquainted with Manatte, could be had at Acadia. Sieur
The second news- Baptistc who has lived a long time at Boston and who is acquainted with
foT Baptistel 'it Manatte, could be taken on board. He is a very good sailor, and a brave man.
spot at his Majesty's Four or fivc good Acadlau pilots could likewise be calculated on; Sieur de
expanse ; and he *-" *
K'ln that^Tes^ei! Villebon might be instructed to have them come to the river S' John in advance.
furecanbe^egarTd" The expedition against Manatte deserves particular consideration and is of
as well qualitled for « . ^ , /-^ i i ■ i
these two expedi- more importance as regards Canada exclusively.
of™Breda in "ex- The desigu agaiust Boston has special objects as regards Canada in general,
wS" 'the^'Dme™ and for the preservation of Acadia in particular, and the establishments to be
had taken from the -i /> , i , -, . . ^ .,. , r i n
English. necessarily founded there. Its execution is of greater utility than [that otj
Manatte, and of infinitely more importance for the State and of incalculable injury to old
England and to all the Western and Southwestern Colonies.
But were both designs executed, it is thought that no other enterprise can be of the same
consequence to the State.
662 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
I should have been well pleased, My Lord, could 1 have explained myself more concisely,
with a view to the economy of your time which I always bear in mind. Be pleased to permit
me to request you to accept my good-will and most ardent desire to deserve, by my unreserved
fidelity and attachment, the honor of your confidence and protection.
(signed) de Lagny.
M. de Pontcliartraiii to Count de Frontenac.
Versailles, 2S"' of April 1697.
Sir,
I am in receipt of your long letter of the 25"' of October, and of the others. I read to the
King the one you had sent me for his Majesty, who has expressed himself entirely satisfied
with your expedition against the Iroquois of Onontague and Oneida, and with your whole
conduct. He hopes that by applying yourself, as you have invariably done, to the execution
of his orders, you will experience still greater success, and that you will reduce the Iroquois
sue for peace. I shall take the liberty on the favorable dispositions his Majesty has manifested
in your regard, to remind him of your services on occasions which will possibly offer to
reward them.
You are not to regard the nomination of regular officers to vacant commissions as any want
of his Majesty's confidence. He has reserved such appointments to himself every where as
well as in Canada.
On the contrary, you may be assured that he would pay great regard to your
recommendations in favor of those you will propose. Meanwhile he approves the choice you
made before the knowledge of his orders, of Sieur Du Luth to command the company vacant
by the death of Chevalier de Crisaffy.
Although his Majesty admit the serious disorders in the use of the licenses he has thought
proper to be issued for the purpose of trading with the Outawas and others, he cannot impute
any to you, and had'nt you in view when he resolved to suppress those licenses and all sorts
of permits, without any exception, for the transportation of merchandise to, or carrying on any
sort of trade in, the interior of the country. His Majesty's declaration to that effect, and for
the return of all the Coureurs de hois, has been issued as the sole practical remedy to put a
speedy stop to the war and accomplish his Majesty's views for the firm establishment of the
Colony and its commerce.
I informed you, last year, that in order to confirm him more strongly in the principle always
kept in view — to prevent carrying on trade beyond the limits of the Colony — his Majesty-
had taken tlie advice of all those who were best acquainted with Canada and its history, since
the French penetrated into that country. The suppression of this trade which has been subject
to deplorable consequences, will restore the Indians to the custom they formerly had of
bringing their Peltries down to the Colony, with more benefit to themselves and greater
advantage to the people of the Colony. I shall not repeat to you any thing his Majesty has
explained to you in his orders and in those of preceding years. The best means of keeping
the Upper Nations divided and at war with the Iroquois, is for the French not to disturb the
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. 663
former in their trade with those Nations that are beyond them. The English do not go to
trade into the interior. They leave that to the Indians, and have always waited For them
at New- York and New England, as was their practice at Fort Bourbon whilst in possession at
that post. We have had proof that the private interest of those who follow and prosecute this
internal trade; whether those who go thither and those who employ people on their own
account, or those who advance goods to them; whether officers of the Regular army and others
who participate in it personally and otherwise, would foment objections and complaints. It
scarcely appears possible that the Coureurs de bois could return to this mischievous trade, if
pains had been taken, as was your duty, to deprive them of the means of so doing, and to
execute the Ordinance issued by his Majesty ; and if any wished to retire to the English, they
would not find any more profitable employment there than in Canada, and would have to
settle with the Iroquois on their road.
I cannot add any thing to what is contained in his Majesty's Memoir respecting the posts
of Missilimakinac, the Miamis, and Fort Frontenac, which his Majesty has been graciously
pleased to preserve on your Remonstrances, unless it be that you cannot take too many
precautions to assure yourself that no trade will be carried on there, either directly or
indirectly, and to avoid the recurrence of any complaint to his Majesty in tliis regard.
I have been obliged to enter into some details with M. de Champigny respecting tiie remarks
made on the expenditures contained in the accounts and estimates he has transmitted, in order
that he apply himself to their retrenchment and reduction. I request you to bestow, likewise,
your attention and to extend all the facilities In your power to aid iiim therein to the end tiiat,
by a more strict economy, you may have more means to wage a vigorous war against the
enemy. You will see that his Majesty refers himself to you for the manner in which you are to
prosecute the war. I shall only add here, that if the results you anticipate from the expedition
you organized for the purpose of attacking with the greatest part of the forces of your
government, the Onontague and Oneida settlements, have not been commensurate with your
expectations, you will have to consider as regards similar undertakings, whether, not being
able to keep them a secret, the enemy will not again fly before you, as they already have done,
without it being in your power to derive any advantage from such expedition.
It is well for you to examine whether it would not be easier to attack the Iroquois in the
neighborhood of Orange, more especially as, in addition to the evil that might be inflicted on
them, there would be an opportunity to do some damage to the English.
I communicate these observations to you, in order not to omit mentioning every thing to
you, being well assured that you will adopt the best measures.
Until his Majesty have it in his power to bestow on you more marked proofs of the
satisfaction he entertains of your services, he has granted you his Military Order of S' Louis,
and you will find herewith his permission to you to wear its Cross.
His Majesty not being disposed to appoint any new Commissaries of the Navy (Commissaires
de Marine) nor to grant any such commission except to persons who have taken the degrees, I
will have not been able to procure the appointment of M. de Monseignat, your secretary.'
You will find me disposed, when occasion will present, to be serviceable to him on your
recommendation.
' See note, supra, p. 491.
664 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
The interest you take in Sieur de Bonnaventure whom you recommended again in your last
despatches, has obliged me to direct his Majesty's attention particularly to his services ; and he
has been pleased to bestow on him a commission of Captain of a Cutter (fregate legere).
In the choice his Majesty leaves to you to accompany the Boston expedition as commander
of the attack, I have to request of you to consider your health and the state of your strength
above all things relating to his service.
Narrative of the most remarkahle Occurrences in Canada. 1696, 1697.
An Account of the most remarkable Occurrences in Canada, from the departure
of the Vessels in 1696 to the 15"' of October 1697.»
The first news received immediately after the sailing of the ships last year came from Sieur
de Villebon, commandant of Acadia, who sent an account of what took place at fort Nachouat^
on the river Saint John, and how six or seven hundred Englishmen from Boston, or Indians
their allies, had made a fruitless attack on tliat fort. We shall not dwell further on this
action, Sieur de Villebon having taken care to inform the Count of the particulars thereof.
He learned, a few days after the departure of the enemy from his fort, that they had been
at Chigniton, or Beaubassin, and had carried off and pillaged, all the movables belonging to
several settlers who confided in their promise, burning the houses of those that had fled into
the woods, and killing all their cattle that they could catch, although a treaty of Neutrality
had been signed between the poor people and the Governors of Boston.
It was nearly in [the same] good faith that the commander of the frigate, which came last
year to Pentagouet to afiect an exchange of the prisoners taken at Pemaquid by Sieur
d'Iberville, made himself master of Sieur de Villieu who had been left there to execute that
exchange, and of twenty-two soldiers and other Frenchmen who accompanied him.^
Sieur de Villieu is not to be accused of having allowed himself to be taken by his own fault;
for though he should have accepted the English Commandant's offer of a passport for eight
days, he would have required many more to go, coastwise, from his place of departure to the
river Saint John, in a boat full of people and which dared not go far from the shore; besides, his
passport would be useless to him after the expiration of the term, and would not have obliged
the English any longer to respect the Law of Nations which they have absolutely violated in his
regard ; they have detained him in a very confined prison, and allowed him no communication
with any person whomsoever, unless what Sieur de Villebon might have written them, and the
reprisals with which they were threatened had caused them to relax somewhat before this.
Whether the communication Count de Frontenac has since sent them by some Englishmen who
' Embodied in Letter VIII., of 3d Vol. of La Potherie's Hiatoire de VAmerique Septentrionale.
'Fort Naxouat ( note, mpra, p. 648) was besieged by Colonel Hawthorne with a force from Massachusetts on the 18th
October, 1696, who, two days after, found himself obliged to raise the siege. Hutchinson, II., 94, 96; Charlevoix, 11., 182-186.
" Charlevoix Hisloire de la Nnuv. France, II., 181, 182, mistakes Villebon for Villieu, and finding the former soon after at
the river St. John defending his fort, takes it for granted that he must have been released by the English, whose prisoner he
had not been. Hutchinson, II., 91. Relying on the correctness of Charlevoix, the mistake is copied in note, supra, p. 240. — Ed-
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. 665
were taken at sea, and forwarded to New-York, will be productive of any better effect, remains
to be seen.
It became necessary, immediately after the departure of the fleet, in consequence of the
excessive price the farmers put on the wheat, to fix the rate of it at 4'' 10 sous country currency
per minot. It was, nevertheless, impossible for M' de Calieres to find means to subsist all the
companies that were to winter in his government, and he caused the less efficient in each of
them to be detached to Quebec and Three Rivers.
Meanwhile so great a scarcity of grain prevailed throughout the whole of Canada, that it
would have been almost impossible to send out any considerable party on the ice, as had been
proposed. The project was entirely abandoned on the arrival of thirty or forty Oneidas who
were preceded some days by Tatahsissere of their Nation who has been for a long time at the
Sault. They arrived on the fifth of February' at Montreal and were very kindly received.
They presented several Belts which did not say much ; merely that they have performed the
promise they gave their father Onontio to come and settle on his lands ; that if the whole
nation has not come, 'twas because they were prevented by the Onnontagues and Mohawks
who retained them right and left ; but on the first message from Onnontio, they will not fail
coming to Montreal.
They demand by another Belt to be furnished with land and help to cut down the timber
in one particular spot where they can form a village, so that the name of Oneida may be
preserved, and that they have the same Missionary; that is, Father Millet,^ a Jesuit, who is
actually with them.
They represent, in private conversation, that the Onontagues were hunting on the river of
the Andastes^ within three or four leagues of their ancient village ; that the English had made
them some presents, to console them for their losses, and that they were saying they intended
to return for the purpose of planting their fields which we had laid waste last year.
The Chief of the Oneidas requested to return to the rest of his Tribe for the purpose of
informing them of the cordial reception he had experienced, and of bringing them down
with him.
Two Mohawks arrived at Montreal in the middle of February, with M"*"" Salvaye and
her daughter, who had been taken in the course of the preceding summer at Sorel, and to
whom the .governor of Manatte had given a passport and these two Indians as guides. They
presented two Belts to M. de Frontenac at Quebec.
' Rev. Pierre Milet arrived in Canada in 1667, and was sent the following year to Onondaga where he received the Indian
name of Teharonhiagannra, or The looker up to Heaven. He was removed to Oneida in 1671 and labored there until 12
July 1684, when he left and joined De la Barre on Lake St. Francis on 1st of August At the request of the Marquis de
Denoaville, he was appointed Chaplain to Fort Frontenac in 1685, where he acted as interpreter in 1687; and in 1688
succeeded de Lamberville as Chaplain of the fort at Niagara. He returned to Fort Frontenac in 1689, and being lured outside
the pallisades to attend a dying Indian, was taken prisoner by the Oneidas, and his life saved only by having been adopted by
one of the Squaws. During his captivity, the English made many efforts, though in vain, to get him in their power, for which
purpose Governor Fletcher sent Dirk Wesaels to Oneida; Father Milet continued in captivity until the fall of 1694, when he
returned to Quebec. He asked again to return as Missionary to those Indians but the aspect of the times did not admit it.
Charlevoix who was in Canada from 1705 to 1722 "lived several years with" Milet and speaks of him in terms of high
esteem. — Ed.
' The Susquehanna. See supra, note 2, p. 227.
Vol. IX. 84
666 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
By the first they asked what was Onnontio thinking of, and whether the road which formerly
led from the Mohawk to him was entirely closed. This Belt was presented in the name of
the entire Mohawk Nation.
The second Belt was only from the Speaker who said that he came in quest of his son who
had been taken by the Indians of the Sault some time ago, and whom he demanded back by
this Belt.
The Count answered, that he was astonished that they should dare come to him with
sentiments expressive of so little submission as those which they appeared to entertain; that
they ought to be aware that he had threatened to put into the kettle such Belt-bearers,
whom he pardoned only because they had brought M**"' Salvaye and her daughter, whom
he was very glad to see again ; that in future none of the Iroquois must presume to appear
in his presence except perfectly resigned to his will and accompanied by all the Frenchmen
they had in their country.
These two Mohawks were detained a considerable time at Quebec, and were not allowed
to leave until the opening of the navigation, lest they might inform the enemy of the place
where our Indians of the Sault and Mountain were hunting.
A party of twenty-one Frenchmen, Militia and Regulars, with one Indian of the Sault had
proceeded as early as the month of October towards Orange, and had separated on being
discovered; but not meeting at the rendezvous they had appointed, eight or nine set out on
their return to Montreal and were attacked by another parly of our Indians of the Mountain
who were on their way to strike a blow on the English, and who supposed them to be enemies.
Two of our soldiers were wounded and are cured, but as they made a brave defence they were
so unfortunate as to kill Tatatiron,' principal war Chief of the Mountain, who is a very serious
loss, on account of his bravery and the affection he bore our service.
The other portion of the French party was still more unfortunate: After having been
victorious in a battle against several Indians of Hudson river (Loups) and Mohawks, who
were in pursuit of them, the man named Dubeau, who was, as it were, in command of the
party, finding himself wounded and unable to follow his companions, surrendered himself with
two others, at Orange,^ and on their report, some Euglishmen and Indians set out in pursuit of
the rest, who were so enfeebled by hunger and fatigue, that all were killed or captured with the
exception of two or three who probably perished in the woods, and of whom no account has
been received.
As it was absolutely necessary to obtain intelligence from fort Frontenac from which no
news had been received since the fall, M' de Calliere sent thither Ensign de la Chavignerie
with two Frenchmen on the ice. Every body there was in good health except Captain Dulhut,
the Commander, who was unwell of the gout. No Iroquois had appeared there since those
who captured a soldier in September, and who, though in considerable numbers, were so
cowardly as not to dare pursue two or three who retired into the Fort.
Some Regulars and Indians captured at the gate of Schenectady a very influential Onnondaga
Chief. They were not able to make any prisoners, as recommended, having been pursued
immediately after striking the blow, by a number of the enemy half again as strong as they.
Some Outaouacs and Hurons feeling a desire to set out from Missillimakinac on a visit to
Montreal, M' de Lamotte Cadillac, commanding at that post adjoined to their party the
' Tiorhathatiron. De la Polherie, III., 287. — Ed. = Dubean subsequently died of his wounds. See IV., 233.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. G67
Frenchman named Mahous to carry his despatches to Count de Frontenac, to whom he gave an
account of every occurrence in the Upper Country, since the receipt of the last intelligence.
Affairs were in great confusion on account of the war that the most of our Indians were
waging the one against the other, and which could not be prevented in consequence of the
want of people and presents.
These things will be detailed more at length when treating of what transpired in the
Council holden at Quebec by Count de Frontenac with those Tribes.
The Hurons presented three Belts the object of which was to confirm Onnontio in the good-
will he always entertained towards them, and to assure him of the fidelity of Sataressy (that
is, the name of the whole Nation in general) despite the secret intrigues of the Baron, one of
their chiefs, and of his family.
Count de Frontenac answered. That his heart was always the same towards them, and that
he should never break the bond that united them; that he would repair the injury some others
of his Children might have done them; that he exhorted them not only to remain at
Missilimakinac, but even to take up lands nearer him, at such place as they would prefer,
where he could more readily defend them, and furnish them whatever they required.
About the end of May, Sieur de Vincelot, a Canadian, who had embarked at Rochelle on
board the frigate commanded by Sieur de Cabaret, arrived here ; he had been put ashore at
Mount Desert in Acadia, and had traveled with extreme diligence.
He brought us orders from the Court which excited new thoughts, and changed all the plans
that might have been projected against the Iroquois, for the purpose of thinking only of
receiving the English, should they dare to come here, or of attacking them in their country
according to the orders which may be received from his Majesty as he has given to understand.
As the principal operations, whether for defence or attack, were to be at Quebec, Count de
Frontenac had the Staff officers of the place, and the captains of the garrison assembled, and
communicated to them what might be understood of his Majesty's orders at the present
conjuncture; to wit, the menaces of a great expedition against Canada, or should that not be
successful, some enterprise on our part according to his Majesty's pleasure. It was resolved,
in this council to order down to Quebec a portion of the companies that had wintered in the
government at Montreal, and Count de Frontenac dispatched one of his Secretaries to M'' de
Callieres to give him communication of the news received from France, and to adopt in
conjunction with him some efficient measures both for defending the country and attacking
the enemy.
The man named Fremont, an inhabitant of the island of Orleans, arrived in the interval of
M'' de Callieres' answer; he had been dispatched by M' de Villebon and was bearer
of duplicates of the orders from Court, the original whereof had been brought by Sieur
de Vincelot.
This Fremont had been taken prisoner with Guion, the Canadian privateer, and he assured
us that there was no appearance of the Bostonians being in a condition to undertake any
thing against Canada this year; that in addition to the prevailing scarcity of provisions and
munitions of war, there seemed to exist a very bad understanding among themselves ; that
they were fortifying themselves, and never omitted any occasion to menace us.
That Sieur de Villieu's prison was narrower and ruder than could be imagined ; he did, in
fact, bring from that gentleman a sort of letter of credit written on a wretched scrap of paper
with blood for want of ink and other necessaries.
668 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
This was about the same time that we received intelligence of the recapture of fort Nelson
last fall by five English ships, in spite of Sieur de Serigny who was unable to render the
garrison any assistance with his two vessels.
Captain Lamotte who was in command of one of them, whilst sailing through the Straits of
Belleisle, between Anticosti and the main land of La Brador, on his way to unload at Quebec,
struck, in coming out of the Strait, on a shoal of rock four leagues from land which had not
been previously known. The ship and half the crew were lost. Lamotte and some twenty
men reached Mingant, the establishment of Sieur Jolliet,' and arrived here after a partial fast.
Nine companies belonging to the government of Montreal arrived in the beginning of June,
and the Intendant found means to subsist them during the remainder of the campaign. Six
that wintered near Quebec, were subsisted for a month or two on the wheat furnished by the
citizens of that town in commutation of the Corvees^ for the fortifications to which one per
family was subject. The settlers of the Cote de Beaupre, the Island of Orleans, the South
shore and others, also, in the neighborhood of Quebec furnished each one man per house
during fifteen days, and tlie work was energetically pushed forward.
Nothing contributed so much to its perfection as the care of Captain Levasseur, the Engineer.
It was impossible to effect more in less time and at so little expense.
He will himself give an account of the former state of the town, but in its actual condition
the Governor dare assert that it is entirely beyond insult, if attacked only by expeditions that
can naturally come here either from Old, or New England, provided he can muster the forces
that can be thrown, within eight days, into Quebec.
The fortification occupied the troops during the remainder of the summer; the artillery
was rendered effective, and by means of well arranged orders, provision was made to protect
the settlers of the lower end of the river against surprisal, and to remove the cattle from the
islands into the interior of the forest.
Count de Frontenac ordered several of the Colonists on the seaboard, dispersed beyond the
settlements, to be on their guard, and to give instant notice of any thing they may discover.
' Louis Jolliet, whose name is now imperishably connected with the discovery of the Mississippi river, was the son of
Jean Jolliet, wheelwright, and Mary d'Abancour; he was born at Quebec in the year 1645, (a) and lost his father when he
was only five years of age. After completing his studies at the Jesuit College of that city, he embraced the ecelesiastical
profession, received Minor orders on the 10th of August, 1662, and finished his Philosophy in 1666; but he turned his
attention, a few years afterwards, to other pursuits and repaired to the Indian country. In 1673 he was selected by Count
de Frontenac to proceed in search of the Great River which, 'twas said, flowed into the Gulf of California. Father
Marquette, who was invited to accompany him, says that Jolliet was eminently qualified for such an important undertakings
He possessed good conduct, wisdom, courage, experience and a knowledge of the Algonquin languages. The success of this
expedition is matter of history. On the 7th of October 1675, Mr. Jolliet married Clara Frances Bissot, also a native of
Quebec. In 1680 he was appointed hydrographer to the King, and "as a reward for having discovered the Country of the
Illinois, whereof he has transmitted a Map to my Lord Colbert and for a voyage he made to Hudsons bay in the public
interests," he obtained a grant of the Island of Anticosti in the Gulf of St Lawrence, which on account of the fisheries and
the Indian trade was, at the time, one of the most profitable Seigniories in Canada ; in connection with it he had an
establishment also at Mingan, on the Main land or opposite shore. He built a trading post and visited the Island every
year, and it was on the way back to Quebec in 1690, from this establishment thai his wife, his mother-in-law, and some
sailors in his employ, were taken prisoners on the river St. Lawrence by Sir Wm. Phips. Supra, p. 483. On 30th April
1697, he obtained a grant of the Seigniory of Jolliet, on the river Etchemins, south of Quebec, which is still in the possession
of some of his descendants. Mr. Jolliet died between the year 1700 and the year 1702, leaving a widow and four children.
La Honlan, 1728, I., 336 ; Notes siir les Regutres de Notre Dame de Quibec par le Rev. M. Ferland, 36-41.
(a) This is the date of the Record of Baptism ( Ferland, 36 ) who slates however that in the census of 16SI, Mr. Jolliel is entered as being 42 years
old, which would Bx the date of his birth at 1639. The record of baptism Is no doubt the most reliable. — Ed.
' See note, supra, p. 664.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: V. 669
He dispatched eight Abenakis on a scout towards Boston, who promised to bring back a
prisoner of distinction, but they could keep only half their word, and the Englishman they
brought hither was found to be unfortunately so stupid, that no information could be extracted
from him.
IVr deCallieres had done the same thing. More than fifty Indians of the Sault and Mountain
with some Nepisseriniens started from Montreal to go to the Mohawks near Orange, Corlard
and Esopus, to try to make some prisoners there. Sieur de Batilly, Ensign of foot, who
scarcely misses any of these sorts of detachments, and is well adapted thereto, and Sieur de
Belestre, a reduced Ensign, joined them.
M'' de Callieres' reasons for not having sent the number of companies, required by Count de
Frontenac, was quite valid. Irrespective of the necessity which may exist for troops in the
government of Montreal, for the pursuit of small parties that ordinarily make their appearance
in the settlements, certain movements among the Coureurs de bois rendered it necessary that
we should be in a condition to resist their mutinies. However secret they endeavored to keep
their practices, these could not escape his penetration; and though it may be expected from
his ability that he would easily destroy these little cabals, it was at the same time necessary
that he should appear to have the power at hand to offer them open opposition in case of need.
The parties which we mentioned above, arrived at Montreal on the twenty-fourth. They
brought some scalps of settlers belonging to Orange and Corlard, and two prisoners who were
so beaten by the Indians of the Sault, in revenge for the sufferings experienced in London as
they were told, by their comrades, who had been carried off from Hudson's bay, that the elder
of the two was unable to reach Montreal. The younger reports that news had been received of
negotiations of peace in Europe; that they were expecting an attack from us at Orange at
the same time that a French fleet would appear before Manatte. M"' de Callieres had a minute
search made for all the bark canoes to be found in his government, and the Intendant thought
proper to have them paid for.
M' de Ramesay did the same thing at Three Rivers, and the Frenchmen of that town
constructed several for which they, also, were paid. Those within the government of Quebec
were merely impressed, and agreeably to orders from Court, every preparation was made for
any expedition it should please to direct.
On the 2'"' of July, a party of six Iroquois made their appearance, about seven o'clock in the
evening, at the prairie of Saint Lambert,' and killed one man and his daughter, and mortally
wounded a young lad.
Joseph, Chief of the Soquokis residing among us, having gone to make some prisoners in
the direction of the English, caught one of them whom he was obliged to knock on the head,
having refused to march, and alarming the entire neighborhood by his cries.
He met on the way a party of [Hudson river] Indians (Loups) and having talked with them
for the space of two days, they authorized him to inform Count de Frontenac that they would
return to settle among us, as in former times, were they not apprehensive of his displeasure
and merited chastisement for the blow they struck on us at S' Francis.
Joseph was permitted to tell them, that they would be willingly received, on condition that
they should behave themselves and bring in their wives and children.
An Iroquois Squaw taken near Corlard was brought to Montreal at the end of June, when a
young warrior of the Sault returned, who, not having struck a blow with any of our parties,
' Immediately opposite Montreal. — Ed.
670 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
had separated and went to the Mohawk village for the purpose of learning some news. The
English did all in their power to oblige him to go to Orange, which he positively refused to do.
He said that Teganissorens, an Onondaga Chief, had assured him that the Iroquois were
thinking of forming a general deputation from the Five Nations to conclude peace with us;
that, in reply to an English Minister who was at the Mohawk and had reproached them that
they were negotiating without the participation of the Governor of Orange, these Indians
answered that they were imitating the English who were doing the same thing; and, in fact
the Mohawk Chiefs intrusted a Belt to this Indian, to tell their Brothers of the Sault, that
they were weary of fighting and had resolved to come and reside with them ; let them manage,
then, to obtain the Governor's consent thereto, but secretly, lest their coming be prevented by
the English.
The Squaw prisoner assured that thirty Hurons of Missillimakinac had been at Orange, and
that the Governor had given them lands to form a village apart. This turned out partially true.
We forgot to state that Sieur Aubert, of Mille Vaches,^ on his return from Bayonne to this
country had captured about the latitude of the Azores a. small English vessel, which was sold
for nearly 80,000" this currency.
Captain de Muy^ of the Regulars, arrived in the end of July in a ship taken from the
English, and purchased for the King, at Placentia. He brought back a part of the detachment
of Militia and Regulars who had been sent thither last year from this place, and had been in
the expedition against Saint John and other English posts on the island of Newfoundland.
No mention of it is made here, the news thereof being known in France earlier than
in Canada.
Eight days after, a small bark, also from Placentia arrived here. The one and the other of
these vessels brought additional copies of the orders received by Sieur de Vincelot.
Nearly about mid August, Count de Frontenac took a hurried trip to Three Rivers, and
received on his way thither some letters from M' de Callieres, informing him of the return of
Otachecte, an Oneida Chief, from his Nation ; he gave assurance that they were all seriously
preparing to come and live with us, and as a mark that they would keep their word, they sent
back in advance a young Frenchman, who was a prisoner among them.
On the news of this Otachecte's return home, the Onondagas had sent a man express to
learn from him how he had been received. He himself gave an account of it, and they
resolved to depute two Indian chiefs with Belts in their name.
This embassy was turned aside by the broils of some young men who were desirous to
avenge the death of a Chief of their Nation that had been killed by one of our parties, of
which we have already spoken, and of six others whom some Algonquins had treated in like
manner. The Chiefs thought proper to give Otachecte three Belts.
The first explains the cause of the delay of the projected embassy. By the second, they
say, that they are groaning since those two blows inflicted on them, but that, notwithstanding,
they do not lose courage, and that the sack of Belts and provisions of their people was still
on their mat, ready to come.
By a third, they inquire whether they will be well received, and request an answer by three
Oneidas who have accompanied Otachecte ; that they have postponed the departure of the
' Thirty leagues below the Snguenay, on the N. side of the St. Lawrence.
' This officer who had already served with some distinction in the present war, was ordered to proceed to Newfoundland
in 1696, to cooperate with Iberville against the English settlements in that quarter. He was appointed Governor of Louisiana
in 1707, but died on his way to assume that government. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. 671
others until they learn Onnontio's will, so that the deputies of the four other Nations inay go
down with them.
They address a fourth Belt to the Jesuit Fathers who have formerly been with them, and
who have baptized so many, requesting them to intercede in their behalf with their Father
Onnontio, and to pray to God for the preservation of peace.
Possibly all those Belts were only to amuse, and postpone the departure of, the Oneidas
who appeared sincerely desirous to come and settle among us.
Three of them weie sent back, as the Iroquois demanded, to say to them by a single Belt,
that they could come provided it were by the end of September at latest, and by previously
performing what their Father had ordered them to do ; then they would treat of peace
in earnest.
Otachecte said, that the English had sent a large Belt to the Iroquois to assure them that
they were preparing seriously to make war on us.
An Indian who had accompanied him, gave still further and most positive assurance on this
head; but he did not believe that many of the Iroquois would heed that Belt, all of them
being truly disposed to come to an accommodation with us.
A small party of Iroquois struck a blow at La Prairie de la Magdelaine, killed one man,
and scalped two others, one of whom has survived. He revenged himself honorably of his
wounds having killed two Iroquois who had in like manner lost their fcalps.
A Mohawk named Couchecoucheotacha, settled at the Sault, was deputed by those of his
village, with the permission of the governor, to carry to the Mohawks the answer to the
underground belt, which we have already mentioned; and to assure them that they would be
welcome should they settle among us ; but it must be soon.
M' de Lamotte-Cadillac' arrived at Montreal on the twenty-ninth of August, with a number
of Indians belonging to the Upper Nations and several canoes of Frenchmen ; he repaired to
Quebec four or five days after, with the principal Chiefs.
' Antoine de la Mothe Cadillac, Lord of Bouaguat and Mount desert, in Maine, was a native of Gaseony. He held a
commission of Captain of Marines and liad served in France before coming to Canada. Having resided some time in Acadia,
he returned to France in 1689, and obtained in 1691, from Louis XIV., a grant of territory from which he subsequently took
his titles. On coming to Canada a second time he succeeded M. de Louvigny in 1694 as Commandant of Miehilimakinac,
■which post he filled until 1697. In 1701 he was sent to lay the foundation of Fort Ponchartrain, in the present city of
Detroit, where he remained, with his lady, until 1706 when he left for Quebec. He returned to Detroit in the fall of the
same year, and in 1707, marched against the Miamis and reduced them to terms. In 1712, he was appointed Governor of
Louisiana, and arrived there in the month of June of the following year. Being a partner with Mr. de Crozat, who had
obtained a grant of the exclusive trade of that vast country, SL de la Mothe endeavored, though unsuccessfully, to open a
commerce with Mexico. He subsequently visited the Illinois country, where he reported having discovered a silver mine,
afterwards called the La Mothe mine. He next established a post among the Indians of Alabama. The Natchez evincing
hostility to the French, M. de la Mothe dispatched a military force against them, when the guilty were punished and peace
was concluded. A fort was thereupon erected in that country, anno 1714, which was called Fort Rosalie, in compliment to
Mde. de Pontchartrain ; another fort was built at Natchitoches to prevent the Spaniards approaching the French colony.
M. de la Mothe administered the government of Louisiana until the 9th March 1717, when, according to Charlevoix, he returned
to France. M. du Pratz in his Histoire de la Louisiane, I., 23, says that he died previous to 1719. In 1691, as already stated,
M. de la Mothe had obtained a grant from Louis XIV. of Mount desert Island and of a large tract of land on Frenchman's bay,
in the present State of Maine, whence he subsequently took his titles. In 1785, nearly a century afterwards, Madame
Grcgoire, his granddaughter, set up a claim to the whole of that island, and having proved her descent, the government "to
cultivate mutual confidence and union between the subjects of His Most Christian Majesty and the citizens of this State,"
naturalized this lady, and her husband Barthelemy de Gregoire, and quit-claimed to them in 1787, all the interest the
Commonwealth had to the Island, reserving only lots of 100 acres to actual settlers. Williamson's Maine, L, 79; IL, 515.
Thus M. de la Mothe Cadillac became identified witli the early history of Maine, Michigan, Illinois, Lousiana and the
Southwestern States of the American Republic. — En.
672 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Affairs were in great confusion throughout all those countries, and the different Nations
allied to us seemed disposed to wage war among themselves.
The Scioux had made two attacks on the Miamis; these same Miamis had been attacked by
the Sauteurs, and it appeared that the four Outaouais Nations wished to take the part of
these latter.
The Baron, a Huron of Missillmakinac, but who is not, however, of the family of Sataretsy,
which gives the name to the Nation, had gone with three or four families to settle among the
Miamis, and continued his negotiations with the Iroquois for the introduction of the English
into those countries; and those Hurons who, we said, had made application to form a village
near Orange, were of his family.
Nicolas Perrot, a French voyageur, well known to all those nations, had been plundered by
the Miamis, who would have burnt him had not the Outagamis and the Foxes opposed such
a proceeding.
The four Outaouais Nations, the Poutouatamis, the Sacs and the Hurons had, at the request
of M'de Lamotte, organized different parties against the Iroquois, and more than one hundred
Seneca Warriors were computed to have been killed or captured in the course of the Spring.
M' de Lamotte had received intelligence of the last blow struck on Lake Erie, where
fifty-five Iroquois were killed after a fight on the water of more than two hours' duration. Our
allies lost four men on that occasion.
This defeat is the more important as it broke up the measures the Baron had adopted with
these same Iroquois for the utter destruction of the Miamis under cover of negotiating peace
with them. After the engagement, the Huron Chief, the Rat, who commanded on the occasion,
notified the Miamis to be on their guard, and not to trust the Baron.
The following are the speeches of the Outaouacs and other Indians whom we have named.
Longuant,' Chief of the Kiskakons, the first Tribe, spoke for all.
Father! We are come to pay you a visit. We are rejoiced to see you in good health at
your time of life. What did the inland Nations (gens des terres) pretend to do when they killed
us? They were mistaken in attacking us. I am selected by our four Tribes to represent the
matter to you.
Father! I pass over this affair in silence in order to tell you, that the Miami hath robbed
Perrot; and hath despised you. I participate in the resentment you may feel on this subject,
and, as the Miami behaves insolently, our Village will possibly embroil the earth. As for the
Fox he acted well towards him (il eii a hien use).
Children present themselves before their father, to learn his will. We are, to-day^
apprehensive that the Miamis, who boast that they know how to manufacture powder and
arms, will come to throw down our cabins by introducing the English into their country, as
some had already attempted to do had we not spoiled their game by the blow your children
have just inflicted at Lake Erie on the Iroquois. It is for you to deliberate, and to communicate
your thought to us on what I now submit to you.
Father! Formerly you furnished us powder and iron to conquer our enemies, but now we
are in want of every thing, and have been constrained to sacrifice ourselves' (meaning to fight
with sticks) in order to fight those whom we have just destroyed. They have powder and
» Longeoamp. De la Fotherie, III., 299.
' "Abandonner nos coups," Text; Abandonnep nos corps, De la Polherie, III., SOO — To throw away our bodies. It is an
ludiao form of expressioo. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. 673
iron. How can we sustain [ourselves]? Have compassion then on us, and consider that it
is no easy matter to kill men with clubs (meaning, Tomahawks.)
Father! You have rebellious children; there's the Sauteur who has raised his tomahawk
against the Miami, and is going to kill him. If he be revenging himself, can we avoid taking
a part in his vengeance? Tell us what we ought to do.
We are not come here to trade, but to hear your word. We have no beaver ; you see us
entirely naked ; have compassion on us; it is late; the season is advanced ; our wives and little
ones may be in trouble if we delay longer; therefore, tell us your mind in order that we may
take our departure to-morrow.
Onanguisset, Chief of the Potouatamis, observing that Longuant had not thoroughly explained
what they had agreed upon among themselves, took up the Word and said: —
Father! Since we want powder, iron, and every other necessary which you were formerly
in the habit of sending us, what do you expect us to do ? Are the majority of our women who
have but one or two beavers to send to Montreal to procure their little supplies, are they
to intrust them to drunken fellows who will drink them, and bring nothing back? Thus,
having in our country none of the articles we require and which you, last year, promised
we should be furnished with, and not want; and perceiving only this — that nothing whatsoever
is yet brought to us, and that the French come to visit us no more — you shall never see us
again, I promise you, if the French quit us; this, Father, is the last time we shall come to
talk with you.
Father! We forgot to ask you what you wish us to do in regard to the death of Lafourche
— meaning, a Chief killed by the Canceas, a very distant Nation. We shall not adopt any
resolution without knowing your will.
The speech of this Indian, and the boldness with which he spoke, closed every one's lips,
and the strongest opponents of the Beaver, the sole staple of this country, were unable to
conceal their astonishment, notwithstanding the dissimulation so natural to them. The
country ought to pray that the threat of this Indian may not be soon fulfilled. But it will be
absolutely impossible to prevent it, if the King himself, in that extreme benevolence which he
feels for all his subjects, apply not a prompt and effectual remedy in the premises.
The entire loss of the trade is not the sole evil we have to apprehend. The garrisons which
might be stationed in the respective posts in the Upper Country, will run daily risk of being
slaughtered by those brutal Tribes, who are so difficult of management; it will be impossible
for them to live there ; the Commandants will be without authority, having no means to enforce
it as formerly by the occasional muster of the Voyageurs who, conjoined with the Regular
troops, would impress the Indians with fear and respect; the enemy will take advantage of the
coolness of our allies who, in consequence of this abandonment, will lose all the confidence they
once reposed in us; the latter will not fail [to go over to] the English; they will soon become
friends, and those same Indians, who were the main stay of Canada, will be seen coming hither
to procure scalps and to compass its destruction.
Win it be possible to prevent the disbanding of our Coureurs de bois, who, being themselves
deprived of a trade to which they have been accustomed from their infancy, will, most
assuredly, leave without permission, despite the orders of King and Governor ? If any escape,
notwithstanding all the care taken to prevent them, who will be able to arrest them in the
Vol. IX. 85
674 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
woods when they will be determined to defend themselves [and] to carry their peltries to
the English ?
The Chief of the Foxes had only one word: What shall I say to my father? I have come
all naked to see him; 1 can give him no assistance; the Sciou ties my arms; I killed him
because he began; Father, be not angry with me for so doing. I am come here only to hear
you and execute your will.
Count de Frontenac had them all assembled again on the tenth of September and spoke to
them in this wise : —
A Father loveth his children, and is very glad to see them. You afford me pleasure in being
rejoiced at my health in my time of life. You see I love war; the campaign I made last year
against the Iroquois is a proof of it; I am glad to repeat to you that I love my children, and
that I am pleased to see them again to-day.
The tribes of the interior (gens de terre) had no sense in killing those of your Village; but you
do not tell me precisely what nation it was that struck that wicked blow. Whilst waiting for
that information, do not spoil the road between Missilimakinac and Montreal ; the river is
beautiful; leave it in that condition and do not turn it black.*
I am aware that the Miami has been killed by the Sioux, and that the former afterwards
lost his wits; he has not hearkened to the advice of M' de Lamotte; he would have done well
had he listened to it; he would not have been killed as he has been ; he has robbed Perrot,
'tis true; I shall obtain satisfaction for that; but you of Missilimakinac, who have but one
and the same fire, do not think of creating confusion in the country; turn your Tomahawk
only toward the land of the Iroquois. You perceive that there are French chiefs and warriors
among the Miamis ; it may have evil consequences. You live in peace in your wigwams;
your wives and children ramble fearlessly and without danger through your prairies (deserts) ;
If you redden the earth of the Miami, you will run the risk of frequently seeing your wives
and little ones scalped. Pay attention, then, to my word. The Miamis are, also, my children.
I order the Resident Chief among them to get the principal men of the Miamis to come and
see me next year ; do not block up the road on them when coming to visit me, and if they
have done you any injury, I shall see that satisfaction be made you. Communicate my words
to the Sauteurs, and as they and you form but one fire, prevent their making disturbances in
that direction.
You four Outaouais Nations, and you, too, Poutouatamis and Hurons — I am pleased with
the blow you have inflicted on the Iroquois ; to strike the Iroquois in that way is what is good ;
that's the direction in which all the Tribes should throw their forces. I will effectively
prevent the English supplying the Miami with aid, even were the latter disposed to invite them
thither. But I know the Miami was not informed of it. It was the Baron, and Quarante sols^
who invited the Iroquois to go and devour the Miami, and then to promenade in your prairies
(deserts), I shall be soon informed of this affair. I always had you supplied with powder and
iron. I continue still disposed to supply you ; but imperative reasons prevent me sending this
year my young men to your Country in such large numbers as I would do were it not for the
vast designs I have formed against my enemies and yours. I cannot now open my mind to
you respecting the operations I have concluded. When the leaves are red you will probably
' Ne la noircissez point, Text ; Ne la rougissez point — Do not turn it red, De la Poiherie, III, 804. — Ed. " Forty Cents.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. 675
learn what my plans are. I am always laboring to annihilate the Iroquois and am meditating
his destruction, and you shall soon see the earth united in that direction.
In regard to the articles you require for yourselves, your wives and your little ones, I shall
have them soon conveyed to you ; but as I am resolved to think only of war with the Iroquois,
I retain my young men because I want them. When they will have returned, they will visit
your Village, and I shall send thither whatever you will require.
La fourche must still be left undisturbed. I have already told you that it was I who should
avenge him. I close the road on you, because it is I and my young men who will visit his
bones. Revenge his death, meanwhile on the Iroquois.
To the Foxes.
Fox! I now speak to you; your young men have no sense; you have a bad heart, but
mine was beginning to be worse disposed than yours, had you not come to hear my word and
do my will. I was resolved to send l\r de Lamotte with a party of my young men on a visit
to your village ; that would have been unfortunate, for, no doubt, your women and children
would have been frightened by them. I hope you have sense now, and that you will smoke
in peace out of the same Calumet as the French who are about to go and see you.
I am pleased with you of Missilimakinac; M'^ de Lamotte is well disposed towards you; I
am very glad of it ; act fairly towards him who is about to fill his place ; he it is who will
communicate my thoughts to you ; he knows them ; do as he will desire you.
I am not willing that you should all return home naked, as you would have, probably, done,
had you not come to see me. I shall be in Montreal next year when you will come down,
and you will not be at the trouble of traveling so far. Here are some guns, some powder and
ball that I give you. Make good use of them; not in killing your allies; not in killing
buffalo or deer, but in killing the Iroquois who is in much greater want of powder and iron
than you. Remember that it is war alone that makes true men to be distinguished, and it is
owing to the war that I, this day, know you by your name. Nothing aflbrds me greater
joy than to behold the face of a warrior. Here's what I give you. You can depart when
you please.
After the distribution of these presents among them, he added: No more powder and iron
will be conveyed to the Scioux, and if my young men carry any thither, I will chastise them
severely. He then caused to be brought two blankets, two belts, and some other presents for
the relatives of the two Chiefs who were killed by the Iroquois, and said —
Coutakilmy, I collect thy bones in this blanket in order that they keep warm until thy
Nation hath avenged thee.
PemaB. I mourn thy death; here's what I give to dry the tears of thy relatives, so that they
may be careful to avenge thee.
The two Belts are to hang in the Cabin of the Dead and to remain there until this vengeance
be consummated.
It will be seen, by these answers, that the Governor was desirous of gaining time, in order
to withdraw the Voyageurs and garrisons next year, without allowing the Indians to discover
the King's intention not to send any more Frenchmen or goods to their country.
M'' Desursins anchored in this harbor on the morning of the 8"" of September with the
King's frigate V Ajnphkrite, the flyboat la Gironde and two merchantmen, after a voyage of
four months. Our joy would have been complete had he been accompanied by two other
Merchantmen, one of which was of four hundred tons burthen.
676 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
It is very probable that they have been captured by the enemy, according to the report of
the crew of a small English vessel, taken near S' John, Newfoundland, by Chevalier Roussy,
whom the Marquis de Nemont caused to be minutely examined.
Count de Frontenac after having taken the advice of the principal officers of this Country,
ordered Lieutenant D'argenteuil to place himself at the head of the Soldiers about to proceed
to Missilimakinac and the Miamis. Sieur de Vincennes was to commmand at the latter post.
Tiiese officers and soldiers have precisely only what is necessary for their subsistence, and are
very expressly forbidden to trade in Beaver.
The Voyageurs who came down last year without peltries to assist in the Onondaga
expedition have been sent back for their effects; they carry goods to the amount only of 250"^
this currency, which is merely sufficient for their support during the winter.
Sieur de Tonty the younger,* a reduced Captain who, pursuant to Count de Frontenac's
orders, was keeping himself in readiness at Montreal to leave immediately on the arrival of
Sieur de Lamotte, and to go and command at Missilimakinac, had preceded his convoy
some days.
Our Indians of Acadia are constantly makingsome attacks on the English. M. Deschambault,^
the missionary at Panasamske^ has sent two or three of several scalps that have been taken;
and those of Father Bigot's Mission have quite recently killed a man of consequence with a
young lady and several gentlemen who accompanied her.^ One of their Chiefs having been
killed, they burnt an Englishman, a practice which had not previously obtained among them,
so that now they are more exasperated than ever, the one against the other.
The Indian of the Sault, named Couchecouche-Otacha whom we stated had been to the
Mohawks intrusted with a Belt in answer to that they had secretly sent to the chiefs of his
Village, returned on the third of October and reported that a Chief had at first denied that
they had stated by that Belt their willingness to come and settle among us; that they had
merely asked to treat of peace and when that would be concluded, they would see what they
should do ; this Chief, or Sachem added that he himself would come to converse on the subject
of an arrangement.
The same Couchecouche Otacha says, that during his sojourn among the Mohawks, some
Oneidas had come to say that Otachecte had returned, and that they were invited to attend
the Council about to be held.
Count de Frontenac learnt all these particulars by Chevalier de Callieres who repaired to
Quebec on the ninth, where his arrival was ardently desired.
He had left the necessary orders at Montreal for the revictualing of Fort Frontenac. Captain
de Longueuil was to conduct thither a hundred and fifty men who acted as an escort to the
garrison and the convoy of provisions for the entire next year. Lieutenant de Lagemerais
will act as Commandant there, and news of their departure had been received.
It is not yet known whether the ships, that are to convey the necessary supplies to Sieur de
Villebon, have arrived at the river Saint John. Some Indians from Acadia have assured us
that they had not. These Indians continue their incursions on the English and carry off
some people every day.
' Younger brother of Tonty, the companion of La Salle. La Potherie, III., 309.
' Rev. LoDis HoNORfi Fleurt Deschambadlt belonged to the Seminary of Quebec. He was only four years in Orders when
he died on the 29th August, 1698. Rev. Mr. Taschereau. MB. — Hd.
' See note 2, p. 571.
* Supposed to refer to the murderof Major Frost, hiB wife and party, 4th July 1697. Hutchimon, IL, 95; Williamion, I., 647,
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. C77
This year has passed rather in projects than in acts. The King's orders would have heen
punctually obeyed had time permitted; but it must be observed, that an expedition against
Manatte is much more useful to Canada and more feasible, than that against Boston, which
could hardly sustain itself, if we were masters of the first mentioned city.
The recommendations of persons on the spot ought to be followed instead of those furnished
by certain interested persons, who have in view only their private advantage and not that of
a Colony already established ; who speak but very loosely, not being thoroughly conversant
with the subject nor with the condition of the places which are to be passed, nor with various
other circumstances the least of which may mar a design, and cause the loss of all the money
expended on it.
Quebec, IS"- October 1697.
M. de Pontchartrain to Count de Frontenac.
Versailles IS"- March 1698.
Sir,
The King having given peace to Europe, I profit by the occasion of a vessel sailing from
Rochelle for Quebec, and of the departure ol' I' Envieux which his Majesty is sending to Acadia,
to greet you. You will see by the annexed despatch his Majesty's intentions respecting the
Te Deum to be sung in Quebec, and the public rejoicings he desires to be observed on
that occasion.
His Majesty's plenipotentiaries and those of England have agreed on the nomination of
commissioners on both sides to regulate the boundaries of the possessions belonging to the two
Nations in America ; that however, cannot yet be executed. Meanwhile, whatever agreement
will be concluded with the English respecting the Iroquois, as they are not to afford the latter
any aid for the purpose of waging war against us, I doubt not but these Savages will come to sue
for peace from you. His Majesty approves, in such case, that you should grant it to them, and
desires even that you endeavor to induce them to solicit it of you because it would relieve us
of an embarrassment, could it be concluded before we had terminated the differences we shall
have with the English on the question of dominion over these Indians. In case you conclude
it a long time previous to the usual departure of the ships trading to Canada, dispatch an
express with the news thereof to me and, if you have any information to give me on that
point, you can send it by the same conveyance.
Meanwhile, until I shall communicate to you his Majesty's intentions on the Ordinance
issued by you to s»ay the execution of the judgment that M. de Champigny has rendered on
the prize captured by Sieur Aubert, I must tell you that your proceedings in that case are
untenable and that I doubt not but his Majesty will annul them. I am yery glad to notify
you thereof beforehand, in order that you may prevent as much as possible the unpleasant
circumstances that it will possibly create in the country. You ought to take care not to
compromise your authority as you have done in this case, and for their own sakes, you ought
to send to a distance from you those who induced you to do so.
By the vessels the King will dispatch to you next May, I shall answer the letters I have
received from you by the frigate V Amphitrite, and the ships that arrived at the same time.
678 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
M. de Pontchartrain to Count de Frontenac.
Versailles, 21 May, 1698.
Sir,
I have received tiie letter you took the trouble to write me on the 15"' of October last, and
reported to the King its contents.
People have wished to make us again apprehend a junction of our Indian allies with the
Iroquois for the purpose of waging war against us, should we cease trading with the former in
the woods. I avow that I do not clearly comprehend the reason ; and it seems to me we ought
to expect a contrary effect, provided pains were taken to explain to the Indians that his Majesty,
in making this prohibition, did intend that they should obtain the goods of the French from
the first hand ; that they should sell theirs with entire freedom, and receive the profit
accruing from the trade with the Indians beyond them. You know too well the history of
Canada not to be aware that the war we have sustained for so many years against the Iroquois
with so much care and expense, arises only from the desire of the late M'' de la Barre to carry
on a trade with the most distant Nations. Those Indians who are now allies of the English,
would not be long in declaring against the latter, if they wanted to pass them by to go and
trade directly with the other Indians. Besides, in the Treaty to be made in London between
us and the English on the subject of Colonial boundaries, it will, without doubt, be admitted
that the countries of the Outaouats, Hurons, Miamis and Illinois shall remain under his
Majesty's dominion.
To these considerations must be added the sacrileges, impieties and abominations
perpetrated by the French with the Indians, and the inconveniences which attach to a trade
injurious to the Nation; instead of attending, as the English do, to the cultivation of the soil
and to the fisheries, whereby the Colonies are rendered rich and prosperous. All these reasons
will induce you, no doubt, to execute strictly the orders which have been sent to you on
this subject.
Narrative of the most Roiiai'Tcable Occurrences in Canada. 1697, 1698.
An Account of the most Remarkable Occurrences in Canada from the departure
of the Vessels in 1G97 to the 20"" 8"" 169S.i
When the fleet sailed in October 1697, we began to despair of the return of Otachete, an
Oneida Chief, of whom frequent mention has been made in the preceding Relation. He was
commissioned, as may be seen, to engage the hostile Iroquois to agree with the opinions
entertained by himself and apparently by a portion of his Tribe, and to inspire them with
the sentiments of submission they ought to feel for their father Onontio.
At length, after a lotig delay, he arrived at Montreal in the beginning of November,
accompanied by two other Oneidas, by Arratio, an Onondaga Sachem, and by a young War
' Embodied in Letter X. of the 4tli Volume of La Potlierie's Histoire de I'Amerique. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V, 679
Chief of the same nation whose family possesses some influence among his Tribe. Tiiey
repaired witliin a few days to Quebec, and Arratio speaking for the four Upper Iroquois
Nations — namely, the Onondagas, Oneidas, Cayugas, and Senecas — after apologizing for having
been so long in executing what Ottachete had recommended in order to reestablish themselves
in their father Onontio's favor, which delay arose from the Senecas being engaged in bewailing
the death of their Chief whom the Outaouas had killed, presented five Belts by which
he said: —
First Belt.
Father! your children, the Iroquois, principally the Onondagas, in the desire they feel for
peace have just opened the road with the Oneidas who have already begun [to break it], in
order to permit people to go and come freely both by water and by land for the purpose of
concluding negotiations.
Second Belt.
Father Onontio. By one-half of this Belt I administer to you a cordial, to expel from your
heart all the sorrow we may have heretofore caused you.
By the other half, I assure you that I have arrested all the hatchets of my young men, so
that I have not allowed any party to go out since the campaign to Onnontague.
Third Belt.
The four Upper Nations acknowledge their fault ; the chastisement they received in last
year's campaign has restored them to their senses ; they promise in future to be wise, and not
to give any more cause for a similar punishment.
Fourth Belt.
Following the example of my Ancestors who always maintained peace with Onontio, I
entertain no longer any thoughts but those of peace, and with this view I with this Belt nail
fast the Sun in order to dispel the fogs of past misunderstandings.
Fifth Belt.
I have resolved on peace ; though many of my chief men have been killed, that does not
deprive me of my senses, and by this Belt I dig a trench to inter these Dead without wishing
to avenge them.
The Onontagues and Oneidas promise to make all the Iroquois Nations accept what they
advance by these Belts.
Addressing the Reverend Jesuit Fathers who were present, they added : We also adopt the
resolution to embrace the Faith according to the instructions we have received from you,
whilst residing in our Villages.
Were Count de Frontenac not as much accustomed as he is to the fair promises of the
Iroquois, the performance of which is so rare, he might have believed that they were, indeed,
disposed to conclude a solid peace, and were speaking in good faith. But his expectations not
being realized, and no French prisoner appearing with these envoys, he told them, after having
administered some sharp reproofs, and threatening to detain them all and to treat them as
spies rather than as Negotiators, That out of respect for his son Ottachete, who served them
as a safeguard, he would suspend for some time yet, his just resentment ; that they should
680 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
determine among themselves what guarantee they would give him for the Word they brought
him ; that he would hear them on the morrow; Let them endeavor to adopt a wise resolution
during the night which he would allow them for deliberation.
On the next day, Ottachete spoke for all the four Nations. He enlarged more fully than
Arratio on their grief for the loss of so many Chiefs and Warriors that the French, or their
allies, had killed since some time. Perceiving that he was favorably listened to, he attempted
to establish the sincerity of the Iroquois, and offered to remain with Onontio as a hostage
for their honesty.
Count de Frontenac rejected this proposition, and told him, in answer, that, as regarded
him personally he doubted not his fidelity and that of some other Oneida cabins, but he
entertained quite different sentiments of the rest of the Iroquois. His friendship for his
countrymen and the desire he felt to bring things about were blinding him, inasmuch as it
was not a hostage such as he that was required; that his cabin was at the Saut and that he
had become a real Child of the French; that when Onontio demanded a guarantee for the
Word of the Iroquois, he meant that it should be one in whose breast he could suppose still
remained some bad impressions, and not a Child like him Otachete that was obedient to
his father.
Let them be careful then to give an answer to the proposition he had submitted on the
preceding evening. If they had nothing else to say, the road was open to them to return ; he
should see what further he had to do.
The coldness of this answer obliged them at last to come to the point required of them,
and Ottachettj said that Arratio, the most considerable of the Onondaga Ambassadors, would
remain as a hostage on the part of the four Nations ; that he and the others would forthwith
return to the Village, to make known there, Onontio's will, and that they expected to come
back shortly after the breaking up of the ice.
Some presents were made them on pretence of protecting them from the cold during their
journey, and they set out on the 15"" of November on their return to Montreal.
As Arratio and Ottachete had declared when presenting the five Belts, that they spoke not
for the Mohawks, and that these had no share in them. Count de Frontenac resolved to send
four @ five hundred men thither on a visit under the command of Captain de Louvigny. The
Officers who were to accompany him were named and the detachments of Militia and Regulars
already made, but the heavy fall of snow, aud the impossibility of getting the people over in
season from the islands and the south shore, caused this expedition to abort, aud it was
postponed to the fore part of the navigation.
The arrival from Orange of M' Abraham,' an officer of militia appeared to justify the
breaking up of this party. He arrived at Montreal towards the close of the month of January
in company with a Frenchman who was twenty-six years a resident with the Dutch ; another
Dutchman of Corlard, a Mohegan (Loup) and a Mohawk. He brought a letter addressed by
Colonel Peter Schuyler, commandant of Orange, and M'' Dellius, the minister at that place, to
M' de Callieres, governor of Montreal, notifying him of the peace between France and England,
the articles of which he sent in English.
On Count de Frontenac receiving the news at Quebec by express from M. de Callieres, he
judged it advisable that the latter should state in reply to those who had written to him, that
he was very glad to learn the news of the peace between the King of England and the King
'Schuyler. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. 681
his master, the confirmation whereof on the part of France he was impatiently expecting; that
the same reasons that prevented them sending us back the French prisoners they might have
on their hands, namely the difficulty of the roads and the great quantity of snow, obliged us to
postpone sending them theirs, until the opening of the navigation; that meanwhile our Indians
would go out hunting whilst waiting for the confirmation of the news they had brought.
These messengers stated, that a new Governor-General called tlie Earl of Bellemont, was
coming to them from Europe, whose arrival was daily expected at New- York ; they added that
they had arrested the hatchet of their Indians, to which it was not deemed proper to make
any answer, and the preparations for a canoe party were continued, according to the steps the
Iroquois would be seen to adopt and the other news that might be received from the English.
The former had called at fortFrontenac to the number of thirty or forty on their way to hunt,
under the command of the famous Chandicre noire an Onondaga Chief. All his company belonged
to the same Nation. Sieur de La Gemeray, Ensign of the Marine and Lieutenant of Troops
who was in command of that post, dispatched a canoe to advise Mess" de Frontenac and de
Callieres of what the Iroquois had told him.
They gave assurances that the Chiefs were to leave immediately for the purpose of
concluding peace with Onontio; meanwhile, their young men were to goto fight the Outaouaes
in order to avenge the death of more than a hundred of their people who had been killed
during the year.
The contradiction of peace with us, and war with our allies, obliged Count de Frontenac,
who could with justice doubt the sincerity of the Iroquois, to order Sieur de La Gemeray
to keep on his guard, and to adopt measures to secure, quietly, some of the head men who
may trust themselves in the fort, and who might serve as hostages for the rest. Neither
La Chaudiere noire nor any of his band could do it; they were hunting behind fort Frontenac
towards Quinte. Thirty-four Algonquins encountered them and were attacked after they had
captured a Squaw at some distance from the place where they were encamped. The Iroquois
were equal in number, and after a pretty obstinate fight, twenty men remained on the field, and
six men and two women were taken prisoners. The Algonquins lost, on this occasion, six of
their bravest men, and had four wounded. La Chaudiere noire four other chiefs and his Wife
were among the dead. Their scalps and the prisoners have been given up to M' de Callieres,
and are still actually in the Montreal prisons.
This blow, which is of more importance by reason of the quality, rather than the quantity,
of the dead, spread consternation throughout the whole of the Iroquois Cantons and served as
a pretext for deferring the promise they had given to come in the spring to conclude what
Arratio and Ottachete had proposed in the fall. Whether true or false, it is always certain
that the death of one of their great chiefs disconcerts all their projects; that they require
time to recover from it, and that they appear, in their sorrow, to forget what they have
previously proposed.
Shortly after the receipt of this news at Quebec, the faithful Oroaoue came hither. He had
not seen his father Onontio for more than a year; all that time he had spent at fort Frontenac
or its environs, and had hunted with the Cayugas, his nation, who, he assured, were really
disposed to peace. He did not long enjoy the caresses of his father. Three or four days after
his arrival at Quebec, he was seized by a severe pleurisy, and died in a very short time, a
worthy Frenchman and a good Christian.
Vol. IX. 86
682 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
The Count was of opinion that his fidelity deserved some mark of distinction, and he was
interred with the ecclesiastical and military honors ordinarily bestowed on officers. This
Indian is a loss, as he has been much attached to us since his return from France.
The English of Boston sent back to Port Royal at the end of April, the French prisoners
that remained in their custody, and left with Sieur de Castin a copy of the treaty of peace
similar to that brought from Orange by M"' Abraham. Our Abenakis felt great surprise that
on occasion of a general peace, their people were not restored, and they would have continued
their usual forays from that time, had it not been for the orders they received from Count de
Frontenac to hang up for a while their hatchets. Since the beginning of the fall, they have
struck some considerable blows, took a number of scalps and even a great many prisoners.
We have received some from Orange by Mess""" Schuyler and Deliiuse, who had signed the
letter brought by M' Abraham in the winter to M. de Callieres. They were accompanied by
some twenty French of all ages and sexes. Besides Latin and English copies of the Treaty
of Peace, they brought a letter from the Earl of Bellemont, governor-general of New England
and New-York, addressed to the Count de Frontenac, which they delivered to him in the
beginning of June at Quebec.
They remained there only five or six days, and had no cause to complain of the treatment
they received as well in this city as in Montreal. The English and Dutch that could be
mustered during their brief sojourn in Canada, and who were disposed to return to their
country were placed in their hands. They would have carried back very few, had regard
been paid to the tears of a number of children who were not considered of an age to qualify
them for choosing their place of residence.
As the Earl of Bellemont wished to insinuate in his letter that he would take possession of
the French prisoners who may happen to be found among the Iroquois, Count de Frontenac,
agreeably to the intention of the Court, answered him that accommodation between those
Indians and us being commenced as early as last autumn, irrespective of the peace of Europe,
the conclusion whereof was not yet known, it was unnecessary for him to give himself the
trouble of inducing the Iroquois to surrender our people to him in order to send them to
us, as it was from themselves that we should wish to receive them ; that the pretended
domination of the English over these Indians and other tribes was a chimera which fell to the
ground of itself by the length of time that elapsed since the French had taken possession of
those lands, both by missions and garrisons, and that those Indians had recognized the King
as their protector; that, nevertheless these difficulties, which were capable of adjustment only
by the Kings, our masters, and the commissioners deputed expressly on their behalf, should not
atfect in any way the good intelligence which ought to exist between the two nations; that he
requested him, moreover, to cause justice to be done to the Abenakis for several of their
people detained at Boston; that he was prevented thereby obliging them to surrender several
Englishmen they had ; that he would do all in his power to stop them, but he knew they were
so irritated that he could not absolutely promise himself to prevent those of Acadia continuing
their hostilities.
He wrote to the same effect to M'' Stoughton' Lieutenant-governor of Boston.
' William Stoughton was the second son of Colonel Israel Stonghton who commanded the Massachusetts troops in the Pequot
war. He was born in Dorchester, in 1632, and graduated at Harvard in 1650. His father being a Lieutenant-Colonel in the
Parliament's Army, Mr. S. spent some years in England. After the restoration in 1660, he was ejected from a fellowship in
Oxford and returned to New England in 1662, where he was some years a preacher. He was chosen magistrate in 1671, and
in 1677 went to England as the agent of the province; was afterwards Cliief Justice, was appointed Lieutenant-Governor of
Massachusetts in 1692; and acted as Commander-in-Chief from 1694 to 1699. Mr. Stoughton was a generous benefactor of
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. 683
Three or four days before the arrival of Mess" Schuyler and Dellius, news arrived from
Michelmakinak. Sieur de Tonty, a reduced Captain, who commands that post, advised Count
de Frontenac of the designs which two of the Outaouais tribes entertained to leave that place ;
the Sinagos alone being willing to remain there. This would be of dangerous consequence
hereafter, these Indians being more easily overcome by the Iroquois, or seduced by the English
when they will be separated.
Changouossy, Chief of the Sinagos, repaired to Quebec on the lO"" of July with some
Deputies from the two other Tribes, the Kiskakons, and those of the Sable. He presented a
private Belt to Count de Frontenac without the participation of his companions, and said : —
Father! I have come here to hear and obey you, and hope that those who have accompanied
me — the Culs-coupcs^ and Sables — will not, after hearing your word, persist in their resolution
of quitting their fire at Missilmakinak to go and build it elsewhere. I, as well as all my Tribe,
are resolved to continue to build our fires near that of the French, and to die with them, and
as I am opposed to those who wish to carry their fire elsewhere, I fear that there are some
evil-minded persons who wish to poison me ; wherefore I present you this Belt to request you
to give me an antidote against the medicine they may give me.
Count de Frontenac assembled them all, two days after, and thus addressed them :
Children. I am very much pleased that you are come to see me and hear my word. I have
heard a rumor that there are evil-disposed persons who are doing all in their power to have the
fire removed from Missilimakinac, and to separate you, one from the other.
I do not believe that loyal men entertain this bad thought. Mine is always that you should
remain where you are at present, until affairs be arranged and you be beyond danger; then I
shall look out with you and select a piece of land where you will find conveniences for
living and trading and where your children may live in peace.
You perceive that since your fire has been lighted at Missilimakinac, you have always had
the advantage over your enemies ; your youth have increased there, and if you separate one
from the other, you will find yourselves weaker; your enemies will devour you without any
difficulty, and will go in pursuit of you whithersoever you fly. It is not distance that deters
them ; it is the number collected together that prevents the enemy approaching your villages.
You, Kiskakons ; you Nation of the Sable; and you Sinagos who are come here on behalf
of your Village, to listen to my voice; here is a Belt I present to each of you. I bind you all
three together; these three Belts tell you to abandon the idea of removing the fire from
Missilimakinac, and not to separate nor disunite yourselves, the one from the other, until
affairs be better.
Bestowing Presents on them :
Here is what I give you in return for your coming in search of my word. When I shall be
at Montreal, I will invite you to the Council, and speak to you and the others that are there.
I set out to-morrow ; I shall be very glad if my children accompany me so far.
I do not lay aside the Tomahawk against the Iroquois. On the contrary, I am determined
to strike them harder than ever, if they do not soon perform what they have promised me,
that is, to bring me back all my prisoners and yours, and you may be assured that I shall
Harvard College; erected Stoughton Hall at his own expense in 1698, and left a tract of land the annual rent of which is
applied towards the support at tliat College of a scholar from Dorchester; also another tract for the support of Schools.
He died 7th July 1701 and was never married. The inscription on his monument is printed in New England Genealogical
Register, IV., 275. — Ed.
' Queues couples. Relation, 1668. The Kiskakons were so called.
(384 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
never conclude Peace with them unless all my children in general be included therein. Always
distrust the Iroquois ; he will deceive you if he can ; keep a good look out on your route ;
look well before and behind you.
The Count on his arrival at Montreal, where he landed on the 20"' of July, repeated the
same thing to Longekan Chief of the Kiskakons and the other Chiefs who had not accompanied
Changouossy to Quebec. He took the said Longekan aside, and this Indian appeared to have
entirely forgotten the design of abandoning Missilimakinac.
The Senecas and some Huron deserters had struck a blow at that place last fall, and killed
two farmers and a child in the prairie. The faithful Hurons felt piqued at this boldness, and
used such expedition under S' Souaune, one of their war chiefs, that they overtook their
enemies in the Michigan river and killed or captured all, except four who escaped in a canoe.
One of the prisoners was given to Sieur de Tonty who had him burnt; the lives of the others
were spared by the Tribes to which they were presented.
The Outaouaes, Hurons, and others of the Upper Indian allies, have since sent out several
parties against the Iroquois which we shall not particularly specify. The admission of the
latter which will be stated by and by, will show the number they have lost in 6 or eight months.
Count de Frontenac thought proper to notify the Outaouaes beforehand of the recall of the
French generally, as well Officers and soldiers as Voyagaurs, whom he again ordered to repair
to Montreal by the end of October at farthest; and told them that they must not be astonished
at this withdrawal, as he made them return only to oblige them to pay what they owed
the merchants a long time, the latter having complained to him of the loss of their property
by the protracted stay of the Voyageurs in the Upper Country.
M. de Montigni,' vicar-general to the Bishop of Quebec, accompanied by two other
ecclesiastics and some hired men, took advantage of the escort of those Indians to go up to
Missilimakinac, whence he proposed to descend the river Mississippi, to announce the Gospel
to some Nations who had not yet seen any Missionaries. This undertaking is highly worthy
of this young Clergyman, who is so much the more to be admired as, in addition to the fatigue
he will undergo, the risk of life he will run, in a thousand divers ways, he sacrifices to it an
income exceeding two thousand ecus. Messieurs De Laval and de Saint Vallier, Bishops, and
the Society of Foreign Missions contribute also on their part to the design, in the sole view
of the Propagation of the Gospel, since they absolutely renounce whatever trade in Beaver &c.
they might carry on with the Nations to whom they are about to introduce the faith.
Changouossy and Longekan, previous to their departure, had cause to be acquainted with
the intentions of the Iroquois, and the correctness of their father Onontio.
A young Indian of the Onnondaga nation, named Tegayeste a resident for some years at the
Saut, who had accompanied Ottachete and the others on their return last fall to the Iroquois
for the purpose of conveying to them the ultimatum of their Father Onontio, arrived at
Montreal with a Belt from the Council of the Onnontagues, whereby that Nation said that it was
occupied only in bewailing the death of La Chaudiire noire, and their people who had been
killed or captured by a party of Algonquins; that it has not strength to travel ; that it requests
' Kev. FnANgois Jolliet de Montigny was a native of Paris, but ordained at Quebec on 8th of March 1693. After having
been in charge of the parish of L'Ange Gardien, and served as Cliaplain to the Ursuline Convent of Quebec, he proceeded to
the Mississippi, where he established a mission among the Akanzas. In July of the following year he visited Mobile. The
period of his stay in that country is not known. He is said to have been Superior of the Seminary of Quebec from 1716 to
1719, and to have died in Paris in 1725, at the age of 64. Shea. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. 685
Onontio not to lose patience, for all their chiefs and wise men are dead and they have no one who
is capable of giving them sense. They entreat him to send back to them Arratio their hostage
and the prisoners taiien in this last affair, as well as to dispatch Sieur de Maricour to their
Village to bring back the French who are prisoners there. This young Indian added, that the
Iroquois had appeared to him resolved to make peace with us, but that he did not consider
them disposed to conclude it with our allies.
Count de Frontenac, in presence of the Outaouais Chiefs, flung this proposal and Belt in the
face of him who had brought it, and told him, since the Iroquois were weeping over so trifling a
blow, he would soon give them another sort of reason for crying, and would again make them
feel the weight of his Tomahawk. Then addressing the Outaouais — You can perceive by this
Belt, my Children, that it merely depends on me to conclude peace for myself alone; if I
continue the war, it is only on your account I do it; I do not act [secretly]; and will never
conclude any good business without including you in it, and recovering your prisoners as well
as my own. Keep the Tomahawk, then, always, in your hands; there's powder and ball that I
give you to fight on the way, and to go to the Iroquois.
In this manner were this young Indian and the Outaouaes dismissed.
But another Onontague named Blassia,' a resident at the Mountain, who married a
Frenchman's widow, requested Count de Frontenac to send the same Tegayeste back again to
his nation, on his (Blassia's) account merely, without it appearing that he came from Onontio.
He addresses them by three strings of Wampum.
The first is to wipe the eyes of the Onontagues, and to request them to cease weeping.
The second is, to cleanse their throats.
The third, to wipe up the blood which is spilled on their mats; and having joined a Belt to
these three strings of Wampum, he instructs Tegayeste to say to the Onontagues, by the first
half of this Belt: — I order you, as soon as the bearer will present this Belt, to send word to
the several Iroquois nations to bring in all the French and Indian prisoners in those parts, and
that those who will not listen to this message are dead.
By the other half: — I advise you, Onontagues, though the other nations should not be willing
to come, to descend immediately to Montreal and to bring all the prisoners; be not afraid; no
harm will be done you, and hearken not to the English who advise you only to your ruin.
If you hear not my word, I will be the first to wage war against you.
Towards the end of July, Count de Frontenac received advices at Montreal, by a canoe
dispatched to him by M. Prevost, deputy-governor^ of Quebec, of the conclusion of a general
Peace in Europe, the Treaties of which My lord de Pontchartrain sent, with sealed orders*
addressed to him, to the Bishop of Quebec and the Sovereign Council, to return thanks to God
by a solemn Te Dexim. These despatches had been sent from Acadia by Sieur de Bonnaventure,
captain of a frigate who arrived at Pentagouest with the ship VEnvieux.
Several Indians belonging to the Saut, whom curiosity, or a desire to see their relatives at
Mohawk had led to Orange, arrived from that place on the 21*' August, and related as news,
that the Earl of Bellemont had held a council there, which was attended by all the Chiefs of
the Five Iroquois Nations of whom he inquired what pleasure he could confer on them, and
what troubles they had, so that he might gratify them, and apply proper remedies thereto.
The Iroquois asked him to entreat Onontio to suffer their relatives at the Saut and Mountain
to come and visit them in order that they may see them and renew former friendship ; that
' Egredere. De la Potherie, IV., 100. ' Lieutenant du Roi. = Lettres de cachet —Ed.
686 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
they must mutually forget all the unkindnesses they had done each other, and they presented
him, with this word, three Belts tied together.
That they had sent back several prisoners to Onontio on several occasions, without his
having restored any of their people.
That Onontio had killed 90 of their people since the winter, when word had been sent them
that peace had been concluded.
The Mohawk, speaking with the other nations, told the Governor that he claimed to be
master of his land, that he was born on that soil before the English, and he insists, were only
one Mohawk remaining, to be master of the places they occupy; and to show that these were
their property, they threw all the papers in the fire, in order that it may not be said, that they
had pledged or alienated their lands.'
The Mohawk having concluded, the Onontae spoke and requested the governor, as he had
heard those, to listen to them also. We it is, said they, who tied and fastened the English ship
to a tree on the Hill of Onondaga in order that it may be seen afar off, because it was badly
moored to the Lake shore. In that ship we all assembled ; there was no fire on board ; we
had only leaves to cover us ; there it was that we made a league, and acknowledged ourselves
Brothers, uniting ourselves together with iron bands so that we may not be separated.
All the Five Nations resumed, and told the Governor to retain the Iroquois belonging to the
Saut, until they returned from Montreal after seeing how their prisoners fared, and until
Onontio should restore the latter to them.
M' de Bellemont rejected their word, and told them he would not listen to them on that
point. That they must not be surprised if their affairs prospered so badly ; that they were
talking of peace, and were visiting Onontio one after the other without concluding any thing,
but that if they would succeed in this matter, they must bring him all the prisoners, whether
French or Indian allies of Onontio; let them be placed in his hands to be conveyed all together
back to Onontio. That the Governor told them he was aware they had constantly waged
war against Onontio's Upper Indian allies ; that he left them masters to continue it or to make
peace, but that he forbad them waging war on Onontio's Children and on the Indians settled
in his neighborhood.
Then addressing those of the Saut, the Governor said — He was very glad to see them in
his country; they would be always welcome there; that the past must be forgotten ; that he
kindled a fire in order to cast into it all unfortunate affairs ; when they would return home,
let them also kindle one to throw into it, as he did, all bad transactions. I make you a present
of three red jackets and one package of strung Wampum to engage you to do this. After
which the Saut Indians thanked him for his present, and told him they had no answer to give,
as they had not come to Orange to palaver.
The Indian who brought the news added, that the River Indians (Loups) said to them after
the adjournment of this Council, in case war should happen to be renewed between Onontio
and the English, do not meddle with it as that is our intention also ; let the hatchet pass
over head.
Count de Frontenac having inquired what reply the Iroquois had made to M"" de Bellemont's
request, to bring him in all the French and other prisoners, they said that 'twas granted, but
that no time had been specified for their being brought to him.
' Referring, probably, to the Extravagant grant to Dellius, &a. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. 687
A few days after, four Frenchmen taken many years ago by the Mohawks, returned to
Montreal with a pass from the Earl of Bellemont. There still remain in that village 7 @ 8
more, who, have completely forgotten both their country and language and whose return home
may be despaired of.
Some Mohawk families came on a visit to their relatives at the Saut, and possibly some
will settle there. They are left at perfect liberty, and walk daily in the streets of Montreal
with as much confidence as if Peace were perfectly ratified. We do not wish to alarm them,
and possibly their example will serve to bring the others to their duty. ^
The news Count de Frontenac received at Montreal in the latter part of August of the arrival
at Quebec of the Men of War le Poll and la Gironde with some merchantmen that accompanied
them, obliged him to wind up all his business at the former place, which he left on the 4"" of
September. He arrived on the S"" of the same month at Quebec where he received his Majesty's
despatches which were handed to him by the Marquis de Contre,' Captain of the ship.
A few days after, the brother of M"' Peter Schuyler commandant of Orange, arrived in
company with five other Dutch, or English, men sent to Count de Frontenac by the Earl
of Bellemont to communicate by his letters of the IS*"" and 22""* of August that he had had
a conference with the Five Iroquois Nations who requested to continue under the King of
England's protection, and that they complained that ninety-four of their people had been
killed or carried away since the publication, and in contravention, of the Treaty of Peace, in
which they believed themselves included, considering themselves the King's subjects. This
Governor adds that he was informed that Count de Frontenac had sent two Renegade Indians
of the Onondaga Nation to tell the latter that if they failed to come within forty-five days
to demand Peace of him, he would march against them at the head of an army to constraia
them thereunto by force; which obliges him to declare to Count de Frontenac that he has
the interest of his King too much at heart to suffer the Iroquois to be treated as enemies;
that he orders them to be on their guard and in case of attack to kill the French and the Indians
who should accompany them; and that to afford them the means of defence, he had furnished
them with a quantity of arms and munitions of war, and had sent his lieutenant-governor,
with the regular troops of the King of England to join them, and to oppose any act of hostility
that may be attempted against them, and in case of need, that he would arm every man in the
provinces under his government for the purpose of repelling all attacks and making reprisals
for the injury that may be inflicted on his Iroquois.
Count de Frontenac let him know by his answer of the 21" September, that the Kings of
France and England had resolved each, on his side, to nominate Commissioners for the
settlement of the boundaries of the countries over which they were to extend their dominion ;
that, therefore, he ought to await their decision, and not think of presuming to obstruct an
affair already commenced, and which may be regarded as domestic, inasmuch as it was
between a father and his children whom he (the Count) was endeavoring by every means to
bring back to their duty, being resolved to make use of the greatest severity, should those of
mildness not avail.
Adding, that pretexts are apparently sought for by the Earl to contravene the treaties of peace
concluded between the two Crowns, and that 'tis doubtful if his Britannic Majesty authorized
his intended projects, inasmuch as, he asked nothing of the Iroquois so far as concerned himself,
but that they should perform the promise they gave him to restore generally all the prisoners
' Contre Blenac De la Potherie, IV., 106. — Ed.
688 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
in their possession, whether French or Indian allies — for the performance of which they had
left hostages with him before it was known that peace had been concluded in Europe.
Besides, the pretension the Earl had set up of dominion over the Iroquois, appeared novel
and unfounded, being suiUciently well informed of their sentiments to know that not one of the
Five Nations pretended or desired to be under England ; that there was no proof to convict
them of it, whilst those we shall place in the hands of the Commissioners who will investigate
this question, will be so clear, so old and so incontestable, that there is reason to doubt whether
it will be possible to reply to them ; that, therefore, he (the Count) was resolved always to
pursue his course, notwithstanding all the protection and succor the Earl may promise them,
and that, so far from being intimidated thereby and producing any change in those designs, it
would induce him to press them forward the more.
These Ambassadors from the Earl of Bellemont left Quebec on the next day, and were
not half way to Montreal when Count de Frontenac learned that the brother of Tegayeste,
who had left Montreal in the latter part of July to visit the Onontagues, as already related, had
returned with a young man of that Nation, who brought back two French women and a child
who had been ten years in captivity among them.
They stated that they were sent by the Onontagues to tell their Father Onontio that the
Chiefs of the Four Nations were to follow them in ten days with the French prisoners, except
the little children who are become almost Iroquois since their captivity.
These Indians report that they (the Chiefs) had kept Tegayeste to come down with them,
and when they will have come to Garonkoui or the Long Saut, they will dispatch him in
advance to give notice of their march, notwitstanding the Earl of Bellemont had announced
in his letter of the 13"" of August, that the Iroquois had desired to put in his hands all the
prisoners whom they took from us during the War, on condition that Monsieur de Frontenac
would assure him of the release of their people whom we have prisoners. These two Indians
inform us that the Iroquois have come to the conclusion to solicit peace of us, unknown to the
English, to whom they refused the French Captives in their possession, and when M"" de
Bellemont so required them, they haughtily made answer, We are their Masters, and will
conduct them back ourselves when it pleaseth us.
This answer shows that those Indians are not very submissive subjects. Teganissorens, an
influential Onondaga Chief, is one of those who are to come down with our prisoners.
They are expected immediately, and if they arrive before the departure of the last ships, the
Court will be informed of the resolution that will be adopted by Count de Frontenac and
those Chiefs of the Iroquois Nations.
The Te deum, in thanksgiving for the General Peace, was not sung in the Cathedral at Quebec
until the 21" of September. The Governor-general, the Intendant and the Officers of the
Sovereign Council and of the Provost's court (Prevuie) attended on the occasion. In the
evening a salute was fired from the town and ships after a bonfire had been lighted in the Grand
Square, and all the citizens illuminated their Windows agreeably to the order to that effect
which Count de Frontenac had caused to be issued.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. ' G89
Sovereignty of the King of France over the Iroquois. 1G98.
The King's sovereignty over tlie Iroquois is very ancient, and reverts as far bacli as the year
1504; biitaltiioiigh it be founded on an apparently incontestable basis, it has never been decided,
and the English, who, on their side, pretend the same sovereignty over those Indians, have
always furnished them with arms and all other munitions and provisions in the wars they had
to sustain against the French established in North America.
The preservation of this Sovereignty being so much the more important as these Tribes, who
at present disturb the Trade of New France, would no longer be in a condition so to do were
they abandoned by the English, His Majesty has recommended to his Commissioners who
are to labor in London in the settlement of said American boundaries, to employ all their care
to engage the English to cede that Sovereignty to France; or to declare those people
independent both of the one and the other Crown, observing on both sides a reciprocal
neutrality; or, finally, ceding, if it be absolutely necessary, the Sovereignty to the English,
with the stipulation that the King of England will prevent those people making war and
disturbing the French and the Indians wlio are subjects or allies of France.
In the meantime Count de Frontenac's last letters state that the Iroquois, who had
promised to send some deputies to Quebec to conclude peace with France, have not yet set
about doing so.
It will be seen by the annexed copies of letters written by M"' de Bellomont, that this
governor not only has prevented these Indians coming to conclude their Treaty, but that he
pretends that those people being subjects of the King of England, such peace ought not to
be made except through him; and in his last letter he even declared, that if the French be
disposed to oblige the Iroquois by force to come and solicit peace, and to bring back the
prisoners they had made, he will arm all the men in his government to repel the French ;
that he has sent in advance to those Indians some arms and ammunition, and has ordered his
Lieutenant at the same time, to march with the regular troops of the King of England to
their assistance.
Tiie proceedings of this Governor is so much the more unjust and extraordinary as it is in
some sort, a violation of the peace established between these two crowns, and as, besides,
England has never meddled with the Treaties made with the Iroquois as often as the King has
granted them peace.
Treaties of Peace with the Iroquois.
22'' May 1666.
12"' July 1666.
IS"" December 1666.
Vol. IX.
690 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Correspondence hetweeti (lie Earl of Bellomont and Count de Frontenac.
On the question Whether the Five Iroquois Nations are subjects of the King
of France or of England.
Letter of the Earl of Bellomont, Governor of New-York to the Count de Frontenac,
Governor of Canada.
New-York, 22d April, 169S.
Sir,
The King having done me the honor to appoint me Governor of several of His Majesty's
Provinces in America, and among the rest, of that of New- York, I have considered it fitting,
whilst paying my respects to you, to inform you also of the Peace concluded between the King,
conjointly with his allies, and His Most Christian Majesty, the Articles whereof I send you,
both in Latin and French.
Peace was published in London in the month of October last, shortly before my departure
from England: but as my voyage has been very long and wearisome, having been driven by
contrary winds to the Island of Barbadoes, T have not been able to get here until the second
instant. I transmit this letter by Colonel Schuyler, member of His Majesty's Council in this
Province, and Mr. Dellius, both gentlemen of character and merit, in order to evince to you
the esteem I entertain for a person of your rank. These gentlemen will convey to you all
the French prisoners at present in the hands of the English of this Province. As regards
those who are in captivity among the Indians, I shall send orders that they be liberated
forthwith, with a good escort, if that be necessary, to guarantee them against all insults, and
to conduct them in safety to Montreal.
I doubt not. Sir, but you will, on your part, also issue orders for the release of all the King's
subjects, both Christians and Indians, who have been made prisoners by you during the war,
so that friendly correspondence and an unrestricted trade, the ordinary fruits of peace, may be
renewed on the one side and the other, agreeably to the hearty union and good understanding
which it has created between the Kings, our Masters. I beg you to be persuaded that I am,
with much esteem and respect,
Sir,
Your most humble and most obedient servant
Earl of Bellomont.
Answer of the Count de Frontenac to the letter of the Earl of Bellomont.
Quebec, Sth June, 1698.
Sir,
Colonel Schuyler and Mr. Dellius presented to me, three days ago, the letter you did me the
honor to write me, from which I perceive your disposition to entertain a good correspondence
with us in consequence of the peace which has been concluded between the King, my Master,
and the King of England.
Although I have not yet received its confirmation by France, I have always observed so
much humanity towards your prisoners, that I shall, without difficulty, surrender into the hands
of those gentlemen, during their brief sojourn here, those English and Dutch men whom I
shall be able to collect together in the several parts of my government, and who will be
disposed to depart. This has been my invariable course in the hottest period of the war,
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. 691
notwithstanding the bad treatment Captain de Villieu and several others have experienced at
Boston, contrary to the law of nations, and even to ratified capitulations.
I am persuaded, Sir, that you will not approve that proceeding, and that you will no longer
tolerate the detention there, in chains, of Capt" Baptist, a privateer, who is treated
with great rigor.
I have recently learned that a part of our prisoners, wiiich had been at Boston, has been
sent back to Port Royal, and I am much obliged to you for those whom Messrs. Schuyler and
Dellius have brought me from you, though they be few in number. But I cannot understand
how you could have instructed those gentlemen to require the release of the Iroquois whom
we have with us, when promising to iiave restored to me ail the Frenchmen whom they hold;
for they having come last fall to negotiate peace with me and having left a hostage with me for
the observance of their promise, it remains for them to perform it, and to bring me bacli my
people, if they wish to conclude Peace; and it would be needless for you to give yourself
the trouble to interfere in the matter, inasmuch as these are children disobedient to their
father, who have uninternqXedly been subject to the King's dominion, even before the English took
New -York from the Dutch. The missions we have had for more than forty years amongst them ; the
garrisons we have maintained in their villages ; their children whom they have given me, and whom I
have brought up near me, and many other evidences afford most certain proofs that they have ever been
subject to the King's protection.
I have such precise orders hereupon, that I cannot transgress them until I have received new
instructions, and until the Kings, our masters, shall either by themselves, or by Commissioners
whom they will send to the places, come to an agreement respecting the difficulties which
they may meet there. These, however. Sir, shall not alter the good understanding I profess
to entertain with you. I have detained the Indians who are among us, in order that they
should not make any new attacks on the English settlements. As soon as I had the first
intelligence, by Mr. Abraham, of the peace I gave the same notice to the Abenakis and other
Indians towards Acadia; but as they are at a great distance from me, and as I am told they
were extremely irritated because divers of their Chiefs, who are prisoners at Boston, have
not been sent back to them with the French by way of Port Royal, I fear, if you do not cause
them to be released at the earliest moment, that their despair will drive them to undertake
some- act of hostility, which might cause us regret, both the one and the other.
This also prevents me, in their regard, obliging them to restore, absolutely, the English
prisoners they have among them, having been repeatedly deceived by similar proposals of
peace, and having, at divers times, surrendered persons without having been able to obtain any
of their people in return.
it was impossible to receive your letter by persons more agreeable to me than Messrs.
Schuyler and Dellius, who have appeared to me gentlemen of merit. The desire they have
to join you, before your departure from New -York, forbids my detaining them any longer here.
The King of England could not send into those provinces a person capable of affording me
more joy, in consequence of the reputation I understand you possess, which will engage me to
exercise all my care, in order to maintain a good correspondence with you, being disposed
to assure you, as often as it shall be in my power, that I am, with great esteem and respect,
Sir,
Your most humble and obedient
Servant,
Frontenac.
692 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Another letter from the Eail of Bellomont to the Count de Frontenac.
New-York, IS"- August 169S.
Sir,
I have just arrived from the frontiers where, among other things, I have had a conference
with our Five Nations of Indians whom you call Iroquois. They have most urgently entreated
me to continue them under the protection of the King my master, having at the same time
protested inviolable fidelity and subjection to his Majesty, and complained of the outrages
perpetrated on them by your French and Indians of Canada, in violation of the Treaty of
Peace in which they consider themselves included in virtue of the fealty they owe the King as
his subjects.
They have likewise represented to me that your folks have killed and carried off ninety-four
of their people since the publication of the peace; which greatly surprised me, the rather as
the Iroquois or Five Nations of Indians have been always regarded as subjects of the Crown of
England, as can be demonstrated to the entire world by solid and authentic proofs but which,
as appears by your letter of the 8 June last, would be perfectly useless for me to prove,
inasmuch as you tell me positively in that letter, that you have such precise orders on the
subject of the Five Nations of Indians, that you cannot exceed them until you have received
others; and Mess" Schuyler and Dellius, who have placed your letter in my hands, have assured
me at the same time, that you express yourself regarding our Indians plainly and in like terms
to those contained in your letter. You are well aware that the proceedings and hostilities of
your people towards our Indians before the last war, were the principal cause of the King's
declaring war against France, as is set forth in the Declaration. I am, therefore, astonished why
you wish to undertake to continue the War with our Indians since it is a manifest infraction of
the Treaty. The King, my master, has, God be thanked, too much penetration in matters
of business, and too great a soul, to renounce his right; and for me, I have his interests too
much at heart to suffer your people to commit the smallest insult on our Indians, especially to
treat them as enemies. I have, therefore, given them orders to be on their guard, and in case
they be attacked to give no quarter either to Frenchmen or Indians, having promised them
assistance each time they require it. Moreover to place them in a condition to defend
themselves and to repel those who will attack them, I have furnished them with a quantity of
arms and munitions of war. You see. Sir, I make no difficulty in informing you of all my
proceedings with our Indians; wherein I am certain of being sustained by the King my master,
agreeably to right, reason and the law of Nations which permits opposing force to force.
To show you how little our Five Nations of Indians regard your Jesuits and other
Missionaries, they have entreated me repeatedly to expel these Gentlemen from among them,
representing to me at the same time, that they were overwiielmed and tormented by them against
their will, and that they would wish to have some of our Protestant ministers among them
instead of your Missionaries in order to their instruction in the Christian religion, which I
promised them. And you will do well to forbid your Missionaries interfering any more with
them, unless they desire to undergo the punishment provided by the laws of England, which
assuredly I will cause to be executed every time they fall into our hands, the Indians having
promised to bring them as prisoners before me.
If you do not cause acts of hostility on your side to cease, you will be held responsible for
any consequences which may follow, and I shall leave the world to judge who will be most in
the wrong, you or I; you for having recommenced the war, I for defending our Indians against
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. (593
your hostilities, and briuging your people to reason, having been driven to it by your infraction
of the Treaty.
Our Indians were very willing to place in ray hands all the prisoners they have taken from
you during the war, exceeding in number, as they told me, one hundred, on condition that I
should assure them of the liberation of their people whom you retain. I was unwilling,
however, to take that upon myself until I had previously known your resolution, again, in
that regard.
I have sent back, notwithstanding, with ray passport to conduct them to Canada, four French
prisoners whom our Indians brought with them to Orange, as the town of Albany was first
called in the time of the Dutch. If you consent to an exchange of prisoners on both sides,
you will do well to give nie notice thereof, in order that I may have collected together those
of yours in the hands of our Indians. I learn from New-England, that your Indians have
killed two of our English in the vicinity of a village called Hatfield and taken off their scalps,
and that it occurred about the IS"" of last month whilst those poor people were busy making
their harvest being wholly unarmed, thinking themselves secure by reason of the peace; such
barbarities cannot be heard of, without exciting a thrill of horror. It is added that your
Indians are encouraged hereunto by the reward you pay them, viz. fifty ecus for each scalp.
I hope you will not take it amiss that I say, such seems to me in entire opposition to
Christianity, or that I have expressed myself with somewhat of warmth and resentment on
this subject; too much zeal may be evinced, on some points, in the service of one's master,
especially when the interest of the Crown and the repose of its subjects are in question.
I am, as far as I
may be,
Sir,
Your most humble and most
obedient servant
Earl of Bellomont.
Another letter from the Earl of Bellomont of New -York, dated 22 August
1698 in answer to Count de Frontenac's preceding letter.
Sir,
Two of our Indians of the Nation called Onondagas came yesterday to advise me, that you
had sent two renegades of their Nation to them to tell them and the other tribes except the
Mohawks, that in case they did not come to Canada within forty days to solicit peace from
you, they may expect your marching into their country at the head of an Army to constrain
them thereunto by force. I, in my side, do even this day send my Lieutenant-Governor with
the King's regular troops to join the Indians and to oppose any hostilities you will attempt,
and if need be, I will arm every man in the Provinces under ray Government to repel you and
to make reprisals for the damage which you will commit on our Indians. This, in a few words,
is the part I will take, and the resolution I have adopted. Whereof I have thought it proper
to give you notice by these presents.
I am.
Sir,
Your most humble and most
obedient servant
The Earl of Bellomont.
694 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS,
Reply of the Count de Frontenac to the Earl of Bellomont.
Quebec, 21" September 1698.
Sir,
I should not have so long deferred sending some persons of merit and distinction to receive
some intelligence of you, and to return the civilities you v^ere pleased to exhibit in my regard
through Mess" Schuyler and Dellius, had the vessels I expected from France arrived here
sooner. The delay of the latter is the sole reason that still induces me to postpone the
departure of my envoys until next spring, fearing as I do lest the advanced state of the season
would prevent their return before the close of navigation.
I learn from the despatches I have received from Court, as you must have learned on your
part, that the Kings, our Masters, had resolved to name, respectively, some Commissioners to
regulate the limits whereby their dominions in these countries are to be determined in case of
difficulty. Therefore, Sir, it appears to me that, before speaking to me in the style you have
done in your last letter of the 13 and 22 August, which I have just received by these
gentlemen whom you have sent me, you ought to have waited the decision of those
Commissioners and not think of thwarting an affair already commenced, and which may be
regarded as domestic, inasmuch as it is between a Father and his Children whom the former
endeavors in every way to bring back to their duty, beginning by mildness and being resolved
to use more severe measures should the first fail of effect.
It is a matter which you must consider entirely distinct from the treaties of Peace and
Friendship mutually concluded by the Kings our Masters, in which you cannot interfere
without avowing, that, far from employing every means to cultivate that good understanding
their Majesties desire may exist between our two Nations, you would, apparently, search for
pretexts to prejudice the Treaties of peace which have been concluded, wherein I doubt if you
have his Britannic Majesty's authority. For, as regards myself, in wishing to oblige the Iroquois
to perform the promise they have given me before it was known that Peace was made between
the two Crowns, and for which they left me hostages, I only follow the plan I had laid down;
whilst you, by assuming pretensions altogether novel and utterly unfounded, turn aside from
the course which you indicate that you have adopted for the preservation of the good
correspondence and union which have been so strongly enjoined on us. You really want me
to tell you, that I am sufficiently well informed of the sentiments of the Iroquois to know that
not one of the Five Nations pretended, or desired, to be under the dominion of England, and
that you have not a single proof to convict them thereof, whilst those in our possession,
and which will be submitted to the Commissioners to be named for the examination of this
question, will be so clear, so ancient and so incontestable that I doubt if they can be answered;
therefore. Sir, am I determined to pursue, unflinchingly, my course, and I request you not to
attempt to thwart it by what would turn out in your case to be useless efforts ; and all the
protection and aid you have declared to me you have already afforded, and will continue to
give, the Iroquois in opposition to the terms of the treaty, will not cause me great alarm, nor
oblige me to alter my plans, inasmuch Bs they would, on the contrary, rather engage me to
prosecute them still more.
Whatever untoward results may follow, you will be responsible for, in the face both of
Heaven and of the King your Master, as you will be the sole cause of all the bloodshed that
will ensue.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: V. C95
You wish me to tell you that you have been misinformed when you were told that the
French and Indians settled among us, had committed this year, some outrages on the Iroquois.
It is very true that the Outaouacs, and particularly the Algonkins made a considerable attack
on the Onnontagues, because they as well as the other Nations, had declared they would not
make any peace with them. Five prisoners whom they captured in that expedition have been
brought to Montreal. I have taken these out of their hands in order to save their lives,
intending to restore them on the arrival of their deputies to conclude, according to their positive
promise, a peace with me, and to arrange matters better between them and all the other
Farthest Nations under the King's dominion.
I have reason to believe that if the Iroquois have not brought me back all the prisoners in
their possession, it is because you formally opposed it. When they shall return to their duty,
and have performed their promise ; I will restore them those who are here ; that will not
prevent me thanking you for the kindness you manifested to the four other Frenchmen whom
you have sent back.
I have sufficiently explained myself regarding some Indians of Acadia, and was always
apprehensive that unless those of their Tribe, who are detained in prison at Boston with such
bad faith, were immediately restored to them, they might organize some expedition against
your Colony. I regret nevertheless, the attack which, as you inform me, they made on
Hatfield, where they killed two men. This obliges me to send, now, a second order to these
Indians to make them cease hostilities. But I have again to repeat the request that you have
their people sent back to them, to which you have not given me any answer.
You perceive that I speak to you with the same frankness and freedom as you address me
in your last letters, continuing, however, to protest to you, that no one can entertain a more
sincere desire than I do to keep up good correspondence and friendship between both our
Nations and that I shall always be, as much as possible,
Sir
Your most humble and
most obedient servant
Frontenac.
Count de Frontenac and M. de Champigny to M. de Pontchartrain.
My Lord,
In the letter we had the honor to write you on the IS"" of this month, we advised you of the
dispositions of the French who remained at Missilimakinac and in the distant Low Countries
(has pays.)
Since that time, Sieur de Tonty, commandant in those places, has arrived here with six
Frenchmen only, having departed, according to the orders he received from Sieur de Frontenac
in confirmation of those already sent him in consequence of his Majesty's dispositions, after
having used every effort, both by exhortations and threats, to induce all those Voyageurs to
submit to the orders he had received.
696 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
He has reported to ua that a portion of the revolted French used as a pretext for their
disobedience, that they had left all their effects when they were commanded to go down with
Sieur d'Argenteuil for the campaign against Onnontague, and that they have not been able to
dispose of them since their return, as the Indians had hunted but little this year, the greater
number having gone to war, so that these French found themselves under the necessity to go to
a great distance from Missilimakinac to be able to trade those goods off; but that the other
Frencii were entirely disposed to obey and to return to Montreal, and were prevented doing so
only by the impossibility of finding Indians disposed to assist in bringing down their peltries,
even by paying them triple the ordinary wages, as explained in the petition annexed. Sieur de
Tonty adds, that he had the Chiefs of those Indians assembled and desired to make them a
present of forty beavers in order to induce them to invite their young men to assist the French.
Sieur Arnaud a Montreal merchant who went up to Missilimakinac last year to recover from
those Voyageurs some considej-able amounts due him, endeavored, a long time, to get down his
effects, and not being able to find any sufficiently well disposed persons, could not leave with said
Sieur de Tonty. But Sieur de Bouder having arrived with fresh orders from Sieur de
Frontenac for bringing down all the French, at whatever cost, Sieur Arnaud adopted the
resolution to abandon generally all his peltries rather than disobey the King and M. de
Frontenac's orders, and engaged an Indian to whom he paid 500" in beaver, and hired two
Frenchmen to fetch them down, so that this voyage, without bringing any thing back, has
cost him more than l&OO" before he returned to Quebec, where he arrived yesterday.
In this conjuncture and under all these circumstances, we considered it our duty to
postpone, until new instructions from the court, the execution of Sieur Lesueur's enterprise for
the Mines, though the promise had already been given him to send two canoes in advance
to Missilimakinac for the purpose of purchasing there some provisions and other necessaries
for his voyage, and that he would be permitted earlyin the spring to go and join them with
the rest of his hands. What led us to adopt this resolution has been that the French who
remained to trade off with the Far Nations the remainder of their merchandise, might, on
seeing entirely new comers arriving there, consider themselves entitled to dispense with
coming down, and perhaps adopt the resolution to settle there; whilst seeing no arrival there
with permission to do what is forbidden, the reflection they will be able to make during
winter and the apprehension of being guilty of crime, may oblige them to return, the one and
the other, in the spring. This would be very desirable in consequence of the great difficulty
there will be in constraining them to it, should they be inclined to lift the mask altogether and
to become buccaneers; or, should Sieur Le Sueur, as he could easily do, furnish them with
goods for their beaver and smaller peltry, which he might send down by the return of other
Frenchmen whose sole desire is to obey, and who have remained only because of the
impossibility of getting their effects down. This would rather induce those who would
continue to lead a vagabond life, to remain there, as the goods they would obtain from M'
Le Sueur's people would afford them the means of doing so.
Tlie Iroquois who had promised to come and conclude peace and bring back our prisoners,
have not yet redeemed their promise, which leaves no doubt on our minds that they are
dissuaded from so doing by the Earl of Bellemont, governor-general of New England, who was
unwilling that peace should be made independent of him, regarding them as his King's subjects,
and we do not believe that there will be, hereafter, any means to bring the Indians to reason
except by organizing some expedition against their villages. But as M"' de Bellemont has
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. 697
observed to Sieur de Frontenac that he had seriously forbidden them to make war on us, but
should we go and attacii them he would be obliged to talie their part and to repel force by
force; in that case far from thinking to reduce the troops here, we would want some additional
men. If, however, you could have the Earl of Bellomont instructed not to meddle in the
affairs of the Iroquois, we believe that with the forces we have remaining, our troops, though
somewhat out of condition, will suffice to reduce them soon to their duty.
We shall await your orders on this point, so that what we might do may not be ascribed to
any infraction of the Treaty of peace ; meanwhile we will hold every thing in readiness to be
able to execute those commands; and we supplicate you. My Lord, to be pleased, agreeably to
our former request, to dispatch an express boat very early, so that she may arrive here in the
month of May, as well on this subject as on that concerning the price of Beaver; the mutiny
of the Voyageurs who have left Missilimakinac to go and trade the remainder of their goods at
a distance ; and the continuation of M. Le Sueur's mining project.
We send you, my Lord, a petition presented to us by the inhabitants of Montreal and Three
Rivers, who happened not to be here at the meeting held by the King's order, on the proposals
which Guigue offered to the Council of State for the regulation of the price of Beaver. It is
deserving of attention, my Lord, considering the proposals and offers submitted by Sieur
Riverain in the meeting that we caused to be held. We continue to be, with most profound
respect, my Lord, your most humble, most obedient and most obliged servants
signed Frontenac. Champigny.
We forgot. My Lord, to represent to you, in our preceding letters, that Sieur de Vaudreuil's
allowances as Captain have been stopped for the year he was in France whither he went only
on account of a suit at law of the greatest consequence to his family, and which entailed on
him extraordinary expenses during the time of his Lady's sojourn there. We beg you, My
Lord, to order M"' de Champigny to pay him the money.
(Signed) F. B. C.
25. October 1698.
Louis XIV. to Count De Frontenac.
Versailles, 25 March 1699.
M. le Comte de Frontenac. By the last letters I received from you, and by the copy of those
of the Earl of Bellamont that you sent me, I have been informed of what has occurred
respecting the Five Iroquois Nations called by the French, Onnonlaguc, 0/mcjoust, Gojoguen,
Sonnoutouen and Anniez, and by the English Mohawks, Oneidas, Ondages, Cayugas and
Senekers. In order that matters may not proceed to acts of hostility, and until the
Commissioners named in execution of the Treaty of Ryswick have made a rule for the
future, I have agreed with my brother the King of England that in case acts of hostility be
commenced they shall cease on the one side and the other on the instant receipt of this letter,
that if my troops have had any advantage over those of England, or the English over mine,
whatever it may have been, and what post soever may have been taken on the one side or the
Vol. IX. 88
698 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
other, tilings shall he reestablished on the footing which existed in the beginning of August,
[before the letter of the said Earl of Bellamont of the 13"" of the same month'] had been
written to you, and finally to prevent the continuation of the disputes, which have arisen
regarding the Iroquois of the Five Nations above mentioned, until an examination of the
matter shall be had, I have consented that they, as well as the Indians their neighbors, shall
remain undisturbed and enjoy the peace concluded at Ryswick; that in consequence thereof
the prisoners and hostages shall be surrendered on both sides, and the Iroquois of the Five
Nations as well as the Indians with whom they are at war, and others their neighbors, on the
one side and the other, shall by you and Sieur de Bellamont be disarmed as far as you shall
consider proper in order to keep them in the tranquillity which it is agreed they shall enjoy;
And in case said nations make war on one another, or insult the French or English Colonies,
I desire that you act in concert with said Sieur de Bellamont against them, and oblige them
to remain at peace. I address you copy of the orders my brother the King of England gives
said Earl of Bellamont, in order that if the ship which carries this to you arrive sooner than
that from England, you transmit it to him with all possible speed, and a duplicate of this
Despatch is also addressed to said Sieur de Bellamont, to be by him transmitted to you, in
case he receive that of the King of England before you receive these presents; which having
no other object, I pray God, &c.
Louis XIV. to M. de CalUeres.
Versailles, S?'" April 1699.
Monsieur le Chev: de Callieres,
By the last letters I have received from Count de Frontenac, and the copy of those of the
Earl of Bellamont sent me by Count de Frontenac, T have been informed of what has occurred
respecting the Five Iroquois Nations called by the French Oanonlagucz, Otujoiist, Goyogwns,
Somwntouens and Anniez and by the English, Mohawks, Oneydas, Ondages Cajougas and
Senekees. In order that matters may not proceed to acts of hostility, and until the
Commissioners named in execution of the Treaty of Ryswick have made a rule for the future,
I have agreed with my brother the King of England that in case acts of hostility be
commenced, they shall cease on both sides on the instant receipt of this letter; that if my
troops have had any advantage over those of England, or the English over mine, whatever it
may have been, and what post soever may have been taken on the one side or the other,
things shall be reestablished on the footing that existed in the beginning of August last, before
the letter of the said Earl of Bellamont on the IS"" of August had been written to said Count
de Frontenac, and, finally, to prevent the continuation of disputes which have arisen regarding
the Iroquois of the Five Nations above mentioned, until an examination of the matter shall be
had, I have consented that they, as well as the Indians, their neighbors shall remain
undisturbed, and enjoy the peace concluded at Ryswick; that in consequence thereof, the
prisoners and hostages shall be surrendered on both sides as well Iroquois of the Five
' De la Potherie, IV., 129. — Ed.
PAWS DOCUMENTS: V. G99
Nations, as the Indians with whom they are at War, and others their neighbors on the one
side and the other; and the Iroquois of the Five Nations as well as the Indians their enemies
shall by you and Sieur de Bellamont be disarmed as far as you shall consider proper, in order
to preserve them in peace, which it is agreed they shall enjoy, and in case said Nations make
war on one another, or insult the French or English Colonies, I desire that you act in concert
with Sieur de Bellamont [against them, and oblige them to remain at peace. I address you
copy of the orders my brother the King of England gives said Earl of Bellamont] in order that
if the ship which carries this to you arrive sooner than that from England, you transmit it to
him with all possible speed; and a Duplicate of this despatch is also addressed to said Sieur
de Bellamont to be by him transmitted to you, in case he receive that of the King of England
before you receive these presents, which having no other object, I pray God to have you M.
le Chevalier de Callieres, in his holy keeping.
Written at Versailles, 29'" of April 1699.
Lotiis XIV. to Messrs. de Callieres and de Champigny.
Memoir of the King to Chevalier de Callieres Governor and his Lieutenant
General, and to Sieur de Champigny, Intendant of Justice, Police and the
Finances of New France.
His Majesty has received the despatches of Count de Frontenac and M' de Champigny of
the IS"" and 25"" of October last which he answers by this Memoir.
The satisfaction afforded by said Chevalier de Callieres' services having induced his Majesty
to select him as the successor of said Count de Frontenac, His Majesty is pleased to explain to
him his intentions respecting the current affairs of this Country, which are contained in this
despatch that is addressed jointly to him and Sieur de Champigny, in order to make them
understand that it is his wish that they live together in perfect union and correspondence,
declaring to them, that he will not place any confidence except in what they will likewise
jointly write to him, on the affairs of the Colony, and though his Majesty doubts not but
they will always think in that way, as the one and the other ought to have in view nothing but
the good of his service, he, nevertheless, wishes to say to them, that in case they happen to
entertain different opinions, on any subject, it is his pleasure that they communicate in their
joint despatches their respective views, and add thereunto their reasons for these opinions, in
order that his Majesty, being in a position to judge of the one and the other, may issue
his orders, understandingly, according as he shall deem proper.
Sieur de Callieres will find hereunto annexed a despatch from his Majesty, with another
from the King of England to the Earl of Bellamont for the cessation of all acts of hostility
between the two nations respecting the Iroquois, and for uniting the forces of New France
with those of New England in obliging these Indians to remain at peace, and to leave all the
other Nations, our allies, undisturbed. His Majesty does not doubt but that will be productive
of tranquility throughout the whole country, and recommends Chevalier de Callieres to
conform himself exactly thereunto on his part.
700 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
He will be careful to send to said Sieur de Bellamont the despatch addressed to him by the
King of England, unless Sieur de Bellamont have anticipated him and sent him that his Miijesty
has addressed through him to the late Count de Frontenac, in which case it will not be
necessary to forward it. His Majesty approves the surrender by Sieur de Frontenac to
the English who were sent by Sieur de Bellamont to communicate intelligence of the Peace,
of those of their countrymen who were prisoners at Quebec, and doubts not but the English
have on their side, restored, in like manner, all the French. However, in case information
has been received of the detention of some children under twelve years of age, from motives
of religion, as they must be surrendered according to the rule established by the English
themselves, that children of that age ought to be given up as being incompetent to select a
religion for themselves, it is his Majesty's pleasure that Mess" de Callieres and de Champigny
accept the offer made by the priests of the Seminary to proceed to the spot in order to obtain
them back, and that they be furnished with what commodities, orders and letters they shall
require for the execution of that pious design.
His Majesty will willingly grant the English Catholics who have remained in Canada and
have for Religion's sake refused to return to New England, the letters of Naturalization they
demand, and a list of their names have only to be sent, whereupon his Majesty will direct
these letters to be issued.
He has perused with great satisfaction the letter addressed by said Sieur de Frontenac to
the Earl of Bellomont in answer to that received from the Earl, and desires that said
Sieurs de Callieres and de Champigny sustain, when circumstances require it, the dignity of
the characters with which they are invested, with the same firmness as Sieur de Frontenac has
displayed on this occasion.
Although no further War expenses are to be incurred, his Majesty has been pleased to remit,
this year, the sum of one hundred thousand livres which he granted when the war was at its
height, for the liquidation of outstanding debts, and especially of those accruing from provisions
lost, or taken at sea in 1690, 91 and 1692, and of the excess incurred in 1693 over the funds of
that year for the fortifications of Quebec. It is his pleasure, also, that from this fund he paid
what is due for the munitions furnished fort Missilimakinac in the year 1697, and for the
construction of the guard house which Count de Frontenac caused to be erected last year
at Quebec.
* •*«»#•*♦•#
His Majesty has approved that the late Sieur de Frontenac and Sieur de Champigny have
suspended the execution of the license granted to the man named Le Sueur to proceed with
50 men to explore some Mines on the bank of the Mississippy river; he has been satisfied with
reasons which obliged them to act thus. He has revoked said license and desires that Sieur de
Callieres and de Champigny prevent the said Sieur Le Sueur or any other person leaving the
Colony on pretence of going in search of Mines, without his Majesty's express permission.
In regard to the fort of the Illinois and the settlement Sieur de la Forest and de Tonty
have there, as they have been established with permission of his Majesty who has been pleased
to except them by name from the general prohibition he has issued in the declaration of the
month of May of said year 1696, it is his pleasure that they permit said Sieur de la Forest
and de Tonty to send thither only two Canoes annually, with the necessary number of men
to navigate them, on condition, however, that these do not exceed the number of twelve; and
this until further order, and until it shall please his Majesty to direct otherwise.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V. 701
His Majesty does not consider it necessary to continue presents to tiie Indians. He was
pleased to bestow some on them when they were employed in waging war against the Iroquois,
in order to indemnify them in some sort for the loss they incurred in consequence ; but he
desires that said Sieur de Calliere assure them of the continuance of his Majesty's protection ;
that he inform them of the suspension of hostilities with the Iroquois which includes them as
well as the French, and that his orders are to defend them, and to wage war against the
Iroquois every time the latter will attempt to attack, them. He wishes, also, that he make
known to them that his intention, in recalling all his subjects who were in the interior of the
country, was to confer on them a considerable advantage, by the low rate at which they will
obtain goods at Montreal, on which goods the French were deriving a profit from tliem.
His Majesty has been informed that Father Hennepin, a Dutch Franciscan who has formerly
been in Canada, is desirous of returning thither. As his Majesty is not satisfied with the
conduct of the Friar, it is his pleasure that if he return thither, they arrest and send
him to the Intendant at Rochefort to whom his Majesty will communicate his intentions in
his regard.
Encroachments of ilie Englisli on the Territories of New France. 1699.
Memoir respecting the Encroachments of the English on the territories of
New France.
It is not to-day that the English commence encroaching on the territories of New France.
It is certain that there is no coast of North America in tlieir possession from French Florida
and the Boston country to Acadia, but what the French have first discovered and taken
possession of before them. But the English, taking advantage of our civil wars, which gave
occupation to the arms of our Kings Francis I., Charles the Ninth and their successors as far
as Louis the thirteenth of Glorious memory, founded their Colonies in the new Countries and
territories previously discovered by order of our Kings.
The Normans and Bretons first discovered, two hundred years ago, according to the History
of Wiflet and Anthony Magin, printed at Douay, the Grand Cod Bank and the Islands of Cape
Breton, since called of S' Lawrence, and the Island of Newfoundland. Some Englishmen
wishing, some years after that new discovery, to render themselves masters of the Cod fishery
and of the said island of Newfoundland, agreed together to proceed to England to obtain an
armed force and permission to drive the French from that quarter; but when their ships were
on the Grand Bank, God so willing, a violent tempest arose which caused them all to perish
and their project to fail.
From the time of Francis the first. King of France, and of Henry the 7'^ King of England, the
French and the English, the latter by the North, and the former by the Eastern and Southern,
Coasts of North America as low down as the Gulf of Mexico, and after them the Dutch
702 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
fruitlessly searched for a passage to the East Indies by New Jambe,' which the Spaniards had
recently attempted by the Gulf of Mexico; whilst Sebastian Cabot, John Davis, Forbichet
and John^ Hudson, Englishmen, explored in various years the Northern regions from the 56""
degree proceeding towards tiie Pole. Verrazano first discovered, in two Voyages, the last of
which was in 1523, and in the name of Francis the first took possession of the sea coasts
of America from the Islands of the Gulf of Mexico to the Gulf of S' Lawrence and the Island of
Newfoundland, tiiat is to say, from the thirty-third to the forty-seventh degrees of Latitude.
In 1534, Jaques Cartier again explored the Island of Newfoundland, entered the Gulf and
River S' Lawrence, which he ascended in 1535, and in '41 and '42 explored as high as 200
leagues from its mouth, and began the first French settlements which were afterwards kept up
by the Marquis de Roberval, under Charles Q"" by whose order and on the petition of Admiral
de Chatillon, Sieurs Ribaut and Laudonniere laid the foundations, towards the Islands of the
Gulf of Mexico, of a Colony called French Florida, or Carolina, from the name of Fort
Charles which they erected on the river May, where they left Captain Albert in command.
Here it was that Verrazano had commenced his explorations.
The Marquis de la Roche was sent to those Countries of New France as His Majesty's
Lieutenant; next Sieur Chauvin and De Mons, gentlemen of the Bed Chamber, who also
governed Acadia for King Henry 4'^ In the reign of Louis IS"" Sieur Champlain penetrated
very far into the interior of the country ; he fought twice, according to his own account, with
the Upper Iroquois whom he attacked in their principal village.
These Barbarians had never before seen, nor heard the report of, an arquebuse, nor had
any communication with Europeans. Champlain says they used only Arrows and hatchets
of stone.
Finally, the Iroquois intimidated by the tintamar and execution of those fire arms, sued for
peace, and in 1621 made Sieur de Champlain arbiter thereof.
He drew topographical Maps of the Iroquois Country and circumjacent places, so that since
that time, the territory of these Indians is seen in the Maps, comprehended within that of
New France.
The Iroquois, who waged considerable wars with the Hurons, from whom they took a number
of prisoners and whom they finally destroyed in 1648, took it ill, after a sufficient length of
time, that the remnant of their enemies should find an asylum in the French Colony, which they
insulted from time to time, on the ground that we were protecting the Hurons against them.
The Court was informed hereof, and sent out some troops in 16 . . under the Command of
M' Tracy, viceroy of New France, and of M' de Courcelles, governor, who obliged the Iroquois
to sue for peace and to permit the planting of the Arms of France, with all due solemnity in
the Country of these Barbarians. This act of vigor gave peace with these people for 25 years,
until 16S5, when the French dissatisfied with their conduct, advanced to the neighborhood
of their Villages, the deputies from which offered satisfaction to the late M'' de la Barre,
notwithstanding all the opposition ofllered by the English in order to prevent their going to the
French camp to treat there of an arrangement. On the English envoy's urging them to obey
the orders of their Governor and not to go to meet M'' de la Barre, they declared to the
Deputies, that they did not recognize any Master; that they had two arms, whereof one was
extended towards their Father, the governor of the French ; and the other towards their
Brethren the English, and that their body was on their own territory where they acknowledged
' Sic. " Sic. Henry. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : V 703
no otlier Master than the Creator of the Universe, who had granted it to them, and that it was
by sufferance they allowed Europeans to come and settle in their vicinity on lands dependant
on them, and on which the English did not locate until they paid them tiie price and indemnity
of those lands; that their frontier colony was occupied only by their permission, and that,
therefore, they had only to return to him who had sent them and to tell him that they were
free and neuter, and that they did not acknowledge the Dominion of any power whatsoever.
Whereupon, the English having invited them anew to recognize their pretended Sovereignty,
they answered hauglitily and let loose on them some drunken and insolent young men,
who insulting them obliged them to take to their heels, without having obtained any of
their pretensions.
The English made these movements only from Commercial jealousy, imagining that M' de la
Barre was wishing to establish a new post in the neighborhood of the Iroquois. Trade and
the peace, between the French and the Iroquois, were thus maintained until Monsieur de
Denonville having relieved M'' de la Barre, war was declared against the Iroquois in 1GS7, by
the sacking of the Upper Iroquois Villages, beyond which M' de Denonville erected a fort
at the place called Niagara, on the South side of the Lake of the Iroquois called Frontenac.
Advantage was taken of this hostility by the English, to whom they promised whatever they
pleased provided they would continue to sell them their goods at a cheap rate, especially arms
and powder, for carrying on against the French hostilities which still continue.
In regard to the pretension of the English, that the Iroquois have acknowledged themselves
vassals and subjects of the Crown of England, and that they ought to treat of peace with the
French solely through the English,
The man named S' Germain recently returned from the Iroquois country where he was a
prisoner, asserts that the Iroquois publicly maintain that they have no masters, and that they
allowed the English to assume that title only in order to enjoy the trade in goods and arms
they required; but when they will be inclined to make peace, they will negotiate it by
themselves, independent of the English, who are extremely apprehensive that the French will
share the trade with them, as was the case before the War ; And it is on this account that the
English have made some of their people assume Black Gowns in order to instruct the Iroquois
in Religion, to the exclusion of the Jesuits from among them, under the impression that
they kept up a good understanding between these people and the French Nation which they
would willingly see annihilated by those Barbarians, many of whom have followed these
Fathers and have embraced and profess the Faith, and have rendered during the War signal
service against the other Iroquois and against the English.
Count de Frontenac will have advised the Count in what terms he answered the Governor
of New -York's arrogant menace.
Finally, it is of importance that in making Peace, things remain in the state they were in
before the war, and that the Iroquois continue neuter, as they have been ; otherwise, if a
disposition be manifested to take sides with the Barbarians, it will be an eternal cause of
hostilities, misunderstanding and division between the French and the English ; and it is
sufficiently well understood that if war be renewed between the two Crowns of France and
England, the English would not fail to let loose on our Colony these Savage Mastiffs who can
inflict more injury on it than the English. Besides, it is not reasonable to be dependant on
the English for satisfaction for insults these Indians may, eventually, offer the French. This
would render them insolent and obtrusive, and affect the union and good understanding
between the French and the English.
704 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Letters from Canada dated the eighteenth of September 169S, state, that the English have
come on an embassy to Quebec ; that they claim to keep the Iroquois Nations, liiie goslings,
under their control; they have told them and caused friendly Indians to say every thing
capable of seducing them, and of subjecting them to the yoke of Sovereignty.
Louis XIV. to Messrs. de Callieres and de Champigny.
Despatch of the King to Chevalier de Callieres, Governor and Lieutenant-
General, and Sieur de Champigny, Intendant of Justice, Police and Finance
in the territory of New France. 5 May, 1700.
His Majesty has seen the letter they wrote on the 20"" of October last to Count de
Pontchartrain Secretary of State and of his commands on the affairs of New France. It has
afforded him lively satisfaction to be assured that they intend to live in perfect intelligence,
and to act harmoniously in all matters which will have relation to his service. His Majesty
has approved of Chevalier de Callieres having employed Sieur de la Valliere and Father
Bruyas, Jesuit, to convey to the Earl of Bellomont the letter of the King of England addressed
to that Nobleman, and having commissioned them to bring back all the French who are
prisoners among the English, and particularly the Children under 12 years; and in case they
may not have been able to bring them all, he approves that they accept the offer of the
Directors of the Montreal Hospital ^ to go in quest of them.
His Majesty has been quite pleased to learn that the Iroquois have not committed any act
of hostility. He is persuaded that on being notified, as they are, of the agreement on the
part of the English to unite their forces with those of the French to oblige them to remain at
peace, in case they might desire to disturb the public tranquillity, they will not dare to be
guilty of any act which may draw down these two Powers on their heads, and this cessation
of hostilities must be henceforth regarded as a Peace. And it is his Majesty's pleasure that
the trade with those Indians be again carried on as before the War, adopting, however,
some necessary precautions against being surprised.
Conference hetween M. de Longueuil^ Commandant at Detroit^ and the Indians. 1700.
Council holden by M. de Longueuil Commanding for the King at Detroit, with
the four Nations belonging to his post, on the subject of the declaration
of War against the English.^
Before entering my quarters and seating yourselves on my mat, you have no doubt
anticipated the subject on which I call you together.
' Sic. Qa! Seminary. " Namely of Carolina. See note 4, p. V06. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: VI. 705
It is your father Onontio who convokes you, and vvlio is about to speak to you tiirough my
mouth. All that you are about to hear comes from him aloue. I only repeat here what he
orders me to say to you.
Onontio.
Children, I have an enemy.* I am your father, you are my children. Could it be that this
enemy would not be yours also?
I call you my children because as soon as I landed on these shores I adopted you as sucli,
and this adoption has been so agreeable to you that I know not if any of the nations beyond
the Great Lake, who landed there before or after me, have succeeded in inducing you to
disclaim it. It has been so agreeable to me, that none of the seeds of discord which the Evil
spirit has been able to scatter could prevail on me to destroy it.
Being your true father, I have always persuaded myself that you entertain for me sentiments
which that character inspires; for were I to perceive in you on the present occasion conduct
opposite to them, I could not prevent myself suspecting that the great name of Father was in
your mouth a mere word in air, without any substance.
Persuaded as I am by long experience of your dispositions in my regard, I have
condescended to send to my fort at Detroit only a small detachment of my Nephews the
French, who have settled near me, so much have I reckoned on the heart and arms of
the four Nations of my Children established there; their vicinity sets me completely at rest
regarding the fate of my Frenchmen. Should the enemy direct his first fire against me, I
count on you alone without using any precaution myself.
What will become of me in that conjuncture should my children remain simple spectators
of my quarrel with the English? Your entire ruin will perhaps be brouglit on by that
confidence I repose in you which hath prevented me sending a reinforcement to the small
body of my nephews, the French of Detroit, sufficient to defend them from the multitude of
enemies that threaten them.
But to what purpose these lengthy arguments between a father and his children? Is it not
sufficient for them to know the common enemy to seek him every where ? Must the father
ask them to do so? No; true children know how to anticipate him.
It is in this confidence that I show you the hatchet I lift to-day over the head of the
Englishman, and present to all of you one like it, persuaded that you will not only clutch it
with ardor, but even that you will not permit it to lie for one moment idle in your hands.
Look on it. Contemplate the message which accompanies it ; you will discover my heart
in the centre sustained by the four invincible arms which I flatter myself I possess in you
at Detroit.
Here iVf de Longueuil stood up to present the Hatchet to each of the four Nations, and said : —
Outaouais, my eldest son. It is to thee I first address myself. I know thou lovest me.
Take this hatchet without hesitation; it is the only instrument that now pleases me.
As for thee, Huron — Could I entertain a doubt of thy love for me, seeing all these lands
strewed with the bones of thy warriors who have ever run to my assistance? The hatchet I
place in your hands will resuscitate a great many of them.
Pouteouatamis, my son. Thou hast docility and yield to none of thy brothers in love. Arm
thyself with this hatchet, and renew the proofs you have afforded me of the one and of
the other.
Vol. IX. 89
706 • NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Finally, Mississague, distant from me though you be, I know your heart has never been
separated from me. Take this Iron that I present you, and redden it immediately in the bad
blood that I detest.
I ought to have long since taken up arms against the enemy I have spoken to you of, but I
have been desirous to exercise patience for several years.
The Englishman hath reddened the sea with my blood ; he hath also causelessly stained
with it a great many countries. My hatchet hath not stirred. But now that he hath pushed
me to the wall by so many relapses, I must perish or avenge on him all the blood he has drawn
from my veins.
It is neither to Montreal nor his territory that I direct your first steps against him. It is in
your own immediate vicinity where he for several years hath quietly made his way with his
goods; It is to the White River (Riviere blanche) or to the Beautiful river' that I expect you will
immediately march in quest of him, and when you destroy him you will seize and divide all
his goods among you.
Set out forthwith. You shall want for nothing that you require for the extirpation of
this scum.
If the English escape you on the Beautiful river you will J5nd them a little farther off with
his brother the Flat Head.^ It is in that country that Asaregoa, Governor of Menade,^ hath for
a long time exercised his tyranny over all the nations.
The Flat head hath offended me as gravely as the English, for almost all the French whom
I thought were destroyed within four years by the Tchicachas, have been killed only by the
Flat head, whom the English has supplied with arms which are no less destructive to you
than to me.^
Therefore, make use of this hatchet against both the one and the other, and if there be any
among you who have not received any injury from the Flat head, let him know that this Tribe
hath killed me, and constitutes but one heart with my principal enemy.
Finally, my Children, if there be any among you who apprehend that I shall make peace
with the English without including them therein, let them know that I will never listen to
any proposal for that purpose unless all my children, who will have aided me, be included
therein even before any provision be made for myself After such assurances, receive my
hatchet, and make use of it until I shall tell you to stop.
And you, Warriors to whom I present it. Bedeck yourselves from this moment in that
brilliant color that I offer you, and which is none other than that of blood. Fill your Calumets
with this tobacco, the smoke whereof makes the heart glad. Swallow a drop of this liquor
which excites courage in Youth and infuses it into even the most decrepid Old age.
The hatchet was accepted with the usual ceremonies. An Outaouais War chief sung for
M' de Longueuil ; each Nation caused its War chiefs and Warriors to sing in turn, and every
thing passed with demonstrations the most capable of proving the sincerity of their sentiments.
^ Belle riviere, now the Ohio. The latter is the Mohawk name and signifies literally, "Beautiful river;" " lo in composi-
tion expressing the beauty of the object." Bruyas.
' The Choctawe. See IV., 802, note.
' Asoregoa, or Cutlass, was the Iroquois name of the Governor of Virginia. 'Colden's Five Nations, 8vo., Ed. }150, Part III.,
90. It is compounded of Assari, knife, and goa, big.
* At the same time other Englishcnen who had come from Carolina, were trading among the Chicachas, and had solicited
these Indians to kill a Clergyman (M. Foucault) who in fact was massacred among tha Tonicas, (a Louisiana tribe.)
Charlevoix, II., 260. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 707
The speech having been concluded, Quinousaquy stood up, untied the War belt and
addressing the Pouteouatamis, Sauteurs and Outaouais, said to them: —
Brothers: — As it is impossible to cut this Belt so that we may each have a piece, I think
you will not disapprove of me if I give the whole of it to our brothers the Hurons. It is to
thee Sasetaredzy that I present it. Take this Belt and be its keeper.
The Hurons after consulting among themselves thanked Quinousaquy for his politeness, and
returned him the Belt, telling him that they knew 'twas safe in his hands, to which Quinousaquy
replied by a War Song, in which he bound himself with this Belt — himself and his entire
village, and after this ceremony returned it to the Hurons.
Sasetaredzy their King received it, placed it round his neck and told all the Nations that
since they made him the keeper of the Belt, he would take care to present it to them every
time they would wish to follow him in an attack on the English.
M. de LongueuiVs Answer to the Message of the White River Indians.
W de Longueuil's Answer to the Message of the Chiefs of the Post of the White
River on the ig"" June.
Children. I answer your speech and send Saguin back to you with some Frenchmen who
convey your necessaries to you.
I recommend you to entertain towards all these Frenchmen who ire your brethren, that
kindness and friendship you have had for those who have been among you these last years.
As I know that you, though at a distance from me, do not love me less than the other Nations
who are at Detroit, I notify you, my Children, that the English have declared war against me.
I have lifted my hatchet over his head to avenge myself for all he hath done me.
Your father Onontio who speaks to you to-day by my mouth, orders me to present you this
Tomahawk to use it against that enemy who is yours also. Unite with all the Nations who
have accepted it.
Your brothers at Montreal as well as those at Detroit are ready to start. Tomahawk in hand,
to go and avenge the insult the English have offered me. It is for you to imitate them, in
order to parry and anticipate the blows Asaregoa (as they call the English Governor) wishes
to give you.
Wait not till he strike you first; commence by binding and pillaging all the English who
will come to your parts and to the Beautiful river; divide their goods among you and bring
the men here at Detroit; let your warriors penetrate even as far as the children of Asaregoa;
let them not hesitate to shed their blood, as they have shed so much of mine without cause
and furnished arms daily to their brothers the Flat heads against you and me. Possibly your
warriors will meet them on the way banded together for our destruction. As an invitation to
them to hear Onontio's word, and. to engage them to take up this hatchet, I send them this
Vermilion to decorate their persons and this tobacco to cheer them.
This powder and ball to be used against our enemies.
And these strings of Wampum to guide their steps, and to scatter the clouds which might
their route.
ro8
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCmPTS.
Toyaraguindiague, and Canante-Chiarirou, Chiefs of the nations on the White River,' I rely on
you, and on the promise you have given me of your fidelity and attention for the success of the
good work. I give each of you a blanket, a shirt and a pair of vpinter stockings (mitasses) to
cover you and to engage you to protect the flag of your father Onontio. Suffer it not to be
insulted by the enemy. You may rely that I will never abandon you, and shall not make any
difference between your village and my own.
Conference behveen Chevalier de Callieres and the Iroquois at Montreal., X'^th Jidy., 1700.
Two Onnondagas named Haratsions
Bhensisan with four Seneca chiefs,
Tonareng8enion, Tonatakst, arrived
at Montreal on the IS"" of July, and
spoke to Chevalier de Callieres,
Governor and Lieutenant-General
for the King in Canada, as follows : —
By a First Belt.
Father Onontio. The Onondaga, my oldest
brother, who has more sense than I, hath
repaired hither to speak to you in our name,
and as he informed us that you were desirous
of seeing your son, the Seneca, we have come
to tell you that Corlard (their name for the
Governor of New England ) has told us that the
two great Onontios of France and England
have concluded a peace in Europe, and that
they wish it to be so in this country; that they
had ordered the Indians, who have been up to
the present time at war, to cease hostilities,
and with this view Corlard hath forbidden us
to strike either the French or the Indians their
allies, and told us that the two governors of
Canada and New England had orders to unite
in chastising those who will not obey. In that
assurance we went to hunt, and whilst so
occupied 55 of our people have been killed as
well by the Outtaaes towards Detroit, the Ili-
nois [on the river Oyoque, the Miamis^] in the
Answer of Chevalier de Callieres to the
Six Deputies who spoke to him at
Montreal on the IS* of July.
By a First Belt.
M"' de Bellomont has told you nothing re-
specting what took place between the Great
Onontio and him of England, but what you
ought to have already learned from Bhensiaan
and the others whom you sent to me last fall,
and to whom I stated the same things you
mention to me, and that the two Kings have
agreed that you, as well as all the other In-
dians with whom you have been at war, should
participate in the Peace they have concluded.
This is the reason I told the Onondagas, who
came to see me, that it was necessary that some
Deputies from each of your Nations should
come here that I may learn their sentiments
and adopt measures to bring about a settle-
ment between you and all the Nations. Never-
theless, I do not see any Oneidas or Cayugas,
and you tell me, after your Belts, that they
were prevented accompanying you by the
English who visited Onondaga; and add, that
whilst you were coming down here on behalf
' The White River rises near tlie ninety-seventh degree of West longitude and about the thirty-sixth of North latitude, and
after running in a very serpentine course for thirteen hundred miles, enters the Mississippi fifty miles above the mouth of the
Arkansas, and seven hundred ajbove NeTr Orleans. Schoolcraft's Ozark Mountains, 234. — Ed.
" De La Potherie, IV., 138.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI.
ro9
river Choueguen. Thehatcliet is still hanging of your Villages, you have sent them to M. de
over our heads ; we come to learn from our Bellomont to ascertain his reasons for so long
Father whether he will withdraw it or have opposing your coming all together to confer
it taken away from his allies. with me.
2"'^ Belt.
I speak in the name of the 4 Iroquois Na-
tions, Onondagas, Senecas, Cayugas and Onei-
das, the late Count de Frontenac having stated
that we could transact business independent
of the Mohawks. Since that time I obeyed
your order not to go to war. But the Outtases,
Miamis, Ilinois and others, your allies of the
Upper Country, have not acted in the same
manner. Therefore, I request you, Father, to
take the hatchet out of their hands so that
they may strike no more; if I do not defend
myself, it is not for want of courage, but be-
cause I wish to obey you.
3'-'' Belt.
As we understand that you have a War Ket-
tle constantly suspended, we present you this
Belt on the part of the 4 Nations to upset it.
4"" Belt.
The sun is witness of my words, and that I
desire Peace of which and of War he is the
Master. He will punish those who will violate
the Peace. I ask of Onontio to let the Black
Gown (that is, the Rev. Father Bruyas,) Sieur
de Maricourt my son and Joncaire come along.
On seeing them, the Iroquois will have no doubt
of a sincere peace; they will bring back all
S""" Belt.
Although my request has not been complied
with in this instance, I will believe, seeing
you are all Onondaga and Seneca chiefs, that
you address me in the name of the two other
Iroquois Nations. Whilst awaiting your ar-
rival, according to your oft repeated promises
I have already adopted measures for taking the
hatchet out of the hands of all the Indians,
agreeably to the order of the Great Onnontio ;
but your long delay, joined to the blow you
struck against the Miamis a year ago, when
you wounded one of their Indians and killed a
Frenchman, has been, no doubt, the cause of
those blows which you inform me have been
struck against you by the Upper Nations, and
which I regret. As some Deputies from those
Nations must come here that I may speak to
them, it will be necessary for some Cliiefs from
your Villages also to attend in 30 days, which
is the time I ordered them, by a Canoe that
left for Michlimakinak in the Spring, to come
down here to terminate finally all business in
my presence.
3"^ Belt.
When we shall fasten all together the great
Tree of Peace the planting of which you will
witness, and when all the rivers shall be cleared
so that you may come and go in safety, then
shall all the War Kettles be overturned.
4"" Belt.
For the promotion of a matter of that mo-
ment, I shall with pleasure permit the Rev.
Father Bruyas, Sieurde Maricourt and Joncaire
to accompany you in order to look up our
prisoners, both French and allied Indians, and
to bring them back with the Deputies of the
Four Nations that I demand of you, on con-
dition that some among you will remain here
7J0
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
the prisoners both French and Indian allies
who remain among us, without leaving one
behind.
S"- Belt.
We have been given to understand that one
of our people is a prisoner among the Algon-
quins; we request our Father Onontio to open
his prison. This affair presses, because they
are going to a distance from this place, and we
would not obtain him for a long time.
6"- Belt.
I ratify by this Belt all that I said in the
name of the 4 Nations. I plant the Tree of
Peace in order that all the world, on seeing it,
may know that I come to demand peace of my
Father, who, Ihope, will grant it to me.
T"" Belt.
I have planted the Tree of Peace, and by
this Belt demand that all the rivers in which
there are a great many stones, may be cleared
in order that the way be free to come and
to go.
S"- Belt.
When we sent back our son Joncaire, we
wished that he should come and go in order
to communicate Onontio's opinions to us, and
convey ours to him; and we appoint him
Plenipotentiary of the affairs of our Seneca
village, as M. de Maricourt is of that belonging
to the Onondagas.
By THREE strings OF Wampum.
In consequence of the death of Joncaire's
father, who managed affairs well, and was in
favor of peace. We inform Onontio, by these
strings of Wampum, that we have selected
Tonatakout, the nearest blood relation, to act
until they return; the good treatment they
shall receive from me will not allow them to
be lonesome.
£"> Belt.
When you return 1 shall cause to be released
all the prisoners, in our, and our Indians'
hands, whose names you will furnish me.
However, I begin by restoring to you the man
who is among the Algonquins in order to give
you an instance of the sincerity with which I
deal with you as well as with them. But do
not fail to send me back their two little girls
whom I have already demanded, and a Mohe-
gan (Loup) who, I am informed, is at the
village of the Cayugas.
G"- Belt.
I am sorry for the death of Joncaire's
father, knowing that he had an upright
heart, and I am glad you have appointed
Tonatakst to act in his stead since you inform
me he resembles him in his good intentions.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI.
711
as his father instead, as he resembles [him]
in his disposition of a kind parent.
Be not surprised, Father Onontio, if only
two villages of us have come. Peter Schuyler,
M. de Bellomont's messenger, having learned
that we were about to start on our visit to you
pursuant to the promise we gave you, came to
our place to prevent us coming down; but we
did not fail to set out notwithstanding, in order
to solicit peace from you in the name of the 4
Upper Nations whilst we sent our children the
Cayugas and the Oneidas to ascertain why he
so long opposed our coming to our father
Onontio to conclude business completely.
We are so pleased at Onontio having grant-
ed us all we ask of him — permission for Father
Bruyas, and Sieurs de Maricourt and Joncaire
to come to our country for the prisoners —
that we willingly consent that four of our
people remain at Montreal until we return.
Here is a Belt that I present to you in token
of my sharing your sentiments; and 1 consent
that Sieur Joncaire act as envoy to convey my
word to you and to bring me back yours.
After the Iroquois had heard these Answers
of Chevalier de Callieres, they replied what
follows on the other side.
M. de Callieres to M. de Pontchartrain.
October 16, 1700.
My Lord,
lam in receipt of the letters you did me the honor to write me on the 17"" of February, 31"
of March and S"" of May. I already had the honor to inform you on the 21" of July, by the
first vessel which sailed hence, of the steps adopted by the Iroquois in order to come and solicit
peace of me by the annexed Words, according to their promise, in spite of the opposition of
the English, and the blow they received from the Outaouacs, of which they came to inform
me as you will see by their discourse which I sent you. You will have, also, seen the measures
I have adopted to get Deputies to come from each nation to conclude it, by sending the
Reverend Father Bruyas Superior of the Sault Indians, Sieur de Maricourt Captain of the Troops
and Sieur Joncaire, Interpreter and Quartermaster of my guards, with them in order to induce
them so to do and to bring me back our prisoners, having obliged those Iroquois to leave me
four of their Chiefs as hostages until their return, which was on the S"* of September
accompanied by 19 Deputies of the Upper Iroquois Nations with 13 French prisoners.
This father has reported to me the good disposition which he brought them to, despite the
opposition renewed a second time by an English envoy with a view to prevent them coming to
712 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
speak to me. To the joint letter of the Intendant and myself, I annex, My lord, the words of
the Iroquois and my answers to them, you will be informed by that, of the manner I have
concluded the Peace, which I made them sign according to their custom, together with the
Deputies of our Indian allies, whom I invited to attend on that occasion.
1 afterwards sent Father Anjalran and Sieur de Courtemanche, Lieutenant of the troops and
Captain of my Guards, to the Outaouas to get them to accept and sign it, as well as all the
Upper Nations. I ordered them to enjoin on the Chiefs to bring me down all the Iroquois
prisoners in their Country at the beginning of next August, which is the term I have likewise
fixed for the Iroquois Deputies to bring me down those of our Indians in their custody, so as
to make them exchange them in my presence, and thereby confirm that peace which I hope
will put a termination to all acts of hostility in these countries. I hope it may be agreeable to
his Majesty, having nothing more at heart than to furnish him with proofs of my zeal for his
service, and to render you satisfied with my entire conduct.
You will also see by the same joint letter that I have dispatched Sieur de Tonty, Captain
of the Troops to Missilimakinac to convey my orders, agreeably to those of the King, to cause
the Frenchmen who remained there to come down. He brought me only 20 of them. The
others to the number of 84 adopted, for the most part, the resolution to proceed to the
establishment on the Mississippy, whither 30 of them had already descended in ten canoes,
loaded with beaver which they owe to the merchants of this country. Sieur d'lberville put
this beaver on board his ship and gave them 12 @ 1500^''^ of powder, and some of his people
have also given them other goods in trade.
I have learned that, since he set sail, ten other canoes loaded with beaver have gone thither, and
that other Coureurs de bois are preparing to do in like manner. Had Sieur d'lberville thought
proper to write me an account of what passed in those parts, as he had done to some of his
relatives in Montreal, I would have advised him, or those who are in command there, of my
opinion, so as to apply a remedy to this wholesale robbery. I have been greatly surprised that
he did not inform me of it, since you have not let me know. My Lord, that the King had
detached that country, which was discovered by this, from the general government of this
Colony. In whatsoever manner his Majesty disposes of it, it would be necessary that he
should send his orders to the Commander of that post, to arrest these rebels, so that they
may be sent to the galleys, agreeably to the King's declaration of the 21" May 1696; and that
he address like instructions to me by the earliest vessels, in order that they be informed thereof
by the coast of the Mississipy and by this way, so as to constrain ihem to profit by the longest
delay I have given them — until the month of July of next year — to return to this country.
This would obviate the necessity of his Majesty having to chastise them according to the rigor
of his orders.
It would further be necessary to forbid those who will settle in that country receiving any
beaver either directly or indirectly, or going to trade for any to the Indian nations, permitting
them only to trade in Buffiilo skins and other articles that can be procured on that continent.
This, in my opinion, is the means to prevent the lawless people of this country disbanding
themselves, and to maintain it by the fur trade of which it has been in possession since its
first foundation.
Since the King has had reasons for endeavoring to settle the Mississippi, though the moutii
of that river be completely obstructed by a bar which prevents the entrance of vessels, there
being only 8 or 10 feet of water on it, I consider for the advantage of his service that it is highly
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 713
important to maintain that post, because the neighboring Spaniards and English would notf\iil,
were it abandoned, to seize it by means of small craft, one of wiiich has already made its
appearance, and by their own exertions and those of the Coureurs de bois draw to themselves
the trade of that country, without our being able to prevent it, which would be attended with
an inevitable loss. •
I have reprimanded the Outaouacs Chiefs who have been down here, for having been to war
against the Sioux, notwithstanding my having forbid them last year, and I recommended to them ,
as well as to Father Anjalran and Sieur de Courtemanche, to do all in their power to prevent
the continuance of those hostilities between them, which appear to me to have reached a great
height, the Sioux having swept off, last spring, a Village of the Miamis. It will be very difficult
to arrange this, in consequence of the distance of those nations, who have, no longer, a
Commandant to speak to them in my name.
Father Bruyas has just informed me that an Indian belonging to the Mission of the Sault,
returning from Orange, has reported that M. de Bellomont had made considerable presents there
to the Iroquois, telling them it was his intention to send some Ministers to their villages ; that
if the Jesuits went to settle there, he should have them arrested, and that he was going to erect
some forts in the Villages of the Mohawks, Oneidas and Onontagues, and another at the mouth
of their river which falls into Lake Ontario opposite Fort Frontenac. Should he put this
design into execution, I request you, My Lord, to inform me what course I shall have to adopt
in reference thereto.
I hope the peace with the Iroquois may serve to settle advantageously for the King, the
limits between us and the English ; if it be not possible to obtain the property of the Country
belonging to the former, their neutrality might be secured by referring to their declaration to
M. de Bellomont's envoy at Onnontague, when he wished to prevent them coming to speak
to me, That they were their Brothers but not their subjects — as set forth in their Speech —
so as to agree by that neutrality that neither we nor the English would be allowed to settle
on their lands ; leaving these Indians at liberty in Spiritualities, as we are assured they will
select our Missionaries in preference to English ministers.
I have communicated to the Intendant your observation that his Majesty was of opinion
that we had treated too leniently the merchants who had supplied some Indians with goods for
the French who remain in the woods; so that he may hereafter avoid similar indulgence in
like cases.
The Intendant and I shall inform you in our joint letter what we have done for the
equalization of the Companies and the discipline I subject them to. I shall continue to pay
attention to this matter, but they are in great need of a supply of good recruits, because those
who leave the service to get married and to become settlers, are always the best men.
You will see by the joint letter, My Lord, that I shall send Sieurs de la Motte and Sieur de
Tonty in the Spring to construct a fort at Detroit. My design is that tl»ey shall go by the
Outaouaes river in order to take possession of that post from the Lake Huron side, by that
means avoiding the Niagara passage so as not to give umbrage to the Iroquois, through fear of
disturbing the peace, until I can speak to them to prevent any alarm they might feel at such
proceedings, and until I adopt some measures to facilitate the communication and conveyance
of necessaries from tiiis, to that, country through lake Ontario. I shall apply myself the more
readily to that establishment inasmuch as Sieur de la Motte assured me that you desired it,
having nothing more at heart than to do something that may be agreeable to you.
Vol. IX. 90
714 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Messrs. de la Motte and de Tonty are well qualified for that enterprise, but it would be
necessary that you should have the goodness to procure an increase of pay from his Majesty
for them, to enable them to live there.
The Bishop of Quebec having executed his Majesty's orders respecting the Community
of the Nuns of the General Hospital, has concluded to repair to France for the purpose of
representing his views to you. That prelate is very charitable and denies himself even his
necessary supplies. I have no doubt, My Lord, but you will adopt measures with him that he
may continue his liberality for the support of that Hospital, as it is of great use to this country.
I caused Sieur de Merveille to give satisfaction to Sieur de Ramezay at the head of the Troops,
agreeably to his Majesty's order. As the latter tells me that he intends to proceed next year
to France to take advantage of the goodness you have had to obtain for him from his Majesty
a pension of 600", I shall again reiterate the most humble application I made last year, for a
company for Sieur de Courtemanche Lieutenant of troops, who is a very efficient officer,
requesting you to give him that of Sieur de Merveille ; by which I shall be much obliged.
I most humbly thank you for having granted that of Louvigny on my recommendation to
Sieur de Tonty.
Pursuant to the commissions granted by the King to Sieur Duplessis junior, Fournier de
Belleval and de Villiers, to fill the first vacant Ensigncies, I have appointed them to the places
of Sieur Deruilliers promoted to a lieutenancy, and of Sieurs de Sevanescot and Chevalier de
Noe who went to France last year. The Ensigncy of Sieur Fonville de Grandville, whom his
Majesty has appointed Attorney-General, remains still to be disposed of; 1 pray you to bestow
it on Sieur de Rochemont who has [acquitted] himself very well in this country for a long
period in the capacity of non-commissioned officer, or cadet.
Sieur de Ramezay who goes to France on leave is very attentive to his duty; he deserves
that you would have the goodness to procure for him the Command of this country after Sieur
de Vaudreuil as he [requested], being commander of the forces in case of death or absence.
I have not heard of any Governors or King's lieutenants meddling in matters of justice,
except to authorize them when required ; nor of their having put any of the Colonists
in prison. But as cases might occur which would go unpunished before receiving instructions
from me, such as sedition, straggling of Coureurs de Bois contrary to the King's commands,
want of respect for such governors, and of obedience for the orders they might issue, according
to circumstances, for restricting the people within their duty, which would tend to the
destruction of their authority, and be in entire opposition to the King's service, I beg you to
explain to me his Majesty's regulation which forbids their doing so, without receiving my
order to that effect. In order to avoid these inconveniences, 1 would suggest the propriety of
my prescribing what ou^ht to be done in such conjuncture, and that they afterwards report to
me thereupon, assuring you that I will not suffer them to abuse the power, nor to act for their
private interests, nor through passion.
Last fall, I sent Sieur de Louvigny to take the command of Fort Frontenac with orders
agreeably to the King's commands not to carry on any trade there; and having learned this
Spring that he contravsned the same, and was sending down a quantity of peltries, I detailed
a parly under the command of Lieutenant de Clevin acting adjutant of Montreal, and of Sieur
Chacornales, a reduced Lieutenant, to seize them, which they punctually did, and deposited
them in the King's store for which they each took receipts. I afterw^ards caused Sieurs de
Louvigny and the Officers who were with him to be relieved and tried, and I shall have the
honor to communicate to you the decision in this case by the last vessels.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 715
Conformably to your instructions, I shall render all the services in my power to Sieur de
Clermont partner in the Company for the establishment of stationary fisheries at Mount Lewis
also to Sieur de Villebois, agent for the Farmers of the Western Domain,' wlio is a wise and
meritorious man. I believe that he will conclude on returning, the inhabitants of this
country having ratified the treaty made by Sieur Pacaud with Sieur Derodes for the purchase
of the mass of beavers, and formed a company, concerning which we shall have the honor to
report to you by our last letters. Meanwhile Sieur de la Chenaye, Councillor, one of the
Directors who was elected yesterday by the meeting, has jffct informed me that he leaves
to-morrow in the King's ship, la Seine, which will wait at Rochelle for Sieur du Sinot his
colleague, who will be entrusted with every thing that has been agreed to by this Company for
your perusal, in order that you may have the goodness to obtain his Majesty's approbation thereof.
After having informed you, My Lord, of the affairs of this Country, permit me to testify to
you the great pleasure I've felt in the justice the King has rendered My Lord your father's
merit in elevating him to the dignity of Chancellor, and to crave the continuance of the honor
of your protection; assuring you of the attachment and profound respect with which I am.
My Lord,
Your most humble, most
Obedient and most obliged Servant
Quebec, the 16"" October 1700. Le Chevalier de Calliekes.
Conference between Governor de Callieres and the Iroquois.
Speeches of the Iroquois who came from their country to Montreal with the
Reverend Father Bruyas and Sieurs de Maricourt and de Joncaire, and
brought some Deputies of their Nations, to the number of nineteen, for the
purpose of concluding Peace. 3d September 1700.
They spoke to Chev"" de Callieres Governor, &c. as follows: —
By A STRING OP Wampum.
Father Onontio. You see before you, on this occasion all these Iroquois Nations; 'tis true you
do not see the face of the Oneida here, because he who was a delegate has fallen sick; we are
not masters of sickness or death; but he has assisted at all the councils which have been held,
and we express his word as if he were here.
1" Belt.
We already stated, when last here, that the Far Nations had struck us ; that we did not
wish to defend ourselves, because you and the English Governor had told us that it was a
General Peace. If we did not defend ourselves it was not because we were afraid ; on our
return to our villages, there were two hundred men ready to set out to avenge us, but when
they saw the Rev. Father Bruyas and Sieurs de Maricourt and de Joncaire they stopped. We
> Envoyc dea fermiers du domaine d'Occident Text. — Ed.
716 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
now tell you that there is not any one on the war path, nor desirous to go on it, and we have
laid all the hatchets asjde.
2-' Belt.
When we came here last, we planted the tree of Peace ; now we give it roots to reach the
Far Nations, in order that it may be strengthened ; we add leaves also to it, so that good
business may be transacted under its shade. Possibly the Far Nations will be able to cut some
roots from this Great Tree, but we will not be responsible for tiiat nor its consequences. .
3"^ Belt.
The best proof of Peace is the surrender of Prisoners; we afford such proof to you in
bringing you back thirteen whom we present you, though we have experienced considerable
pain in witnessing their separation from us, having long since adopted them as our nephews.
We also ask you to restore to us, as you promised, all the prisoners that are among the Far
Nations and neighboring tribes here. It will afford great joy to all our Villages.
By a String of Wampum.
You and the Onontio of Orange' have made Peace ; you have told us that we should all oppose
him who would violate it. Corlard, notwithstanding, seems desirous of creating disturbance.
Come, then, to some arrangement, both of you, and let me know what conclusion you will
have agreed to, because when the Rev. Father Bruyas and Sieurs de Maricourt and de Joncaire
were at Onnontae, a Dutchman came to tell us, by a string of Wampum, that Corlard forbad
us listening to the Word of Onontio, and in case he spoke, not to mind him but to depart
immediately to repair to Albany within ten or twelve days. We were so indignant at this,
that Teganisorens told him, he was astonished that Corlard would treat us as Slaves; who
were his Brothers, not his Vassals, and after having told us that the Peace was general, that he
seemed desirous to induce us to fight against our father, which we were unwilling to do; that,
as for the rest, we should despite his prohibition, not fail to go down to Montreal where our
Father Onontio had lighted the fire of Peace, and in order that he may not plead ignorance
thereof, we showed him these belts we were bringing. All the Nations that were assembled
approved what Teganisorens said.
By a String of Wampum.
When Joncaire was in our country, the father of this youth whom we restore, was his master;
but now it is Joncaire who is master of this young man. We give him in order that if Joncaire
should happen to die, he may be regarded as his nephew and may take his place. Therefore
it is that we give him up to Onontio, whom we beg, vpith the Intendant, to take care of him,
and to confine him should he become wild.
4"" Belt.
We should like to take a smith back with us to Fort Frontenac, and that you would also
send some goods thither, so that those of our people who do not come down here by the river
may, by placing things as they were before the war, find what they want there; and let them
be furnished us at a cheap rate and at Montreal prices; Corlard is becoming ill humored; he
may indeed, create disturbance ; we would, therefore, wish to have recourse to that fort.
' Sic. Qu ? You Onontio and Corlard have made peace <Stc. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 717
5"" Belt.
You appointed a Commandant to Fort Frontenac whom also we called Onontio ; I perceive,
notwithstanding, that you have made him come back and have confined him in a house. This
causes us pain. He supplied our wants ; 'tis true he supplied them at a somewhat high rate, but
he aflbrded us pleasure for we were all naked, and were at liberty to take the goods or leave
them; It would gratify us much to see him at liberty before going away.
e"- Belt.
The last time we spoke here we gave some presents to the Algonquin because he made us
some during winter, when hunting; he spoke to us again afterwards, and told us that since
Onontio united us by the peace, we would eat together when we should meet. He said he
would be here on our return, but as this is not the case, I lay this belt on the ground to thank
him and to tell him that we ask nothing better than to make one joint kettle when we shall
meet. We have not been able to bring back his two little girls whom you demanded and who
were prisoners in our parts, because one of them is dead, and the other was at the hunting
grounds when we left our villages ; but we promise you to bring her back next summer.
Answer of the Chevalier de Callieres, Knight of the Order of St. Louis, Governor
and Lieutenant-general for the King throughout all Northern France, to
the Words which the Iroquois Deputies brought him.
By a String of Wampum.
I am very glad, my Iroquois children, to see you returned with the Rev: Father Bruyas and
Sieurs de Maricourt and de Joncaire, and that you have kept the promise you gave me long
ago, by bringing me some Deputies from your villages. As your good treatment of the Rev.
Father and of Sieurs de Maricourt and de Joncaire affords me evidence of the sincerity with
which you acted, I am happy to open my arms to you in order to receive you as a good father,
who is always disposed to forget the past in regard to his Children, and to employ himself in
making a general peace between all my allies and you.
r' Belt.
'Tis true, you told me of the blows which the Nations inflicted on you since the Great
Onontios of France and of England made peace, which they wished you to enjoy as well as
the other Nations, my allies, with whom you were at war ; whereunto I answered you as I
g^ain do, that your long delay in coming to see me with Deputies from each Village, in
conjunction with the blow you struck on the Miamis a year ago, has been the cause of what
you experienced, which I regret, as I would rather have wished entirely to terminate the war
which must not be thought of any more, forgetting on both sides what has occurred whilst it
continued. You have done well in stopping all the parties who were prepared to march, and
in having laid the hatchets aside.
2"* Belt,
I bewail the Dead whom you have lost in these last rencontres, whilst we were engaged in
negotiations of peace, and clean the ground that has been reddened by blood,
718 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
3'^ Belt.
I seize your hatchets and those of my allies to place them with my own and all other
weapons of war, in a trench that I dig deep, whereupon I lay a large rock and turn a river
over that, in order that people may not find those arms again to use them against each other.
d"" Belt.
I make firm, like you, the Great Tree of Peace, which you have planted, with all its leaves,
and you need not entertain any apprehension that any of the roots will be cut off by the Far
Nations, my allies. Here are some of their Chiefs : The Rat, Kinonchd, Htasliboy, Kelesiskingie
and others whom T invited early in the Spring; they assure me that the Peace I now conclude
with you for all my allies, shall be punctually respected by them, which I shall cause all my
Frenchmen, and Indian allies, domiciled among us also to do ; some of their Chiefs are here
from the Sault and the Mountain, and my Kercadout, Onnagszny, Netaminet and other of the
principal Abenakis of Acadia, who have come expressly to execute my word.
S"" Belt.
You afforded me pleasure in bringing back the thirteen French prisoners whom I see here ;
but I again ask you to bring me back the remainder and, generally, all those of my allies
whom you have in your country, by the beginning of next August which is the time I fix for
all the nations to bring back also to you all your people whom they retain, so that a mutual
exchange may take place in my presence, and in order that every thing be replaced in the same
condition it was in before the War; and in regard to your prisoners among the Indians
domiciled in this neighborhood, you can speak to them and open the door to them by the
Peace I conclude, to return home if they think proper.
e"" Belt.
In order that this Peace which I grant you in the King's name, may be stable, should any
difference occur, or any blow be struck on one side or the other, he who may feel aggrieved
shall not seek vengeance either by himself or his nation; but he shall come to me that I may
have satisfaction done him; and in case the aggressor refuse to give the satisfaction I
may have decreed, I shall oblige him to it by uniting myself to those who will have been
insulted, and I shall ask the Governor of the English to join me in like manner to chastise the
rebels, pursuant to the order we have — he and I — from our two Great Onontios of France
and England, and there remains no other agreement to be made between me and Corlard on
that point than to execute the orders of the Kings, our masters, for the maintenance of
the peace. •
By a String of Wampum.
I willingly accept the recommendation you give the Intendant and me to take care of the
young man whom you have given Sieur Joncaire, and we will furnish him every thing he shall
require to qualify him for filling some day said Sieur Joncaire's place.
7"' Belt.
For the purpose of encouraging Peace, I shall ask his Majesty's permission to grant your
request as regards Fort Frontenac, and whilst awaiting his orders will immediately have a
Smith sent up thither, together with some goods for your most urgent necessities, which will
PARIS DOCUMENTS: VI. 719
be furnished you at the lowest rates possible, but I recommend you to prevent your young men
touching either the Cattle or any other things belonging to the Fort.
S"- Belt.
If I have recalled the Commandant who was at Fort Frontenac, and had him shut up in a
house, it was because he disobeyed me, and this should not render you uneasy, as I will send
another whom 1 shall recommend to afford you satisfaction.
By a String of Wampum.
I shall give the Algonkins the Belt you have left with me for them, and explain to them its
contents; but I again recommend you not to omit bringing me their little girl that is still alive
in your Country, at the time I indicated for your bringing me the other prisoners.
After the Iroquois had heard these answers, they spoke as follows: —
We thank you, Onontio, for the treatment we have received from you. You must have
examined all the old affairs to speak as you have done. Such is the way to act when there is
a sincere desire to bring matters to a happy termination. For ourselves, we promise to obey
your voice, and so much the worse for those who will not do likewise.
The Rat, the Chief of the Hurons, spoke by a Belt, which he addressed to Chevalier
de Callieres:
I have always obeyed Onontio; he takes the hatchets out of the hands of all the nations ;
for me I cast mine at his feet. Who will be so bold as to oppose his Will, who is here our
Father ; I have no doubt but the Upper Nations will abide his pleasure. It is for you, Iroquois
Nations to do the same.
8ta8tiboy, chief of the Btasaes also spoke by a Belt which he presented to M' de Callieres:
I speak in the name of the Four Btabais Natious to wit: the Btasaes of the Sable, the
8ta8aes Sinago, the Kiskakons and the people of The Fork^ who have sent me expressly here,
to listen to the voice of our Father Onnontio. He takes the hatchets to throw them to the end
of the earth; I place mine at his feet, never to take it up again except when it shall be his
pleasure. I exhort you also, you Iroquois Nations, to form but one body with us ; I shall carry
Onnontio's word up yonder.
The Abenakis also spoke in like ma'nner by a Belt addressed to M' de Callieres.
I have nothing else to say than to add that I have no other hatchet than Onnontio's, and ns
he has thrown his to the end of the earth, Mine has followed it, and as I have no other will
than his, I shall exactly execute all he will require.
The Chief of the Mountain spoke by a Belt addressed, like all the others, to Chevalier
de Callieres: —
I of the Mountain am the last to speak, being the smallest nation. I also lay my axe at the
feet of Onnontio.
Chevalier de Callieres addressed the Iroquois in these terms : —
I place in your hands the Belts of the Hurons, the Btasaes, Abenakis, and of the Chief of
the Mountain, in order that you recall to mind their contents.
' The junction of the Kinkakee and Illinois rivers is called the Fork. Charlevoix, III., 371, 380. — Ed.
720 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Btonniot, Chief of the Sault, said to the Iroquois by a Belt : —
We of the Sault have just heard our Father, who told you that whosoever in future would
attack any other Nations should be chastised, and that he will even unite with the Governor of
the English for that purpose. I give you this Belt to confirm his words.
The Iroquois spoke by two Belts which they addressed to M'' de Callieres:
1 thank the Huron and Outaaaes who stated that it was Onuontio who had given them the
hatchet and that they laid it down again at his feet. We hope they will never take it again
from the place where it has just been laid.
Chevalier de Callieres spoke to the Hurons and Btasaes
As I have given the Iroquois the Belts you gave me, I also hand you those whereby they
answer me, in order that you may remember what they have said to me.
All the preceding Articles having been accepted by the Iroquois Deputies and by those of
the Nations who had come down by order of Chevalier de Callieres, he caused them to sign
the same with him and the Intendant, each making the mark of his Nation, in presence of the
entire assembly, at Montreal the S"' of September 1700.
Thus signed in the Original: —
Le Chev" de Callieres, Hortrait-Champigny, Vaudreuil, de Ramezay, Fran: Dollier P: C:
Lacolombiere, F. Guillaume Warden of the Recolets, Pierre Lesholenec, Superior of the house
belonging to the Society of Jesus at Montreal.
The nations made each their ordinary mark. After which signed, Sieurs Francois
Debelmont' Priest, Missionary of the Mountain, Jacques Bruyas,^ Missionary of the Sault S'
Louis, Antoine Gaulin, Missionary of the Abenakis of Acadia, Jean Enjalran, missionary of the
Btasaes Nations, Maricour, de Joncaire.
' Rev. FRANgois Vachon de Belmont belonged to a distinguished house in Burgundy and waa connected with his native
country by offices of high respectability. Acquainted with the circle of the Sciences and conversant with most of the
languages of Europe he abandoned all his prospects to become a Missionary in Canada. In 1680, whilst yet in minor orders,
he was put in charge of the Indian School attached to the Iroquois Mission at the Mountain of Montreal. St. Valtier: Etat
present, 69 ; La Potherie, I., 343. Ilere he had a Church constructed at his private expense, of which he became the pastor
in 1681. He succeeded M. Dollier, supra, 138, as Superior of the Seminary of Montreal and filled that office until his death,
which occurred in 1732. Faillon. He left behind him among other writings, a. Bistoire du Canada, which is printed in the
Collections of the Quebec Literary and Historical Society for 1840. — Ed.
" Kev. Jacques Bruyas, of Lyons, arrived at Quebec 3d August 1666, and set out on the 14th July of the following year
for the Mohawk country and thence in September for Oneida. Having been appointed Chief of the Iroquois Missions in
1671, he returned to the Mohawk, was among the Senecas in 1673, again among the Mohawks, where he continued until 1679
when he was recalled. He was in charge of the Mission at the Sault St. Louis in 1684, accompanied Denonville against Senecas
in 1687 ; was at the Sault again in 1691, and in 1693 became Superior of his Order in Canada and held that office until 1700.
In 1699 the Onondagas being desirous to conclude a peace visited Montreal and invited Father Bruyas to return as Ambassador
with them but their request was refused until they would conclude a treaty at Montreal, and in the fall of that year he was
sent with Major La Valliere with the King's Letter announcing the termination of hostilities between England and France.
Za Polherie, IV., 131. In the Summer of 1700, the Ii-oquois renewed their request, and Father Bruyas proceeded to
Onondaga, Ibid, 148, where he arrived in August and returned the month following with a delegation that concluded a
final peace between the Five Nations and the French which lasted for more than 60 years. lb , 174. He visited Onondaga
again in July 1701 on public affairs, and acted as Interpreter to the Iroquois at the grand ratification of the peace in August
following by all the Indians. lb., 241. The time of his decease is not precisely known. It occurred four months before
Lafitau entered on the Mission of Sault St Louis. Maiurs Saavages, IL, 434. He was the best philologist of the Mohawk
language, and compiled many works in that tongue and on its construction. Hennepin journeyed from Fort Frontenac to
the Mohawk valley to examine his Dictionary, and Cotton Mather had a copy of his Mohawk Catechism. His Racines
Affnieres ; Dictionary and Catechism are still extant. Shea.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: VI. 721
Louis XIV. to Messrs. de Callieres and de Chaiivpigny.
Memoir of the King to M. de Callieres his Majesty's Governor and Lieutenant-
General, and M. de Champigny, Intendant of Justice, Police and Finance,
of New France,
Versailles, 31" May 1701.
His Majesty has seen the despatches of the 17 and 18 October and 6 November of last year,
1700, which they addressed to Count de Pontchartrain, Secretary of State for the department
of the Marine, and the Estimates, Memoirs and other papers thereunto annexed. It has
afforded his Majesty much satisfaction to learn that Peace has been concluded with the Iroquois
without any participation of, and in spite of the means employed by, the English, to prevent
it. He desires that they, on their side, do every thing in their power to maintain that Peace
which is indispensably necessary for the progress of the Colony and for the indemnification of
his Majesty for a portion of the expenses which he has incurred in consequence of that War,
and which he finds extremely onerous at the present conjuncture.
Although a relief from these expenses be highly needful, he has been pleased, as he perceives
himself on the eve of a war with England, to continue them this year so as to deprive that
Nation of every pretext for an expedition against that Colony, and in order that the Iroquois,
seeing the French in a state of security may not rally to the English a second time, but observe
a strict neutrality at least; and were it possible in case of war, to unite them to us for the
purpose of inducing them to carry on hostilities against the English, it must not be omitted to
be done. It is his Majesty's desire that they employ all possible address and dexterity,
observing that any union vpe may possibly effect with the Iroquois do not lose us the friendship
of the other Indians, our allies. Therefore, in case of an alliance with them, it must be so
managed that a good understanding be maintained with the others.
In regard to the 84 who had not yet rejoined last year, and the greater portion of whom
had proceeded to the Mississippi, his Majesty has been informed of the reasons which have
detained them in the woods, and has been pleased to take it into favorable consideration,
being strongly persuaded that the clemency he is pleased to extend to them, will engage them
to a more prompt obedience in future.
What has induced his Majesty the more to listen to their excuses has been the resolution he
has adopted to form a settlement at the lower end of the Mississippi. He proposes to place
those people there, and in that way to lay the foundations of that Colony which has become
for him an indispensable necessity, in order to prevent the progress which the English of
Coloine' and New-York have begun to make in the territories intervening between them and
that River. But as he is desirous of preventing that Colony being injurious to Canada, his
Majesty will issue orders to oblige tiie Canadians who have repaired thither to repay their
debts. He will prohibit them also hunting Beaver; and as they actually have some of that
article, and have not been informed of the prohibition his Majesty has concluded on, he has
permitted the Deputies of the Quebec Company, at present in France, to send a clerk to the
Mississippi to receive and pay for all the Beaver that will be brought thither pending this and
next year, to prevent its being conveyed to the English, and in order that such trade remain
in the same hands.
' Sic. Carolina. — Ed.
Vol. IX. 91
722 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Ratification of the Peace between the French and the Indians.
Ratification of the Peace concluded in the month of September last between
the Colony of Canada, its Indian allies and the Iroquois, in a General
Meeting of the Chiefs of each of these Nations convoked by Chevalier de
Callieres Governor and Lieutenant-General for the King in New France.
At Montreal the fourth of August One thousand seven hundred and One.
As there were only some Huron and Outawas Deputies here last year when I concluded
peace with the Iroquois for myself and all my allies, 1 deemed it necessary to send Sieur de
Courtemanche and the Reverend Father Anjalran to all the other nations, my allies, then
absent, to inform them of what occurred, and to invite them to send down some Chiefs from
each, with the Iroquois prisoners they held, in order that they may hear my word altogether.
I am exceedingly rejoiced to see all my Children assembled here at present; You, Hurons,
Outawas, of the Sable, Kiskakons, Outawas Sinago, the Nation of the Fork, Sauteurs,
Poutouatamis, Sacs, Puants, Wild Rice, Foxes, Maskoutens, Miamis, Illinois, Amikois,
Nepissings, Algonkins, Temiscamings, Cristinaux, Inland Nations (Gens des Te;Tf«j, Kikapous,
People of the Sault and of the Mountain, Abenakis, and you Iroquois Nations; and as you have,
both the one and the other, deposited your interests in my hands, that I can cause you all to
live in quietness. I this day, then, ratify the Peace we concluded in the month of August last,
wishing that no further mention be made of the several blows struck during the War, and I
lay hold anew of all your hatchets and other warlike weapons and put them, together with my
own, in so deep a trench that no one can take them up again to disturb the peace I reestablish
among my children and you ; recommending you, whenever you meet each other, to act as
brothers and to agree together as regards hunting, so that no disturbance may occur, and this
peace may not be troubled:
I repeat what I already stated in the Treaty we have concluded; should it happen that some
of my Children strike another of them, he who will have been struck shall not take vengeance
either by himself or by others in his behalf, but shall come and see me in order that I may
have justice done him, declaring to you that if the offender refuse to give reasonable
satisfaction, I, with my other alhes, shall unite with the injured person to constrain him so to
do. I do not expect such an occurrence, owing to the obedience due to me from my Children
who will remember what we now conclude together; and in order that they may not forget it, I
attach my words to the Belts that I am about to give to each of your Nations, so that the
Chiefs may cause their young men to respect them.
I invite you all to smoke the Calumet of Peace, which I begin first to do, and to eat some
meat and drink some broth that I cause to be prepared for you, so that I, like a good Father,
may have the satisfaction to see all my Children united together.
I shall preserve this Calumet which has been presented me by the Miamis, so that I may
have it in my power to make you smoke whenever you will come to see me.
All the above mentioned Nations having heard what Chevalier de Callieres said to them,
answered as follows : —
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 723
The Chief of the Kiskakons.
Father, having learned that you demanded the Iroquois prisoners, I would not fail to bring
them to you ; Here are four whom I present to you, to do by tliem as you please. With
this Wampum J[ released them and here is a Calumet that I give the Iroquois to smoke
together when we shall meet. I rejoice that you have united the earth that was upset, and
willingly subscribe to every thing you have done.
The Ikoquois.
Father. Here we are assembled agreeably to your wishes ; you planted, last year, a Tree of
peace, and added to it roots and leaves to shelter us. We now hope that all hear your word;
that no one will touch that tree. For ourselves, we assure you by these 4 Belts, that we will
attend to all you say. We present you some prisoners here present, and shall surrender the
others in our hands. We also hope, now the doors are open for peace, that the remainder of
our people will be restored.
The HuRONS.
Here we are as you requested ; we present you twelve prisoners, five of whom desire to return
with us. You will do as you please with the other seven. We thank you for the peace you
have procured for us, and joyfully ratify it.
John Le Blanc, an Outawas of the Sahle.
Father, I've obeyed you as soon as you asked me, by bringing to you two prisoners of whom
you are master; when you commanded me to go to war I did so, and now that you forbid me,
I obey. I ask of you, Father, by this Belt that the Iroquois untie and restore to me my body
which is in their country; that is to say — the people of his Nation.
Jangouessy, an Outawas Sinago.
I did not wish to disregard your orders, Father, though I had no prisoners. Nevertheless,
here is a woman I redeemed; do with her as you like; and here is a Calumet that I present to
the Iroquois to smoke like brothers when we shall meet.
Chichicatato, Chief of the Miamis.
Father, I have obeyed you by bringing you back eight Iroquois prisoners to do with them as
you please; had I some canoes, I would have brought you more; although I do not see here
any of mine that are in the hands of the Iroquois, I will bring you those that remain if you
wish it, or I shall open the door to them that they may return.
Onanguisset, for the Sacs.
Father. I form but one body with you. Here's an Iroquois prisoner whom I took in war ;
in presenting him to you, permit me to give him a Calumet to carry to the Iroquois and to
smoke whenever we meet. I thank you for giving light to the Sun which has been obscured
since the War.
Onanguisset Chief of the Poutouatamis.
Father. I shall not make you along speech. I have only two prisoners whom I place beside
you to do with them as you think proper. Here's a Calumet which I present you either to
724 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
retain or give it to these two prisoners in order that they smoke out of it in their country. I
am always ready to obey you even unto the death.
MiSKOUENSA, Chief of the Outagamis.
I have no prisoners to surrender to you, Father, but I thank you for the cl^r sky you give
the whole world by the Peace. For myself I will never lose this light.
The Maskoutins.
I do not bring you any Iroquois prisoners because I have not been out against them for some
time, having amused myself in making war on other nations ; but I am come in obedience to
your call, and thank you for the Peace you have procured us.
The Wild Rice.
Father, I come merely out of obedience to you, and to take advantage of the Peace you have
concluded between the Iroquois and us.
The Sauteurs and Puants.
Father. I would have brought you some Iroquois prisoners had I had any, as I am desirous
to obey you in whatever you order. I thank you for the light you have given us, and I wish
that it may be lasting.
The Nepissings.
I would not fail in coming here like the others, to listen to your voice. I had an Iroquois
prisoner last year whom I surrendered to you; here's a Calumet which I present to you for the
Iroquois if you please, in order that we may smoke together whenever we meet.
The Algonquins.
Father. I have no prisoners to surrender to you. The Algonkin is one of your Children,
who has always been yours and will so continue as long as he shall live. I pray the Master
of Life that your acts to-day may long endure.
The Amikois.
Having no will but yours, I agree to what you have just done.
The Abenakis.
Father. Although I am the last to speak, I am not the less yours ; You know I have been
always attached to you I have no longer a hatchet ; You buried it in a trench last year, and I
will not resume it until you order me.
Those of the Sault.
You, Iroquois, are not ignorant that we are attached to our Father ; we who dwell with
him and live in his bosom. You sent us a Belt three years ago inviting us to procure peace
for you; we sent you another in return; we again give you this one to let you know tiiat we
have labored for that object. We ask nothing more than that it should be lasting. Do, also,
on your part, what is necessary thereunto.
PAEIS DOCUMENTS: VI. 725
Those of the Mountain.
Father. You have caused all the Nations to be assembled here, to make a pile of hatchets
and to bury them with your own in the ground. I rejoice at what you have done this day, and
I invite the Iroquois to regard us as their brothers.
Lower down. Thirty-eight Chiefs of the different Nations have signed as usual with figures
of Animals.
Projects against Neiv England.
Canada. 1701.
If war be declared between France and England and Neutrality do not exist between the
two Crowns, in North America, it is certain that the King can very easily conquer and ruin
New England, or at least make considerable progress towards it, either by incursions into the
Country, or by the capture and destruction of some towns, or by [sacking the] towns, villages
and settlements which can be entirely destroyed.
Essential observa- Before entering into the detail of what might be done in this regard, it is
■ proper to observe that the peace concluded specially with the Iroquois in 1700,
and which in 1701 was rendered general with all the known Indian Nations, acquired for the
King a certain and incontestable superiority in Canada over all New England. \
That country, 'tis true, is twice more populous than New France, but its people are cowardly
to an astonishing degree, absolutely undisciplined and without any experience in War; the
smallest party of Indians has always got the better of them ; in fine, they have no Regular
troops there.
This is not the case with Canada. There are 28 Infantry Companies of detachments from
the Marine, there ; the Canadians are brave, well disciplined and indefatigable on the march.
Two thousand of them will always beat, on any ground, the subjects of New England.
This Peace places all the Indians in the French interest and prevents the Iroquois uniting
with the English in case of a rupture ; otherwise, should they do so, all the other Indians
would unite together to make war on the Iroquois, who would be soon overpowered by the
multitude.
The Five Iroquois Nations can muster only 1200 warriors at most. It would be easy to
organize a corps of 6000 men from among the other Indians; which conjoined with a
detachment of 500 of our troops would annihilate, and forever, the Iroquois.
Particulars of ihe '^^ rctum to the plaus, it is to be remarked — That New England is a very
srrength °'of' New° Bxteusive country. The principal places on the sea coast are Pescatouet, Salem,
"^'"^ ' Boston, Rode island, Manatte or New-York; these places have harbors and ports.
It is about 70 leagues from Pentagouet in Acadia, which belongs to the King, to Pescatouet;
hence to Salem 25 leagues ; from Salem to Boston 5 leagues ; thence to Rode island 30 leagues
and from the last point to Manatte 70 leagues.
726 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
The only places of importance in the interior are Esopus, Orange and Corlard, which lie
between Manatte and Mont Real in Canada.
There are a number of petty villages and settlements along the Coast and in the interior.
From Chambly, a post of Canada, to Orange is 95 leagues. We go in Canoe as far as the
River Chicot' which rises in the interior; there is a portage of 4 leagues between this and
the river leading to Orange and Manatte, which places are 60 leagues apart.
Corlard is a small Village fortified only with pallisades, containing scarcely 200 men capable
of bearing arms, who are commanded by the Lord of the locality. There are no other troops.
Orange is a little town fortified only by some miserable pallisades, very low and easily scaled.
It contains a fort provided simply with pallisades, and garrisoned by a company of 50 men.
M'' Peter SeuP is the commandant of the Town and fort. The town and neighborhood contain
at most about 700 men, capable of bearing arms, who as well as those of Corlard are pretty
well disciplined; the one and the other are, mostly all, Dutch.
Esopus is 30 leagues from Orange. It is a small unfortified town; itself and neighborhood
scarcely muster 400 men capable of bearing arms. They are laborers and people
without discipline.
From this town to Manatte is thirty leagues. The latter is a pretty well built; unfortified
both on the land and the sea side; contains a very small stone fort easy to be escaladed; and a
battery towards the harbor on which are mounted 50 pieces of cannon, at most. The
governor resides there with only a garrison of 50 men. There are no other troops in the town.
The inhabitants are one-third French Refugees; one-third Dutch, and the rest English.
Discord reigns paramount among them. The Governor is without authority. They are
almost all traders fishermen, and mechanics, and may amount altogether to 2000 men, not
entirely without discipline. The entrance of the harbor is very easy. There is a small island
on which, in spite of the battery of the port, a descent can be effected, and the town is easily
bombarded from that point. Over fifty merchantmen arrive yearly, and a number of ships are
built there.
Rhode island 3 is a small passable town possessing a fine harbor where ships anchor at the
foot of the houses. It is unfortified, and open at all sides. The inhabitants are merchants,
laborers, and fishermen. It and the neighborhood may contain 400 men, without discipline
and very much afraid of Indian parties.
Boston is not fortified on the land side, whence it can be easily entered at low water; When
it is flood tide, the water is up to the waist. On the sea side there is a good harbor; on the
islands at its mouth are two stone forts furnished with gun batteries. The town is large and
ill-built, consisting almost entirely of wooden houses. It and the neighborhood may muster
3000 men; they are without discipline, being all traders, fishermen and mechanics. There are
no troops in the town ; merely a garrison of twenty men in each fort. This is the residence of
the Governor-General who has no regular troops in New England.
Salem is a small town without any fortifications, having a fine unfortified harbor. There, and
in the neighborhood are several places, villages and settlements, where the people dry codfish
which is their sole trade. Several vessels loaded with fish come there every year. The
inhabitants of this town and environs amount at the most to only five @ six hundred ; timid
and undisciplined people.
' Stump, or Wood, creek in Wasbington county, N. Y. — Ed. ' Schuyler. ° Newport, R. I.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 727
Pescatouet is a small pallisaded town at the mouth of a river; its inhabitants imperfectly
disciplined, occupy themselves in manufacturing a quantity of Plank (bordage) and masts.
Ships are built there.
From the preceding minute particulars, we must be convinced of the facility with which New
England and the above mentioned towns and places depending on it, can be ruined.
First Projecu To effect it, 3000 men are sufficient for the expedition which must commence
with Boston. This is the most considerable place and very easily captured.
A fleet consisting of five men of War is required, having 1000 effective soldiers on board for
the purpose of landing.
This fleet would land at Pentagouet, which would be the place of rendezvous that must be
fixed for the 20"" of June at latest. 2000 men from Canada, to consist of 500 soldiers, 1000
Canadians and 500 Indians, could repair thither after the sowing season in canoes by way of
the river near Quebec that conducts to Acadia.
After having landed the 1000 soldiers, it might set sail for Boston harbor, observing for a
short time a course agreed upon with the land forces.
These, which would then amount to 3000 men, could proceed in the canoes from Canada,
as far as Pescatouet; at that place which can be easily carried by sudden assault, a depot could
be formed under a guard of 50 good men.
Those troops would then go by land to Boston ; The road is very easy; On their way they
could without difficulty lay waste the towns and places on the route.
After arriving at, and destroying, Boston, the fleet would sail tor Manatte and the troops
could march overland thither. Nothing is easier, the road being good and horses and carriages
abounding along the route. That town would be destroyed and burned in a short time.
On their way thither, the troops would lay waste the posts and places along the Coast.
It is to be remarked that the 2000 men from Canada, cannot repair to Pentagouet earlier
than the 20"" of June as the rivers are not navigable before that time, and it is of importance
that this expedition do not take the farmers away from their sowing.
These 2000 men will not be able to carry provisions with them further than Pentagouet; it
will be, therefore, necessary to bring from France, two months' supply of Biscuit by way of
precaution. We say, by way of precaution, for abundance of provisions and cattle will be
found whilst utterly devastating the places and towns along the coast.
After the Manatte expedition, the 1000 Marines will be reembarked on board the fleet which
would return to France.
The 2000 men from Canada would return thither in their canoes, which they would find at
Pescatouet, completing on their way the destruction of the towns and places along the Coast.
But if sloops were found, as is possible, at Manatte it would be very easy to return thence
by the river of Orange to Montreal. The towns of Esopus and Orange and the villages and
settlements might be easily captured, ruined and burned, on the way. The men would,
afterwards, proceed to, and act in the same manner at, Corlard, whence they would go to
New France.
In this case the Commander of the fleet, in returning to France, might order the 50 men
remaining at Pentagouet in care of the canoes, to return to Quebec and to break the
superfluous canoes.
It is of importance not to communicate this expedition to the Iroquois. It can be secretly
prepared and successfully executed without their cooperation ; but a short time previous to its
728 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
execution it appears essential to cause the principal Chiefs of these Indians to come to Quebec,
on pretext of some negotiations, in order to get them to listen to reason, and to retain them
without constraint until the expedition be completed. During the absence of those Chiefs from
home the Five Iroquois Nations will not budge, and will be unable to do any thing more, after
it will have been consummated. At all events, if they do not wish to come, it will have been
executed before they are informed of it, or in a condition to prejudice it.
Second Project. Were his Majesty not desirous to incur the expense of a fleet, and resolved
that operations should be carried on with the forces of Canada alone, it would, in that case, be
hazardous to undertake the total destruction of New England.
But it would be easy to undertake and successfully execute, with the 2000 Canadians, an
expedition against Boston or even against Manatte or the other towns hereinbefore mentioned.
The low country and towns and Villages within reach and on the route could be destroyed
at the same time. This arrangement could be concluded in Canada.
In case the country were thrown, as it apparently would be, into considerable consternation
by the capture of Boston, which is preferable to that of Manatte or other towns, those troops
could be divided into two corps of 1,000 men each.
Manatte could be reached and easily captured, having neither fortifications nor troops, and
Canada afterwards gained by the Orange river; the little town of Esopus with the adjoining
villages and settlements could be destroyed in passing, and the same be attempted with Orange
and Corlard, with some prospect of success.
The other division of troops would return by Pentagouet, laying waste also, the towns of
Salem and Pescatouet and the Villages and settlements on its route. This would be easily
effected as those places are almost entirely defenceless.
Neutrality. The late wars of Canada have prevented the increase of the Colony and the
clearing of lands; have caused the abandonment of a number of settlements and cultivated
farms; also the destruction of a great many people, and in fine have been a continual and
insurmountable obstacle to the sedentary fisheries and to the trade in hemp, masts, planks,
staves, oils etc. etc.
The great advantages which have accrued to the Colony since the Peace of 1697 with
England, and that concluded afterwards with the Iroquois and other Indians, are perceptible
at a glance. Population, and the cultivation and clearing of lands have increased there more
than a fourth. Sedentary fisheries have been commenced, also the manufacture of Planks,
Masts, etc. and a number of persons are offering to form new undertakings and establishments.
If war be commenced, it is to be apprehended that it would interpose a new obstacle to
those advantages. Unforeseen events frequently occur to render abortive projects the best
concerted and which appear certain in their execution. Wherefore were the Neutrality of North
America proposed, in case a war break out in Europe between France and England, it is
certain that it will be infinitely more advantageous for Canada, and must be preferable to War.
But if that Neutrality be not accepted, it is undeniable that by the adoption of prompt and
secret measures, those projects, already mentioned, could be executed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: VI. 729
Memoir of M. cf Iberville on Boston and its dejyendencies. 1701.
Every one knows that Boston is the most easterly of all the New England governments in
North America, not excepting that of Pescadoue which I do not separate from it, though it be
not a dependency thereof; a private company names its government.
The dependencies of Boston extend as far as New-York and Albany, formerly Orange, which
include Long Island and Staten island; the other side of the river does not appertain any
longer to that government, and is managed by a company, but the people fatigued with
obeying it, deputed in August of last year, three of the principal persons, to the King of
England to supplicate him to be pleased to take them under his protection by annexing their
country to the Crown, and rendering them independent of that Company.
The propositions of those deputies are too advantageous to the King of England to doubt
of the success of their mission, and this government will very probably be united to that of
Boston, the governor of which resides at present at New-York, and lias sent his nephew, who
is his Lieutenant, to command at Boston. This town is the most considerable, and has a
regular garrison of only one hundred men. New -York has one of the same strength. A
desire existed in former times to seize it, but judging from the manner things were to be
executed, the success of the project was very difficult and highly doubtful.
It was proposed to attack that place by sea and land, by the Regulars and the Militia from
Canada who were to proceed by way of the Chambly river and make their appearance before
that place simultaneously with the ships ; but nothing appears to me worse concerted and more
dangerous than that expedition, the enemy having on one side Virginia and Pennsylvania from
which they can very easily derive a reinforcement of two^@ three thousand men, and as many
more from the coasts of Boston. These are effective.
The design of forcing Orange, with two thousand men from Canada is equally visionary.
That town and neighborhood being able to put a like number of men under arms; even
supposing the place taken, we should be in an indifferent condition to proceed to New-York
which contains within its walls, full twelve hundred men, and could be reinforced in a short
time by a much larger number. These two towns are distant, one from the other, but thirty-
six leagues; the navigation of the river is easy, and its banks almost entirely settled, especially
a small creek that falls into it at midway, called Esopus, which can turn out six hundred men.
The entrance into the river at New-York is difficult for the space of two leagues as far as
Isle aux Lajnns^ where but sixteen @ seventeen feet of water are to be found, following the
sinuosities of the channel, and where tacking is impossible.
It is four leagues from Isle aux Lajiins to New-York where there is plenty of water. The
passage lies between Long and Staten Islands, which are half a league apart.
Staten Island, which is fully seven leagues in circumference, may have four hundred and
fifty effective men, most of whom are Dutchmen, Walloons, with a few English.
Long island, which is forty leagues in length and five or six in width, can muster fifteen
hundred men at least, so that it need not be expected to make descent with ships in any of
those places without a considerable force. A junction between the ships and troops from
Canada need not be relied on, as it is very difficult to arrive there precisely at the time
' Kabbit, or Coney Island. — En.
Vol. IX. 98
730 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
appointed. I have not yet made any mention of the assistance the Iroquois and River Indians
(Loups) could lend the English. It would be considerable.
If operations are to be confined to bombarding that town, which is very handsome, and
contains six hundred houses, all very neat brick buildings, with two churches and one Jewish
Synagogue, that project does not appear to me to be very difficult; and a large force is not
necessary to destroy that town which is very wealthy and filled with merchandise, unless a
small island within a quarter of a league of the place should have been fortified. This would
prevent the bombardment and protect the city, unless a passage were effected beyond it at the
expense of a few cannon shot.
Boston is still more wealthy and better stocked with goods. The attack against it would
be easier and success more probable ; its loss more serious to the enemy, and it would be easy
for us to retain it, by disarming the low country. The inhabitants of New -York, whom this
capture would alarm, would bethink themselves of their own defence, and in reality would
not be sorry to see it taken.
Were I permitted to express my opinion, nothing would appear to me worse imagined than
to think of executing this design by sea, unless a considerable armament be employed for the
purpose, which would cost a large sum. The project to muster the troops and Militia of
Canada, who would come across the forest to the rendezvous of the ships, does not seem to
me more easy of execution.
It will be objected to me that the ships would go to the river S' John or to Pentagouet, or
to Canibequi, and that the troops would repair thither to proceed together. Nothing appears
difficult to persons devoid of experience, or who undertake things without troubling themselves
too much about success. But a man who makes it a point of honor to accomplish what he
undertakes, manages so as to adopt the best measures ; I maintain that in carrying out that
project, which appears to me highly problematical, it is impossible to take that place except
with a considerable body of troops and an armament such as I describe ; and I maintain that
the only means to become master of it by land is to surprise it, by conducting troops thither
across the woods, and unfrequented places.
Some persons have consulted me about this expedition by way of Canada. To insure
success they calculated to start from Quebec for the River du Loup, which is thirty leagues
from that city, and by ascending that stream reach the river S' John, in order to proceed
afterwards to the Seacoast where apparently they would get provisions. I suppose them
arrived there ; they have still one hundred and twenty leagues to accomplish in their canoes
along the coast, and what appears to me is a very great obstacle, they find Pescadoue on their
way; a place thickly settled as far as Boston, and, with posts as now established, intelligence
could be forwarded in five or six hours. The enemy, thus informed of their march could soon
form a corps capable of opposing the passage across rivers and every attempt that might be
made, so that whatever course may be adopted in that quarter, it would be very difficult not to
be discovered, as well by the settlers along the Coast as by the Sloops which are very numerous
there, especially during the months of June, July and September when the ships are in harbor
and render the country much stronger. In the months of October and November the vessels
leave for Europe, the Islands of America, Madeira, the Azores, Spain and Portugal. Their
ships are ordinarily freighted with fish and bring back wines and brandy.
Winter is the season that appears to me best adapted for the execution of an enterprise
of that nature. Every thing is favorable then. The absence of the ships that carry off a
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 731
considerable portion of the strength of that country which is occupied at that season only with
mechanics who are illy qualified for fighting, and who fancy themselves in security because
they cannot imagine us in a condition in Canada to form designs of that magnitude, especially
in a season so rigorous as that of winter. All this, as I have already stated, concurs happily to
the success of that expedition.
My experience of Canada and its strength leaves me in no doubt that it can furnish eighteen
hundred picked men, capable of undergoing the fatigue necessary to be endured in order to
penetrate into Boston across woods and rivers. This opinion will appear impossible to many
officers whose rank and seniority would lead them to expect the command of this affair, and I
doubt not but they will oppose it, not feeling strong enough to put themselves at the head of a
detachment which is to be conducted with the utmost vigor; they will not fail to impress also
as much as possible that Summer would be best adapted for the execution of this design. I
know that these were their sentiments when there was question to march against the enemy
in winter, which was the fittest season to reduce him. Had persons capable of enduring
the fatigue of so trying a war, been put at the head of vigorous young men, I make bold to say,
that there is no need of managing the enemy in that country; that effective war consists in
the most active and prompt operations, and that marching against the enemy with drums
beating has always afforded them time to retire into places of security.
Those who draw up plans in the expectation of seeing others execute them, give themselves
little concern whether success will attend an adherence to their views. They propose nothing
but what I am willing to execute ; and if I am to be honored by having charge of the expedition
against Boston, I dare guarantee that I will reduce it and its dependencies to the King's
obedience. If attention is paid to the success attendant on all my projects, it will be seen
that I have succeeded at Hudson's bay, at Castor in the capture of Pemkuit, Newfoundland
and finally in the discovery of the Mississippi where my predecessors had failed. If my Memoirs
be reexamined it will be seen that I have submitted nothing but what was correct and what I
have adhered to. I hope the Memoir I submit respecting Boston will not be worse digested,
and I doubt whether success can be otherwise gained.
I will repeat that few persons are as well qualified as I to succeed herein, fori am persuaded
that every one in Canada, whether Frenchmen or Indians, will feel a pleasure in following me,
and that the officers will evince no difficulty, being commanded by a gentleman of the Navy
from which they are detached.
Should I be honored by having this affair confided to me, I would require great secrecy, and
would wish that it be not known in Canada except at the moment of my departure, being
satisfied that the success of the enterprise depends absolutely on secrecy and the appearance
of the least possible activity in Canada and Acadia.
On departing from France I should wish to pass by Panahamsequit,' thence to Canibequi,
and from that to Quebec by the Chaudiere river where I should see the places best adapted for
the transportation of provisions and munitions of war; passing through those Indian villages, I
would make arrangements with M"' de S' Castin, who is thoroughly acquainted with the Boston
country, and we would consult together as to what would be proper to be done to get the
Indians to the rendezvous without exposing my design to them.
' Panawamske, or Indian Old Town on the Penobscot — Ed.
732 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
After these precautions I should proceed, as I've just mentioned, to Quebec to enroll there
suitable persons to the number of one tliousand Canadians, four hundred soldiers sefected from
the Regulars and four hundred of our Indian allies.
I should further desire to be furnished with officers to suit me, and that attention may not
be paid to detaching them according to their grade (rang de pique) as aged people are in no
wise qualified for these sorts of expeditions, and one man unable to march is alone capable of
destroying all the regularity of so precipitate an expedition.
I should like to leave Quebec in canoe in the beginning, or at farthest on the 15"", of
November, in order to proceed by the Chaudiere river to the Village of Canibequit,' my place
of rendezvous.
With my troops and this reinforcement, I would cross the forest opposite Boston which I
would approach within three or four leagues, always under cover, and under favor of the night,
arrive there at the break of day. Having made myself master of the place and disarmed its
inhabitants, I would send parties out to lay waste the low countries as far as the gates of
New-York, in order to render that place a desert, if considered proper.
I should deem it necessary to have a good sailing vessel at Pentagouet to convey to
France the intelligence of the success of the expedition and of the condition of the place, and
to bring out orders afterwards from there in the month of March. Should the Court think
proper, I could employ in the next summer, the same troops to make some attempt on Manatte.
I do not believe that the Indians would come to their aid; on the contrary, there would be
great reason to expect that this first advantage would draw them to our side.
The reduction of Boston would infallibly draw after it the ruin of that country; were the
grain of Long Island burnt, the settlers would be obliged to retire into Pensylvania in order
to subsist there. The abandonment of those parts would greatly weaken New-York, and
deprive it of the power of undertaking any thing ; nothing is easier than to reduce the
inhabitants to that necessity, three-fourths of their grain remaining in the barns during winter.
It is to be further remarked that Long Island furnisiies all that grain which it would be very
easy to destroy. These things being executed, New-York would have every thing to apprehend,
and would be unable to attempt any thing.
I again repeat that, Boston and its environs being reduced, so far from apprehending that
the Indians and especially the Iroquois would come to their aid, it is very certain that on
seeing the English beaten they could not only be readily attracted to our side, but 'tis even
Certain they would come to meet us, particularly on learning that this expedition would be
under the command of myself and my brothers, who can rely on exercising over that people
an influence that none other possess, being acknowledged by them as Head men of their
Nation. This will produce a very firm peace with those Indians and induce our allies to
observe a close union with us, so that a termination would be put to the immense expenditure
the King is actually obliged to incur for the preservation of Canada, which would no longer
be necessary.
If the security of Canada depend on the capture of Boston and adjoining coasts, the
establishment of Acadia is still more involved in the success of this enterprise. It is easy to
see that it will be impossible ever to establish that Colony, unless we outnumber the English
forces who are so far superior to ours that they are not only able to trouble us, but even to
' Norridgewftlk. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 733
destroy the establishments we would make there. As the number of effective men expected
to be found in Canada is not sufficient for an affliir of that importance, I calculate to find in
Acadia a supplement of five hundred men, including French and Indians.
The certain execution of this project depends essentially on being able to levy in Canada as
many as Eighteen hundred effective men, as well Frenchmen as Indians, who, I believe, can
be found there capable of enduring the fatigue of this campaign as well on water as on land,
where everyone will be frequently obliged to carry his own provisions.
It is of the utmost necessity to engage in this party men qualified to execute this project,
and as it is notorious that the Soldier allows himself to be influenced^y the hope of plunder,
I believe it would be necessary to permit it to them, and to give the Indians in addition a .
certain sum per month as an indemnity for their beaver hunting and peltry which they
ordinarily procure in the season they would be employed on this expedition.
In regard to the French, I am almost persuaded that the hope of profit joined to the promise
which could be held out of distributing among them the estates of the enemy who would be
driven from their homes, would be a sufficient inducement. Nevertheless, it would be
necessary to obtain a Royal order to be in a position to impress those who, of themselves,
would not study their own interest nor the public good.
Although I am not acquainted with the roads from Canada to Boston except by information
derived from persons who have traveled there, I am, however, of opinion that the most
convenient route would be that of the River dn Loup, twenty-eight leagues below Quebec,
which, after a portage of four leagues, leads to the river S' Francis a tributary of the S' John;
this is followed as far as the Medocthek* which river is left, making a portage of two leagues, in
order to proceed from lake to lake to the river Metainkik^ which falls into the Penobscot. It
would still be requisite to travel eighteen leagues to reach the sea, and more than sixty by sea
to arrive at Boston. It would be impossible to do this, both in consequence of the length of
the way and because we should be inevitably discovered.
The river of the Chaudiere-falls, which is the other route to be taken, is much shorter and
leads more directly to Boston. It is true that this stream seems almost impassable to canoes
for as many as ten or twelve leagues from Quebec, but this difficulty can, notwithstanding, be
surmounted by having the canoes forwarded unloaded, by men best qualified to conduct them,
whilst the remainder of the party would march by land with the necessary provisions
and munitions.
Perhaps my proposal to have the provisions and ammunition conveyed by land for a distance
of twelve or fifteen leagues will appear difficult. But it must be known that M' Talon,
Intendant of Canada, being desirous to establish a communication with Acadia, had begun a
road on this route, which was opened twenty leagues and more from Quebec, so that it would
be by no means impossible to put that road in a condition to admit of carting the necessary
articles to the point where canoes could be employed.
In order to render that road practicable, it would be necessary to employ a certain number
of the soldiers who are in Canada; they could repair it in a very short time under the
superintendence of persons of experience and well disposed towards the public service.
Although I am almost certain that there is no other route to be taken than that I propose, it
appears to nie that it would be necessary before undertaking any thing, to send a confidential
' Near Woodstock, New Brunswick.
' Metawamkeag, one of the Tributariea, sometimes eaUed the North branch, of the Penobscot. — Ed.
734 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
person, conversant with traveling in tlie woods, to explore the route, and to prepare correct
reports setting forth the seasons best adapted for the navigation of the rivers, in reference to
the greater or lesser quantity of water to be found there at different times and particularly in the
month of October, which is the season I consider the fittest for that expedition inasmuch as
the levy of men will be then less difficult, the farmers in Canada having finished their harvest,
and it being a dull season for all other descriptions of labor.
In order that the voyage of the person employed to reconnoitre the route may not be
suspected, it might be given out that the King had in view the execution of M' Talon's design
to settle the country between Acadia and Canada.
It is almost impossible to think of the execution of this expedition this year. For besides
the difficulty of the roads, of which we must be sure, it is necessary to adopt proper measures
to notify all our Indians, and to engage them to repair to the places to be indicated to them;
This cannot be effected before the month of October. Besides, it will be necessary, as I have
already stated, to prepare means for supporting the families of these Indians, whose cooperation
it would be impossible otherwise to procure.
This expedition being postponed until next year, it will not prevent me this season making
the voyage to the Mississipi whence I shall be able to return in November or December, in
order to leave Rochefort in the month of March for Acadia, to proceed thence overland to Canada
with a view to examine the routes and roads. I could, even before going to Canada, become
acquainted with the routes from Kanibeky to Boston so as to conduct any party with
greater security.
The expense of this expedition will amount at least to eighty or one hundred thousand livres
exclusive of the dispatch of the vessel which should be freighted with the greatest portion of
the provisions and ammunition necessary for the expedition. That vessel could be employed
during the months of June, July, August and September in ravaging the English Coasts, after
which she could repair to the place indicated for her, to await the news of success, in order to
give immediate advice of it to the Court.
If this expedition be considered feasible, and were it desirable that I should be honored with
the command of it, I would request that I should be notified before the departure of the ships
for Acadia, in order that I might write to my friends there and in Canada on various subjects
on which it would be necessary that I should be informed.
Should this Memoir be communicated to those in Canada who are likely to be consulted, it
is very certain they will never agree to the execution of the project I submit ; the jealousy
which certain persons will feel at not being intrusted with carrying it out, will cause them, on
the contrary, to discover insurmountable difficulties.
If, however, there be an unwillingness to confide entirely in what I srfbmit in this report, an
extract from it can be sent to Canada including only the passages which refer to this Country,
such as the levy of men I calculate to make there, the possibility I rely on of going by the
river of the Falls of the Chaudiere ; of having Canoes and of engaging our Indians to unite
with us.
If these proposals be, notwithstanding, sent to Canada for examination, it is very difficult to
expect the observance there of all the secrecy necessary for the success of this enterprise, of
which it would be idle to think, should the enemy entertain the remotest suspicion of it.
Therefore, it would appear to be sufficient merely to demand information on the points
which may be doubtful, without in any manner communicating the designs that might
be entertained.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 735'
In regard to Acadia, it is certain that no difficulty will be experienced there, and that my
proposal respecting the levying of men, will be easily executed in that country, the Indians
of those parts having used all their efforts, the year I took Pemquit, to induce me to join them
in an expedition against Boston, the plan whereof I transmitted to the Court but it was lost in
the ship W de Brouillan dispatched from Saint John in the month of December of the same
year, and which was wrecked off the coast of Spain.
Zouis XIV. to M. de Collier es.
Memoir of the King to Chevalier de Callieres Governor and Lieutenant-General
of New France in answer to his despatches and those of Sieur de Champigny
formerly Intendant of said Country of the 5"" and 31 October 1701.
Chev: de Callieres was informed by his Majesty's despatch of last year that being desirous
to employ usefully the means which could be put in operation to prevent their (the Coureur
de bois) being lost and going over to the English, his Majesty had permitted them to remove
to, and settle in the Colony which has been begun at the mouth of the Mississipy, with
permission to vend their Beaver to the Company, with the express understanding that they
would be prohibited pursuing that trade m future under severe penalties. His Majesty will
not permit them even that of the small peltry, but only that of hides of buffaloes and of other
animals from which they can be procured.
If those people do not profit by the pardon his Majesty has been pleased to grant them, and
live within the bounds of the regulations he has prescribed, he shall cause to be punished
without mercy those who will continue disobedient, whenever it will be possible to catch them.
His Majesty has not been of opinion that the permission he granted to M. Juchereau to establish
a tannery at the lower end of the Mississipy could do the Colony any harm ; he was, on
the contrary, under the impression that such an establishment would be of great utility to the
Kingdom without the Colony suffering from it. Sieur de Callieres will find hereunto annexed
copy of the concession granted to said Sieur Juchereau, so that he may oblige him to confine
himself within the bounds of his permit.
His Majesty entertained the same view as regards the grant to Sieur le Secut.^ This man
gave hopes of minerals which are very necessary to the Kingdom. His Majesty has been
desirous to see what they amounted to; if he has been deceived and his promises have not the
result proposed, his Majesty will abolish that establishment. Meantime, he transmits in like
manner to Sieur de Callieres copy of the Grant to said Le Secut in order that he may have
him punished should he exceed his grant.
The remedy proposed by Sieurs de Callieres and de Champigny to prevent the dispersion
of the Colony among the new establishments, is not without inconvenience, and it is perliaps
to be feared that so far from diminishing it will aggravate the evil, and subject his Majesty to
'5te. Qu? Le Sueur. — Ed.
736 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
an enormous expense which he is neither able nor disposed to incur. According to their idea,
it appears that the Indians would sell their peltries at the different posts proposed to be
established. In this way, no more trade would be carried on in the settled portions of the
Colony, and the inhabitants thereof realizing no longer the profit that trade affords them,
would not fail to remove to those posts. The Colony would thus lose a portion of its
population and consequently of its strength. Were his Majesty to support the garrisons to be
stationed at those posts, what an expense would it not require to convey to them the articles
they would stand in need of? Some idea of its amount may be formed by what was incurred
for Fort Frontenac alone. What security would there be that officers and soldiers would not
trade? And if the Company alone is to assume the charge, 'twould seem unjust, leaving out
of consideration the certainty of its objecting to the expense to which it would thereby become
subject, that it should monopolize the trade to the exclusion of all the other settlers. For all
these, and other reasons too numerous to be detailed, these establishments do not appear
expedient except in case they would not give rise to any dispersion of the trade to be carried
on within the Colony, and would not be any expense to his Majesty. Nevertheless, if
notwithstanding all these reasons, they appear to Sieur de Callieres indispensable, his Majesty
permits him to form them conjointly with the Intendant.
« * » * * « * • • ••
May 3, 1702.
M. de Callieres to M. de PontcIiartrahC
My Lord,
Since the letter you did me the honor to write me on the 29"" of March last, which I
answered on the 19"" of July, I have received ten others; two of the 6"", two of the 10"", one
of the I?"", two of the 24"', one of the 28"', one of the 31" of May ; and the last of the 14"' June.
I shall commence. My Lord, by thanking you, in behalf of all this Country, for the present
you have made it of a person of M. de Beauharnois' merit to act as Intendant, and to express
to you, for myself personally, the pleasure it affords me to live with such a worthy man as he is.
I have learned with great joy that his Majesty has been satisfied with the peace I concluded
last year witfi the Five Iroquois Nations, and with that I have procured for our Indian allies.
The Chief of these latter and those of the Iroquois who came down this year to Montreal
have thanked me therefor, as nothing has since transpired between them to mar the Treaty;
they have pursued their hunting undisturbed, as you will observe My Lord, by the annexed
Speeches of the one and the other, and the Answers I have given to induce them to adhere to
what is laid down in that peace to insure its durability.
You will also see by the same speeches of the Iroquois that T caused them to come and give
me new assurances that they will remain neutral during the war between us and the English;
that they will smoke in quietness on their mats without taking any sides, so as to preserve the
' Jerome, Count de Pontchartrain, son of Louis. Stipra, p. 603, note. He succeeded his father as Secretary of State in
1699, and filled the office until 1715. Biographic J/niveraelle,
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 737
liberty to trade with Montreal and Orange, and that they have, in spite of tiie English, come
to the point I wished, by asking nie for some Jesuits as Missionaries to their Villages, and
some Smiths to repair their arms, hatchets and kettles. I have granted this request, on their
assurance that they will be protected against all those who will wish to, insult them. The
Reverend Father de Lamberville, with a lay brother and smith have departed for the Village
of the Onontagues. The Rev. Fathers Garnier and Vaillant have gone to the Senecas. They
are accompanied by Captain de Maricourt and some Frenchmen, to arrange their establishments.
Haratsion, an Onondaga and some Senecas, who had been deputed last summer by the
Iroquois Chiefs assembled at Montreal, and to whom I adjoined some Indians of the Sault,
to visit the Mohawks in order to induce them to repair hither to confirm, in person, the
observance of the Neutrality according to the promise those Chiefs made me, have prevailed
on seven jNIohawk Sachems to come down here, who assured me that they will respect that
Neutrality, and will be the most strict in keeping their word. I annex hereunto copy of
what they said to me on the subject, and of the answers I have given them.
Such, My Lord, is the condition of things with the Iroquois who, as far as we are able to
judge, appear to be very sincere.
The affairs of our allies in the Upper Country do not appear to be entirely in as good a
condition in consequence of the war between them and the Scioux which increases every day,
and of the differences that have arisen between the Sauteurs and the Sacs and Foxes which
have terminated in mutual acts of hostility as you will learn, My Lord, from the annexed
speeches.
It is much to be feared that these Upper Nations will be d-^awn into a general war by the
alliances existing between almost all of them. If his Majesty grant the amnesty and licenses
respecting which the Intendant and I have the honor jointly to write, I am in hopes,
notwithstanding, to arrest this war before it spread farther, by intrusting my orders to those
Frenchmen who will be selected to put these licenses to account. This will be the sole
remedy for all the evils of that country and will not involve the king in any expense.
A i'ew days after arriving in this city from Montreal, I learned by an Iroquois who came
from Orange, that the English were fitting out an expedition at Boston to besiege Quebec; the
news was confirmed by Indians from Pentagouet. This led me to send some canoes on a
scouting party some thirty leagues down this river with orders not only to command all the
settlers fit for service thereabouts to hold themselves in readiness to march at the earliest
notice, but to direct all those in the neighborhood of Quebec to form inclosures in the woods
where in case of need they might remove their wives and children with their grain, furniture
and cattle. I sent orders, at the same time, to the troops in the government of Montreal to
come down here, where I employ them in constructing some intrenchments and batteries to
oppose the enemy's landing, and to enable us to repel them with the greatest possible vigor.
The Reverend Father La Chasse, missionary of one of the Abenakis tribes of Acadia, came
to see me with the principal chiefs of the four Villages, in company with more than 40 Indians
to tell me that they learned from some Englishmen that an expedition was preparing at Boston,
without knowing positively what was its destination ; some told them that it was to proceed
against Port Royal; others against Placentia and others against Quebec.
They came also to acquaint me with the negotiations they had with the Governor of
Boston and to ascertain, now that war is declared against the English, what means I possessed
to supply their wants at a reasonable price, in case I wished them to commence hostilities
Vol. IX. 93
738 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
against, and break off trade with, those of New England ; Herein I tried to give them satisfaction
by engaging the principal merchants of this city to furnish them with goods at a very trifling
advance, and got Ihem to promise me to commence hostilities in case the English should come
and attack Quebec or Port Royal ; as you will see, My Lord, by their speeches and the answers
I have given them, copy whereof is hereunto annexed. This has not been effected without
protracted discussions, having discovered from their sentiments that they would willingly avoid
commencing the War for our defence, except for the protection of Quebec, and this through
apprehension that should the English, whom they distrust, succeed in seizing that city, they
might lose the aid they derived from us, and be destroyed in the end.
Some of those same Indians bring me letters from Sieur de Brouillant informing me, that a
Brigantine from Boston having captured five or six small fishing smacks belonging to Acadia,
he has fitted out a vessel to capture the Englishman or to oblige him to give up some of his
prizes ; but he was unable to succeed, because at the moment the French were about to board
the Pirate, he resolved to run being a faster sailer than the French vessel. Sieur de Neuvillette,
who was in command of the latter, was killed in the engagement.
Whilst on the subject of Sieur de Brouillant, permit me. My Lord, to observe to you that I
have reason to be dissatisfied with the conduct he observes towards me, as he has given me no
information respecting the government since he is at Port Royal although I directed him to
send me a report on various matters I had learned from other sources. He has written very
rarely to me, and when he did so, it was as if to a private individual of whom he pretends to
be independent. Nevertheless, as that is altogether contrary to the good of the King's service,
in consequence of the possibility of his issuing different orders from mine which are predicated
upon better knowledge of things than he possesses, particularly in regard to the war with the
English and the orders to be issued to the Indians of Acadia — who lie more convenient to this
place, which they reach more easily than Port Royal, on account of an arm of the sea they
have to cross — I hope. My Lord, that you will apply the requisite remedy, and have the
goodness to send me every year copies of the Orders issued for that country, as was the custom
in the late Count de Frontenac's time, that I may conform myself thereunto.
It would be necessary that I should have, also, copies of those of Piacentia, for as vessels
come to, and go from this Port there every summer, my orders shall be governed by
circumstances.
Sieur de Maricourt whom I sent to establish the Reverend Father Lamberville among the
Onontagues has returned. He told me, he was very well received by all the Indians of that
village, except those of Teganissorens' family which is greatly devoted to the English. This
Chief who came from Orange presented a Belt from the government to the Onontagues forbidding
them to receive the Missionary I v^as sending them ; ordering them to convey that Jesuit and his
French companions to Orange, in case they did not return home of their own accord ; hereupon,
the other chiefs of the Village whom I had engaged to side with us, told Teganissorens that he
was wrong to take charge of that Belt; that he might send it back to him from whom he got
it. This terminated difficulties, and afforded means to M. de Maricourt to put the Indians and
French who were with him, to work at the dwelling and chapel of the Missionary, which
were completed in a short time, and the TcDeumand Mass were sung there before his departure.
November 4. 1702.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 739
M. il4 Callieres to M. de Pontchartraiyi.
My Lord,
Some Onontagues brought me letters from the Reverend Father Lamberville, the Missionary
whom I had granted them, and whom they resolved to keep in spite of the protests of the
English. These Indians appear to continue disposed to observe the neutrality they have
promised rae. This is all that can be expected of them at present, and to secure even thus
much will require a great deal of labor, as the English use every means to oblige them to
violate this neutrality and to take up arms against us. Meanwhile I pray you, My Lord, to be
well persuaded that I will not omit any thing to get the English and Iroquois at loggerheads
and to attach the latter to us, in order, then, to make use of the power you sent me in your
letter of the 17"" of May, to undertake something with more certainty against the English. It
is first to be seen, however, what aspect things will assume, because were any expedition
undertaken without being entirely assured of the Iroquois, it is much to be feared that they would
go over to the enemy. This would draw down on this Colony a new war on the part,of these
Indians, the damao-e accruing from which would greatly surpass any advantage we could derive
from the blows we may inflict on the English at Corlard, Orange and Esopus in Nevs^-York,
which are the nearest places to us, and which we would be under the necessity of burning after
capturing them. Even were every circumstance favorable I do not see any reason to think of
any such thing during the next summer, unless it be some small parties that I may be able to
send out towards New England, to harrass those in the rural districts ; because we have not
the arms required by myself and M. de Beauharnois, and are in want of bark canoes of which
since we have given up of going to the Outaouaes the Colony is completely stripped. These
cannot be constructed without time and considerable expense; to meet which it will be
necessary that his Majesty be so good as to augment next year's fund some 50 or 60,000".
That would enable us not only to do something ourselves, but to make preparations to afford
every possible assistance to his Majesty from this side, should he wish to attempt greater things
by sea against Boston, or Manathe. I shall reflect maturely hereupon, with a view to send you
a Memoir on the subject next year; as the vessels have arrived too late to allow time to give
it all the attention such expeditions deserve, in order to secure for them that success which
would render the King Master of all that vast country and of the trade of all the Indians
whom it would be no longer necessary to manage.
When any thing of consequence is to be done, I hope my health will always permit me to
participate in it. I shall also employ M. de Vaudreuil as you recommend. Meanwhile it
seems to me that I cannot do any thing better than to promptly fortify Quebec, in order to
place this Colony beyond insult from the English fleet by which we are threatened. * * *
November 6. 1702.
740 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
M. de Beauharnols to M. de Pontclmrtrain.
Extracts of a letter addressed to the Minister by M"" de Beauharnais, Tntendant,
iph gber Y1Q2.
1" Extract.
On receipt of advices, My Lord, that the English were about to make a second attempt on
Quebec, M'' de Callieres proposed to me to employ some men at the fortifications, so as to place
this town in a state of defence. M'' de Champigny having overdrawn this year's fund, I draw
in advance on that of next year.
Several Indians came to Quebec on the news of War between the English and us; some to
assure us of a strict neutrality, and others to take part with us. M"' de Callieres caused presents
to be made to them in order to attach them to our interests. I greatly apprehend, My Lord,
that these Indians will cause us great expense. I beg of you to let me know whether I must
confine myself within the allowance you have apportioned to that purpose. Their sojourn at
Quebec is so expensive that M'" de Champigny advised me to have a sort of redoubt adjoining
the Palace garden fitted up as a lodging and boarding house for them; the expense to the King
will be one-half less. What leads me to such rigid economy in the matter of expenditure is
the fact, My Lord, that M'' de Champigny leaves me next to nothing in the stores. Therefore
I shall not be able to increase next year's fund from the increased value of any articles,
which I might have done by the sale of the King's merchandise.
Some of the goods sent this year from Rochelle on the public account, are found to be
defective, and others spoiled. I have ordered the storekeeper to call a Board of Survey on
these goods to consist of the Correspondents of the Rochelle merchants who had sold them,
whose names I ascertained from the invoice ; and I caused a report to be drawn up respecting
the quantity of Tobacco found absolutely rotten. I return it to Rochelle, and write to M'
Begon to oblige the merchants to take it back, and to render us an account of it next year.
Other tobacco must be purchased at a very high rate here for all those Indians, Mess" de
Champigny and de Callieres having told me that it was for the King's advantage to treat
them well.
II. Extract.
All the Colony is interested. My Lord, in supplicating you to grant us a frigate to convoy
our next year's fleet. The English have recently entered our river and captured two Honfleur
ships that were fishing for Cod at Perce Island, and ruined that post. The crews of these two
vessels to the number of 85 men have come here. I put them on board the man of War, and
had them supplied with rations. I have had a bill of exchange drawn by the Treasurer for
the repayment of what those provisions cost here, as well as of other expenses incurred on this
ship's account. You will find them very considerable. My Lord, which will not be the case
hereafter, almost every thing having been done without my orders ; and I write to M' Begon
the Intendant, requesting him to send me by the King's ships coming here, the statement
of the provisions which will be put on board these vessels, in order that I may make
arrangements for the supplies they will require.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 741
III. Extract.
I request M' de Cliampigny to represent to you, My Lord, that being necessitated to go, or
to send, on the King's service along the shores of this river, I am obliged to beg some soldiers
to arm a canoe. These being often not forthcoming when required, causes the public service
to be delayed. I, therefore, request you to grant me an allowance for a crew of a Canoe,
consisting of eight men, for six months only. It is a very trifling expense and will save a
arger sum, and be very useful to the public service. I made an item of it in the estimate of
the expense to be incurred next year for the fortifications and the extraordinaries of War,
amounting to the sum of 125.52S" 5'. This will appear to you exorbitant in comparison to
the funds you had remitted the two preceding years for these expenses. Hereupon I beg you
to observe. My Lord, that although only 32000" have been remitted each of the said two years,
the expenses have exceeded 140,000", and the surplus over the 32,000'' have been taken
from the extraordinary receipts derived from the proceeds of the goods sent from France, over
and above the value that had originally been placed on them. But as M. de Champigny leaves
me in store only 12057 minots of wheat, 3683 quintals of flour and 934 quintals of pork,
which will not suffice for the payment of more than 100000", by which sum the expenses of
this, will exceed the fund we shall be obliged to throw on the next, year — if you think proper
My Lord, not to diminish the sum of 125528" the amount of said estimate, and to have some
goods sent me which may produce an increase by the price they would be sold for in this
country, you can assign a portion of the funds to be remitted on the extraordinary receipts
which might accrue therefrom in this manner; after having noted in the Public account the
expenses to be incurred for the extraordinary of the war, amounting to, for example, 95973" 5%
it would be stated at the foot of that chapter — Of which sum of 95973" 5= that of 52000"
shall be remitted by the Treasurer of the Navy and the balance of 43973" 5' shall be taken
from the extraordinary receipts which will accrue from the increased proceeds derived from
sales over the estimate of goods sent from France. In this way, if the expenditure amount to
125528" 5% it will not appear that I have exceeded the fund as it seems M. de Champigny did
in the preceding years.
IV. Extract.
The Clergyman who has charge of the poor English Catholic men and women whom love
for the Religion retains in this country, having sent me the list of their names, I have caused
to be apportioned among them, according to the annexed return, the sum of two thousand
livres that the King has had the goodness to grant them, and the Bishop of Quebec's proctor
will pay what is due to each of them when he will receive the proceeds of his bill of exchange.
V. Extract.
If the estimate of the expenditure to be incurred for the extraordinaries of the War, appear
to you too high, I beg you. My Lord, to strike out the articles you will retrench, and to send
me back, if you please, the said estimate, in order that I may exculpate myself here respecting
the expenses you will reduce.
(Signed) Beauharnais.
Quebec this ll"- O''" 1702.
"42 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Louis XIV. to Messrs. de Callieres and de Beauharnois.
Memoir of the King to Chevalier de Callieres, Governor and Lieutenant-General
for his Majesty, and to Sieur de Beauharnais, Intendant of Justice, Police
and Finance, in New France. May 30. 1703.
He has seen what they have written respecting the expense incurred by the Company of the
Colony for Detroit. He is very glad to learn that it has not been a charge to him during
the last year.
The information laid before his Majesty regarding that establishment of Detroit is so
conflicting, that he is very glad once for all to know what he is to rely on. His Majesty will
not repeat to them here the reasons which have prompted him to order this report to be made.
Sieur de la Motte Cadillac continues to be persuaded that these reasons exist and that this
establishment will have all the effect expected from it. Others pretend that the land there is
good for nothing; that it will never produce any thing to feed its inhabitants; that the only
thing there is the very poor fishing, and that the hunting is between thirty and forty leagues
off; and finally that it is to be feared that the Iroquois will attack that post without its being
in our power to assist it, and that war will recommence in consequence. The Company of
the Colony complains likewise that it involves them in an exorbitant expense which it is out
of their power to sustain, if it be continually required to convey to that post the supplies
necessary for the support of the people there. His Majesty's pleasure is that the Mess" de
Callieres and de Beauharnais assemble the said Sieur de la Motte Cadillac and the most
respectable of the inhabitants of the Country, whether officers or settlers, for the purpose of
discussing with great attention and care the reasons for and against that establishment, and
that they afterwards draw up an exact Report thereon, which they will cause to be signed by
the said Sieur de la Motte Cadillac, and the most respectable of those who will have attended
that Meeting, and that they will sign it themselves, so that his Majesty may issue orders on its
contents, either to consent to the preservation and augmentation of that post, or to abandon
it altogether, or to allow it to remain as a mere trading post. His Majesty is persuaded that
they will act herein witiiout prejudice, and with a view solely to the public good and service.
The Colony' must, without any difficulty, support the Chaplain of that fort, as well as of
Fort B'rontenac and other places where it carries on its trade.
M. de Vaudreuil to M. de Pontcliartrain.
My Lord,
I am in receipt of the private letter you wrote to M. de Callieres, and of those you have
done me the honor to address to me ; both dated the 20"' of June last.
'/Sic. Quere? The Company. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 743
From the letters the Intendant and I have done ourselves the honor to vprite you by Sieur
Desgly, you will have learned, My Lord, M"' de Callieres' death, and the condition of things
before M. Desgly sailed. I have since been continually occupied, as well at Montreal as
here, in placing ourselves beyond danger from the threats the English were making to attack
us above and below ; and on the notice I received that they were employing great efforts to
get the Iroquois to declare against us, and to induce them to break the neutrality, I considered
that I could not do better to quicken the minds of these Indians vpho are naturally versatile,
than to send Sieur de Jonquaire to the Senecas by whom he is greatly regarded. He remained
there three months and returned only a few days ago, with the most considerable Chief of that
Nation, to tell me what you will find. My Lord, in the message he has brought on the part of
his tribe, and my answers thereunto ; which I annex with all the others as well of the Iroquois
as of the Outtaois.
From the Speech of that Chief, You will perceive, My Lord, the sentiments of these Indians
in our regard ; and as I am aware how important it is that they so continue and how great
Sieur de Joncaire's influence is among them, I have sent him to pass the winter there, and
given him such orders as I considered most necessary for the King's service, so that he may
conform himself thereunto.
The speech of Teganissorence, the Onnontague Chief, of the SS"" of October last, will put
you, My Lord, in possession of the measures that Nation is desirous of adopting to bring about
a suspension of arms between the Dutch and us. The lateness of the season or other reasons
of policy having prevented the said Teganissorence coming to Quebec, he sent from Montreal
La Grand Terre, another Chief of that nation, as zealous a partizan of the French as
Teganissorence is of the English, to whom I gave the answers you will also find herewith;
and as you instruct M. de Callieres, My Lord, not to undertake any thing that might renew
hostilities between the Iroquois and us, I was of opinion that it was for the King's interest not
to send any party towards Orange, for fear of involving the Iroquois therein. Such is not the
case on the coasts around Boston. I consider it highly necessary to embroil the [Indians] of
those parts, otherwise the Abenaquis, who were wavering, might enter into arrangements with
the English, and be eventually opposed to us. As M. de Beauharnois and I have the honor to
submit to you, in our joint letter, the serious attack we have obliged these Indians to make
and our reasons therefor, I shall not dwell any further on the matter to you.
My Lord, the speeches of the Onontagues and Senecas of the 12"' June, will inform you of
their action on the loss we have experienced in M. de Callieres, and at the same time of the
steps the English have taken to induce these Indians to expel the Jesuit Fathers from their
village and of the disposition of the Iroquois to retain them. Wherefore I exhorted them as
you will be able to see. My Lord, by my answers.
The sickness which has ravaged this Colony since last autumn, and some dregs of which
still remain, having prevented the Upper Nations coming down to Montreal according to their
custom, some twenty canoes of Outaois, Huron and Miamis arrived on the 14"" July. They
came by Detroit and formed a junction on Lake Ontario. You will learn the sentiments of
the one and the other, My Lord, from their Speeches.
It would appear from that of Quaratite sols, the Huron Chief, that he is strongly attached to
the French ; nevertheless I am advised to the contrary, and even that he has been negotiating
with the Miamis to get up a sort of trade between them and the English. As I am aware. My
Lord, that among these Nations a design discovered is half broken up, I have been very glad
744 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
to let them see by my answers, without however giving them too much pain, that I was not
unacquainted with their proceedings. Could I, My Lord, express to you my opinion, without
departing from my subject, I might with some show of reason assure you here that if the
English ever establish a considerable trade with our allies, it will be ovv'ing to Detroit. I
doubt not but M. de la Motte reports to you the occurrences at that post, but I strongly doubt,
from what he writes me, that his views are as just as they seem to be; the general opinion of
every body being that that post is untenable and burthensome to the Colony; as you will be
able to see by the unanimous declaration of the General Meeting which M. de Beauharnois
and I convoked at Quebec, a report whereof we transmit to you in the joint despatch. In
regard to the number of Indians Sieur de la Motte expects to attract to Detroit, I do not think
them so much inclined to repair thither as he calculates; which you likewise will be able
to understand. My Lord, from the Speeches of the Outtaois of Missilimaquina here on the 2°''
September. This has obliged M. de Beauharnois and me, in view of the antipathy of those
Indians to that post, to consent to the return of Father Marest to his mission. The same
reasons have induced us also to send Sieur de Menthet thither, and I can assure you that in
the present conjuncture there is scarcely any one in that country possessing more influence
than he over the Indians or French above there. We shall transmit him, next spring, the
amnesty his Majesty has been pleased to accord to the French inhabiting the Outtaois country,
who are only awaiting that, to return. Some of them even came down this summer to the
first Frencii settlements of this country, but seeing that there was yet no security for them,
they adopted the resolution to go back.
As I have spoken to you, already, My Lord, respecting the Abenaqui Indians, wherein I
represented to you the absolute necessity which we were under to embroil them with the
English, permit me to repeat here what M. de Beauharnois and I observe in our joint letter: —
that it appears to us necessary, not only for their own safety, but even for our proper advantage
to draw them to us, the more especially as, were they once established at Chambly and St.
Francis, they would be a cover to the entire Southern frontier of the government of Montreal,
and would enable us, in case of a rupture, to resist the Iroquois — this would serve at least, to
enforce respect and would not do any harm to Port Royal from which these Indians are at too
great a distance to afford it essential aid.
The trifling amount of business done in this country this year having obliged some to
improve their circumstances, and no means offering more glorious nor more proper than that
of engaging the young men in some expedition, Sieur de la Grange, acting Captain on board
VAitalante proposed to M. de Beauharnois and myself to fit out this spring, in conjunction with
other partners, a bark for the purpose of carrying out a design he intends to execute, to the
North of Newfoundland. He is a man of prudence with whom the Company has been always
highly satisfied. We have therefore promised to grant him letters of Marque. Said Sieur
la Grange and his partners flatter themselves. My Lord, that should they succeed you will
look on them with favor, so that his Majesty may possibly, then, grant them a frigate to enable
them to execute greater designs.
M. de Blainville, captain in the Regulars in this country, has been here twenty years
without having repassed to France. He asks leave of absence, My Lord, in order to attend to
tiie affairs of his family which have experienced many changes during that time. I can assure
you that he is a very worthy oflScer, and that his request is very just.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 745
I have been unable to retain Sieurs de Brebceuf, Duperont and de Rochemond in this country;
they have sent me in their resignations. Sieur de Brebceuf is adapted to this country, and
would desire to return ; he is a man of quality. Sieur de Rochemond is a brave fellow but
he cannot support himself, he says, on his pay. Sieur Duperont is a right gallant man
but unfit for the country, being always out of health here. Ensign de Budmond requests me
to ask you for his conge being unable to live on his pay here, as he is married.
I have just received intelligence from Montreal informing me that some Indians, who have
returned from Orange, report that no sliips have yet arrived at Manathe; that the Governor
general has sent for some Abenaqui chiefs for the purpose of negotiating a peace witli
them; that the inhabitants of Orange are all wishing for peace with us, and so far from
the ravages committed by Sieur Beaubassin having irritated them, they are urgent for an
arrangement with the French and Indians. Though it appears from this news. My Lord, that
no apprehension need be entertained for the government of Montreal, I omit no precautions ;
I station twenty companies there during the winter, and adopt the resolution of going there
myself, as well to keep the Iroquois in check, as to be in a position to proceed according to the
news I may receive from Sieur de Jonquaire, and even according to circumstances. I shall,
possibly, dispatch a somewhat stronger party again this spring towards Boston, were it only to
break up the measures the English might be adopting to induce the Abenaquis to conclude
peace. However I shall not make any movement unless I see the Iroquois disposed to remain
neutral, and you may be persuaded. My Lord, that I shall never expose the country which his
Majesty has been pleased to do me the honor to confide to me.
According to the news these Indians bring from Orange; the speeches of Teganissorence,
and the private advices in my possession, I doubt not but the Dutch of those parts will employ
every means [to obtain] and will demand, a species of Neutrality between the government of
Montreal and themselves, and that they will even submit some proposals to me. I shall listen
to them; but will not come to any decision until I have received your orders. Meanwhile, My
Lord, I believe that some such armistice would be necessary to keep the Iroquois in the state
of Neutrality that they have concluded on.
Permit me. My Lord, to solicit your protection for myself and all my family, assuring you of
the most profound respect and entire devotion with which I have the honor to be.
My Lord,
Your most humble and
most obedient servant,
November 14. 1703. Vaudreuil.
Vol. IX.
746 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Conference hetween M. de Vaudreuil and the Indians.
Novemb-- 14. 1703.
Speech of Oroniatez, a Seneca Chief.
He regrets that the bad weather prevented the arrival of his comrades, whom something
extraordinary must have delayed; that he will, notwithstanding, state the object of his journey.
' This shows that the Iroquois are becoming more and more attached to the French, which must engage us
to keep them on our side.
" Concl. Oood, with care.
1" That he has come to return thanks (to the Governor) on behalf of the Senecas for his
goodness in their regard, and for having told them last summer that he would take them under
his protection as well against the English as others ; That they never expressed what they now
say, having ever been masters of their lands through the neutrality up to the present time;
That they present him this Belt to-day to make him master of their territory, which they have
never done but to him ; That therefore they expect, in case any thing happen them, that he
will look on them as his sons.
2^ As it was he and La Grand Terre who had demanded Black Gowns to instruct them, and
to show them the way to Heaven, he promises in the name of La Grand Terre and his own,
that no matter what attempts the English make to seize them, they will die rather than suffer
themselves to be driven from their villages.
This indicates the attachment they bear the Religion, and the regard they feel for the Jesuits who must
be kept in those missions as long as possible, as there is no means more effectual to preserve union between
the Iroquois and the French.
Concl. Oood. Continue actively.
3^ That they pray him as their Father to grant them their son Joncaire to observe what will
pass this winter between them and the English ; to report it to him in the spring ; that
although they be struck they shall not avenge themselves before notifying their father thereof
inasmuch as he promised to render them assistance ; requests to be sent back as soon as
possible as his presence is required at home, where he with La Grand Terre is chief of the old
men and of the warriors.
Sieur Joncaire has great influence among them ; he possesses mental qualities adapted to manage them and
deserves that something be done for him.
Good. To praise.
M. De Vaudreuil's Answer.
'Tis true he promised to assist them against the English and all others; he repeats the same
promise; he is too strictly bound to do so by the gift of his Seneca land; he is gratilied
thereby and accepts it for the purpose of preserving it for him and his children ; thanks him
for it, and promises him his protection ; that he can assure him he will keep this affair secret.
It is impossible to answer better.
Oood.
• This indentation denotes marginal notes evidently made in Canada; perhaps by the Intendant
' Endorsement of the Minister. Remarkt in pencil in the margin of the Text. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 747
That he is very glad to perceive that they are disposed to protect' the Black gowns, and
that La Grande Terre, Chief of tlie Onnontagues is united with him for their preservation ; that
he recommends them to his protection against whatever insults evil-disposed minds, pushed on
by the English, would offer them in their Villages.
Perfectly well answered.
Good.
That he is willing to grant them their son Joncaire ; whom he gives and recommends to
their sole consideration ; that he does well to think of returning as the season is far advanced ;
that his presence seems highly necessary in his own country; that he is of opinion that he
should not quit his village during this winter, nor La Grande Terre that of the Onnontagues,
so that they — the one and the other — may apply a remedy to whatever bad business may
happen there.
He has acted very wisely in granting them Sieur Joncaire whom they call their Son, on account of having
taten him prisoner in an action in which he gallantlj' performed his duty. They spared his life and adopted
him into their Tribe as their Son. He is much beloved.
To explain tfds fact. Good.
Speech of Teganisorens in the name of Five Iroquois Nations. Sd"" of October.
1« That on coming to bewail M. de Caliieres' death he had expressed himself greatly
pleased as he saw thereby that they would truly love him and all the French with him ; that,
thereupon, they had been assured that if they had [lost] one good father tiiey would find
another in him, who would love them as he had done ; that they come to thank him therefor
and to pray him not to change in their regard.
This means, that, having lost one Governor, they come to seek the protection of anotlier.
Good.
2. That Father Bruyas and Sieur de Maricour having assured them two years ago, that the
Peace was general, he asks its continuance ; that they will maintain it with all their might, and
[exhorts him] and all the French to do the same.
They appear from this to be disposed to preserve the peace inviolably.
Good. Concl.
3. That they were unfortunate during the War, and believed the peace to be real only
when M. de Caliieres obliged the other Nations to restore them such of their people as they
detained prisoners; that they will do every thing to preserve this peace; that if it come to be
broken, it will not be by them but by the Europeans, who are bad men, who wage war for
trifles, whilst with them, heads must be broken to force them into hostilities. That to prevent
such in future, he comes to exhort the French, as he has done the English, not to break this
general peace which the late M. de Caliieres made; That he had sincerely exhorted them to
remain at peace even though some rupture should occur between the French and the English ;
that nevertheless the Abenaquis have already taken up arms against the English.
' Text, partager ; for proliger. — Ed.
748 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
That proves that they do not malse war except when absolutely forced to it; that they observe the Treatiea
they make, and that they are surprised that the Abenakis are permitted to recommence hostilities against the
English, and that the French had joined in that expedition.
Concl.
4. That he waits at Montreal for his answer from Quebec, whither he sends three of his
men to fetch it, in order that, if they do not concur in opinion, he may proceed forthwith to
take his course with his village. He requests that they be not delayed for more than one day,
on account of the advanced state of the season, and to get their hatchets and guns repaired.
This Chief demands of Sieur de Vaudreuil an answer respecting the affair of the English, in order that if
he be not of the same opinion, he may adopt measures in that regard with his Village.
Concl.
M. de Vaudreuil's Answer.
That they are right in believing that he is very glad that they have come to bewail M. de
Callieres' death, that he confirms what he has already told him; that they will find another
father in him.
I am persuaded Sieur de Vaudreuil's answer is sincere.
Good.
That he will observe the word Sieur Maricour and Father Bruyas carried to them from M. de
Callieres on the subject of the general peace ; that he never intends to break it, and will never
adopt any proceedings against their nation ; that he exhorts them not to embarrass themselves
with differences that may arise between other Nations.
Well answered.
Good.
That he is very glad general tranquillity is reestablished since the peace, and that their
prisoners have been surrendered to them ; that it will not be he that will break the peace,
provided they be faithful to their Words; that as regards the English, it was they who began
by what they had done last fall at Acadia; that he thought it his duty to obtain satisfaction
therefor; that he did not wish to seek for it towards Orange out of respect for them, and that
he will not wage war against the English except in the direction of Boston, unless the English
of Orange begin first; that he will send to the King their proposal to establish neutrality
between the French and English, and will communicate his Majesty's answer to them next
year; that if these be the sentiments of the English they can let him know it; that meanwhile
he again [exhorts] them to remain at peace.
This answer will not fail to satisfy the Iroquois, though it be not true that it was the English who have
commenced in Acadia but Sieur du BrouUant in fact ; wherefore it appears to me proper to give some precise
orders to Sieur de Vaudreuil to preserve peace with the English both towards Boston and Orange.
Concl, This is not my opinion.
Speeches of the Senecas and Onnontagues on the 12"" June.
1. They have learned the death of M. de Callieres which their chiefs have deputed them to
come and bewail.
This is a mark of friendship and consideration.
Good.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 749
2. They have resolved to live in peace, and request Sieur de Vaudreuil to receive them as
friends v^hen they will visit the French.
This is a proof of their good intentions.
Good.
3. They request the French to be kept quiet; and that they may be made to forget the past.
Their request shows how desirous they are for peace.
Concl.
4. He knows that their Grand Father had made peace at Catarakouy, that bad men have
broken that peace. They request him to reestablish and foster it, and to prevent the
recommencement of war.
5. He informs M. de Vaudreuil that the English make many offers to induce them to send
away the Black gowns ; that some among them had listened to the English, but they oppose
them with great firmness, and that they will protect them.
It has been already remarked that this was a sign of their attachment to the Religion.
Good. To exhort them to continue.
6. That they are rejoiced that the King has conferred the command of the Country on him ;
they ask him for some arms; that they are told the English wish to make war on them;
that they do not fear them. They beg him, however, should the English entertain such a
design, to aid them with his soldiers with whom they desired to live as brothers.
It would be very fortunate were the English to commit this blunder, because, [otherwise,] the Iroquois
would never break with them. The aid we will afford them would constitute an alliance between them and
us, wliich would never be broken, and would be the ruin of the English ; in that case there would be no further
need of dreaming of neutrality.
Concl. Good. To try and involve the English and to profit thereby.
7. Sieurs Maricourt and Joncaire are regarded in their villages as their Children. They
request him to send them, in order that they may inform him of every thing that occurs in
their villages.
It is certain that Sieurs de Marioour and Joncaire are regarded by the Iroquois as their Children.
Good.
M. de Vaudreuil's Answer.
He thanks them for having bewailed Sieur de Callieres' death. He assures them tiiat he
will always live with them in friendship and with a disposition for peace.
This I am persuaded is sincere.
Good.
He is desirous to observe the peace, that his Frenchmen will keep it and he exhorts them to
restrain their people.
Well answered.
Good.
750 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
He will ratify the peace, and exhorts them to observe it; that therefore, they must not
hearken to the rumors people may spread among them from the English or elsewhere, and
believe only what he will tell them.
Idem.
Veri/ good.
He is very glad to learn that they have retained the Black gowns in spite of the offers of
the English to induce them to send them back; they have gratified him; and he exhorts them
to protect them and to prevent their being disturbed.
It has been already remarked that this is very proper.
Good.
The King having conferred the command on him after Sieur de Callieres' death, he assures
them they will always find a good father in him who hath loved and will always love them.
He will defend them against the English who he understands wish to destroy them ; that if they
be attacked, he will march to their assistance with all his forces.
It has already been said, this would be a good business.
Good.
That he grants them Sieur de Joncaire; retains Sieur de Maricour near himself and sends
Father Gamier with them, whom he recommends to their care.
It is -svell that he has granted Sieur Joncaire ; Jesuits must he in great demand in those missions since Father
Garnier is sent thither, old and infirm as he is.
Concl. To encourage seTiding Jesuits thither.
Speeches of tiie Outaouaes of Misilimakinac. 27 September 1703.
1. They are come to bewail Sieur de Callieres' death and to cover his corpse, though they
be poor.
A token of good friendship.
2. They are instructed by their Chiefs to say to the Governor that they wish to die in their
villages ; notwithstanding all that can be said to engage them to remove, they will not quit
their village which they have just put up anew ; therefore, whatever Sieur de la Motte may
do to engage them to go to Detroit, they will not remove thither. This is their sentiment and
that of all their chiefs who have sent them to communicate it to the Governor.
Nothing more strongly indicates the determination of those Outaouas never to leave their village of
Misilimakinac, and not to remove to Detroit, though Sieur de la Motte do all he can to draw them thither;
these words expressed to the Governor-general, in presence of the Intendant, the Clergy, Officers and principal
men of the Country, cannot be called in doubt, whilst those of Sieur de la Motte who is alone, can be
questioned. My advice would be to station a Jesuit at Detroit, to let those of Misilimakinac alone, and to
permit the Indians to do as they like in this matter. Constraint may do more harm than good in these cases.
Concl. To be added to the Detroit bus'ness.
3. They are also instructed to ask the Governor for a French Commandant ; they know not
what they are doing since they have none.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 751
I do not believe any is necessary for them; it would be the means of absolutely destroying Detroit wliich
has no more need of one than Missillimakinac. Let us learn by experience that these Commandants apply for
these posts merely for the purpose of trade and to promote their own interests, and they encourage the
Indians to demand them.
Concl. Embarrassing.
4. They are surprised to see the Sauteurs, the Sacs and Outagamis at War ; they have sent
them some presents to allay this disorder. As they are in their midst, they fear somebody will
be killed in their village and that they will be thus drawn into the War.
They act wisely in making presents to avert the consequences of this war.
Oood.
M. de Vaudreuil's Answer.
He thanks them for coming to bewail Sieur de Callieres' death ; assures them that they will
find in him the same fatherly heart.
He answers well.
Good.
Though the Chiefs of Misillimakinac be resolved not to abandon their fort, notwithstanding
they led Sieur de Callieres to expect that they would remove to Detroit, it is a matter worthy
consideration; he will communicate to them his resolution on this subject by the person he
intends to send to Misillimakinac in the fall.
Sieur de Vaudreuil does well not to give them a decisive answer on their resolution not to go to Detroit, and
to postpone to another occasion thg communication of his opinion thereupon, because he will, meanwhile, have
my Lord's orders.
As Sieur de Callieres, to whom they already applied for a Commandant, has written on the
subject to the King, he will let them know his Majesty's pleasure on the arrival of the ships.
It is important that my Lord communicate his pleasure in this regard. A Commandant at Misillimakinac is
unnecessary; he is on the contrary prejudicial. It has ever been the policy of Governors and officers to have
commanders at Misillimakinac and every where else, in order to increase their powers.
Oood. To send positive instructions.
He will give orders to the person he intends to send to Misillimakinac to put a stop to the
War between their neighbors, and to oblige them to execute the general treaty of peace ; he,
meanwhile, expects them to contribute thereunto on their side.
Well answered and well done to expect them to maintain peace. His orders to that effect can be sent to the
Missionaries to be communicated to the Indians, instead of sending private persons thither who go there only
for the purpose of trading.
Concl. Appears good.
Speeches of the Hurons to M. de Vaudreuil. li"" July.
That it is their custom to speak of news before business.
Such is their custom.
The Mohawks have come on the part of the English to invite the Hurons to Orange.
752 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
This is the work of Quarante Sols, already mentioned, -which shows that it is not proper to have the Outaous,
Hurons and other Indians too friendly with the Iroquois. Some adroit effort must be made to prevent them
becoming good friends.
Good. With address ; to write it to Vaudreuil.
They [the Mohawks] told the Miamis whom they found with the French of Detroit that
if they would remove, they will furnish them goods at a cheap rate, and do them every sort
of kindness.
This is a proof of it.
1. Sieur Vaudreuil beholds in them his children who are coming to speak to him with the
Miamis who are united together; they have understood that he was desirous they should settle
at Detroit.
A sign that these wish to settle at Detroit. They must be encouraged to do so.
Good. Strongly. Concl.
2. That the late Sieur de Caliieres having invited them to settle at the Miamis, they request
him to tell them whence arises the unwillingness to their residing there. He had exhorted
[them] to draw the Tionontate to Detroit, but the latter would not consent to it, affairs
being in confusion.
'Tis true, Sieur de Calliere invited those Indians to the River St. Joseph, but it was only with a view to
reunite the farther Miamis together, in order eventually to draw them to Detroit; therefore they must now be
encouraged to return thither under the [care of a Missionary.] *
To encourage them to it, dependent however on the decision respecting Detroit.
3. They would greatly desire a cordial union between themselves and the French, and
request him to communicate it to those of Misillimakinac and to Sataresky, and that they make
him master of their wigwams.
Sieur de Vaudreuil is to act according to this request.
Good.
The late Sieur de Caliieres loved them, he settled them where they were and promised to
protect them. They request Sieur de Vaudreuil to do the same, and to permit them to make
war against the Scioux as the French were waging it against the English.
This shows that these Indians, though afar of^ are aware that we have operated against the English, and
regard this act as an infraction of the general peace.
Concl.
M. de Vaudreuil's Answer.
He tells Quarante Sols and his tribe what Sieur de la Motte ought to have told him — that
he was informed he wished to go to the English to learn if they, as well as the Miamis,
would be well received ; that the English had assured them of a good reception, and requested
him to remove his village to a distance from the French forts so as to be able to settle near
them at Lake Erie, offering physical aid in case the French would offer any opposition.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 753
This is the intrigue of Quarante SoU which seems but too well founded, although Sieur de la Motte ridiculed
the Jesuits when they notified him of it, saying it was a game arranged among themselves to prevent the
Indians coming to Detroit.
Detroit affair.
To-day he tells them that he did not wish to answer their belts without hearing their Speech.
That's right.
1. He must he aware that the French are now at war with the English, and he cannot go
to them without giving displeasure. His tribe is forbidden to do it, and if any one contravene
this prohibition he believes that it will be himself, being sorry for his young men.
Sieur de Vaudreuil does well to intimidate Quarante Sols, and to tell him that he does not wish him to go
to the English.
Good. Keep the hand on him.
He is glad to see the Hurons and Miamis united, and exhorts them to continue so. The late
Sieur de Callieres had invited liim to settle at Detroit ; he does the same and would permit
Sastaretsy to go and join him there.
Well answered.
Good.
He declares to him and to all the Nations that he (the Governor) does not pretend thereby
that any person should settle at Detroit, or at Lake Erie without his permission or that of
Sieur de la Motte; that he understands that after Sieur de la Motte had marked a place for him,
he had passed the bounds, had extended himself towards the French fort, and that this had
been done on hearing that Sieur de la Motte had been ordered not to grant any lands in the
rear of his Village, intending that part for fields.
That's well done.
Good.
He has reason to say, that Sieur de Callieres loved him; he (M. de V.) does not love him
less. If he wage war against the English, it is because their Kings are at war; as regards
the Scioux they were included in the peace like the rest, but if they attacked his Nation, they
would promise to defend [him.]
Well answered.
Good.
Speeches of the Miamis, on the 14. July.
He beholds his children the Miamis who come to tell him that their fathers are dead, that
the Scioux had killed them; that they, however, did not wish to revenge themselves but had
allowed themselves to be directed by Sieur de Calliere whose death they bewail, assuring
M. de Vaudreuil moreover that they will do only what he pleases.
That's well.
Good.
They have come to see him and to behold the face of the late Sieur de Callieres.
A token of friendship.
Vol. IX. 95
754 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
M. de Vaudreuil's Answer.
He is pleased that they have come so far to see him ; they know that all differences were
terminated by the General peace; if the Scioux wage war against them he does not prevent
them defending themselves.
That is ■well and regularly answered.
Good.
He is glad they have mentioned their Chiefs' names ; exhorts them to invite them to
[continue] in the obedience they owe the government; he understands, however, that they
are invited to go to the English, whom one of their Chiefs went to visit; if they continue the
same course, they will not please him; as he is at war with the English he would be sorry to
meet any of them there; he forbids them that road and let them tell their young men that,
should they go to the English, he will no longer look on them as his children.
Perfectly well.
Good. Keep a check on them.
Speech of the Heavy,' an Outaois. 14"" July.
In the name of the Kiscacons, the Outaois of Sinago and Outaois of the Sable, he bewails
Sieur de Callieres. They rejoice that he has succeeded ; they hope he will love them ; the
Scioux wage war against them, but they will not defend themselves 'till they know his will.
This disposition of these Indians is very good. It would be better to give them audience and to govern them
by the councils they hold at Montreal, than to send them so many Commandants, who make them say what
they like and distribute the King's presents among them only as they please ; whilst they receive at Montreal
all that the King orders them.
Concl. Appears good.
It would have afforded them much pleasure to see the Intendant ; they had come in that
expectation ; they would greatly wish him to love them as much as he who is gone away.
I am very certain that they will like Sieur de Beauharnois when they will see him.
Good.
M. de Vaudreuil's Answer.
They may rely on it, that he will love them as much as the late Sieur de Callieres if they
continue obedient; Sieur de la Motte writes him that he is satisfied with them; exhorts them
and the tribe to be always attached to him; he does not wish them to make war on the Scioux,
but if these commence they can defend themselves ; that he had greatly wished the Intendant
had attended the Meeting, so that they might see that he was as good a father as he who had
gone away.
Very well answered.
Good.
Approved.
' du Pcsaiit. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: VI. 755
Abstract of certain parts of a Despatch from Messrs. de Vaudrevil and Beauharvois ;
xoiili Notes hy the Minister. November 15. 1*703.
They have sent some presents to the Senecas and Onontagu6s to keep them on our side, and
to engage them to retain the Missionaries whom the other three Iroquois Nations would, at the
solicitation of the English, oblige them to dismiss.
It is very necessary to make some presents in order to maintain the Missionaries for
the glory of God and the King's service ; there is scarcely any other means but this
to preserve with the Iroquois a peace so beneficial to the Colony.
Since the expedition thatSieur de Vaudreuil sent out this Summer in the direction of Boston,
the English have wished to excite the Senecas and Onontagues. These two Nations have
deputed their chiefs to Quebec to assure Sieur de Vaudreuil that they wish to retain the
Missionaries and live in peace with us ; as will be seen by the words they have expressed to
said Sieur de Vaudreuil which he sends with his answers. It is further remarked that they
would wish to act as mediators between the English and us. Sieur de Vaudreuil evaded
giving them an answer on that point; he has no design to attack the English at Orange for fear
of drawing the Iroquois to Montreal.
It would have been desirable that this expedition had not taken place. M'' de
Vaudreuil was wishing for it in M. de Callieres' time, who would never consent to it, no
more than I. I have a perfect knowledge that the English want only peace, aware
that war is contrary to the interests of all the Colonies; The French have always
commenced hostilities in Canada.
Though the English be neither so well disciplined nor so well qualified as the
French of Canada to make war in the woods and in canoes, it is nevertheless to be
feared that, being but recently attacked by the French and Abenakis, they will
employ every possible means to induce the Iroquois to break off the peace with us.
In order to effect that purpose they will spare neither arguments nor donations,
and as it is their entire Country that contributes to these presents they would never
think of making any, if the despair into which we throw them, did not compel them
to do it.
These gentlemen say that they organized this expedition to secure the Abenakis,
and prevent them forming an alliance with the English by rendering them
irreconcilable enemies.
That were well, could the Abenakis wage war against the English without the
latter suspecting us of being a party to it.
It is certain that Neutrality between the two Colonies would be desirable and
necessary. It is, nevertheless, of consequence, and for the King's glory not to seek
it through the mediation which the Iroquois seem to offer with that view; but it
could be effected by means of the Missionaries near them, who in the course of
conversation and as if of their own accord, could give them to understand that if
the English wished to cease acts of hostility throughout the extent of their Colony,
756 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
the French could be brought to do the same ; the Governor could also insinuate this
into their Councils when they came to Quebec or Montreal.
All the difficulty in the way, would be the interest of the Abenakis who, quite
recently, have brilliantly broken with the English by this last expedition. It would
be hard to get them to enter into this spirit of Neutrality after we had intended to
render them irreconcilable enemies of the English, and it is to be feared that they
would become the enemies of the French, all whose settlements south of the river
St. Lawrence they might lay waste.
Yet this success is not to be despaired of, if the most cogent reasons possible were
used in a Council assembled at Quebec, to dispose them to that Neutrality ; even
were it to cost them some presents none could ever be better employed.
Demand fifteen Licenses on the plea that less beaver will be caught by granting them, as
the Coureurs de hois will be induced thereby to return in the hope of obtaining their portion
of them ; if, on the contrary, they be not granted, the Coureurs de hois who will act
surreptitiously, will be the cause of more coming down than the fifteen licenses that are required.
Could all licenses be dispensed with, 'twould be best, but the evil has reached a
point in this respect that it appears impossible to dispense with granting the fifteen
licenses which, with the employment the Colony will afford the youth of the Country,
will avert the disobedience of those Coureurs de bois. As regards the manner of
rendering these fifteen licenses most beneficial, we shall speak in its place.
***********
The troops will be employed on the Fort Chambly road, which appears to him to be the
most necessary, if it be not requisite to occupy them on more urgent works.
It is impossible to do better. I urged M. de Callieres long ago to construct it.
When this will be finished the Quebec and Montreal road can be easily made.
M. de Callieres was advised that the Abenakis of Acadia had entered into a Treaty of
Neutrality with the English; that the Indians and the English were distrustful the one of the
other. The Jesuits were watching the Indians. This treaty of Neutrality has not been
concluded. Father Rale wrote to Sieur de Vaudreuil that the Abenakis would take up the
hatchet whenever he pleased. This induced Sieur de Vaudreuil to adjoin to the party he was
sending in the direction of Boston, a detachment of those Indians whom one of their Jesuit
missionaries followed. Sieur de Beaubassin commanded that party, laid waste more than 15
leagues of territory, took or killed more than 300 prisoners. Sieur de Vaudreuil's opinion is,
that the English and Abenakis must be kept irreconcilable enemies.
This article has been already answered.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: VI. 757
Resources of Canada.
Succint Detail of what composes the twenty millions (or thereabouts,) which the
Colony of Canada produces yearly to the King and his subjects. 1703.
Firstly, the country supports more than forty thousand French inhabitants, and could maintain
six times as many and is able to render them wealthy by agriculture and commerce, which
would be doubled could the men that the country requires be multiplied two-fold in proportion
to the extent and fertility of the country.
The Cod fishery maintains for the King 30 @ 40,000 seamen; this must be surrendered to
the English if Placentia, Cape Breton or Acadia be abandoned. It is easy to calculate the
productive labor, annual and perpetual, of 30 @ 40,000 men. As to that portion of it which
returns to the King's coffers, no explanation can be given on that point, nor on its present
produce, nor what it can in future become.
But there is no doubt that this trade realizes more than 1 2 millions a year profit for individuals,
in the deplorable state to which things are reduced.
This as well as every other article is capable of proof, by collecting together the returns of
entry duties paid annually in each port of the Kingdom, though there be reason to believe that
one-half is fraudulently passed.
This statement would not include what goes to foreign countries ; a larger proportion than
what enters France ; nor what is consumed in great abundance within the country.
Fishing for salmon, mackerel, herring and porpoise is carried on up the river S' Lawrence.
The three first named fish are sold in France and the Islands. Oil is obtained from the
Porpoise and Seal, or their skins are dressed. This fishery is highly useful, and would become
very considerable to the King and the Kingdom, were not men and freedom wanting.
The peltry trade consists in skins of the Beaver, Elk, Moose, Deer, Bear, Martin, Stag and
various other animals in as great a quantity as one can wish for, and in proportion to the
justice or injustice with which Governors and Intendants act towards the Indians, who perform
the hunting.
These peltries produce three movements: their importation into France, their exportation
elsewhere being prohibited ; that of the merchandise taken in France in exchange, and that of
the produce taken up in Canada for exportation to the Islands in return for those same goods
received from France.
This trade, in these three movements, may produce nearly 2 millions a year.
As for the trade in grain and salt, it is from Mess" the Intendants that information respecting
it must be obtained ; for being seized, since 1703, of all the salt and almost all the grain, they
alone can know the proceeds of these two articles, from which the King derives only whatever
pleases them.
They alone can, also, tell the value of the trade in pork, beer, and divers other small articles
which they carry on exclusively to the prejudice of the settlers.
It is impossible, for want of men and means, to tell what might be the amount of pitch and
tar, a specimen whereof has been manufactured.
Timber would constitute an inexhaustible article and an inestimable product, as well for
staves as masts, building and all other purposes in which wood is usually employed.
758 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
The entire coast of Acadia and Cape Breton is adapted for the safest anchorage, and for the
formation of the finest and most secure harbors in the world, without cost and without expense.
The English settlements are in that respect no wise preferable ; nevertheless, about 200
newly built ships sail yearly from Boston or their other ports.
Were the direction of those Colonies in the hands of people who would pride themselves on
equaling the industry of the English, the King could do as much, possessing every thing
necessary for construction, especially hemp and flax, (samples whereof have already been
manufactured) which are on his soil, within his reach, in greater abundance and more convenient.
In addition to the convenience Acadia and Cape Breton afford for fishing, the one contains
the finest timber and the best pastures in the country, and Cape Breton beds of plaster and
coal ; which render the one and the other of absolute necessity to New France, of which
these may be said to be the two eyes. Never ought they to be separated, either by ceding
them to foreigners or by detaching them from the general government.
As for Placentia, it cannot be ceded to the English who have already usurped and fortified
S' John, Roguouse and Bonneville on the North of Newfoundland, without absolutely ceding
to them the fishery and closing the passage from France to Canada, on which they could
establish duties by keeping a small fleet there, and render Canada useless to France.
The spirit in which our Kings have founded and sustained Canada is, in the words of their
Majesties' Edicts, the desire to propagate the Faith ; the zeal and painful labors of the Reverend
Jesuit Fathers and other Missionaries have perfectly responded thereunto, and would have
borne more fruit were it not for the frightful disorder caused by the sale of Brandy to the
Indians which they have ever opposed, despite the efforts of the Governors and Intendants
who sedulously protected it through the hope of gain.
It is, certainly, a great misfortune that so abundant a harvest in the Vineyard of the Lord,
cultivated up to the present hour with so much affection, should be abandoned, or delivered a
prey to the heretics.
It is to be hoped that the King's piety will never consent to such a proceeding.
M. de Vmidreuil to M. de Pontchartrain.
Quebec, IG"" g^'-- 1704.
My Lord,
Although we have not received la Seine this year, and even have no news of her, which
circumstance greatly embarrasses us, I have not failed to learn that I am indebted entirely to
you for the honor his Majesty has done me in conferring on me the general Government of this
Country. I can assure you, My Lord, that I will not neglect any thing in the proper
performance of its duties, and will be eternally grateful therefor.
I had the honor to write to you. My Lord, this spring by way of Placentia, and to inform
you of the success of a party I sent this winter on the ice as far as the Boston government,' at
the request of the Abenakis Indians whom the English attacked since Sieur de Beaubasin's
' Deerfield, MasBaohusetts. Hutchinson, II., 137; Charlevoix, II. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 759
return last autumn, and at the same time again took the liberty to speak to you of Sieur de
Rouville who commanded on that occasion ; he desires, My Lord, that you would have the
goodness to think of his promotion, having been, invariably, in all the expeditions that
presented themselves, and being still actually with the Abenakis whom I sent to Placentia
according to your orders and Sieur de Subercasse's requisition.
Sieur de Rouville's party. My Lord, has accomplished every thing expected of it, for
independent of the capture of a fort, it showed the Abenakis that they could truly rely on our
promises; and this is what they told me at Montreal on the 13"" of June, when they came to
thank me.
I, likewise, took the liberty to represent to you, last year. My Lord, in my private letter,
the reasons which induced Sieur Beauharnois and me to attract the Abenakis Indians into
these parts, and to encourage them to come and settle among us, both for their own security
and ours; and you will see by their speech this year to Sieur de Beauharnois and myself that,
if they felt any difficulty in quitting their ancient abode, they acquiesced with a good grace
when they understood our reasons.
This establishment. My Lord, will not fail to cost his Majesty something, but the advantage
we derive from it will richly compensate us in the end, and I dare assure you that, besides tlie
trade it will attract to us and the security of our settlements on the South shore, it will not be
one of the smallest of the motives to oblige the Iroquois to observe the Neutrality.
I had the honor to observe to you this Spring, that I proposed sending Sieur de Longeuil,
the late Sieur de Maricourt's brother, to Onnontague with a view to support our interests in
that quarter against the English, who had people continually there, and that I had, also, sent
Sieur de Joncaire to the Senecas for the purpose of passing the winter in that quarter. I
learned by a canoe he sent me express, this spring, that the English had convoked a general
meeting of the Iroquois Nation at Onnontague. This obliged me to send Sieur de Longueil to
assist at it.
M. de Beauharnois and I had the honor to report to you in our joint letter what occurred in
that journey. Therefore, I shall say nothing further about it.
I am aware. My Lord, that your intention and the good of the service demand the
maintenance as much as possible of the neutrality with the Iroquois nations. I dare, also,
assure you that I direct all my attention to that point ; and that I hope even for success,
despite all the intrigues of the English to embroil them with us, who have discovered the
secret to engage all the Upper nations, our allies, to commence hostilities against the Iroquois
in order to oblige us to show our hands, and to take sides; and as that affair is of the utmost
importance, M. de Beauharnois and I were of opinion that we ought not to neglect any thing
to arrest its consequences, we have, agreeably to what we had the honor to observe to you in
our joint letter, dispatched Father Vaillant and Sieur de Joncaire to Seneca, and I sent
Sieur de Vinseine to the Miamis with my annexed orders and message, to be communicated
to them from me.
Sieur de Vinseine My Lord, has been formerly commandant at the Miamis, by whom he
was much beloved ; this led me to select him in preference to any other to prove to that
Nation how wrong they were to attack the Iroquois — our allies and theirs — without any
cause; and we — M. de Beauharnois and I — after consultation, permitted said Sieur de
Venseine to carry some goods and to take with him six men and two canoes.
760 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
M. de la Motte arriving from Detroit informed us that he met Sieur de Vinseine with an
addition of three canoes and two men. This disobedience of the orders I gave him prompted
me to form the design of chastising him on the spot, and as he is an inferior officer in the army
I resolved to break him, and also requested the Intendant to cause evidence to be taken on the
information we had received. I would still continue in these sentiments, My Lord, did not
the gallant action he performed at Detroit, an account whereof Sieur de Beauharnois and I
render you in our joint despatch, oblige me to write you in his favor, and to request you to
pardon him.
These unfortunate proceedings of the Upper Indians and the intrigues of the English to
embroil us with the Iroquois, would not fail to embarrass me, did I not observe in all the talk
of the latter with me, every disposition on their part to abide by the Treaty of Peace. This
you will understand, My Lord, by the speeches of the Senecas of the SO"" of May and of the
Cayugas of the 2"^ of July and of the Mohawks of the ll"" of the same month.
We suppose. My Lord that you would not be displeased should M. de Beauharnois and I
submit to you in our joint despatch, our reasons for having sent a considerable party of
Frenchmen and Indians into the Boston government, and as we take the liberty at the same
time, to make known to you the result, you will please permit me, individually, to say that
even though that party returned without having effected any thing, it has not failed to be of
advantage to us in consequence of the extraordinary expenses to which the enemy has been
subjected, and the emulation it has excited among our Indians, who endeavor at present to
make it understood, that if the thing has grown cold it is not the fault of the Nation to which
they belong.
The small parties who went off from that main body, My Lord, have not failed, seriously
to inconvenience the English, and if permitted so to say, have struck them with more terror
than they could have done in a body, because by not making any attack together nor in the
same place, the English did not know what measures to adopt, nor how many they had to
contend against.
The canoes of the Hurons arrived on the 7"" of August at Montreal from Detroit ; they
came to tell me that the Miamis had killed them ; but as I had this news previously by an
Outtauois canoe, which also came down from Detroit, and as I knew the affair had been
arranged and was only a mistake, I gave them the answer you will find annexed.
The same Outtaois canoe advised me, My Lord, that M. de la Motte, was coming down from
Detroit with two empty canoes, bringing with him a head clerk whom the Directors had sent to
the Fort in the Spring; that M. de la Motte had assembled a general council of the Indians
to demand of him that this clerk be dismissed, and that he had even given two Belts which
they should present him for that purpose ; that he had employed Quararite sols, a Huron Chief
to speak, and had told him every thing he wished him to say at that Council. As I've sent
you a copy of it, and you will see the consequence of this affair, I shall not pretend, My Lord,
to tell you the reasons that led M. de la Motte to act in that manner. I leave the Directors of
the Company to inform you of the subjects of complaint they have against him ; but I believe
it to be my duty to remark, once for all, that nothing is so contrary to the interests of the
King's service than M. de la Motte's conduct in insinuating to the Indians that they can oblige
us to do as they please, and it is in contradiction with our invariable policy in this country of
retaining the Indians in a sort of submission.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 761
We have observed to you, My Lord, what occurred at Detroit respecting a man named
Companise, an Outauois Chief, who after having strucli the blow at Fort Frontenac and
separated from the others, went again to carry off six persons at the bay of the Senecas river.
We, also, let you know the proceedings of Mess" de Tonty and Vinseine in this regard. This
action. My Lord, has afforded me the more pleasure, as the Senecas will have reason to be
satisfied with us, seeing that we carry out point by point what we promised them; therefore,
I hope they will not move until we have made an effort, this spring, to recover those of their
people who were taken prisoners, all whose lives were spared as I have learned by a canoe
which the missionaries of Michilimakina have sent me express. This is the promise I gave
them as you will see, My Lord, by my^answers to their speeches of the 12"" Sepl% and to those
of La Grande Terre, an Onontague Chief of the 18"" of October.
La Grande Terre, My Lord, after having complained of the Outtauois in public, gave me
to understand in private that Peter Schuyler, commandant at Orange, would not be sorry if
we could mutually enjoy a sort of truce, but it must include the English of the Boston
government. I had the honor to write you last year on this same subject, and even took the
liberty to observe to you, that I should not send any party towards Orange, for fear of drawing
on a war with the Iroquois. I have always adhered to that course; But as 1 hoped to receive
your orders, and flatter myself that you will send me an answer to that article, I have not
replied to La Grande Terre except to say that, if Peter Schuyler wished to make any
propositions to me, he must send me an express, when I should see what answer I would
return. Meanwhile, out of regard for him, 1 would promise not to send any party into the
government of Orange, unless they begin first.
Messrs. de Vaudreuil and Beauharnois to M. de Pontoliar train.
My Lord,
Sieur de Menthet having carried the amnesty to the Coureurs de bois, he found them greatly
disposed to profit by his Majesty's grace towards them. None came down with him but those
who collected their debts this year; the others are exerting themselves, as the Missionaries
write us, to be in readiness next year. We have learned by him that the remainder of the
Outauois, who were at Missilimakinac, had determined, despite of all he could do, to go to
war against the Iroquois. We learned also, at the same time. My Lord, by letters from Fort
Frontenac, and by Sieur Jonquaire that the same Indians had carried off at Fort Frontenac
some thirty Senecas, and as said Sieur de Joncaire brought with him five or six chiefs of the
Seneca Village, you will perceive, My Lord, by the speeches they made us which Sieur de
Vaudreuil transmits to you, the sentiments they entertain, and the desire they feel to respect
the peace. But as 'tis to be feared, in this conjuncture, either that the confusion would draw
on us a war with the Iroquois if we did not take their part, or that the Outaouais would come
to an accommodation with the Iroquois without our mediation, and that the one and the other
would discover that they could manage without us, we thought proper to send back Sieur
Vol. IX. 96
762 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Jonquaire with these Indians to the Senecas, and to dispatch at the same time a canoe with
letters to the Missionaries at Missillimakinac, until we send off another this spring, to try and
recover all the prisoners whom the Outauois took, and all of whom we know are living.
La Grande Terre, an Onontague Chief, much attached to the French, having come with some
of his Nation, to complain of the Outauois, we took advantage. My Lord, of his return to send
back the Reverend Father Vaiilant' to the Senecas, and undercolor of an escort sent an officer
at the same time as far as Onondaga, to learn whether something was not brewing there
hostile to the interests of the Colony.
We had the honor to report to you last year, My Lord, the reasons which had obliged us to
embroil the English with the Abenakis, and the heavy blow which, with that view, we caused
Sieur de Beaubassin to strike ; shortly after he had retired, the English having killed some of
these Indians, they sent us word of it, and at the same time demanded assistance. This
obliged us. My Lord, to send thilher Sieur de Rouville an officer of the line, with nearly two
hundred men, who attacked a fort,^ in which, according to the report of all the prisoners,
there were more than one hundred men ander arms ; they took more than one hundred and
fifty prisoners, including men and women, and retreated, having lost only three men and some
twenty wounded.
The Indians of Penask^ having likewise sent us word at the same time. My Lord, that the
English had killed some of their people, M. de Vaudreuil sent Sieur de Montigny thither,
with four or five Frenchmen, as well to reassure them in the fear they entertained of the
English, as to engage them to continue the War. This he effected this spring, at the head of
some fifty of these Indians, having burnt an English fort and taken twenty-three prisoners.
Sieur de Montigny distinguished himself particularly on that occasion.
The Abenakis who had settled on territory belonging to the English, without whose help
they could not subsist, seeing themselves on the verge of dying of hunger, and at war,
adopted the resolution to come and settle among us. We have placed them in the centre of
the Colony in order to be prepared for service when required. Although this establishment
will cost a good deal, we hope that the Colony will derive great advantage from it, both in a
commercial and in a military point of view. So considerable an aid reassures all the settlers,
who will cultivate their farms more quietly, and puts a check on the English and Iroquois who
will not be so bold as to declare war against us.
We observed last year to you. My Lord, that we sent Sieur de Jonquaire to winter among the
Senecas, both for the management of «ur interests, and to give us advice of every thing that
would transpire there. At the first breaking up of the ice he came to fort Frontenac, and sent
' Rev : FiiANgois Vaillant de GuEsua received holy orders at Quebec on the Ist December, 1675, according to the Liste
Chranologique, and replaced Father Bruyas as Missionary at Tionnontoguen ( now Fort Hunter ) in 1679. Shea's Missions, 274.
He was a resident among the Mohawks in 1683, III., 518, accompanied De Denonville's expedition against the Senecas in
1687, and in the beginning of 1688, visited Albany as Ambassador to Governor Dongan on the part of the Canadian Govern-
ment, on which occasion he acquitted himself with ability. New -York Council Minutes, V., 211; Supra, III., 520-532. At
the conclusion of this negotiation he proceeded to Cataracouy escorted by two Indians who were sent by Dongan to prevent
him having any intercourse with the Mohawks, liis former flock. The breaking out of King William's War and the
abandonment of Fort Cataracouy, drove him back to Canada, but after the peace he was sent, in 1702, 3 with Father Gamier
on a Mission to the Senecas, by whom he was deputed in 1704 to Governor Vaudreuil to demand satisfacton for a violatiion
of the Treaty on the part of the Oltawas. He returned immediately to Western New -York and contributed to thwart the
efforts of Col. Schuyler at Onondaga who sought to prevail on the Five Nations to expel the French Missionaries. Charlevoix,
II., 292-4. Father Vaillant was succeeded in 1707 in the Seneca Mission by the Reverend Father d'heu. — Ed.
' Deerfield, Hutchinson; Charlevoix, IL, 164, 250; New Hampshire Collections, I., 29.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: VI. 7G3
Sieur de Vaudreuil a canoe to let him know that the English had convoked a general meeting
at Onontague, where they were to give an explanation to all the Iroquois nations of the four
propositions which had been submitted in the fall at Orange. The first, My Lord, was to send
back the Black Gowns ; that is, the missionaries ; Second, to oblige the Abenakis to lay down
the hatchet so as not to wage war against them any more ; Third, to send the Mohegans
(Loi^ps) who had settled at the Mohawk Village, back to their ancient abode near Orange ;
and Fourthly, to permit the Far Nations a passage to come and trade with them. M. de
Vaudreuil has been informed that Five canoes of Indians belonging to Detroit have been this
year trading at Orange, and as they have been cordially welcomed, it is to be feared that they
will seek to continue this trade which cannot be carried on except to the detriment of ours,
some of the Detroit Indians being so much attached to the English that in order to ruin that
post, one of them set fire to the barn of the fort which would have been completely burnt, had
the fire not been promptly extinguished.
The importance. My Lord, of our managing the Iroquois obliged us to select Sieur de
Longeuil, brother of Sieur de Maricourt who died this year, whose family has great influence
among these Indians, to attend that Meeting in order to sustain our interests, having sent
orders, at the same time to the Reverend Father Vaillant, a Jesuit, and to Sieur de Jonquaire
who had returned to the Senecas, to repair to Onondaga for the same purpose. In the
meanwhile, the Ouitanons' and Miamis having killed some Senecas on their hunting ground, as
the latter were masters of the time that the assembly was to be held, they postponed it for
two months, and sent Sieur de Jonquaire and the Reverend Father Vaillant to Sieur de
Vaudreuil to convey to him their complaints against those who had attacked them, demanding
justice of him.
The Neutrality of the Indians being the point of view, My Lord, to which we must
particularly apply ourselves in this Country in order to preserve its tranquillity, we considered
it our duty not to neglect any thing to satisfy these nations and to keep them in our interests,
and as the Senecas appear to us the most attached to the French, we judged it proper to send
back Sieur de Jonquaire and Father Vaillant there, and M. de Vaudreuil detached Sieur de
Vincenne, an officer who had formerly commanded at the Miamis, by whom he is much loved,
to inquire their reasons for having attacked our allies, the Senecas, and to afford the latter that
satisfaction which was due to them.
Our Indians established in the government of Montreal, who had accompanied the Winter
expedition last year under Sieur de Rouville, having recovered from their fatigue, asked M.
de Vaudreuil early in the Spring that they may form themselves into small detachments against
the English ; the Chiefs having requested him not to separate their forces, and to form rather
only one party with which they could undertake something considerable, obliged us, My Lord,
to enter into their sentiments, for divers reasons. The first is, that not being certain but the
English would make some movement, it would be painful to see all our Indians scattered ;
the second that not having it in our power absolutely to stop them, by organizing a large corps,
we should gain time so as to be able to receive news from Europe; and the third, My Lord,
is that to which Sieur de Vaudreuil attached most attention in the present situation of affairs —
that is, by having a considerable body of French and Indians at Montreal, he was keeping the
Iroquois in check in respect to the resolutions they might adopt at their general meeting
against us.
' See note 2, supra, p. 178. — Ed.
764 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
The length of time, My Lord, that was required to assemble all these Indians, afforded an
opportunity to the enemy to have notice of it. We were aware of it, and our Indians having
persisted in the design of going to destroy ,> an English Village, we did not consider
it right to oppose them ; we merely counseled them to change their project, and in order to
induce them to do so, Sieur de Vaudreuil gave them Captain de Beaucours as Commander with
one hundred or one hundred and twenty-five Frenchmen and several of the activest of the
young officers. The party consisting of seven @ eight hundred men, we believed, My Lord,
that it would be competent to attack whatever posts and villages they pleased, and as Sieur de
Beaucours had orders to propose, on the height of land, to the Indians to change the design
as to the place they wisiied to attack, of which possibly the enemy might have notice, we
regarded as certain the success of his expedition, which indeed would have been the case, My
Lord, had a soldier not deserted within a day's journey of the enemy; a panic hereupon
seized the minds of our Indians to such a degree that it was impossible for Sieur de
Beaucours to prevent them retreating.
Though this party broke up, it did not fail. My Lord, to cost the enemy considerable sums;
the advices they received of it having obliged them, not only to postpone their meeting the
Iroquois nations, but, also, to remain a great portion of the summer idle not knowing where
this party might strike. Of this we were informed by letters brought to us by some of our
Indians, detached from the main body after having killed those of the English who were
conveying the letters to the other villages and forts of their nation.
The English having received certain intelligence, My Lord, of the abandonment of our party,
Peter Schuyler commandant of Orange was at Onontague, where Sieur Jonquaire and the
Reverend Father Vaillaint were on our side, and each having managed his friends, nothing
was decided.
Peter Schuyler returning to Orange passed by the Mohawk Village, where he found six of
our Indians from the Sault, whom he induced, by dint of presents to accompany him as far as
Corlar. There he reproached them with being the cause of the War ; he offered them lands
if they would settle among the English, and gave them a belt for their village, for the purpose
of taking the hatchet out of their hands, and to establish at least a trade with them, and he
gave them at the same time two others for the Indians of the Mountain and of the Sault
aux Recollets.^
M. de Vaudreuil, warned of the measures adopted by Peter Schuyler to debauch our
Indians, considered it his duty not to neglect any thing to avert the blow ; he instructed Sieur
Jonquaire, who was then at Quebec, and whom he sent with his orders to M. de Ramezay who
was at Montreal, to employ all his efforts to prevail on the three Villages of the Sault, the
Mountain and the Sault aux Recolets to surrender to him Peter Schyler's belts, and he instructed
him at the same time to send a party of our Indians into the Boston government so that the
English may not have it in their power to congratulate themselves on Peter Schuyler's influence
over the minds of our Indians, who, after oscillating some time between the English and us,
gave up the Belts to M. de Vaudreuil, and, in order to prove to him their attachment
to our interests, some went on an expedition against the English, and Sieur de Vaudreuil
■ The French in Canada were now forming another desiga on North Hampton, of which we had seasonable advice. Collec-
tions Nem Hampshire Historical Society, I., 39. — Ed.
' Compare IV., 1163. 2 Not. 1704.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 7G5
caused the belts to be sent back by the Onontagues to Peter Schuyler without any answer,
whicli is a sign of the contempt in which the Indians held them.
We have the honor to be with a most profound respect,
My Lord,
Your most humble, most obedient and most obliged Servants
Vaudreuil. Beauharnois.
Quebec 17"" November, 1704.
Louis XIV. to M. de Vmidreuil.
Memoir of the King to the Marquis of Vaudreuil, Governor and Lieutenant-
General for his Majesty in New France, in answer to the joint despatch
written by him and Sieur de Beauharnois, late Intendant in the said
country, on the 17"" of November of last year.
Versailles, 17'" of June, 1705.
He hopes that Sieur de Vaudreuil will find means to arrange this matter, and to cause the
Outauois to afford the Iroquois the satisfaction they have demanded, in case that be not done
he desires him to endeavor to effect it, wishing to avoid by every means the renewal of the
War in the country, and should the Outauois refuse to do in this regard what he will find just
and reasonable, it is his pleasure that he threaten to deliver them up to the Iroquois and to
ruin ; that he abandon them thereto rather than have to sustain a war with these Iroquois
who will cause the destruction of the Colony. In other regards, his Majesty has approved
M. de Vaudreuil having sent Sieur de Jonquiere, and after him ^ieur de Longueil to them
to induce them to continue at peace, and he will always approve whatever he will do for
that purpose.
He desires that he shall pursue towards the Miamis and other Nations who have insulted
the Iroquois, the same course that he has ordered him to observe towards the Outauois.
His Majesty approves the protection he has afforded various Indian nations against the
incursions of the English, but he must not authorize an attack on any Indian nation until
they have actually commenced hostilities against the French, war against any of them not
being expedient.
His Majesty is persuaded that it is for a wise purpose the Abenakis have been induced to
come and settle among the French. Yet he cannot but perceive some inconvenience in it
because a few of these Indians having remained in their old settlements, it is to be feared that
the English will overpower them, and we shall lose that barrier which the English will occupy
towards Pentagouet; and that those who have come into the Colony will be a great charge.
However, as 'tis done, nothing remains but to let it be ; he will communicate, hereafter, the
effect that change will have produced. His Majesty approves Sieur de Vaudreuil having
766 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
adopted measures to break up the general meeting of the Iroquois Nations which the English
had convoked at the Village of the Onontagues, and that he had prevented its being held.
His Majesty has seen what he wrote respecting the little success of the large force he had
sent to war. As expeditions will cause immense expense, and as their success is often very-
doubtful, his Majesty desires that he do not organize any more unless on great necessity, more
particularly as being obliged to send them through the Iroquois country, or in their vicinity, it
is to be feared that it will excite their suspicion, and lead them to strike some blow which may
bring on war.
M. de Vaudreuil to M. de Pontchartrain.
My Lord,
I did myself the honor to inform you last year that I regarded the continuance of the
with the Iroquois as the principal aflair of this country, and as I have ahvay labored on that
principle, it is that also whicli obliged me to send Sieur de Joncaire to the Senecas, Sieur de
Vinseine to the Miamis, and which has again obliged us last Spring to send Sieur de Louvigny
to Missilimakina to recover the prisoners these Indians had taken from the Iroquois in the
Autumn at Fort Frontenac. This proceeding, My Lord, was so necessary in order to restrain
the Iroquois, that Sieur de Jonquaire writes me from the Senecas on the 7"" of July, that the
partizans of the English in tiiese Villages do all in their power to induce the young men to
avenge the attack made by the Outtaouais on them, and that they are restrained only by the
hope of recovering their prisoners, and by the proceedings they have seen me adopt. * *
The Iroquois chiefs having arrived at Montreal in the beginning of August remained there
until the li"", when, having^ no news of the Outauois, I adopted the resolution to send them
back, and with this view restored them their prisoners. You will perceive, My Lord, by their
Speeches of the 14"" and 16"' that they always remained peaceful, in expectation of the
performance of my promises; but this however has not been without trouble, that Nation
being naturally proud, and not wishing to be reproached with their having tolerated the
least baseness.
I do not wish, My Lord, to reply positively to their demand that I should declare against the
Outtauois, according to the provisions of the general peace, and I have been very glad to explain
to them the two articles of the Treaty which do not render it imperative to adopt offensive
proceedings until after having made these efforts to procure them satisfaction, because I believe
that Chevalier de Callieres did not perceive its consequence at the time, and were it not for
this reserve, we sliould be every day subjected to great expense, or be obliged to go to war.
I have made no alteration, My Lord, in my former promises to them respecting the
governments of Orange and Manatte, but I have been unwilling to include that of Boston
therein; because not being convenient like the others to the Iroquois, and not being in a
position to do us great harm, I have been, as far as that Colony is concerned, very sparing of
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 7G7
my conditions, and I sliall have the honor in the course of my letter to inform you of my views
since that time.
The Iroquois were embarlving, My Lord, to return to their country when Sieur de Vinseine
arrived and told me, that he had come down with a party of Chiefs from Missilimakina who
sent him ahead for the purpose of ascertaining whether they could appear in my presence,
after the evidence they afford of their fault and the manner they propose satisfying the Iroquois.
The speeches of the one and the other, with my answers will enable you to understand what
transpired at Montreal during their sojourn; after I had entertained them all, they left highly
satisfied, in order to renew their ancient alliance, and I feel a real pleasure in having anticipated
your orders herein.
Quebec, lO"" October. 1705.
Conference between M. de Vaudreuil and ilie Iroquois.
Speeches of the Iroquois to the Governor-General, 16"" of August, 1705.
Delivered in the name of 4 Nations, by 4 Belts.
We thank you, Father, for having covered our Dead who have been killed in your Villages.
We do not present any Belts to you because it is not our custom, but we thank you.
We thank you, also, for having told us what Sieur de Louvigny had done at Michilimakina
and for the prisoners whom you restored to us.
We thank you for them, Father, by these Belts, in the name of the four nations of us who
are here. We thank you for having restored to us our relatives, brethren, nephews and nieces.
By some Wampum.
Father, you told us yesterday, that the Indian whom Sieur de la Chauvignerie carried back
up there, had stated that the Outauois had assured him that it was you who had put the
hatchet into their hands to strike the Iroquois. You, also, told us that you were persuaded
that we do not believe it. We have heard your word, and we do not believe what the
Outtauois has said. We request you by these Wampum beads, to be assured that we will
never listen to evil speeches, and when any persons will deliver them to us, we shall always
rely on ascertaining the truth from you.
By a Belt.
You told us, Father, by your third Belt, that your Children of Michilimakina had complained
to M. de Louvigny that we had not given them up their prisoners. How should we have
surrendered them when we have not any. We did this year, indeed, kill one of them who had
come in to our country, but we have only his scalp.
4'" Belt.
Father, remember that when we came all together here to conclude peace, you expressed
the joy you felt on that occasion, and assured us that since we had planted the tree you
768 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
were going to raise it so high that it would pierce the heavens. We told you, Father, that a
tree without leaves would afford no shade, and that it was not possible to smoke under its
shadow, but that we were about to give it leaves. You replied to us. Father, that so large a
tree would require strong roots to support it, and that you were going to attach some to it, and
that you would be very glad to see all your children seated around it. We assured you, that
we would on our part, never disturb the tranquillity, but were apprehensive that some of your
children from the Upper Country would cut its roots. This is what they have done, having
killed us on divers occasions.
Remember, Father, the promise which was given us at the Peace, that if any of your
children struck another, we would form a union in order to exterminate the nation which might
have struck the blow.
On the death of M. de Callieres, we came to bewail him by seven belts, and you told us,
Father, that you saw clearly that we loved him ; but that you did not feel less tenderness for
us than the deceased Onnontio ; that you regarded us as your children ; that you would protect
us against all, and would keep us in your heart. Nevertheless, here have we been repeatedly
struck without it appearing that our father has taken our part; had we acted as the Outtauois
has done, our father would have soon resented it.
You gave as a Belt, Father, to tell us that you were at War with the English; that we
should remain quiet on our mats, without meddling therein, and that we should let you fight
it out. Nevertheless we see our brothers of the Sault and the Mountain, who ought to be
neutral like us, strike the English. You have given them the hatchet and they go to war
against the English.
When Peace was concluded I cast my hatchet to the end of the World. You told me,
Father, that you would do likewise. For me, I have not yet been able to recover mine.
Ought [you make use of] that which you have given to your children who are under
your armpits.
I present you this Belt, Father, to make you remember every thing you told me, and what
I have said to you.
S"- Belt.
We are your Children. We regard you and the English alike. We exhort you both to
make peace together, requesting you to restore mutually the prisoners you have taken on
your mats.
Such is the wish of your Children, the Iroquois.
Answer of the Governor-General to the Senecas and other Chiefs of the Four
Nations. 17 August 1705.
By a Belt.
I have heard, my Children, all you said to me yesterday, and I have already expressed
to you sufficiently often the joy I felt respecting the Tree of peace you had planted. I
manifested to you, at the same time, the pain I felt at the attempts of some mischief makers
to throw it down. I repeat to you that, in consequence of the steps I had taken to have the
satisfaction given you which you looked for from the Outauois, had they come down as they
had promised and I expected, you would have been content, for I would have obliged them to
satisfy you.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 769
I hope you will, next year, receive justice from them as you must now do from the Oumiamis,
who I hear have gone to your country to satisfy you.
You must not entertain the idea that I think less of you than of my other Children, and
had you committed the same fault, I sliould not have exacted from you any more than I do
from the Outauois. You know that a good father does not begin by killing his child when he
is guilty of a fault ; but when he persists in disobedience then he chastises him.
You tell me that my predecessors promised you that I would unite with the first who would
be struck, in a war against the offender. I know that they promised you two tilings : first, that
Onnontio would endeavor to have satisfaction given to the aggrieved party; second, that if the
offender did not make satisfaction, Onnontio would unite with the aggrieved party to procure
suitable indemnity by force.
Previous to this time, I began endeavoring to procure you satisfaction. I had your prisoners
surrendered, and as I caused entire satisfaction to be given you, by the Oumiamis, who you
know are actually in your country for that purpose, I hope I shall eventually reduce the
Outaouis to do the same thing; up to the present time you have nothing to reproach me with.
You see I keep my word with you, and 1 give you this Belt as a new assurance of what I
have promised you.
Second Belt.
You reproach me, my Son, that the children of the Sault and of the Mountain have received
the hatchet I presented them against the English of Boston. 1 have already repeatedly
observed to you, that had the English not struck me, I should never have thought of attacking
him; but he captured a number of my French and Abenakis ; he killed some of them, and
has actually several of them prisoners at Boston, of Abenakis he even retains some in irons
and others he has sold and transported to the Islands. All this convinces me, that he has no
desire to give me satisfaction. This is the reason I seek it by my arms, and as my Children
of the Sault and the Mountain make, with the Abenakis who have been so indignantly
treated by the English of Boston, but one, just as you Senecas make but one with the
Onnontague, my Children of the Sault and the Mountain are obliged to take up the hatchet to
avenge all these insults.
I promised you not to turn my hatchet towards Corlar, Orange and Menathe. You see
I have kept my promise to you. I again repeat that promise, out of regard for you and
because you have requested it, I shall not strike either Corlar or Peter, so long as they will
not be the first to offend me ; but if they commence, I warn you I will at once defend myself.
As regards Boston I never promised it to you. I will continue as long as war between the two
crowns lasts.
Before concluding, I am very glad, my Children, to tell you my mind in regard to the
indifference you manifested to the two Belts I gave you to cover the corpses of the two Chiefs
who have been recently killed in a drunken brawl in your parts.
I have been surprised to learn that, on the next day after you had spoken, you conveyed
Brandy from here, with which you intoxicated several of my Children belonging to different
Tribes. I request that such may not be repeated. It would be a disgrace to us, had the same
misfortune which occurred in your country, happened [iiere] to those whom you had intoxicated.
I shall have provisions and ammunition furnished you for your journey when you depart.
Vol. IX. 97
770 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Pr(yposed Treaty between Canada and New England.
Draft of the Treaty to be concluded between the two Colonies of New France
and New England, agreeably to the proposals M' Veche submitted to M. de
Vaudreuil, governor-general of New France on the part of M'' Dudley,
governor-general of New England.
The Marquis de Vaudreuil, Knight of the Military order of Saint Louis, and Governor-
general of New France having appreciated the reasons submitted by M' Joseph Dudley,
Governor-general of New England, who observes in the preliminary of the Treaty he wishes
to conclude with him, that the War they are respectively waging, can never contribute either to
the glory of their Sovereigns' arms or to the aggrandizement of their states, but merely to the
ruin and desolation of some poor families belonging to their governments, transmits to M"^
Joseph Dudley governor-general of New England, the following Articles, some of which are
extracted from the Treaty he had presented to him, and others are added, to wit: —
The Marquis de Vaudreuil, Knight of the Military order of S' Louis, governor-general of
New France, and M" Joseph Dudley, governor-general of New England have contracted,
agreed and firmly covenanted, that from and after the date and signature of the present Treaty
and following articles concluded by themselves or by others named and duly authorized by
them, all acts of hostility whatsoever shall cease on both sides, as well on the part of the French
as of the English, and of all Indians or Savages of what Tribe or Name soever they may be,
and of all other Europeans who are now, or will be hereafter in the service of the one and the
other; and that on the following terms : —
The two governors abovenamed have covenanted and mutually promised, on the true public
faith and honor of their governments, as well for themselves as for their people of their said
governments, to cause an exact truce, neutrality and cessation of arms to be kept and observed,
and to prevent, on the one side and the other, between the two governments, all acts of
hostility that might be committed either on land or water by the French, English, Indians or
other Nation whatsoever, directly or indirectly dependent on them, encouraged or authorized
by one of the said governors or those under them.
The abovenamed governors have covenanted and mutually promised not to assist, either
directly or indirectly, the nations with whom they might be at war, not to afford any transit
across their territory to the troops which would march to disturb them, and never to lend any
vessels belonging to their governments nor allow the people of their governments to lend
any of their ships for the purpose of transporting any foreign troops to wage war within the
government of said governors under any pretext whatsoever.
That in virtue of said Truce, Neutrality and cessation of arms, the two governors
abovenamed will give passports as well to the vessels, the property of their own Colony, as to
those belonging to the people of their governments, who shall want to pass on their business
from one to the other of said governments.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 771
4"".
The two aforesaid governors have covenanted together and mutually promised, that tlie
passports which shall be delivered to the inhabitants or residents within the said two Colonies,
shall serve them for surety and protection against all soldiers and people of said two
governments ; provided that the inhabitants or residents of New England who will come into
the territory of New France, shall not import thither any merchandise whatsoever, on any
pretence whatsoever, for though furnished with passes the merchandise shall be confiscated.
The two governors abovenamed have covenanted together and mutually promised, that the
passports they will give to the vessels of the two Colonies, or to those belonging to the people
of the two Colonies aforesaid, or will have touched at the territory of said two Colonies, shall
serve them for surety and protection against all vessels of the two Colonies aforesaid, or to them
belonging or may be destined thither; it being well understood that ships from New England
that will arrive in the ports of New France, or enter the River S' Lawrence, shall not be
freighted with any merchandise on any pretence whatsoever, and shall come thither with their
cargoes and provisions only, in default whereof said merchandise shall be confiscated
without any regard had to the passports.
The governors above named have covenanted among themselves, that said passports granted
to ships shall be valid only during forty days, to reckon from the date of said passports, and
shall include the limits hereinafter set forth.
7"".
The two governors aforesaid have mutually covenanted that the ships, barks, sloops and
other vessels of what description soever, the property of said two Colonies, or of the people of
said colonies, or destined for said Colonies, shall freely navigate, and not be incommoded nor
taken nor carried away by any vessel of the two Colonies aforesaid, or belonging to their
people, or that shall be destined for, or have touched at, said two Colonies, to wit: From the
Grand Bank, at forty leagues' distance from the shore of the Island of Newfoundland unto
Cape Cod within forty leagues outside the entire Coast including therein the Elizabeth islands,
and from Belleisle, which is at the entrance of the Streight between La Bras d'or and the
Island of Newfoundland, unto Cape Breton at forty leagues from the shore, and in the entire
gulf and river of S' Lawrence and the Islands therein contained.
8.
The aforesaid governors have covenanted, to wit : The Marquis de Vaudreuil, Knight of the
Military Order of S' Louis, and governor-general of New France, That any vessels of his
government, going to fish on the coasts of New England, though furnished with his passports,
shall be good prize; in like manner M" Dudley, governor-general of New England hath
covenanted that if he find any vessel of New England fishing, or loaded with fish that it will
have fished, on the coasts of Acadia, or in the gulf, or river of S' Lawrence, or even that shall
be found freighted with oil manufactured from fish killed there ; The said vessel shall, without
any manner of regard being paid to its passport, be good prize ; the two governors aforesaid
772 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
mutually promising, the one the other, that vessels belonging to the people of their governments,
or to the Colony, shall not fish within the territory the one of the other.
iThe two Governors named have covenanted that they shall prevent, in as much as in them
lies, any Indian or Savage of their dependencies or allies, going in a body or in numbers to
trade or hunt on the territory of either of the two governments, without being provided with a
passport from their governments.
lO'"
And finally, in order that the said Truce, Neutrality or suspension of hostilities be not
subject to be violated or invalidated by the caprices of any dissatisfaction on the one side or
the other, or by the inconsiderate incursions of any Indians, the said two governors above
mentioned disavow, from this moment, all those who shall contravene this present Treaty,
and agree between themselves that no private quarrel or incursion of any unauthorized persons
shall prejudice in any manner the present Treaty. Both of the said governors have agreed
and mutually promise, that if any persons, either soldiers or settlers belonging to their said
governments, make incursions into the countries the one of the other, they shall cause
exemplary punishment to be inflicted therefor at the first requisition of him who shall have
been attacked ; but should the infraction of the present Treaty proceed from the Indians, the
governor on whom they will depend, pledges himself to do his best to cause the satisfaction
due in such cases to be given by them.
The two above named governors have covenanted and mutually promise, in support of the
present Treaty, to surrender all the prisoners they have made, on the one side and the other,
as well by sea as by land, of what quality and condition they may be, without regard to number,
pledging themselves besides, the one and the other, to surrender them without distinction, and
even though they should not have been taken by the people of the said two governments.
And in regard to the French or English prisoners who are in the hands of the Indians, the
two aforesaid governors oblige themselves to do all in their power to withdraw them from
the hands of the Indians, and to send them afterwards back to their countries.
And in regard to the Indians who are in the hands of the English, IVP Dudley obliges
himself to send them back to the Marq' de Vaudreuil as soon as possible after the signature of
said Treaty.
The Marquis de Vaudreuil declares that he includes within the present Treaty all the country
called New France, the Province of Acadia, the Islands of S' Peter, the Island of Cape Breton,
the whole of the Gulf of S' Lawrence the Islands therein inclusive, the entire coast of La
Bras d'or called the Territory of the Ischimaux, and Bellisle Island.
The Marquis de Vaudreuil submits this Treaty to M"" Dudley in answer to his ; on condition
that he shall oblige the Governor of York, and all deputy governors to enter into the same
Treaty, who shall be obliged to assent to, and sign the present Treaty before the end of
February; in default whereof the Marquis de Vaudreuil declares that all these present
propositions shall be null.
Done at Quebec the October 1705.
' This article ought, it ia supposed, bo numbered 9th. But it ia without any number in the Texi — En.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI.
Proposal to take possemon of Niagara in Canada. 1706.
Proposals to be submitted to the Court that it may understand the importance
of taking possession of Niagara at the earliest date, and of anticipating the
English who design to do so, for if they were masters thereof, they would
bar the passage and cut off our communication with, and attract, our Indian
allies as well as the Iroquois, by their Trade, and dispose them at their
will, to war against us, which would desolate Canada, and constrain us to
abandon it.
Niagara is, in truth, the best adapted point for trade with the Iroquois, because it is
convenient to them and to Lake Herie, and may serve as an entrepot to the establishment at
Detroit, to assist it when necessary by means of a bark on Lake Ontario which might traverse
the latter, and arrive from Fort Frontenac, which is at its other extremity towards Montreal,
in a couple of days. This would greatly facilitate the transport of merchandise and provisions,
that are obliged to be transported in bark canoes, and, being long on the way, considerably
increase expenses, and run much greater risk.
It is to be considered that by this establishment we should have a fortress among the Iroquois
■which would keep them in check; a refuge for our Indian allies in case of need, and a barrier
that would prevent them going to trade with the English, as they began to do this year, it
being the place at which they cross.
It will be objected, perhaps, that it is difficult to form an establishment there, without being
opposed by the Iroquois at the suggestion of the English, who will do their utmost to prevent
it, perceiving themselves stripped of their pretensions and deprived of their Trade, which we
divert to our Colony, and with it the Indians to be employed by us against our enemies.
To this we answer, that as the object proposed is the attracting of the trade and friendship
of the Indians, violence and force are not the means to effect it ; it will be necessary therefore
to have recourse to those of peace and mildness.
A very favorable occasion offers for the commencement of this establishment, without any
risk, by means of Sieur de Jonquiere, an officer of the marine forces in Canada, who has
acquired such credit among the Iroquois, that they have repeatedly proposed and actually do
suggest to him, to establish himself among them, granting him liberty to select on tiieir
territory the place most acceptable to himself, for the purpose of living there in peace, and
even to remove their villages to the neighborhood of his residence, in order to protect him
against their common enemies.
This affords an opportunity of managing the affair at present and without noise, going there
as a private individual intending simply to form an establishment for his family, at first bringing
only the men he will require to erect and fortify his dwelling, and afterwards on pretence of
conveying supplies and merchandise there, increasing their number insensibly, and when the
Iroquois would see that goods would be furnished them at a reasonable rate, far from insulting
us, they would protect and respect us, having no better friends than those who supply them at
a low rate.
Such is the opportunity afforded us to form this establishment. Let us examine now the
means to secure the trade and friendship of the Indians, by the cheapness at which it would
be necessary to supply them.
774 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
This appears to be the Gordian Knot and the greatest difficulty to be surmounted, for it is
necessary to compare the prices of the English goods with ours, and we want, besides
that, the preference. This seems very far off, even though there were no other difference
than in the price of their beaver and ours, and in that of the powder, which they supply at a
very low rate. It is, in my opinion, impossible to succeed, unless these two obstacles be
removed. Nevertheless, if the Court pleases, nothing is easier, without it costing a penny ;
and this cannot be gainsayed.
First : It is to borne in mind that all the Beaver and other peltry the Iroquois convey to
the English, are taken on our territory and that neither the Colony nor old France derive any
profit therefrom. On the contrary, this quantity of peltry carried off by the English into foreign
countries, serves only to diminish the price of ours; such being the case, the establishment of
Niagara, and the trade which would be carried on there with the Indians, would be of very
great utility, for two reasons; the first is, that we prevent our enemies trading with our
Indians, and, consequently, becoming their friends ; and secondly, that we retake from them
the peltries they might trade, and by causing them to pass through our hands, render them
advantageous to old France and the Colony, and even profitable to him who hath taken the
beaver, to whom the preference might be given. But as it would be the recovery of a lost
article, it would be just that those who would undertake this establishment should be at liberty
to sell their beaver to the highest bidder, not being included in the last Treaty inasmuch as it
is a peltry that was passing to foreigners and the English only profit by it. It would, thus,
contribute to indemnify for the low price of the goods that must necessarily be sold to the
Indians in order to accustom them by degrees to submit to our terms.
The second difficulty is, the powder and lead the English furnish at an exceedingly low rate
to the Indians ; and as these are articles most necessary to them who live only by hunting
and are thereby under the necessity of consuming a vast quantity of it, it would be proper,
in order to facilitate this business, that the King would be so good as to grant ten or twelve
thousand weight of gunpowder and twenty or thirty thousand weight of lead, which would
be yearly reimbursed to him at the rate his Majesty purchases it from the contractor. This
would counterbalance the price of the English article, and then as our powder is better,
we would thereby obtain the preference; become masters of the trade and maintain ourselves
at peace; for it cannot be doubted that those who will be masters of the Trade will be also
masters of the Indians, and that these can be gained only in this way.
As this precaution of the Establishment at Niagara tends only to the preservation of peace
and to attract the trade and friendship of the Indians to us, this liberality of the King would
be of much- greater advantage and less expense than carrying on a war against Indians
excited by the English.
It would be also necessary for the Court to grant towards the execution of this project, the
privilege of carrying twenty-five or thirty thousand tons of freight in his Majesty's ships
coming to Canada.
After having exposed the necessity of the establishment of this post ; the means of effecting
it without affording any umbrage to the Iroquois, and the most certain means to maintain
peace and union with the Indians, it remains for me to add, as respects the management of
this enterprize, that it would be necessary to prevent all the improper Commerce hitherto
carried on, by the transportation of Brandy into the forest, which has been the cause of all
existing disorders and evils. In order to avoid these, it would be proper, that the Court,
PARIS DOCUMENTS: VI. 775
had it no other views, shouki give the charge of this business to our Governor and Intendant
who in order to maintain tiie King's authority in Canada and to labor in concert for the public
peace, would always so cooperate that the whole would be accomplished in a manner profitable
to religion, trade and the union with the Indians, which are the three objects of
this establishment.
Mr. de Vaudreuil to M. de Pontchartrain.
My Lord,
I had the honor to advise you, last autumn, of the accommodation I had concluded between
the Outtauois and them, and of the hope I entertained that this peace between us would
continue. However, as we have to deal with Savages I deemed it advisable, in conjunction
with M. Raudot, not to neglect any thing to preserve them in an intimate union, the one as
well as the other, and with that view, I dispatched Sieur de Joncaire to Onnontague and
Seneca, the Missionaries at these two villages having written to me after the return of their
men, that some seemed to distrust the Outtauois and were saying, to make use of their
expressions, that they had not spoken from their hearts. I hope, notwithstanding, that Sieur
de Joncaire's ability, seconded by the two missionaries whom we have in that country, will
retain the Indians in the sentiments of peace, which they ought to feel, and this is what I
shall have the honor to communicate to you this autumn.
This necessity of uniting the minds of all these Indians, My Lord, also caused M' Raudot
and myself to adopt the resolution of sending a canoe to Michilimakina to oblige the Outtauois
to perform the promise they made me last year to give me some live prisoners ; That is to say,
some prisoners they will take from the Far Nations, in order to replace those Iroquois who
have been killed by them, or who have died in their hands since the blow they struck at
Catarakouy. We embraced the opportunity of Father Marest returning to his mission in
compliance with the request these Indians made me, to dispatch this canoe, so that this Father
and my messenger acting in concert, will more readily induce these Indians to supply us with
some prisoners, whom this canoe will immediately bring back to us and I shall afterwards
send to the Iroquois, in order that the one and the other be indebted to us for peace.
You will be pleased to permit me. My Lord, before going any farther, to express to you my
regret on learning that, whilst I entertain no other views in all the embassies I send than the
good of the King's service, there are people sufficiently bold as to wish to impose on you and
render my conduct suspected by you. I should be inconsolable were I not persuaded that
you render me on this occasion the justice due me, and that you are satisfied of the just
reasons I have for authorizing these embassies. Nevertheless, My Lord, I cannot avoid writing
unreservedly on the subject to Madame de Marson, my mother-in-law, and I beg of you to be
pleased to permit her the honor of conferring with you thereupon.
I had the honor last year to send you a copy of the proposals that M" Dudley, governor of
Boston, made me, and of those presented me from him by his son and M"" Weiche' with my
' Sic. Vetch. — Ed.
776 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
answers, and I had the honor to observe to you at the same time, in regard to Mess" Dudley
and Weiche' repeatedly asking me whether I had ample powers to conclude a truce that,
having received the letter you did me the honor to write me on the 14"" of June 1705, I told
them in turn that they could submit proposals to me if they had any to make me, and that
Mess" Dudley and Weiche' had proposed those I had the honor to transmit to you. You have
been able to see by my answers. My Lord, the manner I acted with them, and what their
principals submitted. This induced M"" Dudley to send me a deputy by land, with a letter
about a month ago, but as it is not sufficiently explanatory, and as M"' Dudley, according to
appearances, is seeking only to gain time, the term I had fixed in my answer to these
propositions having expired, I permitted several small parties of our Indians to recommence
hostilities in his government, in order to force him to declare himself, and I am persuaded, My
Lord, that it will have a good effect, for I am advised by some of our prisoners who have
returned, that the Country people around Boston who have to bear the entire brunt of the
war, absolutely desire their governor to accept my proposals, and I flatter myself you will
have found these to comport with your intentions, the good of his Majesty's service, the
interest of this Colony and particularly of Acadia.
M'' Dudley, informing me, My Lord, that he had sent back to Port Royal fifty-seven of our
prisoners, which intelligence was confirmed to me by two Frenchmen who accompanied his
deputy, M' Raudot and I, My Lord, have concluded that we ought to send him a like number,
and with this view we shall dispatch a vessel in the end of the month, and we hope that by
the same occasion, he will send us the remainder of our Acadia prisoners. When we shall
have certain news of them, we will send him back the balance of his that we have here in the
hands of the Indians.
Quebec, 28"- April 1706.
M. de Pontchartrain to M. de Vaudreuil.
Versailles, Q"" June, 1706.
Sir,
I have received your despatches of the 3"* and S"" of May and of the le"" and 19"" of October
of last year, with the papers thereunto annexed.
I am fully persuaded that you will be pleased to entertain for M.de Raudot the consideration
and friendship I requested for them, and that they on their part, will not omit any thing to
deserve the same.
It is certain that you have nothing so important in the present state of affairs as the
maintenance of peace with the Iroquois and other Indian nations, and his Majesty will approve
all the measures you will adopt to that end, but it will be always necessary that you effect it with
the dignity suitable to yourself and without evincing any fear to them. His Majesty approves
'-Sic. Vetch. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 777
your sending Sieur Jonqueres to the Iroquois, because he is esteemed by them, and has not the
reputation of a Trader, but you ought not to have sent Sieur Vincennes to the Miamis nor
Sieur de Louvigny to Missilimaquina, as they are accused of carrying on contraband trade.
You are aware that the said Sieur de Louvigny has been punished for that, and his Majesty
desires that you cause Sieur Vincennes to be severely punished, he having carried on an
open and undisguised trade. It is averred that in place of having had him punished, the
man named Neveu has been confined in a dungeon six months for having given information
regarding this trade.
It is, also, alleged that Arnauld, Sieur de Lobiniere's son-in-law, has been sent to the
Outaouacs with other Frenchmen' and three canoes, and that the impunity of this man excites
considerable murmurs, and authorizes the licentiousness of those who are inclined to range the
woods. I will believe that all this is done without your participation, but it is not allowable
in you, occupying the post you do, to be ignorant of it ; still less, not to punish it when you are
cognizant of it. I will tell you plainly, that if you are not more absolute in the execution of
the King's orders and more severe in the punishment of acts of disobedience, I shall not
guarantee to you that his Majesty would be willing to allow you to occupy for any length of
time your present post.
I must tell you, likewise, that a species of weakness has been apparent in your conduct at
Montreal at the time of the riots which broke out there. You ought to have made severe
examples on the spot of some of the most mutinous, and you would have thereby avoided the
second difficulty and perhaps those which possibly will hereafter occur. I am persuaded that
you thought it better to employ mildness on such an occasion when a severe beginning is
nevertheless always necessary as an example, reserving measures of mildness for subsequent
events, and you ought to be very careful lest your mild proceedings be not attributed to weakness
by the mutinous, and they be thereby encouraged to new movements.
I have no doubt of the truth of the information Sieur Jonquieres has given you respecting
the intrigues of the English among the Iroquois. Continue to order him to occupy himself with
breaking them up, and on your part, give the subject all the attention it deserves. It behooves
you to pay same attention to preventing the English seducing the Abenakis, the Indians
of the Sault, those of the Mountain, those of the Sault au Ricolet and those of Detroit, and
that you so manage as to break up all the intrigues that may be a-foot in these places.
You did very well to dissuade the Chief of the Outaouacs from the design he entertained of
going to trade with the English. His Majesty approves your having employed mild means for
that purpose, and even that you had caused him to be furnished with a little Brandy in order to
restrain him, when that alone will effectually prevent them resorting to the English for purposes
of trade. Y''ou can very well suffer them to purchase a little of it, and provided moderation and
propriety be observed, the inconveniences will be avoided which necessitated the prohibiting
of the sale of Brandy ; but this requires great caution on your part.
It would be desirable, if possible, to retain the Miamis at Detroit. Nevertheless, should they
persist and their reasons appear valid, you can permit them to return home; but I request you
to confer with Sieur de la Motte Cadillac, so as not to interfere with the measures he may have
taken for the establishment of that post, and in that case you need not furnish them with a
French Chief.
' auz autres Francois. Texl. — Ed.
Vol IX. 98
778 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
It is also unnecessary for you to supply the Poutouatamis with one, and it would be well
even to prevent them waging war against the Sioux who are not our enemies. Sliould the
Iroquois declare against them at the same time, they would be overwhelmed and we have an
interest in preserving them.
His Majesty has approved the measures you have adopted to prevent the war between tlie
Iroquois and the Outaouacs, and I doubt not but the arrangement you caused them to enter
into will continue. It is well, however, that you pay attention to it, and that the Iroquois be
persuaded of your good intentions in this regard, and if you could succeed in driving ofi' those
Outaouacs who have illtreated the Iroquois it must be done in order to convince them of
your sincerity. But this demands great circumspection and prudence on your part.
His Majesty has approved your having confirmed to the Iroquois the former promises
which had been made them in regard to the governments of Orange and Manathe, and your not
having included Boston therein which is at too great a distance from them to trouble themselves
about it.
Be persuaded that his Majesty will eventually grant you whatever favors you may desire,
and that I shall most readily use my endeavors to render you any service near him; but you
cannot too carefully avoid becoming mixed up with the parties of the Colony which, from all
time, have caused the greatest misfortunes it has been afflicted with. I must observe to you
here that his Majesty felt some difficulty in resolving to confer on you the Governor-generalship
of New France, on account of your wife's family which is in that country, and his Majesty only
consented on the assurances I have given him that you would act towards your wife's relatives
as if they were no connections of yours. Should you depart from these principles, you
would expose me to his Majesty's reproaches, and you ought even be apprehensive for the
consequences. You speak to me only of M. de Lotbiniere and his family. I know she has
others ; for example, her brother's widow, his daughter and Sieurs d'Amours, Deschaufont,
and de Plaine. You must act towards them in the same manner as by other settlers, without
laying aside your character in their regard.
The avowal you make of having permitted Sieurs de Mantez ^ de la Decouverte and Vincennes
to carry some merchandize with them in the voyages you authorized them to make to the
Upper country, is sufficient to create the belief that they had traded, especially Sieur de la
Decouverte who is an arrant trader. Wherefore I enjoin again on you to abstain as much as
possible sending into those countries, and whenever the service absolutely requires it to select
trustworthy people on whom you may rely.
I did not attach [any credit] to the information I received that you had sold eight licenses
to go into the interior of the country, and had such been the case, it would have been out of
my power to prevent his Majesty visiting you with tokens of his most profound displeasure
and indignation.
Your conveyance to Sieur de Breslay of the grant of land you had at the extremity of the
Island of Montreal, justifies your conduct in regard to the reports which prevailed that you
were carrying a trade on your own account by the agency of the man named S' Germain.
In reference to the grant to the late M. de Coulange, your brother-in-law, the confirmation
whereof you ask for his widow and daughter, his Majesty cannot accord it, because the land
lies, contrary to his Majesty's orders, above the Island of Montreal, and directly on the route
of llie Indians who would wish to visit Ville Marie, which would ruin the trade of that town.
' Sic. Qu ? Mnnteth. — E».
PARIS DOCUMENTS: VI. 779
I have submitted to the King the Governor of Boston's propositions to you, and those you
sent him in return, for tiie conclusion betvs'een both Colonies of a Treaty for a general
exchange and of another of Neutrality. His Majesty considers both to the purpose; therefore
approves your concluding them, taking care to negotiate in a manner not to affect his glory
and the honor of the Nation. You must especially adopt effectual measures to prevent this
Treaty creating any trade between the English and the French, and enact by it even
confiscation and other penalties against those who shall be caught, on either side, carrying on
such commerce. It will be necessary that you take care to inform Mess" de Subercase and
de Costebelle of what you will do in this case, and send them copy of the Treaty you will
conclude with the orders for its execution ; You will be careful to send me copy of it also, in
order that I may render an account of it to his Majesty.
I noticed by what you have written to this English Governor, that you have demanded of
him his powers, and to be informed of the extent of his jurisdiction. This precaution is
proper, in order to ascertain the countries in which this Treaty is to have force; and, as it will
be executed in Acadia and Placentia, that it be likewise enforced in the Countries under
English dominion dependent on the Government of Boston, which must comprise all those
from whence Canada could be attacked.
The illness which obliged Sieur de Courtemanche your envoy to Boston, to return in an
English brigantine, has much the appearance of having been assumed as a cover for trade.
This obliges me again to recommend you to use all possible precautions in the Treaty you
will conclude, against a reciprocity of trade between the people of the two Nations.
It had been desirable, also, that M"' Dudley had not sent you his son, as these sorts of visits
serve only to make them acquainted with [what they do not already know]. Nevertheless,
his Majesty has approved your having treated him with politeness, but you ought, on pretence
of paying him due honor, have caused him to be attended so that he might not have it in his
power to obtain much knowledge of the country. You ought, also, to have taken the same
precautions to prevent M"" Vetch obtaining information of the state of affairs in Canada.
I have heard that he boasted that he was at present better informed about it than those who
reside there.
M. de Vaudreuil to M. de Pontchartrain.
My Lord,
I have had the honor to inform you this spring, by way of Placentia that, in order to
maintain the union between the Outtauois and the Iroquois, I sent back Sieur de Joncaire ;
also a canoe to Michilimakina in which I abstained from placing an Officer, in order to save
expense and to remove, at the same time, all cause of complaint. Mess" Raudot and I agreed
to put on board only an Interpreter and three hired men with orders not to carry on any trade,
and to follow the advice of Father Marest, who by the same occasion accompanied them up to
his mission, agreeably to what I last year promised the Indians of Michilimakina. As I shall
780 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
have honor of giving you an account, hereafter, of the success of that voyage, I return to
the Iroquois.
I am persuaded, My Lord, and there has not been a year that I have not had the honor to
observe it to you, that the tranquillity of this Colony depends on the peace with these Indians.
I neglect nothing to insure the continuance thereof but I dare assure you at the same time that
I do so honorably, and without disparagement to the office I have the honor to fill. I cannot
furnish you stronger proofs of that fact than by transmitting you the annexed speeches which
the Senecas and other villages came to address to me regarding affairs that occurred at Detroit
this year. You will find my answer there also.
Had I followed, My Lord, the first impulse of vengeance, I would not have hesitated to
accept the proposal of the Iroquois, but when I reflect that the Outtauois of Michilimakina
had no hand in the occurrences at Detroit, and that they would not even go in there — as you
will see. My Lord, by what they told me by Sieur Boudor, and by my answers to Companiste
and Le Brochet,' the Chiefs who came down with him to place in my hands four prisoners to
be restored to the Iroquois —
I cannot, My Lord, consent to give over to destruction a Nation that has been faithful to us
in the last war, and has, in this affair at Detroit, perhaps more bad luck than bad disposition.
I send you hereunto annexed the statement of Miscoualzy, one of the Outtauois Chiefs,
resident at Detroit, whom, however, I would not receive here as an envoy ; also my answer
to him as well as to Companiste, which appears to me sufficiently firm to protect me from the
accusation of weakness. The difference consists. My Lord, in this — I speak in public; have
several interpreters, and cannot alter the truth nor shape words adapted to my subject, in
order to impose on you. I was not willing to adopt the course the Iroquois proposed to me at
first, because having no news from Sieur de la Mothe since his departure, I could not
determine what course he would adopt on arriving at his post, and as war has never been
favorable to a new establishment, I did not wish that he should impute to me that I had
destroyed him by letting loose the Iroquois. Secondly, as the latter assured me that
their resolution was taken and that they had been to the English to advise them thereof
at the same time they had come to Montreal, I was very glad to let the English know
the extent of my influence over the minds of the Iroquois. I possessed still more than
they, inasmuch as I had enough to make the Iroquois let go the hatchet, notwithstanding the
resolution they had taken to attack the Outtauois. But, my Lord, the real reason I had for
answering the Iroquois as I had done, is that I reflect, if the Huron, the Miamis and the Iroquois
be united, they will accomplish the destruction of the Outtauois, or at least force liim to
abandon Michilimakina. The English are too acute not to profit by this opportunity, and will
not fail to remind the Iroquois of his Dead. I speak Indian. The Iroquois having then nothing
more to oppose him above, vs»ill wage a bloodier war than ever against us. Such, my Lord
are the reasons I had for temporizing. I do not say that satisfaction must not be exacted from
the Outtauois, but as those of Michilimakina have not meddled in this affair at Detroit and as,
meanwhile, the course of events reunited them all at Michilimakina, it is dangerous to begin a
War which can cause us only considerable expense, the loss of a nation that has served us
faithfully, and, in addition to that, a considerable loss of trade every year. War to oblige the
Outtauois to abandon Michilimakina is a mistake; it will not end there; they will take refuge
' Tlie Pike. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 781
in Lake Superior, and deriving supplies from the English through the head of Hudson's bay,
■will continue the war as long as the memory of what they will have suffered dwells
among them.
Vaudreuil.
Quebec, 4"" November 1706.
Memoir on the Frencli Dominion in Canada. 1504 — 1706.
It is certain that the French were the first discoverers of the country of New France, called
Canada, bounded on the East by the Great Sea ; on the North by the Strait and Bay da Nord,
called Hudson's and the unknown Western countries; on the South by New England, Virginia
and the countries north of Florida and of the Gulf of Mexico; on the West by the River
Mississipy and the undiscovered countries beyond.
According to Postel, L'Escarbot, Father Fournier, the narratives inserted in the works of
Purchas and Hackluyt, English authors, printed at London, and other writers, the French
Basques, Bretons and Normands went as early as, and even long before, the year 1504, to fish
for Cod along the entire coasts of the Gulf of S' Lawrence and those in the vicinity and traded
there for Peltries. They have continued these voyages up to the present time uninterruptedly
with several hundred vessels.
In the year 151S,i Baron de Lery went to settle there, and left a quantity of cattle on Sable
Island near Acadia.
In 1524, King Francis I. sent Jean Verrazan, a Florentine thither.
In 1534, the same King sent Jacques Quartier a pilot of S' Malo there, who made two voyages
thither, ascended as far as Montreal, previously called Hochelaga, and established the trade in
peltry with all the Indians of both sides of the river S' Lawrence.
In 1540, said Quartier was sent back to that country with Jean Fran9ois de Roberval, a
gentleman of Picardy, whom King Francis I. appointed his Lieutenant-General over the new
countries of Canada, Hochelaga, and Saguenay.
Quartier called the territory embracing the adjacent countries by that name [after a River
of that name] which falls into the S' Lawrence at Tadoussac and rises near Hudsons Bay.
In 1543, the same Roberval returned thither with the pilot Jean Alphonse of Saintonge,
[they] took possession of Cape Breton, and it was at that time that people commenced
inhabiting Quebec.
In 1598, King Henry IV. conferred on the Marquis de la Roche, a Breton, the government
of the territories of Canada, Hochelaga, Sable island, the Grand bay, L'abrador, Norembegue,
and countries adjacent.
In 1603, the same King conferred his commission of Lieutenant-General in the territories
of New France, Accadia, Canada and other parts, on Sieur de Mons, a gentleman of Saintonge,
who in 1608 built a fort at Quebec, the government whereof he left to Sieur Champlain, the
first discoverer of the Iroquois.
' 1508. Charlevoix, I., 109. —Ed.
782 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
In 1612, on the 8"" of October, King Louis X[II. appointed Count de Soissons, Prince of the
Blood, Viceroy of the Islands and Main-land of America.
Henry de Bourbon, Prince of Conde, succeeded Count de Soissons as Viceroy of the Islands
and Main-land of America.
In 1615, the Franciscans (Peres RccoUets) were appointed by the King's Letters patent
missionaries in Canada, and celebrated Mass the same year at Quebec.
In 1620, they founded the Convent oi Notre Dame dcs Anges within half a league of Quebec.
The Duke de Montmorency succeeded the Prince of Conde in the Viceroyalty both of the
Islands and Main-land of America.'
The Duke de Ventadour was appointed to the same Viceroyalty on the resignation of M. de
Montmorency, who died on the IS"" of May, 1649.
In 1625, the Jesuits under the protection of the Duke de Ventadour, Viceroy of the country,
established themselves in Canada for the purpose of acting as missionaries among the Indians.
In 1628, in the month of May, the King issued an Edict for the establishment of a Company
of New France.
Sieur Champlain, governor of Quebec, made many voyages and discoveries in New France,
and continued in command and to trade there with all the Nations inhabiting it, under the
authority of Cardinal de Richelieu, Grand Master, Chief and Superintendent-General of the
Navigation and Trade of France, and under that of the Viceroy, until 1629, when the English
seized that country and Accadia.
In 1630, Commander de Razilly took possession of Accadia in the King's name.
In 1632, on the 29"" of March, a Treaty was concluded at S' Germain en Laye with the
English whereby they were obliged to restore what they had usurped, and repaired
the damages they had committed.
The Duke de Vantadour placed in the hands of King Louis XIIL the resignation of his
office of Viceroy of the Islands and Main-land of America, and King Louis XIV. conferred the
same, by letters patents of the month of November 1644, on the Duke de Dampville-Vantadour
under the authority of the Duke de Fronsac, Grand Master, Chief and Superintendent-
General of the Navigation and Trade of France.
In 1645, in the month of March, articles were granted to the Directors and associates of the
Company of New France and Deputies of the inhabitants of said Country.
In 1647, the King conferred on Charles de Menou, Lord Daunay Charnizay, the patent of
the government and Lieutenant-generalship of Acadia, beginning on the shore of the Great
River S' Lawrence, as well along the sea coast and adjacent Islands as into the interior of the
Main-land, as far and as deep as the same will happen to be, unto Virginia, under the authority
of the Queen Mother Regent, by virtue of her office of Grand Master, Chief and
Superintendent of the Navigation and Trade of France, who approved the same on the
thirteenth of February of the same year.
By the letters of King Louis XIH, King Louis XIV and of the Queen Regent, dated the
13"' February 163S ; 23 February 1641 ; 27 and 28 September 164S, it appears that there were
two Lieutenant-Generals in Accadia; One from the middle of the Bay of Fundy to the Gut of
Canseau ; the other, who was the Lord de Charnizay, along the Etechemins coast, extending
from the centre of the Main-land from the Bay of Fundy stretching towards the Virginias.
' In 1620. Charlevoix, I., 157. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 783
In 1650, Sieur Menou-D'aunay Charnizay being dead, his eldest son \vas commissioned, and
in consequence of liis being a minor, administration was granted to the Grandfatlier of the
orphan with power to appoint a deputy. Sieur de Poix was selected, and the grandfather
dying, the Company requested tiie King to commission Sieur de Poix.
Sieur Denis was appointed governor of Accadia, extending from Cape de Roziers to Cape
de Canseaux. This government, the propriety of which he purchased from the Company of
Canada, was confirmed by his Majesty's letters patent of the 4"" of February 1G54, granting
him the right of sedentary fishing for Cod and other fish througliout the entire extent of Acadia.
The English of Boston having come to establish themselves in his government and built a fort
there, he expelled them from it.
2 copies of ihe grant In 1654 and 1655, Cromwel, protector of England having granted letters of
made by fromwel ' ^ ° ^ °
fa'Dd^iTsieSr de'sT ^''^^quc agaiust the French, the English seized the settlements of Pentagouet,
aBcronCjaioi Cape Sable, the fort on the river S' John and Port Royal.
oMhesfhTf Au"^?! On the T"" October 1658, ftp de Bourdeaux, Ambassador to England, applied
and 'uir'other''^n for the reparation of these encroachments, and by the lO"" and ll"" Article [of
English, on which '^ J i-
are' marked the the Treatvl of Breda concluded in 1667, the English were obliged to restore
bounds or the .' J ' o o
tem"tS?ic"£KS those places which was not done until 1670.
i'^X'lundie?''""" In the month of July 1655, the King granted to the Duke de Dampville-
Vantadour a new patent of Viceroyalty over the Islands and Main-land of America, as well those
which are now, or will hereafter be, inhabited by the King's subjects, such as Guyana, as those
adjoining on one side or the other the river Amazon, Arenoc,Amacoica, Eschiebe, and Berbice,
and all other places, countries and districts without any exception, not occupied by any Christian
Prince, an ally of France, and permits the establishment of all sorts of Companies, after their
articles shall have been seen by, and communicated to, the Duke de Vendome, by virtue of his
office of Grand Master, Chief and Superintendent of the Trade and Navigation of France,
enregistered at the Parliament, on the 21" of January 1658.
In 1656, M"" Lauson being governor of New France, possession was taken of the lands and
Countries of the Iroquois, the first discovery whereof was made by Sieur Champlain ; said
Sieur de Lauzon caused a fort to be erected on Lake Gonontaa, and granted to sundry private
persons some Iroquois lands, for which deeds have been executed.
In 1656, Jean Bourdon explored the entire L'abrador territory, entered the Bay du Nord and
took possession thereof, according to an extract from the Ancient Register of the Council of
New France of the 26"" of August of the same year.
The Marquis de Feuquieres was appointed Viceroy of the Islands and Main-land of America,
after the Duke de Dumpville-Vantadour. The interested in the company of New France
opposed the enregistration of these letters, pretending that his power ought not to be extended
to Canada, and that they had reimbursed M' de Vantadour.
Viscount Dargenson preceded M'^ Davaugour as Governor of Canada of whom the Indians
from the Bay du Nord, who came to Quebec in 1661 to trade with the French, demanded a
Missionary, and he gave them Father Dablon, a Jesuit, and some other Frenchmen.
In 1660, M'' Dubois Davaugour was selected as Governor of New France by the Queen,
the mother of the King, who filled the office of Grand Master, Chief and Superintendent of the
Navigation and Trade of France.
He arrived at Quebec in the month of August 1661. In the same year, the Indians from the
Bay du Nord came to Quebec to confirm the intercourse they had with the French and to
request Missionaries of them.
784 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
In 1662, M' Destrades was appointed Viceroy of the Islands and Main-land of America as
successor of the Marquis de Feuquieres.
In 1663, the Indians of the Bay du Nord returned to Quebec in further quest of Frenchmen,
and M'' Davaugour sent thither Sieur de la Couture, with five men, who proceeded overland to
the said Bay, possession whereof he took in the King's name ; noted the Latitude, planted a
cross and deposited at the foot of a large tree his Majesty's arms engraved on copper, and laid
between two sheets of lead, the whole being covered with some barR of trees.
In the same year, M'' Davaugour, having been recalled in consequence of the intrigues
which the Clergy had formed against him, wrote on the 4"" of August from Gaspe the
following letter: —
" In the month of July 4 Deputies arrived from our enemies the Iroquois, soliciting from me
peace and aid against their enemies, (the Iroquois at the South), and I dare say had his
Majesty's reinforcements arrived within three months I might have been able to emancipate
the country from the slavery under which it has been groaning for 60 years.' But nothing has
been lost but time, since nothing in the world is easier, piovided his Majesty please to incur
the expense. This is so true, that in order to render a more exact account of it, and to obey
the instructions for my retirement which are on the way, I have not considered it proper to
wait for them any longer, leaving at Quebec some very good officers, and the necessary orders
to maintain things and to render a good account of them."
In a Memoir, sent from Rochelle, which must be by M' Terron, it is stated that the Iroquois
who were coming to demand peace and aid against those of the South, offered to grant the
French a settlement in their midst and to admit them into their country.
M'' Davaugour reproached them with their infidelity and told them he could not treat with
them unless they gave him as hostages a certain number of old men, some of their handsomest
girls and other persons. They returned to communicate this proposition to their Chiefs.
Possibly it might have some result, and that, thus, we could go freely in the spring to settle
among them.
Proposed, in case of war, to send their able men to serve in the King's galleys.
In a map of the River Saint Laurence drawn .by the hand of M' Davaugour, he speaks of
the distances of the Countries to the North, and on the South sea without mentioning any
establishment whatsoever being there. He bases this conclusion on the report he received
thereupon from the Indians.
In the same year 1663, the King reannexed to his Crown the propriety of New France on
the surrender thereof by those interested.
Mr. de Mezy was appointed Governor-general of New France, in the month of May 1663.
Vul. des Expeditions 166. 1664 for Monsieur de Lionne chez Monsieur de Croissy.
On the twenty-fifth of October of the same year 1663, a commission was issued to M' de la
Barre to command in the Main-land of America, but he served only in Cayenne and the Islands.
On the nineteenth of November of the same year 1663, a commission was issued to Alexander
de Prouville Knight, Lord de Tracy, Councillor of the King in his State and Privy Councils,
to command in the absence of Mons"" d'Estrade, Viceroy of America, over the countries situated
in South and North America, the Main-land, Islands, rivers, ports, harbors and coasts
discovered and to be discovered, and to have authority over all the Governors, Lieutenants-
■ " J'eusse pfl affranchir le pays de I'eselavage eoua lequel il gemit depuis 60 ans, et Ceusie pu beaucovp." In the copy of
this letter in Vol. I., 43, of Paris Documents, tupra p. 11, the words in Italics are omitted. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: VI. 785
general and particular established in all the said Islands of the Main-land of Canada, Acadia,
Newfoundland, Antillas &c.
M' de Tracy did not arrive in Canada until the year 1663.
In 1664, the King incorporated a West India Company.
In 1665, on the aS"" of March, Daniel de Remy, Knight, Lord de Courcelles was appointed
Governor of Canada, Acadia the islands of Newfoundland and other countries in the place
of M' de Mezy,
On the lO"" of May of the same year M'' Talon was Intendantin Canada, Acadia, the Islands
of Newfoundland and other territories of Northern New France.
Being arrived at Quebec, he wrote to My lord Colbert on the second of 9'^'' 1665, that he found
by the Map that the country the King had opened through means of the river S' Laurence
was, in extent, four times larger than France; that nearly 700 leagues of country to the West
were known, and from North to South nearly 300, which no power disputes with his Majesty.
He says next — I shall not speak here of its vastness, of which I treat in my Memoirs; I
shall only say, that nothing is so easy as to take possession of the entire of that vast country
by constructing forts at the head of the lakes and rivers, the navigation whereof would facilitate
the preservation of the forts, or at least by drawing up regular minutes of taking possession
and raising the Cross for Christianity, and the Royal Arms for the State, at the places to which
we shall be able to carry them ; And I already design, without waiting his Majesty's orders, to
send four escutcheons of France that I brought with me to be planted on the most distant
countries, and to cause proces verbaux to be drawn up, knowing that such being incapable of
prejudicing his Majesty may, in course of time, be of use to him.
On the 30"' of March 1666, My lord Colbert wrote to M'' Talon : The King has approved
your having had his arms erected at the extreme bounds of Canada, and that you make
preparations at the same time for drawing up prods verbaux of the taking possession, because
it is always extending his sovereignty, not doubling but you have, at the same time, reflected
with M' de Tracy, and the other officers, that it would be much better to confine oneself to
an extent of territory which the Colony may be able of itself to maintain, than to embrace too
vast a quantity, a part whereof we should be obliged, perhaps, one day to abandon, with some
diminution of reputation for his Majesty and this Crown.
The Iroquois having made many expeditions against the French and the Indians, who, as
well as they, were under the King's dominion, obliged his Majesty in order to reduce them to
their duty, to send some troops into Canada, under the command of M" de Tracy, Lieutenant-
general of his armies, and of M"' de Courcelles, Governor of the said Country, who made an
attack in the beginning of the year 1666, on the Nation of the Mohawks, whom they expelled
from their country, burned their houses, and obliged all these Indians to come and sue
for peace.
The Senecas sent to Quebec ten Ambassadors who, after having represented on the twenty-
second of the month of May, that they were always under the King's protection since the
French had discovered their country, demanded for themselves and the nation of Onontad,
that they may be continued to be received in the number of his Majesty's faithful subjects,
requesting that some Frenchmen be sent to settle, and Blackgowns to preach the Gospel
among them, and make them understand the God of the French, promising not only to
prepare cabins, but to work at the construction of forts, for them. This having been granted
them in his Majesty's name by Mess" de Tracy, de Courcelles and Talon, the Treaty was
^'oL. IX. 99
786 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
concluded on the 25"" of said month of May, 1666, at the foot of which are the marks of the
Ambassadors, consisting of divers figures of animals.
On the 7"" of July, the Iroquois of the Oneida Nation sent ten ambassadors to Quebec to
demand peace as well for themselves as for the Mohawks; and after having represented that tiiey
knew that the King had caused his arms to be borne over the snow and ice as far as Fort
Orange in New Netherland, and that they were aware, moreover, that the three upper Iroquois
Nations have always felt the advantage of his Majesty's protection, which they formerly
enjoyed, ask the same favor of being admitted into the number of his faithful subjects, and
that the Treaties formerly concluded as well by those Nations as by themselves, have the same
force and effect in regard to the Mohawks who would have sent Ambassadors, had ill-treatment
not been apprehended. This request was granted on condition that they will restore all the
French, Algonquins and Hurons whom they retain in captivity, no matter what length of time
they had been detained; deliver up to the orders and wills of those who shall hold the King's
authority in said country, some of their families, like the other nations, to serve as a closer
bond; reciprocally demanding that the prisoners of their nation at Quebec, Montreal and
Three Rivers may be surrendered to them ; that some French families be sent to their country
with some Black gowns to preach the gospel to them ; that trade and commerce be open to
them by the Lake S' Lawrence,^ promising to furnish some cabins to lodge the French, and
to construct forts to shelter them from their common enemies the Andastoueronons^ and
others; and on ratifying the preceding Treaty concluded on their part, they made their
marks at the foot thereof, at Quebec, on the 12"' day of July, sixteen hundred sixty and six.
M' Talon wrote to My Lord Colbert on the 13'" 9"" 1666, on sending him a record of the
taking possession in his Majesty's name, of the forts and lands of the Iroquois, dated the l?'"
of October of the same year.
In another letter of same date, he observes: — I cannot omit Informing you that the frequent
and numerous embassies of Iroquois, some of which have consisted of 120 persons and more,
with the nourishment of the prisoners of that Nation, 22 of whom are still under guard, have
entailed almost as much expense as three Companies of the King's troops.
On the IS"" of X""" 1666, the Iroquois Ambassadors of the Onnontague, Cayuga, Seneca and
Oneida Nations came to Quebec to request a confirmation of the continuance of his Majesty's
protection; which was granted them by divers articles on several conditions, among others;
that the Hurons and Algonquins inhabiting the North side of the river S' Lawrence up, from
the Esquimaux and Bertiamites unto the Great Lake of the Hurons or Fresh Sea and North
of Lake Ontario, shall not be disquieted by the four Iroquois Nations on any pretext
whatsoever, his Majesty having taken them under his protection ; and that, on the contrary,
the said Iroquois Nations shall be obliged to assist them in all their necessities, whether in
peace or war ; that, agreeably to their urgent prayers, there shall be granted them two Black
gowns, one Smith, and a Surgeon ; that the King, at their request, allows some French
families to settle in their country; that two of the principal Iroquois families shall be sent
from each of the said Upper Nations to Montreal, Three Rivers and Quebec; that all acts of
hostility shall cease until the return of the ambassadors, with the ratification of the present
Treaty; that the Mohawks (Guagenigronnons), having been informed of the establishment of
the French on the river Richelieu, without sending ambassadors, to demand peace, shall be
excluded from the preceding Treaty, his Majesty reserving unto himself to include them
' le Lac de St Laurent Text. Lake Saint Sacrament Supra, p. 46. ' Se« note 2, supra, p. 227. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. ' 787
therein, should he deem it fitting so to do, whenever they will send to sue for peace and
his protection.
On the 25"' August 1667, W Talon wrote to My Lord Colbert: — It would not be difficult
for me to engage Mons'' de Courcelles in a new expedition against the Mohawk tribe of the
Iroquois, inasmuch as he had, of himself, a sufficiently strong inclination to return to the charge,
had not those of that Nation who came on an embassy in the month of June last, received
assurances of peace which they manifested a disposition to respect as inviolably as their
solicitations were urgent. As M"' de Tracy can inform you verbally of the reasons which led
him to treat with these Barbarians, I shall dispense with giving an explanation thereof here,
as well as of the conditions on which peace has been granted to them. I should have wished,
for the greater security of the Colony, that tiiey had transmitted us a greater number of their
families than they had left with us, according to the stipulations of the treaty concluded with
all the Nations, for I cannot divest myself of the idea that the Mohawks, who know not good
faith, yielded considerably to existing circumstances and to the War with the Mohegans
(Loiqis) from which they are suffering.
On the S"* of April 166S, M' de Bouteroue was appointed in the place of M" Talon, Intendant
of Justice, Police and Finance in Canada, Acadia, the Island of Newfoundland and other
countries of Northern France. He received his instructions dated fifth of April, 1668.
In 1669, possession was taken in the King's name of the countries and lands in the environs
of Lake Erie ; the Royal arms were erected there at the foot of a cross with an inscription
indicative of taking possession ; and the Map of the country drawn by Mess" Dolier and
Galinay marks the extent of these countries.
In 1669, M"' Talon was destined to return to Canada as Intendant. He wrote at Paris to
my lord Colbert on the 24 February that he had with him a Half breed ' of Canada, who had
penetrated among the Western Nations further than any other Frenchman, and had seen the
copper mine in Lake Huron. This man offered to go to that mine, and to explore, either by
sea or by the lakes and rivers, the communication supposed to exist between Canada and the
South Sea ; or else to make the voyage of Hudson's bay, which would be of great use to
Canada, because he would send down to Quebec and Tadoussac the Northern Nations with
their peltry.
On the 10"" of May 1669, M' Talon was commissioned in place of M' Bouteroue, as
Intendant of Justice, Police and Finance in Canada, Acadia, the islands of Newfoundland and
other Countries of Equinoctial France.
The King of England caused the necessary orders to be dispatched in 1669 for the
restoration of Acadia &^. to those who would be commissioned to receive it on the part of
the King.
On the 22°'' of June, 1669, a commission was issued to receive Acadia from the hands of the
English. Sieur Patoulet wrote from Quebec on eleventh of November 1669, that Sieurs Jolliet
and Perray^ had not yet returned. That Mess" de la Salle and Dolier accompanied by
twelve men had set out with a design to go and explore a passage they expected to discover
communicating with Japan and China.
In 1670, S"" of March, instructions were issued to Chev' de Grandfontaine, who was
commissioned to command in Acadia, to demand its restitution.
' Detni-Sauvage. " Perrot. Charlevoix, I., 417. — Ed.
788 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Acadia includes Quenebeky and Pentagouet going up towards the North from Canceaux,
Cape Breton and all the country lying within this same extent of coast in proceeding westward
as far as the great river S' Lawrence. It was placed at the King's disposal in 1630, when
Commander de Razilly took possession of it, by virtue of the orders he received from
his Majesty.
On the 14"" of August, Chevalier de Grandfontaine gave orders to Sieur de Marson to go
and take possession for the King of the river S* John and of Port Royal.
On the 12"' of October, the same Chev. de Grandfontaine sent a Narrative of what occurred
between him and Chev. Temple when he took possession of Acadia; mentions some difficulties
which he experienced, and annexes thereunto a Memoir of the distance of the places and
of the settlements.
In one of his letters without date, he says: — That in order to anticipate them it would be
important to occupy the River S' George which bounds the English and constitutes our limits,
he says, there is in said River an Island called Maninquin, inhabited by fishermen, the restoration
of which he will demand from the Boston gentleman. That if his Majesty were to prevail
on the Duke of York to restore Quenebeky and Pemkuit, the inhabitants, who were unwilling
to recognize those of Boston, would hardly oppose it provided they had freedom of religion.
He then annexes a plan of these places with the description.
In a letter of M' Talon to the King, dated the 10"- Nov^ 1670, he says —
In coming between the island of Newfoundland and Cape Breton, I was obliged to anchor
at the Islands of S' Peter to obtain water at a very fine harbor capable of containing more
than 50 ships. I found there 13 fishermen all French, and four resident settlers among whom
was one Englishman who spoke French. I took possession of these Islands which may
become more considerable than they now are, and perhaps very useful to the Company who
propose forming sedentary fisheries.
In the month of April 1670, the King made to Sieur Heneskereck the grant of all the lands
and countries which have been, or will be discovered by him in North America, entering above
Canada towards the Pole in the interior of the country and towards the South sea, as far and
as deep as they may extend, in order to carry and make known there his Majesty's name,
with the mines, minerals, capes, gulfs, ports, harbors, rivers. Islands, Islets, and generally all
whatsoever will be comprehended within the extent of said countries.
On the Se* of April of the same year, a permit was granted to the ship iS' Jean-Baptiste and
S' Pierre which were sailing to the seas of North America above Canada and also within said
seas towards that of the South.
My Lord Colbert to M de Courcellcs ; the 9'* of April 1770. His Majesty is very glad to learn
by your letters, that the Iroquois have continued to adopt towards you the policy of peace and
commerce, and to abandon all thoughts of War.
M"^ de Courcellcs to My Lord Colbert; 27'* of August: A petty war has broken out between the
Iroquois and the Outaoilois ; IS or 20 Senecas went to an Outaoilois village called Apontigoumy,
and killed or captured 100 persons, big and little. The Outaoiiois came to complain and
the four other Iroquois Villages have sent some Deputies with whom they made friends anew;
The [Seneca] Village only did not send any, being afraid of us. I entertain hopes that tiiey
will come, and with a view to further intimidating them, I have written to the Father who is a
PARIS DOCUMENTS: VI. 789
Missionary among them, to leave the place should they not come and give satisfaction, and if
they do not perform their duty, I'll ohlige them to it.
HF Talon to the King; tenth of November : — Since my arrival, I have dispatched some persons
of nerve who promise to penetrate farther than any one has yet done ; some to the West and
Northwest, and others to the Southwest and to the South of Canada. These adventurers are
invariably to prepare Journals and reply in writing, on their return, to the Instructions I have
given them, they are every where to take possession and to erect the King's arms and to draw
up proces-vcrbaux to serve as titles. His Majesty will not have any news of them, probably,
before two years from this time, and after I shall have returned to France.
He says, that Mess" Dollier and Galinay priests of S' Sulpice, Missionaries at Montreal,
have explored Lake Ontario and visited unknown Nations. He sent the map under the Letter
C. which will show their route and where they penetrated.
The little proccs-verbal, Letter D., which they drew up somewhat hastily and informally, will
afford evidence that they have taken possession of the whole of that district. I shall rectify
as much as possible that act of informality, and shall have his Majesty's Arms and those of
the Faith planted every where the King's subjects shall visit under the impression that, if
these precautions be not of use now, they may become so at another time. It is asserted that
the Iroquois are in the habit of pulling down the arms and written placards which are
attached to trees at the places of which possession is taken, and of carrying them to the
English ; which nation may thereby learn that we pretend to remain master of the country.
It is for his Majesty to determine if this practice of affixing notices is to be intermitted, or
continued until he be perfectly assured of all the important posts of this country.
To M'' Talun; eleventh of March,^ 1671: — The King has entirely approved your proposal to
keep up a good and close correspondence with the English of Boston, and even to trade
somewhat with them for articles of mutual necessity. But in regard to the fisheries they
■will establish within sight of lands under the King's obedience, his Majesty desires that
they receive the same treatment as his subjects receive from them on like occasions ; and this
course is to be observed as well in the Treaty they may conclude with the Indians of the
neighborhood of Pentagouet as in that which the King's subjects will possibly conclude with
the Indians adjoining Boston.
In regard to the proposal you make to levy one hundred Soldiers, and to construct a species
of galley to secure Lake Ontario, the King has not deemed fresh troops to be necessary for
that purpose. He desires only that you communicate that idea to M. de Courcelles who is to
put it into execution, if any advantage can accrue from it to the King's service and to the
Nations to which his Majesty has granted peace.
The resolution you have adopted to send Sieur de la Salle towards the South, and Sieur de
S' Lusson to the north, in order to discover the passage to the South Sea, is very good; but
the principal thing to which you ought to apply yourself in these sorts of discoveries is to look
for the Copper Mine.
I shall examine the proposal Captain Poulet made you to attempt the discovery of the
passage between the South and North Seas by the Strait of Ains, or that of Magellan, and
after I shall have made a report thereon to the King, will execute whatever commands his
Majesty will do me the honor to give on that point.
' la I., 217, dated February. — Ed.
790 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
To M'' de Courcellcs; eleventh of March 1G71 : — Since you do not think proper to make the
journey to the Iroquois country, you can dispense with it. As for your proposal to send some
companies from here to repair to the mouth of Lake Ontario, and to prevent the incursions
the Iroquois may commit on the other Indian tribes who enjoy the King's protection, his
Majesty has not considered it necessary for the good of his service ; he, however, refers the
matter to you and M' Talon to examine what will be most proper.
M'' de Coiircelles to My Lord Colbert; 26*^ 8*^ 1671 : — Five weeks since three Frenchmen with
a Father and some Indians left to go to the Saguenay, and are to proceed thence northward in
quest of Hudson's bay; They cannot be back before the end of Autumn of next year.
M'' Talon to the King ; y^ November- 1671 : — Sieur de la Salle has not yet returned from his
voyage to the south of this Country, but Sieur de S' Lusson has got back after having reached
full 500 leagues from this place; planted the cross and set up the King's arms in presence of
17 Indian nations assembled on that occasion from all parts, all of whom voluntarily submitted
to the dominion of his Majesty whom alone they regarded as their sovereign protector. This
was done according to the report of the Jesuit Fathers who assisted at this ceremony, with all
the pomp and eclat the country could afford. These nations comprise the Outaoiiois of Lake
Huron, Lake Superior, of the country to tlie north of the Bay des Puants and of Lake llinois ;
according to the minute thereof made.
I shall carry along with me the records of the taking possession which Sieur de S' Lusson
drew up to secure these countries to his Majesty. The place Sieur de S' Lusson reached is
not supposed to be more than 300 leagues from the extremities of the countries bordering on
tiie Vermillion or South Sea.
The countries bordering on the Western ocean appear to be no farther from those
discovered by the French, according to the calculation of the distance made from the reports
of the Indians; and by the Maps there does not appear to be more than 1500 leagues of
navigation remaining to Tartary, China and Japan.
Sieur de S' Lusson's voyage will be no expense to the King, because having made some
presents to the Indians of the countries of which he took possession, he received some in
return from them in Beavers which can make good the cost.
Three months ago I sent off Father Albanel, a Jesuit, and Sieur de S' Simon, a young
Canadian Gentleman, recently honored by the King with that title. They are to go as far as
Hudson's bay, draw up an account of all they will discover, establish a fur trade with the
Indians, and especially examine whether there be a place to winter some ships, in order to
establish an entrepot there which might, some day, furnish supplies to the Vessels that will
be able hereafter to discover, in that quarter, the passage between the two seas, the Southern
and Northern.
As these countries have been originally discovered by the French, I have commissioned said
Sieur de S' Simon to take renewed possession in his Majesty's name, with order to set up the
escutcheon of France there with which he is charged, and to draw up a minute according to
the form I have furnished him.
A proposal has been made me to send from this place to Hudson's bay a bark of 60 tons,
with which it is pretended to discover something of the communication between the two seas.
If the adventurers who form this design do not charge the King any thing, I shall give them
iiopes in case of success of some mark of honor in addition to whatever they will be able to
gain by the trade in furs that they will carry on with the Indians. "
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 791
The King to M' de Courcellcs ; 1"'' April 1672: — I approve the voynge he made to Lake
Ontario in 1671, and permit him to return to France for the benefit of his health.
6"" April 1672. [Louis] de Buade, Count de Frontenac was appointed in the place of M' de
Courcelles, Governor and Lieutenant-General in Canada, Acadia, the Island of Newfoundland
and other places belonging to Northern France.
Father Charles Albanel, Jesuit missionary employed in the instruction of Indian Nations
and Montagnois, and Paul Denis de S' Simon, Commissary and deputed by M' Talon,
Intendant of Canada to take possession, in the King's name of the countries, lands, lakes and
rivers which lie between the banks of the river S' Lawrence as far as the shores of the strait
of the Fretum Davis, including Hudson's bay, and adjacent lands and Seas, being at Miskaouto,
Nagasit, places where the Indians meet to trade, and at the river Nemiskau' which rises in
Lake Nemiskau, the residence of Captain Kiaskou, Chief o^ll the Indians inhabiting the
North Sea and Hudson's bay, did on the Ninth of July 167S, plant the Cross, with the Captain's
consent, and in his Majesty's name set up the arms of France, on the said Lake Nemiskau at
the mouth of the river of the same name.
On the 19"" of same month, being at the River Minahigouskae, Sossibahourat, Captain of
the Mistasirenois^ having consented, they did set up in like manner the said arms, after having
turned up a sod of earth, pulled up some grass, planted some shrubs and performed other
necessary ceremonies. They made known to the Indian Nations in their language, that they
subjected them to the French nation, and that they should acknowledge in future King Louis
14"' for their Monarch and Sovereign Lord. In Witness whereof, the said minute was signed
by Father Albanel, Sieur de S' Simon and by Sebastian Provero ; and the Chiefs of each
Indian Nation to the number of eleven, made their hierogliphical marks.
Count de Frontenac ; the 2'' 9"" 1672: — The Company's Commissary demanding this year a
passport to winter four men at Lake S' John, on the pretext of the Tadoussac trade, urged
me strongly to insert in it a prohibition to all those who would trade on Lake S' John.
He pretended that the trade of Tadoussac extended as far as that, and even to Hudson's bay,
which would be giving him an extent of five or six hundred leagues, and preventing the
inhabitants of that Colony going to the places the Company have never meant to reserve. In
the meantime, in order not to make a noise, M'' Talon thought proper that I should grant it
to him, with a clause that it would be only for this year, on condition that it would not serve
as a precedent for the future so as to confer any title to the places.
This passport granted by M'' de Frontenac at Quebec, bears date the twenty-second of
September 1672, for Father Crespiu, Jesuit, and for Sieurs Montague, Maquard, Dautray, and
Pelletier, sent by the West India Company, to trade with the Indians and to winter at Lake S'
John, called Peakoiiagamy, about 70 leagues above Tadoussac.
My Lord Colbert to Count de Frontenac; 13'* of June 1673: — In regard to the Iroquois, as the
Western Company^ is very numerous, his Majesty doubts not but you will restrain them easily
within their duty, and in the terms of obedience they have sworn and promised to his Majesty.
' Rupert river. ' Indians of Lake Mistassiu. " Colony. I., 283. —Ed.
792 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Count dc Frontenac to Mi/ Lord; 13"" November 1673: — Asks instructions from the King on the
applications made every day by the Jesuit fathers to establish some new Missions, thinking it
fitter to cultivate those established, by teaching our language and manners to the Indians.
Submits some of the reasons which led him to make a voyage to Lake Ontario, and relates
vrhat occurred in that voyage to build a fort at the mouth of the river Catarakoiiy.
Father Nouvel, who has charge of the Mission of S' Francis Xavier, writes that the Senecas
have brought 20 peace-presents to the Indians of his district, and two women, who had been a
long time in captivity among them. These presents represent that the Iroquois obey Onnontio,
as their common father, and therefore that they have no thoughts except for peace and brotherly
love. There is no doubt that they make use of this bait either to form a trade with them, at
the solicitation of the Dutch, or in order to surprise them and to renew the war, should they
master the Andastogu^ who is the only enemy they have on their hands.
Father Brias, the Jesuit at Tlonnonfagiien, to Count de Front.enac ; 12'* June 1G73 : — I hope to
have the honor to write to you by our Ambassadors who will leave shortly for Kante to assure
you of their obedience.
Father Gamier, the Jesuit at the Senecas; 10 July 1673: I am obliged to inform you of what
regards the King's service in this quarter. As soon as I received your orders brought by Sieur
de la Salle, I communicated them to the Indians of this nation which consists of three villages;
Two composed of natives of the Country, and the 3"''' of the remnant of divers Huron nations
destroyed by the Iroquois. All together they may amount to SOO men capable of waging war
against their enemies.
The Chiefs of each village have been deputed to go visit you at the place you indicated to
them ; They are well disposed to receive your orders, and to give you every satisfaction.
They have made peace with all the nations against whom M'' de Courcelles had forbad them
waging war, the King having taken them under his protection. They have strictly enjoined
on their young men not to turn their arms in that direction. They anxiously desire the French
to settle in their country, especially those who are useful to them, such as smiths and armorers.
These are the Petitions which they will present to you themselves.
My Lord de Colbert to M' de Frontenac; 17 May 1674. His Majesty considers it more
consistent with the good of his service that you apply yourself to the clearing and settling the
most fertile places that are nearest the sea coast and the communication with France, than to
think afar of discoveries in the interior of the country, so distant that they can never be
inhabited by Frenchmen.
This general rule mny have its exceptions in two cases. One, if the countries of which you
should take possession be necessary to French trade and commerce; but as there are none of
this description, his Majesty is always of opinion that you can and may leave the Indians at
liberty to bring you their peltries, without putting you to the trouble of going so far to look
after them.
The other case is when the countries you will discover may, like Acadia, bring you nearer to
France by communicating with some Sea, more to the South than the entrance of the river
S' Lawrence. The reason you are perfectly well aware is, that the worst thing against Canada
is the mouth of this river, which being very far to the North does not allow vessels to enter
there except during 5 or 6 months of the year.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 793
Count dc Frontenac; the 14** 9*"" 1674: — In spite of the efforts of the Dutch to get the Iroquois
to make war on the French, the latter came last year to Montreal on a solemn embassy;
brought 8 of the children belonging to the principal families of their Villages, who ratified the
conditions of the treaty made with them in 1673; have promised to prevent the troops' of
Taractou, which is a Nation bordering on New Netherland, waging war on the Outaouais,
and promised not to continue the trade they commenced to carry on at Gandaschekiagon^
with the Outaouais, which would have been the ruin of ours by the conveyance of the Peltries
to the Dutch.
He recites the capture of Fort S' John &*=% of Sieur de Chambly the Governor, of Sieur de
Marson, his Deputy, by the buccaneers who withdrew to Boston with their pillage.
Sieur Joliet whom M' Talon advised me when I arrived from France, to send to discover
the South Sea, returned from thence three months ago, and has discovered some beautiful
countries, and so easy of navigation through the fine rivers which he found, that a bark could
go from Lake Ontario and fort Frontenac to the Gulf of Mexico, one unloading only being
necessary to be made at the place where Lake Ontario falls into=^ lake Erie, which is perhaps
half a league long, where a settlement could be formed, and another bark could be built on
lake Erie.
He has been within ten days' journey of the Gulf of Mexico, and is of opinion that
communications can be had with the Vermilion and California Sea by the rivers that discharge
themselves from the West into the Grand river he discovered, which runs from North to South
and is as wide as the S' Lawrence opposite Quebec.
I send you the Map he has drawn of it with the remarks he has been able to recollect,
having lost all his Memoirs and Journals on being wrecked within siglit of Montreal, after a
voyage of twelve hundred leagues. A little Indian that he was bringing from those countries
was drowned.
An extract from this voyage is annexed.
Letter of M'' de Fro7itenac of the 25*'' 7'""" 1674 to Major-Gcneral Leveret, Commanding at Boston
to represent to him that the piratical buccaneers ought not to find shelter in Boston, and requests
him to procure M"' de Chambly his liberty on reasonable conditions.
Narrative of the Attack on Acadia, and the imprisonment of M'' de Chambly from which it
appears that every thing is done with the knowledge of Boston.
Edict of the King dissolving the West India Compamj, dated the month of December, 1674;
Enregistered in the Parliament and Chamber of Accounts of Paris the IS"" of January and 9""
February 1675.
The King to M^ de Frontenac; 22'"' April 1675: — I doubt not but the post you have established
last year on lake Ontario will be advantageous and that it has attracted a great number of Indians
into the French settlements. I leave to your decisions every thing that you will consider best
for the good of my service, particularly what has happened in Acadia. I doubt not but you
will do every thing possible to reestablish the fort and settlement that was there ; it being
' Loups. Paris Documents, 1, 360. Compare supra, p. IIY. — Ed.
' A pass on Lake Ontario communicating with Lake Huron. ' Sic
Vol. IX. 100
794 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
important to maintain my subjects in possession of that country, which will one day be useful
and advantageous for the establishment of a more easy communication with Canada.
IS"" May. [The King] has granted the arret confirming the concessions you had made, and
I have accepted Sieur de la Salle's proposals for the preservation of the fort you caused to be
erected on Lake Ontario, in order to reimburse the advances you have made.
Order in Council of same date; 13'" May 1675, granting to Sieur de la Salle the property of
fort Frontenac and 4 leagues of adjacent Country.
Letters patent for said Grant; of same date.
On the 30"" May, 1675, M' Duchesneau was appointed Intendant of Justice, Police and
Finance of the Country of Canada, Acadia and the Islands of Newfoundland and other
Countries of Northern France ; his Instruction was issued on the 7"" of June following.
In 1676 the King granted to Medard Chouart, Sieur des Grozelliers and Pierre Esprit, Sieur
de Radisson, the privilege of establishing fisheries for white porpoise and seal in the river
S' Lawrence in New France.
The King to M' de Frontenac; 15"" of April 1676. I am very glad you have sent Sieur de
Marson into Acadia; I shall give the necessary orders to fortify that post.
The King to M' de Frontenac. 1677. I approve of what you have done in your fort Frontenac
voyage to quieten the minds of the Five Iroquois Nations, and to clear yourself from the
suspicions they might have entertained, and the reasons that might excite them to wage war.
You ought to attend to maintaining peace and good understanding between these people and
my subjects, without relying so much, however, on the precautions you will adopt for this
purpose, as not to be and not to place said settlers in a condition to oppose vigorously and
to completely repel all attacks those people might make.
As for the rest, I wish you to continue to live on friendly terms with the English, and to be
careful not to afford them any cause of complaint without, however, suffering any infraction of
the Treaties I have made with the King their master.
The King to Count de Frontenac ; 12"' May, 1678: — I am very glad to learn that you have
always maintained my authority in the different Treaties you have made with the Iroquois,
and other Indian Nations; and in regard to the pretension of the English Major-General, my
intention is, that you always contribute all in your power to preserve peace between the two
Nations, without, however, allowing any thing to be undertaken against the Countries under
my dominion.
My Lord to M' de Chesneau; 15 May, 1678: — In proof of your representation that Count de
Frontenac, under pretence of granting passes to go hunting, eludes the execution of the order
prohibiting trading among the Indians, you send me copy of a pass he gave some private
persons to hunt towards Hudson's bay. On this point you ought to be aware that this
pass by no means proves what you advance, because it is of advantage to the King's service
to go towards that Bay, in order to be able to contest the title thereto of the English, who
pretend to take possession of it although it lies within the limits of the countries appertaining to
the Crown. His Majesty fails not to transmit you the two annexed Ordinances which he also
sends to Count de Frontenac with orders to see that they be executed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: VI. 795
Commission to Sieur de la Salle to discover the Western parts of New France and to build forts
there. IS'" May, 1678.
The King to Count de Frontenac ; 25"" April, 1679: I learn with pleasure from your several
letters, that all the Indians, even the most distant, are in due obedience.
Do not omit advising me frequently of what occurs between the Indians and the Europeans
established near New France, and of the success of the war between them.
I desire, moreover, that you always maintain peace friendship and good correspondence with
the English and the Dutch, without, however, abandoning any of the rights and advantages
appertaining to my Crown in that country, or any thing that may belong to my subjects.
Count de Frontenac; the 6"' a7id S"' Q'" : — I learn that General Andros has given orders at
Orange to send to Manathe and thence to the island of Barbadoes all the French residents
there, but that he has retained a man named Pere, and others who have been inveigled from
Sieur de la Salle, in order to send them to the Outaouois, to establish a trade with them.
It were desirable that the French should not go to that quarter, and that even the Indians
who are among them, (the English) and principally those belonging to the mission of la
Prairie de la Madelaine should not carry their peltries there, as they are in the habit of doing.
[I] send the Narrative and Map of the voyage Sieur Joliet has made to Hudson's bay,
wbich the Farmers of the revenue of Canada have demanded of him. This Relation is dated
27"' of October 1679, and signed, Joliet.
M. Daniel Greysolon du Luc^ to Af de Frontenac; 5*^ of April, 1679: — Is in the woods within
three leagues of S' Mary of the Falls. He will not stir from the Nadoussioux until further
orders, and peace being concluded, he will set up the King's arms, lest the English and other
Europeans settled towards California take possession of the country. Should there be any
desire that he conclude peace with the people of the north, he will leave in a moment to go
there by sending him the necessary orders. He left Quebec on the first of 7''" 1678, for the
purpose of discovering the Nadoussioux and Assenipoualaks.
On the a""" July 1679, he caused his Majesty's arms to be planted in the Great Village of
the Nadoussioux, called Kathio, where no Frenchman had ever been nor at Sougaskicons and
Houetbatons, 120 leagues distant from the former, where he also set up the King's arms in 1679.
On the IS"" September he gave to the Assenipoulaks and other Northern Nations a
rendezvous at the head of Lake Superior, with a view to get them to make peace with the
Nadoussioux. They all were there and he reunited them together.
In the month of June, 1680, he took two Canoes with an Indian and four Frenchmen to
prosecute his discovery by water. He entered a river the mouth of which is eight leagues
from the head of Lake Superior on the South side; he went to the head of said river and
afterwards reached a lake that empties into a river which leads into the Mississipy.
Count de Frontenac to the King; the 14'^ g*"" 1680: — The Iroquois came to see him at Fort
Frontenac. Previous to the voyage, the Mohawks had sent him an embassy to apologize for
some hostilities they had committed against the Socoquis, towards Lake Champlain, and their
submission appeared so sincere that he has reason to assure himself that they will live ia
peace with all the Indians under the King's protection,
796 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
News have been received from Acadia that General Andros, Governor of Nevr-York, had
given a passage to 300 Iroquois vrhom they had excited to wage war on a Nation in that
direction called Canibas, who had not only resolved to defend themselves, but even to attack
Pemequit near Pentagouet.
He has, also, learned that that General who had a fort built 18 leagues from Pentagouet, in
which there is a garrison of 60 men, pretends tiiat settlement belongs to his government, which
he extends even to the river S"" Croix, at the mouth of the Bay of Fundy near Port Royal,
and more than 25 leagues at this side of Pentagouet, in contravention of the Treaty of Breda,
which fixes the boundary at the river between Pemequit and Pentagouet.
The King to Count de Frontenac; the 30"' of April 1681 : — I have been very much pleased to
learn that the Mohawks had sent to ask pardon of you for the acts of hostility they had
committed against the Soquoquis who are under my protection, and for the assurances you
give me that the four Iroquois Nations are in great dread of my arms, and favorably disposed
to maintain peace with my subjects. I shall he very glad to learn the success of the embassy
you are to receive this year from the Iroquois Nations.
I shall cause the necessary applications to be made to the King of England, to prevent the
consequences of the pretensions of the Boston government and to restrict his boundaries
according to the Treaty of Breda.
M" de Frontenac; 2'"' 9'"" 1681 : — Sieur Radisson, who is married in England, had returned to
Canada from the Islands where he had served under Marshal d'Estrees. He had applied
to him for permission to go in a vessel belonging to Sieur de la Chesnay, to form establishments
along the Coasts leading towards Hudsons bay.
The Governor of Pemequit pretends always to extend his limits to the river S" Croix,
and sends vessels to trade all along the coasts belonging to the King. It will be difficult to
hinder them, and to prevent those of Port Royal continuing inclined towards them, in
consequence of seeing themselves deprived of all succor from France.
Those of Boston have also sent even to Cape Breton, near Whale Harbor' at the entrance of
the gulf, to seize and carry away the goods cast ashore from the ship S' Joseph, belonging to the
Farmers of the Company, that was wrecked last year.
With these they loaded a craft of 60 tons and two others coming from the direction of the
Island of Newfoundland.
They also carried off some other articles to Boston without caring to know whether they
were abandoned, and whether the time fixed for reclaiming them had elapsed, which it had
not by a good deal.
Whilst awaiting orders, he considered it his duty to instruct Sieur de Lavalliere to go to
Boston to demand the reasons of these sort of expeditions.
Their boundary is laid down on the river S' George, which they exceed by more than 150
leagues in the direction of Cape Breton.
M" Duchesneau; 13 9'"' 1681 : — The English take to themselves what we neglect in Acadia,
and already have three establishments on the Island of Newfoundland, which belongs to us, and
extend their limits forward Acadia as much as they can.
They are still at Hudson's bay, where they inflict considerable injury on the French.
' Between Scatari and Loniaburg. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: VI. 797
They ought to be expelled from the said bay which belongs to us ; if not, forts ought to be
constructed on the rivers flowing into the Lakes, in order to stop the Indians at them.
On the lO"" of May 1682, M'' Lefevre de la Barre was appointed, in the place of Count de
Frontenac, Governor and Lieutenant-General of Canada, Acadia, the Island of Newfoundland,
and other countries of Northern France.
In his Instruction it is stated tiiat: — Besides the establishment possessed by the French along
the coast of the River S' Lawrence, part of Acadia is still occupied by the French, and as it
has been written that the English were rendering themselves masters of various posts which
have been always occupied by the French, it is his Majesty's will that he inform himself
of those details, and to send to the Governor of Boston to explain to him the places bounding
the French Dominion, and to demand of him to confine himself within the limits of the
English possessions.
His Majesty desires that he permit the completion of the discovery commenced by Sieur la
Salle, as far as the mouth of the river Mississipy, in case he is of opinion, after the examination
he will make of it with the Intendant, that such discovery can be of any utility.
M' de MeuUes was appointed, at the same time, Intendant of Canada, Acadia and the Islands
of Newfoundland, and other countries of Northern France, vice W du Chesneau.
The Ambassador of the King of England at Paris, complained that the man named Radisson
and other Frenchmen having gone with two barks, called le S' Pierre and la S" Anne into the
river and Port of Nelson in 16S2, seized a fort and some property of which the English had been
in possession for several years.
Radisson and Desgrozelliers' maintain that these allegations are not true. But that having
found a spot on the river Nelson adapted to their trade, more than 150 leagues distant from
the place were the English were settled in Hudson's bay, they took possession of it in the
King's name, in the month of August 16S2, and had commenced building a fort and some
houses there.
That on the 14"^ of September following having heard cannon, they went out to examine,
and on the Se"" found some beginning of houses on an Island, and a vessel aground near
the coast.
' Medard Chouaut des Groselliers was a native of Touraine and an excellent pilot. He emigrated to Canada quite young,
where he married Helen, daughter of Abraham Martin, King's Pilot, who has left his name to the celebrated Plains of Abra-
ham, near Quebec. Ferland. Meeting afterwards with some Indians on Lake Assiniboins to the N. W. of Lake Superior, he
was conducted by them to James Bay, where the English had not yet been. On his return by Lake Superior to Quebec, Des
Groselliers offered the principal merchants to carry ships to Hudson's bay, but the project was rejected. He thence went to
France, where he made similar propositions to the Court, but without any better success, and tiually passed over to England,
where his offers were accepted, and with one Radisson another Frenchman, conducted an English vessel commanded by
Zachariah Gillam, a New England Captain, to the mouth of the river Nemiscau on the East side of James bay, where they
built fort Rupert. This was in 1663, according to Charlevoix, L, 476; Oldmixon says in 1667. British Empire in America,
1741, L, 544. Iq 1673, Capt. des Groseliers made a voyage to Port Nelson ; in 1674, he was at Fort Rupert when he was sent
on a trading expedition to Moose river on the west side of the Bay. Having been discovered holding a correspondence with
the French, he was dismissed the English service and soon after went to France, where he was pardoned and received
permission to return to Canada in 1676 with the privilege to establish a fishery for white porpoises and seals. A company
was formed in course of a few years which undertook to expel the English from Hudson's bay. Des Groselliers sailed for
that purpose in 1682, found Capt. Benjamin Gillam, son of his old shipmate Zachariah, at Port Nelson, of which place he
took possession for the Freneli King, as above stated. He returned to Canada in the following year, bringing with him
Governor Bridger and Capt Gillam, and a large cargo of peltry, but he was so harrassed by those who had the monopoly of
that trade, that he proceeded once more to France and thence to England. The remainder of his course is narrated in the
text Charlevoix, L, 479, says he had married Radiason's sister, perhaps as his second wife. — Ed.
798 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
That these houses had been begun since they had entered the river and had set about
woriiing at their fort and building, and, therefore, that they were the first occupants.
That since then, each having wished to maintain his establishment, the French were
become the Masters.
That the ice and bad weather having caused the destruction of an English ship, some men
belonging to it had died ; but that they had, on their part, treated thera with great moderation
and kindness, and rendered every assistance to the English who appeared satisfied.
M' dela Barre; Quebec the 12"" November 16Sa. As to what relates to Hudsons Bay, the
Company in old England advanced some small houses along a river which leads from Lake
Superior. As possession was taken of this Country several years ago, he will put an end to
this disorder, and report next year the success of his design.
He learns that the Nepiseriniens, one of the Outaouois tribes the most devoted to the French,
have arrived at Montreal to demand some lands, as a retreat and place of security against the
Iroquois. They are 300 led by a Jesuit father.
The design of the Iroquois is to destroy all the Nations inhabiting the Bay des Puants and
afterwards carry otF the Kiskakons who occupy Missilimakinac, and rob the Outaouois of the
trade. The latter and the Miamis have sent a deputation to M"' de Frontenac, according to
the minutes he transmits.
A Treaty concluded by Count de Frontenac with the Kiskakons, Tionnontatez and Miamis
on the 3"^ August 1682.
Speech of M' de Frontenac to the Iroquois Deputies the 12"' of 7"" 1682.
Letter written to Count de Frontenac by Father Lamberville Jesuit at Oanontague ; 20" Septcmher,
1682. Sets forth tiiat Teganissoren, an Iroquois, went to take him a Belt of Wampum to
draw his canoe to the south shore. That could he have gone there he would have saved
the Oumiamis including also the Pouteamis and the Ousakis &^ Tegannissoren is, he thinks
the same he called NiregoBentarons in his preceding letter.
Mr. de la Barre; 30"' of April, 1683: — Two detachments of Frenchmen have proceeded to
the North for the purpose of preventing the English of Hudson's bay entering on French
territory, and obstructing the trade the French carried on with the Asselibois, Themiscamings,
Puisascamins and Christines.
The King lo M de la Barre; fifth of August, 1683. I recommend you to prevent as much as
possible, the English establishing themselves in Hudson's bay, possession whereof has been
taken in my name several years ago; and as Colonel Dunguent, who is appointed by the King
of England Governor of New-York, has had precise orders from his Majesty to keep up a good
correspondence with you, carefully to avoid everything that will possibly interrupt it, I doubt
not but the difficulties you have experienced from the English will cease henceforth.
M' de la Barre; the i'* and O" November 1683. The people who had been at Hudson's bay,
have returned after having encountered extreme dangers. They erected a small fort in which
they left a garrison of a few men, about 4 leagues up a river 200 leagues north of any English
settlements. It is expected that communication can be had with it overland, as will be seen by
the Map he sends.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 799
He lias received his Majesty's instructions respecting Hudson's hay, and lias engaged those
who have organized that expedition to form a company and to send and purchase a ship
in fVance.
The Indians of the North learning that De Lut had arrived, sent him word to come quickly,
and that they would join him in order to prevent all the others going to the English of Hudson's
bay. Some Maps were drawn by one Franquelin.
A small vessel had just arrived from Hudson's gulf, 200 leagues farther north than the Bay ;
she brings back those who were sent thither by M'' de Frontenac.
He sends a Narrative of what occurred with the English and a Map of the country.
The man Lemoine has so ably managed his negotiation that he brought him 13 Seneca
deputies, who remained six weeks with him at Montreal: They brought him word that the
other four Nations would send their Deputies in the first days of August.
On the 14"" of August, the Deputies of the 4 Iroqouis Nations arrived at Montreal. They
numbered 43 persons including the Senecas; he treated them in the best manner possible.
The conclusion of the Councils they held during the ten days they sojourned at Montreal, has
been to make their people approve their friendship for the Outaouais, Algonkins and Hurons.
Sieur de la Salle wrote him on the second of April 1683 from Fort S' Louis, that with
twenty-two Frenchmen he obliged more than 40 villages to apply to him for peace, and
chastised those who have violated the promise they had given him.
That he had seen the Akansas, a very warlike Nation, offer a sort of sacrifice to the King's
arms which he had caused to be erected in their villages on his way down to the sea.
That the Chouenons, Chaskpe and Ouabans have, at his solicitation, abandoned the Spanish
trade and also nine or ten villages they occupied, for the purpose of becoming French and
settling near fort S' Louis, which he was about to have built.
The King to M^ La Barre ; IQ"' April 16S4: The King of England has authorized his
Ambassador to speak to me respecting what occurred In the river Nelson between the English
and Radisson and Desgroszeliers; whereupon I am happy to inform you that, as I am unwilling
to afford the King of England any cause of complaint, and as I think it important, nevertheless, to
prevent the English establishing themselves on that river, it would be well for you to have a
proposal made to the commandant at Hudsons bay, that neither the French nor the English
should have power to make any new establishments, to which I am persuaded he will give his
consent the more readily as he is not in a position to prevent those which my subjects would
wish to form in said Nelson's river.
My Lord to M' de la Barre; 10"' of April 16S4 : It is impossible to imagine what you pretended,
when of your own authority, without calling on the Intendant and submitting the matter to
the Sovereign Council, you ordered a vessel to be restored to one Guillam which had been
captured by Radisson and Desgroszeliers, and in truth you ought to prevent these sort of
proceedings, which are entirely unwarranted, coming under his Majesty's eyes. You have
herein done what the English will be able to make a handle of, since in virtue of your
ordinance, you caused a vessel to be surrendered which ought strictly to be considered a Pirate,
as it had no commission; and the English will not fail to say, that you so fully recognized the
regularity of this ship's papers, that you surrendered it to the proprietors, and they will, thence,
pretend to conclude that they had taken legitimate possession of the river Nelson before Mess"
Radisson and Desgroszeliers had been there which will be very prejudicial to the Colony.
800 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Ordinance of the King to the effect that all merchants and settlers of New France who will
purchase Beaver, Moose, and Peltries in Hudson's bay, Perce island and other parts of New
France, Acadia excepted, shall be bound to bring said Beaver and Moose to Quebec that they
may be paid for them, and one-fourth retained for the Farmers of the Revenue.
Father Lamberville writes from Seneca on the IS"" of April, that the governor of New-York
is to come next summer to the Mohawk, and to speak there to the Iroquois. That he has
sent a shabby ship's-flag, bearing the arms of England to be set up there. This flag is still
in the Mohawks' public chest and he knows not when it will see day.
Sieur Berger; Rochelle the 29'* October 16S4. Has arrived from the coasts of Acadia. Whilst
running along the Coast, he met 8 small English vessels fishing and drying their fish in the
best of the French harbors. He observes that their coasts towards Boston are destroyed by
this means, and that being unable to fish any more, they come to those of the French.
All the French complain bitterly of the wrong said English do them, and there will be little
safety for them so long as those English will come, as they do, on the coasts.
He has brought along two men from each vessel, whom he took in order to have them make
their declarations at the Admirality and to send, afterwards, all their proceedings.
It will be seen by a letter Sieur de S' Castin wrote him, that the Governor of Pemquit,
which belongs to the English, is desirous to encroach on more than sixty leagues of French
coast and even on Pentagouet where the King has a fort.
It appears by a Memoir of Chevalier de Grandfontaine that a treaty was concluded with
Chevalier Temple, governor of Boston, and the members of tiie Council, wherein was an article
that no Englishman should prosecute the fur trade or cod fishing on the coast belonging to his
Majesty without an express license from the Commander of the country.
Radisson having gone from Canada to France in the beginning of the year 16S4, went to
London, gave in his adhesion to the English Hudson's bay Company, and returned with five
ships they gave him, to Port Nelson, destroyed the French factories that he had himself erected
with Desgrozelliers in 16S2, plundered their stores, carried off 60 thousand weight of beaver
which he carried to London, whither he also conveyed all the French who happened to be. at
Nelson, among whom was Desgrozelliers' son, his nephew, and did the Company four hundred
thousand livres damage.
The French company had fitted out the same year, 1684, two barks to proceed to Hudson's
bay under the command of Sieur de Lamartiniere. They sailed on the 19"" of June ; tarried
at S' Pauls bay until the IS"" of July, and arrived at Port Nelson in the morning of the aa""* of
7''" of the same year ; having entered the river S" Therese,i they encountered two leagues up a
boat coming towards them having five Englishmen on board, who inquired of Lamartiniere
what he was about in that country, which was the property of the King of England? He
answered, that the river belonged to the King of France ; that he was come to trade there,
and that he wished to speak to the English Commandant. After an interview of six hours,
they agreed to prosecute their trade without troubling each other, and that if any difference
occurred between them, it would be decided by their masters, and that, meanwhile, Lamartiniere
could pass their fort. Some Frenchmen perceiving that all preparations were being made in
the fort to insult the French, and that a battery of 24 guns was erecting to sink them whilst
' So called after Desgrosseliera' wife; now Haya river. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 801
passing, Lamartiniere reproached the Governor with the fact, of whom he demanded six men
as hostages, offering him as many of his. The English having refused to accede to this,
Lamartiniere detached, during the darkest part of the night following, 30 men to surprise the
English who were alarmed by their sentinel. The French were, in consequence, obliged
to retire in haste and resolved to pass from the north to the south [branch] of that river and to
enter another called la Gargousse,' which was opposite their ship where they wintered half a
league from the river.
jvoto. oq the 7th In the beginning of June 1685, they ascended 4 leagues above the English
de uenonviiie wm where thcv made a small settlement.
appointed Governor *'
oi Canada. Qn the l-S"" of July, they set out to return to Quebec after having obtained in
six weeks 20,000" worth of beaver. After having passed Hudson's bay, they met in the Strait
a vessel of 40 to 50 tons burthen, called the Little Pink which arrived without opposition.
She was loaded with black tobacco, merchandise for the trade and three thousand weight of
powder, some woolens and 400 fusees, all valued with the vessel at 20,000". This vessel was
followed by the Great Pink, which they did not think proper to attack. Two days afterwards
they met another vessel of 10 @ 12 guns, commanded by Oslar, on board of which was the
man named Briguere^ who was going to relieve the governor at the head of the bay. He is
the same that Radisson brought to Quebec three years ago in the ship M"' de la Barre
restored'to him. This governor gave them chase, and obliged them at the end of two days
to throw themselves into a cove at the bottom of which was a little river where they ran
aground. As the English vessel could not do the same, he left at the end of four days.
Before leaving he asked a parley of the Commander of the Barks, and told him that Radisson
had gone with Chouars his Nephew, 15 days ago, to winter in the River S" Therese, where
they wintered a year. The Governor having left, they hoisted sail and arrived at Quebec on
the first of S^" 16S5.
The Marquis de Denonville; 13" October lO"" and W^ November 16S6 : — Affairs are becoming
more and more embroiled, and the English who urge on the Iroquois are but too well aware
of their evil design.
The French Coureurs de hois, with one hundred men, took from them three forts they
were occupying in Hudson's bay.
The English towards Virginia and Boston have a frigate of twenty-five guns which ravages
the coast of New France and the Gulf of S' Lawrence ; the ship that brought Sieur de
Champigny rescued a little fishing smack from France that had been captured.
The Convention concluded with England that the river Bourbon or Port Nelson shall remain
in joint occupation of the two Crowns, is not advantageous to the French, for the voyage of
the English are too dangerous on account of their attracting the Coureurs de bois as much as
possible, besides purchasing the beaver at a higher rate, and furnishing their goods cheaper,
than the French. In his opinion, it would be more beneficial for the Company and Colony that
the French merchants restore the posts at the head of the bay which they took, and that the
French should leave them Port Nelson or river Bourbon. If this arrangement were feasible,
the Indians could be thus intercepted by land, for it would be useless to attempt to become
masters of the Upper part of the rivers Bourbon and S'* Therese, inasmuch as it is impossible
to prevent the Indians trading with the English.
' How Cartridge river. ' Gov. Briger. — En.
Vol. IX. 101
802 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
The latter could, by this means, be intercepted by land, and we should have an opportunity
of discovering an infinitude of Nations yet unknown, through whom a great many peltries can
yet be procured, and possibly the passage and entrance to the Pacific Ocean eventually discovered.
Colonel Dongan caused the Five Iroquois Nations to be assembled at Orange in order to
inform them that the French intended to declare war against them, and that they ought
to anticipate them. He leaves no means untried to seduce the French and the Indians.
The Senecas and English are thoroughly united since M' de la Barre went to their country
Colonel Dongan took them under his protection and, after they had surrendered themselves to
him by a Public Instrument, he caused posts with the arms of the King of England, to be set
up in their Villages.
He has learned by the return of a man whom he had sent to Manathe, that Colonel
Dongan had dispatched 50 Englishmen with some Frenchmen to go to Missilimakinack under
the escort of Senecas with a view to induce the Outaouois to quit the French alliance.
These Englishmen are carrying abundance of merchandise to be given to the Indians at a
cheaper rate than the French supply them. They are to carry them some prisoners also, in
order to attach them entirely to themselves.
This Colonel is to dispatch 150 additional Englishmen accompanied by some Indians, and
this is done, it is supposed, with the design to seize on some post.
On Colonel Dunguent being advised that Dulut was posted at the Detroit of Lake Erie, he
transmitted an order to the 50 men whom he had sent off, to wait at the Senecas for the 150
that were to follow. Though they never questioned the right of the French to the country of
the Indians, his desire to extract money from the merchants prompts him to attempt every
thing. He furnishes his agents with passes, under the pretext of hunting; one of them was
taken at Missilimakinac.
Sends a Memoir respecting a Speech he [Dongan] made to the Iroquois assembled at Manathe
about the end of last September, to the following effect: —
I am very glad that we have this interview.
I am not well pleased that the Council fire is lighted at Katarakouy ; you have well done
not to go there. As for the Onnontague and his son the Oneida who have been there, we shall
see the result of the visit.
Wherefore have you killed the Tionnontatz and the Kiskakons? I wish the prisoners to
return home.
I send thirty of my nephews to the Tionnontatz; I wish some Iroquois from each nation,
but particularly the Senecas to accompany them. It will be at Tionontatee that all will hold
a Council together for the good business my nephews will propose.
I am sending to recall the Christian Mohawks from the Sault. I give them land at the
fishery of Ochiarenty where they will live with an English Jesuit that I shall furnish them.
There will be Missionaries from me throughout all the Iroquois country, and two at Seneca.
Let those who reside at Onondaga withdraw and go and dwell somewhere else, or where
they came from.
Should the governor of Canada come to your Country with a large force, hasten quickly
and let me know.
I will come; I'll know what he means; do not be the first to strike; let him begin; it will
be with me he shall have to settle.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 808
Pillage all the Europeans who will come into your country, even from the direction of
Andastogue' and Maryland; tie them and bring them to me; I do not know them all; therefore
what you'll take will be lawful prize.
This governor gave to each Nation seven blankets, three guns, one keg of rum, eight pounds
of powder, 10 .... of lead.
The Iroquois say, the Merchants of Orange added the 4"" article.
Marshal d'Estrees appointed Viceroy 1" of August, 1687.
Monsieur de Frontenac appointed Governor of Canada the 21'' of May, 16S9.
M'' de Calliere on the twenty-fourth of April sixteen hundred and ninety-nine, by the death
of M' de Frontenac.
Sieur de Subrocase, Governor of fort S' Louis of Placentia, appointed governor of Acadia
10 April 1706, in the place of Sieur de Brouillant deceased.
Re^ des fonds Cotte 8, f " 76. 8"
Simon Fran9ois Daumont Esquire Sieur de S' Lusson, Commissioner subdelegate
of my Lord the Intendant of New France, to search for the Copper mine in
the countries of the Outaouais, Nespercez, Illinois and other Indian Nations
discovered and to be discovered in North America near Lake Superior or the
Fresh Sea.
On the orders by us received on the third of September last from My. lord the Intendant of
New France, signed and paraphed Talon, and underneath By My lord Varnier, with
paraph, to proceed forthwith to the countries of the Outaouais, Nespercez, Illinois and other
nations discovered and to be discovered in North America near Lake Superior or the Fresh
Sea, to make search and discovery there for all sorts of Mines particularly that of Copper ;
Commanding us moreover, to take possession, in the King's name, of all the country inhabited
and uninhabited wherever we should pass, planting in the first village at which we land, the
Cross in order to produce there the fruits of Christianity, and the escutcheon (ecu) of France to
confirm his Majesty's authority and the French dominion over it.
We having made, in virtue of our commission, our first landing at the village or hamlet of
S' Mary of the Falls, the place where the Reverend Jesuit fathers are making their mission and
the Indian nations called Chipoes, Malamechs, Noquets and others do actually resided ; we
caused the greatest portion possible of the other neighboring Tribes to be assembled there,
who attended to the number of fourteen Nations.
To wit; the Etchipoes, the Malamechs and the Noquets, inhabiting the said place of S'MSry
of the Sault; and the Banabeoiiiks and Makamiteks ; the Poulx teattemis, Ounabonims^
Sassassaoiia Cottons, inhabiting the bay called des Pua?its, and who have undertaken to make
it known to their neighbors who are the Illinois, Mascoutins, Outtongamis and other Tribes ; the
Christines, Assinipoals, Aumonssonniks, Outaouais, Bouscouttons, Niscaks and Masquikoukioeks,
all Inhabitants of the Northern Country and near neighbors of the Sea, who undertook to tell
and communicate it to their neighbors who are said to be very numerous, inhabiting even the
' The Susquehannah. ' Qii ? Oumalomins, L e., Menominies. — Kd.
§04 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
sea coast; To whom in presence of the Reverend Fathers of the Company of Jesus and
of all the French hereafter mentioned, we have caused to be read our said Commission
and had it interpreted in their language by Sieur Nicolas Perrot, his Majesty's interpreter
in that part, so that they may not be ignorant of it ; afterwards causing a Cross to be prepared in
order that the fruits of Christianity be produced there, and near it a Cedar pole to which we
have affixed the arms of France, saying three times in a loud voice and with public outcry, that
In the name of the Most High, Most Mighty and Most Redoubtable Monarch Louis, the
XIV'"" OF the Christian name, King of France and Navarke, we take possession of the said
place of S' Mary of the Falls as well as of Lakes Huron and Superior, the Island of Caientolon '
and of all other Countries, rivers, lakes and tributaries, contiguous and adjacent thereunto, as
well discovered as to be discovered, which are bounded on the one side by the Northern and
Western Seas and on the other side by the South Sea including all its length or breadth ; Raising
at each of the said three times a sod of earth whilst crying Vive le Roi, and making the whole
of the assembly as well French as Indians repeat the same ; declaring to the aforesaid Nations
that henceforward as from this moment they were dependent on his Majesty, subject to be
controlled by his laws and to follow his customs, promising them all protection and succor
on his part against the incursion or invasion of their enemies, declaring unto all other Potentates,
Princes and Sovereigns, States and Republics, to them and their subjects, that they cannot or
ought not seize on, or settle in, any places in said Country, except with the good pleasure of
his said most Christian Majesty and of him who will govern the Country in his behalf, on pain
of incurring his hatred and the effects of his arms; and in order that no one plead cause of
ignorance, we have attached to the back of the Arms of France thus much of the present our
Minute of the taking possession. Signed by us and the under named persons, who were
all present.
Done at S' Mary of the Falls on the 14"' June in the year of Grace 1671, in the presence of
the Reverend fathers; the Reverend Father Claude Dablon, Superior of the missions in this
Country, the Rev. Father Gabriel Drouillets, the Rev. Father Claude Allouez, the Rev.
Father Andre, all of the Company of Jesus ; and of Sieur N°' Perrot, his Majesty's Interpreter
in these parts ; Sieur Jolliet, Ji"" Mogras, an inhabitant of Three Rivers; Pierre Moreau d' de
la Touppine, a Soldier belonging to the garrison of the Castle of Quebec, Denis Masse, Y'"'^
de Chavigny S' de la Chevriottiere, Ji"" Lagillier, Jeanne Maysere, N"" Dupuis, Ff°'* Bidaud,
jque. Joniel, P"^ Portcet, Robert Duprat, Vital Oriol, Guillaume.
Pontchartrain to M. de Vaudreuil.
Versailles 30 June 1707.
Sir,
It is very certain that in the present unfortunate condition of Canada, nothing is so important
as to maintain peace with all the Indians, and it meets with the King's approbation that you
have not urged on the action of theOutaouacks of Detroit for the reasons you submitted to me.
' ManitoualiD. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 805
You will observe by his Majesty's despatch that he desires you to oblige these Indians to
make a satisfaction proportionate to the offence they have committed, and that you come to an
understanding on that point with Sieur de la Motte Cadillac who is on the spot, in order not to
do any thing that might have a tendency to injure the establishment at Detroit at which
he is at work. In all your dealings with these Indians, as well Iroquois as others, you will
carefully observe to do every thing with the dignity that comports with your character, and
without any indication of fear.
• •******•*« •
He approves your having spoken with the firmness you mention to the Deputies sent to you
by the Ouatouacks to execute' the action at Detroit. You must demand the punishment of the
Chief of those Indians who was guilty of that act. But, in n word, you must at the same time
manage the Indians who have always been attached to France, so as to prevent them casting
themselves into the arms of the English.
I have read the copy of the order you have remitted to the said Sieur de la Motte before his
departure for Detroit. AH that it contains appeared to me adapted to the service, and I am
persuaded he will conform thereunto. Inform me of what you'll learn that he will do to execute
that order.
You authorized him thereby to permit the Indians of Detroit to wage war against the
Islinois who killed some Frenchmen, but I believe it would be better to maintain peace among
all the Indians, and to engage them to connect themselves with the French so as to have some
resources in case of war either with the Iroquois or other Indians.
You did well to write to the Missionaries among the Abenakis to have the war continued
against the English unless Sieur de Subercasse give them orders to the contrary.
I have already observed to you that his Majesty has approved the policy you have adopted
to have parties sent to harass the English of Boston. If you could go and attack them yourself
in their posts, his Majesty would be very glad of it. Should you determine on that expedition,
I beg of you to adopt all possible measures to assure the success of your undertaking, and to
take care that it be done at the smallest available expense, as we are not in condition to incur
a heavy disbursement.
Instructions to M. de Clerambaut d''Aigr€mont.
Instruction to Sieur Daigremont subdelegate of Sieur Raudot, Intendant of
New France, whom the King has selected to go to Fort Cataracouy,
Niagara, Fort Detroit de Pontchartrain and to Missilimakinac.
Versailles 30"" June 1707.
His Majesty intending to maintain these posts has been pleased to send thither a confidential
person to verify their present condition, the trade carried on there and the utility they may be
'/Sic. Quf Excuse. — Ed.
8§@ NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
of to the Colony of Canada. He has selected him, being well persuaded that he will punctually
execute what is contained in this Memoir, and render a satisfactory report thereof on
his return.
His Majesty desires that he leave Quebec as soon as the season will admit of the
commencement of the voyage. He furnishes an order on the Marquis de Vaudreuil Governor-
General of Canada, and Sieur Raudot to have him supplied with a Canoe and men necessary
for its navigation with whatever provisions he shall require for subsistance during the voyage,
without however any merchandise for trade.
The principal reason which has induced his Majesty to make him undertake this voyage is
that Sieur de la Motte Cadillac, who has charge of the establishment of Detroit de Pontchartrain,
writes in all his letters that he does not receive from said Sieurs de Vaudreuil and Raudot the
aid which they have been ordered to furnish him, and that he found that post on his arrival
in very bad condition. He pretends that the fort was without powder, Sieur de Tonty, who
commanded there, having disposed of all that was there before leaving it ; that the lands of
the Colonial Company who held that post before him, lay fallow or in the occupancy of the
Indians, the houses being all uncovered, no grain, the greatest portion of the peltries rotten
and spoiled and the Company's store pillaged, and that he is able to prove these facts by several
witnesses. His Majesty is desirous that he himself verify all that is alleged, and that he
endeavor to discover the truth by unquestionable evidence.
He will, also, take information regarding what occurred in the action of the Outaouaks,
and what occasioned them to attack fort Detroit and kill three Frenchmen, said Sieur
Delamotte wishing to insinuate that they were stimulated to this act for the purpose of bringing
about the failure of that establishment; finally, to report all he shall learn, and especially the
conduct of Sieur de Bourgmont, the Commander of the fort on that occasion.
It appears by the letters of all the officers in garrison at Detroit, that there is not a finer nor
a better country, and that all the favorable reports of it are true. Sieur de la Motte adds that
there is no doubt but it is constantly the retreat of all the Nations in those parts ; that it
is very conveniently situated; that the Nations who inhabit the banks of the Lakes can reach
it without passing any rapid or water-fall, and that the Indians in the interior come thither
over very level roads. He will take equal care to inform himself if that fort combine all
these advantages.
Sieur de la Motte writes, also, that he caused two canoes full of French wheat to be brought
in order to sow the lands belonging to that post ; likewise all sorts of other grain, and
materials to build a large Mill. He will see if all these grains have succeeded, and if this
Mill be in existence.
Sieur de la Motte reports that there is no one at that post to take charge of the sick, and
that it is his wife and daughter who take care of them. He says that the Superior of the Grey
Nuns' of Montreal will readily take charge of those sick, and that they are well adapted for a
new Colony because they teach how to work, and are qualified for manufactures. He will be
careful in passing through Montreal, to see and engage this Superior to adopt Sieur de la Motte's
proposals, and will report the answer.
He will find hereunto annexed copy of the Treaty Sieur de la Motte concluded for the
establishment of the Post of Detroit. He will verify whether it be faithfully executed especially
'Hospitallers. Text.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 807
whether the soldiers who have been given him by his Majesty's order have due justice as
regards food and pay.
It appears from Sieur de la Motte's last letters that Arnold, Sieur de Lobiniere's son-in-law,
was still actually at Missiiimakinac carrying on trade along with a man named Boudor, a
merchant of Montreal. Mess" de Vaudreuil and Raudot had orders to recall these two men,
and if they be still in the place, his Majesty wishes that he order them to return promptly, the
latter to his home and the other to Quebec, on pain of disobedience. He will take exact
information of the trade these two men have carried on during their sojourn at Missilimakina
and report thereupon.
Sieur de la Motte pretends that said Sieur de Vaudreuil has sent away from Detroit the
interpreter of the Outaouacks who had always been paid by' his Majesty and the Company, in
order to have his Secretary's brother put in his place, because said Sieur de Vaudreuil has
been desirous of having a man at that post entirely devoted to himself. He will inform himself
of what has been done in that regard, and report whether the man removed from that office
was as faithful as the said Sieur de la Motte pretends.
Sieur de Vaudreuil complains, on his side, that said Sieur de la Motte, from interested
motives, wishes it to be understood that he thwarts him in his establishment, in order to render
him suspected, but that Sieur de la Motte's only aim is to carry on a trade with the English,
and to realize the largest profit possible from his post for his own interest exclusively.
Mess" Vaudreuil and Raudot write conjointly, that if there be any abuse in the sale of
Brandy among the Indians, it can only proceed from Sieur de la Motte who carried with him
some 15 barrels of it, and a large quantity of powder. They likewise observe to me that his
agent at Quebec has written to him who is at Montreal, to give clearances to all the canoes who
would go up to Detroit on condition of carrying thither 300"" weight in Brandy to Sieur de la
Motte ; and that, finally, it appeared to them that said Sieur de la Motte had a desire to trade,
because he carried only Brandy and powder. As his Majesty wishes absolutely to enforce the
prohibitions he has issued against carrying on any trade in Brandy with the Indians, he orders
Sieur d'Aigremont to verify very precisely the quantity of liquor Sieur de la Motte has carried
up, and inform himself what use he made of it. This is the principal motive that induced his
Majesty to send to Detroit. Therefore, he must direct all his attention to thoroughly clear up
the fact and to report fully thereupon.
He will proceed from fort Detroit to Missiiimakinac in order to visit that quarter, and will
inform himself of the number of French there, and the trade they carry on with the merchants
of Montreal and Quebec, and finally, of all those who are interested in their trade. He will
act in concert with the Missionaries on the spot respecting the conduct to be observed with the
Outaouaks, and will take information of them as to the dispositions these Indians entertain
towards the French. He will likewise acquire every information possible respecting the
advantages of that post, so as to render an exact report thereupon when he returns.
His Majesty is informed that the English are endeavoring to seize the post at Niagara, and
that it is of very great importance for the preservation of Canada to prevent them so doing,
because were they masters of it, they would bar the passage and obstruct the communication
with the Indian allies of the French, whom as well as the Iroquois they would attract to them
by their trade, and dispose, whenever they pleased, to wage war on the French. This
would desolate Canada and oblige us to abandon it.
808 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
It is alleged that this post of Niagara could serve as an entrepot to the estahlishment at
Detroit, and facilitate intercourse with it by means of a bark on lake Ontario; that in fine,
such a post is of infinite importance for the maintenance of the Colony of Canada, and that it
can be accomplished by means of Sieur de Joncaire whom M. de Vaudreuil keeps among the
Iroquois. His Majesty desires Sieur d'Aigremont to examine on the spot whether the project
be of as great importance for that Colony as is pretended, and in such case, to inquire with
said Sieur de Joncaire, whether it would be possible to obtain the consent of the Iroquois to
have a fort and garrison there, and, conjointly make a very detailed report of the means which
would be necessary to be used to effect it, and of the expense it would require ; finally to
ascertain whether it would be desirable that he should have an interview with said Sieur
Joncaire, and that they should have a meeting at Niagara.
It has been attempted to give his Majesty to understand that M. de Vaudreuil keeps
said Sieur de Joncaire among the Iroquois for the purpose of trading there and of destroying
the establishment at Detroit. His Majesty appears to be of a contrary opinion. Nevertheless
he will not fail to inform himself of the conduct of said Sieur de Joncaire so as to be able to
report thereupon.
Mess" de Vaudreuil and Raudot have informed his Majesty that they have thought proper not
to farm fort Frontenac, and to retain it for his Majesty's account, being persuaded it will
not be any charge. They state that they have given the command of it to Sieur de Tonty;
As his Majesty has not been satisfied with the conduct of the latter whilst in command at
Detroit, on account of the considerable trade, it is alleged, he carried on there, Sieur Daigremont
will, when passing through that place, inform himself very exactly whether said Sieur de Tonty
continues to carry on trade on his own account, because in such case it would be necessary to
withdraw him from that post. A return will be rendered of the merchandise said Sieur
Raudot will have sent to that place for purposes of trade and what they produced, and he will
enter into the minutest detail possible thereupon in order to determine from the profit derivable
from those merchandises, whether it will be proper to maintain that post on the footing said
Sieurs de Vaudreuil and Raudot have established it or whether it will be necessary to farm it.
He will be careful, likewise, to inform himself of the conduct, in respect of Trade, of all those
who will be at that post; because it is not proper that any one pursue commerce there; and
render an exact account to his Majesty of every thing he has learned.
Louis XIV. to M. de Vaudreuil.
Memoir of the King to the Marquis de Vaudreuil, Governor and Lieutenant-
General, and Sieur Raudot, Intendant of New France.
Versailles 30"' of June 1707.
His Majesty has approved their determination to send a canoe to Missilimakinac in quest of
the prisoners theOutaouacks had promised to the Iroquois, so as to prevent the latter declaring
war. He desires Sieur de Vaudreuil to keep up a good correspondence with all the Indian
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 809
Nations ia order to prevent them declaring against the French, it being of the utmost
importance to the preservation of the Colony. He empowers him to adopt ail measures he
will consider proper for that purpose, and if he be absolutely obliged to send some canoes to
those Indian Nations, he recommends him in an especial manner to prevent any Brandy being
conveyed to them. The best and most certain means of effecting that, would be to avoid
entirely these sorts of voyages, because those who prosecute them, apply themselves
exclusively to trade.
His Majesty has not approved their proposal to permit those who navigate the canoes they
are obliged to send to the Indians, to carry 300" worth of Merchandise each. This would be
authorizing the prohibited trade, which His Majesty is absolutely unwilling should be carried
on. He has therefore disapproved the permission granted to the Frenchman whom they
furnished the Indian that came down with Maurice Menard to assist him in getting back to
Missilimakinac, to carry 300" worth of goods, and again strongly and absolutely recommends
them not to send any canoe thither except under a necessity positively indispensable. In which
case they must forbid loading these canoes with merchandise under pain of punishment, and
must even have them inspected,]in order that an example be made of those who shall contravene
their prohibitions.
His Majesty expects that Sieur de Vaudreuil will oblige the Outaouacks of Detroit to make
satisfaction commensurate with the offence they have been guilty of, in attacking fort Detroit
and killing three Frenchmen. From all that has been reported of that action it appears that
Sieur de Bourgmont, who commanded that fort, did not adopt proper measures to prevent it.
M. de Vaudreuil ought to come to an understanding with Sieur de la Motte Cadillac, who
is at Detroit, as to what will have to be done to bring these Indians to reason and to maintain
peace between them and the French, as that comports with the interests of the Colony.
His Majesty would be very glad could the giving presents to the Indians be dispensed with,
as it creates an immense expense which it is necessary to avoid ; renders them lazy besides,
and causes them to regard presents, if given them ordinarily, as their due. If, as they pretend,
it be impossible to dispense with these presents, and to retain these Indians in the French
interest, they must be reduced little by little, until they can be entirely stopped, whereunto
all attention must be directed.
His Majesty has seen what they write respecting the answer M"' Dudley, Governor of New
England, made regarding the proposed Treaty of Neutrality. 'Tis proper that such Treaty be
general for the entire government of New France and the countries dependent on the Crown
of England, and his Majesty is absolutely unwilling that Sieur de Vaudreuil treat with M''
Dudley on any other principle. Should the latter consent thereunto, M. de Vaudreuil is to
be very careful not to insert any thing in that Treaty that can wound the honor of the nation,
and he is to send a copy thereof by the first opportunity that will offer. He will take care that
it be not in the name of Queen Anne, as his Majesty does not recognize her as Queen of
England. M. de Subercasse, governor of Acadia, writes that he was working on his side to
conclude a Treaty also with the English Governor. He has had orders sent him to report his
proceedings to Sieur de Vaudreuil, and to follow all he will prescribe as well in that as in
every other matter that regards his government. Sieur de Vaudreuil will have seen by
letters he must have received from M. de Subercasse, what aid the latter demands for the
Vol. IX. 102
810 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
purpose of making an attempt on the English settlements towards Boston. His Majesty
desires that he be afforded all possible assistance, without, however, depriving Canada of the
means of defending lierself if attacked.
His Majesty orders the remittance of the 3000" they demand for the vessel they have sent to
Boston with a portion of the English prisoners that were at Quebec, in exchange for several
Frenchmen whom the governor of Boston has sent to Port Royal.
His Majesty has been informed by letters from Acadia that the man Alain, who returned from
Boston and whom the Superior Council of Quebec has acquitted of the charges advanced
against him of having been connected with the English, is not wholly innocent. He has given
orders to Sieur Begon to have him watched, and to examine into his conduct.
He has approved the diligence Sieur de Vaudreuil has made use of to stop the 5 or 6 settlers
who had set off in a canoe to go and sell Beaver at Orange. It is to be regretted that the
detachments sent for that purpose had missed them. Meanwhile, M. de Vaudreuil has done
well to imprison the men named Culirier, who has been pointed out to him, and the father of
the man named S' Germain, whose son has run away, so as to oblige the latter to return.
His Majesty desires that Sieur Raudot prosecute this affair in order that these settlers be
punished as an example. If, however, proofs of their trading cannot be obtained, they must
remain in prison at least 5 or 6 months.
M. de Vaudreuil to M. de PontcJiartrain.
Quebec, 24"' of July, 1707.
Mv Lord,
The attack on the Miamis by the Outtauois last year, back of Detroit, appeared to have
embroiled the affairs of the Upper Countries so much the more, as, not only divers Indian
Nations both on one side and the other found themselves implicated, but as we were ourselves
interested in it, having lost in the action a Missionary and a Soldier. I had the honor to
report to you at the time of the occurrence, the circumstances which attended it, and the
reasons that obliged me, not to manage the Outtaouis, but to endeavor not to lose them
altogether, under the apprehension I entertained that they would be some day necessary to us
and that it was no longer time to deliberate on the propriety of attaching them to our interests.
I had the honor. My Lord, last autumn to send you a copy of what the Outtauois had
authorized one Miscouaky, and afterwards Sieur Boudor to say to me, to exonerate themselves
in some sort from the deaths of the Recollect Father' and the Soldier.
The peace of this Colony as well as its interest requiring tranquillity rather than war among
all the Indian Nations, I have considered it for the King's service to seek for means of
accommodating this affair, without it appearing, however, that we were insensible to the blow
received from the Outtauois. You have been able to perceive, My Lord, from my answers to
' Rev. KicoLAS Benoit Constantin, a FranciscaD, who had been killed on 6th June ITOB. — En.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 811
Miscouaky last fall, that without consenting to listen to the reasons he gave me on the part of
Jean le Blanc his brother, one of the principal Outtauois chiefs, I did not make him despair,
neither, of all hope of pardon ; giving him, hoveever, to understand that after the insult the
Outtaouais had offered me in killing my Missionary and my Soldier, it is not an easy matter
to appease me, and that French blood is not paid for by Beaver or Belts. Nothing could do
that, but an entire resignation to my will and an abandonment as it were of one's self to my
benevolence. These are the terms, My Lord, I used in speaking to him.
I am with much Respect
My Lord,
Your most humble and most
obedient Servant
Vaudreuil.
M. de Pontchartrain to M. Baudot.
Versailles 6"' June 170S.
You observe to me that it is impossible to prevent the Indians domiciliated among the
French to convey beavers to the English. It is, however, what must be done by all means
that can possibly be used. I do, therefore, recommend you to inquire into the means available
for that purpose and to inform me thereof. It is iu no way advisable that the Indians visit
Orange and other English settlements, and an effort should be made to excite a vigorous and
general war between these Indians and the English. I recommend you to turn all possible
attention to this matter, by observing to arrange with M. de Vaudreuil whatever can be done
for that purpose. I expect you to prosecute this business with all possible vigor because the
safety of the Colony of Canada depends thereon. If any order be necessary at this side, I
shall send it as soon as you have advised me thereof.
Louis XIV. to Messrs. de Vaudreuil and Raudot.
Versailles, 6"" of June, 1708.
*•**»*•♦»#*
He refers to what he has written ; in case Sieur de Vaudreuil conclude a Treaty of Neutrality
•with the Governor of New England it must be general for the entire extent of the government
of New France and the countries dependent on New England; it must not be in the name of
the Princess Anne because his Majesty doth not recognize her as Queen of England, and Sieur
^812 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
de Vaudreuil must be careful that nothing be inserted in the Treaty that can wound the honor
of the Nation. Should he happen to conclude this Treaty it is necessary that he transmit
copy of it by the first opportunity that will present.
You will, likewise, see by this Memoir tlie proposition that has been made to seize the post
of Niagara, to build a fort and appoint a commandant there, it being in the midst of the
Iroquois settlements from which it would be very difficult to expel the English if once
established there. It is proposed also to have goods given to these Indians at a low price, to
prevent them going to the English, and to fix a tariff of the prices at which they might
purchase them; because if it approximate ever so little to the price of those articles they
derive from the English, we may be certain that all those Indians will side with the French
and make war against the English. As that would be an important point for the Colony, I
should be very glad could he succeed in having these goods furnished. I pray you to inquire
into the means available for that purpose, and to communicate your opinion to me more
fully thereupon.
Sieur de la Motte proposes also to form four or at least two Indian Companies at Detroit in
addition to the French companies there. He pretends it would be of great use to the Colony
as it would attach the Indians to the French, and no further fears need be entertained of the
Iroquois nor of the English, because were they to undertake any expedition against Canada,
he would be able with the French and Indian troops, to carry at a blow all the Iroquois villages
and to capture their women and children. His plan would be to place these companies on the
same footing as those of the French, and to have them commanded by the most popular Indians
among their Tribes; to make a separate corps of them, directing that the youngest French
Captain should command the oldest Indian Captain. As this might be of use, his Majesty
desires Sieurs de Vaudreuil and Raudot to discuss this proposition thoroughly with Sieur
d'Aigremont, and send their opinion with their reasons for and against the same.
Done &c.
Sir,
de Pontchartrnin to M. de Vaudreuil.
Versailles G"- June 170S.
His Majesty explains to you in his common letter, his intentions in case you might negotiate
safely with the Governor of Boston either for a general exchange of prisoners on both sides,
or for a neutrality between both Colonies, and you have merely to conform yourselves thereunto.
He approves your having spoken as you have done to the man named Schaldin whom that
Governor sent to you overland in quest of the English prisoners at Quebec, and even had you
imprisoned him and those of his suite, it would have been no great harm. You did well to
send these prisoners to Orange under the charge of an officer and a detachment of soldiers,
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 813
and to recommend that officer to inform himself of what was passing at Orange and in the
countries in that direction in possession of the English. I have submitted to his Majesty what
you report to me of the incidents that happened to that officer during his voyage. He has
been very glad to learn that the Governor of New-York and the Commandant at Orange had
appeared to him disposed to live in peace with the French, and not to meddle with European
affiiirs. But all that must not stop you a moment from sending out expeditions against them,
unless they agree on a Treaty of Neutrality.
You did well, also, to instruct that officer to send some letters to Boston, to give the populace
to understand that, if war continued between both Colonies, it was solely the fault of the
Council of Boston ; so as to be able in this way to create division between the people and
the Council.
After all that had been written directing you to cause the English of Boston to be harrassed
either by parties of Frenchmen or Indians, His Majesty expected to receive news of some
expedition against them, and is not satisfied with the inactivity in which you remain with such
numerous forces as you have. The rather as the people of that government were thereby
enabled to attack Acadia. He positively desires you to send frequent parties against them,
and even to seize the first opportunity that will offer, to go yourself to attack them in their
posts provided you be sure of success. Observe only that it be effected at the least possible
expense, and transmit to me a report of what you will do.
I have received with pain your representation of the trade which the Indian allies of the
French carry on with Orange. It is of the highest importance to prevent it because it would
tend to make us lose the greatest portion of our Indians. Therefore I request you to endeavor
so to manage and engage them to make war against the English, as to put a stop to all such
commercial intercourse.
His Majesty has approved of the answer you caused to be given to the Deputies from the
Mohawks who, under pretence of renewing the alliance with the French, came to the Indians
of the Sault for the purpose of selling some English goods, and to induce them to remain neuter.
J wrote to M. de Ramezy that his Majesty is satisfied with the conduct he observed with these
Deputies in order to make them take back the goods they had brought. I recommend him
also to adopt all possible measures to prevent that trade. You know of what importance this
is to the Colony ; I am therefore, persuaded that you will, on your part, give all necessary
orders on that point.
His Majesty has approved your having furnished M'^de Subercasse the provisions he required.
He writes me that he had received them, and that they were a great relief to him. He has
orders to inform you exactly of every thing he will learn respecting the expeditions the English
of Boston might yet attempt against Acadia, and to keep up a continual correspondence with
you, in order that you may be aiding to him on occasions in which he might find himself
straitened. By the copy of the letter I write him and which I send you, you will see the
orders his Majesty gives him, whereupon you will please to arrange with him respecting the
assistance you are to furnish him. I send you also copy of the despatch I write to M. de
Costibelle, so that you may, likewise, be in possession of the orders his Majesty gives him for
the preservation of Placentia.
I am &c.
814 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
M. de Vavdreuil to M. de PontcluiHndii.
Quebec, 5 November 170S.
RIy Lord,
Peace so necessary in Canada depends, My Lord, on that we have with the Iroquois, and in
that view it is that I direct all my attention to the due cultivation of Neutrality with them.
For that purpose I employ every year Sieur de Joncaire, who, having all possible influence
among the Senecas and a great deal at Onnontagu^, is of great assistance to us in that
country in counterbalancing the English party, which does not fail to be considerable
principally at Onnontague. Sieur de Joncaire possesses every quality requisite to insure
success. He is daring, liberal, speaks the language in great perfection, hesitates not even
whenever it is necessary to decide. He deserves that your Grace should think of his
promotion, and I owe him this justice, that he attaches himself with great zeal and affection
to the good of the service.
Up to this time the Iroquois appear to me very well disposed towards us, in spite of the
distrust of us which the English are desirous of diff"using among them. It was not their fault
this summer if matters were not embroiled, having, in order to effect that object, engaged a
young Indian belonging to those who side with them in the village of Onnontague, to kill a
soldier belonging to the garrison of Detroit who with another had deserted. This affair having
become known at the village, they sent several chiefs and elders to Montreal to request me to
seek, myself, the remedy to this affair, assuring me that the whole village had no hand in it,
and that this young man considered himself justified in killing that Soldier because a deserter
among us is reputed dead, and I had even said to the Senecas two years ago, when they
requested me to pardon two deserters, that none but the King could do it. You will see My
Lord, by their speeches and my answers, what transpired on that occasion. They promised
me a prisoner in the place of this Soldier. I would have demanded of them the Indian who
had committed the deed, but as the Soldier is a deserter, and the English were only waiting
for that demand to make the faction they have at Onnontague rise up in favor of that young
Indian, I considered it better to receive their submission than to persist and hazard the war
on account of an unfortunate fellow who had his brains knocked out only because he was a
deserter. I considered it would deter the other Soldiers who would incline to take the same
route. I, however, forbad the Iroquois ever to commit a similar act, declaring to them that a
deserter is no less a Frenchman, and should that occur again I should be under the obligation
of avenging his death, as I would that of any other person. Tliey promised me that I should
have no cause to complain of tiiem, and as for me, I promised them that, if they would arrest
the deserters and bring them to me iiere or to fort Frontenac, I should reward them.
I have every reason to believe. My Lord, that a good effect will have been produced on the
minds of the Iroquois by the surrender of the three prisoners on the part of the Outtauois to these
Onnontagu<3 chiefs who came to Montreal. Father Lamberville, who has returned to Onnontagud,
informs me by a letter lie writes me on the 25"" of September last, that he doubts not but the
Onnontagues will assemble all the nations in their village for the purpose of deliberating on
what I said at Montreal to the Chiefs and ancients who came to speak to me, and that he
hopes they will afford me all possible satisfaction.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 815
I see no prospect of concluding any accommodation or Treaty with the Governor of Boston.
It seems to me even by the letters I receive from Acadia, that M. de Subercasse has no reason
to praise them in the exchanges they have made with him. Nevertheless, if the good of the
service require that I make a treaty with them, I shall follow step by step his Majesty's orders.
I had the honor to submit to you several times in my joint and individual letters, the
reasons which led me not to send any expeditions against the government of New -York or
Orange, having promised the Iroquois not to do so, as these nations, however friendly they be
to us, are still more so to the Dutch. It would be dangerous to break my word which would
serve them as a pretext for beginning the war. Therefore, My Lord, I pray you to approve of
my not having undertaken any expedition in that direction; at least, until the Dutch begin
first, or I have received fresh orders from his Majesty and yourself to do so.
Vaudreuil.
Reverend Jacques (THeu to the Marquis de Vaudreuil.
Copy of a letter written by the Reverend Father d'Heu, Missionary of the
Company of Jesus, to the Marquis de Vaudreuil from Onnontague, the 24""
of May, 1708.
Sir,
As Monsieur de Joncaire is to arrive here shortly according to his letter to me, and will
communicate to you much better than I can do the state of the afiairs of this country, and the
disposition of men's minds, I fail not to embrace the opportunity which presents to obey with
all the exactitude possible, the orders you have given me. Two Indians belonging to this
village have set out, since my last letter, to go to tJie country of the Gannaouens,' Indians of
Virginia who came here last summer in ambuscade, as I had the honor to write you at that
time. These two Indians are intrusted with three belts ; the first to demand of the Gannaouens
if it be true that they have thrown in the fire the Belts the Iroquois gave them last summer in
answer to theirs, and the reason why they did so ; the second, to know if it be true that several
of their Chiefs have died, and that they accuse the Iroquois of having bewitched them, and to
advise them of the death of those of this place ; the third, to inform them of the news of the
Outtauois, and to induce them to join them in case of an open rupture. They have not
yet returned from that country. The Indians according to their custom circulate a great
many rumors to which much credit must not be attached. They reported that Pere Zant^
has been killed whilst hunting ; that the English of Virginia had received a great number of
soldiers from Europe, in ten ships which arrived in that country in the beginning of winter ;
that the Chaouenons seeing themselves disturbed by some neighboring nations who are making
war on them, talk of coming to join the Iroquois; that the Ouimiamis are to have this spring
a Talk with the Iroquois at the place agreed on ; that there will be another Talk in an embassy
between the Saulteurs, Mississaguez and Iroquois ; that a French Captain towards the Ouabache
' Kenhawaa » ' Pesant, an Ottawa Cbie£ Charlevoix, II. — Ed.
816 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
,iiid Mississipy had destroyed seven Indian villages. The news which gives them most pain
is the pretended establishment of the Outauois at Kataracouy and Niagara, and of the French
at the latter of these two posts and at La Gallette. The English emissary who arrived here at
the end of February, and who is at present at Oneida, after having remained here a month
and a half, and some weeks at Cayuga, said in a Council he had assembled here on his arrival,
that Ksiter' was giving them notice of the design the French entertained of establishing
themselves, this spring, in the two posts I have spoken of, and as he was ever watchful for
their preservation, he advised them, on that account alone, to absolutely oppose it. He had no
difficulty in persuading people who take umbrage at mere trifles, but when he would annex
Ksiter's proposals to establish himself at the lower end of the river of Onnontague, five leagues
from its mouth, in a place called Gaskonchiage and at the head of Lake Thirogen near Oneida,
he encountered more opposition. The proposal to settle at Gastonechiage was absolutely
rejected anJ^the other proposition regarding Tirogen was referred to the Oneidas. The design
of the English if executed would be very prejudicial to the welfare of the French Colony, for
it would attract several of the Upper Nations, by trade. I am persuaded that it will require but
a few overcoats, blankets, etc. judiciously distributed to calm these spirits and to oblige them to
oppose strongly the designs of the English, who frequently make a great deal of noise for nothing.
The English emissary corroborated all the news from Europe, received from Quebec. He told
me that a ship had arrived at Menade in the winter, but the news had not transpired; which
means, that they were not favorable to them. The Chiefs will go this summer to Orange ; it
is Ksiter who calls them there. A portion of them will go to Montreal about the affair of
Pczanl and the establishments at Niagara and La Gallette ; they wish likewise to bewail the
death of M"" Hiberviile. The English blacksmith has returned after nine months' absence. On
his arrival those of the French party were not willing to give him the anvil which belongs to
them, and concealed it at ray house and requested that a smith be sent from Montreal. That
matter, I told them, would be discussed on M. de Joncaire's arrival. It seems to me that it
would be very important for the good of religion and the French Colony, were there a French
blacksmith here; the Englishman would then decamp. But this Blacksmith should be under
the Black Gown and an exemplary man. One Donne would be our man, but I see no prospect
of him. The anvil was given to the English blacksmith, because those of the English party
were beginning to mutiny. But I'm told that if a Blacksmith came from Montreal he would
get at once the anvil and all the tools belonging to those of the French party.
This, Sir, is all that my memory supplies me at present. M. de Joncaire who is soon to
arrive will be able to inform you exactly of every thing. I am with most profound respect
Sir, your most humjale and most obedient servant
Signed D'heu, Jesuit.
3f. de Vaudreuil to M. de Pontcliartraiv.
My Lord,
I have the honor of writing to you at present in order to transmit you copy of a letter I
have just received from Peter Schuyler, which will enable your Lordship to understand what
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 817
ravages are committed by the Indian parties I send into the Boston government, and how
necessary even it was for me to take the course I have this year adopted in order to induce
them to continue the war. It appears in some way by this letter, that Peter Schuyler wishes
to engage me in new negotiations. If that be the case I shall wait for them, My Lord, and
will punctually follow the orders I have received from his Majesty and you.
M. de Longueuil, Major of Montreal and commandant of that place in M. de Ramezay's
absence, informs me in other letters which I received at tlie same time, that an Englishman,
lately taken prisoner by our Indians had, after having been expressly interrogated on divers
indifferent matters by M. Meriel, a priest of the Seminary, answered the question — How
happens it that, there being so many fine young men in your Country, no expedition was sent
against us? — That the fault was not theirs ; that over five hundred of them had demanded of
the governor to be allowed to come to war to this country, on condition that they should
themselves select their commanders from their number, in order to form several parties, and
that they had even hired some Indians to act as guides. That the Governor of Boston had
granted their request and tliat, as they were preparing to leave, Peter Schuyler had written to
the governor of Boston that he was now master of the Christian Indians; that they had all
promised him they would not go to war against the English, and they need not entertain any
further fears of the French as they were not in a position to do much harm, having no Indians
with them, and this it was that had put a stop to their expeditions.
The same prisoner. My Lord, also told M. Meriel that it had been reported in their country
that our party consisted of sixteen hundred men ; tiiat when they learned it was a party only
of about two hundred that had made the attack, they were greatly surprised, and that when
he was taken, the Governor of Boston was still under the impression, that it was but a feint,
and that we had other parties out in the woods ; that that obliged them to be always under
arms and that the people belonging to the Boston government were suffering greatly from
these expenses ; he, likewise, says that the populace of the Boston government is desirous to
come to Canada in order to obtain revenge, but that the most influential and most wealthy say,
It must not be, as perhaps we shall not continue our attacks on them ; that a good defence is all
that's necessary to repel us. This is what has been obtained from this prisoner.
M. de Longueuil informs me, next, that an Indian recently from Orange reports that Peter
Schuyler has made a present to the Iroquois on behalf of the Governor of Menathe, of fifty
pieces of cloth, half scarlet and half Iroquois (estoffe d VIroquoise), fifty guns, ten barrels of
powder, some lead, three hundred shirts, one hundred and sixty kegs of mm, being two quarts
per man, ten bundles of stockings, three hundred hatchets, and three hundred knives.
Two days after this, another Indian reports the same thing, and in addition, that he saw two
houses full of biscuit and that the commandant of the fort is having some baked now ; he
adds, that the Interpreter of that place spoke in these words: — "Brother. I am sorry
I cannot avoid telling you bad news; it is, that next winter is to be the last of your days, unless
you save yourselves by burying yourselves in the depths of the forests. The English whom
you strike, are angry, and have resolved to go and devour your villages, and to establish
themselves at La Prerie de la Magdelaine, and next spring several vessels will go and take
Quebec. This is settled. Your country is ruined ; if you do not wish to perish, you Indians,
profit by the counsel I give you. Take my advice. Brothers. Let the English and the French
fight, and have nothing to do with either of them."
Vol. IX. 103
818 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
I fear not these menaces, My Lord ; and 'tis clear to me that if the Englishman were inclined
to come and attack us, he would not send us word. One thing is certain however;
that considerable presents have been made to the Iroquois, and that on the other hand the
Dutch are fortifying themselves at Orange, and have at their own expense had the two
Mohawk villages also fortified.
I shall be on the alert respecting all the movements they may make, and I have now two
trusty Indians in Orange. I have some, also, dispersed among the Iroquois. Therefore,
depend on it, My Lord, whether I act on the offensive or defensive, I shall neglect nothing in
my power to contribute to the good of the public service and the preservation of this colony.
I consider myself obliged to speak here, My Lord, of M. de Longueuil. It is through him,
as I have had the honor to advise you in the beginning of my letter, that 1 have obtained all
this information. He is universally loved and esteemed. Even the Indians repose great
confidence in him, and he performs his duties in a manner to entitle him to the honor of
your protection.
As the English are sparing no pains to win the confidence of our Indians, and as, on the
other hand, it is important to protect them from tiie insults of our enemies, if we wish to
preserve them, I propose to have completed, this winter, all our Indian forts, as well as to have
all the redoubts or little forts in the settlements inspected, in order to be prepared for whatever
may happen. 1 have the honor to be with much Respect,
My Lord,
Your most humble
Quebec this 12th and most obedient servant
of November, 170S. Vaudreuil.
Colonel Schuyler to the Marquis de Vaudreuil.
Copy of a letter from M'' Peter Schuyler to the Marquis de Vaudreuil, translated
by Monsieur Merlel, a priest of the Seminary of Montreal.
Orange, 26"" September, (?"■ Oct.) 1708.
Sir, •
I have received the letter you did me the honor to write me on the eleventh of August by
Onongaresson. In regard to the Belt I sent for the purpose of preventing the Indians taking
part in the War which is waging against the government of Boston, I must admit that I did
send it from an impulse of christian charity. I could not help believing that it was my duty
towards God and my neighbor to put a stop* if possible, to those heathenish and barbarous
cruelties which have been but too frequently wreaked on the unfortunate people of that
province. You will pardon me if I tell you that 1 am disgusted when I think that a war which
is carried on by christian Princes, who by the example and the practice left by their noble
ancestors, are bound to observe the most rigid rules of honor and generosity, should degenerate
into savage and reckless barbarity. I cannot conceive how it is possible to put an end to the
war by such means. I wish every one were of my opinion on this subject; some there are, and
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 819
I doubt not but there must be many others. I sliould be very glad to induce you to participate
my sentiments, which are prompted by a principle of generosity and honor whereby I (eel
myself obliged to tender you my sincere thanks for your obliging letter, and though I might
not divest myself of common charity towards the human race, I pray you to continue to be
persuaded that I am, saving always my duty to his Majesty,
Sir, your Lordship's most obliged
and most humble servant.
(Signed) P. Schuyler.
M. de Clcravihaut d'' Aigremont to M. de Pontcltartrain.
Extracts.
My Lord,
Pursuant to the orders you were pleased to honor me with, dated the 30"' June and IS"*
July 1707, I left Montreal on the S"" of June last, to proceed to the frontier posts of Canada,
and returned on the 12"" of September following.
I shall begin, My Lord, by reporting to you what I remarked at Fort Frontenac, because that
is the 1" Post met with in passing through the Lakes.
Captain de Tonty was then in command of it; near that fort is an Iroquois village
consisting of six cabins, the chief of which and principal men of each cabin requested to
speak to me. I at once granted their request.
They expressed much dissatisfaction of M"' de Tonty to me and made little of him ;
represented him as very selfish, and that if they were in want of any provisions, they must, in
order to obtain them, carry him peltries, which he received as if they had made him a present
of them. Otherwise he would not take notice of their necessities.
Under this pretence, My Lord, his Majesty's property has been somewhat wasted, which
would not have been the case, had he not the administration of the ammunition and provisions;
for it appears to me contrary to all sort of rule to intrust this detail to the Commandant whilst
there is a Commissary of Trade. It would seem to me more natural were this Commissary
intrusted with all the King's property, not to be delivered except on the order of the
Commandant and on occasions when his Majesty's service would demand it.
Sieur de la Gorgendiere who is the Commissary, has reported to me that there arrived at
that fort on the 5'i> and 6"" of June last, three Canoes of Mississagets and Sauteurs, of whom
a portion were those who had destroyed, some three or four years previous, the Iroquois
Village established at said fort.
That they brought about 15 or 16 beavers to M'" de Tonty, telling him they were come to
trade, and requesting him to cause them to be supplied with goods at a low rate ; that M' de
Tonty had them furnished at the same price as the Iroquois, and that he, afterwards, had them
treated to three half-pints of Brandy and a fathom of tobacco apiece ; that when the Indians
had drank the Brandy, they again presented M"' de Tonty seven martins, one fisher (jiekan)
and a beaver, telling him again to lower the price of the merchandise and to treat their young
820 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
men to some drink ; that W de Tonty caused them to be supplied again with three half-pints
of Brandy, which completed their intoxication to such a degree that when they were in their
huts, they chanted there the songs of the Iroquois whom they had tals.en prisoners when they
destroyed the village, and uttered many disagreeable things of them. Among the rest, that
they were bewitched (malingrcs) which, among Indians, is the greatest of all insults. There
happened at that time to be at the fort some of those Iroquois who had been prisoners, who,
as well as the other Iroquois, were highly incensed at this, and it is a wonder that they
should have had so much moderation as to be able to conceal this indignation.
Sieur de la Gorgendiere has also reported to me that, on the 20"" of May, three more canoes
of Mississaguets and Sauteurs arrived at said fort, who traded there a part of their beaver and
all their peltry; that they requested him to ask M. de Tonty's permission to go to Onontague
to buy some Indian corn, which he did; but M. de Tonty having neglected to speak to them,
and wishing to oblige them to apply directly to himself, these Indians went to the English to.
trade the rest of their beaver without our knowledge.
Sieur de la Gorgendiere has again reported to me that, on the 8"" of June, three more
Canoes of Mississaguets and Sauteurs arrived at said fort, who after having traded their peltry
with the exception of the Beaver, told him that they were going to carry this to the English ;
that having advised M"' de Tonti of it, he had the Indians called before him and told them that
he understood they wished to go to the English, but that he closed the road against them ;
that the Mississaguets and Sauteurs said among themselves, 'tis because we have not made
him any presents, and told M"' de Tonti they would see him again in the evening, which they
did, and brought him a Moose-hide and four beavers, saying to film. We again ask by th€se
peltries that the road to the English be opened ; that M-'de Tonti kept the peltries and did not
allow them to pass, which was productive of a bad effect on the minds of these Indians and of
the Iroquois present, who complained to me of it. When a request is not granted, the presents
should not be retained. Such-is the custom among Indians.
Several soldiers complained to me that M"' de Tonti had sold them Brandy at 8" the pot.
This' is an exorbitant price because at Montreal it is not worth 5 d'' the pot, and it cost hira
nothing to convey it to fort Frontenac. Moreover, he had them eaten up by the pretense of
discount, and put it beyond their power to have their linen washed and to keep themselves in
shoes and stockings. It is, however, to be remarked. My Lord, that notwithstanding all these
petty larcenies, M"' de Tonti is deeply in debt; an evident proof that they have not done him
much good. What may have driven him to it is, the numerous family he is burdened with,
which is in such a poor condition as to excite pity.
Sieur de la Gorgendiere also reported to me that he had learned from some Iroquois Indians
that a oanoe belonging to four Frenchmen who were going up to Detroit had passed the winter
in the bay of Quinte in Lake Ontario, thirty leagues from fort Frontenac; that they had come
at the Epiphany to said fort whence they took an Iroquois with them to hunt; that on their
return, they met some Outais coming to trade at said fort whom they brought into their hut
and sold them Brandy for their peltries.
That the man named Conque on his way, afterwards, to the fort to trade, whilst passing by
the hut of those four Frenchmen, sold them all his peltry for Brandy so that he was two
days drunk.
It is of advantage to preserve this post, for, by its means, the Iroquois could not make any
movement withovit it being known; and as it is convenient, 'twill be always easy to upset their
{
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 821
plans as soon as they become known; it being an invariable rule among the Indians to
abandon their projects when once discovered. Information can alwnys be obtained by means of
these Indians of what is going on among the English, and consequently any expeditions they
could organize against us would be opposed with more facility, it being certain that they are
trying every means to embroil these Indians with us.
It would be of advantage were a greater number of these Indians settled near this fort, for
they would serve as so many hostages to prevent the Iroquois waging war against us. To
draw them thither it would be necessary to construct a fort there, at some distance, capable of
contaiiiiiig about -30 or 40 families, and to make, from time to time, some trifling presents to
them ; namely, some powder, lead and tobacco, to the Chiefs, and some bread to the Women
and Children. I believe that by these means as many would be brought there in a short time
as such a fort could contain, and were this point once gained, this Village would be a great
obstacle to all the projects those Iroquois could wish to organize against the prosperity of
the Colony.
These Indians esteem the Jesuits, whom they call Black gowns, more than they do the
Recollets, whom they call Grey gowns. Therefore it would be necessary to furnish them
with a Jesuit as missionary to induce them, from principles of Religion, to be loyal to the
King. The Commandant of the fort will supply the rest, under the orders of the governor.
It is of very great importance to prevent the English forming any new establishments on
Lake Ontario, for were they once fixed there, they would cut us off from all communication
with the Iroquois; which would be attended with marked prejudice to the Colony. If despite
of all that has been already said, the Iroquois should make war on us, fort Frontenae would
still be very important to us as a retreat to the Indian allies of the Upper Country, who
would thereby be more easily led to make war on them, inasmuch as they will find there
whatever assistance they will need. -'^
I have the honor to transmit you herewith. My Lord, an informal balance-sheet, from which
you will see the product of the trade at fort Frontenac, and the expense incurred there on
account of that trade. This, My Lord, is all I have been able to observe at said fort.
I left there the 20"' of June, on my way to Niagara where I appointed to meet Sieur Joncaire.
I arrived, on the 27"" of the same month, at the site of the former fort, where I found him.
After conversing some time respecting this post, he admitted, My Lord, that the advantages
capable of being derived from it, by fortifying it and placing a garrison there, would be,
namely — that a number of Iroquois would separate from all their villages, and establish
themselves there, by whose means we could always know what would be going on in those
Villages and among the English, and that it would be thereby easy to obviate all the
expeditions that could be organized against us. *
That the Iroquois would trade off there all the Moose, Deer and Bear skins,. they might
bring, as these peltries could not be transported to the English except by land, and consequently
with considerable trouble.
That the Mississaguets settled at Lake S'* Claire, who also convey a great many peltry to
the English, will not fail in like manner to trade off their moose, deer and bear-skins there.
That the Miamis, having, like the Mississaguets, demanded by a Belt of the Iroquois a
passage through their country to Orange to make their trade, would not fail to sell likewise at
Niagara the skins that are difficult of transportation by land, and this more particularly as the
English esteem them but little. But, My Lord, these considerations appear to me of little
822 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
importance in comparison with tlie evil which would arise from another side. This would
be, that all the Beaver brought thither by any nations whatsoever would pass to the English
by means of their low priced druggets, which they would have sold there by the Iroquois
without our being ever able to prevent them, unless by selling the French goods at the same
rate as the English dispose of theirs, wiiich cannot be.
It is true that this post could be of some consideration in respect to Detroit to which it could
serve as an entrepot for all the goods required for purposes of trade there, which could be
conveyed from Fort Frontenac to Niagara by bark ; a vessel of 40 tons being capable of
carrying as many goods as 20 canoes. Though these goods could, by this means, be afforded
at Detroit at a much lower rate than if carried by canoes to Niagara, the prices would be still
much higher than those of the English. This, therefore, would not prevent them drawing
away from Detroit all the Beaver that would be brought there.
The post of Niagara cannot be maintained except by establishing that of La Galette, because
the soil of fort Frontenac being of such a bad quality, is incapable of producing the supplies
necessary for the garrison, its last one having perished only from want of assistance, as they
almost all died of the scurvy.
La Galette by the fertility of its soil would produce all the grain and pork necessary for its
garrison and that of Niagara. In this way would be saved the cost of transporting these
articles more than 36 leagues, over 26 of which are Rapids that entirely ruin the Canadian
transportation, the soldiers being obliged to go into the water up to the neck in several places
in order to haul the bateaux which are loaded with these provisions. The only question then,
My Lord, would be the transportation to La Galette of the clothing of the soldiers belonging to
the garrison of that port and of Niagara, and the munitions of war necessary for these two places
which would be but a trifle. With a fiivorable wind the bark would carry, from La Galette to
Niagara, in twice 24 hours, every thing necessary for that post.
The establishment at La Galette would entirely supersede that of Fort Frontenac, and I
am persuaded the Iroquois would like as well to go to La Galette as to Fort Frontenac, although
the former post is 26 leagues lower down. For to reach the other, requires them to make a
traverse of 8 or 9 leagues which they cannot effect, if the wind be the least unfavorable, whilst
to reach La Galette they have nothing to do but to run right down. Were the latter post once
well established, it would protect a country almost 26 leagues in length, extending in breadth
from the river of fort Frontenac, which comes from the Great Lakes, to the Grand river of the
Outaouis ; because the former is almost full of impetuous rapids for said 26 leagues which
renders the approach on La Galette side very difficult. In fine. My Lord, this post is entirely
preferable to that of fort Frontenac, if that of Niagara be established. I do not think that
this can easily be effected before one , at least great precautions would be taken
at the present time, and whoever would propose an extensive establishment there at once would
not fail to be opposed by the Iroquois. Such cannot be arranged with them except by means
of M"' de Longueil or of Sieur Joncaire, one or other of whom could propose to settle among
them at that point, as the Iroquois look on these two officers as belonging to their nation.
But, My Lord, the former would be preferable to the latter because there is not a man more
adroit than he nor more disinterested. I do not say the same of the other, for I believe
his greatest study is to think of his private business, and private interest is often injurious to
public affairs, especially in this colony, as I have had occasion frequently to remark.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 823
As there is little prospect, for reasons above mentioned that the post of Niagara can be
established, I do not send you, My Lord, the estimate of the expense it would be necessary
to incur for that object.
I do not think the Iroquois will suffer the English even to take possession of that post,
because if they were masters of it, they could carry on all the trade there independent of
the former, which does not suit them.
The Marquis de Vaudreuil sends Sieur de Joncaire, every year, to the Iroquois. He draws
from the King's stores for these Indians powder, lead and other articles to the value of 2000",
or thereabouts, which he divides among the Five Nations as he considers best. Some there
are who believe that he does not give them all, and that he sells a portion to them; or at least
that he distributes it to them as if it were coming from himself, thereby to oblige these
Indians to make him presents. What's certain is, that he brings back from those parts a great
many peltries. I am assured that they reach fully 1000 annually; in the last voyage he made,
he brought down two canoes full of them. He left one of them at the head of the Island of
Montreal (bout de Visle,) and had the peltries carted in through the night. As for the rest. My
Lord, I do not know whether the Marquis de Vaudreuil has any share in tiiis trade.
He^ told me that he had proposed to you. My Lord, to organize complete Companies of
Indians. To this I could not help observing to him, that I considered it very bold to have
made such a proposal to you, and tiiat it did appear to me extraordinary to wish to undertake
to discipline people who possess no subordination among themselves, and whose Chiefs cannot
say to the others — Do thus and so — but merely. It would be proper to do so and so — without
naming any person. Otherwise, they would do nothing, being opposed to all constraint.
Moreover, these people having no idea of Royal grandeur nor Majesty, nor of the power of
Superiors over inferiors, will not feel among themselves any emulation or ambition to reach
those national honors and consequently no desire to perform their duties. Neither would they
be influenced thereunto by fear of punishment, for, not tolerating any among themselves,
they would suffer still less that others should inflict any on them.
In fine. My Lord, men are not esteemed great among those people except in so far as they are
skilled in killing others by surprise, and successful in hunting. As these qualities are not
found among the old, they entertain a great contempt for them; to such a degree that one
John Le Blanc an Outaouis, had'one day the insolence to say, as I understand, of the late
Count de Frontenac that he was a good for nothing imbecile (malingre) since he required a
horse to carry him.
I am persuaded that if any of these pretended Captains would give some command to the
subaltern officers or soldiers of his company for the King's service, they would tell him curtly
that they should not do it, and to let him do it himself. That would, verily, be a fine example
for the French troops.
But, My Lord, though it were possible to teach these people subordination the one to the
other, I believe sound policy would forbid it; and it appears to me that instructing the Indians in
discipline would be procuring for that Colony the greatest misfortune that can possibly overtake
it. For, their weakness consists in the trifling amount of discipline among them, and of what
would they not be capable had they absolute Chiefs; as those people have no other profession
than arms, they would soon render themselves masters of this country. I am persuaded, My
Lord, that when M"' de Latnothe proposed to you the formation of Indian companies, he knew
' Meaning JL de Lamothe Cadillac. — Ed.
824 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
very well that it would not succeed, and his motive therein was only to derive some benefit
by the funds which would be appropriated for these companies, either by securing the whole,
or at least three-fourths, thereof.
14"" 9"" 2708.
Mr. de Vmidreuil to M. de Pontchartrain.
My Lord,
I had the honor last fall to send you, with a private letter of the fourteenth of November,
copy of one I had received from M'' Peter Schuyler; and to communicate to you at the same
time the various news that 1 received from Montreal, together with the rumor that prevailed,
that th/e English were collecting arms, provisions and moccasins at Orange. I did myself the
honor to assure you, My Lord, at the same time, that I should be on the alert regarding all the
movements that our enemies might make, and that whether I should act on the offensive or
defensive, I would not neglect any thing at all that could contribute to "the good of the King's
service and the security of this Colony.
This intelligence, though brought by Indians, meriting all possible attention, I issued orders
to M. de Ramezay to look carefully to it, and, so as not to be surprised even, and to pay our
enemies back, I requested M'' Raudot Jun' to have some biscuit made, also some sleds,
(traineaus) snow-shoes and moccasins (souUers sauvages),
M. de Ramezay having sent me word by two consecutive letters that these news were
confirmed, and that even two Squaws recently arrived from Orange assured him that matters
were as the others represented, I repeated the orders I had issued to M'de Ramezay on leaving,
to have posts hauled throughout all the settlements to repair the breaches that might be in
the forts, especially those on the South shore, which were most exposed to the incursions of
our enemies ; and I enjoined him to have all the available force in his government ready at a
moment's warning.
M' de Ramezay having sent me the annexed intelligence on the twenty-ninth of December,
though I considered it only as Indian news on which ^t is impossible to rely with any
certainty, yet being preceded by others which referred in some degree to these last, and
perceiving that several Abenakis who were hunting around Lake Ciiamplain, were tardy in
coming, as well as two Indians who were sent last fall in obedience to my orders to Orange by
M' de Longueuil in the absence of M' de Ramezay, from Montreal, and having every reason to
suppose that they were arrested, the one and the other, I thereupon took the resolution to
proceed myself to Montreal with all the officers and the best soldiers in Quebec so as to be
more convenient to intelligence, and to be able to oppose, with whatever Regulars and Militia
I might have, the enemy should they come to attack us ; it being my design to go as far as
Lake Champlain to meet them.
I arrived at Montreal, My Lord, on the nineteenth of January, having left orders, before
leaving Quebec, to dispatch at tiie first ivotice five hundred of the most active men, each with
his arms, fifteen days' provisions, snow-shoes and moccasins. I left, in passing, the same orders
at the government of Three Rivers, or to speak more correctly, I found all its settlers already
warned, the Marquis de Crisafix having done so, in conformity to the orders I had given
him in the fall, on the notice he had received from M' de Ramazy; and I had this satisfaction,
PARIS DOCUMENTS: VI. 825
that not a settler evinced the least dissatisfaction at that command. Far from it, they
e.xperienced a species of regret that the enemy were not arrived, winter being the only season
of the year in which the farmer has least to do in that country, and when he can, with least
inconvenience, quit his business, which, however, I have obliged no one to leave, having
learned immediately on arriving at Montreal that people were somewhat too readily alarmed,
and that we had, seemingly, nothing to apprehend this winter. However, as well to assure
those farmers who had some just cause to fear the war, especially if the rumor were true that
the Iroquois had declared against us, as to be more certain of the movements going on at
Orange, whither, for that purpose I had sent some Indians, under pretence of trading, I
remained at Montreal until the thirteenth of February, and did not leave that place until I was
fully convinced that my presence there was no longer necessary.
During my sojourn at Montreal, My Lord, I received letters from Fort Frontenac, and I have
the honor to send you hereunto annexed, what the deputies of the village of Onnontague
authorized Sieur de la Fresniere who commands there, to advise me of; that they are not
disposed to wage war on us. From the letters I have received from the Missionaries, it
even seems to me, that they no not desire it. Nevertheless, I learn from anotiier source that
M'' Dudley is doing his best to make them declare war, and that he expects much from a new
Governor who has arrived at Manathe, whose name is said to be Milord de Louvils,' who, I am
even assured, hath instructions to wage war against us. Hereupon, I have dispatched Sieur de
Joncaire with very full instructions, to the Iroquois country ; renewed the orders to M' de
Ramezay, to place all the forts in a good condition ; sent small parties out to make prisoners.
I have some scouts on Lake Champlain, and I start myself for Montreal as soon as the
navigation will permit.
I had the honor to send you, last fall, copy of a letter M' Peter Schuyler had written to me.
I now transmit you a second which I received on the eve of my departure from Montreal,
in which he continues to make proposals to me on the part of M' Dudley, offering to do his
best to remove the difficulties that may exist between M"' Dudley and me. I shall answer
M' Peter Schuyler and shall see him come, praying you, My Lord, to be persuaded that I will
not enter into any arrangement unless I perceive that it contains complete guarantees for this
Country and Acadia, and is conformable to the commands I have received from his Majesty,
and to your instructions.
According to his Majesty's and your orders of last year. My Lord, I dispatched Sieur de
Manthet with one hundred men to the North. This expedition is at the expense of several
private persons. M'' Raudot and I have experienced pleasure in taking an interest in it, so as
to encourage the youth of this country, and to prove to them that there was no deception in
it. Sieur de Manthet entertains great hopes of success and we have every thing to expect
from his bravery and prudence.
I flatter myself, my Lord, that you will be satisfied with my conduct, and that His Majesty
will be fully persuaded, on the reports you will please to make to him, that there is nothing
I will not do for the interests of his Colony.
I have the honor to be with great respect.
My Lord,
your most humble
* Quebec this and most obedient Servant
27'" April 1709. Vaudreuil.
' Lovelace. — Ed.
Vol. IX. 104
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Louis XIV. to Messrs. de Vmidreuil and Raudut.
Despatch of the King to the Marquis de V^audreull Governor and Lieutenant-
General, and Sieur Raudot, Intendant of Justice, Police and finance in
New France.
Versailles, 6"" July, 1709.
♦ *»•#♦•»***
His Majesty is satisfied of the application Sieur de Vaudreuil assures him he feels for the
preservation of union between the Indians of the different tribes who adjoin Canada. That
is so much the more necessary, as his Majesty would not be at present in a position to assume
the protection of the one against the other. Therefore he must not neglect preserving this
good understanding between them.
His Majesty has seen what they have written respecting fortifications. This is not the time
to commence new works. Operations must be confined to keeping in a state of defence those
already constructed. After the peace we can examine the expedients proposed by Sieur le
Vasseur for raising, within the Country, the funds necessary for a portion of the new works
to be built.
M. de Pontchartrain to M. de Cleramiault d^Aigremont.
Versailles 6"- July 1709.
I have received the letter you addressed me on the 14"" of November of last year, in which
you gave me an account of the voyage you made by my orders to the frontiers of New France.
I am persuaded that you have acquitted yourself herein with all the strictness I have
recommended you; that you paid no regard to the prejudices of the other officers of Canada,
that in following your opinion, I shall advance the true good of the Colony, which is my
sole intention.
I am satisfied with what you report to me respecting the state of fort Frontenac, and I
doubt not but that it was on your suggestion M' de Vaudreuil removed Sieur de Tonty from
that post. It is greatly to be desired that the officer he sent in his place may observe better
conduct. I doubt not but he will have him closely watched. For the rest, the resolution to
deprive that commandant of the superintendence of the Trade carried on at that post for the
King's account, will prevent him overstepping his prescribed limits.
The reasons you submit to me in support of the utility of that post, are sufficient at present
to have it preserved, and I send orders in accordance.
Those suggesting the establishment of that of La Galette are not less conclusive. This
post possesses so many advantages that it is to be regretted they were not known, or
considered when Fort Frontenac was established. But this is not the time to think of it.
'Twill be necessary to examine it anew at the peace.
In regard to the post of Niagara, it is not expedient under any circumstances ; and as there
is no apprehension that the Iroquois will take possession thereof, it is idle to think of it.
Therefore, we shall not require either Sieur Longueil, or Sieur Jonquaire for that.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: VI. 827
The latter has been constantly mentioned to me as a man necessary to manage the Iroquois.
I will have him watched in what relates to the avidity he feels to enrich himself out of the
presents the King makes these Indians, so as to obviate this abuse in future.
I have noted all you write me respecting Detroit, as it was the main object of your mission.
It seems to me that your sojourn there was not long enough to obtain a thorough understanding
of it. Besides M"' de la Mothe complains that you did not confer a sufficient length of time
with him, to appreciate the reasons whereon he acted, which, perhaps, migiit have led you to
adopt other sentiments than those you embraced. In a new country like that, new maxims
are sometimes necessary which may appear censurable on their face, and be intrinsically good.
Nevertheless, I find a too great cupidity in said Sieur de la Mothe, and that his private
interests in establishing that post may have engaged him to prefer his special advantage to
the general good of the Colony. On the report I have submitted on the subject to the King,
his Majesty has thought fit to withdraw his troops from that place, and to leave it to Sieur
de la Mothe to do what he pleases with it, without any privilege over the other inhabitants of
Canada, confining him within the limits of the laws, regulations and ordinances generally.
I send his Majesty's orders accordingly to Mess" de Vaudreuil and Raudot. Give them what
advice they will, in your opinion, need in the matter.
The reasons which have determined his Majesty thereto have been the prevalent dissipation
of the beaver there for the benefit of the English, the introduction of their merchandises
into the Colony, the difficulty of reconciling tiie interests and caprices of the different Tribes
that were attempted to be introduced in that post, the great expense to be incurred for the
support of the garrison, the difficulty of assisting that post should it happen to be attacked by
the Iroquois, the bad quality of the soil, the disappearance of the animals which are objects
of hunting, and the dispersion of the Colony of Canada.
The reason you submit in opposition to those of Sieur de la Mothe, on his proposal to
organize Indian Companies, have appeared very conclusive, and I, on the part of his Majesty
forbid him making any movement for that purpose.
Sieur de la Mothe pretends that he could at all times derive assistance from Montreal if he
were attacked, by opening a communication from Lake Erie to Lake Ontario. He pretends
that he knows the means. As you have passed over that route let me know what apppeared
to you practicable.
You did well to acquaint me with what you learned respecting the rupture between the
Outawas and Miamis. Sieur de la Mothe Cadillac's conduct towards the latter, does not
appear blamable to me. On the contrary, it seems to me that he did what he could, and,
provided these last keep their promise, to surrender to him those of them who killed and
plundered the French, or to come and settle at Detroit, nothing but what is good and useful
will result from what he has done. Let me know what you will learn respecting it.
I am very glad to hear that the Interpreter at Detroit has been changed, and to receive
assurances from you that the one appointed in his place behaves better. Report to me what
you will learn of him.
I have perused what you write me concerning Missilimakinak. The reasons you give as to
the necessity of preserving that post appear very good, and I shall pay attention to them. It
is to be regretted that all the land there is not good, but if it suffice for the support of the
inhabitants and of those whom trade draws thither, it is to be hoped that no inconvenience
will result therefrom. It is a matter of regret that the Hurons were driven away. Some
828 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
means must be adopted to get them back. T am very glad to learn the dispositions which you
noticed among them on this subject, and that they did not relish the proposal of the Iroquois,
that they should settle among them. The King will be induced thereby to adopt the resolution
of appointing a Commandant at that post who will be agreeable to them.
Your proposal to reestablish Indian licenses appears to me very incongruous considering the
bad effect they formerly produced. We are always to apprehend the same inconveniences,
whatever measures we may adopt to prevent them. The King has, therefore, not come to any
resolution in the matter. He issues new orders prohibiting the abusive trade in Brandy. I
send Mess" de Vaudreuil and Raudot a new ordinance on that subject, and another to prevent
the conveyance of Beaver to the English. They will communicate them to you. I recommend
you, on your part, to see that they be enforced.
His Majesty is pleased to pardon the French who have remained atMissilimaquinak contrary
to orders, hoping they will be more obedient in future. I will have their pardons transmitted to
them as soon as I shall have the list of their names.
I have written in strong terms to M. de Vaudreuil on the position he took to issue licenses
under cover of the orders which he transmits, and command him to make use for that purpose
of the passes which will be derived from his Majesty, without departing therefrom on any
account whatsoever, and the Missionaries will have to do the same.
I write to M. de la Mothe respecting the complaint made to you by the Chief of the Ottawas
respecting the detention of his Belt and Kettle. I doubt not but justice will be rendered him.
You can without any fear, communicate to me whatever you will have learned of the
different intrigues of M. de Vaudreuil's people, of the interpreters and principal officers of
Canada. You owe that to the confidence I repose in you, and you need not fear that I shall
compromise you.
M. de Vaudreuil to M. de Ponicliartrain.
Quebec, U"" November 1709.
My Lord,
I did myself the honor to write to you this spring by way of Placentia, and rendered you
an account of the reasons that obliged me to go up to Montreal, in the course of the winter,
on the reports M. de Ramezay sent me in several consecutive letters, confirming the intelligence
that the enemy were wishing to make some expedition on the ice. I informed you by the same
letter, My Lord, of the efforts M'' Dudley, governor of Boston, was making through those of
Orange to induce the Iroquois to declare themselves against us, having employed for that purpose
the authority of the new Governor who had arrived at Menathe, and Peter Schuyler's influence
over these Indians. This obliged me, on my side, to dispatch Sieur de Joncaire, at the first
breaking up of the ice, for tlie purpose of maintaining these Indians always in their neutrality,
making them understand that it is for their interest not to take any part between the English and
us. He would have been entirely successful in this, could he have been every where, but having
been absent on a tour to Seneca, whilst waiting until the Onnontaguda were ready to come
PARIS DOCUMENTS: VI. 829
down with him, as they had promised, the English sent Abraham Schuyler to Onnontague with
four Dutchmen and some Englishmen to sing the War song in the Villages, and to present the
hatchet to the Nations on the part of the Queen of England.
Abraham Schuyler having had a long conversation with the Reverend Father de Lamberville,
and having likewise expressed to him his regret at being obliged to present the hatchet to the
Indians, managed so well that he persuaded this good father to come himself to Montreal to
give me an account of what was passing; and as he desired nothing better than to send off'
Father de Lamberville, of whose influence over the minds of the Onnontagues he was aware,
he took advantage of his absence, as soon as he saw him depart and told the Rev"^ Father de
Mareuil, who had remained, that his life was not safe, insinuated to him that the only means of
extricating himself from certain danger to which he was exposed was, to accompany them to
Orange, which this good Father complied with as appears by a copy of a letter that he himself
addressed to Father d'Heu, Missionary at Seneca, and which I annex hereunto. In order to
engage the Onnontagues the more to declare war against us, Abraham Schuyler immediately
made some drunken Indians set fire to the Father's Chapel and house, which he first caused
to be pillaged.
Sieur de Joncaire who was fifteen leagues off", having learned this news, did not think proper,
knowing the Indian character, to risk the soldiers who were with him, but at the same time
not wishing thus to abandon Father d'Heu who was at Seneca, nor to return without
ascertaining whether there was not some means to accommodate matters, sent a canoe and his
soldiers to Fort Frontenac with the annexed letter to Sieur de la Fresniere who commands
there, and returned alone to the Senecas.
As all this intelligence. My Lord, conjoined to other news alread}' furnished us by some
English prisoners whom our Indians had captured since the spring, demonstrates to us that
we were on the eve of a most sanguinary war in this country, and the more to be apprehended
as it appeared that the Iroquois were declaring against us — I from that moment made
preparations to give the enemy a warm reception ; and the Abenakis Indians having brougiit
me on the26"» of June an English prisoner 46 years old, a man of character, whose examination
I adjoin, I sent this prisoner to Quebec in order to let the Intendant and his son understand
better the necessity of being on their guard against all contingencies. I transmitted my orders
to Three Rivers to Sieur de Cabanac, commandant of that post since M. de Crisafix death,
and to M. de I'Angloiserie at Quebec, for the farmers to place their more valuable property in
safety, and that all capable of bearing arms be ready at the first news of the enemy's ships, to
repair to Quebec with as much provisions as possible, and their arms.
The government of Montreal being the most exposed to the incursions of the Iroquois, I
called together at my house M. de Ramezay, M. de Longueuil, M. de Bellemont, Superior of the
Seminary and Seigneur of the Island of Montreal, the Superior of the Jesuits, the Missionaries
of the Indians and whatever there were of Captains at Montreal, and having communicated to
them all the aforesaid news, it was resolved that it was necessary to oblige all the settlers
within this government to remove their families, movables, grain and cattle into the town,
so that should the enemy happen to hold the country with any considerable force, they could
not, at least, find any supplies in the settlements, principally on the south shore which
apparently would be most exposed to their incursions. And as fort Frontenac is untenable
during hostilities with the Iroquois, unless at a vast expense, I called a second Council of War
at my quarters, when it was resolved to abandon it. But Sieur de Joncaire having fortunately
830 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
arrived at Montreal, and having assured me that forty Senecas were coming dovpn with him,
who were bringing Father d'Heu and a French blacivsmith whom they had for some years in
their villages, £ profited by the occasion, and the sojourn of these Indians at Montreal, to throw
into fort Frontenac the supplies it needed.
I annex hereunto what these Indians have said to me and my answers. You will understand,
My Lord, by their speeches and conduct up to this time, that I did not hazard too much when
I stated, at the commencement of my letter, that if Sieur de Joncaire could have been every
where, he would have counteracted the influence of Abraham Schuyler. It is very fortunate
for him in such a situation, when he found himself out of danger, that he returned to the
Senecas without knowing precisely what would turn up, and that, after he had made his men
kill, not three weeks before, one Montour, a Frenchman by birth, but entirely devoted to the
English and in their pay, who was endeavoring for the last two years to attract to them all
the Upper Nations, exerting himself to make them declare against us. I owe this justice to
Sieur de Joncaire, who, in this matter and by his return to Seneca, has given evidence of all
the firmness that is to be expected from a worthy officer who has solely in view the good of his
Majesty's service.
The Senecas, My Lord, having gone back very well satisfied with me, and I with them, I
was making preparations to go down to Quebec to hasten its fortifications, when an Indian
whom I had sent express for news to the Mohegans (Loups) residing near Orange, came and
told me that the enemy were working hard and fast in constructing bateaux, and that they
were even having their provisions carted along the river Orange, so as to be quite ready to
come to Montreal as soon as they would have intelligence that their fleet was in the river.
This news. My Lord, conjoined to a letter I received next day from Sieurs de Rouville and
de la Periere, copy whereof I have the honor to send you, caused me to adopt the resolution of
having the enemy's stores seized and their wagons broken, and with this view instead
of taking the troops to Quebec, where they were much required, I left them with M. de
Ramezay, and having sent orders to Three Rivers to send up two hundred men and the
Abenakis Indians of S' Francis, I organized a force for M. de Ramezay of nearly fifteen
hundred men, and gave him the annexed orders, fully persuaded that with such a detachment
he had nothing to apprehend, and was in a condition to undertake any thing on Lake
Champlain, as in fact, I have reason to believe that M. de Ramezay would have fully achieved
had it not been that, unfortunately for us, he employed a young officer, his nephew, on the
day he approached Crown Point, to go on a scout, who having advanced too far, was himself
discovered by the enemy, which consisted of a party of a hundred and some odd men including
Englishmen, Dutchmen and Mohegans (Loups).
This mishnp having deranged the plans which M. de Ramezay had laid down for seizing
Crown point, he effected a landing three-quarters of a league lower down, and seeing the
enemy defiling off in canoes and coming towards the place where he was, made preparations to
give them a warm reception, when he got word that other Englishmen were in the woods in
great numbers. This at first prevented him ordering a charge to be made in canoe against
those on the river, but perceiving at length that the enemy, on discovering his position, were
beginning to wish to get out in the stream, he ordered a volley to be fired at them by which
some thirty of them were killed. It is unfortunate for M. de Ramezay that the enemy were
the first to discover him; otherwise, he would have surrounded that party, and it may be
added, would have performed other good service. This misfortune is the more serious as it
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 831
prevented M. de Raraezay pushing on further; because having, on the same niglit, lieard the
reports of two guns, and believing that it might be some wounded Englishmen in need of help,
he sent two or three canoes to the spot, which discovered two Dutchmen, who having taken
our Frenchmen for their people, came to the water side; but having found out their mistake,
wished to make their escape. This they would have effected had Sieur de Rouville, who
commanded this detachment, not ordered them to be covered by the men's guns, and obliged
them to embark with him. 1 annex hereunto the statement of these two prisoners, to M.
de Ramezay and their examination at Quebec.
I forgot, My Lord, to inform you in the beginning of my letter, that on arriving at Montreal
on the S"" of May, I detached several small parties of Indians to take some prisoners so as to
obtain intelligence. The English having the same design, a party of twelve or fifteen men,
composed of Englishmen and Mohegans (Loups) met in Lake Champlain a party of our
Indians of the Sault, two of whom they killed and scalped. Returning by the river Bnouskyt'
the same hostile party discovered another of our detachments from the Sault au RecoUet on
its way back with some English prisoners. Our men being surprised, the English killed one
of them; but our Indians rallying, disembarked and so vigorously pressed the enemy, who were
on shore, that after having killed four or five of their men, they routed the remainder who are
in danger of perishing of hunger, having no provisions and almost all of them having thrown
aside their arms.
This party of the enemy having experienced such bad luck, we have not seen any of them
since near that river ; but our Indians not being satisfied and feeling piqued, asked me to let
them go on an excursion with some fifty of the most active Frenchmen and to allow Sieur
de Rouville and de la Periere to command. I assented to this on the spot, in order not to
throw a damp on their zeal, and at the same time to let them see, that their interests were
not less dear to us than our own, and that it was sufficient for them to be attacked to induce
me to make the French take the field.
This party, My Lord, having gone to the fork of the river Pynictigouk to carry off some
English, who, as they were told, were there scouting, and not having discovered any thing,
retraced their steps, and came to guerrefille^ where having prepared an ambush for the English,
ihey caught two alive, whose examination I annex hereunto, and came back with their party
to join M. de Ramezay on Lake Champlain.
M. de Costebelle informing me, My Lord, that he was advised that an expedition consisting
of 12 or 1-5 large ships, was fitting out in England, and that he had no doubt it was intended
for him ; I received advice, at the same time by M. de Subercasse that nothing was more certain
than that the expedition getting up at Boston was designed for us, and that it was to be joined
by a very considerable fleet from Old England.
On the strength of this intelligence and the examination of the two Dutch prisoners taken
by M. de Ramezay in Lake Champlain, I renewed the orders I had issued to all the settlements ;
gave new ones to the scouts whom I had on both sides of the river forty and fifty leagues
from Quebec; visited the settlements myself; reviewed the settlers, inspected their arms,
had lists made out what were wanting, and of what required repairs; encouraged the one;
answered the objections of others; increased even the officers of militia in order to insinuate
' Onion Eirer, Vt.
" In June one of the Rouvilles, with one hundred and eighty French and Indians, made another attempt upon Deerfield.
Hutchinson, H., 163. — Eu.
832 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
to the settlers what I wished them to do, and finally, having returned to Quebec, caused a
Council of War to be held which was attended by M. Raudot, Jun'', M. de I'Angloiserie, M. de
Louvigny and whatever captains were in town.
Oil the night of the IG"" or 17"" of August, I received a letter from Sieur de Plaine dated 20
leagues from Quebec, advising me that he had discovered 3 leagues above Bic, that is to say,
some forty-five leagues below Quebec, eight vessels under sail and two others which he
thought he saw later to the North, with other particulars which you will learn from his letter.
Notwithstanding all the precaution I had taken, I confess to you. My Lord, I could not help
feeling some embarrassment at this news, for, according to M. de Subercasse's letters, I could
not expect the enemy's fleet for a month at soonest, and according to the information Sieur de
Plaine told me he received, I could not flatter myself that this fleet was French. The troops
were still partly at Montreal; the town, in spite of all the care and pains Sieur le Vasseurtook,
was still open at many points; the cattle were to be driven, and the women and children sent,
into the woods and the men brought into town — a matter so much the more difficult as
tiiose who ought to assist me in encouraging the people to make every sacrifice to defend
themselves, were the first to insinuate to them, notwithstanding all the news I was receiving,
that it was impossible the enemy would invade this country. This will appear incredible to
you, but it is nevertheless, most true.
Sieur de Plaine's letter having been handed to me at two o'clock in the morning, I first set
about issuing what orders I considered necessary, and having thus spent the night of the 16""
or 17"" and the whole of the following day, I called another Council of War on the IS"' and
from that time drove work forward as rapidly as possible; but as the harvest was yet out, and
as it was as dangerous not to gather it as not to employ the whole of that time in fortifying
the city of Quebec, M. Raudot, Jun'', and I considered it proper to send out new scouts to
obtain information of those at Tadoussac, and meanwhile we put the farmers, who were
arriving from day to day, at the most urgent work.
We had already taken the precaution, some time previously, to employ the sailors belonging
to the vessels at Quebec, with a view to relieve, in some degree, the owners of the ships from
the expense they were subjected to by being delayed, so as to diminish at the same time the
number of the farmers we were obliged to furnish Sieur Le Vasseur, and by this means
facilitate the country work ; without which we would have run the risk of a famine next year.
Our new scouts having returned from Tadoussac, without either themselves or any body
else there having seen any thing, I dismissed the people, and this justice is due to all the
farmers in the governments of Quebec, and Three Rivers, that notwithstanding the reports
which had been circulated [respecting] their harvests and little private affairs, I saw that they
were favorably disposed to come and throw themselves into Quebec. Those of Three Rivers,
indeed, have in some sort done more than was to be expected of them, for they went up twice
to Montreal and came down once to Quebec. *»*»##
I have the honor. My Lord, to relate to you all the news that I have received up to the present
time as well from the Iroquois, from Orange, from the English prisoners as from Acadia, all
which together confirm the intended invasion by way of Montreal and Quebec. The lowest
estimate was, that I should be attacked at Quebec by six thousand men and at Montreal by
two thousand. It was even pretended that among the number of these 6000 men against
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 838
Quebec, there were to be five regiments of Regulars; the remainder were raked up in Scotland
and promised, as a bounty, free plunder and fine lands already cleared in this province.
It is now proper that I give you a faithful return of the forces in Canada.
The government of Montreal, My Lord, contains about twelve hundred men between the
ages of seventy and fifteen years.
The government of Three Rivers contains about four hundred men between seventy and
fifteen years of age.
The government of Quebec contains two thousand two hundred men between the ages of
seventy and fifteen years and that within forty leagues of territory; to wit, twenty leagues
above and twenty leagues below Quebec.
The troops amount in all, exclusive of the detachment at Detroit, to about three hundred
and fifty men, but I do not calculate on having at Quebec more than two hundred and fifty,
it being highly proper to leave the remainder at Montreal, for without troops, however well
disposed the farmers may be, there are always some disturbers, and such delicacy exists in
this country that one Canadian cannot be got to arrest another.
The Sailors amount altogether to five hundred and some men, and in the Colony we may
calculate on five hundred Indians under arms. All this footed up makes four thousand, eight
hundred and fifty men. Deduct one-third for the old men, or the young people of fifteen years,
incapable of bearing arms, and which would have to be sent into the country to guard the
women, the children and the cattle, I should have remaining in all three thousand three
hundred and fifty men. Of these three thousand three hundred and fifty, I should want at
least one thousand men to defend the government of Montreal ; there remain for Quebec two
thousand three hundred and fifty men, who, according to the news, were to be attacked by
six thousand.
M. de Ramezay having sent Sieur de Joncaire to me with his letter of the 10"" of September
and an Indian named Arousent, lately arrived from the enemy's camp, I had the letter
examined in presence of M. Raudot, Jun^ He informed us that the enemy continued encamped
on the river of Orange, with the design to come to Montreal, and that the Iroquois not being
able to resist the powerful solicitations of Peter Schuyler had all finally declared in their
favor; that Peter Schuyler in order to be better master of the Indians had taken the resolution
to come and construct a fort at the end of Lake St. Sacrament, and that the English, to the
number of six hundred, were to seize, as soon as possible, on Crown Point, so as to be more
convenient to this place whenever they would think fit to come ; that they had five pieces of
cannon and several grenades, as well as mortars to discharge them ; that their plan was to
take Chambly, and, next, to get to Montreal, or down to Quebec; according to the news they
would receive of their fleet.
As we were at the 15"" of September, and, according to the report of this Indian, the enemy
had not yet any news of their fleet, I thence inferred that we should have no more to
apprehend for Quebec, considering the advanced season. But as they were still in camp, and
if they should come to Crown Point, they would be within two days' march of Chambly, it
appeared to me of the greatest consequence not to permit them entering our territory, and
with this view I adopted the resolution of going myself to Chambly, and in order not to strip
the government of Quebec, I took with me only the Regulars, four hundred Militia of that
Vol. IX. 105
834 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
government, the Indians who were at Quebec and on passing Three Rivers, two hundred men
and the Abenaiiis Indians of S' Francis. On arriving at Sorel, I sent the entire force to
Chambly under the orders of Sieur de la Chassaigne, whilst I proposed to proceed thither
myself, by way of La Prairie de la Madelaine.
M. de Ramezay having on the way advised me of a Belt, that Arousent had given in passing
to the Indians of the Sault S' Louis on the part of the Mohawks, I was very glad to learn
from these Indians when at Montreal, the purport of that belt, and what were their sentiments.
They told me that the Mohawks had sent 'them word by Arousent that it was with great
regret they had consented to Peter Schuyler's message; that the hatchet which had been placed
in their hands did not afford them any pleasure, but that it was impossible for them to refuse
it, not daring to do so, considering the large military force that was at Orange and that was
arriving there every day; that they advised them as good brothers, that the French never could
resist the English army; that it was still time for those at the Sault to take their choice and to
retire, but if they did not do so, they might consider themselves dead men, and that they need
not expect any quarter.
The Chiefs of the Sault having told me this, and signified to me that they were very glad
to see me arrive with a great force so as to be able to reply more easily to the Mohawks, they
communicated to me the purport of their answer to these Indians.
They thanked their Brethren for the Belt that Arousent had brought, by which they gave
them to understand that they had not willingly taken up the hatchet against Onnontio, but only
because they could not help it; that if the thing were so, they could easily disengage
themselves from a bad business ; that they had only to continue their neutrality so f;iithfully
observed on the part of the French ; that for them of the Sault, they were resolved to live and
to die with their father; that the threat of the English did not frighten them; that they knew
by experience that the French up to this time had always beaten them ; that they hoped such
would still be the case, and that so long as they would be under Onnontio's wing, they feared
nothing; that Arousent, the bearer of the Belt, could inform them how they were fortified at
Quebec, Montreal, and of the force that was stationed at Chambly, awaiting the English; that
it was for them, the Mohawks, to reflect on the past war so as to be able to adopt prudent
measures respecting the present ; that they ought to reflect that the English had abandoned
them, in the last war, and would do the same thing again in this, as soon as there would be
peace in Europe. I agreed with these Indians that they should give this answer, and made
them add, that if Peter Schuyler caused the Mohawks too much regret they would always be
very much welcomed by us.
This affair having thus terminated. My Lord, I left Montreal for Chambly where all the
Indians came to see me. I remained until the 15"" of October, when I saw myself obliged
through want of provisions, to send back the Militia, as well as all the Indians, retaining at
Chambly only the regulars to wait for two parties of fifty men each whom I had in
Lake Champlain.
As the enemy continued according to all accounts, encamped about 15 leagues from Orange,
I left, as I have just the honor of informing you, the regular troops at Chambly, where they
remained until the 20"" of October, when M. de Ramezay ordered them to return, on receiving
news by a Dutch prisoner who was taken by four Indians of the Sault S' Louis, and whom he
sent to me at Quebec.
This prisoner, My Lord, wlio is doubly related to Peter Schuyler, is lieutenant of a Company
of Militia raised within the government of New-York by order of the Queen. I have the
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 835
honor to annex hereunto a copy of his commission, as well as of the letter M. de R»mezay
wrote me regarding him in which he relates all the prisoner had told. This letter, or
rather what this prisoner states, shows that it was not without reason nor uselessly that I
caused Quebec and Montreal to be fortified, and that I was on the alert during the summer.
It is almost incredible that the enemy should remain four months without making any attempt
on us, and that we should, during that time, have harrassed them so seriously that within the
government of Boston two-thirds of the grain has remained in the field, through want of men,
or not daring, to garner it. This is a fact and some of our parties have been as many as three
weeks in the neighborhood of some English settlements without being able to take one prisoner,
because no one would venture abroad.
The enemy being, according to the report of this prisoner, always designing to return next
year, and having preserved for that purpose their bateaux and canoes, I shall on my part
neglect nothing in my power to contribute to the defence of the colony; but as powder is an
essential element in war, I beg you. My Lord, to reflect that as we have not received any this
year, and are always obliged to furnish some to the Indians, to whom it is not prudent to let
our scarcity be known, we shall fall very short of that article next spring, unless you be so
good as to have some sent us, according to the request we make in our joint letter.
Vaudreuil.
Examination of Ensign Samuel Whiting.
Examination of Samuel Whiting, aged forty-six years, son of a Minister settled
at Dunstable, eleven leagues from Boston. He is Ensign of Militia under
M'' Ting, the brother-in-law of the Governor-General of New England. He
was taken on Sunday, second of June 1709 and reports the following
intelligence: —
A flyboat arrived at Boston about the middle of May, from England with orders to have in
readiness one thousand men to be distributed throughout a fleet which is to sail from Scotland
on the 12"' of April to attack Canada. This fleet consists of eight large men of war and
twenty-two smaller vessels ; there is to be a laud force of sixthousand men, all Scotch, except
some officers who are English.
The General is named M. Maccardy, a Scotchman, who in his youth served in France, and
on his return home, in the present war under the Duke of Marlborough, by whom he was
recommended to his Queen, on her applying for a person fit to command the expedition.
M. Vetch, also a Scotchman, who is to be appointed Governor-General of Canada when
reduced by the English, will command under him.
Queen Anne has obtained from her Parliament half a million for the expense of this
expedition. New England is to pay and maintain the thousand men she furnishes.
The fleet is not to make any delay at Boston. For this reason the thousand men were at
once raised on the arrival of the flyboat which brought out arms for those of New England.
836 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Tw(\ Colonels settled at Boston are to accompany the naval forces ; one is named M"' Taylor,
the other M' Hasby.'
Meanwhile, the people of New England, pinched by the continual subsidies they must pay,
are dissatisfied with the war, and their Governor whom they accuse of encouraging it in
order to have an opportunity to enrich himself and friends.
Colonel Vetch on arriving from England in the flyboat rode post to Orange, to consult with
his uncle, Peter Schuyler. He was to be away only eight days.
Peter Schuyler received a letter in the name of Queen Anne to the effect that were he
disposed to side with the French, he was to withdraw forthwith to them, but if he would be
faithful to his party, she would appoint him Chief of the land expedition.
Fifteen hundred men are to be raised in the government of New-York ; the Iroquois and as
many Indians as possible are to join these.
In order to gain them over, the Queen sends out presents which she addresses to Peter
Schuyler for distribution among them.
After the conquest of Canada, the fleet is to proceed to Acadia and Newfoundland. •
The French of Canada are to be sent to England for exchange, the French having taken a
large number of English at sea.
The Scotch are to have Canada if they take it. They have been thinking of making
themselves masters of it for the past four years.
The Flyboat does not bring any news of the probability of Peace.
Heverend Pierre de Mareuil to the Reverend Jacques d''Heu.
Copy of a letter from Father de Mareuil, Jesuit Missionary at Onondaga, to
Father d'Heu, Missionary of the Senecas, dated IG"" of June, 1709.
Reverend Father,
As war with the Iroquois and English is, I perceive, certain, and as M"' Peter Schuyler has
sent a belt to protect us against insult, and even given orders to conduct us to Orange, if we
preferred, I have adopted this last alternative.
The Governor's brother would have been much pleased had it been convenient to you to be
of our party. M. Joncaire's brother will propose to you to accompany him to Orange, and
has even promised me to send, if necessary, for you by the interpreter. Adieu, my dear
Father; try to follow us. I recommend myself to your holy S. S.
Your most humble and most
obedient Servant
(Signed) de Mareuil.^
^ Sic. Hobby.
' Rev. PiERBE DB MAnEuiL 13 stated to have come to Canada in 1706. He remained in tbe Iroquois country until the above
date when he was eonducted to Albany by Lieutenant-Colonel John Schuyler, "the Governor's brother." New -York Colonial
Manuscripts, LHL On the 23d June, the House of Assembly ordered "That the Commissioners for managing the Expedition
to Canada, Ac, do take care a decent Provision be made for the French Jesuit and a Servant that surrendered themselves
to this Government from the Indians, as the Governor and Council shall direct." After experiencing every attention at
Albany, he was finally exchanged towards the close of the year for Lieutenant Barent Staats, a nephew of Colonel Peter
Schuyler, who had been previously taken prisoner. Assembly Journal, L, 255, 267 ; New-York Council MinxUes, X., 450. Ho
died in France, at the College of Louis le Grand, in the year 1742. Charlevoix, IL, 334. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 837
Examination of Querel Itcmlonse^ hy M. de Bamezay at Crown Point; \st
August, 1*709.
I commenced by signifying to him to tell the truth ; otherwise I would hand him over to
the Indians.
To wit, the news they had received from Europe and whether the fleet which was coming
from England to attack this country had arrived at Boston?
The prisoner answered hereunto; — that a small vessel had arrived at Boston, by which
they received news seventeen days ago, at the fort at the Forks,^ to the effect that the fleet
had sailed from Old England long since, for which they are very anxious on account of the
delay; that the officers at the Fort are of opinion that the expense they incur to take this
country is useless, as they have had news that Peace wrill undoubtedly be made this fall.
Asked, where the enemy were building their bateaux?
Said, at the Forks, ten leagues above the Little fall^ on the way to Orange ; that the enemy
began by building a house and a redoubt where they constructed a hundred birch canoes,
which they placed under cover, protected by this redoubt, that they afterwards built a
stockaded fort which was closed merely ten days ago ; that there were only three hundred
men there in the beginning, but that when he had left, there were nearly sixteen hundred men
including Englishmen of Boston, Manathe, Molande,^ Dutch and Indians; that John Schuyler
was commander of that fort, where there was, in addition to the officers of Militia, an Engineer
who came from Old England last fall ; that he had heard his pay was five pistoles a day ; that
there is, besides, a master gunner there with three other gunners under him, and that they
have three hundred grenades, with their mortars ; that there are, in addition, two other forts
strongly garrisoned. The first is four leagues distant from the Forks, and the other fourteen ;
the third fort has nine brass pieces which they propose bringing here.
Asked, when, in his opinion, will they come to this country?
Said, he did not know precisely; that they were wishing for the arrival of the fleet, and that
Peter Schuyler had orders not to pass the Little Falls until the fleet had sailed from Boston.
He adds, that it is the opinion of the Dutch that they would experience great difficulty in
coming to this country, but they were always at work because they were forced to be so. Says,
their provisions are not good; the greatest portion of them, especially the pork, is spoiled.
That they worked very little at the bateaux in the beginning, but that when he had left, ten or
twelve days ago, there were some twenty to twenty-five finished ; that there were a hundred
sawyers sawing plank, and they were about laying down others.
Says, there were three Mohawks out scouting two of whom were chiefs; that there were
fifteen or sixteen of them at the fort of the Forks and that it was Tagayanon who had ordered
out the scouts ; three Oneidas and a Cayuga, who were on the scout, had left them and
returned to Orange.
The two prisoners agree with one another in the entire examination to which I subjected
each of them apart. ^The taller of them is the most timid. He remained more at the fort where
they are building the bateaux than the smaller one, who appears to me more cunning than
the other.
' Sic. Carel Rolantse. " On Wood creek. ' Whitehall, N. Y. ' Sic. Maryland.
' The remaining lines follow, in the Text, the paragraph terminating above with the word " spoiled." Being seemingly out
of place there, they are transposed. — Ed.
838 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
M. de Joncaire to M. de la FresnVere.
Copy of a letter from Sieur de Joncaire to Sieur de la Freniere, the King's
Commandant at Fort Froutenac, dated Bay of the Cayugas,i 14 June 1709.
Sir,
Affairs are in such confusion here that I do not consider my soldiers safe. I send them to
you to await me at your fort, because should things take a bad turn for us, I can escape if
alone more readily than if I have them with me. It is not necessary, however, to alarm
Canada yet, as there is no need to despair. I shall be with you in twenty or twenty-five days
at farthest, and if I exceed that time, please send my canoe to Montreal. Letters for the
General will be found in my portfolio which my wife will take care to deliver to him. If,
however, you think proper to forward them sooner, S' Louis will hand them to you. But I
beg of you that my soldiers may not be the bearers of them, calculating with certainty to find
them with you when I arrive, unless I exceed 25 days.
The Rev"* Father de Laniberville^ has placed us in a terrible state of embarrassment by his
flight. Yesterday, I was leaving for Montreal in the best possible spirits. Now, I am not
certain if I shall ever see you again.
I am, Sir, and Dear friend.
Your most humble and
Most Obedient Servant,
(Signed) de Joncaire.
M. de Ramezay to M. de Vaiidreuil.
Copy of a letter from M. de Ramezay to the Marquis de Vaudreuil, written at
Montreal the IQ"- of October 1709.
Sir,
Catnaret arrived yesterday night, having killed an Englishman and brought in a prisoner
whom he took on the 12'" of this month near fort Nicholson, at the other end of the Carrying
Place ; he is connected in two ways with M"' Peter Schuyler, whose niece he married, and M'
John Schuyler having married his aunt. He is Lieutenant of a company of militia, as you
will see by his commission.^
He says, first, that when we were at Crown Point, they had notice on the next day at two
o'clock in the afternoon of our march ; that they immediately mustered about a thousand
' Sodus bay.
' Rov. JiCQUES DK Lambeeville wsb brother of the Miaaioaary (mpra, p. 171, note), and ig said to have arrived in Canada iu
1673. He went in 1675 to preach among the Mohawks, where he labored until about 1679, 80; he is found shortly afterwards
at Onondaga, and remained there until 1686. He was sent again to Onondaga in 1702, and continued among the Western
Iroquois until 1709, when he was forced to fly. He was finally stationed at the Indian Settlement of the Sault St. Louis,
where he expired, says Charlevoix, worn out by labor and penitence. Ilialoire de la Nouvdle France, I., 675. — Ed.
' Lieutenant Barent Staats. He belonged to Captain John D'honneur'a Company. N. Y. Colonial MSS., LIIL
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 839
Christians in less than an hour with two hundred Indians, and as their fort was not altogether
completed, they erected retrenchments of large trees, six feet high, fearing we should attack
them in the course of the succeeding night. Three days after, three hundred and fifty Iroquois,
of all the Nations except the Senecas, repaired thither to join them against us.
You will observe. My Lord, that having been discovered it was impossible for us to proceed.
But I would have done so had we been fortunate enough to defeat the entire scouting party,
which apparently would have been executed agreeably to the orders I had issued were it not
for the incorrect intelligence that had been given me, as I informed you in my former letters.
He assures me that their design was, on arriving above the Chambly portage, to detach a
party by land to lay siege to that fort, after which they would have sent their bateaux and
canoes down the rapid in order to come direct to Montreal, and have landed all their smartest
Indians and Englishmen to cover those on the water lest they should be insulted. That they
have two bombs with two hundred shells, sixteen grenade mortars with a thousand grenades,
five pieces of cannon ; that they proposed attacking Montreal and in case they should be
repulsed in the first attempt, they were to retire towards Sorel where they would have
constructed a fort and sent word to their fleet to dispatch a ketch or brigantine for them ; that
they have built a hundred and ten bateaux and eighty pirogues; that the former are capable of
holding sixteen men, and the others seven or eight with their baggage, ammunition and six
weeks' provisions, each; these they designed to take before embarking and ten canoes of birch
with some of elm bark, the number of which he does not know.
He adds that they have three forts; the nearest to us they call Peter Schuyler's fort; here
they have their wagons, and eleven hundred and fifty Englishmen, exclusive of the Indians,
eight hundred of whom are always in the fort, and three hundred and fifty, coming and going
throughout the day, but they sleep every night in the fort.
In the second, named fort Nicholson, which is at the other end of the portage, four leagues
distant from the first, there are seven companies of Regulars from old England, each fifty men,
all wearing red uniform, and one hundred and seventy militia; that in a fortified house, four
leagues from this fort there are forty men to help up their convoys ; a league below the latter
portage is a second storehouse, fortified like the other; five leagues from this is a third fort
where La Fleur lived, in which are seventy men.
He says that M"' Nicholson who has undertaken the execution of the Montreal expedition ;
a very wealthy and experienced gentleman, according to him; had returned to Orange, five
days before he (the prisoner) was taken, but had left all his baggage, and had with him only
an escort of fifteen men; he believes that he is to return thither; that M" Peter Schuyler had
remained there with the Officers waiting for the sailing of the fleet or an order from the
Queei? of England, and that M"' Leveston had gone to Boston thirty-six days ago, to learn
whether the fleet had come or not, and in case it had not arrived, to ascertain whether they
are to remain there, or to abandon their forts; that M' Peter Schuyler and the Militia belonging
to the government of Orange, appear to be disposed to let every one return home, but that
those of Boston will not desist and wish to retain the posts, in consequence of the persecution
they have experienced from the Indians in the course of the war ; that there is an Engineer
who is paid fifty francs a-day; that this expedition from Orange costs thirty thousand pistoles,
equal nearly to four hundred thousand livres French currency; the expense at Boston is larger
on account of their ships and the interruption of business. They all swear against M'' Vetch
and wish him hanged, or at least with the fleet, he being, according to them, the cause of all
this expense.
840 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
This ought to make us and Mess" the Inteadants appreciate the value of the post of
Chambly, so as to fortify and arrange it for the accommodation of the Upper Indians in
the Spring.
I am respectfully,
Sir, Your most humble and
most obedient servant
signed, de Ramezay.
Memoir on the Condition of Canada in November, 1709.
M. de Vaudreuil left Quebec in the month of May for Montreal as is his annual custom.
He received intelligence there from Sieur de Joncaire whom he had sent to the Iroquois,
that preparations were making at Boston to attack Canada, by water and by land, and that
the English were doing all in their power to induce the Iroquois to take part with them.
During M. de Vaudreuil's sojourn at Montreal, he received the same information by several
French Indians and by an express which M. de Subercase had sent him from Acadia.
Sieur de Subercase informed him that Welch' who had made several voyages to Quebec,
had gone to England to ask for some ships and orders for this expedition; that information
was received from said Welch's' Secretary who had been taken on board a vessel carried into
Acadia, that ships for such an expedition were to be sent from England, and that the said
Welch' had returned to Boston in order to prepare every thing necessary to insure success.
M. de Vaudreuil wrote to the Commandant whom he had left at Quebec, to put every thing
in order so as to be able to maintain a siege in case it were necessary.
During his sojourn at Montreal, he was informed that the English of Boston, and those of
the government of Orange had organized a force of about two thousand men, and had constructed
five forts between Orange and Lake S' Sacrament, which is sixteen leagues from Orange and fifty
from Montreal, to serve them as a retreat and to prevent their being cut off in the woods; that
they had adopted measures to build, under the fort they had erected on the borders of Lake S'
Sacrament, the bateaux and canoes they required to convey them to attack the post of
Chambly, which is on the Canada frontier, and afterwards to render them masters of the
island of Montreal.
M. de Vaudreuil was advised, at the same time that several Onnontagues, an Iroquois tribe,
had repaired to the English forts, and that all the other Iroquois nations were "to wait the- result
of the English expedition before declaring themselves.
After having issued all necessary orders for the defence of the post of Chambly and of
Montreal, M. de Vaudreuil returned to Quebec towards the close of August, and received news
there from the owner of a little canoe that had come from Acadia, that he had seen eight large
ships entering the river S' Lawrence; this left no room to doubt of its being the English fleet
coming to attack Quebec.
Thereupon, he assembled a council so as to be able to adopt measures to maintain a siege,
and it was resolved to construct at Quebec all the Works necessary for that purpose.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VI. 841
As the fortification of the new Wall which was begun is not much advanced, the Engineer
proposed to construct outworks to cover the old Wall which is good for nothing. This being
approved, he worked at it with all possible diligence, so as to put this place in a condition
sustain a siege of fifteen or twenty thousand men; as appears by the plan annexed to
this Memoir.
These several works have been constructed with all possible economy, and this plan will
show that though much pressed, this Engineer has not omitted any thing necessary for the
maintaining a regular siege.
As three thousand men at least are requisite for the defence of Quebec, its extent being
considerable, M. de Vaudreuil took measures to get a part of the garrison and of the militia
down from Montreal, in case it could be done without exposing that place to be taken
if attacked.
It is to be observed that it only requires twice twenty-four hours to run down from Montreal
to Quebec, and that M. de Vaudreuil had dispatched along the river S' Lawrence, orders to
signalize the news of the approach of the English fleet.
In coming up to Quebec there are two or three very difficult places in the river S' Lawrence
to be passed. M. de Vaudreuil would have news of the enemy's approach, eight days before
their arrival at Quebec by means of the signals and people he had stationed along the hills.
News was received about the same time that M. de Ramezay, Governor of Montreal, had,
pursuant to orders M. de Vaudreuil had left him, advanced with the troops that were at Montreal
and a goodly number of militia along the route the English were to take to come to Chambly ;
also that a party which he had sent on the scout having met an Englishman with one
hundred and twenty men, had fired a volley into them and killed ten @ twelve and wounded
several others. This obliged the English to retreat.
'Tis certain that had they been able to penetrate as far as Montreal, the Iroquois would have
joined them, but the bad success of this expedition has prevented them declaring themselves.
There is not sufficient people in Canada to garrison Quebec, Three Rivers and Montreal. All
the Regulars there amount to no more than five hundred men, scarcely throe hundred of whom
are fit for service.
It were important that the twenty-eight companies, which are there, should consist of fifty
instead of thirty men.
There is not sufficient powder to sustain a siege, because what there is of it amounts to no
more than thirty-seven or thirty-eight thousand weight, and one hundred and twenty, at least,
would be necessary.
The safety of the Colony would absolutely require the establishment of the post of Chambly,
which is on the frontier by which the English can come. M. de Vaudreuil and the Intendant
have adopted measures to effect that object.
M. de Vaudreuil could not refuse permitting to Sieur Levasseur, Engineer and Captain, to
go to France to recruit his health, because the fatigues he has experienced in placing Quebec in
a proper condition, has reduced him to the last extremity. M. Vaudreuil intrusted to him the
joint despatch and divers other packages containing an account of the state of the Colony; but
the small vessel on which he was on board, having encountered a privateer of fifty-four guns
off Cape Finistere, he threw the papers of which he was bearer, into the sea, pursuant to
orders he had received. By this capture he lost all he had, and repaired to Versailles in a post
chaise from the place at which he disembarked, in order to render an account of the state of
Vol. IX. 106
842 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
the Colony. He begs he may be allowed the same gratuity which has been given from the
establishment of the Colony up to the present time, to officers who have been intrusted by
Governors-Generals with their despatches to France.
The annexed certificate which M' de Vaudreuil has given said Sieur Levasseur, will show
the good services he has rendered, and the urgency with which he demands his promotion.
M. de Vaudreuil to M. de Ponichartrain.
My Lord,
I had the honor to report to you in our joint letter of the last year as well as in my special
despatch, some designs which the enemy had formed against this Colony, and some movements
I had made to prevent them undertaking any thing against us.
In my special despatch I submitted to you, My Lord, the reasons that induced me to go to
Chambly with a force of 16 to 17 hundred men, and to remain there up to the IS"" of October.
In that same letter. My Lord, I had the honor to inform you that having left Chambly I had
sent two detachments of fifty men each to Lake Champlain, under the command of Captains
de Montigny and de I'Eschaillons. I have the honor to inform you now, that all those
movements have had all the success I anticipated, as the enemy knowing I was at Chambly
have not only precipitated their retreat under the impression that I was going against them
with the entire force of the Colony ; but further that they had, on retiring, burnt the forts
they had constructed along the Hudson river, their bateaux, pirogues and a considerable
amount of provisions.
This intelligence had been communicated to us in some way, early in the fall, by Sieur de
Montigny who had been the eighth to visit the place where the bateaux were, and to count
and measure them during the night, and had seen the enemy retire by detachments, but as he
had only seven men with him, he had no opportunity to capture any prisoner.
Some Indians afterwards assured us that the enemy had burnt their forts and bateaux. This
intelligence was confirmed this winter by the Onnontagues who have sent me some Deputies
to solicit my friendship; to assure me that they did not entertain any unfriendly designs
against us, and to request me not to harm Peter, that is, the government of Orange, protesting
that Peter and the Dutch had been forced by the English to take up arms against us.
As these Indians requested me. My Lord, to be pleased to permit them to untie the cords of
Peter's nephews — that is, of the Dutch prisoners — whom I held in my hands, I embraced
that opportunity to learn distinctly the condition of things in the government of Orange, and
pretexting an exchange with Peter Schuyler, of his nephew for Father de Mareuil, the Jesuit
missionary of Onnontaguu, and of three other Dutchmen for three Frenchmen, and of an
officer belonging to the Boston government whom I have here for Ensign de Verclieres, I sent
Sieurs de la Periure and Dupuis and six other Frenchmen and an Indian to Orange with orders
to pass over the place where the Great fort and the bateaux were, in order to ascertain if all
had been really burnt as we had been assured ; and with a view to receive the earliest
intelligence, I instructed these gentlemen to send me back from that place two of the six
Frenchmen whom I had furnished to them. This they executed, informing me in their letter
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 843
that not only is every thing burnt, but that tliey had discovered on the site of the magazines
some remains of the porii which the fire had not been able to consume. I have learned also
from our Indians who have been to Orange with these gentlemen and returned, that so great
was the terror among the enemy on account of my encampment at Chambly, that the
Mohawks had left their village and retired to Corlar, and that the one and the other had been
throughout the winter on the alert.
Mess" de la Periere and Dupuis advise me by the first letter they wrote me when about
twenty-five leagues from Orange, that they learned from two Englishmen whom they discovered
at the Little fall, that Peter Schuyler had proceeded to Europe to defend himself at the English
Court against M' Nicolson, commander of the upper division of the army against us, who
accused him of having taken advantage of his absence to have those forts and stores burnt.
It appears to me even by the report of our Indians who have been at Orange, and liave
returned thence, that Peter Schuyler's voyage to England causes some altercations between
the English and Dutch. Nevertheless, My Lord, I shall not be the less on my guard, and
although some Mohawks are at present in Montreal, who have come to report to me the same
circumstances as the Onnontagu^s, and even something more as I'm informed, I will not be
the less distrustful of the Dutch and also of the Iroquois. I shall manage these latter, however,
as much as possible, and as I know that the true means of obliging them to observe neutrality,
is to make them apprehend war with the Upper Nations, I keep them always under that
impression, insinuating, and causing it to be insinuated, to them, that our Indians await only
my orders to declare themselves. It is with this view. My Lord, that M. Raudot, Jun' and I
have thought proper to dispatch a canoe toMichilimakina, with an officer and four Frenchmen,
to settle some differences that have arisen between the Sacs, Folles Avoines, Sault Indians and
other Outtauois tribes, and which may result in a war between these nations, and to state to
the Iroquois that he has nothing to fear from that quarter. We have dispatched this message
with a view also to induce them to remain always at peace and to establish a common union.
I go up to Montreal, My Lord, as well to answer the Mohawk deputies who are there, as to
be in a better position for learning what is transpiring within the government of Orange and
among the Iroquois, either by the return of Mess" de la Periere and Dupuis or from letters
they will find an opportunity to write me by some Indians who have promised me to take
charge of them.
As soon as I shall be at Montreal, My Lord, I will, in conjunction with M. Raudot, Jun"",
who makes the advances therefor on his Majesty's account in the expectation that you have
had the goodness to authorize them, dispatch a convoy to fort Pontchartrain of Detroit to
convey thither some canoes for the purpose of bringing down the garrison; and as owing to
the lateness of the season, I have not been able to find an opportunity this autumn to advise
Sieur de la Mothe of your intentions and his Majesty's orders, I wrote to him early in the
spring by some canoes which left for his post, and informed him by the same opportunity,
of the afiair of the Sacs and Indians of the Sault, so that he may, on his side, issue orders
in the premises.
M. de Subercasse having written this winter to Mess" the Intendants and me, requiring of us
a supply of provisions as well as some officers and even soldiers, we send him. My Lord, 1100
barrels of flour, and I send him four officers, as he advises me that a portion of his have gone
to France. As for the soldiers, I cannot send him any. It does not appear to me, even,
that he has any great need of them, inasmuch as, whilst he is begging of me to send him some,
844 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
he is crying and complaining that we do not send for our invalids, who, he says, are wholly
useless and a burden to hira. We shall take advantage of the return of the vessel that
carries the flour to him, to bring them back.
Our sowing has only begun ; we flatter ourselves that it will afford a fine yield. I wish it,
so that we may be able, as we were last year, to assist the other French Colonies in the
Islands and at Placentia, with our grain. I know. My Lord, that it is his Majesty's and your
desire that I assist the people there as much as lies in my power.
Captain Dulud died this winter; he was a very honest man. I take the liberty to
recommend my family to you, and am with profound respect,
My Lord,
Your most humble and most
obedient Servant
Quebec, this 1" May, 1710. Vaudreuil.
M. de PontcJiartrain to M. de Vaudreuil.
Marly, lO'" May, 1710.
Sir,
I have received the letters you took the trouble to write me on the 27"" of April, 14"" and
27"' of May and 1" of October, 1709, wherein you inform me of your having been advised
from various points, that you were to be attacked by land and by sea. I have had some
difficulty in believing that this intelligence was correct, and the result has shown me that I
have been correct in my opinion. Meanwhile, on the report I submitted to the King of your
movements, and the measures you adopted to oppose any attacks the enemy might make, his
Majesty has approved thereof, being persuaded that these advices have reached you through
persons in whom you confide and whom you considered reliable. However, as your
movements in the direction of Montreal and Chambly are exceedingly expensive, and as we
are not in a position to incur any useless outlays, it is necessary that, whilst adopting every
means to obtain information of those of the enemy, you avoid as much as possible all expenses
which false intelligence may cause ; and with this view, that you take most particular care not
to employ any persons whose fidelity will not be perfectly known to you, and that you induce
the Indians by every sort of good treatment, to give you exact information of all the enemy's
movements.
I have experienced much pleasure in perceiving by the general address the Onnontagu^
deputies delivered, and by the letters you inform me the Missionaries have written to you,
that said Nation wishes to live in peace with you; you cannot pay too much attention to
keeping them and also the other Tribes in these sentiments, and to preventing the progress
of the movements making by ftp Dudley and the new governor of Manatte to induce them to
declare war against us and to join them. ##♦###
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 845
M. de Fontdiartrain to M. de Vaudreuil.
Versailles, 7"' June, 1710.
Sir,
M. de Subercaze has informed me that the English of Boston and New-York were making
great preparations for an attack on Acadia, and that it was necessary to send him some succor,
particularly of provisions. As the Brigantine he dispatched with his letters has remained at
Martinico, where it was obliged to stay, I did not receive his despatches before the end of
May; I have, therefore, not been able to obtain information of his wants in sufficient season
to adopt suitable measures to provide therefor at the time when it appears it would be necessary.
Sieur Pascaud undertakes to convey to Canada 1112 quintals 50"" of flour, and I doubt not
but he will punctually execute his contract, whereunto it behoveth you to pay attention, as
well as to the 1865 quintals 81"" of flour and 282 quintals 31"> of peas which he undertakes to
convey to Placentia. I am making every arrangement to dispatch a vessel in a short time
to convey all necessary supplies to those two Colonies. But as Acadia may, whilst awaiting
this aid, find itself in a straitened condition, and unable to resist, should she happen to be
attacked before the arrival of this ship, his Majesty's intention is, that you endeavor to
succor it, if possible, by sending thither some regular officers, some ammunition, without
stripping yourself; also, some salted provisions and some flour, on the supposition that Sieur
Pascaud would not be in a position, on the arrival of the ship VAffriquain, to send thither
those he is obliged to furnish.
If you be safe from insult and do not apprehend any attack, you could send him some
reinforcements, should he require, and you afford them, without straitening yourself or
•without its exposing you in any degree. I request you to pay serious attention to the
preservation of Acadia ; to afford it every assistance that may be in your power, and that you
shall deem necessary. Inform me of what you will do, and of what you will learn of the
expeditions the enemy will be able to undertake in that country. I send you a letter for said
Sieur de Subercase, and request you to forward it to him at the earliest moment possible.
Abstract of 31. de VaudreuiVs Despatch. June., 1710.
Since his letter of the P' of May, 1710, he has been at Montreal where he found Sieur de
Laperriere and Dupuis whom he sent to Orange, and Father Mareuil, Jesuit, whom the Dutch
had carried off" last year from his Mission at Onnontague. This Jesuit and those officers have
assured him that there was no appearance that Canada would be attacked from above, the
enemy having themselves burnt the bateaux and pirogues ; that, nevertheless, they were not
disarming at Boston, where they were awaiting assistance from Jamaica and England in order
to make an attack either on Canada, or Acadia. This intelligence determined him to send
M'' de Subercase an additional reinforcement of two officers by way of the River S' John, with
twenty good Soldiers, and he has given orders to these two officers to carry with them all the
Canadians and Indians they will be able to find willing to volunteer ; he has written to said
46 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Sieur de Subercase to retain in Acadia tl)e reinforcement of eighty men destined for the
Canada companies in case there be the least appearance of his being attacked.
He has sent divers small parties to make prisoners, and to liarrass the people belonging to
the company of the Boston government who are very vs^eary of the war.
He continues the work of a stone fort at Chambly, on which he is employing the troops of
the garrison, and he keeps a strong detachment in Lake Champlain, both to cover this work
and to oppose the attacks of a party of fifty men belonging to the government of Boston, which
threatens to insult our coasts.
He has learned by letters from Acadia, and from some Indians who have arrived from Orange,
that an armament was fitting out at London against Canada, but he will not incur any
additional expense until he have stronger certainty of that expedition, the rather as the
fortifications are beyond surprise. Meanwhile, he will not neglect anything in his power which
will contribute to the safety of the Colony.
M. de Pontclmrtrain to M. de Vaudreuil. August 10, 1710.
Secret Document copy whereof cannot be allowed to be taken. D'A.
[Veto of the Keeper of tlie Archives. J. R. B.]
M. de Vaudreuil to M. de Pontchartrain.
My Lord,
By my separate despatch of last year, a triplicate whereof I have the honor to transmit you
by this occasion, I communicated to you every thing that occurred in this country up to the
departure of la Bellone; and by my letters of this spring, I had the further honor of reporting
to you what has passed since.
By these despatches, My Lord, I already had the honor to advise you that the movement I
made last year on Chambly had met with all the success I could expect from it, since the
enemy, learning I was at that place, not only have precipitated their retreat under the impression
that I was proceeding against them with all the forces of the Colony, but also, on their retreat,
did themselves burn the forts they had constructed along the river Orange, their bateaux,
pirogues and a large quantity of provisions.
This intelligence had been conveyed to us in some way in the fall by Sieur de Montigny,
one of our Captains, who after he left a detachment of fifty men that he had in lake Champlain,
had himself been the eighth as far as the place where the bateaux were, to count and measure
them, and saw the enemy retire during the night, but having only seven men with him, he was
unable to take any prisoner.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 847
We have received, this winter, confirmation of this intelligence by the Onnontagueswho sent
me some Deputies to solicit my friendship, to assure me that they had not had any bad designs
against us, and to request me not to injure Peter Schuyler, meaning the government of Orange,
protesting that Peter and the Dutch had been forced to take up arms against us, and that they
had consented so to do only because they were not in a position to refuse.
These same Indians having requested me. My Lord, to be so good as to liberate three Dutch
prisoners I held, I embraced this opportunity to obtain certain information of what was going
on at Orange, and pretexting an exchange of Peter Schuyler's nephew for Father de Mareuil,
a Jesuit, and of three other Dutchmen for as many Frenchmen; also of a Militia Officer I have
here belonging to the government of Boston for Sieur de Vercheres, ensign in the Regulars, I
sent officers de la Periere and Dupuis, to Orange over the ice with six other Frenchmen
and an Indian as their escort, with orders to pass the place where the enemy's principal fort and
all their bateaux and pirogues were, with a view to ascertain if truly the whole had been
burnt, as had been reported to us. With a view to obtain the earliest intelligence, 1 directed
those gentlemen to send me back from that place two of the six Frenchmen that I had given
them. This they accordingly did, observing to me in a letter, that not only had the fort and
bateaux been burnt, but that some remains of pork and codfish which the fire could not consume
were still to be found on the spot where the stores had stood. I have since received
confirmation hereof by the return of these gentlemen and by our Indians, all of whom have
assured me that so great was the terror among the enemy in consequence of my encampment
at Chambly, that the Mohawks had left their villages and had retired to Corlar, and that the
Dutch and they had been the entire winter on the alert.
The Mohawks having sent me some Deputies to Montreal about the time of the breaking
up of the ice, to tell me the same thing that the Onnontagues had informed me of, I annex
hereunto. My Lord, the words of the one and of the other with my answers.
M. de Ramezay having advised me this winter, that a man named Pibesty, an Algonkiu
Chief, had informed him that Bukmiasndebe, chief of the Sault Indians, had tarried at the
Grand river in order to engage the Nepissingues to join him and his allies in a war against
the Sacs and Outtagamis, who, on their side, are allied to almost all the tribes of the Lakes.
This affair has appeared to us, under existing circumstances, of the utmost consequence, and
as it is our interest to prevent these Indians waging war against each other, so as to have it
in our power to make use of them in case of need, should the Iroquois happen to declare
against us, M. Raudot and I have concluded to send an officer thither to arrest their hatchet,
and have selected, at the request of M. de Ramezay, Sieur d'Argenteuil, his brother-in-law,
whom I furnished with the annexed instruction.
Sieurs de la Periere and Dupuis having left Orange so as to arrive at Montreal at the opening
of the navigation, I found them there at my arrival together with Father de Mareuil, Jesuit,
whom the English carried off last year from Onnontague, where he was on the mission. This
Jesuit, and those two officers have assured me that there was no appearance of our being
attacked from above this year by a large party ; the enemy having themselves burnt all their
bateaux and pirogues ; they informed me, however, that Boston was not disarming, and even
was expecting a reinforcement from Europe to make an attack by sea either on this country
or on Acadia.
On this intelligence, of which we received confirmation at the same time from some prisoners
whom I had caused to be taken, I considered myself obliged, My Lord, to notify M. de Subercasse
848 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
thereof, and in addition to five officers and four liundred barrels of flour that M. Raudot and I
had sent him, by way of Bay Verte, I further sent him, by the River S' John, Captain de
Montigny, Ensign de Contrecoeur, the Abenalti Chief Scambeouy who has been in France, and
some twenty of the best soldiers in this country with orders to take, on their route, all the
Indians they might find willing to accompany them, and directions to M' de Subercasse to
retain the reinforcement that was in Acadia, which, however, he has since sent us back.
This envoy having been effected. My Lord, I dispatched, in the course of the summer, parties
after parties into the field, as it was highly important for me to know what was doing at
Boston ; and managed matters so successfully that I received almost every eight or fifteen days
some prisoners from whom I have had intelligence. This little war has entirely desolated
the low country of the Boston government, and spread such terror of our Indians among the
inhabitants of those parts, that they dare not move a step without their arms.
M. d'Argenteuil having arrived at Montreal, My Lord, on the twenty-ninth of July, and with
him the Outtauois and other Indians of those parts, I annex hereunto copy of what these
Indians said to me and of my answers.
The Onnontagues and Senecas having, in like manner arrived at Montreal whilst the Ottauois
were there, I annex likewise the words of these Indians and my answers.
You will remark. My Lord, by what these Indians have stated, their resolution not to take
up the hatchet against us in favor of the English, and ours not to attack these Indians
in case the war continue. You will, also, see the complaints they presented me against the
Poutouatamis on account of an insult offered in that Village to two of their people, whose
ears a man had cut off after they had been made prisoners. What is unfortunate is, that
during the sojourn of these Iroquois deputies at Montreal for the purpose of amicably
transacting business, two more of their men have been killed about thirty or forty leagues
from Fort Frontenac, by the band of Pascoue an Indian of the Sault tribe, but who has been
some years separated from his Nation.
This news having been conveyed to Fort Frontenac by some Mississagues, on the same day
the Iroquois arrived there on their return from Montreal, a grand council was held between
these Indians and the Mississagues, and the latter having given two large calumets and other
presents to cover the dead, they asked the Iroquois whether they were safe, and if they could,
after this blow, remain undisturbed and without risk in the place where they have laid out
their fields of Indian corn, which is about twelve or fifteen leagues above the spot where these
two men have been killed. The Iroquois answered, that it was not they whom they had to
fear, though they were the aggrieved party; that their hatchet was in the hands of their
common Father at Montreal, and that they had reason to hope that I would cause justice to
be done them.
This affair. My Lord, is so much the more delicate, as, in order to render suitable justice to
the Iroquois, it would be necessary to surrender those who struck the blow to them, and this
is not easy, as there is no one in the Upper Country capable of inducing the Indians of the
Lakes to deliver up these murderers to me; to put the hatchet into the hands of the Iroquois in
order to avenge themselves, is the no less dangerous to us ; for they will strike indifferently all
they will meet on their way, whether Indians of the Sault, Outtaouis or others. Such is their
custom, and if they be asked, after the Indian fashion. Who is it that killed us? They will
say, publicly, 'Tis Onnontio, which is tantamount to saying, Onnontio wages war against us.
To obviate that, and to gain time until I might find means to arrange this matter, I have sent
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 849
Sieur de la Chauvignerie to Fort Frontenac, to cover these two dead on my behalf, and I have
given him orders to proceed afterwards to Onnontague to express to the entire Village, the
great pain this affair has caused me, and that I am really thinking to have satisfaction made
them ; that they must have patience until spring, when I will send to Missilimakina in order
to induce those of the Lakes to keep their promise to me, and to unite with me in causing the
surrender of the murderers.
I flatter myself. My Lord, that M. Raudot who is going [to France] will cause you to
understand how important it is to have a Commandant with some soldiers and a certain
number of voyageurs at Michilimakina, in order to keep all the Indians under control, and to
prevent them, at the same time, doing any thing that may be prejudicial to us, as well as
to make them declare in our favor should the Iroquois happen to be obstreperous. The
Memoir which we have the honor to transmit to you on this subject with our joint letter, will
explain to you. My Lord, all that I could represent to you here.
We have the honor to propose to you, in the same letter, Sieurs de Louvigny and de Lignery
to go together to Michilimakinac ; Sieur de Louvigny as Chief Commandant, and Sieur de
Lignery under his orders. The first, My Lord, is well acquainted with the manners to be
adopted for the government of those Indians, and I owe him this justice, that there is no one
in the country who is better able to acquit himself herein than he. He has been greatly
mortified this year because his Majesty has, as it were, forgotten him in the promotion he has
made. He does not perform his duty any the less, and I reckon greatly on his influence and
ability to collect the Indians together at Michilimakinac. Sieur de Lignery has not less merit,
and if he pass only a year or two with Sieur de Louvigny, will be quite conversant with the
afiairs of that country, and well qualified to command there in chief.
On the sixth of September, My Lord, I received a letter at Quebec from M. de Ramezay,
wherein he advises me that Onnongaresson, an Indian of Sault S' Louis, had arrived, on the
1" of that month, at Montreal with an English prisoner, an inhabitant of a village eight or ten
leagues from Boston. This prisoner reports that three men of War, a bomb ketch and several
transports had arrived at Boston ; that a land force of about one thousand men, as nearly as
he judges, was on board these vessels, and that fifteen hundred more were to be embarked
from New England ; that this expedition was intended against Port Royal, but it was not
certain, however, that this fleet would sail to that point, because two ships from Old England
had arrived at Piscadoue a few days before he had been taken, which had sailed twenty days
after the others; these have reported that articles of peace were drawn up and ready to be
signed. On this intelligence. My Lord, 1 detached, as a matter of precaution, an officer and
two Frenchmen and some Indians to Port Royal to communicate the news to M'' de Subercasse,
and I was desirous at the same time to engage the Indians of S' Francis and of the river
Beauancourt,' but I found it impossible to persuade them, being loth, they said, to go any
distance from their families at a time when these require their presence.
An Indian of the Sault S' Louis, whom I had sent to Orange some time previously to obtain
news from that quarter, returned thence on the first of September, and reports that a new
Governor 2 had arrived at Menathe, who proceeded immediately to Orange where he had the
Five Iroquois Nations assembled for the purpose of speaking to them, and these Nations being
in attendance, he, after having made them considerable presents, thus addressed them : —
' Sic Becancour. ' Hunter. — Ed.
Vol. IX. 107
850 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
"Brethren, I am delighted at seeing you all assembled here to hear my voice. I thank you
for it and exhort you to live with us in friendship as heretofore without being disunited. But
in order that such may be, you must not for the future receive any of Ounontio's emissaries
amongst you, and therefore I require that there be no longer a mat in your villages for them.
Grant me this; otherwise I shall not have any reason to be pleased with you.
" I arrest your hatchet in the direction of the Flatheads ; cease to wage war on them ;
remain at home and do not go more than two days' journey from your villages. You know
as well as I that no confidence is to be placed in Onnontio ; which makes us, both the one and
the other, to keep on our guard, and this is the sole means to preserve our country.
" Brethren, I inform you that a number of troops have lately arrived at Boston from Old
England. Let us all turn our regards thither, and wait their pleasure."
From the tone assumed by this new Governor, My Lord, there is not a doubt but that he
will do his best to excite the Iroquois against us, for though he have not given them the hatchet
publicly, it is very visible that he disposes them as much as possible to receive it. I shall do
my best to prevent this.
M. de la Chauvignerie, whom I sent to Onnontngue, as I had the honor already to inform
you, will let us know, on his return, the real sentiments in which he found those Indians.
Besides speaking Iroquois well, he has a decided talent for discovering their most secret
thoughts, and scarcely any thing passes at Montreal, where he acts as interpreter conjointly
with Sieur de Joncaire, that he is not the first to get wind of. I have for three years been
continually asking you for an Ensigncy for him, My Lord. He has been fifteen years a
reduced Ensign. His zeal and application in the service prompt me to solicit for him this
favor — a commission as Ensign on the first vacancy.
The newly arrived Governor at Menathe, My Lord, is not only desirous to induce the Iroquois
to wage war against us; he also wishes to engage our Indians not to commit any hostilities
against the English at Boston, and with that view, has had a belt presented to them secretly to
attract the principal Chiefs to Orange, and to invite at the same time the young men to remain
quiet. Through the care of M. de Ramezay this belt has been sent to me, and the Indians of
the Sault St. Louis have requested me to answer it myself — that is, to tell them what I wished
them to do ; and as it is our interest that the Governor and Peter Schuyler should know
that our Indians do nothing without informing me of it, I have sent our Indians the following
answers to be communicated to those who have brought this belt.
" It is useless forCorlar and Peter to invite us to Orange to speak to them, as we do nothing
without informing our Father of it; we cannot listen to any thing except on his mat.
"Our young men being Onnontio's children, and consequently tied to him by a common
interest, they cannot abandon their hatchets in the direction of Boston until Onnontio let his
go. Application must, therefore, be made to him."
Such, my Lord, is the answer I have caused to be given to this new Governor and Peter
Schuyler who greatly flattered himself when in England, as I am informed, that he would
debauch all our Indians.
M'' Dudley, Governor of Boston, knowing as well as I do the advantage he could derive
from the Abenakis on the sea-board, if he could win them over to his side, has omitted nothing
this year to effect his purpose. He has even gone so far that some of the Indians having,
after being tempted by several different propositions, attacked two Englishmen near a fort,
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 851
one of whom they killed on the spot, and severely wounded the other, the English, instead of
charging them as they should have done, made them presents, expressing to them the regret
they felt at being at war with them, and giving them to understand that if they would live in
peace, they would be far happier in consequence, and would have goods furnished at a much
cheaper rate than we could supply them in Canada. This proceeding of the English towards
these Indians might have caused us considerable injury; and were it not for a party of these
same Indians, whom I found means to send at the same time to strike a blow in the
government of Boston, and tiie return of P'ather de la Chasse, a Jesuit Missionary at the Village
of Panamske,! know not, My Lord, but M'' Dudley would have accomplished his design, these
poor wretches being reduced to the lowest misery by the low price of Beaver, the high prices
of goods, and by the length and risks of the road.
To obviate a blow like this, I see but one means. My Lord, which is, that his Majesty be
pleased to have deposited in his stores at Quebec, every year, twelve to fifteen thousand livres'
worth of assorted goods for the Indian trade, purchased on the same terms as the merchants
buy theirs; to cause these goods to be furnished at the prime cost to some persons at Quebec
to be conveyed to those Indians at tiieir villages; to have them furnished there to these poor
people at the Quebec rates, without increasing the price as is ordinarily done when
merchandise is conveyed to trading posts. These Indians would, in this way, find supplies at
reasonable rates at their doors,- without losing any very considerable time in coming to
Quebec. This would conciliate them to us, and the French who would convey this
merchandise would be remunerated for their trouble by the difference between the first cost
in France and the selling price in Quebec. His Majesty would not lose any thing, for the
same amount that would leave his stores yearly in goods, would return there likewise in furs.
Nothing would remain but the transport of these goods from France here. This is but a trifle
for his Majesty, and it would be a master stroke of state policy (couj) d'etat) for this country
in respect to these Indians, who, sooner or later, if not prevented in season, would make their
peace with the English and afterwards draw the St. Francis missions into doing the same thing.
Chambly being a post. My Lord, of the utmost consequence for this country, we have
commenced there a stone fort which is now beyond insult. M. Raudot and I have had the
honor, in our joint and separate despatches of last year, to point out to you its importance;
we have again the honor to write you on the subject this year. The troops have worked at it
the entire summer and we have studied all possible economy therein.
I am very much obliged to you for the goodness you have had in requesting of his Majesty
a Company for my son. I have the honor, My Lord, to thank you for it, beseeching you to be
pleased to honor us always with your protection, which I pray you to condescend to grant also
to Madame de Vaudreuil who is in France.
I have the honor to be, with profound respect.
My Lord,
Your most humble and most
obedient Servant,
Quebec, 31^' October, 1710. Vaudreuil.
***********
Sieur de la Chauvigniere, My Lord, arrives from the Iroquois where he has been very well
received by the Onnontagues and Cayugas, despite all the new Governor of Manathe could
852 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
say to them when they were at Orange. These Indians exhort me by their Belts to keep my
promise to them, and to let them have revenge for the blow they suffered from the family of
Pascoue, absolutely demanding his head of me. This is a very delicate affair, for it is no less
a question than taking sides with either the one or the other. M. Raudot, Jun', who goes
[to France] will have the honor. My Lord, to explain to you our views for satisfying the
Iroquois without giving umbrage to our allies. I shall not do any thing on that point without
previous mature examination and without being almost certain of my case.
I am, always, with great respect,
My Lord,
Your most humble and
most obedient Servant,
Quebec, S*" November, 1710. Vaudreuil.
M. de Clerambaut d''Aigremont to M. de PontcTiartrain.
Extract.
It is true, My Lord, that the reestablishment of the licenses might have some bad effects,
the most serious of which would be the debauchery and trade in Brandy among the Indians;
but there is a means to prevent that, which would be, not to issue these licenses except for
Michilimakinak alone, the commandant of which post could possess a thorough knowledge of
the conduct of those who would go, and of all the effects they would carry for the Outaois trade,
and if any should be found with Brandy, he could confiscate it, and render an account to the
Governor-general and the Intendant thereof, and of whatever else he should find them guilty,
in order that they may be punished pursuant to the exigency of the cases. The commandant
ought to be prohibited carrying on any trade except for his own support, for if he be permitted
so to do, he would find himself obliged to tolerate many things through the want he would
have of this one and that for his private trade. And as it would not be just to send an Officer
there without some trifling advantages, he might be allowed annually a gratuity which may
be taken from the proceeds of the licenses.
Though it would not be possible to prevent all the inconveniences that might ensue on
reestablishing the licenses in the manner I propose, I believe it will be indispensable to do it,
in consequence of the greater inconveniences which would inevitably result. Firstly, it must
not be expected to oblige all the Coureurs de bois to return to the Colony, nor even to retain
in it those who are obedient there, except by reestablishing the licenses. Those people not
being accustomed to till the soil, will never submit to do so, however they be punished.
This country is composed of persons of various characters, and of different inclinations;
one and the other ought to be managed, and can contribute to render it flourishing. The
Coureurs de bois are useful in Canada for the fur trade, which is the sole branch that can
be relied on, for it is certain that if the articles required by the Upper Nations be not sent to
IVIichilimakinak, they will go in search of them to the English at Hudson's bay, to whom they
will convey all their peltries, and will detach themselves entirely from us, which would inflict
a notable prejudice on that Colony. Experience sulflciently proves that it is not to be
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 853
expected that these nations will come in quest of tliem to Montreal; witness the few canoes
that have come down within eight or nine years, except in 170S, wlien about 60 descended.
When these Indians will be obliged to go to a great distance to get their necessaries, they will
always go to the cheapest market; whereas, were they to obtain their supplies at their door,
they would take them, whatever the price may be. Moreover, the means of preventing them
waging war against one another is to be continually carrying on trade with them; for
by that msans, the commandant of Michilimakinak can be informed of every thing that
happens, and by his mediation terminate all differences that might arise. Religion will derive
an advantage therefrom ; for the more French there are among those Nations, the greater will
be the authority of the Missionaries there. This active intercourse may afford them also
facilities to learn our language, and render them more docile and submissive to the instructions
which will be given them.
It is to be remarked that to render these licenses valuable, a large number of canoes ought
to be prevented going up to Detroit; for being unable to trade off within its limits the great
quantity of goods with which they would be loaded, in the time ordinarily employed in bartering,
those who would find their slock too large would not fail to go further off to sell them. Finally,
My Lord, the value of these licenses will depend on the proportion of the number of canoes
which will go up to Detroit, which ought to be fixed at 8 or 10 at most.
M"' de Frulain, in answer,
Show Father de Lamberville what he says about the licenses: Moreover, censure M. de
Ramezay who abuses the protection he thinks he possesses.
IS"- November, 1710.
M. de Vaudreuil to M. de Pontchartrain.
My Lord,
I have had the honor to send you an account, by the King's ship V Affriqiiain, of what
occurred in this country during the year 1710. I had the honor to send you by the same
ship duplicates of our joint letter of 1709, and of my special despatch. I now do myself the
pleasure of informing you of what occurred in this country fronl the departure of M. Raudot,
Jun', to this day when I have the honor to write you.
M. de Subercasse having proceeded to France after the surrender of Port Royal, will render
you an account of the unfortunate accident that obliged him to capitulate. I am fully convinced,
My Lord, that, whatever resistance he could make, having only the garrison with him, he
would be overpowered by superior force. This is a justice that I feel obliged to render him;
but nevertheless I cannot help complaining of the little attention he has paid to the reiterated
notices I sent him that he was to be besieged. It is very unfortunate that, through M. de
Subercasse's neglect to retain the reinforcement of seventy men of ours that he had, the seven
officers and fifteen soldiers that I sent him from this country, and through neglect to transport
in sacks the provisions which were at Bay Verte, it is unfortunate, I repeat. My Lord, that he
should be obliged to capitulate as he has done; for after all, however advantageous that
854 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS,
CRpitulation^ may at first sight appear, it is only so for M. de Subercasse and liis garrison, but
not at ail so for tiie King's subjects who have remained in Acadia, who — as well those of Port
Royal as others — thereby find themselves utterly at the mercy of the conqueror. This you
will understand, My Lord, from the letter M"" Nicolson has written to me, copy whereof I have
the honor to send you.
M. de Subercasse having surrendered on the 13"" of October, he and IVP Nicolson, General
and Commander-in-Chief of the Queen of England's forces on this Continent, have both
sent Baron de S' Castin and Major Levingston to me across the forest. I annex hereunto,
My Lord, the letter M"' Nicolson has written me and my answer to him, which I have sent
by Mess" de Rouville and Depuis, being very glad to employ these two officers on this
occasion in order to obtain information through them of the movements of our enemies,
and at the same time to make them acquainted with the Country and the most favorable
routes to send parties thither.
The capture of Port Royal having somewhat cooled our Indians, as the English insinuate to
them that they will reduce us as easily as they have reduced that post, and the new Governor
of Menatte spares no efforts to induce the Iroquois to declare themselves against us, M. Raudot
and I have thought proper to have all our Upper Indian allies in general brought down here,
as well to encourage the people, whom war with the Iroquois terrifies, as to hold the Iroquois
themselves in check; and as diligence appeared to us highly necessary on that occasion,
we have selected some persons, whom we considered best qualified, to proceed at the same
time to the different posts which it was necessary to visit. And in order not to incur any
considerable expense by this embassy, M. Raudot and I have agreed that these Voyageurs
should fit themselves out at their own expense, without being permitted to carry any thing
with them for their own benefit ou this first voyage, and that on their return we would permit
them to go up on their own account.
M. de Subercasse having carried off by his capitulation all his officers in general, and no
person remaining throughout the entire extent of Acadia sufficiently entitled to receive my
orders and have them executed, M. Raudot and I have concluded that we could not do better
for the public service than to send Baron de S* Castin immediately back, the rather as the
principal affair at present regarding his Majesty's service in those parts is the management of
our Indian allies there, over whom said Sieur de S' Castin possesses great influence; But as it
is proper to compensate him in some sort for the loss he has just experienced at Port Royal,
and also to authorize him to command the French of those parts as well as the Indians, I, in
concert with M,. Raudot, have given him, subject to the King's pleasure, a commission of
Lieutenant in the troops of this country, and M. Raudot has handed him the emoluments
thereof. M. Raudot and I hope, My Lord, that you will have the goodness to obtain his
Majesty's approbation for what we have both done in the Baron de S' Castin's regard.
As sending Baron de S' Castin was not sufficient to maintain in our interest all the Indians of
Acadia who are our allies, I dispatched at the same time two Frenchmen and two Indians
over the ice with letters from me to the Missionaries stationed among the Indians below Port
Royal, and at the same time adopted precise measures to be informed of the real sentiments
of the inhabitants of Acadia who are at Minas, Beaubassin and other places. I expect daily
the return of my two messengers, and have, in the meanwhile, upon divers letters which I have
already received from the inhabitants of Port Royal, complaining of the severities they
experience at the hands of the English, notwithstanding M. de Subercasse's capitulation,
' For this Documant, see Hutchinson' t MassachiiseUs, 11, 182. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 855
dispatched another conveyance to Bay Verte in quest of a number of the soldiers who after
the surrender of the fort were unwilling to embark with M. de Subercasse through fear of
being conveyed to Boston and remaining there, as was the case with a portion of M'' de
Meneval's garrison, twenty years ago.
By this opportunity I have written to the Missionaries in those parts, to communicate to the
inhabitants of Acadia my intention of affording them all the aid in my power.
M. de Ramezay's repeated letters informing me that my presence was altogether necessary
at Montreal to encourage our Indians, who are, as it were, stupefied by the surrender of Port
Royal, I went up on the ice, and after having spoken to our Indians, had the pleasure to see them
all in the best possible disposition.
War with the Iroquois being totally incompatible with the interests of this Colony, the
Intendant and I thought we could not do better than to send the Baron de Longueil to them
early in the Spring, who offered, with the best grace in the world, to undertake that journey.
I sent Sieurs de Joncaire and de la Chauvignerie with him, and strongly enjoined on him, in
my instructions, to assure the Iroquois that they had nothing to apprehend from the coming
down of the Upper Nations whom I invited to Montreal to witness what will take place
between the English and us, if they be bold enough to come, as they say, into this country;
but at the same time, that they had every thing to fear from these Nations and my just
vengeance, if, contrary to the neutrality we had agreed on, they should take up the hatchet
against us in favor of the English. M. de Longueil set out from Montreal the moment the
navigation permitted.
Sieur d'Argenteuil, whom I selected, at M. de Ramezay's request, to go with my orders to
Detroit, Pontchartrain, and to bring down the Indians from there, having died of apoplexy two
days after I left Montreal, I have been obliged, after having with the Intendant held a council
of war on the subject, to employ Sieur de Tonty, the Intendant and I and all the officers
present at our Council of War not being able to find a better person in our then situation.
Sieur de Tonty flatters himself. My Lord, by a letter he has written me before his departure,
that this voyage will completely reestablish him in our good opinion. I wrote to him, thereupon,
very decisively before employing him.
Sieurs de Rouville and Dupuis arrived at Chambly eight or ten days ago. The English had
not received any news from Europe up to the 17"" of March, the date of their departure from
Boston, yet different persons at Orange and elsewhere told them, that unless a revolution
should break out in England there was not the least doubt but the Queeu would give M"'
Nicolson a considerable fleet to come and besiege Quebec, and that he went to England this fall
for that sole purpose only. The Intendant and I will not neglect any thing. My Lord, that will
contribute to our defence. Meanwhile, until we have additional intelligence, we shall not incur
any but indispensable expenses and such as we shall not be able to postpone.
The manner in which I write you, My Lord, will let you see the good understanding that
exists between M. Raudot and me. As regards myself individually, it affords me a sincere
pleasure, being fully convinced that it gratifies you also, and that his Majesty's service is,
in consequence, much better performed.
I have the honor to be with much respect.
My Lord,
Your most humble and
Most obedient Servant,
Quebec, 25"" of April, 1711. Vaudreuil.
856 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
M. de Pontchartrain to M. de Vaudreuil.
Extract. Marly, T'" July, 1711.
Sir,
I am in receipt of your despatches of the 1" of May, 25* October and S"* November of last
year, with the papers annexed thereunto; and the duplicates of those of 14"" November, 1709,
and T have rendered an account thereof to the King.
His Majesty has been very glad to learn that your movements in the month of October, 1709,
had obliged the enemy to burn the forts he had erected along the river of Orange, their
bateaux, pirogues and the supplies of provisions they had collected for their intended expedition
against Canada. His Majesty has approved of every thing you have done to obtain the
particulars thereof; nothing must be neglected to be exactly informed of the enemy's
movements, and to adopt the necessary measures to thvrart them ; but you ought at the same
time pay great attention to unravel, as much as you can, the incorrect intelligence that may
be communicated to you, so as not to make any false movement, nor causelessly incur any
expense. His Majesty commends you to apply yourself particularly to these objects.
He has been much gratified by the assurances the Deputies from the Onnontagues gave you
that they did not intend making war against the French. Neither these assurances nor those
of the Mohawks must prevent you being constantly on your guard, and anticipating any
movements they might make conjointly with the Dutch. His Majesty recommends you to
pay strict attention hereunto.
He approves your exchange of Peter Schuyler's nephew for Father de Mareuil, the Jesuit,
and of the other prisoners. You did very well to take advantage of the opportunity afforded
by that exchange to obtain news of what was passing at Orange.
His Majesty has been satisfied with the assurances you afford him that you will in future
prevent the frauds which the Interpreters commit in the matter of the Indian presents and the
trade in Brandy. You cannot pay too strict an attention to this, and I cannot too strongly
recommend it to your watchful supervision.
He has seen the messages of the Outaois, Senecas and other Indians of those parts, and has
learned with pleasure their dispositions and assurances not to declare in favor of the English,
and to live in peace with the French. You ought to direct ail your attention to retaining them
in these sentiments, and to nullifying all the movements whereby the new Governor of Menathe
is endeavoring to win over the Five Iroquois Nations to his side and to induce them to rise
against the French. There is reason to hope that he will not succeed, if you adopt suitable
measures to prevent it.
His Majesty has highly approved the answer you have caused the Indians of the Sault S'
Louis to give to the proposal the Governor made them not to wage war any more against
the English of Boston, and to observe neutrality with them. You must prevent this by all
manner of ways, and keep these Indians in their present sentiment of never abandoning the
interest of the Colony.
His Majesty has been likewise highly satisfied that you found means to break up M' Dudley's
design to draw the Abenakis of the sea-board to Boston, in order to carry their Beaver thither
and to purchase goods there. That is of great importance, and his Majesty recommends you
to prevent these Indians by every means trading at all with the English, and to engage them to
continue hostilities.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 857
You have done well to send Sieur Dubuisson to command at Detroit in Sieur de la Forest's
place, as the latter's aSairs obliged him to remain at Quebec during the winter. I doubt not
but he has returned to his post early in the spring, and that M. de la Mothe Cadillac has taken
his departure for Louisiana.
His Majesty has approved of your having permitted an inhabitant of Detroit to go to the
Ouabache on the information you received of the existence of a Silver mine there, and that
you have given him orders to bring you some specimens from that mine. Be so good as to
send me word, at the same time, whether it be productive. This discovery, as well as that of
the Copper mines which are reported to be abundant, is of great importance, and nothing
must be neglected to acquire thorough information on the subject, and to discover the easiest
means to render it useful.
It is desirable that you find means of arranging the affair of Paskoue's tribe with the
Iroquois. It is of importance and deserves all your care. By the Memoir of the King you
will see what his Majesty's opinion is of the expedient you proposed, and I have nothing to
add thereunto.
M. de Vaudreuil to M, de Pontchartrain.
My Lord,
*•»•*#•••*♦
On the departure of Sieurs de Rouville and Dupuis from Boston on the l?"" of March last,
the English had not yet received any news from Europe. Different persons had, however,
told them ftt Orange and elsewhere that, unless a revolution should break out In England, there
was not the least doubt but that the King would furnish a considerable fleet to M' Nicolson,
who returned to England only with that sole view. This information, furnished by persons in
whom I could not fail to have confidence, caused me to adopt the resolution to send back again
to Orange, and as I required a pretext, I had recourse to that of restoring a servant that Major
Livingston had left behind sick when returning to Three Rivers. I even added to this servant
another English prisoner, whom I sent back on his parole in order to obtain Sieur de Beaunny,
whom they have detained since three or four years from me in the Boston Government. They
have retained up to the present time in Orange the three Frenchmen whom I sent to fetch
back these two men, and I have not had, since that time, any news even of the English prisoner
whom I had sent back on parole. This conduct of the English does not surprise me. They
have done it, they say, to prevent me knowing what was passing among them, and herein lies
their mistake; for by detaining my three men, they have afforded me more reason to suspect
the truth of their expedition than if they had immediately sent them back to me.
The non-return at the time indicated of the three Frenchmen whom I had sent to Orange,
as I have had the honor peviously to observe to you, leads me to suspect at once the cause,
and to assure myself of the matter, I dispatched an Indian, who, under pretext of going to
Orange like the rest to trade, employed every means to speak to these three men. Not having
been able to effect this, he examined, pursuant to my orders, every thing that was doing at
Vol. IX. 108
858 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Orange, and remarked that they were beginning to collect bateaux there, and that they were
very busy purchasing up bark canoes. This intelligence was confirmed shortly after by other
Indians, and left me no room to doubt that the enemy were preparing to invade this country.
But as I was unwilling to incur useless expense, I contented myself then with communicating
my opinion to the Intendant, and requesting him in my letters to facilitate Sieur Beaucourt's
means to place us at least beyond insult from a sudden attack. Meanwhile, I issued orders to
the farmers generally throughout the entire country to be ready at the first word of command.
Baron de Longueil arrived, at this juncture, with Deputies from the Onnontaguez; Sieur
de Joncaire arrived some days after him, with six Senecas, and both rendering me an account
of their voyage, gave me to understand that the English had spared no pains to engage the
Iroquois to declare themselves against us; that, however, I could rely on the fidelity of many,
but that there was a large portion of them in favor of the English, as they had been gained
over by the presents which were heaped on them, and persuaded that^we could never resist
the forces that were to attack us.
1 have done myself the iionor to advise you already, My Lord, that M. Raudot and I had
adopted measures to bring down to Montreal the Upper Indians, our allies. Sieur de Tonty
whom I had sent to Detroit, arrived the first; Sieur de S' Pierre and others who had gone up
by the Grand river came some time afterwards, and altogether brought us nearly four to five
hundred Indians. I employed the time these Indians sojourned at Montreal to endeavor to
accommodate the differences that might exist between them, and also Paskoue's affair last year,
and that of the Poutouatamis with the Senecas. I kept these Indians at Montreal nearly two
months, but the season beginning to be unpleasant, they could not remain any longer. It
would have been a hardship to wish to retain them, as some among them had nearly five-
hundred leagues to travel before arriving at their winter quarters. I, in like manner, detained
two months the Iroquois who came down with M. de Longueil and Sieur de Joncaire; but
perceiving that they began to grow weary, I thought 'twas much better to send them back
than to retain them by force, and thereby furnish the remainder a reason to declare against us.
1 already observed to you. My Lord, that I had adopted measures with the Missionaries
of Acadia to be informed of the opinions of the inhabitants of those parts, who, I was previously
aware from divers private letters, were discontented with the English, by whom they were
very badly treated.
On the 4"' of August I received at Montreal a letter from Father Felix,' a Recollet
Missionary at Acadia, in which he informed me that Sieur Castin having sent forty Indians
from Piutagowet to attack the English garrison at Port Royal, M' Wetsche,^ governor of that
fort, sent sixty men with their arms in three pirogues up the river of Port Royal in the morning
of the 21" of June to take two or three farmers prisoners.
These forty Indians of Pintagowet, commanded by one L'Aymalle, on perceiving these
three pirogues, went to the water side and cried out to them to surrender. As they fired first,
they did no injury to our Indians, but the latter having discharged their pieces, killed twenty
and wounded several more at the first fire, and afterwards became masters of these tliree
pirogues and all who were in them, except one man who escaped.
After this expedition, the Indians demanded assistance from the Settlers at Port Royal, who,
having assembled from all parts, proceeded with the Indians to invest the Fort at Port Royal,
expecting to take it because a great number of tiie garrison had died of sickness during the
' Rev. Felix Coi>pes. ' Sic. Vetch. —Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 859
winter, and M'' Weitche,* the Governor, had recentlj' lost his Mnjor, Engineer and three or four
other officers.
On this news, and on tlie request of Father Felix on hehalf of all the inhabitants of Acadia
for aid, I resolved to send thither two hundred men, both Regulars and Militia, and twelve
officers, under the command of the Marquis d 'Alogny. My orders were already issued, the
people warned, and waiting only for a few carriages which they required, when I received some
letters from M. de Costebelle, on the morning of the G"" of August, informing me that the skipper
of an English bark, a prisoner of war at Placentia, after having been interrogated, and after
having promised to tell the truth, had assured him that two 70-giin ships had arrived
at Boston on the 10"" or 12"" of June with M"' Nicolson ; that they had been detached from
a fleet consisting of ten sixty, and one seventy-gun ships, with three bomb ketches, and thirty
transports carrying from twenty-four to thirty guns; that there were two Boston ships of fifty
guns with five transports, on board which three thousand New England Militia were to
embark; that they were actually victualed and provided with military stores, in order to be
ready to put to sea as soon as the men of war should arrive from Old England. M. de
Costobelle's letter added, that these made their appearance on the 20"* of June, sixty leagues
off Boston, according to the report of a Martinique privateer who had arrived at Placentia on
the S"" of July and stated that he had seen them quite close, and had counted as many as
thirty-five sail.
This same English prisoner had further assured M. de Costobelle that two thousand Militia
and Indians were to proceed against Montreal, and that it was very certain that it was intended
to take Canada this year.
On this advice, and on information received from Teganissorens, an Onnontague Chief, by
an Express who brought me three strings of Wampum from him. to let me know that it was
time that the English fleet had sailed from Boston for this country ; that there were at Orange
two hundred bateaux already built and that one hundred additional were to be brought there at
the earliest moment; and, moreover, that Abraham SchuU^ had visited all the villages in order
to engage the Iroquois to declare against us ; add to which, the letter you did M. de Costebelle
the honor to write, dated the ll"" of March last, copy whereof he had sent me, — I found it,
to my profound regret, impossible for me to furnish any assistance to the people of Acadia,
having no troops here to allow me to detach a number sufBcient to be of any use to them, and
the people of this place being unwilling, on hearing of the menaced attack, to leave their
country to defend another.
On the receipt of M. de Costebelle's despatches, I assembled at my quarters in Montreal
the Onnontagues and Senecas who had accompanied M. de Longueil and Sieur de Joncaire,
and after having communicated to the one and the other the news and the three strings of
Wampum that Teganissorens had sent me, I let them know that, as the Dutch had openly
avowed themselves, I could no longer refrain from making some prisoners in that direction, in
order to obtain intelligence.
The Iroquois answered me that I was Master ; that they saw clearly that my reasons were
valid; and it was thereupon resolved in the same Council, that, in order to strengthen our party
at Onnontague and among the Senecas, [it would be well to send back their Deputies,] who
relating to the Ancients all that occurred at Montreal in their regard, and the treatment
experienced by those who were going back, as well as by those that remained, would
» Sic. Veteb. ' Sic. Schuyler, — Ed.
860 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
assure the Chiefs anew on my part that I entertained no unfriendly design against them, and
that far from desiring to break with them, my intention was to observe most exactly the
peace concluded by the late Chevalier de Callieres ; that in token of my sincerity, I was
restoring to them three of their people whom I caused to be taken out of the hands of the
Oyatonons; that I required nothing but Neutrality from them, and to abstain from taking any
part between the English and us.
On the day following this Council, I agreed with M. de Ramezay as to the number of men
he should furnish me from his government, and after having left to him the care of issuing the
proper orders, I caused a grand feast to be given to all the Indians then at Montreal, including
those domiciliated and the others, so as to get them to chant the war-song. It was attended
by between seven and eight hundred persons.
Sieur de Joncaire and after him Sieur de la Chauvignerie having commenced to raise the
hatchet in my name, the Indians of the Sault S' Louis, Sault au Recolet, the Nepissings of
the entire Island,' immediately responded with loud shouts of joy. The Indians who had come
down from the Upper Country did not follow their example. Some of them hesitated a long
time between the desire to declare themselves, and the fear of thereby closing the path to the
English ; for, after all. My Lord, all the Upper Nations, even to the Indians of Lake Superior,
resort thither. Meanwhile the Hurons of Detroit, to the number of twenty, having commenced
to sing and to take up the hatchet, the other nations followed, and finally, in presence of the
Iroquois of the [Upper] Country, who were spectators of this feast, all accepted the hatchet
against Peter, and, after their fashion, made me master of their bodies to dispose thereof at my
pleasure. However, as I have the honor already to inform you, I have not been able to take
advantage of their good will, owing to the season being too far advanced. I have been
constrained to send them back, contenting myself with retaining of all the tribes only a certain
number, so as to let the English and Iroquois see that I was always master of the Upper Nations,
as they left me their children as hostages. These remained with me until I became certain
that the enemy could no longer invade this country.
Information so positive as that I was receiving from all parts, allowing me no longer any
excuse for doubting that we were about to be vigorously attacked above and below, I, on my
part, adopted all the precautions I considered advisable so as to oppose a vigorous resistance
to our enemies. I wrote strongly on the subject to the Intendant; sent orders to the Marquis
d'Alogny at Quebec to hasten the fortifications, and have the Women, Children, old men and
the cattle not required within the town, removed into the depths of the forest, on the first
alarm of the enemy being in the river. My orders on this point having been issued early in
the spring, the farmers took the precaution to construct parks in the woods, and my mind was
suificiently at rest on this point. 1 was likewise perfectly satisfied that Sieur de Beaucourt
would not neglect any thing on his part to place the town in a condition to stand a siege ; and I
heard, by every opportunity, that the fortifications were perceptibly advancing from day to
day, which afforded me sincere pleasure. I owe this justice. My Lord, to Sieur de Beaucourt;
lie has discovered the secret to please every body; the farmer has returned, without difficulty
and regret, as many as four times to the works; and, satisfied with the reasons that Sieur de
Beaucourt gave him, went home contented and convinced that we should beat the enemy.
Such good dispositions were not to be neglected ; I have been myself in several settlements to
• of MoDtrenl. Charlevoix, 11., 858. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 861
hold reviews, to encourage the farmers to make a good defence, and to abandon every thing
for the public good.
Meanwhile, however anxious I was to get to Quebec, I could not start from Montreal before
the seventh of September, because the English made use of every means not only to induce
the Iroquois to declare against us, but even to debauch our domiciled Indians, whom they
assured that they did not intend to harm ; who could remain undisturbed in their village, but
that, if they joined us, they were irrecoverably lost and had no more quarter to expect.
All these threats having made some impression on the minds of the Indians, and even on
certain of the French who were apprehensive that the Indians would abandon us, it became
of imperious necessity that I should be on the spot to destroy those underground Belts, the
more dangerous inasmuch as the Indians make it a point of honor, among themselves, not to
inform us of them. I can assure you, My Lord, that I have succeeded therein in spite of all
those promises and threats; for, when news arrived that the enemy were in the river to the
number of eighty-four sail, not one of our Indians but occupied the proper position it was his
duty to take — that is to say, the missions of S' Francis and Bescancourt came to Quebec, and
those of the Sault S' Louis, Sault au Recolet and Bout de I'lsle proceeded to Chambly when
it became necessary; the one and the other having, as a mark of iheir fidelity, sent their
women and children to Montreal and Three Rivers. 'Tis true that I had the precaution before
leaving Montreal to visit all the missions within that government, and afterwards, on my way
down, to pass through S' Francis and Bescancourt, where I had made all the Indians understand
that the only means to resist our enemies was for us to unite together and all to form but one
body; that it was a mistake to expect to be able to defend ourselves in different places ; that
this war was one of religion, but at the same time a common one, it being the intention of
the English to utterly destroy them, if successful in conquering us and driving us from this
Continent. These reasons, My Lord, backed by the Missionaries, having made an impression
on their minds, I came down to Quebec, where I found matters in a pretty good state.
Quebec, this SS* October, 1711.
M. de Pontchartrain to M. de Vaudreuil.
Marly, 28"' June, 1712.
Sir,
His Majesty has approved the measures you have adopted to obtain information of the
enemy's designs, and the embassy you sent to the [Indian] Nations. You cannot employ a
better agent than Sieur de Longueil when you will have any negotiation with the Iroquois.
He is likewise satisfied with the measures you have adopted with the Onontagues and the
Senecas, who were at Montreal, respecting the prisoners you wished to be made in the territory
of Orange.
You have done well to have the hatchet taken up against the English by all the Tribes, and
to have retained their children by you until you were sure the enemy could no longer come
862 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
into the Colony, so as to give them and the Iroquois to understand that you are Master of the
Upper Indians.
It is fortunate that the enemy's fleet had been wrecked, without the Colony of Canada
having lost a drop of blood, though I am well persuaded that the vigorous resistance you
would have made, would have forced them to retreat as they did during Count de Frontenac's
administration. It is an interposition of Providence and a visible mark of its protection, for
which the entire Colony ought to return God thanks.
His Majesty is persuaded like you, that you ought not to embroil yourself with the Iroquois,
by reason of the cruel war which would be the consequence in the Colony, but this must not
prevent you making them thoroughly sensible of the fault they have committed, so that they
may not in future again fall into it, and may attach themselves the more to us.
You must always prevent the Abenakis going to Boston to trade their beavers; and 1 am
persuaded that you will find means to effect that object as you have already done. I exhort
you thereunto, for his Majesty, in consequence of hard times and the war in which he is
involved, is not in a position to remit the supply of goods which you require.
I have learned with pleasure SieurdeRouville's return, and that the Iroquois were preparing
to come down. I doubt not but your reception of them has been consistent with the dignity
that belongs to your character, and that you have given them to understand the wrong they
have been guilty of, without, however, estranging them from you. You know how to profit
by this opportunity so as to attach them more closely to you, by making the most to them of
the pardon you have granted them. His Majesty recommends you to preserve peace
constantly with them and the other Indians, and to adopt all the means necessary for
that purpose.
Whatever M'' Nicolson may say, I do not believe that the English will fit out another
expedition this year against Canada. Nevertheless you ought to be constantly on your guard,
and in a condition to repel the enemy. It appears to me so much the more easy, as you were
last year well prepared for their reception.
I cannot recommend you too earnestly to pay undivided and perfect attention to the
preventing the trade in, and the sale of Brandy among the Iroquois. His Majesty's orders in
this regard must be executed without favor to any person whomsoever. He desires that
on this point you redouble your vigilance.
M. de Vwudreuil to M. de Pontchartrain.
My Lord,
I am very sensible of your goodness in assuring me of his Majesty's approbation of my
services last year, and of his being pleased to approve of all the movements I had made to
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 863
oppose the designs wliich tlie enemy had formed against tliis Colony. I vyill always pay more
attention to tlie proper performance of my duties, in order to merit, thereby, the favors his
Majesty will be graciously pleased to bestow on me.
I did myself the honor, My Lord, to write you since the spring four letters by way of
Placentia, and in my first three, copy whereof I annex hereunto, rendered you an account
of every thing that occurred in this country up to the twenty-third of July, about which time,
I went up again to Montreal, having already made one voyage thither at the breaking up of
the ice.
My fourth letter. My Lord, being only an abstract of the contents of the others, and of wiiat
took place up to the arrival of the King's ship, 1 do not repeat it here.
I had the honor last year to give you an account of the situation of affairs in the Upper
Country, and then took the liberty to represent to you, that if attention were not directed, at
the earliest date, to the reestablisiiment of Michillimakinac, we should run the risk of losing
all our allies, who were destroying one another, having no person in that place to prevent
their doing so. This is what occurred this year, for the man named Saguina having discovered
during the winter the secret to unite with the Poutauatemis in order to wage war together
against the Maskoutins and the Outagamis, not only 'destroyed a considerable number of
them in the place where they were wintering, but having further found means to win over
almost all the other tribes to his interest, pursued these unfortunate people as far as Detroit,
where they have killed or taken prisoners nearly a thousand of both sexes.'
The occurrences at Detroit, My Lord, in regard to the wholesale destruction of the Outagamis
and Maskoutins who were there, made me apprehensive that the Iroquois would take the part
of the former, who, two years ago, had been to renew alliance with them and place themselves
under their protection, and to whom even a party had retired last winter. I was preparing to
make some overtures to them on this subject, when I received at Montreal a letter from Sieur de
Joncaire, which he wrote me from Fort Frontenac, where he was commanding in the absence
of Sieur de la Fresniere, who had come down to be cured of the fevers from which he, as well
as a part of his garrison, was suffering. M. de Joncaire informed me that the Senecas being
on their way to Montreal, the Onontagues had induced them to abandon the journey and had
sent him four Deputies with three strings of Wampum, to say
" That they were drawing by the arms their three children, M. de Longueil, Sieurs de
Joncaire and La Chauvignerie, and that they invited them to Fort Frontenac to hold a general
Council with all the Iroquois Nations who were to assemble there.
" That they had learned from some Iroquois who came from Detroit, that all the Upper
Nations were to fall on them, and that to be in readiness for all events, they, on their part, had
prepared canoes and all necessary provisions, so as not to be surprised.
" That they did not wish this news to be conveyed to me by any Indians, either belonging
to them or settled at Katarakouy, but by the French of the Fort."
These demands of the Iroquois did not fail to embarrass me, the rather as it was not
customary to go to Fort Frontenac to arrange matters, but to Montreal, or to their country
' M. Dubuisson's official report of the seige of Detroit in 1712, and of the Massacre of the Outagamis and Maskoutens, is
published at length in General W. R. Smith's very valuable History of Wisconsin, III., 314. —Ed.
864 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
when I thought proper to send there. Besides, I was aware that Peter Scul' had made two
consecutive journeys to Onontague for the purpose of renewing the ancient league, and to
create distrust in their minds at the same time in respect to the occurrences at Fort
Pontchartrain of Detroit. However, not to have any thing to reproach myself with, I took
the resolution to send Mons' de Longueil thither with Sieur de la Chauvignerie, Sieur de
Joncaire being there already, and they set out on the the morning of the twenty-seventh of
August, when, in the evening, I received another letter from Sieur Joncaire, in which he
informed me that he did not succeed in preventing the departure of the Indians, and that,
despite of all the Onontagues and Cayugas could do, the Senecas had adopted the resolution
to go down to Montreal, forty-five in number, both Chiefs and men of influence ; that the other
four Iroquois Nations were always continuing their meetings at Onontague, and that a great
portion of their canoes were built ; that some Indians even of Virginia had been with them,
and that they amounted to as many as a thousand or twelve hundred warriors; that he
considered it his duty to communicate this information to me, because the Iroquois did not
declare the precise point where they would strike ; that their canoes were constructed in
the very spot in which they made those in the Marquis de Denonville's time when they came
to attack the settlements of Lachine ; that it did not appear to him probable that Peter ScuP
would suffer them to strike the Upper Nations, from whom he annually derives a considerable
quantity of peltries ; that there was every reason to apprehend that they entertained some
design against this country. I, thereupon, adopted what precautions I considered necessary to
avoid a surprise below here, and, at the same time, gave notice, by some Indians, to our allies
to be on their guard.
The Senecas arrived four days afterwards at Montreal, and told me that they should not
speak unless Sieur de Joncaire were present. I granted them their request, being by no
means sorry to retain them near me as long as possible, as I was persuaded that the others
would not make any movement so long as those deputies were in my hands.
Sieur de Joncaire having returned from Fort Frontenac, the Senecas communicated to me,
on the tenth of September, the message I have the honor to annex to this letter, to which I
gave the answer which is thereunto adjoined.
During Sieur de Joncaire's absence I had time to interrogate the principal Seneca chiefs in
private. They admitted to me that the main cause of their coming down was, that they knew
better than the other Iroquois Nations how important it was not to have any war with the
people of the Sault ; that they were the principal sufferers in the last war, being daily exposed
to the forays of our allies, whilst the others, less accessible to the Upper Nations, remained
very quiet in their villages; that Teganisorens was singing the war song the whole of this
winter against Saguina and the people of Detroit, being urged thereunto by the English
to whom he is wholly attached ; that being unable to stop this expedition, they took the
resolution of first inviting Mess" de Longueil, de Chauvignerie and de Joncaire, by whose
means they hoped to efl^ect their purpose ; that being aware of the Teganisorens' obstinacy,
they had, despite the Onontagu6s, who had stopped them, afterwards adopted the resolution
to come down, flattering themselves that, so long as they were here, the others, though
assembled, would not set out; that should they proceed I would at least be aware of the
fidelity of Senecas, of which they supposed they could not give me a stronger proof than by
coming and placing themselves in my hands.
'Sic. Schuyler. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 865
During that time, My Lord, up to the twenty-fifth of September, I received several notices
that the Iroquois v^ere alvrays persisting in their designs; that they continued assembled at
Onontague, and, let whatever happen, that they should march, without troubling themselves
about the Senecas who were at Montreal; they even sent Belts to the Indians of the Sault and
of the Mountain, requesting them to remain passive on their mats, and not to take any sides,
neither for nor against them in this affair. Our Indians made answer to this Belt, that they
had no will but mine, and that, whatever I should do, they would do likewise.
Perceiving this. My Lord, and that the season was already too far advanced to permit me
to await any longer your orders to be sent to Michillimakinac, I immediately adopted the
resolution to send Sieur de Ligny thither. I also dispatched Sieur Deslietten' to the liinois
and Sieur de Vincennes to the Miamis. ♦##♦#»#
I have learned, with much satisfaction, by the despatch of the twenty-eighth of June, that
you approve the answer I sent last year to the letter M' Nicolson wrote me from Port Royal
in conjunction with the Queen of England's Council.
November 6, 1712. Vaudreuil.
M. de Pontchartrain to M. de Vaudreuil.
Versailles, 4"' July, 1713.
Sir,
His Majesty has approved the measures you have adopted on the information you received
that the English were preparing another expedition last year, of which, however, there was
no probability, after the ill succcess they had had the year preceding and the good understanding
which existed between us and that Nation. This ought to impress on you the necessity of
being constantly on your guard against the information communicated to you, the most
of which is false and serves only to create expense and excite alarm throughout the country.
You will have understood this by the advice I gave you, in the first instance, of the suspension
of hostilities, and afterwards of the conclusion of Peace, which finally procures tranquillity for
the country and security for trade and navigation, advantages by which merchants and farmers
will usefully profit, if they will, and to which you ought to contribute protection and the
necessary facilities, by your encouragement. His Majesty orders me to recommend you to
pay attention thereto.
Delietto, a relative of Sieur de Tonti. Charlevoix, II., 265. — Ed.
Vol. IX.
866 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Memoir on DetroiV
It is for the King's glory and the interest of the Colony to preserve the post of Detroit, for
divers reasons.
The first and principal is, that if that post be abandoned, the English would render
themselves masters thereof, as it is separated only by Lake Herie from the Iroquois, the near
neighbors of the English, vcho have already made two attempts to seize it, and to form an
establishment there by means of which they would carry on the whole trade with all the Indian
nations our allies. The first was in 168(5, when they sent 7 Englishmen from Orange with 5
Abenaki Mohegans (LoupsJ to sound the disposition of the Indians as to whether these would
be glad to receive them the following year, when they would bring some goods ; and, in fact,
they did perform their promises to the Indians in 16S7, but were met by the French who were
marching by M"' de Denonville's orders against the Iroquois. The French and Indians to the
number of 800 men, who had set out from Detroit and other posts occupied by the French,
to join M' de Denonville at the Senecas on the borders of Lake Ontario, encountered 32 canoes
in which were 60 Englishmen and some Mohegans (loups) who had gone from Orange with
merchandise to trade at the Detroit with the Outaois and Hurons then at Michilimakina ; the
whole of their goods were plundered and distributed among the Indians and French, as
contraband and in the possession of a people without a passport either from the King or from
Governor-general of New France. The parties were sent to Fort Frontenac, where they
remained until the return of W de Denonville, who transferred them to Quebec, whence, after
a detention of three weeks, he sent them back to Orange. Since that time, the post of Detroit
has been established, which has prevented the English presuming to send out a new expedition.
The second reason is, that the King, preserving this post with a garrison, would afford means
to prevent any movements the Iroquois might make and the engagements they might enter
into with the Indians, our allies, either as emissaries of the English or on their own account.
The third reason is that, if we have war with the Iroquois, Detroit may keep them in
check because between that post and them, there is only Lake Herie by which they can be
attacked, as in 1687, when all the old and new grain of the Iroquois was destroyed ; that this
post would, moreover, furnish sufficient provisions to the French and Indians who might
assemble there preparatory to going to war against the Iroquois.
The fourth reason is, that the preservation of this post is of importance for the proposed
establishment at Michilimakina, since, from the commencement of the present year up to this
time, more than 800 minots^ of Indian corn have been exported from Detroit; and the more
Michilimakina will augment, as the land there is poor and does not produce corn, of the more
consequence is it that some Indians remain at Detroit to cultivate the soil, which is good
thereabouts, particularly for Indian corn.
These reasons will show the necessity of fortifying that post and of garrisoning it with 20
soldiers, one sergeant and an officer, under the orders of the Commandant; this would be
sufficient both to guard the fort and to prevent the Coureurs de bois going thither.
There are two modes of defraying this expense without any cost to the King. First, to give
up the trade at this post exclusively to the officer in command there, as is the case at present,
on condition of his defraying all the necessary charges, even the presents for managing the
' Supposed to have been written by Captain do la Forest.. — Ed. ' 2400 bushels.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 867
Indians who come to trade there ; whence it foiiows that the conditions heretofore imposed by
M. de La Mothe on divers private persons can no longer exist, as tiiese cannot derive therefrom
any further advantage than that of carrying on trade there to the prejudice of the Commandant
who must meet all the expense thereof.
These settlers are unable to improve any grant of land, as they possess no other retreat and
asylum there than the fort, for were any houses without the fort, they would be exposed
to be burnt, and their occupants to be killed ; even the Hurons and Outawas are each in their
fort, like the French, and the Poutouatamis, who have not as yet had time to erect one, have
taken shelter between the French and Huron forts, and they often have alarms which oblige
them to put their wives and children into the French fort. Therefore, M. de la Mothe's idea
of establishing a colony there is impracticable and incompatible with the exclusive trade his
Majesty [has conferred] on the Commandant of that post, which is not to be governed
otherwise than Fort Frontenac, where there were formerly some settlers whom the King
obliged to abandon said place; and if it be his Majesty's intention that the Commandant of
Detroit enjoy the trade of that post as the King enjoys that of Fort Frontenac, it is necessary
that the settlers who remain only in the fort have orders to abandon it.
When Sieur de La Mothe undertook this establishment, his Majesty granted him 150
soldiers, whose pay and clothing were provided by the King. Sieur Delaforest, who desires
to be in a position to defend this post as he ought, requires from his Majesty only twenty
soldiers and one Serjeant, with their pay and clothing, which he will receive at Quebec
without any charge for transportation, and these soldiers will not cost his Majesty any more
than his other troops in garrison in that country, and would render his Majesty very good
service there, it not being fitting for an officer who has the honor to command for the King in
a fort 350 leagues from Quebec, in the centre of the Indian nations, to be alone and
without troops.
The second mode would be, that his Majesty should manage this fort on his own account, as
is the case with Fort Frontenac. It is indifferent to Sieur Delaforest, who has no other view
in this command than to acquit himself to his Majesty's satisfaction.
These two plans can be applied equally to the establishment of Michilimakina, which is
still less suited to the establishment of a colony than Detroit, the soil there being so poor that
it does not produce Wheat, and so little Indian Corn that the resident Indians of the place are
every year so very short of food that they are obliged to scatter themselves along the Lakes,
where they live partly on fish, and on small berries called bluets which are very common in
that country.
But if the free trade of licences be established, exclusive trade can no longer exist at
Detroit either for the King or the Commandant, and in that case his Majesty will not be subject
to any extraordinary expense for the Officer and the twenty soldiers who will be in that fort,
because the officer will be satisfied with his allowances, and the soldiers with their pay in
consequence of the privilege of trading which they will enjoy.
Done at Quebec, the first of October, one thousand seven hundred and fourteen.
868 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
M. de Vaudreull to the Duke of Orleans.
Extracts of the Memoir addressed by M. de Vaudreuil to the Duke of Orleans,
Regent of France, February, 1716.'
1*' Extract.
The Marquis de Vaudreuil, Governor-general of Canada, persuaded that your Royal
Highness is convinced of the necessity which exists of preserving this Colony, will not here
submit reasons in support of such policy. He will endeavor only to communicate in this
Memoir the means of accomplishing it.
One of the surest is to prevent the imminent danger to which this Colony would be exposed
should a new war break out with the English.
It is easy to comprehend this, if it be considered that there are at present, in Canada, only
4484 persons, between fourteen and sixty, capable of bearing arms;
That the twenty-eight companies of Infantry which the King maintains there, consists, in
all, of only 628 soldiers, including Sergeants, Corporals, and lance-corporals, and that this
handful of men is dispersed over an extent of one hundred leagues of Country.
And if it be at the same time borne in mind to what degree the power of the English has
advanced in this part of North America, there being in the English Colonies, contiguous to
Canada, sixty thousand men capable of bearing arms ;
It cannot be, for an instant, doubted but the English, on the first rupture between France
and England, would employ all their efforts to seize the whole of Canada, and consequently
the entire of North America, whence might follow the loss of Mexico, from which they would
expel the Spaniards in a few years without any resistance.
They have made their intentions sufficiently clear by the expedition they fitted out in 1711,
and even since the peace, by the twenty-second Article of the Instructions given by the city
of London to its representatives, wherein it is expressly stated that they shall demand of the
Ministers of the preceding government the reason why Canada and the Island of Cape Breton,
at present called He Royale, were left to France.
Should this Island of Cape Breton pass to the English, with the rest of Canada, no further
resource would be left for the Cod-fishery, which would be a serious loss to the commerce of
the Kingdom.
It is impossible to express how much the power of England would increase should she seize
the remainder of North America, and how formidable that power would become in Europe.
This must render sufficiently intelligible the necessity that exists to take advantage of the
peace to fortify Canada by sending some people thither, as well to complete the Companies of
Infantry as to augment the population.
The reestablishraent of the companies is within the ordinary rule, it not being just that the
King reckon for the defence of a Colony on twenty-eight companies of fifty each, when they
are found to be reduced to six hundred and twenty-eight men. A governor would render
himself responsible for the consequences, should he observe silence in such a case.
The conjuncture is favorable for reestablishing them; the great number of soldiers
discharged from the regular army greatly facilitates the levies; they will cost little, and the
' Compare Charlevoix, II., 402, by which it seems a similar letter to this was addressed to M. de Pontchartrain in 1714.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: VII. 869
balances remaining from the non-completion of the regiments of preceding years ought
to make the ordinary funds of said years furnish sufficient for the reestablishment of
said companies.
It would be well to send out this year a reinforcement of five hundred men.
Two hundred can be conveyed in the King's ship which will go to Canada, and the
remainder on board those destined for He Royale, whence it would be very easy to bring them
to Canada, by obliging all the barks which sail thither from lie Royale to take a certain
number of them, and even the King's ship which goes to Canada and will touch at He Royale
will be able, when there, to take one hundred more with the two hundred it would
already have.
As many more might be conveyed next year, and one hundred and fifty annually during the
following years, observing, when the companies are more than complete, to grant discharges
to the old soldiers in order that they may marry and settle in the country; which would
materially benefit it by peopling it Insensibly with disciplined settlers adapted to labor, and
placing it in a position to make it feared by the Indians and to upset the projects of the
English, should there be war with them. With such assistance in case of war, a hope may
even be entertained of recovering Acadia and the Island of Newfoundland.
2'^ Extract.
One of the Marquis de Vaudreuil's principal objects of attention since he is Governor of
Canada, has been to preserve peace with the Indians, and to prevent them as much as possible
resorting to the English to trade.
He has succeeded herein pretty well up to the present time with very little expense, and
dares to flatter himself that he will still succeed therein despite the advantages they find among
the English, and the continual solicitations the English employ to attract them to themselves.
But he cannot do so except by making them some presents annually, and especially this
year when they are impatiently expecting them.
He would be very illy received should he arrive without having wherewith to make them
the necessary presents, and would run the risk of losing the confidence they repose in
him ; a confidence he is in such need of to terminate the differences these Indians have
among themselves.
And the English, who only seek means to estrange the Indians from us, would not fail to
seize this occasion, and give them to understand that they are not of any consideration
in France.
Your Royal Highness is sufficiently aware how prejudicial to Canada the alliance of the
Indians with the English would be, and how much its trade would suffer thereby.
It would be a pity to give these Indians cause to complain, for want of a few presents ; their
zeal and fidelity, of which they have afforded proofs on divers occasions, and principally in coming
to the Marquis de Vaudreuil's aid as soon as he let them know that he was about to be attacked
by the English, demand that some attention be paid them.
The Marquis de Vaudreuil hopes, then, that your Royal Highness will be pleased to send
this year to Canada thirty thousand livres' worth of presents for the Indians, and to continue to
send thither annually the usual gratuities.
It is more advantageous to make the purchases in France than in Canada (where they would
cost 100 per cent more), provided those authorized to make them do not act as in preceding
870 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
years, when it was remarked that they charged the King more in France than the merchants
of Canada sold them for ; and that what was purchased for three livres by Canadian importers
of similar goods, cost the King nine.
It would be proper to send annually to Canada forty thousand weight of powder, sixty
thousand weight of lead in pigs, and six hundred Tulle fowling pieces ; these are the best, the
Indians are conversant with them and do not want any others.
The only article of our merchandize the Indians prefer to that of the English is powder, and
it will be a great inducement to them to come to trade with us, especially if your Royal
Highness has the goodness to order that it be sold at the King's store at thirty sous, the price
previous to 1712, and not at forty-five, as at present. The Indians complain of this advance ;
they consume from twenty to twenty-five thousand weight of powder annually; the surplus
will serve to form a reserve for fear of falling short, so as not to be in want of a supply in
case war should break out with the English.
The Marquis de Vaudreuil supplicates your Royal Highness to be pleased to permit him to
establish among the Indians such posts as he will find adapted to the good of the service,
without being obliged to give notice beforehand, but merely to render an account thereof and of
his reasons for establishing them; otherwise he will be obliged to postpone the establishment
of these posts for two years, which might be very prejudicial.
I am of opinion that it is absolutely necessary to introduce licenses again for Michillimakinak;
to issue twenty-five annually as heretofore; also to allow the sale of Brandy there; and at the
posts that are to be and have been already established, such as Forts Frontenac and Detroit.
These licenses cannot but be of great advantage to the Colony, and will prevent the Upper
Indians trading with the English.
The circumstance that has partly led them thither, heretofore, is the length of the voyage
they have to make to Montreal in quest of supplies, which they find among the English at
lower rates and without going so far. If goods be carried to them they will certainly prefer
such to those of the English ; their natural antipathy to the latter, and the risks they run in
the journey, will engage them so to do.
Besides, a great portion of the Indians will, by this means, be attracted to that place,
whereas they are all nomadic (errants) ; and the Commandant of that post will be enabled to
manage them more easily and even to make himself feared by those Tribes in consequence of
the reinforcements he will annually receive.
By such means also will the Coureurs de bois be prevented, who, no matter what precaution
is taken, do not fail to get off every year; these men are lost to the Colony, as the fear of
incurring the penalties of the law hinders their return. Your Royal Highness will be under
the necessity of granting them an amnesty.
Those who will obtain these licenses, which are to be examined (vises) by the Intendant,
will be obliged to take their departure all at the same time, and to repair to the Commandant
at Michillimakinak, to whose orders they shall be subject.
The disorders caused by the sale of Brandy, in past times, may be presented as an objection.
They are easily remedied by permitting each canoe to take only a small quantity, and by
obliging the proprietors of the Canoes to deliver it all to the Commandants of the posts to
which they will go, who shall sell it to the Indians on their account and in their presence,
observing to furnish these Indians only half a pint a day for four persons.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII, 871
In this way there need be no fear of the evils which brandy may cause ; on the contrary,
it will do good, by preventing the Indians, who cannot do without it, going in quest of it to the
English, who, in the hope of attracting them to themselves, do not refuse them any; they
supply them with some even to take to their villages, which is the cause of those disorders, the
prevention of which is aimed at by the abolition of the trade.
'Tis certain that the Indians, finding French brandy at home, will not go in search of any
rum to the English. They know the difference between the one and the other and will always
prefer that of France.
It is, therefore, necessary to have some at Fort Frontenac, at Detroit, at Michillimakinac,
and at all the posts which it will be considered proper to establish.
The English, always alive to whatever will secure the friendship of the Indians, come even
to their country to trade with them, and speak even of making establishments there. It is the
Marquis de Vaudreuil's opinion that it would be well to put the Indians up to expelling them,
should they execute the design they entertain of coming to establish themselves among our
Indians, or on our territory.
They have, accordingly, wished to seize the territory occupied by the Abenakis and the
Indians of the River S' John, on the ground that it depends on Acadia which has been ceded
to them by the French.
But the Indians made answer to them, that this territory has always belonged to them ;
that they were not subjects of the French, but only their allies and friends; that the French
could not give the English a territory that belonged to them, and which they would not quit.
They were correct in saying that the French are only their allies, the Marquis de Vaudreuil
having always so styled them, in order not to be responsible for what they may do.
The Abenakis have done more, last year — at least according to the advices received by the
Marquis de Vaudreuil; they have captured more than twenty small fishing vessels from
the English.
As that may be attended with some consequences, the Marquis de Vaudreuil beseeches your
Royal Highness to let him know your intention, and in what manner he is to act in case the
English should establish themselves among our Indians and in our territory.
He requests also an order for the building of a Church for the Indians of the River S' John,
and another for the Abenakis of Piskadoue. They have long been promised it ; it will cost
little, and serve to attach these Indians more strongly to us.
The fortifications of Quebec were commenced in 1712, according to Sieur de Beaucourt's
plan, which has been approved at Court. Were they once completed, that town would be in a
state to resist the English, who will not fail, should war break out between them and us, to
use every effort to take it, the consequence of which would be the entire loss of Canada. Your
Royal Highness will have the goodness to give orders for their continuance.
You will also have the goodness to direct that He Royale be fortified. That island, so
important for the preservation of the Cod fishery, would soon find itself under the dominion of
the English, if advantage be not taken of the peace to put it in a condition to resist them
during the war. In addition to the loss of the Cod, it would be also attended by that of the
Canada trade. Should the English once get that island, they would be masters of the sea on
that side; the risk the ships trading to Canada would then run, would greatly diminish
their number.
872 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
The garrison of that island is in danger of perishing of hunger, should your Royal Highness
not have the goodness to cause some ships to be dispatched in the month of April with
provisions to it; those intended for it last year not having been sent off, and the season not
permitting any to be sent so early from Canada. That garrison has need also of clothing.
Description of the Fortifications of Quebec.
Report on the Fortification and Situation of the city of Quebec, the Capital of
Canada. By M. Chaussegros de Lery, Engineer-in-Chief.
The situation of this place is favorable on the side of the River S' Lawrence, and unfavorable
on that of the land, as the locality is difficult of fortification, there being a great pitch
from the summit at Cape Diamond to Coteau de la Poiasse (Potash hill), and as the works
will be partially commanded by the hill at Artigny's mill, and by another hill, under-marked
17 ; the ground rising according as it recedes from the place, it is favorable, inasmuch as nearly
two-thirds of its circuit does not require to be fortified. All that part from the Coteau de la
Potasse marked S, which fronts the River S' Charles around to the Redoubt marked H, or
top of Cape Diamond, and beyond that height, in front of the River S' Lawrence, has no
need of any other fortification than that of the Batteries already there, as it is precipitous
(escarpc), and there are only some few small steps, which could be rendered impassable at
the first necessity; there are three good bateaux, in the Lower town, at high-water mark
(a jlotaison), marked F, D, E. Those on the escarpment, in the Upper town, are not so well
situated, being too high, especially that of the Chateau.
The works on the land side, between the Cape Diamond Redoubt, H, and Coteau de la Potasse,
S, do not amount to much, being open in several places, through which the town is entered;
though some of these were left to serve as entrances to the town, they have no gates, not even
a miserable barrier; the space between Cape Diamond Redoubt, H, and the edge of the
escarpment, 2, is open, so that thirty men could enter the town abreast, that point having
never been closed. This redoubt, though badly turned, having its left face undefended, is fit
for use, being in good repair; and though it were well turned, flank 3 is situated too low to
defend this left face.
Curtain R, and flank 3, and face 4, are commanded by the hill 5 of Cape Diamond, or more
strictly speaking, concealed (offusqme) by that height in consequence of its proximity; the
Curtain is raised only four, five or six feet above ground, and at one place as far as the cordon,
as appears by the draft of the actual works, having a large breach towards its centre ; some
earth has been thrown up behind, which does not touch the wall; the flanks and faces of the
tenail have open embrasures ; to make use of them, it would be necessary to put some earth
there for a platform and to construct the merlons. These works are without a ditch.
Note. It is «om. The mill battery, marked G, is fit for service, and though it forms a dead angle,
heighi. ' '° it is no less effectual, being greatly elevated.
All the fortification, 6, 7, 8, to complete the inclosing of the town, consists merely of an
elevation without a ditch in front, open and crumbling in many places, having in one part a
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 873
bad upright pallisade at the foot, which can be scaled without any difficulty, there being
nothing to prevent it.
Royal Rcdoul/t, marked I. The barracks are good. This redoubt is not completed, as some
earth still remains to be put on the terreplain, and the merlons are to be constructed, some
doors and windows to be inserted and the flanks of the barracks to be finished. The Daui^hin
Redoiibl is incomplete, much being still to be done to it. Its location is bad, being on the slope
of a rising ground. The plans, profiles, elevations and drafts, which I have drawn, exhibit
the actual condition of these two redoubts.
Saint Ursule's Redoubt, marked L, for the reception of cannon, consists merely of one double-
faced platform with embrazures of gabions, without a ditch, being inclosed by a miserable
pallisade stuck upright; it has no communication with the place and is open at its gorge;
the guns that might be put there in time of need would be soon captured ; as this redoubt is
at a distance from the place, without communication and without a ditch, and surrounded only
by a wretched pallisade, it would be cannon and people lost.
The fortification to inclose the palace is not advanced, having only the ditch, which is
marked; it is excavated some 2 and 3 feet; the rampart is not begun, the earth which has
been removed from the ditch having been used to repair the gardens and fill up a pond, so that
there is only this excavation of 2 and 3 feet.
aS' Nicholas Redoubt, marked N, is a mere trifle, being very small, covered with wooden
machicoulis, the same as the Gallows redoubt {Redoute au Boureau,) G G.
S' Rock Redoubt, marked M, is surrounded by a small ditch; the parapet, almost entirely in
ruins, is made of gabions.
The Potash Tenail, marked f f, is badly turned, not being defended at any point.
• The fortification raised onCoteaude la Potasse, which occupies the border of the escarpment,
is too low, being in some places only 6 feet high above the escarpment, which can be made
use of at this point.
The fortification, Q, O, P, is imperfect; Joubert's demi-bastion Q, has neither its rampart
nor parapets completed ; it forms, on its left, a dead angle towads the escarpment, marked 9, 10,
11, where there is a gate; the approach to this angle is by a covert way along the escarpment,
and there is a passage of 7 @ 8 feet between the end of the wall, 11, which goes down to this
escarpment and the edge of the escarpment, 12, behind this wall, 10, 11; it is difficult to
construct a rampart there, and at present there is no chemin des rondes^ from which we could
fire over its parapet; there are some loop-holes beside the gate, but they are situated too low,
so that the fire would be completely traversed from without; the Curtain, 13, is raised six feet
over the ground; in bastion O, the ramparts and parapets are not built ; the Curtain, 14,
is not formed, except by a retrenchment the same as that of the Place ; the bastion, F, is not
finished; it is raised over the ground, as shown by the sketch. This bastion is entirely
opposed to the hill at Artigny's Mill, being raised above the ground, like all that fortification,
but without a ditch, it being impossible to make any at the right face of the bastion, O,
which is situate on the brow of the hill that is very precipitous; from the height at
Artigny's Mill, the faces of bastion F and of bastion O could be easily destroyed. All the
front, from 15 to 16, is exposed to this hill, the fortification not being covered by any ditch ;
and if it were desirable to construct one before bastion F, it would be necessary to lower the
' A space between the rampart and low parapet under it for the rounds to go about it James' Military Dictionary. — Ed.
Vol. IX. 110
874 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
faces of said bastion, or to raise the counterscarp which would be built, and the covert way
of about twenty feet above the level of the ground on which the faces of this bastion stand;
this would cause a great expense, it being necessary to prolong the glacis of the covert way,
which would not prevent the revetement of this bastion being always exposed at that height;
as this bastion is situate in a low locality, I doubt if earth be found in the neighborhood within
two hundred toises to construct its rampart, which will be thirty feet high, for the vicinity of
this place is nothing but rock covered with a little soil.
I have remarked that there is neither cistern nor well within the fort, and the Marquis de
Vaudreuil is badly lodged there.
Done at Quebec, the 15th October, 1716.
Signed Chaussegkos.
Messrs. de Hamezay and Begon to the Council of the Marine.
Proposed establishment at Niagara.
LMtenan°&oveiD°. Mcssrs. dc Ramczay and Begon, Quebec, 7"" November, 1716, observe that
much'eat^med^''ii M- ^e Longueuil* had informed them on his return from the Iroquois that it
whuher be is usually would be nccessary to have a small post North of Niagara, on Lake Ontario, at
m^nage*that Nation, about 100 leaguBS from Fort Frontenacjt which could be reached in 7 or 8 days
t Tills is a Stone . ° ■'
fort erected at the m CanOC.
mouth of Lake On-
shore"" t was aba'* That this post would deter the Mississague and Amicoue Indians from
anTan?rwardTre° going to the Iroquois to trade, when passing from hunting in the neighborhood
built at the General x- x i t->
peace concluded by 01 Lake Lane.
M. de Callieres i
1708. The Iroqao__
desired it should be
l^^^lLTl^^T^^h of the King.
and that a store be o
pt there from
■which they could
procure their eup
plif '■ ■
ing; liiis was pro. conciliate the Iroquois, and to secure the greater portion of the peltries which
for'*rtie'Kti6!8''aT- S" to the English, and produce a large profit for his Majesty's benefit.
M-^de Vaudreuil This post being established, would afford means to prevent the Coureurs de
'Iped'ient 'to e'stab- bois goiug to trade to Lake Ontario, either by plundering or arresting them,
llsh this post except , . , , . . , , ,-, t-i
the Iroquois de- their trade bemg very preiudicial to that carried at Fort Frontenac.
manil it, and that ° J V 6
7h''eTpouh?»ha'iueS ^hc advantage of establishing several posts is apparent from the intention
to'' be*done KThe the English entertain of establishing some in all the places to which they propose
queTir'permission extending their Commerce.
labiish this post, if Done and concluded by the Council of the Marine held at the Louvre, the 28""
the Iroquois desire ''
i^-he council ap- March, 1716.
8;::ris"prot.osi«rn; L. a. de BoUEBON.
fnthecMe. '" *"'" Le MaRECHAL d'EsTREES.
r,. A. B.
The M. D'
By the Council,
Lachapelle.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: VII. 875
M. de Vaudreuil to tlie Council of the Marine.
Quebec, 12"" November, 1716.
I have just now received nevps from Detroit, informing me that the sons of M"" de Ramesay
and M. de Longueuil had been killed, with 17 Frenchmen, on their way back from the Illinois
to Detroit last spring, by some Indians belonging to the Tribe called Kaokias.' It is added that
this intelligence has been brought by a man of influence to the village of Roen§a, a Chief of the
Ilinois Canton, and that he states it to be a fact, saying that he recognized the clothing of
the Frenchmen in the village of the Kaokias. As this tribe inhabits the country adjoining
Carolina, it is presumed that the English of that province had, by their intrigues, induced them
to strike this blow. If that be the case, I will see that measures be adopted to obtain justice,
though this may be very difficult, owing to the great distance of that place.
I learn also at this moment, by a letter which M. de Ramezai writes me from Montreal,
that Sieur Dauteuil's son, who has come back from the English on receiving word from his
father that he had obtained leave from the Couacil to return to this country, reports that he
happened to be at Orange [at] a meeting to which this bad news as regards Sieur de Longueuil
had been brought, and on leaving this meeting, a lady of that place requested him to call on
her the next day. She told him that she had learned the tidings of the death of these two
young officers, but that, certainly, they were not dead, that she could not say any more, and
requested him to keep secret what she had just told him.
As these circumstances afford reason to believe that, possibly, the Kaokias had not killed
these officers, nor the Frenchmen who were with them, but that they had merely taken and
bound them in order to give them up to the English, I shall send this winter, during the snow,
to New-York, and shall write to Mr. Hunter, the Governor of that province, with a view to
induce him to unravel this mystery for me, and to write to the Governor of Carolina so that
he may send me back these Frenchmen should they happen to be detained within his
government. I shall let him know that, if 1 discover that the English have had a hand in the
attack perpetrated against the French, I will complain to the Council.
Vaudreuil.
The Council of Marine to M. de Vaudreuil.
Paris, 26"" June, 1717.
Sir,
The Council is in receipt of the letters you wrote in October and on the 13"" of November
of last year.
It has approved of your having permitted Sieurs de la Morandiere and de la Longueville,
officers designed for Louisiana, taking with them the men necessary for conveying them to
their destination, and it is requisite that these officers repair thither this year.
• " Kaskaisas" in next Document. Kaskaskias. — En.
876 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
The Council approves your preserving a good understanding, externally, with the Governors
of the English Colonies, and recommends you to pay, always, the same attention to the
intrigues these Governors may employ with the Natives, so as to be able to prevent whatever
might be prejudicial to the interests of the Colony.
It has observed, with pleasure, that M"' Hunter, Governor of New-York, is of opinion that
trade between the French and English is not beneficial to both nations. You are to encourage
him in these sentiments and to engage him to prohibit it severely within his government.
The Council recommends you to apply all your care to prevent it on your side; and it is the
King's pleasure that the French, who carry it on, be rigorously punished, and that all their
goods, both raw and of foreign manufacture, be burned agreeably to the ordinance of last year.
The Council approves your having sent back divers Englishmen who had come with passports
to Montreal, and you have done well to have them watched during their brief sojourn there,
in order to prevent them having any communication or trade with any of the French or
Indians. He recommends you to continue to act with the same precaution towards those who
will, possibly, come hereafter, so that they may be disgusted with this peddling, which is neither
beneficial to the Colony nor of advantage to the Kingdom.
You will see, by the King's Memoir, that his Majesty is much pleased with the manner in
which this war has been concluded. He recommends to you to employ all necessary means
to render the peace durable and to preserve good understanding among all the Upper Nations.
War does not benefit a Colony, and it is to be avoided as much as possible, unless
absolutely driven to it.
There is reason to believe that the sons of M. de Ramezay and M. de Longueuil have not
been killed on their way back from the Illinois, as has been reported in the Colony, and it is
probable that the Kaskaisas will have delivered them up to the English. The Council
approves, in order to their recovery, that you should send to New-York, and write on the
subject to the Governor of that place and of Carolina, and in case you may not succeed in
recovering them, and should learn that they are there, that you will give notice thereof to the
Council, in order that it may have them reclaimed in England. # * # #
M. de VaudreuiVs Conference with the Indians on the 24** October, 1717.
To be taken to mjr The Couucil of the Seuecas being assembled. Lieutenant Joncaire, vehom
Lord the Duke of D ' '
Orleans. hg jj^d gent in the month of December to the Iroquois country, declared to
them that as they had requested to be notified of M' de Vaudreuil's return into the Colony,
he had sent him to them to inform them of his arrival at Quebec, and that he proposed going
up to Montreal in the spring; that he had instructed said Sieur de Joncaire, besides, to demand
of them the Illinois prisoners whom they retained, after having made an attack on that nation
without any cause.
That he was much disposed to forget that bad act, because he had been assured that it had
been committed through mistake, and was persuaded it would not occur again.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 877
As he had learned that a large number of their warriors had set out towards the Mississipy,
and as it would be unfortunate for the Nation should they attack the Illinois, they must send
after those warriors to acquaint them that they should not go in that direction, and should turn
their hatchet against their usual enemies.
The Iroquois expressed joy at his return, and regret at what had been done to the Illinois,
which they assured was committed through mistake; that such would not occur again, and
that they would forbid their warriors to approach the country of that Nation ; they restored to
Sieur de Jonquaire two Illinois squaws whom they detained prisoners, and who have been
sent home.
The party of 300 warriors who, he feared, were about to go in the direction of the Illinois,
returned shortly after to Seneca, on account of the death of their Captain and of several
others from small pox.
Whilst Sieur de Jqnquaire was wintering at Seneca, a rumor prevailed that he had been sent
thither to amuse them whilst preparations were being made to march against them in the spring.
On the other hand, certain Iroquois of Sault S' Louis returning from Orange last winter, informed
M"' de Ramezay that during their intercourse at Orange with some Dutchmen and Mohawks,
they had discovered that the Iroquois of the country were meditating some expedition against
the Colony, and that it would come off in the month of June. Convinced that that Nation
would not make any movement without the knowledge of Sieur de Joncaire, who would
not fail to give notice of it as soon as he should learn its existence, these rumors did not cause
much uneasiness ; He, nevertheless, gave directions to the French, whom he had permitted to
go to New-York for the purpose of obtaining intelligence of Mess" de Ramezay and de
Longueuil's sons, to endeavor to find out whether these rumors had any foundation.
The Senecas, much less content, could not abstain from making known their uneasiness to
Sieur de Joncaire, and to inform him that they were afraid he was among them only as a Spy.
That officer did all in his power to disabuse them, but though highly esteemed among and
even adopted by them, he could not succeed in removing their suspicion, for at the moment of
his departure for Montreal, they sent a Chief of high character with him, to know from him
whether it were true that he designed to attack them. He satisfied this envoy, who returned
quite contented, and assured him that the 5 Iroquois Nations would send their Chiefs to
compliment M. de Vaudreuil on his return, and to condole the death of the late King.' These
Chiefs did, in fact, arrive at Montreal on the 3"^ of 7^", accompanied by several others of their
tribe to the number of 40. They performed the ceremony of bewailing the King's death, on
the V"", and their lugubrious songs having been concluded, the Speaker, who was one of the
Chiefs of the Onontague Council, repeated to him how greatly the 5 nations were affected by
that death; expressed to him their extreme desire to live at peace with him, and requested
him to permit Mr. de Longueil, his son, Sieurs de Joncaire and de la Chauvignerie, whom
they have adopted, to go into their Villages whenever they would wish to do so, or should be
invited by their Nation. They added, that they were fully aware that there were some people
(meaning the English) whom this would not please, but no notice must be taken of such; that
they were the masters of their own country, and wished their children to be likewise its
masters, and to go thither freely whenever M' de Vaudreuil should permit them.
The Speaker concluded by saying to him: — Father, I have just spoken to a King who is
dead: Now I address myself to the King regnant; as he who is dead evinced great kindness
' Louis XIV. died on the 1st of September, 1715. — Ed.
878 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
to us, and loaded us with benefits, we hope his successor will regard us as his children. We
pray you to transmit this Belt to your young King, who is ours likewise, and to send it to him
from the 5 Iroquois Nations. We beg of him by this Belt to have the same kindness for us
as his Predecessor has had ; to take us under his protection, and to be pleased to use the
strength of his arm to protect us from any attacks that may be made against us. We ask the
same favor for all those of the Sault St. Louis and of Sault au Recollet, for the Abenakis,
the Outasois, the Nepissings, and all others who belong to us and are our brethren.
uis Royal iBgh- ^g [jg promised them to send this belt to the King, and to recommend it, and
nes8 decision. r o '
duT'"'Tran9mu'"'a as he made them hope his Majesty would send a favorable answer to it, he applies
quou"Nl2ions. '"" to the Council and will await its answer in order to communicate it to them —
l!m. D. he hopes this will be accompanied by a suitable present to be given them in the
King's name. This he considers highly necessary for the good of the service, for too much
cannot be done to win over these Nations.
Done and concluded in the Council of the Marine, the So"" of June, 1718.
L. A. DE Bourbon.
Le Marechal D'Estrees.
By the Council.
Lachapelle.
Menioir respecting the Abenaquis of Acadia. 1718.
The English territory begins only at Kaskabe, where the first fort belonging to that Nation
in the direction of Acadia is located. 'Tis true that the limits of New France and New-York
were fixed, by virtue of the Treaty of Ryswick at S' George's river, where the Arms of the
two Crowns had been attached to a spruce tree, the branches of which had been cut off. But
the war which followed soon after, changed the limits. The spruce tree has been thrown
down, and the English have been again expelled, not only from the entire of the country as far
as Kaskabe, but even from divers places in New- York. Moreover, the Abenaquis pretend that
the whole of that coast, and all the rivers to be found therein, belong to them. And it is our
interest to sustain them in their pretensions. In fact, it is the only means we possess to
prevent the English establishing themselves throughout that entire country up to the height of
land — that is, very near Quebec and Montreal.
If it be proper to maintain the Abenaquis in our alliance, the Governor of Boston must be
given to understand that, if he undertake to settle any of the lands belonging to our Indian
Allies, it will be impossible to refuse assistance to them, and the necessity of this course will
be obvious if we reflect ever so little : 1"' That this Nation is the only support of the Colony
against the English or the Iroquois. 2""* If we do not admit or pretend to admit their right to
the country they occupy, they will never be induced to take a part in any war for the defence of
this same country, which is the rampart of Canada. 3"* If some interest be not exhibited in
their defence, they will divide themselves between the French and the English, and inasmuch
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. . 879
as they experience better terms in regard to trade from the latter than from the former, it will
not be long before they are wholly attached to them. More than half the tribe is already
English by inclination, and retained only by Religion ; their Missionaries alone have the power,
it is admitted, to persuade them to submit to the will of the Governor-general. 4"" If matters
be allowed to proceed ever so little in the course they have been for some time pursuing, New
France will be bounded on the South by the River S' Lawrence ; it will be necessary to
abandon all our posts and settlements on that side, and nothing will prevent the English and
the Iroquois making irruptions into the very heart of the Colony.
The English object the Treaty of Utrecht to us: But we answer them thereupon, that this
Treaty speaks only of Acadia, and we have demonstrated elsewhere that the country in question
is not Acadia. But is it not to be feared that we shall have to come to a war with England ?
No: The English have never been able to make head against the Abenaquis when backed by
the French; when aware of this junction, the English will withdraw without waiting to
be attacked. Such is the reply those conversant with the country consider themseves qualified
to give. The Missionaries and Father de La Chasse, Superior-general of the Missions who has
been nearly twenty years among the Abenaquis, are also of opinion that an agreement ought
to be made, as soon as possible, with the Governor of Boston, as to how far his limits extend
in virtue of the Treaty of Utrecht, and that the smallest delay may be followed by results
which it will be impossible to repair, unless it be preferable to proceed like the English by
violence, and make a settlement at Pentagouet and at the mouth of the River S' John, where
the fisheiy is good and the Indians would receive us with open arms.
In order to add further weight to what has just been set forth, it is proper to relate here
what has occurred among the Abenaquis since the Treaty of Utrecht. It was from the English
that these Indians received intelligence of that treaty. They began by telling them, in an
insulting tone, that they were fully justified in warning them that the French, after having made
use of them to wage war, would conclude peace at their expense ; that the King of France had
just made a Treaty with the Queen of England, one of the conditions of which was, that their
country should belong, henceforth, to the English. The Indians, at first, could hardly credit
this intelligence, and answered that their Missionaries had assured them of the contrary. The
English replied, that they had not advanced any thing that they were not able to prove, and
that whenever the Missionaries pleased, they would show them the Treaty in writing. The
Abenaquis then became excited and demanded, By what right did the King of France dispose
of their Country? Their excitement had been more serious had not the Missionaries appeased
them by telling them that they had been deceived by an ambiguous expression, and that their
country was not included in that which had been ceded to the English.
In the meanwhile, direct news of the peace was brought by the Marquis de Vaudreuil, who
had been in France; this general represented, at the same time, that the intention of the Count
was, to remove all the Abenaquis to Isle Royale, which it was desirous to settle. Father de La
Chasse, who was applied to for the purpose of conveying that message to the Indians,
represented that people must be ignorant of the extreme attachment these Indians bear their
country to make them such a proposition; that they would not comply, and that all that
would be gained thereby is, that from friends, which they had hitherto been, and were no longer
except from motives of religion, they would become enemies the more irreconcilable as they
would believe they were trifled with; his opinion was, that instead of proposing to them this
emigration, to which they would never be brought to consent, and which would be highly
880 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
detrimental to ourselves, inasmuch as it would leave us open to the incursions of the English,
an understanding ought to be come to, as soon as possible, which would establish the
boundaries of the two nations, extricate the Indians from difficulty, who ought to be guaranteed
assistance from us even should they be constrained to have recourse to arms for the preservation
of their country. All admitted the soundness of this advice, which was given by a man
intimately acquainted with the Abenaquis — who exercises great influence over their minds,
and to whom, it was acknowledged, the zeal exhibited by these Indians in favor of the
Colony in the time of the last attempt of the English, was principally due. It was resolved
to adopt it, and the Missionaries were instructed to reencourage their Indians; but they have
not been able to prevent several from having formed, and from still forming, attachments
with the English.
M'' Begon has, since, incessantly urged the settlement of the boundary line, of the importance
whereof he is aware, because he does not judge the Abenaquis of the present day by the
Abenaquis of former times; and daily events justify him but too well. In fact, a goodly
number of English families having made their appearance, some years since, at the lower
part the River Quinebequi, below the Naurautsoak Mission, received permission to settle
there, and have actually two forts there. Father Rale, Missionary at Naurautsoak,' did, indeed,
make some eiForts to prevent this settlement, the consequences of which he foresaw, but he
did not consider himself bound to make any stronger demonstrations, because it would be an
useless risk of his life; the English would not be the less established, and aware of the Jesuit's
designs against them, would have done him serious harm. He knew that a price had been
set on the head of his confrere. Father Aubry,^ for the same reason, at the beginning of the last
war, but this Father succeeded in removing the English and had nothing to fear then from any
of the Abenaquis; circumstances which no longer exist.
However, the Indians of Naurautsoak beginning, last summer, to take some umbrage at their
new guests, wished to know, in case it became necessary to use force to dislodge them, whether
they could count on the aid of the French ; they deputed some among them to wait on the
Marquis de Vaudreuil to explain to him the situation in which they were placed, and to
demand of him, who called himself their father, and to whom they had been always
submissive as children, whether he was disposed to assist them against the English in case of
a rupture, as they had assisted him at the expense of their blood on every occasion that he
had required them. The general assured them he should never fail them, in time of need.
But what assistance, Father, will you give us? they asked. My children, answered M"" de
Vaudreuil, I shall secretly send you some hatchets, some powder and lead. Is this the way,
then, the Indians retorted, that a Father aids his children, and was it thus we assisted you? A
Father, they added, when he sees his son engaged with an enemy stronger than he, comes
forward, extricates his son and tells the enemy that it is with him he has to do. Well, replied
M'' de Vaudreuil, I will engage the other Indian tribes to furnish you aid. At these words the
deputies retorted with an ironical laugh — Know, that we all who inhabit this vast continent
will, whensoever we please, as long as we exist, unite to expel all foreigners from it, be they
who they may. This declaration surprised the General, who, to mollify them, protested that
rather than abandon them to the mercy of the English, he would himself march at their head.
' Now called Norriilgewoct.
' Rev. Joseph Aubkui received Holy_ Orders in Quebec in 1699, and became Missionary to the Abenaquis about the year
1702, 8. He subsequently was appointed to the mission of St. Francis, in Canada, and died, it is said, in 1758. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 881
They departed apparently satisfied. It seems, however, that they were not thoroughly
convinced of the sincerity of this promise. They took care to report throughout all the
villages, and perhaps with some exaggeration, as is their wont, what had transpired at M. de
Vaudreuil's, and the Missionaries assure us, that the entire Nation is dissatisfied, and nothing
is wanting to make them adopt some untoward resolution.
The General assures that there is a man of influence among the Abenaquis of Naurautsouak
entirely devoted to him, by means of whom he will get the others to do whatever he pleases.
Those best acquainted with these Indians are convinced that no reliance is to be placed on
them. M' Begon, on the other hand, would wish that some hair-brained fellow of the
Abenaquis might make some attack on the English that would light up a war; but if this
nation is not to be aided by some men, can we, with honor and in conscience, precipitate it
into a war against an enemy greatly its superior? What will become of ourselves if these
Indians be worsted, and the English become masters of their villages, some of which are in
our midst? and if there be any disposition to assist them, is it not more natural to let the
Governor of Boston know that, if the English do not retire from a country belonging to our
allies, and which we cannot, and do not pretend to cede to them by any treaty, they will have
to do with the French, who will not be able to refuse their assistance to men from whom
they received aid in time of need, and who assisted them only on condition that such favor
would be reciprocated?
This proceeding seems to be so much the more necessary and urgent, as we are informed
that the Iroquois are soliciting the Abenaquis, by Belts which they send them underhand, to
cooperate with them against the French; that the English have within three or four months
proceeded towards Pemquit; that the Abenaquis, of Panaouaske have consented thereunto in
spite of Father Lauverjat, their missionary, who thought he effected considerable in providing
that this establishment would be confined to one trading house; but things must not be
expected to remain in that position ; besides, this conduct shows that these two Nations,
whose mutual enmity has been, up to this time, our security, are beginning to be reconciled,
from which nothing can follow but the ruin of the Colony.
Father Aubery pretends that were some post established in the direction of Pentagouet and
at the lower end of the River S' John for fishing, which is very good in that quarter, the
Abenaquis would receive us with open arms under the conviction that we would not come
there except to defend them against the English ; and he adds, that these posts would be of
great advantage to the Colony. We have as much right as the English to settle the places in
dispute, and as the Indians are on our side, we are in no fear of being disturbed in those
establishments.
Vol. IX. Ill
882 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Father Lafitaics Hemon-^trance against the Sale of Brandy to the Indians.
Memoir of Father Lafitau,^ Jesuit Missionary of the Iroquois of the Sault S'
Louis, on the sale of Liquor to the Indians, and the Council's Order
thereupon.
The trade in Brandy and other similar liquors is entirely opposed to the good of the Colony
and of the State, for four principal reasons, the first of which is, that it affects the peace and
interests of the Indians.
When these people are intoxicated they become so furious that they break and destroy
every thing belonging to their household, cry and howl terribly, and go in quest, like madmen,
of their enemies to poignard them ; their relatives and friends are not, at these times, safe from
their rage, and they gnaw even their own noses and ears.
Father Bruyas, an ancient Missionary, has repeatedly assured him that he knew more than
one hundred persons who came to settle at the Sault S' Louis in the expectation of avoiding
the persecution of this description of drunkenness, but that several of them had left the place,
finding that drink and drunkenness were as common and frequent there as in their own country.
Although the Indians love to drink, they are, nevertheless, sorry for having done so, because
in their drunkenness they lose all they possess ; wherefore they feel extreme regret when they
come to their senses.
Disunion and the dissolution of their marriages are always the result of their debaucheries,
in consequence of the sorrow and despair experienced by their wives on beholding themselves
robbed by their drunken husbands, who strip them of everything in order to obtain drink, and
defrauded of the products of the chase, which belong to them, and are taken away from their
husbands by their creditors before arriving at their village.
These Indians, loaded with debt and despoiled by their creditors, who do not leave them
even their guns, are often obliged to abandon the country and to go over to the English,
despairing of being able to pay their debts.
These people have so clearly perceived the injury they were suffering from this trade that
they have demanded, and still demand of the governors, almost every year, that it be abolished
by their authority.
The answer given by the Governor of Manhate, on this subject, to a Missionary ^ who had
been forced, by the Chiefs of the Mohawks, to write to him, is an incontestable proof of this.
' Rev. Joseph FEAN901S Lafitau was a native of Bourdeaux, and is said to have emigrated, in tlie year 1700, to Canada,
■where he succeeded Father Bruyas as missionary to the Indians of the Sault Saint Louis. He labored five years in that
mission (Maurs Sauvagea, I,, 2), and returned to France, where he was professor of Belles Lettres. In 1718 a treatise
appeared from his pen, "concerning the precious plant called Ginseng," which he discovered in Canada; the title is
"Memoire presente a son Altesse Royale M. le Due d'Orleans, regent du royaume de France : concernant la precieuse plante
du Ginseng de Tartaric, dccouverte en Canada par le P. Joseph Francois Lafitau, Missionaire des Iroquois du Sault Saint
Louis," 8vo., pp. 88, with a plate representing the plant. In 1723, he published his elaborate work entitled "Mocurs des
Sauvages Ameriquains comparees aux Moeurs des premiers temps." Paris, 2 volumes, 4to., 41 plates. It contains a great
detail of the manners, customs and religion of the Indians of America, particularly of those of the Iroquois, and is the most
exact we have on the subject. His parallel of the people of antiquity witli those of America has been considered ns very
ingenious, and supposes a great knowledge of ancient history. This work was reprinted, badly enough, the following year, at
Rouen, in 4 vols. 12mo. In 1733 was published his work on the discoveries and conquests of the Portuguese in Asia and
Africa, under the inappropriate title, however, of "Histoire des Descouvertes et conquetes des Portuguais dans le Nouveau
Monde." Paris, 2 vols., 4to., plates; also in 4 vols. 12mo. Father Lafitau died in France in 1740. JBioff. Universelle. — Ed.
' Father Pierron.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 883
Copy of the Governor of Manhatte's letter.
Father. From your last letter I learn your complaint, which is seconded by that of the
Chiefs of the Iroquois Captains, as appears more fully by their petition inclosed in yours,
touching the vast amount of liquors that some of Albany take the liberty to sell to the Indians,
causing them thereby to commit excessive disorders, more of which are to be apprehended if
steps be not taken to prevent them. In answer, you will learn that I have adopted every
possible precaution, and shall continue, by very certain fines, to restrain and prevent the
supplying of the Indians with any excess, and I am very glad to learn that such virtuous thoughts
proceed from Heathens to the shame of many Christians ; but such is to be attributed to your
pious instructions; you who are well versed in strict discipline, have given them the example
of mortification both by precept and practice.
Your very humble and most obedient servant,
Dated Fort James, IS"" November, 166S. Francis Lovelace.
The second, that it is opposed to the good of the Colonists, who, attracted by the hope of
gain from this trade, abandon their farms and families to go among the Indian Nations,
sometimes even without leave, where many, giving themselves up to debauchery, live without
law, scandalize the Indians, and after having consumed the goods they have often obtained on
credit, and seeing themselves without the means of payment, settle among the Indians and
become bankrupt to their creditors.
The third, that it is absolutely opposed to the interests of the Merchants, who, being under
the necessity of advancing the Indians their outfit, and the Colonists the freight for their canoes
to proceed to the Far Nations, ought to receive the peltry directly from the one and the other,
and do not receive any thing in consequence of the derangement invariably caused by brandy,
which they drink on their arrival or have previously drank, and for which they are still in debt,
and for which they are obliged to pay in goods that they bring.
And the fourth, that it is capable of alienating the Indians from us, 1", inasmuch as
several of their Tribes have been almost wholly destroyed by Brandy, particularly the
Algonkin Nation; and in the second place, because the French runaways, not daring to return
home again, seduce the Indians over to the English, in order to assist them to transport the
merchandise they intend to purchase there, and in that way teach the Indians the road to
the English.
He hopes that these reasons will engage the Council to give such precise orders for the
prevention of this trade, wliicli is almost the sole obstacle to the labors of the Missionaries,
that the Governors will be obliged to enforce them, and that no one will dare to elude them as
has been the case heretofore.
Note. — Several Memoirs and letters have been sent to the Council on this
subject by Messrs. de Vaudreuil, Begon and Ramezay.
All agree as to the inconveniences of the trade in Brandy, but at the same that it is
necessary; and M"' de Vaudreuirhaving observed that it was indispensable to give 2 or 3
pots of brandy, a man, to the Indians of the upper countries who visit the Colony, and even
to have them treated, moderately, at Fort Frontenac —
Whereupon the Council deliberated on the 31" of March, 171G, that it was necessary to
continue the general prohibitions which had been formerly enacted, and meanwhile to permit
884 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
the conveyance of Brandy in moderate quantities to the places proposed by M' de Vaudreuil.
Should he think proper to renew the prohibitions, it must be done without in any way
changing the preceding ones.
Observation.
The sale of Brandy, of which Father Laffitau complains, is apparently that which is carried
on in the towns of the Colony, which it appears always necessary to prevent.
Done and concluded the 1*' of June, 1718.
l. a. de boukbon.
Le Marshal D'Estrees.
By the Council.
La Chapelle.
To advise Mess" de Vaudreuil and Begon that the Council is informed that a great many
other permits have been issued in addition to the licenses already allowed. To forbid the
issuing of these sorts of permits on any pretext whatsoever. To issue, for another year,
the regular number of licenses, after which to declare that no more will be issued. The
bearers of the licenses, will notify the Indians thereof, so that these may afterwards bring their
goods. To forbid the including in the licenses, which will be issued this last time, the carrying
of any Brandy, not even for the use of the Voyageurs.
M. de Vaudreuil to the Council of Marine.
Quebec, SO"- October, 1718.
The five Nations, constantly occupied in war with the Flat-heads, continue to live in peace
with us. They are impatiently waiting for the King's answer to the Belt that I have sent
from them to the Council to be presented to the King.
Five Onontague Chiefs came to Montreal on behalf of the Five Nations, and have spoken to
me on the 26"" of August by two belts. They signified to me, by the first, that as I had
promised to send the King their Message, which went from their heart to enter that
of his Majesty, and convinced that I had not failed to transmit it, they had come to learn the
answer, and in case I had not yet received it, to inquire if I were advised of the presentation
of their belt to the King. By the second, they told me that they had likewise come for the
purpose of communicating to me very bad news for them — that they had learned by a man
named Changaroton, who has been brought up among them, and who now resides towards the
Mississipy, that he had seen the English of Carolina making the Flat-heads, the enemies of
the Iroquois, considerable presents of powder, lead, guns, pistols, swords and sabres, in order
to wage war against the Five Nations and invade their peace, the said English having also
promised these Flat-heads, if that were not sufficient, to supply them with more, until they
should be all armed, and even to join them for the purpose of destroying the Iroquois. These
Deputies likewise added, that when they set out from their Village, others started for Orange
to communicate this news to their brother, the Englishman, and to Peter Schuyler, and to
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 885
demand from him the same aid that he was affording to strangers, with whom he had only two
days' acquaintance, with orders, should he refuse, as they will understand that he is their
enemy, to reproach him with the fact that if his land still remain, he is indebted for it to the
Iroquois, since it is out of regard for them that Onontio has not waged war on them.
1 informed these Deputies that their belt had been received at Court, and that I will send
them the answer to it as soon as 1 shall receive it; and that what they told me of the English
did not surprise me, for I had warned them long ago of the design those entertain to seize their
land as they have done that of the Mohawks. I observed to them, likewise, that they will
afford me pleasure by letting me know the answer the Deputies will receive whom they have
sent to Orange.
It is to be wished that this news is true, and that those of Orange might refuse the Iroquois
the aid they demand, as, in that case, should the Iroquois not absolutely embroil themselves
with the English, they would at least entertain sufficiently serious distrust of the latter, not to
allow them to establish any posts on their territory, as they have long proposed to do.
Vaudreuil.
Memoir on the Indians hetween Lake Erie and the Mississippi.
Memoir on the Indians of Canada as far as the River Mississipi, with remarks
on their manners and trade. 1718.
The Niagara portage is two leagues and a half to three leagues long, but the road, over
which carts roll two or three times a year, is very fine, with very beautiful and open woods
through which a person is visible for a distance of six hundred paces. The trees are all oaks,
and very large. The soil along the entire of that road is not very good. From the landing,
which is three leagues up the river, four hills are to be ascended. Above the first hill there is
a Seneca village of about ten cabins, where Indian corn, beans, peas, water-melons and
pumpkins are raised, all which are very fine. These Senecas are employed by the French,
from whom they earn money by carrying the goods of those who are going to the Upper
Country; some for mitasses,' others for shirts, some for powder and ball, whilst some others
pilfer ; and on the return of the IVench, they carry their packs of furs for some peltry. This
Portage is made for the purpose of avoiding the Cataract of Niagara, the grandest sheet of water
in the world, having a perpendicular fall of two to three hundred feet. This fall is the outlet
of Lakes Erie, Huron, Michigan, Superior, and consequently of the numberless rivers discharging
into these lakes, as well as of other lakes towards the Sioux, with the names of which I am not
acquainted. The Niagara portage having been passed, we ascend a river six leagues in length
and more than a quarter of a league in width, in order to enter Lake Eri6, which is not very
wide at its mouth. The route by the Southern, is much finer than that along the Northern
shore. The reason that few persons take it is, that it is thirty leagues longer than that along
the North. There is no need of fasting on either side of this lake, deer are to be found there
in such great abundance ; buffaloes are found on the South, but not on the North shore.
' Thia is another instance of the adoption of Indian words by Europeans. Mitas is not a French, but an Algonquin word
for stockings or leggings, in the Vocabulary in La Honian, II., 223. — Kd.
886 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
A hundred leagues from Niagara, on the South side, is a river called Sandosquet, which the
Indians of Detroit and Lake Huron take when going to war with the Flat-heads and other
nations towards Carolina, such as theCheraquis,the Indians residing on the River Casquinampo'
and the Chasanons. They ascend this Sandosquet river two or three days, after which they
make a small portage, a fine road of about a quarter of a league. Some make canoes of elm
bark and float down a small river ^ that empties into the Ohio, which means Beautiful river;
it is indeed beautiful, for it is nearly a quarter of a league in width, with a fine current without
rapids, except one of about half an acre, and this river falls into the Ouabache,^ thence into
the Mississipi forty leagues below the village of Rouinsac,* where the Fathers are settled and
where some Frenchmen live. This Ohio, or Beautiful river, rises 30 leagues south (derncre)
of the Seneca nation. Beyond Fort des Sables on Lake Ontario and near the River aux bceufs
is a river that flows into this Beautiful river.^
Whoever would wish to reach the Mississipi easily, would need only to take this Beautiful
river, or the Sandosquet; he could travel without any danger of fasting, for all who have been
there have repeatedly assured me, that there is so vast a quantity of Buffalo and of all
other animals in the woods along that Beautiful river, they were often obliged to discharge
their guns to clear a passage for themselves. They say that two thousand men could very
easily live there. To reach Detroit from this River Sandosquet, we cross Lake Erie from
Island to Island and get to a place called Point Pelee," where every sort of fish are in great
abundance, especially Sturgeon, very large, and three, four and five feet in length. There is
on one of these Islands so great a number of Cats that the Indians killed as many as nine
hundred of them in a very short time. The object of the Indians in making this traverse is
to shorten their road considerably, and were they not to do so they must go as far as the river
which flows from the Miamis, and which is at the head of the Lake.
At the mouth of the Detroit river, which is very wide, are four Islands called L'ile au Bois
blanc; that before it, L'ile aux poux; the other, L'ile aux esclaves, and the fourth. Grand
Island, which is very fine and fertile, and extensive, being, as is estimated, from six to seven
leagues in circumference. There is an extraordinary quantity of apple trees on this Island, and
those who have seen the apples on the ground, say they are more than a half a foot deep; the
apple trees are planted as if methodically, and the apples are as large as small pippins (pommcs
d'(ipis). Abundance of excellent millstones are found on this Island; all around it are very fine
prairies. It was a long time doubtful whether Detroit should not be founded there. The
cause of the hesitation was, the apprehension that the timber might some day fail. Both shores
of this Detroit river are lined with the most beautiful prairies that can be seen; the soil is the
best that can be met, and the climate is very mild. It is six leagues from Bois blanc Island to
the Fort of Detroit, where our Frenchmen are. Two leagues from Fort Detroit is an Island
called Isle aux dindes. It is so called because Turkies are always to be found there. It
contains very little timber; only prairie. Four or five years ago, a man named Le Tonnerre,
principal Chief of the Foxes, and two of the same tribe, were killed there by the Hurons settled
at Detroit. The two Foxes who were with Le Tonnerre, were devoured by wild beasts, crows,
' The ancient name of the Tennessee river. See De Lisle's Map ; also Ramsey' s Annals of Tennessee, 81.
' The Scioto. ^ The Wabash falls into the Ohio. ' Kaskaskin, Illinois.
" Furt des Sables was on Irondequoit bay, Monroe county, N. Y. The river beyond is the Genesee. The Riviire avx
Bmufi, or Buffalo river, is supposed to be the present Oak Orchard creek, Orleans county, N. Y.
" General Harrison took this route in 1813. Darby's Tour ; Map, 185. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 887
or other vermin; but Le Tonnerre was still uninjured a year afterwards, not an animal having
touched him. The fort of Djtroit is South of the river. The village of the Poutouatamies
adjoins the fort; they lodge partly under Apaquois,' wliicli are made of mat grass. The
women do all this work. The men belonging to that Nation are well clothed, like our
domiciliated Indians at Montreal ; their entire occupation is hunting and dress; they make use
of a great deal of vermillion, and in winter wear buffalo robes richly painted, and in summer,
either blue or red cloth. They play a good deal at La Crosse in summer, twenty or more on
each side. Their bat is a sort of little racket, and the ball with which they play is made of very
heavy wood, somewhat larger than the balls used at tennis. When playing, they are entirely
naked, except a breech cloth, and moccasins on their feet; their body is completely painted
with all sorts of colors. Some, with white clay, trace white lace on their bodies, as if on all
the seams of a coat, and at a distance it would be apt to be taken for silver lace. They play
very deep (grosjcu) and often. The bets sometimes amount to more than eight hundred livres.
They set up two poles and commence the game from the centre ; one party propels the ball
from one side and the others from the opposite, and whichever reaches the goal, wins. This
is fine recreation and worth seeing. They often play village against village; the Poux against
the Outaouacs or the Hurons, and lay heavy stakes. Sometimes Frenchmen join in the game
with them. The women cultivate Indian corn, beans, peas, squashes and melons, which
come up very fine. The women and girls dance at night; adorn themselves considerably,
grease their hair, put on a white shift, paint their cheeks with vermillion, and wear whatever
wampum they possess, and are very tidy in their way. They dance to the sound of the drum
and Sisiquoi,^ which is a sort of gourd containing some grains of shot. Four or five young
men sing and beat time with the drum and Sisiquoi, and the women keep time and do not
lose a step; it is very entertaining, and lasts almost the entire night. The old men often
dance the Medelinne;^ they resemble a set of demons, and all this takes place during the
night. The young men often dance in a c\rc\e ( tc tour ) and strike posts; it is then they recount
their achievements, and dance, at the same time, the war dance (dcs dccouvertcs*), and whenever
they act thus, they are highly ornamented. It is altogether very curious. They often perform
these things for tobacco. When they go hunting, which is every fall, they carry their Apaquois
with them to hut under at night. Every body follows, men, women and children, and winter
in the forest and return in the spring.
The Hurons are also near; perhaps the eighth of a league from the French fort. This is
the most industrious nation that can be seen. They scarcely ever dance, and are always at
work ; raise a very large amount of Indian corn, peas, beans ; some grow wheat. They
construct their huts entirely of bark, very strong and solid ; very lofty and very long, and
arched like arbors. Their fort is strongly encircled with pickets and bastionS; well redoubled,
and has strong gates. They are the most faithful Nation to the French, and the most expert
hunters that we have. Their cabins are divided into sleeping copartments, which contain
their Misirague, and are very clean. They are the bravest of all the Nations, and possess
considerable talent. They are well clad ; some of them wear close overcoats (juste au corps de
caijotj. The men are always hunting, summer and winter, and the women work. When they
'Apaquois — matting made of flags or rushes — from apee, a leaf, and -wigquoiam, a hut. They cover their huts with
mats made of rushes platted. Carver's Travels, London, 1116, 2.32.
' Carver calls them Chickiooes. Compare Charlevoix, note, IIL, 20Y.
' Medicine dance! * Lafitau; also Charlevoi.':, III., 29*7. — En.
888 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
go hunting in the fall, a goodly number of them remain to guard their fort. The old women,
and throughout the winter those women who remain, collect wood in very large quantity. The
soil is very fertile ; Indian corn grows there to the height of ten @ twelve feet; their fields are
very clean, and very extensive; not the smallest weed is to be seen in them.
The Outaoues are on the opposite side of the river, over against the French fort ; they,
likewise, have a picket fort. Their cabins resemble somewhat those of the Hurons. They do
not make use of Apaquois except when out hunting ; their cabins in this fort are all of bark,
but not so clean nor so well made as those of the Hurons. They are as well dressed, and very
laborious, both in their agriculture and hunting. Their dances, juggleries and games of ball
(la crosse) and of the Bowl' are the same as those of the Poux. Their game of the Bowl
consists of eight small pebbles (noyaux), which are red or black on one side, and yellow or white
on the other; these are tossed up in a bowl, and when he who holds the vessel tosses them
and finds seven or the whole eight of the same color he gains, and continues playing as long as
he achieves the same thing. When the result is different, the adverse party takes the bowl
and plays next, and they risk heavy stakes on all these games. They have likewise the game
of the Straws, and all the Nations gamble in like manner.
The timber, in all those countries, is very fine, and, as well as the fruit, of all sorts. There
are Nut trees with nuts similar to those of France ; very fine apples and very handsome
mulberry trees which bear excellent fruit, large in size and very long, and a vast quantity of
chestnut trees bearing a large number of chestnuts. Lake Erie, which is fully three hundred
leagues in circumference, is bordered with them.
One league from Fort Detroit is an island called Isle aux Cochons,^ a league long, having the
finest timber in the world, and prairies without end. It is one of the handsomest islands that
can be seen ; and of very rich soil. Five leagues from the Fort is a small lake, called Lake
S' Clair, seven leagues long and not very wide. The shore is visible on both sides. This
lake is well stocked with fish, and especially white fish, which, however, is not so good as that
at Missilimakinac. Before reaching this lake you come to the Peninsula (Presqu'Ue) where
the Foxes were treacherously defeated.
I forgot to state the number of men belonging to the Detroit Tribes. The Hurons number
one hundred men ; the Poux,^ ISO; the Outaouaes, about one hundred men and a number
of women.
Twelve leagues from Fort Detroit, always going up the river, you will find the Misisague
Indians, who occupy a beautiful island where they raise their crops. They are about 60 or SO
men. Their language resembles that of the Outaouae; there is very little difference between
them. Their customs are the same, and they are very industrious. All these Nations construct
a great many bark canoes, which is a great assistance to them ; they occupy themselves in this
sort of work; the women sew the canoes with roots; the men finish them and make the
[ribs] of these canoes, smoothen and floor (varanguent) them, and the women gum them. It
costs some labor to build a canoe ; it requires considerable [pains] and preparation, which are
curious to behold.
Eight leagues further on is the mouth of Lake Huron, which is fully as large as Lake Erie.
Thirty leagues up Lake Huron, tending to the West, on the route to the Missilimakinac,
you find Saquinam, where some Outaouaes are settled to the number of 60 men. They
' For a description of these games, see Carver's IVavels, London ed , 363 ; or Philadelphia ed., 1796, 23T.
' Hog Island. ' i. e. Poutouatamies. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. ggg
occupy some islands at the entrance of the Saquinam, where they have their village and raise
their crops and grain. When they are not at war with other Nations they make their fields
on the main; but they plant always in the two places for fear of a failure. The soil there is
very good; game and fish abundant and of all descriptions.
This Nation is the most mutinous and the iiardest to govern in all these parts. Their
manners, resemble, in every respect, those of the Outaouaes. On the opposite or North shore of
Lake Huron you have Matechitache; some Mississagues are there, whose manners are the
same as those of the Outaouaes. You have the Toronto Carrying place, leading from Lake
Ontario to Lake Huron, fifteen leagues long.
From Saquinam you go to Missilimakinac, the residence of the Jesuit fathers and of some
Frenchmen. The voyage to Missilimakinac may, if you please, be dispensed with, in going
to tlie River S' Josepii, or to Chicagou. The Bay is on the same side as Missilimakinac; it is
settled by the Puans and Wild Rice Indians (Ics folic avoine); there are some Frenchmen there
also. The Sacs, another Indian Nation, are convenient to these Tribes, as I have been
informed, and fifteen or eighteen leagues the one from the other. The Puans and the Folle
Avoines are not numerous; each nation may number SO or 100 men. The Sacs are 100 or
120 men. The two latter have, as I learn, the same customs as the Outaouaes and the Poux.
•Their language is not altogether the same, but whoever understands the Outaouaes can be
understood by these Tribes. The Sacs resemble the Poux, because they are intimately allied
together and have the same manners. The Sacs have their cabins on the same Fox river,
that leads to the Carrying place of the Ouisconsin river, which falls into the Mississipi; it is
pretty convenient to the Sioux.
All these tribes are very industrious, and the women are four times more numerous than
the men. The Foxes are 18 leagues distant from the Sacs ; they number five hundred men,
and abound in women and children; are as industrious as can be; raise large quantities of
Indian corn, and have a different language from the Outaouaes. An Outaouae interpreter
would be of no use with the Foxes. They are well fortified; have the same sort of dances
and games as the Poutouatamis, but differ in regard to dress, for the men wear scarcely any
cloth clothing, and the major portion of them do not wear any breech clout. As for the
women, they all have them, and the girls wear, in addition, a black or brown fawn skin,
embellished all round, some with little bells, others with a sort of copper, or tin, tags; they
also wear blankets. They are pretty enough and not black. There is excellent hunting in
these parts, and the people live well in consequence of the abundance of meat and fish, of the
latter of which this Fox river is very full.
The Foxes are fifty leagues, in the direction of Chicagou, from the Mascoutins and Quicapous,
who reside together in a village on the bank of a river, the name of which I forget.' Both
these tribes together do not amount to 200 men ; they are clever people and brave warriors.
Their language and manners strongly resemble those of the Foxes; they are of the same stock
(jamhe). They catch deer by chasing them, and, even at this day, make considerable use of
bows and arrows. The Quicapous and Mascoutins are not far, perhaps fifty leagues, from
Chicagous, which they must pass on their way to Detroit or to the River S' Joseph.
The River S' Joseph is south of Lake Michigan, formerly the Lake of the Illinois ; many
take this river to pass to the Rocks,^ because it is convenient, and they thereby avoid the
' Eock river, IllinoiB.
' Eoct Fort, Illinois. For an account of this curiosity, see Flini's Geography, I., 331. ; also Charlevoix, IIL, 381. — Ed.
Vol. IX. 112
890 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
portages des Chaines, and des Perches. It is situated at the head of Lake Michigan, and leads
to the Rocks, an Illinois village.
The Miamis and Poutouatarnis formerly resided with some INIissionaries at the River S'
Joseph ; it is not long since they were there. 'Tis a spot the best adapted of any to be seen for
purposes of living and as regards the soil. There are pheasants as in France ; quails and
perroquets ; the finest vines in the world, which produce a vast quantity of very excellent
grapes, both white and bhick, the berry very large and juicy, and the bunch very long. It is
the richest district in all tiiat country. 1 believe they left it only because of the war between the
Foxes, Sacs and Outaouaes and all the other tribes of those parts. It is thirty leagues from
the river S' Joseph to Chicagou, which is thirty leagues from the Rocks. The Oujatanons
were also at Chicagou, but being afraid of the Canoe people, they left it. It would not be
difficult to induce them to return there, and it would be important that they should do so, for
divers reasons; principally, because they are within reach of the English and Senecas in
consequence of the facilities of the road, and at Chicagou it is very different, there being nearly
one hundred leagues of land travel.
The Illinois occupy the Rock on the bank of the river, and the French reside on the
Rock wiiich is very lofty and impregnable. As far as the eye can reach, is prairie. From
the summit of the Rock you behold, roaming through the prairies, herds of the Buff"alo of
Illinois. This Nation is at war with the Foxes and Oujatanons. The Illinois of the Rock
number 400 men, and are eighty leagues from the Oujatanons, and over a hundred and fifty
leagues from the Foxes. Their language is different from that of our people at Detroit, yet
our Poutouatamis partially understand them. Bows and arrows are considerably in use among
them; they are comfortably clothed in deer, buffalo, wild cat, wolf, panther, beaver and otter
skins ; and all the tribes above mentioned have the entire body tattooed with all sorts of figures
and designs. This description of Indians do not kill a great deal of beaver. Their games are
the same as those of all the other tribes. They dwell on the borders of the Illinois river, and
are very expert in whatever they manufacture, whether garters, sashes, or belts for powder
horns, which are very beautiful in the finish and designs. The women are well made
and not black ; they spin buffalo hair themselves, of which they make all those articles. The
cabins of this Illinois tribe also are covered with Apaquois. They protect themselves against
rain and snow, and are very adroit.
On this same river is an Illinois village called Pimytesouy, distant about fifty leagues or
more from the Rock; about the same distance, on the same river, are the Caokias, who are
Illinois. A priest, named Monsieur Varlet,' is their missionary; he proposes to return thither
' Rev. Dominique Marie Vaklkt was born at Paris on the 15th March, IBtS ; he was a Seminarian of Saint Magloire, and a
licentiate in the house of Navarre, and was raised to the priesthood and became Doctor of the Sorbonne in 170(5. He soon
after was connected with the Foreign Missions, and was sent by that body to Canada ( in 1707, according to the Liste
Chronologique), and labored zealously as a missionary among the Illinois for six years, viz., from 1712 to 1718, when his
Buperiors recalled him to France, and on their recommendation he was nominated Bishop of Ascalon, and coadj utor to the Bishop
of Babylon. He was consecrated 19th February, 1719, on which occasion M. de Mornay, coadjutor-bishop of Quebec, assisted.
Intelligence was received on the same day of the news of the Bishop of Babylon's death. M Varlet immediately set out for
his new see; passed through Holland, tlience through Russia into Persia. Meanwhile the Court of Rome learned that his
opinions were not entirely orthodox, and he was obliged to return. He stopped in Holland, where he eventually founded the
Schisraatical Church of Utrecht, consecrated bishops and archbishops irregularly, and issued various Jansenistical volumes. He
resided at Amsterdam until 1727 ; afterwards at Schoonaw and ne.\t at Rhynwick. Repeated efforts were made to reconcile
him to the Church, but he was too much attached to his party to return. He died at Rhynwick, near Utrecht, 14th May,
1742, and was interred in the last mentioned city in the cloister of St. Mary's church. He was interdicted, deposed and
excommunicated by no less than three popes. Biographie Univtrselte. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 891
next spring, 171S. He has come down in quest of a priest to accompany him. Tiiis Nation
is thirty leagues from the village of Roinsac, called Cascachias, where the Fathers reside; all
are Illinois and have the same manners. The French who reside in this village represent it
as the finest of all the Indian Missions, and that they are very devout a'i(^ '^^ example to the
French. This nation is very numerous and all have the same manners; very industrious and
hard working. They raise, in these parts, a quantity of French melons, the pulp of which,
inside, is green and of a most excellent quality. The climate there is very line. In addition to
raising a large supply of Maize, the Indians thereabout produce also considerable Wheat.
There are three grist-mills ; one of these is a wind, another a horse, mill ; the third, a quern.
They have oxen, cows, hogs, horses, fowls; in fine, every thing suitable for life. The wheat
comes up very fine there; it is sown in the Autumn, and the climate is milder than in France.
It is eighty leagues from this Illinois village to the mouth of the Ouabache,' and GO from
the Ouabache to Natahou,^ down the River Mississipi. This is the only village to be met with
along this river. It is five hundred leagues from the Sea to Rouinsac, where the Fathers
reside, and in ascending the Mississipi from the Sea, a strong current is constantly encountered.
I return to the Miamis river. Its entrance from Lake Erie is very wide, and its banks, on
both sides, for the distance of ten leagues up, are nothing but continual Swamps, abounding,
at all times, especially in the fall and spring, with game without end; swans, geese, ducks,
cranes, etc., which drive sleep away by the noise of their cries. This river is sixty
leagues in length, very embarrassing in summer in consequence of the lowness of the water.
Thirty leagues up the river is a place called La Glaise,^ where Buffaloes are always to be
found ; they eat the clay and wallow in it. The Miamis are sixty leagues from Lake Erie, and
number 400, 'all well formed men, and well tattooed; the women are numerous. They
are hard working, and raise a species of Maize unlike that of our Indians at Detroit. It
is white, of the same size as the other, the skin much finer and the meal much whiter.
This Nation is clad in deer-skin, and when a married woman goes with another man, her
husband cuts off her nose and does not see her any more. This is the only Nation that has
such a custom. They love plays and dances, wherefore they have more occupation. The
women are well clothed, but the men use scarcely any covering and are tattooed all over the
body. From this Miami village'' there is a portage of three leagues to a little and very narrow
stream^ that falls, after a course of 20 leagues, into the Ohio, or the Beautiful river, which
discharges into the Ouabache, a fine river that falls into the Mississipi 40 leagues from
Cascachias. Into the Ouabache falls also the Casquinampo," which communicates with
Carolina, but this is very far off and always up stream.
This River Ouabache is the one on which the Ouyatanons are settled. They consist of five
villages, which are contiguous the one to the other. One is called Oujatanon, the other
Peanguichias, and another Petitscotias,'' and the fourth Les gros. The name of the last I do
not recollect, but they are all Oujatanons,^ having the same language as the Miamis, whose
brothers they are, and properly all Miamis, having all the same customs and dress. The men
are very numerous; fully a thousand or twelve hundred. They have a custom different
from all the other nations, which is to keep their fort extremely clean, not allowing a
'The Ohio. At thia time the Wabash was considered the prineial river and the Ohio one of its tributaries, an error
Charlevoix also falls into. His'.oire de la Nouvelle France, III., 406. — Ed.
" Natches? ° Defiance, in the N. W. of Ohio. ' Now Fort Wayne, Indiana. ' Little river, Indiana.
° Tennessee river. ' Petikokiaa. ' Weae.
892 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
blade of grass to remain in it. The whole of the fort is sanded like the Tuilleries, and if
a dog happen to make any filth in it, the women take and remove it outside. Their village is
situated on a high hill, and they have over two leagues of improvement where they raise their
Indian Corn, punipkijis and melons. From the summit of this elevation nothing is visible to
the eye but prairies full of buffaloes. Their play and dancing are incessant. All these tribes
use avast quantity of vermillion. The women wear clothing; the men very little. The River
Ohio, or the Beautiful river, is the route which the Iroquois take. It would be of importance
that they should not have much intercourse, as it is very dangerous. Attention has been called
to this matter long since, but no notice has been taken of it.
The Mississipi rises in a lake in the direction of the Sioux and passes near the Illinois.
Such is about what I know of all those parts. A great many other rivers come from the
direction of the Flat-heads and also fall into the Mississipi, but I am not acquainted with their
names. One of them is called the Chaouenon.
Louis XV. to Messrs. de Vmidreuil and Began.
Extract of the draft of the Memoir of the King to the Marquis de Vaudreuil,
Governor, Lieutenant-general, and to M. Begon, Intendant of New France,
23 May, 1719.
His Majesty has had communication of what they have represented respecting the Indians
of the River S' John and the boundary with the English. He has instructed his Ambassador
in England, to propose the nomination of Commissioners on both sides, agreeably to the
Treaty of Utrecht, for the settlement of the boundaries of New France ; and meanwhile, in
order to prevent every thing that might cause any difference between the two nations, his
Majesty has asked that the Governor of New England be forbidden to undertake any
expedition; that the Governor of Boston be ordered to withdraw the settlers whom he has sent
to the River S' John, and be forbidden to send any others into the territory in dispute, and to
disturb the French on that of which they are in possession. His Majesty is not yet informed
that this request has been complied with, and cannot prescribe to Sieur de Vaudreuil the
conduct he is to pursue in this regard. As he is aware how important it is to prevent
the English settling on those lands, he submits it to his prudence to prevent it, either by means
of the Indians or in any other way that would not, however, bring about any cause of rupture
with England.
His Majesty recommends them to pay constant attention that the French do not import nor
retail in the Colony any foreign merchandise; they ought to adopt proper measures to prevent
absolutely all foreign trade under any pretence whatsoever.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 893
M. lie Vavdreuil to the Council of Marine.
I am in receipt of the letter the Council did me the lionor to write me on the S-i"" of
May last.
I continue to* give all my attention to maintain peace among the Nations of the
Upper Country.
I dispatched Captain de S' Pierre and Ensign de Linctot with some soldiers in the month
of September of last year, to establish a post at Point Chagouamigon on Lake Superior,
because the Indians of the Sauteux Nation who reside there, and those of the same tribe at
Kioueouenau, having publicly threatened the Bay tribes to revenge on them the death of their
Chiefs killed in the Fox war, it became necessary that there should be among them people
capable of diverting them from this design, the execution of which might have caused war
among all the Nations. Sieur de S' Pierre, who has great influence among those of the
Sault, has succeeded so effectually in tranquillizing them, that they no longer think of any
thing but peace.
Three deputies from the Fox tribe, who arrived this year at Montreal in company with a
Kikapss Chief who was sent by his people and the Mascoutins, came to assure me that they
were all disposed to preserve peace with all the Nations, and had surrendered all the prisoners
they had taken during the last war. In fact, all the tribes who happened to be at Montreal
when these Chiefs spoke to me, admitted that they had no more to ask of them. All would,
therefore, be peace in this Continent had it not been for the war which always continues
between the Ilinois, the Kikapss and the Mascoutins, in which the Foxes are now involved,
because the Ilinois have attacked them on divers occasions since the last year, and killed and
made prisoners of several of that Nation, regardless of what those have done for them in sending
back to them, on eight different occasions, the prisoners whom the Kikapas had taken from
them, and whom they presented to the Foxes, who, in restoring these prisoners to liberty, had
always instructed them to say, on the part of their Chiefs, that if they were disposed for peace
they had only to come to their village, where they would be safe. As these excuses on the
part of this Nation have appeared to me reasonable, and as the Kikapa also represented
that he did not commence hostilities, but that the Illinois had attacked him at the time he
entertained no idea except to live in peace with all the Nations, and being, moreover, informed
of the truth of all these facts, 1 thought proper to treat them favorably ; But I gave them to
understand that this peace must be made, and in order to conclude it, they must prevail on their
Allies, the Sacs, to labor to that end; I have recommended them not to make any movement
against the Illinois Nation pending this negotiation; they promise to inform those that sent
them of my pleasure, and to do all in their power to prevail on them to conform themselves
thereunto. But it is to be feared that these good dispositions will change, when on returning
home they will have learned that a parly of forty Illinois, who had just struck a blow, having
fallen in on their way with the Foxes, Kikapss and Mascoutins, where they were summer-
hunting together, had been so completely surrounded that not one of them escaped, twenty of
th«m having been killed on the spot, and as many taken prisoners.
As this affair will have engaged these three Tribes to organize a large force for the purpose
of attacking their enemy in his own country, it will be impossible to conclude this peace unless
the officer commanding at the Illinois find means to prevail on that nation to take steps to
894 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS,
secure it. I have much less trouble in keeping the Five Iroquois Nations in their present
favorable dispositions tovrards the B'rench, than in managing all the other Nations of the Upper
Country, and in having peace maintained among them.
I should not have thought of sending the Council the Belt the Five Iroquois Nations gave in
1717 for his Majesty, had it not been presented on the occasion of his happy accession to the
Throne. I therefore conform to the order of the Council not to send any more such Belts.
I learn from the last letters that have arrived from the Miamis, that Sieur de Vincennes
having died in their village, these Indians had resolved not to move to the River S' Joseph and
to remain where they are.
As this resolution is very dangerous, on account of the facility they will have of communicating
with the English who are incessantly distributing Belts in secret among all the Nations, to
attract them to themselves by means of certain Iroquois runners and others in their pay, I had
designed Sieur Dubuison for the command of the post of the Ouyatanons, and that he should,
on going thither, employ his credit among the Miamis so as to determine that Nation to
proceed to the River S' Joseph, or, if not willing to leave, that it should remain at its place of
residence in order to counteract the effect of all those Belts it was but too frequently receiving,
and which, as they caused eight or ten Miami canoes to go this year to trade at Orange,
might finally induce all that Nation to follow their example.
Vaudreuil.
October 28'^ 1719.
Reverend Father Aubery on the Boundary of New France and New England.
Memoir of the Reverend Father Aubry, Jesuit Missionary of Canada, on the
Boundary of New France and of New England. January, 1720.
It having been provided, by some articles of the Peace, that Acadia in its entirety, up to its
limits and its dependencies, should be conceded to the English, and, moreover, that the limits
of that territory and of all the others of that country should be determined as soon as possible,
in order that it may be known what is the property of the English and of the French, and
what Indians are deemed to belong to each, it became necessary to cause the said limits to be
settled so as not to expose the English or the French to encroach on, or retain contrary to the
articles of the peace, a territory not belonging to them. We, therefore, sent to the Court a
map, the most exact that could be seen, of the Country of Acadia, with a Memoir indicative
of the disposition of that Acadian territory, and of the other lands lying on the opposite
sea-coast, corresponding with those of the River S' Lawrence. We explained therein that
through ignorance of the situation of these lands the English might deprive us of, and the Court
cede to them, what does in no wise belong to Acadia.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 895
The Court, not having determined any thing respecting these Memoirs, at that time, what we
foresaw, did in fact happen, for we learn by a letter from Father Rasles, Missionary to the
Indians of those parts, tliat the English have brought several hundred families to settle on
the sea-coast throughout the entire extent of country which has never been admitted to be
Acadia by any of the English, Dutch or French Geographers, ancient and modern ; that should
the Court think proper to allow these families to remain on said Coasts, it will surrender a
space of SO leagues of land along the sea, which is not Acadia, and consequently still belongs
to us, within which distance are found the mouths of the Rivers S' John, Peskadamskkan,
Pentagaet, theCarribas, and rivers inhabited by the Indians, who, from all time, are considered
to belong to us. Thus, in addition to the Country which the Court will again cede to the
English, it will seem to surrender to them our Indians also, since the English, when Masters
of their rivers, will regard themselves also as their Masters, and will soon find means to force
the Missionaries to retire, as they did those who were among the Iroquois previous to the
conclusion of the Peace.
By thus ceding that extent of territory, which does not belong to Acadia, it is impossible to
fix just and certain limits between New France and New England, or Nova Scotia, which is
the name the English give Acadia. These limits, to be certain, should only be the height of
land ; but to fix them there, is to surrender a vast portion of New France, inasmuch as these
heights of land approximate very near to the River S' Lawrence in the neighborhood of
Quebec, as laid down in the map. The result will be, that the English will be easily master
of the entire country, for being master of Newfoundland and Acadia, the Bay of Fundy and
the whole coast as far as Boston, and of the interior as far as the height of land — that is,
as far as the gates of Quebec — is that not surrendering to them, as if in advance, the entire
country? Can the little Island of Cape Breton, or Isle Royale, which remains to us, alone
resist, and prevent the closing of the Gulf of S' Lawrence against us?
The only course remaining for us to pursue is, to let the English know, 1"' That Acadia, in
its integrity and with its limits, is the peninsula terminated by a tongue of land called
Beaubassin that forms the head of the Bay of Fundy and of Bay Verte, across which the
Indians make a portage with their Canoes. The course of this peninsula is about southwest
from the head of this Bay of Fundy as far as Port Royal; from Port Royal to Cape Sable,
southeast first, and then east from Cape Sable to La Heve, continuing east from La Heve to
Isle Verte ; from Isle Verte to Canseau, and from Canseau, which forms the gut between Isle
Royale and said peninsula of Acadia, to Bay Verte, that belongs to the Gulf of S' Lawrence.
2""^ From the head of the Bay of Fundy at Beaubassin to Kaskebay, the first English fort,'
— which is no more Acadia than the continuation of that Coast as far as Boston, or the tract of
country from Bay Verte to Gaspe, from Gaspe to the Mountains of Notre Dame and thence to
Quebec — that coast, I say, from the Bay of Fundy to the said English fort, remains under the
dominion of the French, as before the War; or if it do not extend as far as Kaskebay,
(as it is supposed that Pemkuit, where the English had a fort which M. Iberville captured
during the War, has been surrendered to the English by the Peace), it extends at least to
the River St. George, where by mutual agreement the arms of England and France were set
up as Boundary marks at the preceding peace, and where the English, tlierefore, have no right
to settle any families.
896
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
3"" From this fixed point where the limits were laid by common consent, let a straight line be
run to the parallel of the Hudson river fd la hauteur de la. Riviere d'' Orange) in the interior of
the country, to be agreed on as another boundary; this line [will] separate the lands belonging
to New England and New France and divide our Indians from those that are not ours.
Continuing a line from this river parallel along the height of land, a just and certain boundary
will be laid down of tiie territory deemed to be under English or French dominion, and of the
Indians who will, in like manner, be deemed to belong to the one or to the other; for all the
territory and Indians whose rivers will flow towards the S' Lawrence, or the lakes from which
they run, shall be considered as belonging to the French, the same as all those lands and
Indians whose waters will run to the opposite coast from said height of land, will be deemed
to belong to the English.
This, in my opinion, is the fairest that can be submitted, and what should be arranged as
soon as possible. I see no other way of accomplishing what is expressly laid down in the
articles of the last peace on the subject of that country; and so long as the settlement of
these boundaries will be postponed, the English will not fail to encroach further and further
on the lands belonging to us in the upper section of the country, as they are endeavoring to do
now in regard to those which he is trying to pass off as Acadia, though they be no such thing.
This is a matter, then, which it is of the utmost consequence to settle as early as possible,
if it be desirable to prevent the English extending, advancing and making their settlements in
our territory during peace, and thereby rendering themselves masters of Canada, a scheme
wherein they could not succeed during the War, and which they will find so much the more
easy, as no opposition is offered to, and no notice is apparently taken of, it.
Census of Canada. 1719.
14 November, 1719. M. Begon sends the general Census of the Colony, according
to which, there are: —
Churches,
Presby teres (Priests'
Government houses,.
Priests of the Seminary, 18
Jesuits, 16
R^colets, 12
Nuns of the Hotel Dieu, 106
Nuns Ursulines, 50
Nuns of the General Hospital,. . 12
Nuns of the Congregation, 68
Parish Priests, 51
Males above 50 years of age,.. 1,241
Males under 50 years of age,.. 2,575
77 Grist-mills, 76
52 Saw-mills, 19
2 Land under cultivation (arpents),. — 63,032
— Meadows (arpents), 8,018
Wheat (minots), 234,566
Indian corn (minots), . — 6,487
Peas (minots), 46,408
Oats (minots), 50,416
Flax (pounds), 45,970
Hemp (pounds), 5,080
Horses, 4,024
Horn cattle, 18,241
Sheep, 8,435
Swine 14,418
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 897
Males above 15 years of age,.. 2,3S8 Fire-arms 3,726
Males under 15 years of age,.. 4,978 Swords, 792
Women and Widows, 3,557
Females above 15 years of age, 2,461 p^^^ ^^^ concluded, 20"' April, 1720.
Females under 15 years of age, 4,997 „. , x » -r. j
•^ ° Signed, L. A. de Bourbon, and
22,530 Marshal d'Estrees.
™ By the Council.
Signed, La Chapelle.
Abstract of Messrs. de Vaudreuil and Begon^s Report on Niagara.
Canada.
Letter of Mft 8bet Mcss" de Vaudreuil and Begon transmit a report on the post established this
year at Niagara, which is required both to prevent the English introducing themselves into
the Upper country and to increase the trade at Fort Frontenac.
This report sets forth that the above post is situate about four leagues from the entrance into
Lake Erie. It is the only pass of the Indians who come by the lakes from all the Upper
countries ; the portage necessary to be made by land is 4 leagues, for which distance they are
obliged to carry, on their backs, their goods and canoes.
The English had proposed to an Iroquois chief, settled at Niagara, to send horses thither
from Orange, which is 130 leagues distant from it, for the purpose of transporting goods, and
to make a permanent settlement there, and offered to share with him whatever profits might
accrue from the speculation.
The English would, by such means, have been able to secure the greatest part of the peltries
coming down the lakes from the Upper countries; give employment not only to the Indians
who go up there and return thence, but also to the French. They have a store there well
supplied with goods for the trade ; and have, by means of the Indians, carried on there, up
to the present time and since several years ago, a considerable trade in furs in barter for
merchandise and whiskey (eau de vie de grain).
This establishment would have enabled them to purchase the greater part of the peltries
both of the French and Indians belonging to the Upper country.
. Sieur Joncaire, aware of the importance of this post by the quantity of goods which could
be disposed of were there a permanent establishment at that place, caused the Indians to
construct last spring, by order of Mess" de Vaudreuil and Begon, a picketed house (une
maison de pieux), which they were prevailed on to do the more readily through the influence he
has over them, being an adopted son of the Iroquois.
The English being advised of this, used all their efforts to have this house demolished, and
with that view sent the Commandant at Orange to the Seneca village to persuade these Indians
to oppose it. He even sent an Englishman with an Indian to tell Sieur de la Corne, whom
M'' Begon appointed to trade at that place, to withdraw, and that they were going to pull down
that house. La Corne answered them that he should not permit them to do so, without an
Vol. IX. 113
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
order from Sieur de Joncaire, who, on being advised thereof by an Indian, went to the Senecas
to prevent them consenting to that demolition. He experienced great difficulty there, because
they had been gained over by the presents of the English. Nevertheless, he prevailed on them
to change their minds, and to maintain that establishment, by making them understand the
advantage they would derive from it. Therefore, though the English should renew these
attempts, Sieur Joncaire is confident that the Indians will maintain this post.
That determined Mess" de Vaudreuil and Begon to send Sieur Joncaire thither with some
articles of trade. He left at the close of September, and is to remain there until the month of
June next. No one is better qualified than he to Legin this establishment, which will render
the trade of Fort Frontenac much more considerable and valuable than it has ever been. He
is a very excellent officer; the interpreter of the Five Iroquois Nations, and has served 35 years
in the country. As all the Governors-general have successfully employed him, they have led
him to hope that the Council would be pleased to regard the services he will have it in his power
to render at this conjuncture.
Council of the Marine,
January, 1721.
The Council's advice is, to approve of the whole.
Approved.
Censxis of Canada. 1720.
26"" October, 1720. Mess" de Vaudreil and Begon transmit the Census of the
Colony, consisting of, to wit —
Government houses and forts.
Churches,
Presby teres,
Priests of the Foreign Missions, 31
Parish Priests and Missionaries,... 69
Jesuits, 24
Recolets, 32
Nuns, 175
Males above 50 years of age, 1,274
Males under 50 years of age, 3,020
Males absent, 315
Males above 15 years of age, 2,677
Women and "Widows, 3,782
Males under 15 years of age, 5,052
Females above 15 years of age, 2,734
Females under 15 years of age, . . . 5,249
24,434
5 Grist Mills, 82
88 Saw Mills, 28
59 Lands under cultivation (arpents), . . 61,367
— Meadows (arpents), . . 10,132
Wheat (minots), .. 134,439
Indian Corn (minots),.. 4,159
Peas (minots), .. 55,331
Oats (minots), .. 62,053
Flax (pounds), . . 67,264
Hemp (pounds),.. 1,418
Horses, 5,270
Horned Cattle, 24,866
Sheep, 12,175
Swine, 17,944
Fire-arms, 4,632
Swords, 915
Done and concluded 24"' May, 1721.
Signed,
L. A. DE BOUKBON.
By the Council.
Signed, La Chapelle.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII.
Governor Burnet to the Marqxds de Vaudrexdl.
Copy of a letter written to the Marquis de Vaudreuil, on the ll"" of July, 1721,
by M'' William Burnet, Governor of New-York.
Sir,
Your letter of the 26"" March to Colonel Peter Schuyler, which he has communicated to me,
induces me to do myself the honor of writing to you by M"" Cuyler, who requests my passport
to go to Canada on his private affairs, and who is highly deserving of whatever favor I may
have in my power to grant him. I reckon that I shall confer a very great pleasure on him
when I afford him this opportunity of most respectfully kissing your hands.
I assure you. Sir, that I regret exceedingly having experienced, on arriving in this country in
September last, so much to oppose the inclination I felt to salute you by a notification of my
arrival. I heard such a high eulogium of your family and of your own excellent qualities, that
I flattered myself with a most agreeable neighborhood, and was impatient to open a
correspondence in which all the profit would be on my side. But I had not passed two weeks
in the province when our own Indians of the Five Nations came to advise me, that the French
were building a post in their country at Niagara ; that Sieur de Joncaire was strongly urging them
to abandon the English interest altogether and to join him, promising tliem that the Governor
of Canada would furnish better land near Chambly, to those who would remove thither; and
would uphold the rest against the new Governor of New- York, who was coming only with a
design to exterminate them ; that the French flag has been hoisted in one of the Seneca castles,
and that this Nation appeared quite ready to revolt from their obedience to our Crown. This
news did, indeed, surprise me, and caused me to doubt what course to pursue on occasion of
the ill observance of the articles of the Peace of Utrecht, by which the Five Nations have been
conceded to the English. The intelligence afterwards became still more interesting ; I was
informed that the Indians were about to receive Priests and a Blacksmith from the French ;
that an effort was making to persuade them to close the passage through their country to the
English, in case the latter should disturb the post at Niagara, and that M. de Longueuil had
gone thither for that purpose, and to complete the seduction of the Indians from their ancient
dependence on Great Britain.
You will not consider it strange if this news obliged me to advise the Court of the condition
in which Tfound affairs on the frontier, and to await orders so as to understand in what manner
I should comport myself at this conjuncture. I was always in expectation of these additional
orders, that I may write to you more fully on this subject, but as you were pleased to mention
to Colonel Schuyler some rumors that were afloat, and which alarmed you, I considered it
my duty to show you that if some misunderstanding is beginning to arise, it is due entirely to
the French.
You will perceive, by the Treaty of Utrecht, that all the Indians are to be at liberty to go to
trade with one party and the other; and if advantage be taken of the post at Niagara to shut
up the road to Albany on the Far Indians, it is a violation of the Treaty which ought justly to
alarm us, especially as that post is on territory belonging to our Indians, where we were better
entitled to build than the French, should we deem it worth the trouble.
You say. Sir, that your orders, as well as mine, are, not to undertake any thing until the
Treaty respecting the Limits, which will regulate every thing. Why, then, be so hasty, on
900 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
your side, to seize disputed posts before the arrangement be made? I regret, exceedingly, that
wliilst the intelligence continues so good between the two Crowns in Europe, the proceedings
of the French, in these Colonies, has been so diflferent. I wish to believe that such is done,
in part, without your knowledge ; that the most of these disorders are due to this Joncaire,
who has long since deserved hanging for the infamous murder of Hontour,i which he committed.
I leave you to judge whether a man of such a character deserves to be employed in affairs so
delicate, and in which every occasion of suspicion ought to be carefully avoided. You see,
Sir, that I speak to you in all frankness, and that I see, with pain, every thing that can cause
ill blood among numbers in this Country. The danger would not be ours.
I hope. Sir, you will follow the dictates of your natural disposition, and place things on a
better footing, whereunto I shall be always ready to contribute whatever will depend on me,
and to endeavor, by all means, to convince you that I am, with all the esteem in the world,
Sir, Your most humble and most obedient Servant.
M. de Vaudreuil to Governor Burnet.
Copy of a letter written on the 24''" of August, by the Marquis de Vaudreuil to
IVr William Burnet, Governor-general of the Province of New-York, in
answer to the one which that English governor had written to him on the
ll"- of July, 1721.
Sir,
It affords me pleasure to take advantage of the return of M' Cuyler, who handed me the
letter you did me the honor to write me on the ll"" of July last, to present you my humble
thanks for the first intelligence, you were pleased to convey to me, of your safe arrival at
New-York, and of the favorable opinion towards me with which you assumed your government.
I beg of you to do me the kindness to be persuaded that to retain you in those sentiments,
which afford me a very sensible pleasure, I shall exert myself as much as I have done with M''
Huneter, who has always honored me with his friendship.
I am greatly obliged to you. Sir, for the frankness with which you have been, pleased to
explain to me the subjects you believe you have of complaint, and I flatter myself that you
will permit me, when answering them article by article, to state to you, with the same
frankness, that I do not consider them well founded.
You complain that the French have established a post at Niagara, which you have been
informed is intended to stop your communication with the Indians who are to be at liberty to
trade with one side and the other, according to the Treaty of Utrecht; and you pretend that, as
the Five Nations of Indians have been ceded to the English, the French have no right to settle
on the territory which, you say, is dependant on them ; that this post being on the lands of the
Five Nations, the English have a better title to establish themselves on it than the French, and
that, inasmuch as my orders are not to undertake any thing until the conclusion of Treaty of ,
Limits, which will arrange the disputes, I must not seize this disputed post before the
' Sic. Montour. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 901
arrangement be completed. I have the honor to observe to you hereupon, that you are
the first English Governor-general who has questioned the right of the French, from time
immemorial, to the post of Niagara, to which the English have, up to the present time, laid
no claim; that it is upwards of fifty years since that post has been occupied by the late Sieur
de la Salle, who had an establishment there, and had vessels built there to navigate Lake Erie ;
that his Majesty had a fort there thirty-four years ago with a garrison of 100 men, who returned
thence in consequence of the sickness that prevailed there, without this post, however, having
been abandoned by the French, who have ever since always carried on trade there until now,
and without the English being permitted to remain tiiere; also, that there has never been any
dispute between the French and the P'ive Nations, respecting the erection of that post, and
that the latter always came there to trade with the same freedom that they repair to other
French territory, as well as to that which is reputed English.
I flatter myself. Sir, that this establishment' will disabuse you of the idea you appear to
entertain, that this post is an infraction of the Treaty of peace, and ought not to be erected
until the limits had been settled, inasmuch as it is not of a more recent date, nor more
objectionable to the English, than Fort Frontenac, from which I do not think you would
propose that I should withdraw the garrison until the arrangement of the limits be concluded;
such arrangement referring only to territory which the English dispute with the French, and
not to what has always belonged to them. This is the reason for my requesting M'' Schuyler,
on hearing of the rumor last winter that the English of Albany intended to go to Niagara with
a force of 200 men, to inform me of the truth of that intelligence, observing to him that this
proceeding vrould be an infraction of the treaty of Peace, inasmuch as it would be troubling
the peaceable possession of this post which the French enjoyed from all time; a circumstance
that obliges me to request you not to permit any English people to go there to trade, as I
could not help having them pillaged, which I should greatly regret.
Respecting the report you received, that the establishment of this post closes the path to
our Far Indians who could no longer go to trade with the English, I have the honor to observe
to you, that they will always enjoy the same privilege of going to the English that they have
hitherto had, and that no Indian in my government has been compelled to trade with the
French rather than with the English. The proof of this is evident, for a great number of
their canoes went again this year to Albany, and those domiciled in the neighborhood
of Montreal and Three Rivers trade there almost altogether.
Regarding your representation that it has been reported to you that Sieur Joncaire was
strongly urging the Indians of the Five Nations to abandon the English entirely and to side
with the French ; that I would furnish better land near Chambly to those who would come
and settle there ; that I would uphold those who would remain in their ancient villages against
the Governor of New -York, who was coming only with the design of exterminating them ;
that the French flag had been hoisted in one of the Seneca Castles, and that this Nation
appeared disposed to withdraw from their allegiance to his Britannic Majesty ; I can assure
you. Sir, that such false information can be communicated to you by none but evil-disposed
persons who are endeavoring to disturb the Peace, since it is certain that I never entertained
an idea of drawing any Indians of the Five Iroquois Nations to the neighborhood of Chambly,
and that I even do not prevent the Iroquois of the two Villages domiciled in the neighborhood
of Montreal going to live with those of the Five Nations whenever they desire to do so; that
' Etablissment ; Text. Qu? ccZairmsemcni — explanation. — Ed.
902 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Sieur de Joncaire has not held any other discourse, and that no French flag is hoisted among
the Senecas.
You observe to me that you have been also notified, that the Indians of the Five Nations
were about to receive French Priests and a Blacksmith, and that M. de Longueuil had gone to
that country for such purpose, and to put a finishing hand to persuading the Indians to withdraw
from their ancient dependence. In reply to this, I have the honor to observe to you, that M'
de Longueuil is adopted by the Onontaguez, and that his family belongs to those of that
Nation ; that the same is the case with Sieur de Joncaire, whose family is, in like manner,
adopted by the Senecas, which has obliged them to go thither almost daily at their solicitation.
The Senecas have twice sent me delegates from their villages urgently to entreat of me to
send them two Missionaries, having expressed to me their regret at the withdrawal of those
they formerly had. I told them by M. de Longueuil that if they would come to get some, I
would have them supplied, not considering myself at liberty to refuse this favor to Indians
who believed themselves to be independent, and with whom I am ordered to maintain good
intelligence. As for the rest, although the Treaty of Utrecht look upon the Indians as the
subjects of France or of England, we treat our Indians as Allies, and not as subjects, and I
question if the English did otherwise in regard to the Five Iroquois Nations, who are neither
more humble nor more submissive than those attached to us.
In regard to their demand for a Blacksmith. This is nothing new, since the Senecas required
that one should be furnished them by the last Treaty, which the French made with them
twenty years ago.
I conclude from all you write me respecting Sieur de Joncaire, a Lieutenant of the King's
troops kept in this Colony, that you have been misinformed as to his character and qualities,
as he possesses none but what are very good and very meritorious, and has always since he has
been in this country most faithfully served the King. It was by my orders that he killed the
Frenchman named Montour, who would have been hanged had it been possible to take him
alive and to bring him to this Colony.
I hope. Sir, these explanations will not be less satisfactory to you than were those to M'
Hunter, which I furnished him about four years ago in answer to a letter he wrote me on the
reports rendered him by the Merchants of Albany, somewhat similar to those which gave rise
to your complaints; for, having discovered that they were false, he informed me that he should
not hereafter attach credit so easily to any representations from those people on such subjects.
I flatter myself, also, that you will be fully persuaded of my attention to prevent the occurrence
of any thing on this side which may create ill-will between the Nations, without, however, my
feeling any apprehension of danger, should a rupture unfortunately occur ; for the great numbers
you believe to be on your side did not prevent the people of New-York suffering considerably
during the last war, whilst those of this country then enjoyed the same tranquillity that they
now do, and if the people belonging to your government have not experienced the horrors
of the war, it is because the Five Iroquois Nations presented me with some Belts, to beg of
me not to commit any hostilities in the direction of New-York ; a request I did not wish to
refuse, in consideration of the fact that they had invariably resisted the urgent solicitations of
the English to unite with them in hostilities against the French, and had always lived in
friendship with us, which was sufficiently strong to enable me to prevail on them to unite with
me in operations against the English, had I been disposed to excite them to such a course,
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 903
instead of contenting myself with not requiring any thing from them except to take no part in
that war, and to remain neuter.
1 have the honor to be, with all possible esteem and consideration,
Sir,
Your most humble and most
Obedient Servant,
Signed, Vaudreuil.
de Vaudreuil and Begon to Louis XV.
Extract of the answer dated 8"" October, 1721, rendered by M. de Vaudreuil,
Governor-general and M. Begon, lutendant, of Canada, to the King's
despatch of the 8* of June preceding.
Father Rasles, missionary at Narautsouak' informed Sieurs de Vaudreuil and Begon last
spring that on his remonstrating with the Indians of his Mission against suffering the English
to continue residing on the lower part of their river, they had killed, two years ago, a great
number of their cattle, and had since threatened them, that if they did not retire, acts of
hostility would be renewed in order to oblige them thereto ; that two parties had sprung up
in that village last fall ; one-half were of opinion to continue their opposition to the
establishments of the English, who had gained over the other to permit their settling there ;
that the opinion of the latter absolutely prevailed; that by consent of all the Indians of that
mission, they had the weakness to surrender four hostages who had been sent to Boston.^
He also informed them that the English having invited the Indians to a conference, in order
to endeavor to prevail on the rest of the village to consent to their settlements, it became
necessary that the well intentioned portion of the Indians should be the most numerous at
that conference, the better to get those who had been gained over by the English to change
their minds, and to enable them all to speak with firmness, so as to oblige the intruders to
withdraw from their lands.
As there was every reason to fear, if the Indians of this village should confer alone with the
English, that those who remained firm until then might permit themselves also to be gained
over by their offers, as they employ presents, caresses, menaces and lies to accomplish their
purposes, he had induced six of the well disposed Indians to come hither to invite the domiciled
Abenakis and the Hurons of Loretto to attend the conference.
To faciUtate the success of that invitation, M. de Vaudreuil conveyed them to the villages of
S' Francis and Becancourt, where they explained how prejudicial the English undertaking
was to the interests of the whole Nation. M. de Vaudreuil gave them also to understand that
it was important that the English should themselves be convinced, by seeing at this conference
deputies from all the villages, that to insult Narautsouak would be sure to draw all down
on them.
' See note, m'pra, p. 880. » May 18, 1721, O. S. Williamson, II., 105. — Ed.
904 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
These two villages agreed to send to this conference three canoes from S* Francis and three
from Becancourt, which were joined by one canoe of Hurons belonging to Loretto.
He also considered it his duty to send with them Father Lachasse, Superior of the Jesuits,
who, having been twenty years a missionary of the three Abenakis Villages of Acadia, was
acquainted with, and has considerable influence among, them.
This Father visited Narautsouak first, and after having harmonized the minds of all the
Indians of that Mission, proceeded to invite the Indians of Pansamske,' whence he caused
notice to be sent to those of Medoctek^ and Pennoukady.
He next returned to Narantsouak, accompanied by upwards of a hundred Indians of
Panasamsk^ and deputies of the villages of Medoctek and Pennoukady; he caused those
of Pegouakky^ and Amircankanne to come also ; they are the nearest to the English in the
direction of Boston.
These Indians, thus assembled to the number of two hundred and fifty, who represented
the entire Abenaki Nation and its allies, after having held a Council, repaired, on the 25"" of
July last, armed and painted, in front of the English fort of Menaskoux, at the mouth (au has)
of the Narautsouak river,^ the place fixed on for the conference.
The Governor of Boston, who allowed himself to be expected during fifty days, did not
dare to be present on being informed of the large force of the Indians. The latter then
summoned the principal officers of the five forts, and about fifty of the principal English
settlers to attend in the Governor's absence, who, being present, were told that they must
quit their lands; the Indians then threw down two hundred beavers, which they had promised
for the cattle that had been killed, and demanded, at the same time, where were the four men
they had conveyed to Boston as hostages for this payment.
The English answered that they were not at liberty to retire from those lands without
orders from the Governor of Boston, who had sent them there ; that as regards the hostages,
the Governor, it was believed, would not surrender them unless they sent four others, since
they had promised to renew them forever as security for their fidelity to the Crown of England.
Whereupon the Indians expostulated, protesting that it was an imposition ; that they had
given these hostages only as security for the payment of two hundred beavers, and had never
consented to give men forever for a few animals which they even had a right to kill in order
to force the English to leave their lands.
After loud disputes and menaces on the part of the Indians, they requested Father de
Lachasse to read their written message, declaring to the English that such writing contained
their words and not those of the Missionaries, as was usually asserted, whom they had
employed only for the purpose of writing to the Governor of Boston, as they could not speak
to him. Basrue and Peksaret spoke this word. The former is an Indian and the latter an
Englishman. It was also read in Latin by Father de Lachasse to the Minister, who interpreted
' See supra, note 2, p. 571.
'About ten miles below WooJstock there is another rapid ia the St. John called Meduetio falls. Gesner's History of
New Brunswick, 80.
' Pegwaeket, on the upper part of the Saco river, in the present^ town of Frysburg, Maine. Church's Indian Wars (Drake's
ed.), 1846, 331.
' In July they came with ninety canoes on the Padishal's Island, which lies opposite to Arrowsick, Penhallow. Arrowsick
is in the bay of Saggadahock, about a league below the junction of the Androscoggin and Kennebeck rirerB. Williamson's
History of Maine, I., 61. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 905
it in English ; after which, M' Penhallo,* one of the chief commandants of the Fort of
Menasl^oux, and some other officers who were with him, received this writing, subscribed with
marks of the Abenaquis Villages and of the Indians, their Allies, copy whereof is hereunto
annexed. They promised to send it to the Governor of Boston, which they have done.
Although the Indians threaten in this letter that if it be not answered in three weeks tliey
will not entertain any favorable opinions, the governor did not pay any attention to it ; he only
sent word to them by one of the four liostages who were at Boston, in whose place he has
required that anotlier be returned, tliat it was not the word of the Indians, and tliat he always
believed that it was that of the Missionaries, who are seeking only to disturb the peace ; that
even some of the Indians of Panaouamske had since repudiated that conference.
Four or five Chiefs of that village, apprehensive that the English might be angry on account
of the firmness with which they had expressed themselves, did, in fact, go a few days alter
that conference, to one of the forts, and said that they did not wish to get into collision with
them; this coming to the ears of those of Narautsouak prevented tliem undertaking any thing.
The Governor, meanwiiile, fearing the consequences of this conference, caused the forts to be
put in order; reint'orced their garrisons and ordered the settlers resident on the lands belonging
to these Indians to withdraw into these forts, and had their women and children brougiit to
Boston. This was indicative of a disposition on their part to maintain their position there by
force of arms.
The Indians since that time do not go any more to trade to these forts, mutual distrust
existing on botli sides.
Though tliey see, with displeasure, the English establishing themselves on their lands, the
Indians continue inactive, feeling themselves too feeble to attack them, and are aware of
the difficulty they would experience in procuring necessaries, should they become embroiled
with the English, for then they would be obliged to come here in quest of supplies.
They are demanding, since many years, that the French unite with them, as they have united
with the French in all their past wars, as explained in the message they addressed to his
Majesty, copy whereof is hereunto annexed.
The fifteenth article of the Treaty of Utrecht declares that the inhabitants of Canada, and
others subjects of France, shall not in future molest the Five Iroquois Nations, and that in like
manner the subjects of Great Britain shall comport themselves peaceably towards the Indians,
subjects or friends of France.
The English contravene this article in regard to the Abenaquis, who have been from all time
our allies, inasmuch as they have erected, since this peace, five forts ^ on territory belonging to
' Samuel Penhallow was born at St Mabon, in the county of Cornwall, England, on the 2d of July, 1666, and accompanied
the Reverend Mr. Morton to Massachusetts in July, 1686, whence he removed to Portsmouth, N. H., where he married Mary,
daughter of President Cutt, and engaged in trade. Ue was appointed member of the Council, of which body he even-
tually became President; he was afterwards Recorder; in 1714 Judge, and in 1717 Chief Justice of the Supreme Court
He likewise held the office of Treasurer of the Province for several years. He died at Portsmouth ou the 2d of December,
1726, aged sixty-one years and five nionihs. He served in the Indian wars, of which he has left an account entitled "The
History of Wars of New England with the Eastern Indians, or a Narrative of their continued Perfidy and Cruelty from ths
10th of August, 1703, to the Peace renewed 13th of July, 1713, and from the 25th of July, 1722, to their submission, loth of
December, 1725, which was ratified August 6th, 1726. By Samuel Penhallow, Esq. Boston: Printed by T. Fleet for S.
Gerrish, at the lower end of Cornhill, and D. Henchman over against the Brick Meeting-House in Cornhill, 1726." This work
is republished in the Collections of the New HampsJdre HUlmical Society, I.
^ These were, probably — Fort George, at Brunswick, on the Androscoggin; Fort Cushenoo, Augusta; Fort Richmond, on
th« west side of the Kennebec river, opposite Swan Island; Fort Arrowsick, already noted, and Fort St George at
Thomastown, on the St George river. — En.
Vol. IX. 114
906 • NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
these Indians, and against tiieir will sent tliitlier more than three hundred ramilies, none of
which were settled on these lands until after the peace.
They have been expelled from this locality twice : at first, about forty years ago by the
Indians alone, who declared war against the English on their refusing to furnish them powder.
This war lasted two years, in the course of which the Indians laid waste the settlements and
forts on the lower part of the River Kenibeki and along the coast, and made peace with the
English only on condition that they would not again settle on their lands.
The second time, during the war of 16SS, when the Indians in conjunction with the French,
under the command of Rieur d'Iberville, destroyed Fort Pemquit, that of Maxiganee, and all
the settlements the English had formed during the Peace, of which they have always taken
advantage to encroach on the lands belonging to these English.
The consequences of this toleration would be, that were they permanently established there,
as it appears they design to be, they would be able in time of war to reach the settlements on
the south side of tiie River S' Lawrence in three days, which it is important to prevent, by
openly sustaining the Abenaquis against the English, by assistance in men, provisions and
munitions of war.
In virtue of the Treaty of Utrecht, the English would be justified in supporting the Iroquois
were they molested by the French ; The same rule ought to apply to the Abenaquis, whom
the French cannot dispense with sustaining against the English in order to maintain them in
possession of their lands; this proceeding of the English being an infraction of that Treaty.
M. de Vaudreuil is persuaded that if his Majesty permit him to adjoin some French to the
Abenaquis, the English will be forced to abandon all their settlements on the lands belonging
to these Indians; he feels confident of the result from his long experience of the Abenaquis,
who, when supported by the French, have invariably made the English tremble, and obliged
them in the last war to abandon nearly one hundred leagues of territory.
If, on the contrary, these Indians remain inactive, as will be the case if not sustained
by the French, there is every reason to fear that the English will, by the continual
attention they will pay, attract them all to themselves, and that, in case of war, instead of our
depending on the Abenaquis as we have done heretofore, they will unite with the English
against us, seeing that we have abandoned them.
Collated this day, the 25"" of July, 1750, by the undersigned, King's Notary resident
in the Prevote of Quebec, by an extract taken from a paper Register entituled. Copy
of tiie Answers to the Memoir of the King, and to the joint letters of the Council,
written in 1721, lying in the office of the Secretary of the Intendance at Quebec, in
which it remained.
Du Laurent.
We, Francois Bigot, Councillor of the King in his Councils, Intendant of Justice, Police,
Finance and the Marine in New France,
Certify to all whom it may concern, that M''Dulaurent, who hath signed the above Collation,
is King's Notary in the Prevote of Quebec, and that credit is to be attached to his signature in
quality aforesaid. In testimony Whereof we have signed these presents, and caused them
to be countersigned by our Secretary, and had our Seal at Arms affixed thereunto. Done in
our hotel at Quebec, the 12"" of August, 1750.
Bigot.
By My Lord,
Deschesneaux.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 907
Ceyisus of Canada. 1721.
4"" of November, 1721. Mess" de Vaudreuil and Begon, send the General
Census of Quebec, Three Rivers and Montreal, according to which there
are, to wit: —
i years,
years,
3,970
Girls above 15
3,359
Girls under 15
years,
iltivatio
5,261
Land under cu
n (arpens),..
62,145
Meadows
(arpens),. .
12,203
Wheat
(niuids),'..
282,700
Indian Corn
(muids), . .
7,205
Peas
(muids), ..
67,400
Oats
(muids), ..
64.035
Barley
(muids), . .
4,585
Tobacco
(pounds),..
48,038
Flax
(pounds),..
54,650
Hemp
(poundsj,.-
2,100
5,603
Horned cattle,
23,388
Sheep,
13,823
Swine,
16,250
5,263
Swords
923
Government houses, 6
Priests of the Seminary, 31
Jesuits, - 24
R^colets, 32
Nuns of the Hotel Dieu, Ill
Nuns of the Ursuline convent, 79
Nuns of the General Hospital, 23
Nuns of the Congregation, 76
Hospital Brothers (Freres hospitallers),^ 6
Churches, 86
Presbyteres ( Priests' houses ), 61
Parish priests, or Missionaries, 59
Grist Mills, 90
Saw Mills 30
Families, 4,183
Males above 50 years, 1,314
Males under 50 years, 2,857
Males absent, 282
Women and Widows, 4,107
Males above 15 years, 3,361
They likewise send a statement of the Fisheries established in 1721, to wit: —
Seven within the limits of the Parish of S' Paul's bay, by divers persons, from twenty-five
to fifty arpens each.
Two others are to be established in the same parish, in 1722. One of sixty arpens,
belonging to Jacques Fortin and others ;
The other of thirty arpens, the property of the Seminary of Quebec.
The fisheries above mentioned have taken one hundred and sixty Porpoises, which produced
only one hundred and twenty barrels of Oil, at the rate of one hundred livres the barrel, the
major part having been manufactured in the spring. At that time there were neither tubs
nor barrels enough to save the blubber, more than the half of which was lost on the beach.
It costs three hundred livres to enclose (tendre) a fishery of fifty arpens.
A gate is no longer made use of in these fisheries ; simply a net, (racroc) whereby this fish
finds itself aground in low water. The heaviest expense is avoided by this means.
The Colonists, stimulated by the profit, have hastened to establish themselves, and with this
view have formed partnerships in order to have a sufficient extent of ground to insure success.
' Known also by the name of the Frires Charon, from their founder. An account of the Institution will be found in
Bosworth's History of Montreal, 138; and in Faillon. Viede Mde. de Youville. — Ed.
' A measure containing about five quarters. Boyer.
908 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
This induces the hope tliat they will manufacture a much larger quantity of oil this year
year than they did in 1721.
Continuation of the North shore Fisheries.
A fishery at the Point des Alouettes, near Tadoussac, of about fifty arpens, dependent on the
King's domain.
Other Fisheries on the South shore.
Six of twenty to tliirty arpens in circumference, established by divers persons; among these
is that formed to the Northeast of River Quelle, belonging to the heirs of Ancosse, which Sieur
de Boishebert and Peire contest, by virtue of their grant. {Note. The investigation of this
affair is referred to M'' Bigot.) These fisheries have not succeeded this year on account of
storms and bad weather, which have thrown down all the park poles. Only twenty-two
porpoises have been caught on the south shore.
Three fisheries will be established this year, 1722, on this shore, each of which will be
thirty-five to forty arpens. Among these is one of forty arpens at the Camouraska Islands, by
Sieur Hich6, proprietor of that Seigniory. Sieurs Boishebert and Peire contest this fishery
with him, in virtue of their privilege.
This suit has been finally decided in favor of Sieur Hiche, and an order is to be issued
directing the recall of the grant to Sieurs de Boishebert and Peire, as surreptitiously obtained
Total of all the fisheries established in 1721, 14
Total of fisheries to be established in 1722, 7
Mess" de Vaudreuil and Begon observe that they transmit the list of Soldiers in the Colony,
entitled to half pay, with Certificates of services, and of being invalided, according to the
form the Council has sent them.
Done and concluded the 24"' of May, 1722.
(Signed) L. A. de Bourbon.
By the Council.
- (Signed) De La Chapelle.
Louis XV. to Messrs. de Vaudreuil and Begon.
June 8, 1722.
• »#«**#»♦*#
He approves the report they have rendered of the trade of the Indians at Orange last year.
He desires Sieur de Vaudreuil to continue his orders to the Commandant at Chambly and the
officer in charge of the detachment at the foot of Lake Champlain, to examine strictly the furs
contained in each canoe, and to draw up a return thereof setting forth the quantity, the names
of the Indians, and of the mission to which they belong; to make a similar inspection on their
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 909
return fpom Orange and take a statement of the merchandise they will bring back ; to send to
M. de Ramezay, if Sieur Vaudreuil be not at Montreal, to find out the quantity and quality
of the peltries they shall have carried to Orange, and whether all the goods to be brought
back in exchange are for their own use, and to prevail on the Indians not to import any
others. This they ought not refuse to consent to; they carry on that trade only for their own
necessaries. Without such a condition they alone would have the power to introduce foreign
goods into the Colony, and Merchants would employ them in that trade to the great
prejudice of that of the Kingdom. Sieurs de Vaudreuil and Begon cannot pay too much
attention hereunto.
The contagious disease which has this year afflicted Provence and the environs of
Languedoc, has not permitted the obtaining of Scarlet cloths from the manufactory of St. Gely
at Montpelier. His Majesty has consequently determined to grant permits to the traders at
Rochelle to obtain some in England, but as these are so much dearer that they cannot be
sold in Canada, there is no probability that any will be sent this year. Next season it will
be seen how this will be remedied. Meanwhile, Sieur de Vaudreuil must adopt the best
measures possible to prevent the English drawing the Indian trade of the Upper country to
themselves, to the prejudice of the French.
His Majesty has approved of the measures M. de Vaudreuil adopted to prevent the execution
of the plan formed by the English of Orange to destroy the establishment at Niagara; and of
the steps he took to dissuade the Iroquois from favoring them in that enterprise, and thereby
to hinder the English undertaking any thing against that post or against those of the Upper
country. His Majesty recommends him to endeavor to live on good terms with the English,
observing, nevertheless, to maintain always his Majesty's interests.
He approves Sieur de Vaudreuil having absolutely refused permission to the Indians, who
came down last year, to purchase Brandy to take back with them; and Sieur Begon having
imprisoned and fined the man named Poitras who had sold some to an Indian. He
recommends them to continue the same policy.
Messrs. de Vaudreuil and Begon to the Council of Marine.
Quebec, 17 8"", 1722.
The Abenakis having constantly, but in vain, remonstrated with the English, since the
peace, against trespassing on their lands, and seeing that they were annually encroaching on
them, and had already built 8 forts, held a general meeting in the month of June, 1721, of all
their villages, to the number of 200, for the purpose of declaring peremptorily to the English
that they must retire from their river,' and restore to them the four men they had surprised
and were retaining in Boston.
The Governor of that town, to whom this message was transmitted in writing, in order that
he may not have it in his power to ignore, or to change it, instead of listening to the just
' Kennebec. — Ed.
910 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
demand of the Indians, sent them word, after the lapse of the three weeks they haS granted
him to return them an answer, that they were insolent traitors, and thai he would punish them
as rebels unless they would give liim satisfaction by surrendering to him their Missionary,
Father Rales, whom he regarded as the author of that letter.
Shortly after, he sent to Pentagouet to arrest Sieur de S' Castine, the elder, the son of a
Squaw of that village, pretending that he had had a hand in that letter.
The Indians were highly indignant at being treated as subjects of a Crown on which
they never depended, and to which they were, on the contrary, most unwilling to belong.
They answered the English : We are not traitors, but you are robbers and usurpers who want
to invade our territory; you are wrong to impute these letters to Father Rales; we dictated
them to him; he had no other share in them than to put tliem in writing, and if the English
wish to have him, they could come to the village and take him.
Though the English had reason to doubt that the Indians were disposed to allow them to
carry off their Missionary, they proceeded, on the 15"" of January last, with a force of 100
men, and guided by a friendly Indian, to Nanrantssak to take him.
He was fortunately warned of the danger by one belonging to the village, who arrived there
by another path.
He had only time to consume the Blessed Sacrarnent, which lay in the tabernacle, to take
the sacred vessels and to fly away with them. He traveled all night with some Indian families
who had remained in the village, all the others having been abroad in the woods hunting; but
could make no more than two leagues on account of the softness of the snow.
His hut had scarcely been completed, next morning, on the spot where he had halted, when
an Indian came to inform him that the English had arrived at the Fort of Nanranstssak on the
very evening he had left ; that they were on his trail and quite near. He had not time to put
on his snowshoes; left on the instant and hid himself behind a tree. These English searched
for him a long time in the hut and neighborhood, but not finding him, returned, threatening to
come again to look for him in the spring. They passed through the village on their way back
and plundered the Church and the Missionary's house.
All the Indians of the village of Nanrantsaak being again assembled in the month of May,
resolved to avenge themselves for this insult.
As they were not desirous, however, to come to extremities at once, they contented
themselves with pillaging some houses,' took sixty-five prisoners, men, women and children ;
60 of whom they released, without having done them the least injury, and retained only five,^
having told those they sent back to notify the Governor of Boston that they would restore
these five after he would have restored the four Indians in his hands.
The Indians having received no answer from this Governor, organized a second expedition,
took several other English prisoners whom they again sent back, contenting themselves with
burning some houses and killing some cattle, summoning the English, as they had already
done, to quit their lands, and not oblige them to push hostilities any farther.
On the night after this expedition, the English who were in a fort,^ perceiving a fire on the
bank, and concluding that some Indians were there, sent out a well armed boat, and no one
appearing on the beach, landed and approached the fire, where they discovered some
' About Pleasant Point, on the northern margin of Merrymeeting bay. Williamson, II., 114.
" Messrs. Hamilton, Love, Handaon, Prescot and Edgar. Penhallow.
' Probably Fort Richmond on the Kennebec. Williamson, II., 116. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: VII. 911
Indians asleep, on whom they fired and then retreated to their boat. These Indians, who
were sixteen in number, had been roving during 24 hours through the English settlements,
where they had burnt houses and liilled cattle, and had through pure fatigue halted imprudently
to rest themselves on that beach, where they made a fire, though they had been warned to be
on their guard, being within sight of the English forts. Five Indians were killed and two
wounded. One of the latter having received the wadding of a piece in his belly, avenged his
own death by killing with a blow of his hatchet an Englishman,' whom he had taken prisoner.
The Indians of Nanrantssak having heard of this action from those who had returned to the
village, sent a delegate to the Indians domiciled in Canada to invite them to come to their
assistance in this war.
Who represented to M. de Vaudreuil that respect for his wishes was the only reason that had
deterred them from killing the English, as he had recommended them not to begin ; but as
these had abused their moderation, they were now going to wage open war against them.
The Abenaquis of Becancourt and of S' Francis, and the Hurons of Loretto, moved by the
recent shedding of the blood of their brethren and allies, agreed to rendezvous at Nanrantssak,
where they arrived last month to the number°of 160 men.
They did intend to spread themselves in small parties along the coast, where they could
have done a great deal of damage and considerable mischief without exposing themselves.
They abstained from this purpose, however, through respect for M. de Vaudreuil, who forbade
them committing hostilities any where but on the Nanrantssak river ; they burnt three forts and
about forty houses that had been abandoned, and harrassed the garrisons of the two forts ^ into
which those of the three that had been abandoned had retreated.
They have killed and scalped two Englishmen in a sortie ; eight of them were wounded;
two dangerously.
They then returned to Nanrants8ak, whence those of Becancourt, S' Francis and Loretto
came hither.
Those of Nanrantsbak are to come here with their families to winter also, with the exception
of 1-5 or 20, who will remain in the neighborhood of the village with the Missionary, so as
not to abandon that country altogether to the English. They calculate on making some
incursions on the English during the Winter.
They have sent hither a canoe which arrived on the 10"" of this month, to ascertain from
M. de Vaudreuil whether he will give them some Frenchmen to assist them in maintaining
their ground against the English. They have told him that they would all retire hither if they
were offered nothing but guns, powder and ball, and will abandon their country to the English,
as they are not strong enough to hold it without help.
M. de Vaudreuil told them, in order to gain time, not to be in a hurry to abandon their
country, that he intends to send Father Loyard to France to advocate their interests with
his Majesty.
Some Indians have reported here that those of Panasamske hold the fort built by the
English on the River S' George in a state of blockade. No confidence is to be placed in what
they say. Should any reliable news be received, we will send an account of the success of
that expedition.
This fort, which stands on the North bank of the River S' George, the mouth of which is
the boundary line between New France and New England, has been built by the English of
' One Mosea Eaton, of Salisbury. Fenhallow. ' Forts Arrowsick and Richmond, September 10. Williamson. — Ed.
912 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
late years, whatever reason they may allege, in contravention of the Treaty of Peace, because,
if the limits set down by the commissioners in 1700 be in force, they are not permitted to
build a fort on the lands of this Colony, and if they pretend to settle on those lands in
consequence of the Treaty of Utrecht, nothing is to be done on the one side nor on the other
until the claims on both sides be regulated by new Commissioners; it does not appear to us
that this enterprise ought to be tolerated.
Father Loyard, who has been a long time a Missionary on the River S' John, has, since his
return here, prepared a Memoir in support of the boundary that might be proposed to them ;
the reasons he adduces appear to us sound. He, himself, could explain tliem on the Map of
the country which has been drawn up here, should the Council deem it necessary.
The Malecites, or Indians of the River S' Jolin, pillaged last year several English vessels, to
revenge the losses of those of Nanrantssak.
The Mikemaks likewise took and plundered several English people.
It is reported here that the English have taken at Canceau, 25 of these Indians who were
spread in bands along the sea coasts.
That a Frenchman named Petitpas, belonging to Port Royal, who married a squaw as his
first wife, had on that occasion cut the head off an Indian who was throwing himself into the
sea in order to escape ashore, having been surprised with some others in a vessel near
the coast.
This Frenchman, who has always sided with the English during the last war, and who still
adheres with them, had sent his son to Boston, where the English kept him for the space of
three years, without any expense to his father for his board, lodging and education. It was
their intention to make a clergyman of him because he speaks Mikemak, his native tongue,
better than any interpreter, and were greatly relying on him to win over the Mikemaks and
make them change their religion. He speaks English and French also very well.
M' de S* Guide has found means to get this young man out of the hands of the English, and
has sent him hither. He informed M. de Vaudreuil that he adopted this resolution, having
been apprehensive of his return to the English, and of his becoming eventually more dangerous
than his father; that he had induced him to come hither on the understanding that he should
be placed in the Seminary, pursue his studies there, and be a Priest; but on his arrival, he told
M"' Leveque, to whom he was also introduced by M"" de S' Guide, that he did not wish to enter
Holy orders, but only to learn navigation.
As it was as easy for this young man to return to Boston from this place as from Isle Royale,
we have considered it expedient to send him to France in le Chameau. Sieur Begon advises
M"' de Beauharnais, to whom he will be forwarded, of the circumstance, in order that he may
have him provided for whilst awaiting the orders of the Council.
It has been again reported here that the English have taken and cut in pieces, near Grange,
40 Mohegans (Loups) and Abenaquis, among whom were found some Iroquois. The Abenaquis
who came from Nanrantssak, on hearing this news, said that the winter will not pass without
their having revenge, and have requested M. de Vaudreuil not to prevent them attacking the
English wherever they may encounter them. He answered that he should permit them to do
what they pleased, when he would have received confirmation of this news.
(Signed) De Vaudreuil.
Begon.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: VII. 913
Memoir hy M. Bote respecting the Boundaries. March ^ 1Y23.
The Bretons and Normans frequented the seas of North America for fish as early as 1504.
Francis I., stimulated by the example of the Spaniards, sent Jean Verazan, in the year 1524,
to make discoveries on the Northwest coast of the New World. Verazan discovered 700 leagues
of coast, from the 30"" to the 50"" degree of North latitude, going from time to time on shore to
reconnoitre the country and the inhabitants, by whom he was invariably well received.
To the entire of this tract of country, which had never before been frequented nor discovered
by any other European Nation, he gave the name of New France, a name which it has always
retained from 1524 up to the present time. (See Herera, decade 3, Book 6 ; HaJcluyt, Volume 3.
-page 295 ; Purchas, Volume 4, fage 1063.J
The great wars which Francis I. and Henry II. had to wage against Charles V., were the
cause that the French did not form any establishment in New France.
Notwithstanding the great disorders which prevailed in France on account of the Religious
wars, Charles IX. resolved to form settlements in the south part of New France. He sent
Ribaut thither in 1562, who called that part of New France Carolina, and built a fort there
which he named Charlesfort, in honor of King Charles IX.
Laudonniere went thither after Ribaut, and Gourgues succeeded Laudonniere. The French
were disturbed there by the Spaniards, but finally Charles V. ceded that country to France,
and from that time the Spaniards have not contested with France any portions of New France
discovered by Verrezan.
France, then, was at that time in quiet possession of all the Coasts and Countries from the
32'"' up to the 50"" degree, and for her better security thereof had a fort at the Southern
extremity of New France, in the province she had called Carolina, and Frenchmen frequented
the Northern extremity, where they fished and traded with the Indians.
But this quiet and peaceable possession was disturbed by the English, who, in the year 1585,
established a post in the part of New France which they called Virginia, about the SO"" degree.
They did not stop at this, as they resolved to seize the whole of New France. They began
in 1613 to attack, the French there on all sides; to capture their ships, which were employed
in the fisheries and in the Indian trade ; to take the posts and forts they had erected on the
Coast of Norembega or of the Etechemies at Port Royal, in Acadia, at Gaspe and at Quebec
These hostilities continued until the English, apprehending the resentment of Louis XIII.,
bound themselves, by a Treaty concluded at Saint Germain en Laye on the 24"' of March, in
the year 1632, to restore to France all the places occupied by the English in New France
Acadia and Canada, with the ships and property taken from the French.
Here it becomes important to pay attention to this word restore: nothing is restored but what
is unjustly possessed, or what has been taken, for people do not restore what is their property ;
but give it or cede it. Thus, this word restore convicts the English of having acknowledged
and admitted, by said Treaty of Saint Germain en Laye, that they were to restore to France
all they held, together with the ships and property of the French taken so unjustly.
In execution of said Treaty, the English restored to France, Canada, Acadia and a part of
what they occupied in New France; but they continued to retain a great portion thereof,
contrary to the obligation imposed on them to restore all they occupied.
Vol. IX. 115
914 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Not content with retaining a great portion of New France, that is to say, the entire coast,
from the country by them called Virginia to the country called also by them New England,
having given new names to all that Coast in order to erase the recollection that the whole of the countries
from the 32"^ to the SO"" degree were called New France from the year 1524.
Not content, I repeat, with not restoring a great portion of New France, though they bound
themselves thereto by the Treaty of Saint Germain en Lays, they have since 1632 always
enlarged their usurpations, and made encroachments on the coasts and territories of
New France.
About the year 1670, the English seized that part of New France called, in 1562, Carolina,
in honor of Charles IX., and belonging to France to which Charles V. ceded his pretensions
to that country.
This is not all: At the North they seized the entire coast as far as the River Saint George,
East of the River Quinibeque, and inland they^have spread themselves as far as they have been
able into New France.
To put a stop to these usurpations, LousXIV^ concluded at London with, Charles II., whose
friend he was and with^ whom he did not desire to have any difficulty, a Treaty of Neutrality
in America, on the 16"" of November, 1686, which provided that each of the two Kings
should retain what rightfully belonged to him.
At the date of this Treaty of Neutrality, France was in quiet possession of every thing East
of the River Quinibequi, or at least of that of Saint George.
But the English, always prosecuting their desire to seize the whole of New France, 4iot
content with Acadia which was graciously ceded according to its ancient boundaries by Louis
XIV. to England by the Treaty concluded at Utrecht on 2"^ April, 1713, nor with the town
of Port Royal, which is not in Acadia but in Southern New France —
Not satisfied, I say, with Acadia according to its ancient limits, nor with the town of Port
Royal, they forcibly and unjustly seized that part of New France lying east of the River Saint
George, although Louis XIV. did not cede that or any part of New France to them at Utrecht,
except the town of Port Royal which belongs to it, and not to Acadia.
It is inconceivable that England should seize so large a portion of New France under
pretence that the solitary post of Port Royal has been ceded to her.
From what I wish to deduce, which it is very easy for me to prove, it must be concluded —
1" That the French are the first of all the Europeans who navigated the coasts from the 30"'
to the 52°^ degree; that they first discovered that vast tract of country, and named it New
France, as early as 1524 ; that they landed and settled there prior to the English or any
other Nation.
2""* That France had an establishment and a Fort in the southern part of New France, called
Carolina, as early as 1562, in honor of Charles IX., long before the settlement of the English
in that part of New France which they have named Virginia.
3"* That France, in order to secure to herself the quiet possession of all the countries from
SO"" to the 50"' degree, called them New France, a name admitted and acknowledged by all
European Nations, and established posts at its two extremities, on the South in Carolina, and
towards the North. Here is what Laet,' page 74, says of the North part of New France as far
as Cape Malabarre : "We have now treated of that part of North America of which the French
' Histoii-e du Nouveau Monde ou Description des Indes Oceidcntales. Par le Sieur Jean de Laet, d'Anvers. Ley den ; Elsevirs.
1640. Folic — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: VII. 915
have beeu the first discoverers and even some time the possessors, having introduced Colonists
there ; and vchich the English have attempted [to usurp] after having since called it Nova
Scotia and New England.'"
4"" That all the English establishments on this coast are on lands belonging to tlie King,
which he did not cede to England, and that consequently the English having built on a
foundation and in a country belonging to the King, they are bound, in accordance with all
rules of justice, to restore it to France, and to quit it.
6"" That the English were obliged by the treaty of Saint Germain en Laye, in 1632, to
restore every thing they occupied in New France, but that so far from doing so, they had always
increased their usurpations, which they still enlarge since the Treaty of Utrecht, in such a
manner as to show that the French must fear the loss of the entire of New France and Canada.
Here is what the English say in their justification, and my answers thereto.
I. The English say, we began as early as 1527 to sail towards Newfoundland.
Aiiswer. The French ran down the whole coast from the SO"" to the 50"" degree as early as
1524, and called the country New France, in token of the possession they then took of it; and
were, even in 1504, the first who discovered the Great Bank and Newfoundland, and went to
catch Walrus at the Islands in the Gulf of Saint Lawrence. The first voyages of the English
are consequently null.
n. The English say that, as early as 15S(),^ they made this total restitution [of] all that
England occupied unjustly, and consequently was bound to restore immediately, that title
being null and tiie patents granted by James I. and Charles I. to Alexander being declared by
the Treaty of Saint Germain, subreptive, not to say unjust, as this country was the property of
France. But, the English add, if this possession has been unjust down to the year 1686, it
was then rendered valid by the Treaty of Neutrality concluded at that time at London between
Louis XIV. and Charles II., by which France ceded to England all its then possessions in
America, that is to say, from Carolina inclusive to the River Quinibequi.
Answer. I admit that this Treaty of Neutrality is the most potent argument the English
have in support of retaining what they occupied in 16S6, but it is not difficult for me to prove
to them that this Treaty is of no legitimate use to them. In order to convince them of this,
1 need only quote here, word for word, the 4"" Article of that Treaty, which refers to the
countries belonging to the two Kings in America. Here are the very words: —
" It has been agreed that each of the said Kings shall have and hold the domains, rights and
preeminences in the Seas, Straits, and other waters of America, to the same extent that rightfully belongs
to them, and in like manner as they do at -present e7iJoy the same."
To convince the English that this Treaty of Neutrality does not entitle them to retain what
they then occupied of New France, which they had usurped before the Treaty of Saint
Germain (concluded in 1682^) and since, up to 16S6 —
I say, that this Treaty of Neutrality does not mention Domains, Rights and Preeminences
on the coasts and in the lands, but only Domains, Rights and Preeminences in the Seas, Straits
and other waters of America; and that consequently, as this Treaty says nothing about Lands,
it confirms the right of France to all the territory the English occupied in New France.
' The -vrords within brackets are from De Laet, in whose work the word is " colonies," not colont (colonists) as in
the quotation. — Ed.
'Sic. Qu? 1686. ^ Sic. 1632.
916 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
2"'' I say, that this Treaty is merely provisional; that it was not concluded except with
reservations by Louis XIV., who, foreseeing at the time the designs of tlie Prince of Orange,
was desirous, by gratifying the King of England, to preserve to him the affection of his subjects,
without, however, renouncing the ancient and legitimate rights of France.
3'''^ I say, that by these words, '■'■and to the same ezte?it as rightfully heloiigs to them" the
King has preserved his ancient rights over these Seas, Straits and Waters of America, and has
even confirmed them, with the consent of the English, who are obliged to admit that, as
these Seas, Straits and Waters of America, were discovered and visited by the French before
them, they belong anciently and of right to the French and not to the English, who came
thither only subsequently to the French.
4"" I say, that these words confirm likewise, with the consent of the English, the rights of
France to all the parts of New France then in the occupation of the English, since the King
did not cede them by the Treaty of Neutrality, which does not even make mention of them.
5"" I say that these words, " And in the manner they enjoy them at present" do not confer on
the English any right to the lands of New France, of which no mention is made in this Treaty
of Neutrality, but only that the King permits them merely to retain the Domains, Rights and
Preeminences over the Seas, Straits and Waters of America to the same extent that
rightfully belongs to them, and in the same manner that they enjoy them. Now, France
granting to the English only the holding of what they did rightfully enjoy, it follows that
they cannot take advantage of this Treaty of Neutrality, because they do not rightfully enjoy
thereby any preeminence over these Seas which belonged of right to France.
e'*" I say, that these terms, " Each of the two Kings shall have and hold" etc., as well as these
words, «' Treaty of Neutrality" indicate that this Treaty is simply provisional. Add, that
these words, "shall have and hold " what of right belongs to him, do not bespeak a Definite
but rather a Provisional Treaty.
T"" I say that even were this Treaty of Neutrality a Definite treaty, it has regard only to
Domain, etc., over the seas, etc., and not to Domain over the lands of New France occupied
by the English in 1686, and which they still occupy unjustly, and consequently they must
restore to France.
S"" I say that though this Treaty should be definite, and did regard Domain over the
lands of New France, which the English then occupied, they would be obliged to restore
every thing they have occupied in New France since 1686, whether on the coast or in
the interior.
This is what I have to say touching this Treaty of Neutrality, to show the English that it
cannot serve them as a title nor exonerate them from restoring all they occupy in New France,
from Carolina inclusive to the town of Port Royal exclusive.
The English make use of the Treaty of Utrecht in order to usurp a large portion of New
France, that is to say, every part East of the River Quinibe[qui,] and that on pretence that
by that Treaty France did cede Acadia to them according to the ancient limits, and the town
of Port Royal, and generally whatever depends on the lands and islands.
In order to destroy these frivolous and unjust pretensions of the English, I request that the
trouble may be taken to read in the Memoir on the boundaries that I had the honor to present
to Count de Toulouse what I state there to prove that Acadia, according to its ancient limits
ceded by France, does not include all the imaginary Nova Scotia, but only all that is embraced
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 917
between the South Coast of the Feninsida and a straight line drawn from Cape Fourchu to Cape
Campseau exclusively.
To which I add here, that the English acknowledged at Utrecht that Fort Royal' does not
belong to Acadia, having demanded of France Acadia and Port Royal; for if Port Royal was
a part of Acadia it would be sufficient for them to demand Acadia, inasmuch as France in
Acadia to them necessarily ceded Fort Royal to them also.
Collated and compared by the subscribing Royal Notary, residing in the Prevote of
Quebec, with a copy of an unsigned Memoir or note on paper lying in the Secretary's
office at the Chateau Saint Louis of Quebec, where it was deposited.
This day, the twenty-fifth of July, 1750.
Signed, Du Laurent.
Invasions of the French Possessions in America.
Extracts of despatches from the Governors, Intendants, and others on the
expeditions and encroachments of the English on Canada since the Treaty
of Nimeguen, in 1678. 21 April, 1723.
Trepasse Coast ; St. Mary's Bay.
Sieur de la Poipe to M. Colbert: Placentia, 30" of August, 16S0. N' 384, Canada. — Re
reported, on his arrival, the establishment of the English in the Harbor and on the Coast of
Trepasse, which belong to the King, and as that proceeding could be attended only with
disagreeable consequences it has confirmed his suspicion ; and they have been, after the
departure of the ships the year preceding, to S' Mary's bay to take the boats and conveyances
of the merchants, which they sold on their coast, and even to those of Trepasse, after having
burnt what did not suit them, such as cabins, &*.
The English of Boston send every year to the coasts of Acadia a number of Ketches to fish;
encroach daily on his Majesty's territories, and have a Fort not far from the place where
Pentagouet stood.
They have been even as far as the River S' John to fish for salmon.
River St. Croix.
Count de Frontenac to the King: Quebec, 2"^ November, 1681. N° 424. — The Governor of
Pentekuit^ always claims to extend his limits up to the River S' Croix, and sends vessels to
fish along the coasts belonging to the King.
Cape Breton, in Acadia.
Cou7it de Frontenac to the Marquis de Seignelay : Quebec, 2"'' November, 1681 . N° 424. Canada. —
The English encroach considerably on the Province of Acadia, coming to trade and fish along
the coasts. Those of Boston have even sent as far as Cape Breton, near Whale harbor, at the
' Sic. ' Pemekuit Supra, p. 148. — Ep.
918 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
entrance of the Gulf, to take and carry off the merchandise lost in the ship S' Joseph, that was
wrecked last year, belonging to the French of the Company ; with which goods they loaded
one vessel of sixty tons, and two others coming from the Island of Newfoundland.
They carried off some also which they removed to Boston, without being at the trouble to
find out whether they were abandoned or if the time limited to reclaim them had expired.
Boundary at the River St. George.
Their limits are marked at the River S' George, but they go 150 leagues beyond, coming
to Cape Breton.
Fort Pentagouet.
Extract of a Memoir concerning the recapture of Fort Pentagouet by Sieur de S' Castin,
Lieutenant of Sieur de Grandfontaine, Governor of said fort, which was surprised by the
English. — This Extract is without date. 1682. N° 466. Canada.
Hudson's Bay.
Memoirs and documents relating to the invasion of the English, and the pillage by them of
the property of the French in Hudson's bay. An. 16S5. N" 616.
Acadia.
Memoir of Sieur Berger on the pretensions and invasions of the English in Acadia, and the
right to prevent them fishing on the coasts of said country. An. 1685. N" 616. At the Depot.
Memoir on the value of the stationary fisheries in Acadia ; on the pillage committed
along the coasts of said countries by the English. An. 1685. N» 616. At the Depot.
M. de Callieres to M. dc Sergnelay : Paris, 25'" February, 1685. N' 616. — Sends a Memoir of
what he has learned regarding the usurpations of the English and their pretensions to the
Colonies of New France, both South and North.
M. Perrot to M. de Seignelay : Chedahouclou, Coast of Acadia, the 8" of September, 1685. N°
61G. — A privateer commanded by one Ouillemese,' the majority of whose crew are known as
inhabitants of Boston, has captured and carried ofT a Ketch belonging to the Company of the
sedentary fisheries of Acadia, and went afterwards to pillage three fishing vessels quite close to
Chedabouctou, and left merely the hulls of the vessels on the coast.
If this be not corrected, the trade of that coast runs the risk of being wholly interrupted, as
the English are roving about every day, and scouring these coasts in order to derive profit both
from fishing and trading. ,
Numbers of little English vessels have been here this year, and, despite the King's
prohibitions, come to commit their depredations and to dry their fish on the shore.
Should it be desirable that he oppose them, he will do so with all his power.
Port Royal.
The English are actually in Port Royal, and have stores of goods there as openly as if they
were aftbrding the same privilege to the French in their country.
' Williams. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 9] 9
Pentagouet.
Sieur Perrot to M. de Seignclay : Port Royal, the 29"' of August, 16S6. A'" 676. — An English
gentleman has complained to him that, after having some goods landed at Pentagouet, a post
belonging to the King, the English carried them off' by force of arms, on the ground that as
these goods were contraband, and the property of an Englishman, they had a right to seize
them, saying that these countries, as far as the River S' Croix, belong to the King of England.
M. de S' Castin, who is settled at the said Pentagouet, and from whose house a portion of
said goods have been carried off", offered them only feeble resistance.
This English gentleman's name is Nelson ; he has always traded to this coast, and greatly
benefited the settlers by the large loans he made them in seasons of their greatest necessity;
he pretends that having had S' Castin's permission to discharge his vessel at his place, he did
so in good faith, and that nevertheless by a piece of ill founded chicanery on the part of the
English, as to the property of these lands, he sees a large portion of his property seriously
endangered. The said English gentleman hopes that his Majesty, maintaining his territorial
right, will cause what has been taken from him at Pentagouet, to be restored to him, since he
has been permitted heretofore to carry all necessaries to the French, who have not provisions
enough to render them independent of foreigners.
Hudson's Bay.
Memoir on the affairs of the North Bay of Canada, presented to My Lord the Marquis de
Seignelay. An. 1687. No. 735. — Containing the expeditions of the Company established at
Quebec, in 16S5, to trade to said bay.
The King's right to the property of all the territories of the said country of Canada ;
usurpation of the River Bourbon by the English, led on by Radisson, a Frenchman, who with
Sieur Groisilliers had formerly conducted the English into said bay.
Capture of the English by the French sent overland from Quebec by said Company in 16S6.
Pentagouet.
Extract from the copy of a letter ivritten by Baron de Castaing, to Mons'' de DcmonvlUe: Pentagouet
2"* July, 1G87. Annexed to the said M. de Denonville's letter of aij'" April, 16S7. N° 734. —
Informs him therein that 50 Englishmen have recently seized Pentagouet and are scouring
the coast as far as the River S' Croix, which they say is their boundary, and making presents
to the Indians.
Indians excited to Revolt by the English.
Mr. de Denonville to M. de Seignelay: Villemarie, 25"' August, 16S7. N" 734. — Had not the
two English parties been arrested, and had they entered Missilimakinack with their Flum,
the whole of the French would have been massacred by a revolt of all the Hurons
and Outaouacks, which would have been followed by that of all the other Far Nations.
'Tis also certain that had we not marched against the Senecas, the said Hurons and
Outaouacks would have submitted to the Iroquois under English protection.
Colonel D'Unguent had adopted measures for that purpose, and he transmits a letter which
the Colonel had written him, with his answer.
He has learned that the Senecas, whom he has driven from their villages, have retired to
the English, and that the English merchants have furnished these Indians all their munitions
of war to be used against the French.
920 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
An English merchant has also assured him that since the publication of the Treaty of Neutrality
between the French and the English, the merchants of Orange have furnished the Indians all they
required against the French.
He has considered it his duty to detain the English prisoners and to write to Colonel
D 'Unguent, who is a very crafty man.
He knows no greater enemies than the English, and it is impossible to rely on any treaty
with them. He perceives they are considerably excited in favor of a sea voyage to the
Mississipi, with a view to discover its mouth, and to draw to themselves the trade of the Indians.
Acadia.
He has advices from Acadia that the English openly encroach on the King's territory in that
quarter, and from what he hears, it appears that Sieur Perrot is acting in concert with the
Boston government.
M. de Denonville to the Marquis de Seignelay : Quebec, IS"" of October, 1688. N° 802. — Reports
the damage that has been done to the stationary fishery of Acadia, which has been pillaged at
Canseaux and Chedabouctou by a privateer, who, from all appearances, has been sent thither
by the English of New England.
M. de Champigni/s letter of the lO" October, 1688, on the same subject, with the proces-verbals
appended to W de Denonville's letter, and a Memoir of the Acadia Company likewise
annexed thereunto.
Niagara.
Messrs. de Denonville and de Champigny to the Marquis de Siegnelay: Quebec, 6"" of November, 1688.
N° 802. — They send the documents hereinafter mentioned.
Memoir of the 10"' August, 1688. — On the state of the affairs of Canada. Reasons for the
abandonment of Niagara. Reasons for an arrangement with the English for the property of
the Iroquois country.
Another Memoir of the last uf October, 1688, wherein mention is made of the pretensions of
the governors of New England to the country of the said Iroquois ; they observe that they
transmit titles and minutes of entries into possession of the posts that the English would wish
to occupy, such as Niagara and Fort Hudson.
Memoir jirepared by M. de Deno7iville, Governor of Canada, in the month of October, 1687, touching
the right the English and the French set forth to the territory of North America, and particulaly
to the country of the Iroquois and Outaouacks.
Letter of Colonel d'Utiguent to M. de Denonville: the 31" October, 1687, containing, among
other things, that the Iroquois are subjects of the King of England, both by the situation of
their country and their own donation.
Another letter of the same to the same: the 27"' of February and 24"" of April, 1688, containing,
among other things, that M"' d'Unguent pretends that Fort Niagara is on English territory, and
had he been applied to, he would have obliged the Iroquois, who, he says, are the King of
England's subjects, to grant what is asked of them.
Other letters of the same, on the subject of the treaty of Neutrality and good correspondence
between the two Nations, with M. de Denonville's letters of the year 1687 and 1688.
Hudson's Bay.
Memoir of those interested in the Northern Company of Ca?iada, November 3, 1688, proving that
the property of the Hudson's bay belongs to the French.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 921
Acadia. Fort Royal taken.
M. dc Mcsiiccal to the Marquis de Seigiulay : Port Ruijal of Acadia, 2'.)'" May, IGnO. A"" 957.
Canada. — The English arrived on the lO"" instiint, witli 3 frigates of 40 and 30 guns, 5 or 6
otiier vessels and a landing force of 8 @ 900 men.
As the condition of the place and of the garrison, which consists of only 72 soldiers without
officers, put it out of his power to make any defence, he has capitulated with the Commandant
of the fleet on conditions pretty advantageous as regards Religion, the Colonists, himself and
the garrison, which was to march out with its arms and haggage, and be transported in a
ship to Quebec or to France, as it might select; but this commandant, on perceiving the
condition of the place, repented having granted these advantages, and pretended not to be
bound to keep his word, on the ground that some soldiers had abstracted something from
the King's store, and in spite of all remonstrance, disarmed and confined the soldiers, pillaged
and ravaged the settlements, and kept him in close confinement preparatory to carrying him
and the garrison prisoners to Boston.
This Commandant robbed him of his clothes and of about 1,000 livres, and the treasury of
4,000 livres, and made a point particularly to pull down and destroy the church and all
emblems of Religion, and of his Majesty's authority.
An Account of the Capture of Port Royal in Acadia, by the English of Boston, the 21" of
May, 1690. N° 957.
Sieur de Montorgueil to the Marquis de Scignelaij ; Bayonne, 16"' of Sejitcmber, 1690. N" 957. —
Whilst engaged on the 13"" of June last, superintending the work on the Pallisades,* he
perceived, about 4 o'clock in the afternoon, two vessels make their appearance at Cape
Campseaux, with a white flag, the Commodore carrying the white pennant at the main.
Next morning, the 14"", at break of day, he perceived a vessel anchored at the Cape of
Salmon river, and his boat, which was coming on shore and landing troops, in which dut)' it
was engaged the entire night.
About half-past three o'clock, nearly two hundred men arrived crying out. Long live King
William ! and fired several shots. Shortly after, came a detachment of 30 men, at whom he
ordered a gun to be discharged loaded with grape. The firing continued for the space of
six hours, and as they perceived that they could not effect any thing, they proceeded along the
coast, noticed the guard-house which the King's Lieutenant had covered with straw ; they
threw a match on the roof and set it on fire that extended over the whole building.
At eleven o'clock the commander sent him word that he could save himself; that he should
receive quarter, whereupon he asked security. He sent him his seal and told him to keep it
by him on account of the French Huguenots among them, who would not give any quarter.
Attack on Quebec.
Count de Frontenac to the Marquh de Seignelay : Quebec, 20"' November, 1690. N° 956. Canada. —
States that being at Montreal he received letters from the Major of Quebec advising him that
the English had resolved to attack that town ; that they were at Tadoussac, 30 leagues from
Quebec, which obliged him to repair immediately to the latter place.
Where the enemy anchored on the 16"" of October, to the number of 34 sail, four of which
were first-class ships, landed nearly 2,000 men and several pieces of cannon ; sent out
detachments of his troops to skirmish, in which he lost more than 500 men.
' At Chedttbucto. — Ed.
Vol. IX. 116
922 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
The enemy found themselves so much fatigued by the small sorties he ordered out against
them, that, apprehending to be attacked in their camp, they reembarked, on the 22"'' of
October, in the course of a night so dark that the French had no knowledge of their movements,
and they abandoned five of their guns, which were captured by some detachments he sent out
at break of day.
23'^'' of October. The entire enemy's fleet hoisted sail and cast anchor below Quebec.
Immediately after the English anchored before Quebec, General Phipps sent to him to
propose an exchange of prisoners and to summon him. The exchange was agreed upon. He
transmitted the summons and his answer.
Translation of M' Phips' ItUer to M. de Frontcnac, summoning him to surrender Quebec
and its dependencies into his hands, and M. de Frontenac's answer annexed to the above
mentioned despatch.
An Account of what occurred in Canada on the landing of the English at Quebec, in the month
of October, 1690. N" 956. Canada. End of the file.
Island of St. Peter, in Acadia, pillaged.
M. Pastour to M. de Ponlchar train: Placentia, in Newfoundland, 1" of Januanj, 1691. N' 1074. —
A sloop arrived here quite recently from S' Peter's Island with 5 settlers on board, to inform me
that the Colony was taken and pillaged on the 20"" of October last by 60 Englishmen from the
coast of Fourillon, Ferlan and the Bay of Reboul; the same who joined the Pir<ites last winter
and who came to pillage us last February. Their expedition had been prepared to come again
to take us, beiug fifty in number.
Placentia.
M. Brouilhm to M. de Pontchartrain : Nantes, 1" October, 1692. N" 11S3. — Sends an account of
the attack of 5 English ships of 60 guns on Fort S' Louis of Placentia, commanded by M. de
Brouillan, Governor of the Island of Newfoundland.
Flyboat St. Jacob taken.
M. de Champigny to M. de Pontchartrain: Quebec, 8" October, 1692. iV° 11S2. — We have
learned, since the S"" of this month, that the flyboat S' Jacob had been captured at the
entrance of this gulf by an Englishman of Boston. The Captain in command of her, named
Vivien, has been sent hither with some French seamen and one of oui* Quebec merchants who
happened to be on board. The King had 200 barrels of flour and two cases of clothing in
this
Acadia. Island of St. Peter.
M. du Brouillan to M. de Pontchartrain: Placentia, 7" October, 1693. N' 1307. — The English
ships that had been here have taken out and burnt a Bayonne vessel, in a harbor distant 20
leagues from here.
When the enemy's fleet left this roadstead, they detached three of their vessels, two of 60
and one of 36 guns, to S' Peter, whither they were piloted by a Runner whom I caused to be
arrested, with orders that he be brought to Placentia to be made an example of if convicted
of the crimes whereof he is accused. I am assured that he is the cause that S' Peter has
been pillaged and burnt without leaving one stone on another.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: VII. 993
Fort St. Anne captured.
M. dc Frontawc lo M. de Ponlchartrain : Quif>cc, 25"' 0/ Oc/oljcr, lii93. A'" 1300. — Reports
tliat the English ships made themselves masters, on tiie P' of July, of. Fort St. Anne, which
we occupied on the North bay.
This post is so much the more considerable, as, if the English be left undisturbed in that
quarter, they will push their establishments still further, and in a little while will reach the
rivers on which reside the Indian Nations that trade with us, and thereby attract to themselves
the commerce we used to make in the North, whilst they are striving to do the same thing
in the South.
Capture of the Ship Le Belliqueux.
Declaration respecting the capture of the Ship le Belliqueux, carried into S' Jolin by the
English : 6'" December, 1G97. N» 1767. Canada.
Chedabouctou.
Memoir of the Acadia. Company, of the month of April, 1698, touching the pillage by the English
of Fort Chedabouctou, in the month of August, 1688. N" 1873. Canada.
Iroquois.
Mess" de Frontnenac and Champigny to M. de Pontchartrain : Quebec, 15"' October, 1698. N° 1872.
Canada. — M' de Bellomont has sent some Englishmen to inform Count de Frontenac that he
claims the Iroquois to be dependent on the King his master; that the peace to be concluded
between us and these Indians is not to be made except through him ; that if we should oblige
them by force to come and demand it of us, and to bring back our prisoners, he would arm
every man in his government to try and repel us; that he had, in advance, furnished them
with arms and ammunition, &c.
M. de Frontenac's answer has been, that the Iroquois never wished to acknowledge
himself a subject of the English, but merely that he recognized them as friends.
Send a Memoir annexed to their despatch — Letter A — setting forth the proofs, ancient
and modern, that they are able to find, of the possession the King has always maintained of
his superiority over the Iroquois.
Acadia. Capture of Ships.
M. de Brouillan to M. de Ponlchartrain : Port Royal of Acadia, the 10"' of September, 1702.
N" 2297. Acadia. — The flyboat dispatched this year by the King to Placentia, and which
was coming by his orders to Acadia, entered La Heve. This vessel was attacked and captured
by two Pirates belonging to Boston, after a fight of two hours. M. de Carion, who commanded
it, has been very severely burnt, as well as the greater portion of his crew, by the same
accident, the fire having communicated to some cartridges of Powder by means of a fuse which
the enemy threw on board.
These same pirates, or some others of their nation, have likewise captured seven of our
barks which were fishing at Chedabouctou. 2"^ October. Sieur Carion. Idem.
St. Peter's Islands Capitulate.
Sieur Durand la Garenne to M. de Pontchartrain : Placentia, 10'* of October, 1702. N° 2278.
Placentia. — Sends a list of the seamen returned from the merchant vessels that have been
924 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
either captured or burnt on this coast by the English, to the number of 270 men, not including
those Basques whom the Captains of their cantons have embarked in their ships without
orders. This statement is annexed to his letter.
Sieur de Sourdcvalle to M. de Poiitchartruin : S' Peter's islands, 11"' October, 1702. — On the 7""
of October, at 9 o'clock in the morning, 3 English ships, two of which carried 60 guns, anchored
in this harbor, and three hours after landed a detachment which burnt the Merchants' Church
and two houses; forced them by the fire from four pieces of cannon to retreat.
On Sunday, the 8"", at seven o'clock in the morning, they landed 400 armed men, who went
around the harbor and invested the rear of the little fort, and after having borne the enemy's
fire up to three o'clock in the afternoon, they sent a menacing summons three different times.
Capitulated because there was nothing more to fire with, tiie gun carriages being dismounted;
6 houses were burnt.
Sieur de Sourdcval to M. de Pontchartrain : Placcniia, 13'* November, 1703. N" 2402. —
Reports the new irruption of the English on the Island of S' Peter.
On the 15"" of July, three of their ships, carrying GO, 44, and 10 guns, anchored in the rear of
St. Peter, landed 4 or 500 men, and after a fight which continued until nightfall, seized the ships
I'Esperance and la Heine des Anges that were in the Barachois,' and recaptured a prize that
a Male privateer, returned from a cruise, had taken, on board which there was only a keeper.
Ship la Seine and the Bishop of Quebec taken.
Sieur Deschilais to M. de Pontchartrain: Placentia, without date ; of the year 1704. N° .■^-
Gives an account of his voyage since his departure from Rochelle to his arrival at Placentia,
e"" September, 1704.
The King's ship la Seine, on board of which was the Bishop of Quebec,^ has been captured,
after a fight, by some English Vessels. The Bishop of Quebec, the 30"" of August. Idem.
English Expedition against Acadia.
Sieur de Goutins to M. de Pontchartrain : Port Royal of Acadia, the 4"' August, 1704. N° 2554.
Colonies. — Transmits an account of the expedition of the English of Boston against Port Royal,
Minas, Beaubassin and Acadia. Annexed to his letter of the S"" December. Idem.
M. de Subercaze to M. de Pontchartrain : Port Royal of Acadia, 26'* of June, 1737. N° 3022. —
On the G"" of June of the present year, 24 ships appeared at the mouth of the Port Royal
harbor; 1 of 56, 2 of 28, 2 of 20 guns, and the remainder transports. This fleet anchored
within a league of the fort, and on the 7"^ landed 2,000 men, to wit : 1,500 on the fort side,^ and
500 on the opposite bank* of the river.
He organized divers detachments of Militia to lay in the woods in ambush for the enemy.
Perceiving that the forces would not be equal, he retreated in order to defend the fort.
The English reembark.
The enemy advanced on the night of the lO"" and 11"", and opened the trenches leading to
the fort, put the batteries in good condition, &"=.
' Ponds quite close to the sea, from which they are separated only by a beach of pebbles, are called in this country
Barachois. Pichon. Lettrei tur le Cap Breton, 18.
' Rt. Rev. M. St. Valier. ' i. e., the North.
* The South. See Charlevoix, II., 296, for plan of Port Royal.— Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 925
On the 16"" they opened the attack on the fort, hut the continual fire poured on them
prevented them making an assault.
At midnight he perceived that the entire army had invested the fort, and was posted on some
hills' and valleys; he showed them a bold face and intimidated them and made them abandon
the resolution of proceeding further. They slipped behind some houses and into an old store,
where there was nothing but an old cable, and burnt them.
The English quitted tiieir camp before day, in order to reembark; abandoned some tools,
which the settlers took. They did not fail to commit great damage, having burnt several
settlements and taken away a considerable number of cattle. The building he had constructed
was burnt by the English.
Sieur de Labat, &'' of July, 1707, on the same subject. N° 3030. — Transmits a narrative,
annexed to his letter, with a memoir on this subject also annexed. Mess" de Vaudreuil and
Raudot; 16'" July. Idem.
Second Expedition.
M. de Sober caze to M. de Pontchartrain : Port Royal of Acadia, 20"' of December, 1707. N"
3022. — Gives an account of the second expedition of the English against this Colony in the
month of August. Sieur de Gouton, 23"* December. Idem. — Sends the account annexed to
his letter.
Sieur Durand to M. de Pontchartrain: Placentia, 4" of July, 1708. iV' 3174. — It appears
evident that the English and Dutch have sent us back a large number of prisoners, and that
they have some designs on this Colony, which they threaten, as several of the prisoners report.
Wish to excite the Indians to expel the French.
Sieur de Bienville to M. de Pontchartrain : Louisiana, 12"' of October, 1708. N° 3175. — The
English of Carolina are making every effort to win over the Indian allies of the French.
Two Englishmen visited the Chicachas last spring with a request from their governor to
conduct them to all the allies of the French for the purpose of making them some presents.
One of these Englishmen came to the Tchiacta Indians, to whom he gave a considerable
present; but he has not been well received because he proposed to them to aid the English to
destroy all the small tribes nearest the French post. The chiefs of these Indians answered
that they did not wish to embroil themselves with the French, and would determinedly oppose
the passage of the English should they adopt that course. The other Englishman has been to
the Mississipi, where he called together the principal men of the Indian Nations, and after having
made them presents told them that the Governor of Carolina intended to expel the French
and to become master of the entire country, and with this view he was desirous to make
peace with them. These chiefs gave no answer to that, and this Englishman left on his return,
after having assured them that English troops would come in the month of February to destroy
the French.
Louisiana. Incursions of the English Indians.
M. Dartaguiete to M. de Pontchartrain: Louisiana, 11"" of May, 1709. N° 3317. — The Indian
allies of the English came in pirogues to the number of 5 @ 600 men to plunder Mavilla,^ five
leagues from this. This village made a right good defence. The enemy took 26 prisoners
• Colines. Charlevoix, It, 316, has "ravines." 'Sic. Que? Maubille. — Ed.
926 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
and they one, from whom they learned that this expedition cost them 14 men, including him.
They burnt him. As soon as intelligence was received of the enemy having been there, M. de
Bienville, proceeded to its assistance with 50 of his best men, after he had given orders for
the security of the fort and settlement. He did not find any more enemies ; they had decamped,
and after having ascended the river again a little further in their canoes, broke these up and
took to the bush, where the B'rench could not attack them.
The English have views on La Heve. Coasts of Acadia.
M. de Suhercaze to M. de Pontchartrain: Port Royal of Acadia, Z''" January, 1710. iV° . —
The Council of Boston have taken into consideration the propriety of making a settlement at
La Heve, without troubling themselves about Portugal, which was of no use to them; that
they were about doing so with their ship of 50 guns, which, last summer, acted as a convoy
to the fishermen, who have been this year in a larger number than ever, a fleet of as many as
250 vessels having been seen. They have been on our coasts as late as the end of October,
which never happened before, burnt some old houses and carried off the cattle of the settlers.
Had provisions not been so high at Boston this year, they would have made a settlement at
La Heve or somewhere else.
They land at Cape St. Mary with some Dutchmen (Flessingois).
Major L'Hermite, to M. de Pontchartrain: Placentia, 2"'' of August, 1710. — On the 21 July the
English landed at Cape S' Mary, distant 2 leagues from here where 7 vessels have their flakes.
All the people were out fishing, and only 3 or 4 men remained at each flake'. We hear that it
was Camaire and La Violette, both Frenchmen, who escaped last year from the prisons of this
fort, and who were condemned to the galleys. The former has been in England and promised
the Queen to lay waste the entire coast inhabited by the French. I have no doubt of his
success, not a ship being in port fit to oppose their designs. They came here with an armed
charroi of 40 men. At present there are 13 @ 14 English and Dutch vessels scouring the
entire coast from Chapeau Rouge. Three days ago, 6 made their appearance in front of S*
Lawrence, one vessel that was at Burain escaped, and was taken two hours after. 3 of
these ships have sailed towards S' Peter, and the other 3, accompanied by the charrois which
I have mentioned, have scoured divers harbors in which lay several boats and charrois
belonging both to ships and the inhabitants of this place, who had gone away en dcgras as the
cod had failed here. I have no doubt but they will capture the vessels at S' Peter. Their
design is, to scour the entire coast. It is asserted that the largest carries only 40 guns, the
others from 30 to 16. These are all merchantmen. After having discharged their cargoes in
the harbors, they proceeded to run over the Bank, and afterwards came here. Two days
after the descent of the English, one of their privateers was shipwrecked quite near the place
at which the other had landed.
The English summon Placentia.
Memoir of Sieur Riverin respecting the English summoning Placentia in the Island of
Newfoundland, wherein he recapitulates the French discoveries and possessions. Anno, 1710.
N" . Placentia.
' A plalfoim of hurdles on wliicli coJfisli is di-ied. Tliere is a jjioture of one iu Chuppell's Voyage to Newfuundland, 31. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 927
English Privateers.
M. d<: CoslihcUc lo M. du Pontchartraiii. Plnccnlia, l"" rf August, 1710. A'" . — Hns sent to
the English coast lo take information respecting the force they had in their ports. They have
in the different harbors, 5 privateers of 30, 25, and 18 guns; 3 occupy the Great Banl^, and
the two others have frequently made tlieir appearance oft" Cape S' Mary and Chapenu Rouge.
They have captured two Banquin vessels of our nation and three of Bnyonne, Nantes and S'
Malo, on tiieir way from I'lacentin. The crews, prisoners of war, have been sent back to him
by the commander.
One of these English privateers of eighteen guns is lost.
Descent at Cape St. Mary.
Two English boats, each carrying 15 men, made a descent on the 21" of July at Cape S'
Mary, 10 leagues from Placentia, where our merchantmen engaged in fishing establish what is
called their degnis; made themselves masters of the fishing houses, stole the captain's clothing
without touching any of the fishing lines (agrez) or cod, and retired two hours afterwards
from S' Mary's bay.
They told the Basque Captains, for news, that at S' Johns they were expecting a fleet of
eight men-of-war and two bomb ketches from old England, to attack Placentia and ravage the
entire French coast of the Island of Newfoundland.
The Islands of St. Peter plundered.
M. CosUhdk lo M- de Pontchnrtrain: Placentia, the2S"' September, 1710. A'" . — The enemy's
privateers have continued cruising during the whole of the summer; they have pillaged the
inhabitants of S* Peter's islands, and captured all the vessels fishing there, with two of our
privateers belonging to S' Malo, viz' VEmbuscade of 24 guns, and le Henry, the latter of which
ransomed herself, and has since taken two English prizes. 15 October. Sieur L'hermite.
Idem.
Acadia. Port Royal blockaded, besieged.
Sieur de Bonnaventure to M. de Pontchartrain : Port Roijal of Acadia, 1" October, 1710. N"
M. de Subercaze, same date. Idem. — States that the mouth of Port [Royal] of Acadia is
blockaded by an English ship of 50 guns and a crew of 240 men, and a brigantineof 100 men,
which have been waiting for their army for 20 days; from the report of prisoners, it consists
of 2 ships of 60, 2 of 36, and 2 of 28 to 24 guns, a very large bomb ketch and a land force of
300 men, &c.
M. de Subercaze to M. de Pontchartrain: Port Royal of Acadia, 26'* October, 1710. — States
that the English came to Port Royal with an army and implements of war necessary for
carrying on a siege of a very considerable and well furnished town.
That he has represented in his despatch of the 1'' of October that they had been six weeks
blockaded by an English ship of 60 guns, a brigantine and sloop, which had learned the
condition they were in from a great number of soldiers that had deserted.
That the 5"" of that month witnessed the arrival of this army, which was composed of 51
ships that anchored before the fort beyond the range of cannon shot and shells.
That this fleet consisted of 7 ships of war, 4 of which carried 60; 2, 40, and 1, 36 guns,
two bomb ketches and the remainder transports.
928 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
That on the G"" of the same month, they landed on both sides of the river ; that the major
portion of their force was on the fort side; he made no opposition at their landing, nor at the
various bad passes where he might have prepared an ambuscade for them, on account of
the little reliance he placed on the militia and soldiers, and that none of these would have
returned to the fort ; that, moreover, he had not 300 men.
Meeting no impediments on the way, the enemy came directly on, and, when he thought
them within range of our artillery, he fired on them ; that he killed, on that day, at least
•50 of their men, which had the effect of moderating somewhat the ardor of 1000 Regulars
from Old England, who were detached from the marine corps, and of forcing them to retreat,
in order to camp in a valley that protected them from our artillery; the remainder of the
troops, composed of 4 regiments levied at Boston, each 600 strong, followed and encamped in
the same line. On the night of the 6"" and T"" they landed a part of their guns, and
continued so employed all next day, whilst he, throughout the whole of the seventh,
endeavored to note the places where they were commencing their trenches. The ground
being very favorable to them on account of the heights which surrounded ihis fort, he was
unable to discover, until the eighth, the place at which they wished to erect their batteries,
when he again forced them to abandon that locality, by force of his artillery, which killed
a great number of their men. Towards the beginning of the night of the S"" and 9"" he
perceived one of the Ketches taking up a bombarding position; from 7 o'clock at night to one
o'clock in the morning, she spread great teiTor among the people and the soldiers. The ninth
was spent in cannonading up to noon, when a very heavy rain fell and continued until the
evening, when the Ketch began again to bombard them from 8 o'clock until two in the
morning. On the tenth, the enemy worked at their trench and battery, and towards evening
the Ketch recommenced the bombardment until day break. de la Tour, an officer, being
dangerously wounded that night by the explosion of a sliell, completely turned the heads of
the militia, who presented him, next day, a petition representing their inability to resist so
large a force; having examined this petition, he remarked that the terror was as great among
the soldiers; he had reason to fear everything, in consequence of the rumor which prevailed
that they intended to blow up the fort.
Capitulates.
On the night of the lO"" and 11'*', 50 of the militia and? or 8 of the regulars deserted, who,
he believed, were rendered perfectly crazy by the shells; on the following day, the eleventh,
on learning this desertion, he determined to summon the officers in order to ask their advice
as to the course he should pursue ; all of whom requested him to discover some means of
obtaining a capitulation ; which he very fortunately effected.
On the day succeeding their quitting the fort, the enemy was obliged to furnish them
provisions; only 156 soldiers belonging to the garrison marched out, who were perfectly naked,
which rendered the enemy desperate.
Being unable to borrow money for the payment of the bills due the inhabitants, he was
under the necessity of selling to the English, by the advice of every one, the six guns he
had obtained and a mortar, the proceeds whereof, with his plate, furniture and other effects,
together with what has been loaned him by divers individuals [went] to pay the King's debts
in that country.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 929
M. dc Subcrcaze to M. de Puntchirtrain : Port Royal of Acadia, 20"' of October, 1710. A"" . —
Communicates, with regret, the misfortune that happened to him at Port Royal, where the
English came with an army to lay siege to that town.
On the S"* of August they discovered the arrival of the enemy's fleet, amounting to 51
vessels, which came to anchor in front of the fort, beyond the range of shot and shell.
On the next day, the 6"", they effected a landing on both sides of the river, their greatest
force on the fort side; he offered no opposition at their landing, nor at the various passes where
he might have prepared an ambuscade for them, for he placed no reliance on the militia nor on
the regulars; that none of them would have returned to the fort. He had only 300 men; he
fired on the enemy, when the gunners killed 60 of their men, which forced them to retreat.
After having been bombarded and cannonaded up to the 10*\ the people came in a crowd to
present a petition to him, representing that he was not in a condition to offer any resistance.
Terror prevailed no less among the military.
The defection of the Militia and regulars, who completely lost their senses from the shells,
determined him on the ll"' to call the officers together to ask their advice, all of whom
requested him to find means to demand a capitulation, which he effected in the most fortunate
manner. Embarks for France.
Arrival at Nantes of the Staff and Colonists from Acadia.
Sicurde Gouins to M. de Pontchartrain : On board the ship la Deycche, 1" of December, 1710. —
This English ship lying at the mouth of the Nantes river, has brought to France the staff of
Acadia, and the Women and Children, amounting in all to 252 persons. Gives an account
of the attack and capture of the fort.
Sends the capitulation of the 13"" of October, 1710.
The English in Fort Royal.
M. dc Costehelle to M. de Pontchartrain: Placentia, the W' of September. — A brigantine, arrived
on the 7"' of September from Acadia, advises me of the reverse of what Sieur Gaulin had
reported to me respecting the situation of the enemy. Mr. Vesche has returned to Boston, and
Colonel Habis' has remained Governor at Port Royal. The old garrison is relieved by 200
men of the New-York levy, and the Indians of La Heve have assured Sieur Ricord, the
Captain of the brigantine, that they had seen and counted, in the beginning of August, more
than 60 sail proceeding towards Quebec ; this renews my fear for Canada.
English Privateers.
English privateers continue to destroy our commerce on this coast. They have captured
5 or 6 vessels coming from Placentia, and one going to Quebec under the command of
Captain Joachim de Turbide. They insolently anchor in all our ports on the coast of Chapeau
Rouge and at the S* Peter's islands, where two of 20 @ 29 guns entered on their way from
Cape Ray and Portochoux. On the 3'' of September they surprised some barks which had
gone out to fish, I believe, under Spanish colors. I have been told that they went out as
usual to Petit Nord, where I am informed there are still 3 or 4 vessels from S' Malo.
15"" of September, 1715. I have just learned that the armed Brigantine, which left this port on
a cruise, has been captured by an English ship of 30 guns off Chapeau Rouge, without its crew
• Hobby. Hutchinson, II., 152, 153, 181, Ac. —Ed.
Vol. IX. 117
930 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
having been sent back to me to Placentia. Sieur Morpin has sustained Iiis usual reputation ;
he fought for the space of three hours, yard-arm to yard-arm, and, though inferior in
strength, prevented the enemy boarding, and had he not been knocked overboard by a
manoeuvre, he vs^ould have obliged the enemy to let him go. He depended much on this little
armament to aid the settlers and Indians of Acadia. The same English privateer captured,
next day, a bark coming from Quebec, freighted with provisions, which sailed from Canada
on the i"" of September; another ship-master was taken on the 30"" of July at Spaniard's bay'
by two English men-of-war, the Chester and Leopard, belonging to the Canada expedition.
He is on his guard.
Expedition against Canada.
31. de Costebelle to M. de F ontchar train : Placentia, 25 October, 1711. — The master of an
English prize, arrived at Placentia on the 20"" October, has confirmed to me the expedition of
the English against Canada, and assured me that it consists of a landing force of 8,000 men,
and of 4,000 who have proceeded across the country to attack Port Royal.^ Sends the
proclamation that the English had printed at Boston and distributed among the people of
New France.
Capture oi' French Vessels.
The Boston galley, with 3 brigantines, has sailed from that port at the close of September,
loaded exclusively with munitions of war for Quebec.
The King's ship le Heros, and le Vermandois of Rochelle, have been taken at the Island of
Per9ee, and sent to Old England.
The aid, which was on the way to the French and Indians of Acadia, and consisted mainly
of munitions of war, has been captured in part on board Sieur Morpin's brigantine, after an
engagement of three hours with an English frigate of 30 guns, and after having forced it
to decline boarding. Had Captain Morpin not been knocked overboard in the course of the
action by a manoeuvre made contrary to his orders, he would have sustained this unequal fight
with some hope of escaping from his adversary.
He is apprehensive that the bark of M. Goubin,^ Missionary, loaded with the remainder
of said munitions of war, has experienced the same fate.
Sieur Morpin has been sent back to him from the prison of S' John.
Cape Breton and the Coast of Labrador. Expedition of the English previous
TO the War.
Mess" de Vaudreuil and Began to M. de Pontchartrain : Quebec, 12'* of November, 1712. — State
that they transmit a Memoir, containing all the information they have been able to obtain
respecting the establishment that could be formed on the Island of Cape Breton and the
Labrador Coast, and all the papers they have been able to find relating to the boundaries
between us and the English in North America, together with a Memoir they have drawn up
on the subject.
That they have not as yet learned any thing respecting the statement that in 16S8, before
war had been yet declared, the English had captured a French vessel in the port of Chibouctou,*
laden with dry goods ; that a little while after, they went to take the port of Chedabouctou,
' See note, supro, p. 544. ' S/c. Qu ? Mont Royal. " Gaulin. ' Now Halifax, N. S.— En.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 931
and afterwards caused to be publicly sold at Rodelin* the proceeds of this pillage. That
they will make a report oa the subject as soon as they shall be ready to find some justificative
pieces thereupon.
Sundry documents are annexed to this despatch.
Acadia. The Boundaries with the English.
Mess" de Vaudreuil and Begon to M. de Pontchartrain: Quebec, IS'* November, 1713. — Sieurs de
Vaudreuil and Begon have not yet received the Treaty of Peace between France and England
signed at Utrecht on the 11'* of April last, but they have seen a printed copy of it whereby
it appears that all Acadia is to be ceded to England according to its ancient limits, which it is
important to restrict within the extent of the Peninsula known on all the maps by the name of
Acadia, for reasons explained at considerable length in the Memoir, Map and despatch annexed,
which Sieur Begon prepared with Father Aubry, Missionary of S' Francis, who is more
conversant with that country than any other person here.
The documents mentioned are not annexed.
Rivers Ouabache and Mississipi.
Mess" de Ramezay and Begon to M. de Pontchartrain: Quebec, 13"' SciHember, 1715. — Father De
Ville,^ a Jesuit missionary, and Sieur de Vincenne, write Sieur de Ramezay that the English of
Carolina have recourse to every expedient to attract the Indian Tribes of the South by means
of the Iroquois, and Sieur Begon reports that Father Marmet,^ a Jesuit Missionary to the
Illinois, writes respecting the encroachments of the English in the rivers Ouabache and
Mississipi, where they are building 3 forts.
Oath required of the French who remained at Port Royal, &*., under the dominion
OF the English.
M. Begon to M. de Pontchartrain : Quebec, 25'* September, 1715. — A French inhabitant of Port
Royal has reported to him that he read the orders received by the governor from the Court of
England on the subject of the proclamation of the new King and of the oath of fidelity and
religious abjuration (de religion) to be exacted from all the settlers, to the effect that he shall
oblige the French who will remain under the English dominion to take 4 of these oaths like
the English ; but that on the French becoming indignant at such proceeding, he had contented
himself with requiring them to take the oath of allegiance; that he had even promised them, in
his Britannic Majesty's name, that they should have freedom of religion and be at liberty to
retain their Missionaries, and that they could remain as quiet on their lands as if they were
native English.
Notwithstanding these offers the French refused to take the oath of fidelity, and promised
merely not to take up arras as long as they should be under English dominion, as they could not
pledge themselves to any thing else, and that they would never violate the obedience due by
good subjects to their prince. The English governor, being satisfied with their answer, told
them simply that he should report it to the Court of England.
' Rhode Island.
"Rev. Loots Marie de Ville is said to have emigrated in 1702; was Missionary at Kaskaskias in 1711, and was sent to
the Pcorias in the fall of that year. Kip. He belonged to the Illinois Mission, and is said to have died in 1738. Litl»
Chronologique. — Er.
' Rev. Jacques Marmet became Missionary to the Indians at the mouth of the Ohio as early as 1700, and was afterwards
stationed at Kaskaskias, Illinois, Cluirlcvoix. He died in 1736, according to thai unreliable authority, the Lists Chronologiqvt.
932 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
This governor immediately dispatched a small English vessel from Port Royal to convey the
same intelligence to the French and Indians of Minas and Beaubassin and to the Indians
of the two Missions of the Rivers S' John and Pentagouet, to induce them to take the Oath of
fidelity, and to declare to them that they should enjoy the free exercise of their religion.
M' Breton, an officer of the troops belonging to the garrison of Port Royal, and Sieur Caponi
commissary of said place, embarked on board this vessel with an English crew and two
Frenchmen, one named Jean Landry, an inhabitant of Minas, and the other named Melanson,
an inhabitant of Port Royal, one of whom acted as captain (mattre d'equipage) and the other
as pilot.
That said Sieur Capon, a native of Bourdeaux, where he has been a wine merchant, told
him when on his mission, that he was the sole deputy on the part of the King of England to
publish this proclamation and receive the oath of fidelity; but being French, he had requested
the Governor of Port Royal to send an English officer of that garrison with him, in order to
remove all cause of suspicion from himself, and that M' Breton had been adjoined.
That he proceeded first to Minas, where, having called the French and Indians together and
published this proclamation, he invited them to swear allegiance to the King of England, which
they all refused to do.
That he went next to Beauhassin, where, after the proclamation had been read, the French
and Indians refused, in like manner, to take the oath of allegiance.
That said Sieur Capon repaired, last April, to the mouth (au bas) of the River S' John, 40
leagues above which is the village of the Malicites and Abenaquis, consisting of 3 @ 400 men,
women and children, among whom there are about 100 men capable of bearing arms.
Said Mess" Capon and Breton told the Missionary of these Indians that the object of their
visit was to communicate to them the accession of Prince George of Hanover to the Crown of
England, and to propose to them in his name to place themselves under his protection by
taking the oath of allegiance to him; that the King of England would allow them the same
and even larger presents than the King had been accustomed to give them; that they would
be at liberty to preserve their religion and to retain their Missionary. The Indians answered,
that they were too few in number to speak of these propositions ; that as far as they were
concerned, they were ignorant of what was passing in Europe; that perhaps the English wanted
to deceive them ; that they were expecting the return from France of their father, the Marquis
de Vaudreuil, when they would be able to answer according to the information they should
then receive.
The two Frenchmen who were on board this vessel, and who speak the Indian language, so
far from supporting the propositions the English were making to the Indians, strongly exhorted
the latter not to trust them.
Father de la Chasse, the Jesuit missionary of the Abenaquis, has informed him that Mess"
Breton and Capon proceeded, at the end of April last, from the River S' John to the mouth
of that of Pentagouet, where all the Indians of that mission had again assembled, and had
submitted to them the same propositions that he had presented to those of the River S' John.
The demand, and answers are reported in the letter.
Extent of Acadia as claimed by the English; and what is to be opposed to them.
The English, both of the Boston and Port Royal governments, publicly assert themselves
masters of all the countries from Boston to Port Royal, Minas and Beaubassin, which they
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 933
pretend have been ceded to them, under the name of Acadia or Nova Scotia, by the Treaty of
peace; and that they have no other boundary than the S' Lawrence, although this Treaty
states that Acadia shall be ceded according to its ancient limits, which comprehend only the
peninsula whereunto alone the name of Acadia is given in the maps, all the rest being laid down
in the old maps as New France.
They have even wished, in execution of this treaty, to oblige Sieur de Belisle and Jean
Denis, frenchmen settled at Pentagouet, to leave that place, but the Indians of that village
opposed it, and told the English that, as these two Frenchmen had married Indian women
they were considered to belong to their Village and Nation, whereupon the English have not
insisted any further.
Ab-siract of Messrs. de Vandreuil and Begon^s Despatches^ with the Report of the
Minister thereupon.
Canada. Abenakis.
Mess" de Vaudreuil and Begon report that the expedition of the Abenakis, against the
English fort situated to the Northeast of the River S' George, has not succeeded on account of
the continual rains, which obliged them to retire after having made some prisoners whom they
sent back, burnt a saw mill and killed some cattle. They lost an Indian belonging to the
River Saint John.
By sending back the English prisoners, that nation, they expected, would let them remain
undisturbed; but whilst engaged hunting, the English visited and burnt their village. This
aroused the Indians afresh, who made divers attempts to capture the English fort; but al^
in vain, owing to their little experience in these operations.
This fort having been built two years ago on French territory, to the prejudice of the
bounds and limits laid down in 1720,' and the King having forbidden any assistance in men to
be furnished the Indians, Mess" Vaudreuil and Begon are of opinion that it would be proper
to require the King of England to raze that fort.
The Abenakis having gone hunting, the English captured forty of them whom they placed
in the hands of the Iroquois. The latter sent two of them, with two Englishmen, to
Naurantsouak, to treat of peace there with the Abenakis of that village.
These deputies, not finding the Abenakis, left some Tobacco and Calumets in the cabin and
attached to a tree a piece of bark on which they drew two moons, to indicate that they would
return in two months, and carried away with them another piece of bark, which Father Rasle,
the missionary of that village, had attached to the door of his church, on which he had written
that the Indians would not listen to any overtures of peace until the English had entirely
abandoned all the Abenakis lands, and, if they burned their church and village, that the Indians
would go and burn the meeting houses and settlements of New England.
These Deputies did not return to Nauransoiiak. The English, who acted with the Iroquois,
were of opinion that this negotiation would be more successful if they could gain over the
' nOO. Post, p. 938. — Ed.
934 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Indians of the Saint Francis Mission, and with this view sent a belt, last February, to
the Village.
The most of these Indians, and those of Becancourt, were hunting or at war, which
prevented these deputies explaining the veritable object of their voyage. They merely said
that they were come to speak of peace. Some of those who remained in the Village ran after
their people, and brought back a great number of them. The deputies told them that they
ought to cease striking the English, and detach themselves from those of Naurantsoiiak and
Panoiiamske, who, alone, could not bear up against the English.
One of these Deputies had orders to signify privately to four of the most considerable chiefs,
and who were least attached to the French, that those who would be inclined to make peace
with the English should retire with their families to the Iroquois;
That those who would unite with the Abenakis of Naurantsouak would not be safe either
in their village or on the road, and that the Iroquois declare themselves equally against them,
and against those of Naurantsoiiak.
All the Indians, when informed of this secret and of the threats of the Iroquois, told the
Deputies that they would cease hostilities, if the Iroquois would prevail on the English to give
the Abenakis up their lands and prisoners which they had taken from them.
On the return of these deputies to Orange, in the month of June, they met the English, who
had just renewed their alliance with the Iroquois, and had obtained their promise to wage war
against the Abenakis.
They told the Iroquois that the Abenakis were very willing to obey them, and to cease
hostilities against the English, without stating that it was on condition that their lands and
prisoners should be given up to them ; whereupon the Iroquois became mediators, and invited
two Chiefs from each Abenakis village to accompany them, two months after that, to Boston.
The Abenakis having been notified that the Iroquois deceived them, sent word that they
were not disposed to risk themselves with them at Boston.
They acquainted M. de Vaudreuil of it, and told him, in presence of an English prisoner
whom they were sending back to Boston, and whom they authorized to repeat to the Governor
of Boston that they would not make peace until the Abenakis, who were detained prisoners,
were restored; until the English had left their lands and repaired the wrongs and injustices
they had done them ; and that for the settlement of the terms of the peace, they desired no
other mediator than M. de Vaudreuil.
Those of S' Francis, to the number of sixty, and those of Becancourt to the number of forty,
set out afterwards on a war party, to the government of Boston. The former returned after
having killed ten prisoners,' burnt several houses and saw-mills, and captured eighteen
prisoners. Only one of their men was wounded. The others have also returned, after having,
in connection with those of Nantansoijak, killed seven persons, burnt two picket forts which
had been abandoned, and killed a quantity of cattle.
The Hurons of Loretto have also been twice at war ; they killed six Englishmen and took
one prisoner ; one of their Chiefs has been killed on that occasion.
It appears by the report of the prisoners that public sentiment in New England respecting
this war is divided. The people complain loudly of the Governor for continuing it ;
their will.
' Sic Qu f Persons. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 935
The understanding wliicli manifested itself between the English and the Iroquois of the Five
Nations, had seriously intimidated the Abenakis, and the ill disposed among them represented,
to those of the Tribe who were going to fight, that the Iroquois would declare against them,
which cooled them down considerably.
M. de Vaudreuil thought it necessary, for the encouragement of the Abenakis, that the
Iroquois domiciled at Sault S' Louis and the Lake of the Two Mountains should join them;
being in no wise apprehensive that those of the Five Nations would declare against the
Abenakis. They were invited so to do by all the Abenakis Indians and by the Hurons of
Loretto. They resolved on this junction, and requested M. de Vaudreuil to permit them to go
to war. They set out on the twentieth of September, numbering one hundred and thirty-four
of the Sault S' Louis, forty-five from the Lake of Two Mountains, and thirty Abenakis of S'
Francis. They will not return before the beginning of November.
The Abenakis have, likewise, sent Belts to the Outawas to invite them to join. It were
desirable that they should cooperate in this war, because it would put an end to their trading
at Orange, and to the English efforts to penetrate the upper countries. They [the English]
have [sent] flags (pavilions) there by some Outawas, who have seemingly received them with
pleasure.
Sieur de Vaudreuil will conform himself to the King's intentions in order to maintain the
Abenakis, as much as possible, in the possession of their lands.
He wrote, as of his own accord, to the Governor of New England to ask that the English
should retire from the lands of the Abenakis and leave these Indians in peace.
It is proper that Monsieur de Vaudreuil be ordered to sustain the Abenakis ; to
continue to require the Governor of New England to withdraw the English from the
lands belonging to the Abenakis, and to let the Indians alone. It is not proper that
the French appear in this war, but he is secretly to encourage the other Nations to
assist the Abenakis, by giving them to understand that the design of the English is
to render themselves masters of the entire Continent; that, being unable now to wage
war against the French on account of the peace in Europe, they attack their allies
and endeavor to invade their territory and to destroy them, and intend to act in the
same manner towards the other Nations who adjoin them on the sea side, and by
seizing all the coasts and harbors, put a stop to the navigation of the French.
That eventually they will seek, by open force, to expel them from the Continent,
and if they should succeed, would make slaves of all the Nations, because, finding
themselves sole [masters], they would give no more powder, nor ball, nor guns to
those whose destruction they would desire, and would not pardon any one.
That all the Nations should adopt early measures to ward off this misfortune.
The Iroquois, who are more intelligent than all other Nations, ought to be made to
understand its necessity, and be told that if the English wish to form an alliance with
the Outawas, it is in order to obtain assistance from that tribe against the Iroquois.
They must be also informed of the vast number of people inhabiting the English
Colonies, and how few the French are in the country; that it is these Frenchmen,
nevertheless, who maintain the Indians in liberty.
18 January, 1724.
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Louis XV. to Messrs. de Vavdreuil and Began.
Extract of the Memoir of the King to Mess" de Vaudreuil and Begon, formerly
Governor-general and Intendant of Canada.
Versailles, 30 May, 1724.
His Majesty has considered the report of Sieurs de Vaudreuil and Begon on the subject of
the War of the English against the Abenakis.
He will add to his orders conveyed in his despatch of the S"* of June of last year, that it is
not expedient that the French appear in this war, but it is proper, at the same time, that Sieur
de Vaudreuil do secretly encourage the other nations to assist the Abenaquis, by giving them
to understand that the design of the English is to make themselves masters of the entire
continent; that as the peace which exists between the Princes of Europe does not permit
waging war against the French of Canada, the English attack their allies and try to invade their
territory and to destroy them ; that when they will have accomplished that, they will seek to
invade the territory belonging to other nations adjoining them on the sea side, and that, by
seizing on all the coasts and harbors, they wish to put a stop to the Navigation of the French,
in order to oblige them eventually, by means of open violence, to abandon the entire continent ;
that then, finding themselves sole masters, they will enslave all the Indian nations whom they
will not furnish with any more powder, ball or guns, and who will be no longer able to
acknowledge that they have been deceived; that early measure should be adopted to ward off
this misfortune ; that efibrts ought to be made to impress it on the Iroquois, who are more
capable of understanding it than any other Nation, and to remark to them, that if the English
are endeavoring to form an alliance with the Ottawas, it is with a view of obtaining assistance
from them for their (the Iroquois') destruction ; to explain to them the large amount of people
in the English Colonies and the small number of French in Canada; that it is, nevertheless,
this small number of French that maintain the Indians in liberty.
M. de Vaudreuil to the Minister.
My Lord,
I had the honor to advise you, by the ship le Cheval Marin, of the disposition of the English
as regards the Abenakis War, and of the Governor of Boston's answer to the letter I had
previously addressed him. It remains for me to give you an account of the English expedition
against the mission of Father Ralle, who had the misfortune to lose his life on that occasion.
All the circumstances attending this affair deserve to be fully narrated ; you will permit me
not to omit any of them.
Since the close of October, 1723, the Abenakis did not cease harrassing the English, with a
view to force them to quit their territory. Those of the village on the River St. John joined
the Miamis,' whom they induced to resume the arms they had a year ago laid down; burnt five
' Sic. Micmacs. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 937
or six English houses near Port Royal, killed eight or ten Englishmen, took as many prisoners,
and drove the garrison into the fort, who were making continual sorties. Tiiesesame Indians,
to the ntimher of one hundred men, wished to attack Cauceaiid, where the English were
fortifying themselves, but on consulting together they postponed the execution of the project
to a more favorable time, under the apprehension tliat tiie large numl)er of ships at anchor in
that harbor would render their efforts abortive. Eight of them, wlio were unwilling to return
to their villages without having struck a blow, attacked an English bark, which the}' captured
after having killed the crew that defended her.
The Village of Panaouamsquee,' which had not done any thing since the commencement of
hostilities three years ago, being now excited by our domiciled Indians of St. Francis, whom
I sent to them early in the spring, prevailed on the other four villages of the same Tribe, and
killed and captured nearly 100 Englishmen and 14 Vessels loaded with salt and fish.^
Those of St. Francis and Becancourt, aided by some Mohegans, continued sending out war
parties since the month of March last; the Hurons of Loretto joined them in assisting
the Narantsouans.
Several Iroquois of the Sault and of the Mountain also took up arms with considerable
success; and I have reason to hope that the mass of these Villages will espouse the quarrel of
the Abenakis.
There was every appearance that the Narantsouans and the other Indians, their allies,
would eventually tire out the English and oblige them to abandon their forts on the river of
Narantsouac, when the Village was surprised on the 23'''' of August last. The English,
accompanied by some Indians,^ called La Porcelaine, arrived there under cover of the long
grass and brushwood with which the environs were filled, and came on the cabins unawares.
This village was without pallisades, and the Narantsouans considered themselves sufficiently
secure there in consequence of the care they took to send out scouts. The last of these who
had come up the river had not seen any trails of the English, who were coming through the
woods, and announced their arrival only by a discharge of musketry. The Narantsouans then
in the village numbered 50 Warriors. Those who were not hit by the bullets which riddled
the bark of the Wigwams, having immediately rushed to arms, made a few moments'
resistance, crying to the women and children to fly to the river which was yet open.
Father Ralle, the ancient Missionary of the Abenakis, on whose head the English had last
year set a price, who was exhorting the Indians belonging to his mission to preserve their
lands and country, went out of his house on hearing the noise, but the moment he made his
appearance, the English fired a volley at him by which he was immediately killed. Those of
the Indians who possessed not the courage to resist, fled towards the river as soon as they
perceived that the Father was slain. The bravest (resUltes) of the warriors, who had held out
a long time against the English, seeing that they were on the point of being surrounded, flung
themselves into the river like all the rest, and the English Indians pursued them to the water's
edge with their shots. Firing, as they did, unimpeded, against a mass of frightened people
who were crossing a river, some in canoes and some swimming, it is surprising that a single
man should have escaped. They killed, in this action, only 7 men, 7 women, 14 children, and
wounded 14 persons very slightly. The mass of the village which escaped amounts to 160
' See note, supra, p. 571.
' Compare WiUiamaon, IL, 127; Penhallow, in New Hampshire Historical Collections, I., 96, 100.
° [and guided by a squaw]. Some such words seem to be wanted here to make up the sense. — Ed.
Vol. IX. 118
938 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
persons, among whom there still remain 29 Warriors, who were so incensed at the death of
their Missionary and the profanation of the sacred vessels belonging to their Church, that they
would have pursued the English the day following their defeat, had they not found themselves
without arms, powder and clothes. They had the affliction to witness, without being able to
prevent, the burning and plunder of their Church and Wigwams.
After having paid every attention to their wounded, every body set out on their way to
Canada, where they arrived to the number of 150. The deplorable condition to which I saw
them reduced, prompted me to receive and furnish them all the assistance they stood in need
of. I have provided, up to this time, for their subsistence, which I shall continue to do for one
year, in order to enable them to lay out plantations at Beaumont' and St. Francis, and to
furnish our warriors thereby with means to continue hostile operations.
They have assured me that they were going immediately to adopt measures to make the
English feel the wrong they are guilty of in retaining their lands and their prisoners, and that
whilst one Abenaki remains alive, he would oppose the English. The domiciliated Iroquois
appear to entertain the same sentiments.
The English, thus harrassed, will perhaps get tired and let go. I beg of you to observe
that it is of extreme consequence that the English do not become Masters of the Narantsouac
river, which would bring them too near Quebec and place them in a position to make a flank
attack on the Colony. Besides, it would be to be feared that if that territory passes into their
hands, the Indians, who are its owners, would feel irritated in consequence, and consider
themselves abandoned, which would possibly detach them entirely from us.
If the English sincerely desire peace they must raze their forts on the River S' George, and
conform to the bounds laid down in 1700. 'Tis certain that our Indians will not cease waging
war against the English so long as they will be encroaching on their land.
I shall follow exactly the orders you have given me in respect to the course I am to observe
in their regard, and direct all my attention to put an end to this war ; but the English must
listen to reason, and restore to the Abenakis their land and prisoners. These are their
sentiments, and they are resolved to persist therein.
Sieur de Louvigny, who has an intimate knowledge of the Indians, and is acquainted with
the legitimate measures I have adopted to terminate this war, proceeds to France this year.
He will furnish you more particular information on the subject.
Though the English have already expended a considerable amount to win over the Iroquois
to their side, they have not accomplished their object, and I have always kept them neutral.
The English expend, this year, more than 20,000 crowns w'ithout producing any effect on the
minds of these Indians. I flatter myself that those domiciled among us will take up arms
and defend their brethren, the Abenakis.
Deputies from the Five Nations came this summer to assure me that they will not take up
the hatchet in favor of the English against the Abenakis ; and in order to retain them in these
favorable dispositions, I thought I could not do better than to send Sieur de Joncaire to winter
at Niagara and among the Senecas.
According to the news to be received from Sieur de Joncaire, I shall determine whether to
send Sieur de Longueuil to the Onontagues, among whom he has considerable influence.
Those of the Sault S' Louis and of the Mountain, governed by the Jesuits and the Priests
of S' Sulpice, have not yet responded to my intentions, though they have organized some
' Sic. Becanoourt. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 939
successful parties. I hope shortly to make them act with more promptness. I beg of you, at
the same time, to have these Missionaries written to not to allow any trading houses in their
missions, as I am but too well informed that they permit the French to furnisii Indians with
goods for purposes of trading, especially those of the Mountain, who detain the Indians that
come down from the Upper country, to trade with them. This is a considerable prejudice to
the commerce of Montreal.
The Algonquins and Nepissings have inflicted some considerable blows this summer on the
English, and still daily continue tiieir incursions. Father Bresle, Missionary of the latter at
Isle aux Tourtes, where he has had a church and dwelling built, carried a Priest thitiier who
has always resided there since. He is an excellent man, greatly beloved by the Indians, and
thoroughly conversant with their language. He has not been able to make a longer stay at
that place, being unable to live there, unless his Majesty have the goodness to grant him the
same pension of 500" that Sieur Bresle enjoyed. I beg to observe that if it be desirous to
stop these Indians and settle them on this Island, where a fort has been constructed at his
Majesty's expense, it is highly important that this mission be provided with a resident
Missionary, and one in whom confidence can be placed.
You can well judge. My Lord, that all these movements cannot be made without serious
expense, and whatever pains I take to reduce them, agreeably to your intentions, I cannot,
withal, dispense with demanding a supplementary grant of Ten thousand weight of Powder,
Twenty thousand weight of Lead and Balls, ajie hundred guns, and one hundred and fifty
blankets, to indemnify the Indians of Narantsouac for the losses they have sustained, and to
engage the other Indians, by presents, to take the part of the Abenakis. Without this
supplement, I shall be absolutely unable to get the Indians to move ; should they see themselves
deprived of the aid which I have flattered them to expect, they would not fail to withdraw,
a circumstance that would be highly prejudicial to the interests of this Colony. I shall omit
nothing to prevent the English encroaching on the lands of the Abenakis.
In order to render an exact account of the funds to be employed for these Indians, it is
necessary that nothing be delivered except on my order. I request you will issue your
commands on this point.
I have the honor to be with most profound respect.
My Lord,
Your most humble, &c.,
28 November, 1724. Vaudreuil.
Memoir on the present Condition of the Ahenaquis. 1724.
Of all the Indians of New France, the Abenaquis are those who have performed, and are in
a position to render the most service. This nation consists of five Villages, which number,
altogether, about five hundred warriors. Two of these Villages are situate along the River S'
Lawrence, near Three Rivers — one below that town, at what is called the Village of Becancour;
the other, ten leagues above, at the Village of S' Francis. The three others are in the direction
of Acadia, and are called Narantsouak, on the River Kanibekky; Panasamsd^, on the River
940 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Pentagouet and Medocteck,' on the River S' Jolin. The Village of Narantsouak is nearest
New England ; that of Medocteck nearest Acadia, and that of Panaouanike nearly in the centre.
These three villages have different routes, each by its own river, whereby they reach Quebec
in a few days. This circumstance it is that constitutes the importance of their position as
regards Canada, of which they are the strongest barriers, and that ought to be attended to
by the Court so as to prevent the English destroying these Villages in the war they are
actually waging against the Indians; or, what would amount to the same thing, their obliging
the Indians to abandon them and to retire elsewhere, which is evidently their sole aim.
For, far from making establishments on the Peninsula of Acadia, which has been ceded to
them by the Treaty of Utrecht, and their right to which no one disputes, it does not appear
that a solitary Englishman has as yet taken up land there, or at least cultivates any, in the
whole extent of that province, whilst, since that treaty, and contrary to what is agreed to
therein, they have located a number of settlers on the rivers belonging to the Abenaquis, and
on the lands their title to which, of right, is denied. V^herefore does that happen, unless for
the purpose of constantly advancing towards Canada, to which these lands are much nearer
than Acadia, and of taking possession of them when they shall be in the humor to nominate
Commissioners to settle its boundaries with France?
Should the Court not think proper to assist the Indians publicly in this war, which is waged
by the English against them, it seems at least expedient that it complain loudly of the
contraventions by the English of the treaty o^j^trecht; adopt measures to put an end to them,
and have it settled at the Congress at Cambray, that the English shall not be permitted to
molest the Abenaquis by encroaching on their territory and establishing themselves, contrary
to the law of Nations, in a country of which the said Indians have been from all time
in possession.
Otherwise, it will follow that the Abenaquis, tired of the War, will abandon their country,
or what is more probable, will, without quitting it, make the best terms they can with the
English, who, by means of much larger presents then we can possibly make these Indians,
will soon succeed in gaining them over, especially by giving them to understand, as they will
not fail to do, that France has cared nothing for them except when she had need of them,
whilst now, when it is her interest not to embroil herself with England, she refuses to take
any part in their quarrel with the English. This reasoning is within the comprehension of the
Indians, and the proof of it would be too plain not to convince them. If, on the contrary,
the Court succeed in replacing matters on their ancient footing, and in putting a stop to the
usurpations of the English, the Abenaquis, on hearing the fact, will attach themselves more
and more to France, without thinking of quitting their country, and we, thereby, shall have
completely provided for the security of Canada on the land side. The knowledge of their
customs and genius, acquired by an uninterrupted residence of fifteen years among them,
impresses me with the belief that the best way to fix this attachment, and even to render it
eternal, would be to increase, particularly in favor of the three villages adjoining the English,
the gratuity which the Court annually allows them, and to transmit every five years a silver
medal of the King, which the Indians will, in their way, look upon as an abiding word that
will incessantly tell them that the King continues to honor them with his Royal protection.
M' de Vaudreuil, Governor-general of Canada, and M"' Begon, Intendant, approve strongly of
this expedient, which I have had the honor to submit to them before J took my departure.
' See note, supra, p. 904. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 941
M. Begon to Count de Mmircpas.'
Extract of a letter written to the Court by Mons'' Begon, Intendant in Canada,
dated the twenty-first of April, one thousand seven hundred and twenty-
five, on the subject of the war between tlie Abenakis and the English.
I have the honor to inform you that the Marquis dc Vaudreuil was advised on the twelfth of
March last — the day on which he arrived at Montreal — by a letter from the commanding
officer of Chambly that three English Deputies had arrived at that post on the preceding
evening, viz', M'" Dudlay,^ son of the late Governor of Boston, Colonel Taxter,^ member of
the Council, both deputies from the Boston Government, M"" Atkinson,'' deputy from the
government of Pescadoue, and M'' Schult,' merchant of Orange, who stated that he came only
as a companion to those gentlemen.
These delegates arrived at Montreal on the thirteenth of the same month, and delivered to
the Marquis de Vaudreuil a letter from the Governor of Boston, containing only a vague
answer to that addressed to him last October on the subject of the English expedition against
Narantsouak of the preceding August, and a justification of the death of Father Rasle, the
missionary of that Village, who was killed by the English on that occasion. This governor
also added, that reliance might be placed on the representations these delegates may make,
whom he had furnished with instructions, with&fft explaining the matters on which they were
to ^eak.
At their first conference, on the sixteenth of said month, they demanded the restitution of
the prisoners whom the Abenakis had taken, &*.
In a second conference they demanded that M. de Vaudreuil should cease assisting the
Abenakis with munitions of War and with provisions; as such conduct was contrary to
the Treaty of Utrecht, which prohibited them favoring the enemy, and as the Indians
were Rebels.
M. de Vaudreuil answered them, that the aid he furnished the Abenakis consisted in the
yearly presents the King made them since the foundation of the Colony, as they are under his
Majesty's protection. And if they employed these presents in making war against the English,
the latter could blame only themselves, as they had impelled these Indians, who had never been
' Jean Feedeeick Phelippeaus, Count de Maurepas, was the son of Jerome (ntpra, p. 736), arid grandson of Chancellor de
Pontchartrain. Supra, p. 503. He was born in 1701, and created Knight of Malta whilst yet a minor. He was appointed
Secretary of State at the age of fourteen years ; but the Marquis de la Vrilliere, subsequently his father-in-law, had charge of
the office until 1725, when Count de Maurepas commenced his administration at the age of 24. He soon extended his
patronage to men of science ; sent expeditions to the equator and the pole to measure degree3 of the meridian ; ordered the
construction of new maps, and dispatched officers to examine imperfectly-known coasts and countries, whilst the celebrated
Jussieu went to study the Botany of Peru. At his desire M. de la Verandry was sent, in 1738, to discover the Pacific Ocean,
and reached, in his journey, the Eocliy Mountains. An epigyam which Count de Maurepas wrote on Mde. de Pompadour, the
Mistress of Louis XV., caused his downfall in 1749. After his disgrace he retired to Pontchartrain, and was succeeded in
his office by his brother-in-law, the Duke de la Vrilliere. On the accession of Louis XVL, and after a retirement of more
than 25 years. Count de Maurepas was recalled and made President of the Council. He died November, 1781, greatly
regretted by the King. Biographie Universelle. Lake Maurepas, in Louisiana, and an Island in Lake Superior, were called
afterhim. — Ed.
' Colonel William Dudley, son of Joseph, was born October 20, 1686; gradu-iteJ at Harvard College 1704; married a
daughter of Judge Davenport in 1721, and died September 27, 1767. New England Genealogical Register, I., 71.
^ Samuel Thaxter. ' Theodore Atkinson. Belknap's New Hampshire, IIL, 68. ' Sic. Mr. Schuyler.
942 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
either their allies or subjects, to wage it for the possession of their country from which they
would expel tliem.
And in reference to tiie Englisii denying that they were not attached to us, 'twas said, that
they had been for full eighty years united with us against the English when we were at war
with the latter; since which time they have always styled the Governor of New France their
father; received from him commissions confirming the elections of their chiefs, and have hoisted
the French flag in their villages.
That, on the contrary, tiiey had been almost always at war with the English, even when
the two crowns were at peace; and the Governor of Boston having since the Treaty of Utrecht,
and previous to the commencement of hostilities between the Abenakis and the English,
gained over Abemesnie, the nephew of Raxou, Chief of Narantsouak, and having given him,
after his uncle's death, an English flag to be carried to the village of Narantsouak, and a
commission of Chief to command there, this Indian was so badly received there by the people
of his village, that they tore the commission and the English flag, and said that they did not
receive any except from the government of New France.
That for about eighty years that they have French Missionaries, and profess the Catholic
religion, these had never been troubled by the English until the last war, and that the Indians
have never been willing to receive Ministers, and have always vindicated their freedom of
religion and the possession of their territory, independent of the English.
In the third conference the English maint^ned that the lands of the Abenakis were theirs ;
that the Indians had sold those lands to them. They submitted some unsigned and informal
papers, which, they pretended, were deeds of the purchase that they had effected. They added,
that the Indians had in divers meetings given in their submission to the Crown of England,
and had taken the oath of allegiance ; that they submitted the matter to M. de Vaudreuil, and
made him judge of the justice of their claim, and handed him copies of these pretended
donations made to them.
He answered them, that the Indians had always told him they had never sold their country
to the English, nor had ever submitted to them; that he knew nothing about the papers they
presented ; that the Indians had always assured him they were forgeries; that they must be
brought and convinced in his presence of the genuineness of the documents.
The English said, that credit ought to be attached to their word, as they were not people
who were in the habit of imposing on others. They consented, with difficulty, that the Indians
of S' Francis and Becancourt should be brought to Montreal, saying they had no power to
treat with them.
They were asked what was the object of their voyage, if they had not authority to treat of
this peace? They answered, they had come only to recover their prisoners, communicate to
M. de Vaudreuil the justice of their cause against the Abenakis, and learn some news of this
war. That Mess" Atkinson and Dudelay would return to Boston, and that M'' Texter would
remain at Montreal for the purpose of conferring with the Deputies from the Abenakis.
These having arrived at Montreal on the twenty-third of April last, to the number of seven
of the most ancient of the entire Nation, the English announced their intended return home,
as they had nothing to say to the Abenakis.
They were told that one of their party, an interpreter of the Abenakis language, who had
gone to St. Francis, Becancourt and Three Rivers for the purpose of recovering the English
prisoners at these places, and his own niece who was with the Ursulines of Three Rivers, had
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 943
given the Abenakis to understand that the English had come to Montreal to negotiate a peace
with them. They were likewise informed tliat these Indians had been brought to Montreal at
the request made by the English to M. de Vaudreuil.
They said that their interpreter had spoken without their authority; they were,
notwithstanding, obliged to admit that they had requested M. de Vaudreuil to make them
come, and finally they consented to confer with these Indians, which conference did not take
place until the twenty-ninth of April, as they were awaiting the return of that Interpreter of
the Abenakis language.
They employed this interval to advantage, for they made use, in the meanwhile, of all the
practices they could contrive to induce the Abenakis Deputies to go and speak to them at
their tavern.
Sieur Schul,' their emissary, went also in the course of the night to see the Indians, who
would not listen to him, and told him tliat they would speak only at M. de Vaudreuil's house.
The Interpreter having arrived, the English and Abenakis Deputies assembled at M.
de Vaudreuil's.
The English, at the outset, objected to speak first, saying that they had nothing to say to
the Abenakis. The latter asked them, why they had brought them hither if they had nothing
to say to them ? M. de Vaudreuil having exhorted the one and the other of them not to get
angry, and to converse peaceably —
The English began and said to the Indians:
That they had come only with good intentions; that they had selected M. de Vaudreuil, as
he is the friend of both parties and the father of the Abenakis, to be their mediator, and to
arrange their diflferences justly.
The Abenakis answered, that they were very glad that the English had come only with a
friendly disposition, and that they, too, had requested their father, M. de Vaudreuil, to be their
mediator. They said, that they complained that the English should seize their lands contrary
to right and reason ; that some Abenakis were unjustly detained as prisoners of war at Boston
and Port Ro}'al ; that they had been attacked also in their religion, their Church having been
thrown down and Father Rasle, their Missionary, killed. That they had demanded satisfaction
on these three points, and the English, therefore, had to quit their lands, restore their prisoners,
rebuild their church, and indemnify them for the wrong they had done them by killing Father
Rasle, and for the expenses of the war.
The English having asked them to explain what land they required them to quit :
The Abenakis answered, that their land commenced at the River Gounitogon, otherwise
called the Long River, which lies to the West beyond Boston ; that this river was formerly
the boundary which separated the lands of the Iroquois from those of the Abenakis; that
according to this incontestable boundary, Boston and the greater part of the English
settlements east of it are on Abenakis lands; That they would be justified in telling them to
quit these ; that they had, however, considered that these settlements were established, and
that they were still inclined to tolerate them; but they demanded as an express condition of
the peace, that the English should abandon the country from one league beyond {au dessus)
Saco river" to Port Royal, which was the line separating the lands of the Abenakis from those
of the Micmaks.
Sieur Dudelay told them derisively that they ought to demand Port Royal, also.
' /Sic. Schuyler. ^ Westward of Saco river. Williamson, II., 133. — Ed.
944 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
The Abenakis replied, they asked only the lands that belonged to them; that they heard it
said that the English boasted that they (the Abenakis) had given themselves up to them, which
was a falsehood, and they defied them to prove it.
The English, who had, some days before, given M. de Vaudreuil a copy of this pretended
grant, did not dare tell the Indians that they had a title to them, and said, on the contrary,
that they had never boasted of it, and had merely handed M. de Vaudreuil some deeds
of the purchase of one of the west banks of the River Narantsouak, to the depth of about
eighteen leagues.
The Abenakis answered that as they had acquired only the West side of the Narantsouak
river, they must admit that they had no title to the East bank.
The English admitted the fact, and said that they did not claim the East bank.
The Abenakis told them that the English had, notwithstanding, erected two forts there ; one
on the Island of Manaskong, and the other on the River S' George.
The English made no answer as regarded Fort Manaskong, and said that the one erected on
the River S' George had not been constructed by them, and that they had not meddled with
it, as it did not belong to the government of Boston, but to that of Port Royal.
The Abenakis said also, in regard to the pretended purchase by the English of the lands
from the mouth of the Narantsouak towards Boston, that it was false that these lands had ever
been sold by their ancestors; that the deeds produced were forged, and that they could not be
attributed to people like them who could neither read nor write ; that the English could not
prove with what they had paid for them ; that there were among them, the Abenakis deputies,
some men eighty years of age, who had never heard of any contract, or convention with the
English to cede them their land.
The English replied, that they had been in possession of it at least eighty years, since
they began settling at Boston, and even if they had not purchased it, this possession gave
them title.
The Abenakis rejoined — We were in possession before you, for we hold from time
immemorial. They admitted that the English had, for eighty years, been desirous to seize
these lands, but that the Abenakis had since that time been always at war with them, to
prevent them taking possession ; that, independent of this consideration, the other forts which
number eight or ten, and are the subject of the present war, have, with the exception of that
at Saco, which may date as many as forty years back, been all built since the peace of
Utrecht, in 1713.
The English made no reply to this article. To the complaint of the Indians respecting the
detention of their brethren at Boston, they said they knew not precisely their number, and
that they had set two at liberty.
The Abenakis said, these two Indians were set at liberty only on condition that they would
conduct a detachment of four or five hundred English, both against Narantsouack and
Pana8amske to aid in surprising those of their nation, and that they were aware these two
Indians had been carried back to Boston where they were still detained; and they were not
bound to believe that any had been sent back, until they had caused the men to be conducted
into their Villages.
The English having asked the Indians to explain themselves regarding the indemnity they
claimed for the destruction of their Church, the killing their Missionary, and for the expenses
of the War —
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 945
The Abenakis answered, that they demanded that their French Missionaries should for tlie
future be unmolested; that no proposal should be made them to receive Ministers; and that
suitable presents should be made to atone for Father Rasle's death, the destruction of their
Church, and the injuries done them during the War.
The English promised to report to Boston what they had heard.
Abstract of Letters re-sjyeding the Abenaquis.
Abstract of letters of M. de Vaudreuil and Father de la Chasse respecting the
Abenaquis report, with the recommendation of the Minister thereupon.
24 April, 1725.
The Marquis de Vaudreuil was directed last year to sustain the Abenaquis, to continue to
demand of the Governor of New England to cause the English to retire from their lands and
to let these Indians alone.
He transmits copy of the letter which the Governor of Boston sent him, and of his answer
thereto; although that governor expresses himself with much haughtiness, M. de Vaudreuil is
persuaded that he is extremely anxious for peace with those Indians, who are unwilling to
consent to it unless the English restore them their prisoners and lands, and on these conditions
he will employ his influence to induce them to come to terms.
States that the Abenaquis have not ceased harrassing the English since the close of October,
1723, with a view to oblige them to quit their lands. Those of the River S' John have joined
the Micmacs, whom they induced to resume the arms they had a year ago laid down; they
have burnt five or six English houses near Port Royal, killed eight or ten Englishmen, took
as many prisoners and drove the garrison into the fort; they had determined on attacking
Can9eau, but a great many vessels lying there, they had postponed the execution of their
project to another season; eight of them had attacked and captured an English bark after
having killed the crew.
Those of the village of Panoiimsque, who had not done any thing since the commencement
of the war, three years ago, being now excited by our domiciliated Indians of S' Francis, whom
he sent to them in the spring, have killed and captured one hundred English, with fourteen
vessels laden with salt and fish.
Those of S' Francis and Becancourt, aided by some Mohegans, continued sending out war
parties since the month of March, 1724; the Hurons of Loretto joined them ; several Iroquois
of the Sault and the Mountain also took up arms with pretty good success, and it is to be
hoped that the mass of these villages will espouse the quarrel of the Abenaquis.
On the twenty-third of August last, the English, accompanied by some Indians called La
Porcelaine, arrived at Naurantsouack, under cover of the brushwood and long grass, and came
on the cabins unawares. The village was without pallisades, and the Indians thought
themselves secure, owing to the care they took to send out scouts ; the last of these who had
come up the river had not seen any trails of the English, who were coming through the woods,
Vol. IX. 119
946 NEW- YORK (. COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
and whose arrival was made known only by a discharge of musketry; the Indians were then
in their village to the number of only fifty warriors, who, having taken up arms, made a few
moments' resistance.
Father Rasle, an ancient Missionary of the Abenakis, on whose head the English had last
year set a price, having gone out of his cabin, the English fired a volley at him, by which he
was immediately killed, and the Indians flung themselves into the river. One hundred and
fifty persons are all that were saved of this village ; twenty-nine of these were warriors, who
were so indignant at the death of their Missionary and the profanation of the sacred vessels
belonging to their Church, that they would have gone in pursuit of the English the next day
had they not found themselves without arms, powder and clothes. They had the affliction to
witness the burning and plunder of their Church and wigwams.
They arrived in Canada, to the number of one hundred and fifty persons, in a deplorable
condition. He had received them and furnished all the aid they stood in need of; he will
have their subsistence continued during one year to enable them to lay out plantations at
Becancourt and S' Francis, to supply the warriors with means to continue hostile operations.
All the Abenaquis have assured him that they were going to adopt measures to make the
English feel the wrong they are guilty of, in retaining their lands and prisoners. The
domiciliated Iroquois appear to entertain the same sentiments.
The English, thus harrassed, will perhaps get tired and let go. It is most important that
they do not become masters of the River Naurantsouack, which would bring them too near
Quebec, and place them in a position to make a flank attack on the Colony. Besides, it would
be to be feared that were this territory to pass into their hands, the Indians, whose property it
is, would feel irritated in consequence, and consider themselves abandoned, which would detach
them from the French.
He will follow the orders given him as to the course to be pursued, and direct his attention
to terminating the war. But if the English are sincere in their desire for peace, they must raze
their forts on the River S' George, and conform to the limits laid down in one thousand seven
hundred, it being certain that the Indians will not cease hostilities so long as the English will
be encroaching on their land.
Though the English have already spent considerable sums to gain over the Iroquois to their
side, they have not accomplished their object. They expended in the year one thousand
seven hundred and twenty-four, twenty thousand crowns (ecus), without producing any effect.
Deputies from the Five Iroquois Nations have assured him that they will not take up arms
against the Abenaquis; and in order to retain them in these favorable dispositions he has sent
Sieur Joncaire to Niagara and the Senecas, and, according to the news he shall receive, will
dispatch M'' de Longueil to Onnontague, where he has considerable influence.
Those of Sault S' Louis and the Mountain have not responded to his intentions, though
they have organized some successful parties. He hopes shortly to make them act with more
vigor.
Father de La Chasse, Superior of the Jesuits in Canada, observes, that the fund of Two
thousand livres, allowed from the Western Domain to assist the Abenaquis families whilst
their husbands are at war, has, up to this time, produced a wonderful effect, but the hundred
and fifty persons arrived from Naurantsouack require greater assistance; and if the war be
continued this fund must be augmented by an equal sum, as well to assist the newly arrived
families as to aid in supporting the wives and children of those who have been a long time
PARIS DOCUMENTS: VII. 947
domiciled. This will induce the Warriors of the two villages of S' Francis and Becancourt,
amounting to two hundred and eiglity, to aid their brethren. But without such assistance,
aftaiis will languish, and the Abenaquis, after some feeble efforts, becoming accustomed to
Canada, and only occupying themselves with hunting and providing for their families, will
forget their Country; those of the two villages of Panaoumske and Medocteck, who are
contending for their lands,,will abandon them, and the English will tliereby become masters of
their entire Country. The death of Fatiier Rasle has not discouraged the Indians, but they
have need of assistance, and the most effectual mode of furnishing it is, to comply with tiieir
wish for an additional two thousand livres.
This augmentation appears necessary, and should the King not create a new fund
to meet that expense, it is proposed to take these two thousand livres from the four
thousand granted out of the Domain to the General Hospital at Montreal, the
appropriation whereof is to determine this year.
Abstract of M. de VaudreuiVs Despatch.
Abstract of M. de Vaudreuil's letter respecting the interview between the
Abenakis and the Deputies from New England ; with the approval of the
Minister thereof. T^ August, 1725.
The Marquis de Vaudreuil reports that the Governors of Boston and of Pescadouet sent
him some delegates to Montreal.
He knew from their commission to him that their business was limited to obtaining the
surrender of the prisoners within bis government, and demanding of him not to assist, nor to
afford any aid to, the Abenakis and otiier Indians who are at war with tiie English.
In respect to the prisoners, he gave for answer that he should have those surrendered who
were in the hands of Frenchmen, who had ransomed them from the Indians; and in regard to
those with the Abenakis, he had not the disposal of them.
To the demand respecting the aid to these Indians, he answered, that he had never supplied
them any, and that the annual presents to the Abenakis and all other Indians, our allies, to
whom the King is graciously pleased to grant yearly some token of his benevolence, could not
be looked upon in that light.
Those two objects not appearing to him of sufficient importance to justify the expense of
such a deputation, he told the delegates that if they had nothing more important to
communicate to him, he was surprised they should be put to the trouble of so long and perilous
a journey ; that they were free to return whenever they pleased ; that he would furnish them
an escort lest they might be attacked by any party of Abenakis; Whereupon they answered,
that they had other matters to communicate to him.
On the next day, they presented him a memoir containing only the two first demands; some
vague complaints regarding the assistance furnished the Abenakis, whose dependence on the
Crown of England they attempted to prove.
948 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
They next gave him to understand that if these Indians wished to submit reasonable
propositions to them, they would hear them ; that the people were weary of this war, and
that peace, or a suspension of hostilities, would be gratifying to both the one and the other.
They had spoken, at first, in so haughty a tone, that there was ground to distrust these
proposals, and he was not in the humor to dispose the Abenakis to a peace.
However, he told these delegates that it appeared to him necessary to have an interview
with the principal Indian Sachems, whom he offered to send for to Montreal, in order that they
might come to a mutual understanding, and adopt measures to arrive at some conclusion.
They appeared to desire this interview, but told him, at the same time, that though they
might agree as to their facts, they could not regulate any thing, as they had not the
necessary powers.
Being persuaded that nothing was more opposed to his Majesty's interests than peace
between the Abenakis and the English, the safety of the Colony on its eastern frontier having
been the sole object of this war, M. de Vaudreuil thought of sounding the chiefs of these
Indians on their arrival and before they should speak to the English, and of insinuating to
them that it was not enough to demand of the English the demolition of the forts they had
built on Abenakis territory, and the restitution of their lands and prisoners, but that the death
of Father Rasle and of a great number of their people whom they had killed, and the burning
of their Church, ought to make them demand heavy indemnities, without which they ought
not listen to any proposals for peace, or a suspension of hostilities.
That they were fully aware that the English were anxious to become masters of the entire
continent; that not being able to attack the French of Canada openly, they attacked their
Indian allies, and endeavored to encroach on their lands, not only on the sea-board, but also
in the interior of the country, within a short distance of the River S' Lawrence, so as to be in
a position, on the first breaking out of hostilities, to render themselves masters of all Canada.
He found these Indians in the best possible disposition he could wish, to satisfy him of their
being very far from desiring a peace.
The only advantage, in fact, that the Colony could derive from this peace would be, that by
the demolition of the forts the English had constructed on the sea-board, and of the
establishments they have erected on Abenakis territory, the English would be deprived of
the means of advancing into the interior and of approaching our settlements on the South,
shore of the S' Lawrence. But this advantage would continue at farthest only until they
should succeed in gaining over the Abenakis, which they might easily accomplish by making
them considerable presents, and also by furnishing them goods and provisions at a cheap rate.
And they would not experience any difficulty in obtaining the permission of these Indians to
make new establishments on their lands, by making use of the pretext, that they were better
able to supply their wants.
Though the Abenakis have not made any great progress during the war, those of
Narantsouac have, meanwhile, prevented the settlement of the English ; the latter, however,
will extend their establishments as far as they please, should they conclude peace with
the Abenakis.
If they make it not, the latter can be usefully employed not only in that quarter, but also
towards Canceau, where the English would establish themselves during the peace, and
thus render it extremely difficult to expel them thence, whenever hostilities would break
out. By uniting with the Abenakis and the Micmaks, we should be in a position to recover
PARIS DOCUMENTS: VII. 949
Port Royal, and to render ourselves masters of Canceau, and of all we have lost in the East
by the Treaty of Utrecht.
On these principles and with these views it is, that he also privately warned the English of
the difficulties they might experience on the part of the Abenakis in concluding a peace.
At length, on the day appointed for the interview, the Chiefs of the Abenai^is spoke with
such haughtiness and firmness to the English, that, so far from agreeing together on any
point, they separated with dispositions very adverse to peace.
The Englishmen took their departure two days afterwards. He considered that he could
not avoid defraying their expenses, during their sojourn at Montreal, out of the King's funds,
which they had done in regard to the officers sent three years ago to Boston.
He also ordered an escort to attend them, and shortly after their departure, was informed
that they had met a party of Abenakis, who returned on learning tiiat an escort had been .
furnished them by him.
He hopes that all he has done on this occasion will be approved.
It appears proper to approve what M. de Vaudreuil has done; it is of indispensable
necessity to prevent the English becoming masters of the Abenakis country. The
Colony would run serious risk, and nothing better can be done than to foment this
war, which at least delays the settlements of the English.
[In the hand of the Minister is written :]
Approved.
Abstract of Despatches respecting Oswego^ and the Minister's decision thereupon.
Canada.
Letter of 25 Maj, ^^'^^ Marquis dc Vaudreuil observes, that he received intelligence on the eighth
"^- of December, that the English and Dutch had projected an establishment at the
mouth of the Choiiaguen river, on the banks of Lake Ontario, and pretty convenient to the post
we have at Niagara.
The news of this establishment on territory which has been considered, from all time, to
belong to France, appeared to him so much the more important as he was sensible of the
difficulty of preserving Niagara, where there is no fort, should the English be once fortified at
Chouaguen, and that the loss of Niagara would entail at the same time that of the entire
Indian trade of the Upper Country; for these nations go the more readily to the English, as
they obtain goods much cheaper, and as much Rum as they please, from them. It will be
absolutely impossible to avoid furnishing Indians of the Upper country with some Liquor —
though moderately — if it be desirable to prevent them carrying their peltries, and giving
themselves up, to the English.
He suggests that, should the latter establish themselves at that post, nothing remains to be
done but to fortify Niagara, as he is not in a position openly to oppose their designs when
backed by the Iroquois.
950 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
He concerted with M. de Longueuil the measures lo be adopted with these Indians, in order
to induce them not to allow the English to establish themselves in that place by building a fort
there. He afterwards examined, with INI. Begon, what was necessary to be done for the
security of the post of Niagara.
He proposed, first, to have two barks constructed to cruize on the lake, to prevent the trade
of the English and serve for the transport of the necessary materials for the house they intend
building at Niagara. This will not have the appearance of a fort, so that no offence will be
given to the Iroquois, who have been unwilling to allow any there, but it will answer the
purposes of a fort just as well.
M. Begon approved this project, and issued an ordinance prohibiting the selling of any
canoes to the people of Orange, who had commissioned certain inhabitants of Montreal to
purchase some for them at no matter what price.
He sent back M. Longueuil to Montreal to have the Iroquois notified that he was aware of
the permission they had given the English to pass through their territory, and of the
establishment the latter proposed making at Choueguen ; and that he (M. de L.) would visit
them early in the spring to communicate what he (the Marquis) had to say to them.
M. de Longueuil wrote him in February, that the Iroquois of the Sault had nominated four
of their Chiefs, and one of the Lake of the Two Mountains, to proceed to Orange to represent
to the Dutch that they would not permit their establishment at Choueguen, and that they
should declare war against them if they went to settle there.
On the twelfth of March he repaired, on the ice, to Montreal, when he received confirmation
of the English news, and learned that they and the Dutch had started with a large fleet of
canoes for the mouth of Choueguen river, on Lake Ontario, for the purpose of erecting the
post on which they and the Iroquois had agreed; he believes he cannot prevent it, if they be
backed by these Indians, with whom, he is aware, the King does not intend that he should
risk the chance of a war.
The Sault Indians returned from Orange dissatisfied with their reception there. He
forthwith dispatched M. de Longueuil to them, to the Iroquois, and thence to Choueguen;
instructed him to prevail on his Indians not to permit that settlement, and in case he could
not persuade them to oppose it openly, to get them to remain neuter, and to hint to them, at
the same time, that it is for their interest to sustain us at Niagara or to consent to our erecting
a more solid and secure house than the one there.
In regard to the English, he gave orders to M. de Longueuil to summon them, in case he
found them settled at Choueguen, to retire on their own territory until their limits should be
settled ; in default whereof, he should adopt suitable measures to constrain them thereunto.
The projects set on foot by the English, since the Treaty of Utrecht, indicate that Canada
is the object of their constant jealousy, and the Colony has not a more dangerous enemy. By
means of underground belts they have managed the Outawas of the Upper Country, who are
as much in their interest as they appear to be in ours. They have given these Indians to
understand that all the Lakes belong to them, and that they have a right to trade there, as well
as in the whole of the Upper country, into which, however, he has hitherto prevented them
penetrating, notwithstanding all their attempts. He will continue openly to oppose whatever
efforts they may make in that quarter, and flatters himself that he shall succeed.
The Boston government has disbursed, last year, sixty thousand livres to induce the Iroquois
to wage war against the Abenakis. He has found means to thwart their design, and expects
Deputies who are to give him new assurances on that point.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 951
Should the Iroquois refuse to listen to M. de Longueuil's proposals and declare openly for
the English; should they desire to favor and support the establishments of the latter, and
oppose the construction of our barks and of the house at Niagara, the Upper country trade
must be absolutely abandoned, and we must anticipate the seizure of all the posts we have in
that quarter, one after the other. In this extremity it would be impossible to preserve the
Upper country otiierwise than by force of arms, in which case there would be no need of
Manifestos to show that the English have been the first to violate the Treaty of Peace. But
as their force is at present numerically superior to that wiiich we could oppose to them, and as
the Indian Nations, whom they have almost wholly seduced by force of presents, might also
declare for them, there is reason to apprehend that a war with them will be unavoidable.
He asks that extraordinary and considerable aid be sent him, both in money and munitions
of war, and a large number of guns and pistols.
He also requires troops.
Letter of loih June ^^- Begon, who is at Qucbec, states that he has sent carpenters, blacksmiths
"'"*■ and other mechanics, to build the two Barks; the timber has- been cut, barked
and sawed during the winter.
That M. de Longueiiil has written to him from Fort Frontenac, the ninth of May, that no
trading post had as yet been established at Choiieguen, and that all the Iroquois Chiefs, when
assembled at Seneca, had concluded, in their Council, to forbid that establishment, and that
they had sent a belt to the English, which has prevented the carrying out of that project.
He has also stated that he was about to set out for the Bay of the Cayugas,' where we
would meet all the Iroquois; that being the most convenient rendezvous for all the tribes.
That Sieur de Jonquiere, who returned from Seneca, and has come down to Quebec, told
him that the Iroquois would not prevent the construction of our two barks, nor oppose the
establishment at Niagara, only requiring that no stone fort should be erected there.
It appears from M. Begon's letter, which was written twenty days after that of M. de
Vaudreuil, who was at Montreal, that the latter had received news in the interval that M.
de Longueiiil's voyage had not been wholly fruitless. Particulars of it will be received in four
months by the return of the King's ship.
In regard to aid, the season is too far advanced to think of it; and besides, M. de
Vaudreuil's demands are so vague that it would be impossible to draw up any
statement with certainty.
Meanwhile, it seems proper to write to him by the same ship that brought his
letter, which sails from Bourdeaux about the twentieth of this month, approving of the
measures he has adopted, and ordering him to oppose that establishment by force of
arms if there be no other means to prevent it. This is to- be determined in a Council
he shall hold on this subject, to be composed of himself, of the Intendant, and of the
Governors of Montreal and'Three Rivers.
He is to be likewise informed, at the same time, that he must not come to any
conclusion except in case of absolute necessity, because all wars are very expensive,
very difficult to terminate, and will interrupt the Beaver and Peltry trade, which will
be attended by great inconveniences.
[Lower down is written:]
Approved.
7"' August, 1725.
' Sodus bay, Wayne county, N. T. — Ed.
952 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Iieport on the Affairs of Canada.
Abstract of the despatches of Mess" de Vaudreuil and Begon respecting Oswego
and Niagara, and vessels on Lake Ontario ; with the decision of the Minister
thereupon. 7 May, 1726.
Ever since the foundation of this Colony the French have always had the exclusive trade
with the Indians of the Upper country, which forms part of New France.
The English did not think of going to trade there until the peace of Utrecht.
Their first attempts, not encountering any opposition, except some threats, induced them to
suppose that by perseverance they will divide the trade of these countries with the French,
and will succeed in persuading the Indians to expel us.
They adopt every means to accomplish their purpose; making presents to the Indians,
furnishing them goods at a very low rate, and supplying them with Rum, which is their
favorite beverage.
The late Marquis de Vaudreuil' gave notice, in 1725, of a post the English had projected
in this Upper country, at the mouth of the Choueguen river, on the borders of Lake Ontario,
and pretty convenient to our post at Niagara among the Iroquois.
To prevent tiiis establisimient, which he regarded as of dangerous consequence, he proposed,
in concert with M. Begon, to build a stone house at Niagara, and also to construct two barks,
to be sent thither, with materials, to prosecute trade afterwards, and to prevent the Indians
conveying their peltries to the English.
He instructed Sieur de Longueuil, Governor of Montreal, to proceed to the Iroquois country,
and to summon the English, should he find any of them established there, to withdraw, and
requested some aid in money, an^unition and troops, in case he were obliged to come to any
open rupture.
On the 7"" of August, 1725, it was decided, on the whole of this subject, that the season was
too far advanced to send reinforcements; that the demands of M. de Vaudreuil were too vague;
that it was necessary to wait for advices of the result of Sieur de Longueuil's voyage; that
meanwhile he [was to] oppose that establishment by force of arms, but not except in case of
absolute necessity, and after having consulted with the principal officers.
Letterof 81 October Mess" de Lougueuil and Begon transmit the particulars of said Mons'' de
"^' Longueuil's voyage.
He met 100 Englishmen, with more than 60 canoes, at the portage of the River Choueguen,
four leagues from Lake Ontario, who obliged him to produce his pass, and showed him the
Governor of New-York's order not to allow a single Frenchman to go by without a passport.
M. de Longueuil embraced this opportunity to reproach the Iroquois chiefs then present
with being no longer masters of their territory. It succeeded ; they broke out against the
' PHiLtp DE RiGAUD, Marquis de Vaudreuil, was the son of the Marquis de Vaudreuil who was killed on the field of battle
at Luzara in 1702. He entered the army very young, and died at Quebec on the 10th October, 1725. The sorrow which was
manifested at his death by the inhabitants, says Smith (History of Canada, I., 188, 190), was proportionate to the satisfaction
which had been displayed when he was first appointed to the government, over which he presided for 21 years, and the
fortunate events which took place during that period, were, in a great degree, derived from his vigilance, firmness and good
conduct, and from the success which almost uniformly accompanied all his enterprises. The following was the inscription
on hia coffin : Cy gist le haut et puissant Seigneur Messire Phillipe Rigaud, de Marquis Vaudreuil, Grand Croix de I'ordre
militaire de St. Louis, Governeur et Lieutenant-G6n6ral de toute la NouvcUe France, dfecfedfe le dixi^me Octobre, 1726. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 953
English, whom they told they would not suffer any more, having permitted them to come tliere
only to trade. Tiiey even promised him to remain neuter iu case of war with the English.
He repaired next to Onontagutj, an Iroquois village, and found tiie Deputies from the other
4 villages there waiting for him; he got them to consent to the construction of 2 barks, and
to the erection of a stone house at Niagara, the plan of which he designed. They send this
plan, with an estimate of the cost, amounting to 29,295".
They consider it of the greatest consequence to urge forward this work, which ought to be
commenced this spring. They expect that it will be finished this fall, with the aid of the 100
soldiers they intend to dispatch thither as well as to labor as to stop the Canoes of the English.
They request that the funds be remitted.
Sieur de Longueuil, in the course of his voyage, met more than 100 Indian canoes conveying
peltries to the English, and carrying back Rum.
He also met a number of canoes belonging to the Nepissing and Sault Indians, coming from
Lake Huron, and going to trade with the English.
All the proceedings of the English demonstrate their desire to penetrate into the Upper
countries, and to make a settlement at Niagara, with a view to prevent the one we intend
establishing at that point. They have even been within a league and a half of Fort Frontenac,
and have drawn almost all the Indians thither by their Rum, which caused considerable injury
to the trade of those two posts.
He has learned from another source, that the English of Carolina had built two houses and
some stores on a Little River* which flows into the Ouabache, where they trade with the
Miamis and the Ouyatanons, other Indians of the Upper country.
All these expeditions convince them of the indispensable necessity the French are under, to
pillage and expel the English by open force, and put them to death in case they resist. They
await positive orders to that effect, as delay may be prejudicial to the Colony.
M. de Longueuil says that after making this establishment at Niagara, it will be necessary
to make another at the mouth of the Choueguen river, into which all the Iroquois rivers fall.
The barks would go and anchor without any risk under the fort to be constructed there, by
means whereof they would monopolize all the trade with the Iroquois, and prevent the English
prosecuting any commerce on the borders of Lake Ontario.
From all that precedes, it is more and more obvious that the English are endeavoring
to interlope among all the Indian Nations, and to attract them to themselves. They
entertain constantly the idea of becoming masters of North America, persuaded that
the European nation which will be possessor of that section, will, in course of time, be
also master of all America, because it is there alone that men live in health, and
produce strong and robust children.
They are endeavoring to form alliances with the Indians of the Continent, in order
to expel us from it on the breaking out of the first war, being perfectly aware, since
we are fortifying Isle Royale,^ that they cannot otherwise maintain their position.
The question is to prevent them accomplishing their design, for which purpose two
means only remain.
' The head waters of the Wabash in Illinois, near Fort Wayne.
^ Cape Breton was called, at first, Cape Island; next English Harbor Island (Louisburg having borne the name of English
Harbor). As the island was discovered by navigators of Brittany, it was maintained that its most appropriate name was
Cape Breton, but in 1713 it was called Isle Roiale, or Royal Island. Pichon. Charlevoix. — En.
Vol. IX. 120
954 ' NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
The first is, to restore the 25 licenses formerly granted every year, for the purpose
of trading with the Indian Nations. They had been reestablished in 1717, but were
suppressed owing to the abuse of them in Canada.
It is to be hoped, on a second occasion, that the Marquis de Beauharnois will not
make a bad use of them.
By means of these licenses, 75 men will proceed annually to the Upper Tribes ;
their voyage occupies, ordinarily, 18 months ; they go there only for the purpose of
trading with the Indians, and will take great pains to prevent the English interfering
with that commerce ; it is even probable that the latter will fear to trust themselves
there, through the apprehension of being attacked or plundered.
The second means is, to furnish the Indians with Brandy.
The Missionaries did by their zeal obtain several years ago the prohibition of the
article among them, but as the English supply them with as much Rum as they
please, the same evil is produced that was expected to be avoided by its prohibition.
'Tis true that the Indians are crazy when drunk, and when they have once tasted
Brandy, that they give all they possess to obtain some more, and drink it to excess.
There are, however, some among them, as among other people, who are not slaves
to drink.
The Missionaries will complain that this permission destroys the Indians, and the
Religion among them. But apart from the fact that they will always have Rum from
the English, the question is, whether it be better that the English penetrate into the
Continent by favor of that Rum which attracts the Indians to them, than to suffer
the French to furnish them with Liquor, in order to preserve these nations, and to
prevent them declaring eventually in favor of the English.
For all these reasons, it is deemed proper to restore the 25 licenses ; to permit
those who will purchase them to convey some Brandy to sell to the Nations, and
* even to give some to the Indians who will come down to the Colony, to carry home.
To continue the prohibition against furnishing them any to drink in the Colony,
and against making them intoxicated, so as to avoid the consequences which may
happen with these people when drunk.
'Tis proper to add hereunto, that the Governor must ever have in view to expel
the English, through the instrumentality of the Iroquois, from their post within 4
leagues of the shores of Lake Ontario. These Indians ought to be made to understand
that the design of the English is to subdue them, by cutting off their communication
with the French ; and the Commandants at the posts must be ordered to instigate
Indians to plunder the English traders, whenever it comes to their ears that such
intrude into the interior of the Continent.
It would appear expedient, nevertheless, to suspend the absolute permission of
trading in Brandy until the reception of the news expected at the end of the year,
by leaving M. de Beauharnois at liberty to allow Voyageurs to carry a certain
quantity with them, according as he shall deem it prudent, after conferring with the
Intendant, the Governor of Montreal, and the other persons he shall think proper to
consult on the subject. 'Tis proper, also, that he speak of it to the Superior of the
Missions, in order to reconcile this affair, which requires a great deal of management.
It appears that by restoring these licenses, we shall be enabled to make those to
whom they will be granted pay 250" a piece for them, which will produce 6,250",
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 955
that can be applied to the enceinte of Montreal, in which case it will be proper to
suppress the awarding of the post of Temiscaming.
It seems necessary to forego, this year, the grant of 29,295", and 13,090" for the
house at Niagara and the construction of the two barks.
Approved on the preceding conditions.
Abstract of Messrs. de Longueuil and BegorHs Despatches.
Canada. On the War between the English of Boston and their Indian neighbors.
Letter of 8t.t 8ber, Mess" de Lougucuil and Begon state that the domiciliated Abenaquis had
"^"' proposed to the English to come and negotiate a peace in presence of M. de
Vaudreuil, not wishing to treat at Boston respecting it, and that they have not had any answer,
as the English merely sent back two Indian prisoners to the Abenaquis village of Panaomske
to prevail on their brethren to send deputies to Fort S' George to negotiate the peace.
They succeeded in that point; many Indians attended ; they negotiated a general peace, and
two of the Chiefs went to Boston.
The propositions of the Governor of Boston were:
1" That they should receive the peace as a favor, and acknowledge themselves subjects of
the Crown of England.
2°'' That none of the forts erected by the English should be razed, the furthest one of which
is fifteen leagues from their village, inasmuch as by the Treaty of Utrecht the English claimed
to be masters of all the Coasts and lands from Boston to He Royale.
S"* That they would be bound to make all the other Indians, even those domiciliated in
Canada, parties to this peace.
One of the two Indians deputed to Boston, accompanied by ten of his tribe, came to Quebec
with a Belt to M. de Vaudreuil, to ask him to consent to this peace.
They brought a Belt also to each of the villages of Abenaquis and Hurons domiciliated in
Canada, to induce them to accept those propositions.
M. de Vaudreuil's answer was, that this war did not concern the French ; that it concerned
themselves, and that they ought to prevent the English taking away their lands; that he was
surprised at the proceedings of these of Panaomske, who, like the other Abenaquis, had
promised not to listen to any proposal for peace, except in the Colony and in his presence.
In regard to the domiciliated Abenaquis and Hurons, they refused the Belts and said they
wished to continue the war. They are able to do it. They will probably continue to harrass
the English, as they have done of late on some occasions, accompanied by the Indians of
Naurantsouack, and that those of Panaomske may be brought, by that means, to join them
at the solicitation of their Missionary, as the greater number of them are good Catholics.
Those of Panaomske and of the River S' John may be prevented continuing the war by the
circumstance that they are in the vicinity of the English of Boston and Port Royal, and cannot
receive any succor by sea, because the English, who claim the East Coast to be theirs, would
surprise whatever vessels might be sent thither.
956 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Again, another reason that has determined these Indians to consent to the peace is, that
they have been prevailed on by Sieur Gaulin, Missionary of the Micmacks, who has induced
the latter, also, to make their peace.
It is, however, most important that the Mickmacks prosecute the war, because, by joining
the Abenaquis of the River S' John, they would derange considerably the English fisheries.
These Indians are conveniently situated to receive the necessary succors from Isle Royale.
It appears proper to approve what M. de Vaudreuil has done, to continue to order
the fomenting this war as much as possible, it being important to prevent the English
becoming masters of the Abenaquis country, inasmuch as such would seriously
endanger the Colony.
To write to M. de S' Ovide respecting the reported proceedings of Sieur Gaulin,
Missionary of the Micmacks ; to order him also to stir up hostilities on the part of
the Indians against the English. All that will possibly retard at least the settlements
of the English, whilst waiting more favorable conjunctures.
7"" May, 1726. Approved.
Instructions to the Marquis de JBeauliarnois.
Extract from the Memoir of the King to serve as Instruction to the Marquis de
Beauharnois, Governor and Lieutenant-general of New France.
Versailles, 7"' of May, 1726.
His Majesty is persuaded that the Marquis de Beauharnois,' whom he has selected as
Governor and Lieutenant-general of New France, possesses every quality necessary for the
government of the vast countries and different peoples confided to his care.
The Indian Nations inhabiting them exact continual foresight and attention to make them
live in peace, and to prevent the Europeans, who occupy the same Continent, penetrating and
carrying on a trade among them, which hitherto has been the property of France. He will
require firmness to maintain the possessions of France against those neighbors who, for a long
time, have been endeavoring to encroach thereon.
It is necessary to blend mildness, justice and disinterestedness with this firmness, in the
government of the French inhabiting the Colony, who are more inclined to run loose in the
woods, and to live like Indians, than to cultivate and remain on their farms.
In order to succeed in all these different points, it must be his first duty, and one which his
Majesty desires he should perform with most heartiness, to satisfy what relates to Religion,
whence flows the blessing to be e-xpected from Heaven, without which nothing can prosper.
It is his Majesty's will that the Marquis de Beauharnois particularly employ the authority
vested in him to promote, as much as will be in his power, the service of God throughout the
' CuARLES, Marquis de Beauharnois, was the natural son of Louis XIV. He succeeded M. de Chanipigny in 1702 bs Intendnnt
of Canada, and in 1706 was appointed Director of the Uarine classes in France, and was captain of a man of wur when
.elected l.y Li.uis XV. lo be Governor of Canada. Ue held the latter office until 1747. —Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 957
entire Colony, and the spread of the Christian religion over all the Indians. To this end, he
must be aiding in all ways to the Missionaries, to the Jesuits and Friars, who are laboring for
the salvation of souls, conducting himself therein in such wise that he shall avoid exciting any
jealousy among them.
What has hitherto most essentially retarded the increase of the trade of the Colony has been
the commerce the English have prosecuted there; the facility and laxity with which they have
been too long tolerated in Montreal have afforded them anf)pportunity of introducing prohibited
goods there, and supplied them with means to form associations, and to adopt measures to
divert to the English Colonies the greatest part of the Beaver, so that they have profited from
a trade and advantage which must belong to his Majesty's Subjects, and which created a great
prejudice against the manufacturers of the Kingdom. This complaisance, entertained in their
favor, may inflict a still greater damage on the Colony than that of the trade, because
the English, alive to what can augment their possessions, acquire information respecting the
Country that may, in time of war, be most prejudicial. His Majesty recommends Sieur de
Beauharnois to concur with Sieur Dupuy in all that will tend to destroy the trade of the
English in the Colony, and to pay strict attention to the execution of the ordinances
concerning fraudulent trade, and the use of foreign and prohibited goods. As the English are
never at a loss for a pretext to visit Montreal and the other towns of the Colony, and as
commerce is their principal object, he shall also pay attention that their sojourn there, for
what cause or reason soever, be restricted to 2 days, and that such wholesome orders be issued
for the examination of their proceedings during their sojourn and return, that they cannot
abuse their privilege. This attention is of sufficient importance to merit particular watchfulness.
Louis XV. to Messrs. de Beauharnois and Bupuy.
Extract from the Memoir of The King to the Marquis de Beauharnois, Governor
and Lieutenant-general, and to Sieur Dupuy, Indendant of New France.
Versailles, 14"' May, 1726.
The late Marquis de Vaudreuil, and M. Begon reported, up to the month of May of last
year, some intelligence they had received that the English were desirous to settle a post at the
mouth of the River Choueguen, on the borders of Lake Ontario, and pretty convenient to
his Majesty's post at Niagara. This undertaking of the English, which they look upon as of a
dangerous consequence to the Colony and to Trade, determined them to cause the erection of
a stone house at Niagara, and to have two Barks built at Fort Frontenac for the transportation
of the necessary materials [across] Lake Ontario [and to] hinder the Indians conveying their
peltries to the English. M. de Vaudreuil sent Sieur de Longeuil to the Iroquois to prevent
the English establishment and to prevail on those Nations to consent to the construction of the
two barks, and to the erection of the stone house at Niagara. His Majesty has learned, from
958 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
the report transmitted by Sieurs de Longueil and Begon of the success of the voyage, that
M. de Longeuil found 100 Englishmen with more than 60 canoes at the portage of the River
Choueguen, within 4 leagues of Lake Ontario ; that they made him produce the passport he
had from Sieur de Vaudreuil, which circumstance shocked some Iroquois chiefs there present,
who declared to the English that they would not suffer them any longer in that place. The
5 Iroquois Nations assembled at Onontague consented to the erection of the stone House at
Niagara, and to the building of the two Barks, and promised him that they would remain neuter,
in case of hostilities with the Englfth. The two barks have been constructed, and Mess"
de Vaudreuil and Begon have adopted measures for the completion of the house in the month
of October. M. de Longeuil has even sent 100 soldiers to Niagara, as well for the purpose of
advancing the work as for stopping the canoes of the English who will undertake to trade
on Lake Ontario.
Ever since the foundation of the Colony, the French exclusively have traded with the
Indians of the Upper country, which forms a part of New France, and the English did not
think of going there to trade until the Treaty of Utrecht. Their first attempts to do so were
opposed by menaces only, which led them only to imagine that, by continuing, they would
succeed in sharing the commerce of those countries with the French, and even in excluding the
latter therefrom by means of the Indians. To effect this they employ every means, either by
making presents to the Indians, or by furnishing them goods cheap, and supplying them with
Rum which is their favorite beverage.
His Majesty being more and more convinced by the schemes and proceedings of the English,
that they design penetrating among all the Indian Nations, and attracting them to themselves
with the view to become, by that means, masters of all North America, persuaded that the
European Nation which will be mistress of that portion will, in course of time, be in possession
of the entire of America. With that conviction, they labor to form alliances with the Indians
of the Continent, in order to bring them against the French in the next war, and to render
themselves masters of the whole country, being fully sensible that they cannot, otherwise,
maintain themselves in the greatest portion of it, since His Majesty has caused He Royale to
be fortified.
As it is proper to prevent the execution of their projects and to restore trade to its position
previous to their schemes, his Majesty has thought fit to reestablish the 25 annual licenses
which were formerly granted for the purpose of trading with the Indian Nations, and the
distribution of which was discontinued in consequence of the repeated abuse of them that
ensued. His Majesty has the more readily determined on the reestablishment, as, besides its
tending to thwart the schemes of the English, he is persuaded that Sieur de Beauharnois'
disinterestedness and vigilance will prevent the occurrence of any thing contrary to his Majesty's
intentions and the issue of any more than the prescribed number of licenses. He most
expressly forbids such on any pretence whatsoever. He recommends him to distribute thes?
licenses, which are to be countersigned by Sieur Dupuy, among such poor families of the
country as he shall deem to have the most need of them.
Sieur de Beauharnois must always have in view the expulsion of the English from their
post on the River Choueguen. He will make use, for that purpose, of the Iroquois, whom he
will give to understand that it is the intention of the English to conquer them by cutting off
their communication with the French, and he will order the Commandants at all the posts to
get the Indians to pillage the English traders in case they hear of any in the interior of the
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 959
Continent. It is to be hoped that by these means, and by the intervention of the people who
will make the most of the 25 licenses yearly, the English will be deterred from going to trade
to the Upper countries by the apprehension of being insulted and plundered.
The Duke of Netoca-stle to the Hon. Horatio Walpole.
Translation of the letter written by the Duke of Newcastle to M' Walpole.
Whitehall, IS'" May (O. S.), 1726.
Sir,
I transmitted you, about a year ago, copies of divers letters and papers touching a fort built
by the French at Niagara, a country appertaining to the Five Nations of Indians, subjects of
the Crown of Great Britain. You received at the same time orders from the late King to
apply to the Court of France for the demolition of the said fort as it was erected in
contravention of the fifteenth artitle of the Treaty of Utrecht; immediately afterwards you
sent me copy of a Memoir which you had presented to the Cardinal' on that subject. Both
that Memoir and his Eminence's answer to you, promising to give orders to examine this
matter, and to decide accoring to justice, led us to expect that there would not be any more
cause for complaint, but as, instead of seeing it remedied, His Majesty has been advised that
the French think of encroaching still further on the countries under his obedience in said
quarter, he has deemed it expedient that you again apply to the Court of France to induce it
to transmit the most precise orders to the Governor of Canada to abstain from attempting any
thing contrary to the Treaties, so that all these differences between the subjects of the two
Crowns may be terminated in such a manner that the Indians may visit each other without
molestation, and the 5 Nations receive such encouragement and protection from his Majesty as
they must naturally expect from their Sovereign.
It becomes so much the more necessary to bring this- subject again before the Court of
France, inasmuch as the Governor of Canada has absolutely demanded the demolition of a
fort which M"' Burnett, late Governor of New-York, had caused to be erected on the river, or
lake, OseBego, for the protection of our trade in those parts ; and this, at the same time that
the former persists in maintaining the fort of Niagara, notwithstanding both the forts in
question are built on territory appertaining to the aforesaid Five Nations, who donated it to
his Majesty in the year 1726, in fuller testimony of their entire submission and ample obedience
to the Crown of Great Britain. In order to afford you further light. Sir, respecting the case
of the new fort, erected on the River Ossego, I transmit you copies of M"' Burnett's despatch to
the Board of Trade of the correspondence between the former and the Governor of Canada,
and of the despatch the Lords Commissioners of said Board of Trade addressed to me, by
' Cardinal dk Fledet, who had been previously preceptor to the King, succeeded at the age of seyenty-three the Duke de
Bourbon Conde as Prime Minister of France, in 1726. He died in January, 174:3. Abregi de I'Histoire de France a Vusage de
I'Mcole MilUaire, 1829, Part II., 164. 171. — Ed.
9G0 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
which you will please remark how strongly they are convinced not only that such a proceeding
is wholly unjustifiable, but of the great importance it is to his Majesty's interest and service
that these points which concern America may be regulated and settled in a certain and effectual,
though mild and friendly manner, as required by the intimate union and happy correspondence
which exist between the two Crowns.
Governor Burnet to M. de Longueuil. 5tli July, 1726,
[ For thi3 Document, see V., 802. ]
M. de Longueuil to Governor Burnet. IGtli August, 1726.
[ For this Document, see V., S02. ]
Boundary between New -York and Canada; the Iroquois., &c.
Extracts of despatches written by the Governor and Intendant of Canada,
respecting the limits with the English and on the Iroquois. 1716-1726.
'Letter of the 28" of April, 1716. — M. de Ramezay has observed that it would be desirable to
regulate the limits between France and England.
That if the latitude of the lands and of the rivers flowing into Lake Ontario, be adhered
to, 3 of the Iroquois villages will be found within the territory of New France, and only two
on English territory.
That the English make use of every means to win over the Indian Nations that are attached
to us, by persuading all those of the South that they are located on their territory, even as far
as Detroit, though France be in possession of the Illinois, Miamis and Ouyatanons since the
foundation of the Colony, without experiencing any opposition on the part of the English.
It has been decided that M. de Vaudreuil should maintain himself with mildness
in all the countries belonging to France, until the limits be settled by Commissioners
on the spot.
Letter of 1717. The Marquis de Vaudreuil. — The English Governors make use of every
means to gain over the Indians.
He of New-York tries to draw all our Indians of the Upper country to Orange to- trade.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 9G1
Complained that the French had built a trading house among the Iroquois Nations, on the
frontiers of his government, and that they wished to erect a fort there in contravention of
the Treaty of Utrecht. M. de Vaudreuil answered him, that there was no question of a fort ;
that 'twas true he had, at the solicitation of the Iroquois, constructed, for the accommodation
of trade, a house in their vicinity on the borders of Lake Ontario, at a place called Fort
de Sable from our having in former times a fort of that name there, in the same way as we
had another at Niagara, on the same side. That there was no contravention of the Treaty of
Utrecht in that, the limits between the two Crowns not having been regulated, and France
having always occupied the south shores of Lake Ontario.
He has had no reply from that governor.
Letter of the 2S"' of October, 1717. — M. de Vaudreuil has remarked that the chiefs of the 5
Iroquois Nations had come to Montreal to bewail the death of Louis XIV.
The Orator, who was one of the Chiefs, expressed how affected the 5 Nations were by
this death.
Told M. de Vaudreuil that they were extremely anxious to live at peace with him ;
requested him to permit Sieurs de Longueuil, the father and son, de Joncaire and de
Chauvignerie, whom they had adopted, to go to their Villages.
That he was satisfied this arrangement was not pleasing to the English, but that must not
embarrass him, as they were masters of their own lands, and wished their children to be the
masters thereof also, and range freely over them.
That Louis XIV. had shown them great kindness, and they hoped his successor regarded
them as his children; they implored his protection, and that he would please put forth the
strength of his arm to protect them from attacks meditated against them.
That they demanded the same favor for all those of the Sault S' Louis, Saut au Recollet,
the Abenaquis, the Outaouis, the Nepissirians, and all their other brethren.
Letter of the 26'* October, 1720. Mess" de'Vaudreuil and Begon. — The English have proposed
to a chief of the Iroquois settled at Niagara to establish a permanent trading post there, and to
divide the profits that might accrue.
This post would put them in a position to purchase most of the peltries of both the French
and Indians, who are in the Upper country. Mess" de Vaudreuil and Begon sent Sieur de
Joncaire thither, for whom the Indians themselves had built a log hut.
The English being advised thereof, used every effort to have this house pulled down, and
with this view sent the Commandant of Orange to the Seneca village for the purpose of
prevailing on these Indians to oppose it, but could not succeed.
Letter of the S"' of October, 172L Messrs. de Vaudreuil and Begon. — Notice that 200 Englishmen
are about to start from Orange to pull down the house erected at Niagara, and to build a fort
there; for this purpose they had enrolled in their party four of the 5 Iroquois Nations, to wit:
the Mohawks, Oneidas, Onontagues and Cayugas, whom they gained over by considerable
presents. But that the Senecas, who are the fifth, and most numerous Tribe, had rejected the
proposal the other 4 Tribes had made, to join them, threatening to wage war against
the English, should they persist in going to Niagara. This mollified these 4 Nations, and
determined them not to take sides with the English.
Vol. IX. 121
962 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
L,ener of the 22"^ Mmj, 1725. — M' de Vaudreuil states that the English had proposed a
settlement at the mouth of the River Chouguen, on the banks of Lake Ontario, a territory
which had been always considered to belong to France.
It became necessary for him to prevent this, because, should they establish themselves there,
it would be impossible to preserve the Niagara post, and the loss of this would entail that
of the whole trade witli the Indians of the Upper country.
The course that he adopted in concert with M. Begon was, to have two barks constructed oa
Lake Ontario.
He sends jNI. de Longueuil to the Iroquois. This officer got the Iroquois to go to Orange to
represent to tiie English that they would not tolerate their settlement at Choueguen.
M. de Longueuil observes that all the Iroquois Chiefs assembled at Seneca had resolved in
their Council to prevent this establishment, and had sent a Belt to tiie English, which put a
stop to its execution.
Sieur de Jonquaire, returning from Seneca, assures that the Iroquois will not hinder the
building of our barks, nor the establishment of the house at Niagara.
The English have given them 20,000 crowns (ecus) to join their side.
Letter of tiie 31" of October, 1725. Mess" de Longueuil and Begon. — Notify that Sieur de
Longueuil met 100 Englishmen with over 60 canoes at the portage of the River Choueguen, 4
leagues from Lake Ontario, who made him produce his passport. The Iroquois chiefs present
at this proceeding were angry with the English, told them they would not tolerate them any
more on their territory, having permitted them to come there only to trade, but they must not
advance so far in the River Choueguen as they were doing, as they had not given them
permission to go any farllier than the fall of Gastonchiague, 6 leagues from the Lake, telling
them they did not give them the land, but only loaned it to them.
Sieur de Longueuil goes next to Onontague, an Iroquois village, where he meets the
Deputies of 4 other villages, who were waiting for him.
These Deputies consent to the building of the two barks, and to the erection of a stone
house at Niagara.
Note. — The 2 barks were constructed in 1725.
The house was commenced the same year, and finished in 1726.
Letter of the 25'* July, 1726. M. de Longueuil. — Writes that the English are uneasy at, and
suspicious of, this establishment. They liave made an unsuccessful application to the Iroquois
to destroy it.
Letter of the 25'* September, 1726. The Marquis de Beauliarnois. — New attempts of the English
on the 5 Iroquois Nations.
These Indians answer, that they in vain trouble them again about the same thing; that they
do not regret having given their consent to that establishment, and if it offend them, the
English may go and pull it down, or have an explanation about it with their father Onontio.
The English reply, that they also will build a house at Niagara opposite that of their father
Onontio, and demand their consent; To which the Indians made answer, let them settle it
with Onontio; as for them, they will not interfere.
Another deputation from the English Governor to the Iroquois ; he invites them to repair
to Orange, goes to meet them, but do not alter their resolution in any respect, and reject all
his proposals.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 963
Letter of the 25"' of October, 1726. The Marquis de Beauharnois. — Tegarioguen, Chief of
the Indians of Saut S' Louis, returning from Orange, where he assisted at the Council which the
Governor held with the Iroquois Chiefs, has reported that these Indians had said, that though
they had consented to the erection of the post at Niagara, they did not believe that Onontio
would build a fort there ; but if it were displeasing to the King of England, he had but to
write to him.
That after divers discourses and presents to these Indians, they had promised to pull this
house down in the spring.
Further news from the Indians. — The English have bribed the Iroquois to get rid of (se
defaire du) Jonquaire, commandant at Niagara, and to destroy that house.
The English have sent belts to the Indians of Saut S' Louis, of the Lake of Two
Mountains, the Algonquins and Nepissings, to invite them to remain quiet when the Iroquois
will pull down this house.
Note. — Sieur Chaussegros, Engineer, states that he has built this house on the
ancient site of the fort erected by M. d'Enonville, formerly Governor and Lieutenant-
general of New France, in 1686.
Duke of NewcasUe to the Hon. Horatio Walpole.
Copy of the letter of the Duke of Newcastle to his Excellency M"' Walpole.
White Hall, ll"- of April, 1727.
Sir,
I send your Excellency, by order of the King, a despatch I recently received from Mr.
Burnet, Governor of New-York,' in which he states that the French have built a fort at
Niagara, on the land of one of the Six Nations, at the place through which they must go to
their own hunting Country, and by which place all the Far Indians must pass to make their
trade in the province of New-York, so that the French can always, whenever they please,
hinder and molest the trade of these Indians, which would be directly contrary to the 15""
Article of the Treaty of Utrecht. I send you, also, a copy of the correspondence between Mr.
Burnet and the Governor of Canada, with divers papers which accompany them, together
with a copy of the letter that the Lords Commissioners of Trade have addressed me on this
subject. All these papers will inform you thoroughly of this affair.
It is of the highest importance for his Majesty's interests in those parts that this matter
should be attended to, and that we should have mutual explanations thereupon. These
Indians are, notwithstanding what the Governor of Canada says to the contrary in the
aforesaid letter, really his Majesty's subjects, and must be so accounted, and as such must be
upheld and protected by the King, as far as the treaties between Great Britain and France
permit. This is his Majesty's reason for urging your Excellency to place this subject in its
full light, when you will speak of it to the Ministers of the Court of France, and to use all the
'-Sapco.V., 803.— Ed.
964
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
necessary arguments to prevail on them to dispatch orders to the officer commanding in
Canada to demolish that fort, and his Majesty doubts not but they will comply as soon as
they shall be informed precisely of the state of lhis<affair.
15"" Article.
The subjects of France inhabiting Canada,
and others, shall in future give no hindrance
or molestation to the Five Nations or Cantons
of Indians, subject to the dominion of Great
Britain, nor to the other natives of America
vpho are in friendly alliance with them. In
like manner, the subjects of Great Britain
15. Art.
Galliae subditi Canadam incolentes alii que
quinque nationes sive Cantones Indorum
magna3BritaniasImperioSubjectas,utetceteros
Americas indigenas eidem amicitia conjunctos,
nullo in posterum impedimento aut molestia
aficiant; Pariter magnae Britaniee subditi cum
Americanis, gallias vel subditi vel amicis
pacifico se gerent et utriq: Commercii causa shall behave themselves peaceably towards the
frequentandi, libertate plena gaudebunt. Sicut
pari cum libertate regionum istarum indigenas
Colonias Britannicas et Gallicas, ad promoven-
dum hincindecommercium pro lubitu adibunt,
absq; uUa ex parte subditorum Britannicorum
seu Gallicorum molestia aut Impedimento
quinara vero Britannige seu Galliae subditi et
amici censeantur ac censeri debeant, id per
Comissarios accurate distincte que describen-
dum erit.
Americans who are subjects or friends of
France, and they shall enjoy, on both sides,
full liberty of resort for purposes of Trade.
Also the natives of these Countries shall, with
equal freedom, resort, as they please, to the
British and French Colonies, for promoting
trade on one side and the other, without any
molestation or hindrance on the part either of
British or French subjects; but who are, and
who ought to be, accounted subjects and
friends of Britain or of France is a matter to
to be accurately and distinctly settled by
Commissioners.
Louis XV. to Messrs. de BeauJiarnois and Dupuy.
Memoir of the King to the Marquis de Beauharnois, Governor and Lieutenant
general, and to Sieur Dupuy, Intendant of New France.
Versailles, 29"" of April, 1727.
His Majesty has been pleased to learn the construction of the house at Niagara, and of the
two barks at Fort Frontenac, without any opposition on the part of the Iroquois, whatever
steps the English may have taken to induce them to thwart it. His Majesty has had cognizance
of the motives which have determined Sieur Chaussegros, the Engineer, to locate that house
at the mouth of the Niagara river, on the site of the former fort, and has approved thereof,
because it will aftbrd the means of preventing the English going to trade on the North shore of
Lake Ontario, and seizing on that river which is the passage to the Upper countries.
However, as this house does not command the portage, which it is important to secure in
order to prevent the English going that way to the Upper countries, his Majesty has approved
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 965
the proposal submitted by Sieurs de Beauharnois and Dupuy to rebuild the old house which
stood at the portage, according to the plan thereof transmitted by them. His Majesty will
cause to be appropriated in next year's Estimate of the Western Domain, the sum of 20,430",
the amount of the expense, according to the divers estimates they have sent, and as the
principal house at the mouth of the river must have been finished this spring, his Majesty's
intention is that Sieurs de Beauharnois and Duypuy adopt measures to rebuild the old house
next Autumn. This they will find the more easy, as the two barks built at Fort Frontenac
will aid considerably in transporting materials. His Majesty agrees with them in opinion that
the Iroquois will not take any umbrage at this, for besides being considered only as the
reconstruction of the house already there, it will be used, at least during the peace, only for
Trade. They will, meanwhile, adopt with those Indians such precautions as they shall
consider necessary, to neutralize any new impressions of distrust the English will not fail to
insinuate among them on this occasion. This must prompt them to have the work pushed on
with the greatest possible diligence.
His Majesty appreciates all the importance of the proposals submitted by them to build a
fort and house at the mouth of the River Choueguen, so as to prevent ingress and egress into
Lake Ontario. The attempts of the English to form an establishment at that point, and the
considerable amount of trade they have driven there, these last years, to the prejudice of
the commerce of the Colony and that of Niagara and Fort Frontenac, renders it necessary
to anticipate thei^j, the more especially as, should they once succeed in establishing themselves
permanently there, they would have all the advantages of the Upper country trade, and their
post would favor the fraudulent commerce to which his Majesty wishes to put a stop, as far as
circumstances will permit. All these reasons would have determined his Majesty, from the
moment, to order the erection of this fort and house, were he not convinced of the impropriety
of undertaking so many things at once, and of the necessity, first of all, to secure the post at
Niagara by the rebuilding of the old house.
He will, after that, be able to authorize that of Choueguen, when Sieurs de Beauharnois
and Dupuy shall have transmitted the plan and estimate, to which they will be able to attend
this year. Meanwhile, his intention is, that they use every means to prevent the English
establishing themselves there, and to dispose the Iroquois not to object to our establishment
when ordered, by giving them to understand that the English have no other object in view
than to enslave all the Nations, and to become, themselves, masters of the Continent and of
the entire trade, whilst his Majesty's views tend only to the maintenance of liberty, and the
preservation of a trade which belongs to France, and which the English seek to seize. This
business is to be treated with delicacy and great secrecy, and Sieur de Beauharnois will entrust
it to the officer whom he knows to be best qualified to insure its success.
In regard to the news received by the Marquis de Beauharnois from Sieur de la Corne, that
the Iroquois, as he had been informed by an Indian returning from Orange, had promised the
English governor to raze the house at Niagara, and that they were bribed to rid themselves of
Sieur de Jonquaire, the commandant there ; Though no credit is to be attached to the news
of Indians, who most commonly retail what is false, his Majesty has approved of the order
issued by Sieur de Beauharnois to M. de Longueuil, Governor of Montreal, to send word to
Sieur de Jonquaire to ascertain the truth from themselves and to prevent the accomplishment
of their designs, in case these should be bad.
966 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Indian Explanation of the Treaty of Casco Bay.
Treaty of Peace concluded at Caskebay' between the Indians of the Village of
Panaouamsque and the English, the [d""] August, 1727.
I, Panaouamskeyen, do inform ye — Ye who are scattered all over the earth take notice —
of what lias passed between me and the English in negotiating the peace that I have just
concluded with them. It is from the bottom of my heart that I inform you; and, as a proof
that I tell you nothing but the truth, I wish to speak to you in my own tongue.
My reason for informing you, myself, is the diversity and contrariety of the interpretations
I receive of the English writing in which the articles of Peace are drawn up that we have just
mutually agreed to. These writings appear to contain things that are not, so that the
Englishman himself disavows them in my presence, when he reads and interprets them to
me himself.
I begin then by informing you ; and shall speak to you only of the principal and most
important matter.
First, that I did not commence the negotiation for a peace, or settlement, but he, it was,
who first spoke to me on the subject, and I did not give him any answer until he addressed
me a third time. I first went to Fort S' George to hear his propositions, and afterwards to
Boston, whither he invited me on the same business.
We were two that went to Boston; I, Laurence Sagouarrab, and John Ehennekouit. On
arriving there I did indeed salute him in the usual mode at the first interview, but I was not
the first to speak to him. I only answered what he said to me, and such was the course
I observed throughout the whole of our interview.
He began by asking me, what brought me hither? I did not give him for answer — I am
come to ask your pardon; nor, I come to acknowledge you as my conqueror; nor, I come to
make my submission to you; nor, I come to receive your commands. Ail the answer I made
was, that I was come on his invitation to me to hear the propositions for a settlement that he
wished to submit to me.
Wherefore do we kill one another? he again asked me 'Tis true that, in reply, I said to
liim — You are right. But I did not say to him, I acknowledge myself the cause of it, nor I
condemn myself for having made war on him.
He next said to me, Propose what must be done to make us friends. 'Tis true that
thereupon I answered him — It is rather for you to do that. And my reason for giving him
that answer is, that having himself spoken to me of an arrangement, I did not doubt but he
would make me some advantageous proposals. But 1 did not tell him that I would submit in
every respect to his orders.
Thereupon, he said to me — Let us observe the treaties concluded by our Fathers, and renew
the ancient friendship which existed between us. I made him no answer thereunto; much
less, I repeat, did I, become his subject, or give him my land, or acknowledge his King as my
King. This I never did, and he never proposed it to me. I say, he never said to me — Give
thyself and thy land to me, nor acknowledge my King for thy King, as thy ancestors
formerly did.
' For the treaty, see Nexo llnmpshhe Historical ColUetions, II., 260. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 967
He again said to me — But do you not recognize the King of England as King over all his
states? To which I answered — Yes, I recognize him King of all liis lands; but, I rejoined,
do not hence infer that I acknowledge thy King as my King, and King of my lands. Here
lies my distinction — my Indian distinction. God hath willed that 1 have no King, and that
I be master of my lands in common.
He again asked me — Do you not admit that I am at least master of the lands I have
purchased? I answered him thereupon, that I admit nothing, and that I knew not what he
had reference to.
He again said to me — If, hereafter, any one desire to disturb the negotiation of the peace
we are at present engaged about, we will join together to arrest him. I again consented to
that. But I did not say to him, and do not understand that he said to me, that we should go
in company to attack such person, or that we should form a joint league, offensive and
defensive, or that I should unite my Brethren to his. I said to him only, and I understand
him to say to me, that if any one wished to disturb our negotiation of Peace, we would both
endeavor to pacify him by fair words, and to that end would direct all our efforts.
He again said to me — In order that the peace we would negotiate be permanent, should
any private quarrel arise hereafter between Indians and Englishmen, they must not take justice
into their own hands, nor do any thing, the one to the other. It shall be the business of us
Chiefs to decide. I again agreed with him on that article, but I did not understand that he
alone should be judge. I understood only that he should judge his people, and that I would
judge mine.
Finally he said to me — There's our peace concluded; we have regulated every thing.
I replied that nothing had been yet concluded, and that it was necessary that our acts should
be approved in a general assembly. For the present, an armistice is sufficient. I again said to
him — I now go to inform all my relatives of what has passed between us, and will afterwards
come and report to you what they'll say to me. Then he agreed in opinion with me.
Such was my negotiation on my first visit to Boston.
As for any act of grace, or amnesty, accorded to me by the Englishman, on the part of his
King, it is what I have no knowledge of, and what the Englishman never spoke to me about,
and what I never asked him for.
On my second visit to Boston we were four; I, Laurence Sagourrab, Alexis, Frangois
Xavier and Migounambe. I went there merely to tell the English that all my Nation approved
the cessation of hostilities, and the negotiation of peace, and even then we agreed on the time
and place of meeting to discuss it. That place was Caskebay, and the time after Corpus Christi.
Two conferences were held at Caskebay. Nothing was done at these two conferences
except to read the articles above reported. Every thing I agreed to was approved and ratified,
and on these conditions was the peace concluded.
One point only did I regulate at Caskebay. This was to permit the Englishman to keep a
store at S' Georges ; but a store only, and not to build any other house, nor erect a fort there,
and I did not give him the land.
These are the principal matters that I wished to communicate to you who are spread all
over the earth. What I tell you now is the truth. If, then, any one should produce any
writing that makes me speak otherwise, pay no attention to it, for I know not what I am made
to say in another language, but I know well what I say in my own. And in testimony that I
say things as they are, I have signed the present Minute which I wish to be authentic and to
remain for ever.
9G8 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
21. de Beauliarnois to Count de Maurepas.
Quebec, So"" of September, 1727.
My Lord,
You will see in the joint despatch what M. Dupuy and I have the honor to advise you of
respecting the English establishment at Choueguen. But I considered it my duty to annex to
the report we have the honor to submit to you concerning it, copies of all the documents
appertaining to this subject. You will receive herewith copy of my letter to Mr. Burnet,
Governor-general of New- York; of that general's answer to me; of the minute prepared by
Chevalier Begon, whom I sent to summon the English officer in command of the garrison of
Choueguen; and finally, copy of the speech of the 'Nontagues to Chevalier Begon on his arrival
at the river 'Nontagues.
Permit me, My Lord, to have the honor to inform you of what passed respecting that affair,
from the time I received the very first intelligence of the arrival of the English at Choueguen,
and of the construction of their fort.
I immediately summoned M. de Longueuil Governor of Montreal, and the principal officers
to deliberate as to what was to be done, and next day assembled at my quarters the chief
persons of each class in the town of Montreal, to ascertain their opinions respecting the affair
of Choueguen; and all unanimously answered, that nothing remained to be done than to
send troops thither to expel the English from that Post, and raze the works they had begun.
The Mercantile class of the town of Montreal was that which insisted the strongest on the
necessity of opposing the erection of the fort the English were building at Choueguen. They
were not deterred by the difficulties interposed, both as to the necessity of that expedition
and the preparations necessary to be made. I felt all the delicacy of my position at once, in
view of the uncertainty of the part the Iroquois might take. Several offered to equip their
Militia companies, and to supply them with arms and ammunition necessary for that expedition.
These dispositions determined me at once, to send the requisite orders to Quebec and Three
Rivers for the levy of a certain number of Militiamen, and Mr. Rocbert, the King's Store-
keeper, sent an estimate at the same time to the Intendant of the ammunition and other
articles required for that expedition. But the remonstrances I received a few days after from
different persons, and my own reflections on the consequences of so precipitous a course,
obliged me to dispatch a counter order to the Militia I had demanded at Quebec and Three
Rivers, and to the Indians belonging to the domiciliated villages, v^lio were to accompany our
Frenchmen. And the majority of the oflicers, to whom I communicated my subsequent
reflections, and who were not guided by any private interest, agreed that the safest course for
me to adopt was, to write to the Governor of New-York; to summon, provisionally, the
commander of the English garrison to retire from Choueguen and to raze its fortifications; to
acquaint you. My Lord, with what had been done, and to demand your orders as to the proper
measures to be pursued.
The uncertainty of the success of this expedition, vvliich depended, in some degree, on the
course to be adopted by the Iroquois, who had not yet come down to Montreal, induced me
not to dispatch any troops towards Choueguen, and to await the arrival of the, Iroquois. The
decided tone with which these Indians spoke to me in full Council, proved to me that I had
adopted the prudent course. M. de Longueuil, who was strongly of opinion that the Iroquois
would not declare against us, and would remain neutral, was much astonished to hear them
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 969
request us not to spill any blood on their lands at Clioueguen, and if the French had anj' hostile
demand to make of the English, to enforce it on our lakes and not on their soil. This indicated
sufficiently their favorable dispositions towards tlie English, and that they would not fail to
sustain them against any attempt to expel them from their present position. In fine, I stopped
there, the more readily, inasmuch as that course tallied with the instructions you did us the
honor to communicate to us in the despatch of last year regarding the measures to be
adopted for opposing the establishment of the English in that river.
The intelligence I received from Quebec in reference to the orders I had sent thither for the
levy of 800 militia men, have, also, sufficiently demonstrated to me that the ardor manifested
among the officers of the Militia belonging to government of Montreal was not shared equally
by that of QuebeC; where all the Militia officers, except two, excused themselves from marching
on divers pretexts, and said that they could not undertake to equip or provision their Companies.
I hope, My Lord, that all these reasons will induce you to approve the course I have adopted.
I have the honor to be, with most profound respect,
My Lord,
Your most humble and
most obedient servant,
Beauharnois.
Marquis de Beauliarnois to Governor Burnet.
[Montreal] 20'" July, 1727.
Sir,
I am very well persuaded that you have been informed that the King, my master, has done
me the honor to name me Governor and his Lieutenant-general in all New France, and that
you have likewise been so of my arrival in this country.
I find myself, Sir, in a juncture when the close union which subsists between our Sovereigns
ought to flatter me with the hope of the like between you and me ; but I cannot avoid
observing to you my surprise at the permission which you have given to the English Merchants
to carry on a Trade at the River Choueguen, and that you have ordered a Redoubt with
machicoulis' and full of loopholes, and other works belonging to fortification, to be built at the
mouth of that river, in which you have placed a garrison of regular forces.
I have been. Sir, the more astonished at it, since you should have considered your undertaking
as a thing capable of disturbing the union of the two Crowns. You cannot be ignorant of the
possession during a very considerable time which the King, my Master, has of all the lands
of Canada, of which those of Lake Ontario and the adjacent lands make a part, and in which
he has built Forts and made other settlements in different places, such as those of Denonville,
at the mouth of the Niagara river, that of Frontenac, another on the river called La Famine,
that which is called the Fort des Sables, another at the Bay of the Cayouges, at Choueguen,
&c., without any opposition, they having been one and all of them possessed by the French,
who alone have had a right, and the possession of carrying on Trade there.
' The upper part of the wall which, sustaiued by brackets, juts out and overlooks the gate or ditch. Jamet. — Ed.
Vol. IX. 122
970 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
I look, Sir, upon the settlement that you are beginning and pretending to make at the entrance
of the River Choueguen into Lake Ontario, the fortification that you have made there, and the
garrison that you have posted there as a manifest infraction of the Treaty of Utrecht, it being
expressly settled by that Treaty that the subjects of each crov^n shall not molest or encroach
on one another till the Limits have been fixed by Commissioners to be named for that purpose.
This it is, Sir, tiiat determines me at present to send away Monsieur de la Chassaigue,
Governor of Three Rivers, with an officer, to deliver this Letter and to inform you of my
intentions. I send away at the same time a major to summon the officer, who commands at
Choueguen, to retire with his garrison and other persons who are there ; to demolish the
Fortifications and other works, and to evacuate entirely that post and return home.
Tile Court of France, whom I have the honor to inform of it this moment, will have room
to look upon this undertaking as an act of hostility on your part, and I do not doubt but you
will give attention to the justice of my demand.
I desire you to honor me with a positive answer, which I expect without delay by the return
of these gentlemen. I am persuaded that on your side you will do nothing to trouble the
harmony tliat prevails between our two crowns, and that you will not act against their
true interests.
M. de la Chassaigne, who did not at first intend to carry with him any but the officer whom I
had the honor to inform you of in my letter, has since desired me to let him have the four
gentlemen named in the passport which I have ordered to be made out for him. I do not
doubt, Sir, but you will have the same regard for them as for the King's officer who goes along
with him.
I siiouid be extremely pleased, Sir, if you would give me some occasion to show you
particularly the sentiments of respect with which I have tiie honor to be, etc.,
Beauhaenois.
Governor Bxirnet to the Marquis de Beauliarnois.
Copy of the letter written by M'' Burnet, Governor-general of New-York, to the
Marquis de Beauliarnois, Governor-general in Canada, date S"" of August,
1727, in answer to one written by said Sieur de Beauharnois on the SO"" of
July preceding.
Sir,
1 have received tiie letter you have done me the honor to write to me, and which was
delivered to me by M' de la Chassaigne. You have done me singular favor in taking this
occasion to make me acquainted with a person of so distinguished merit, and in sending along
with him gentlemen wiio do honor to their country. 1 could have wished these marks of
your good will had not been attended with a proceeding so little suitable to them. You
perceive. Sir, that I would complain of the sudden and peremptory summons thatyou have sent
to my officer posted at Oswego, and which was brought to me by an express before the arrival
of M' la Chassaigne. I should think that you might have waited for my reasons in answer to
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 971
what you are pleased to write to me before you made so extraordinary a demand, and that in
giving so short a time that my officer could not possibly receive my orders before it expired.
I agree with you, Sir, that the close union that prevails between our Sovereigns ought
naturally produce the like between you and me, and it shall never be through my fault if it
does not subsist in all its extent. It was with the same intention that I made my complaint
in the modestest manner I could to M'' de Longueuil, then Commander-in-chief of Canada, of a
Fort that had been built at Niagara, and though I received no answer from him by the bearer of
my letter, and at last received one that was not at all satisfactory, I contented myself with
writing to my Court about it, whence I am informed that our Ambassador at the Court of
France has orders to represent this undertaking as contrary to the Treaty of Utrecht.
This, Sir, was all that I did upon that occasion. I did not send any summons to Niagara,
T did not make any warlike preparations to interrupt the work, and I did not stir up the Five
Nations to make use of force to demolish it, which I might have done easily enough, since at
the very time when 1 received M'' de Longueuil's letter, they were all come to complain to me
of that undertaking as the justest cause of uneasiness that could have been given them. I
shall not tire you with repeating all that I wrote to M' de Longueuil upon that subject, which
he has no doubt shown to you.
I come now to the subject of your letter. There are two things which you complain of.
First, of the trade of Oswego. Secondly, of the Redoubt, as you call it, and of the Garrison
that is in it, all which you regard as a manifest infraction of the Treaty of Utrecht.
As for the Trade, I do not understand how you could be surprised at it, since we have carried
on a trade there regularly for more than five years running without opposition; and I have
reason to wonder how you can call that infraction of the Peace of Utrecht, since it is expressly
stipulated in that very 15"" Article which you cite, That on both sides the subject of each Crown
shall enjoy full liberty of going and coming among these Nations on account of Trade.
By These Nations must be understood, as appears clearly by what precedes, all the Americans,
subjects or allies or friends of Great Britain and of France. It is upon this, Sir, that we pretend
to have equal right with you of Trading through all the Lakes and all the Continent, and
that incontestably by virtue of the terms of the Treaty.
It follows therein that also the natives of those Comitrics shall, with the same liberty, go ajid trade
as they please to the British and French Colonies indifferently, without any molestation or hindrance
either on the 'part of the subjects of Great Britain or the French.
I cited you, before, the right which we have to carry on a trade every where among the
Indians. In these last words is contained the right which all the Indians have to come and
trade with us, and I leave it to you. Sir, to reflect sincerely upon the conduct of the people of
Canada, and to consider if they have done all they could and do not continue still to hinder
the Indians from coming to trade with us.
But as for our right to carry a trade every where among the Indians, one cannot find
expressions more contrary to the terms of the Treaty than those in your letter, where you
name several "places occupied by the French, who alone, say you, have had the right, and been in
possession of trading there. You would oblige me, vSir, if you would please sliow me how to
reconcile that with a full liberty on both sides of going and coming among these Nations on account of
trade which the subjects of both Crowns shall enjoy.
But to say it was, as you pretend, in former times, that will signify nothing, since at present
the treaty alone ought to regulate matters. I hope, Sir, that I have said enough upon the first
972 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
subject of complaint which relates to the Trade, for to show you the right we have to it, and
to make you sensible that the future regulation of limits can never make any alteration in the
general liberty to trade which exists.
I come now to the second subject of complaint, which relates to the Redoubt and Garrison
at Oswego. It is true that I have ordered a stone house to be built there, with some
contrivances to hinder its being surprised, and that I have posted some soldiers in it ; but
that which gave me the first thought of it was the fortified and much larger house which the
French have built at Niagara, upon the lands of the Five Nations, as it appears even by the
confession of M' de Longueil in his letter to me of the 16"> of August, 1726, for he pretends
that the 5 Nations have agreed to it by an unanimous consent. If tiiat post was not upon their land,
but upon land that belongs incontestably to the French, I believe, Sir, that you would be very
far from asking their consent to do what you had a mind to do there. It has always been the
same case with all the posts that you mention, and which besides had been abandoned many
years before the Treaty of Utrecht, except Fort Frontenac only, which is on the other side of
the Lake.
It is certain that the French never built any of them but by the permission of the Five
Nations, and always on pretence that they were to be only houses for the conveniency of trade
with them, and without ever pretending to claim the property of those places.
You seem, Sir, to allow almost as much yourself, for you say. That his mat Christian Majesty
has ordered Forts atid other Establishments to be built in different places, S)'c., wiihout any opiiosition.
What has been built without any opposition can never be looked upon as a conquest, as M'
de la Chassaigne would maintain, and I should be glad to learn by what Treaty or agreement
the Five Nations ever yielded to you any of their lands ; on the contrary, those Nations have
always maintained that the lands on both sides of Lake Ontario are theirs, and will always
maintain it.
I do not understand what use the Article of the Treaty to which you allude can be of to
you, and I don't find the words in the Treaty as you cite them, nor even the sense entirely
agreeable to them. You call that post which we have settled, at Oswego, a manifest infraction
of the Treaty of Utrecht, it being mentioned expressly in the Treaty that the subjects of one and the other
Crown shall not molest nor encroach upon 07ie another till the limits shall be regulated by Commissaries to
be named by them for tluit purpose.
I don't know. Sir, what copy of the Treaty you make use of, but for my part I have compared
the French translation which I have quoted with the original Latin which is printed at London
by Royal authority, and liave found it entirely agreeable to it. The words which we are now
upon are as follows : The subjects of France, inhabitants of Canada and others, shall hereafter
give no hindrance or molestation to the five Nations of Indians, subject to the Dominion of Great
Britain, nor to the other natives of America,, its Allies. In like manner the subjects of Great Britain
shall behave themselves peaceably towards the Americans who are subjects or friends of France, etc., etc.
This is the first part at full length of what you refer me to ; the second part is at the end of
the article, in these words: Commissioners named on the one side and the other shall specify, exactly and
distinctly, who arc and who ought to be accounted the subjects or friends of Britain, and who of France.
Upon reading all this together, it is impossible to imagine that the last clause of this article
of the Treaty can relate to the Five Nations, as if Commissioners were yet to determine whether
they are our subjects or yours, as M' de Fjongueil wrote to me they were neither. This
would be directly opposite to the first part of tiie said Article, which declares them expressly
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 973
svhject to the dominion of Great Britain. But as there is mention made of other Americans,
Allies of Great Britain, and of Americans, subjects or friends of France, without naming them, it is
as clear as daylight that the Commissioners are only to determine about these last.
You have now, Sir, my reasons for acting as I have done, and of which I have given au
account to the Court at the same time that I represented the affair of Niagara. I expect every
day a complete answer upon both these points; and I think myself obliged, notwithstanding all
the reasons which M"' de la Chassaigne has given me, to maintain the post of Oswego till I
receive new orders from the King my master.
You may. Sir, make such complaints hereupon as you will judge proper, as you inform me
that you have already made some, and at the same time you will not think it strange that on
my part I inform the Court in what manner you have summoned the King's officer posted at
Oswego, witliout waiting for any explanation from me upon it ; this is a step which the King
my master may perhaps be offended at, and which his most Christian Majesty may, perhaps,
think fit to disown. I am very sorry to find myself under a necessity to have sentiments so
opposite to yours. I should be glad to see all these differences end in a good understanding,
and that you would honor me with your friendship ; and it is with a great deal of respect that
I have the honor to be, etc., etc.,
Signed, Burnet.
Compared with the original on paper lying in the Secretary's Office of the Castle of
Saint Louis, of Quebec, by the undersigned. Royal Notary resident in the Prevot(5 of
Quebec, this tenth day of August, one thousand seven hundred and fifty.
DULAURENT.
Francis Bigot etc.
French Summons of Fort Oswego. '
Copy of the Summons served, in the name of the Marquis de Beauharnois,
Governor-general of Canada, by M. Begon, Major of the Town and Castle
of Quebec, on the Commandant of the Fort built by the English at the
mouth of the River Choueguen, on the shore of Lake Ontario, to withdraw
with the garrison of said Fort.
And, next, of the Minute drawn up by said Sieur Begon of the delivery
of said summons.
The Marquis de Beauharnois, appointed by his Most Christian Majesty to the general
government of all New France, being informed of your Governor's proceeding at the mouth
of the River Choueguen, where he hath caused a stone house to be erected on the borders of
Lake Ontario, where the French alone have been trading, and of which they have been
in possession a very considerable time, and being unable to regard such proceeding otherwise
than as a manifest infraction of the Treaty of Utrecht, by which it is laid down that the
subjects of the two Crowns shall not encroach the one on the other so long as the boundaries
have not been agreed upon by the Commissioners whom the two Crowns are to send for that
974 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
purpose, has given me orders to summon you in his name to withdraw, within 15 days at
farthest, the garrison you have here, with all the arms, ammunition and other effects belonging
to private individuals of Orange or other places ; to demolish the house you have had erected
contrary to all law, leaving you at liberty to settle, if you think proper, at Lake Thechirogud
or the Oneida river, where you formerly carried on Trade; and to leave the mouth of this
river, as it has always been free to the French. In default whereof, the said Marquis de
Beauharnois will proceed against you, and against your unjust usurpation, as to him shall
seem good.
Montreal, the 14"" of July, 1727. Signed, Begon.
Here followeth Copy of the Minute of the delivery of the aforesaid Summons.
We, the undersigned, Knight of the Military Order of Saint Louis, Major of the Town,
Castle and government of Quebec, in execution of the orders to us given by the Marquis de
Beauliarnois, the King's Governor and Lieutenant-general over the wliole of New France,
being arrived, this day, the first of August, 1727, before the Fort built by the English at the
mouth of the River Choueguen, on the border of Lake Ontario, have sent to notify M'' Bancker'
commanding the garrison, of our arrival, and have signified to him, at the same time, that we
were come on behalf of the Governor-general, Commander-in-chief of all New France, to
summon him to withdraw, within fifteen days at farthest, the garrison of said Fort, with the
arms, ammunition, and other effects belonging to private citizens of Orange and other places,
and to demolish said Fort and other works he hath constructed there. He sent to invite us
on shore, and came, accompanied by two officers of the garrison, to meet us on the beach of
said River Choueguen; conducted us into the Fort with much politeness, and after serving the
summons, in due form, on said Commander, and handing him the same, written in French and
English, he answered us, that he was on his own territory and in his own house ; that he had
been sent thither by his general government to build said Fort thereupon, with the consent of
and valid agreement with the Six Nations; that, if we desired it, he would assemble the
Chiefs of the 'Nontague Indians, who were then on the spot, who would tell us the same
thing. Tills we refused to permit, not wisliing to have any discussion with them. After
which he added, that he was, like us, a subordinate officer, and consequently equally obliged
to obey the orders of his General ; that we had an order, in writing, from the Marquis de
Beauharnois; that he required the same from M"" Burnet, his General, to enable him to give
his answer. Whereupon, we demanded his refusal in writing. But having given us to
understand that they required a little time for reflection, and would, if we pleased, permit us
to walk wherever we liked, and having made us wait about three-quarters of an hour, and
consulted with his officers, he persisted in his first sentiments, and said he had the same right
to summon tiie Commandant of Niagara. Finally, he would transmit the summons to his
Governor-general, promising to return an answer so soon as he should have received his orders.
Done at Choueguen, tlie 1" of August, 1727.
(Signed) Begon.
' See note 1, V., 797. A new conimiesion was issued to Evert Bancker, 7th March, 1727, appointing him cnjitain and
commander of all hia Majesty's Christian suhj.-cta in the country of the Five Nations, and commissary at Oswego, in virtue of
the provincial act, entitled " An Act for regulating and securing the Indian Trade to the Westward of Albany," Ac. £uok of
Commiuioni, IIL, 277. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 975
Compared with the original on paper remaining in the Secretary's office of the
Castle of Saint Louis, of Quebec, by the undersigned. Royal Notary, resident in
the Prevote of Quebec, tiiis SS"" of July, 1750.
Du Laurent.
Francis Bigot.
Previous to this summons M. de Beauharnois had written to the Governor-general of
New-York. [Supra, p. 969.]
/Speech of some Iroquois to Chevalier Begon, on his way to Oswego,
He aux Galots,' July, 1727.
Father: We have had a meeting to consider your intended voyage to Choueguen, and
are come to communicate our resolution, in order that you may acquaint us with your
opinion thereupon.
We are sufficiently acquainted with the insolence of the English to apprehend that they
will not receive you with that urbanity which ought to exist between two Nations that are
engaged in any negotiation. Some of them may so speak as to make you depart again from
our country in ill humor; We therefore request you to allow us to address them the first
on our arrival at Choueguen, and this is what we propose to say to them :
" Brothers : Here is our father, Onontio, who is about to treat with you respecting an affair
which regards not only you but us also, since it is on our land the house in question is built.
You appear to me on both sides so full of jealousy, the one against the other, that I have
reason to believe you are inclined to come to blows. I therefore interpose myself between
you to put a stop to the impetuosity of your ill temper; and for you. Brother Englishman, I
recommend you not to rely on numbers, to listen quietly to what may be said to you and to
answer it in like manner. Reflect, and remember that you are on soil of which we are
the masters."
Meanwhile, M"' Begon having summoned the place before they had spoken, they were
obliged to deliver, instead of the above, the following speech :
"Englishman and Brother: We are very glad that nothing but mild words have passed
between you ; we could not but feel great astonishment that land which does not belong to
you should cause you so much trouble. You say I have sold it to you, and I on my side insist,
that I have only loaned it to you ; do not, then, consider yourself there in any other light, and
never give any cause for its being stained with blood."
We were not present at this speech ; they repeated it to us only briefly a little before we
started from Choueguen, requesting M. Begon to communicate their sentiments to their father.
' In the town of Henderson, Jeflferson county, N. Y. — Ed.
976 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Abstract of De-spatcJies relating to Oswego and Niagara.
Abstract of Despatches received from the Governor and Intendant of Canada,
respecting the post established at Niagara, with the decision of the Court of
France thereupon. 1725, 1726, 1727.
The Marquis de Vaudreuil reported in 1725 an establishment projected by the English at
tiie mouth of the River Clioueguen, on the borders of Lake Ontario, in the Upper country,
which is a part of New France, and adjacent to the French post at Niagara, among the Iroquois.
It was of importance to prevent that establishment, more especially as the French have
always exclusively carried on the trade with the Indians of the Upper countries; as the English
thought of going to trade there only since the peace of Utrecht, and as they are now trying to
drive us thence by force of presents to the Indians, whom they furnish with goods at a low
rate, and supply with Rum, which is their favorite beverage.
M. de Vaudreuil ordered M. de Longueil, Governor of Montreal to proceed to the Iroquois,
and to summon the English established there to withdraw.
On his return from his mission, M. de Longueil reported that he had found a hundred
Englishmen with over 60 canoes at the portage of the River Choueguen, four leagues from
Lake Ontario, who obliged him to exhibit his passport, and showed him an order from the
Governor of New-York not to allow any Frenchman to go by without a passport.
He afterwards repaired to Onontague, an Iroquois village, and obtained the consent of their
Chiefs to the erection of a stone house at Niagara, in the place of the one which fell in ruins;
also, to the construction of two barks for the transportation of the materials.
Mess" de Longueil and Begon made a report on the subject, and observed that it was of the
utmost importance to urge on this work, which they proposed undertaking the following spring.
They transmitted a plan of it, and the estimate, amounting to 29,295" ; and they had the two
barks constructed at a cost of 13,090''.
On the account having been transmitted to the King, his Majesty ordered these funds to be
remitted, and they have been sent last year.
Sieur Chaussegros, Engineer, the superintendent of that work by order of M"" de Longueil,
who had indicated to him, in writing, the most suitable places in the neighborhood, transmits
a map of Lake Ontario, with that of the mouth of the Niagara river, and the plans and
elevations of the house he had erected on the site of an old fort selected by the late Marquis
de Denonville, Governor and Lieutenant-general. The part colored yellow, on these plans,
indicates the portion that it was impossible to complete, and which will be finished this
spring. He has traced a fort around this house, and gives some reasons which obliged him
not to build it at the Portage marked II,on the site of the former house, but to locate it at the
mouth of the iNiagara river, at tiie point marked Tgj so as to prevent tiie English going to trade
on the North shore of tlie Lake, and seizing on that river, which is the passage from the Upper
country, as the Lake cannot be crossed with their bark canoes ; whilst, had he built at the
Portage, which is tiiree leagues up that river, and should the English locate themselves at
at the mouth, where the House is erected, the Lake would be surrendered to them, and the
House blockaded in such a manner that it would be impossible to assist it or to withdraw
the garrison from it. On the other hand, it is impossible for sloops to reach the Portage owing
to the strong current, whilst they experience no difliculty in navigating the Lake. They make
the trip from Fort Frontenac to Niagara and return, in less than 14 days.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 977
Mess" de Beauharnois and Dupuy represent that House as being well located for defending
the communication into the lake, and the passage from the lake to the Upper countries, but
that it does not absolutely command the Portage, which is the spot where everything passes.
In order to remedy this inconvenience, they propose to rebuild that which stood at the Portage,
at the place marked B, and say that such expense is absolutely indispensable, if it be desirable
to secure the Upper country. They transmit the Plan and elevation thereof, with an estimate
amounting to 20,430" 14' ll"*.
They add, that this building will not give any umbrage to the Indians, inasmuch as it will
be considered as the reerection of one entirely similar to that which stood there, and has
almost fallen down. It will not be a new affair, requiring negotiation with them.
With a view to cut off the communication of the English with Lake Ontario, they propose
building a fort and house at the mouth of the River Choueguen, in order to secure the entrance
into and issue from it into the Lake. They send the plan of the harbor of this river, on which
the location of the proposed house is marked.
They are obliged to propose this course in order to keep up with the resolution to build a
house at the same place adopted by the English, who being unable to make the Indians
entertain the proposal they had submitted, to demolish the post at Niagara or to allow them to
build a similar one, have directed their attention to Choueguen, under the conviction that the
first who shall occupy that post, whether they or the French, will derive most advantage
from the trade with the Upper country.
Another reason for coming to this determination is, that this post is one of the points in the
Colony the best adapted to facilitate the commuuication of the English and the French for
foreign commerce, which is what it is desirable to prevent.
That, in fine, the Iroquois having consented to the erection of the house at Niagara, will
consent the more readily to this other, as they have disapproved the violence the English
offered in 1724 to M. de Longueuil at that place ; as they would witness with impatience the
advancement of the English so far into the River Choueguen, having given them liberty to
proceed only to the fall of GastonchiagU(5, within 6 leagues of the Lake, telling them at the
same time that they did not concede, but loan them the soil.
That it is to be apprehended that the English will renew their attempts on these Indians,
whom they load with presents, whilst we give them but little. But the English will soon
abandon the design of building a post at that place if they see us forming a plan of settling
there. Add to this, should we allow them to anticipate us, they would soon, like us, have
vessels on the Lake, and it would be necessary to come to a rupture in order to destroy their
barks and house ; whilst, without any rupture, we can plunder their canoes on the ground of
being articles of contraband seized in the hands of private individuals, and it would be
impossible to destroy an establishment they would have formed, without such proceeding being
offensive to the Nation.
25 July, 1726. M. de Longueuil observes, that they have learned that Sieur Chaussegros
de Lery had located the house at Niagara in a different place from that he had designated to
him, and which seemed to M. de Longueuil the best adapted to command the portage and
the communication between the two lakes ; that this Engineer will probably have reported the
reasons of this change, and, with that exception, the business has been well managed and
pushed forward, and that the barks constructed at Fort Fronteuac have afforded wonderful
Vol. IX. 123
978 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
assistance ; that no opposition has been offered by the Iroquois, who, on the contrary,
appeared highly pleased to see us near them; but that the English, uneasy and jealous, have
solicited and gained over some Seneca chiefs to thwart this establishment, which has been
productive of no other effect than to attach the Iroquois to us more strongly, who have
renewed the assurance they gave us last year that they would not disturb us in the construction
of that house, and were always friendly to us.
He ordered Chevalier de Longueil, his son, who was in command there, not to return until
the English and Dutch have retired from Choueguen, where they have passed the entire
summer, to the number of 300 men, and to have their canoes plundered, should he meet any
of them trading in the Lake.
IS"' September, 1726. The Marquis de Beauharnois transmits an extract of a letter from
Chevalier de Longueil, dated Niagara, the 5"" of 7''", 1726, stating that there are no more
Englishmen at Choueguen, along the Lake, nor in the river, and that if he encounter any in
the Lake he will have them pillaged.
That the house at Niagara is very much advanced, and would have been finished had it not
been for the sickness that broke out among the workmen, 30 of whom have been ill ; but that
the place is inclosed and secured.
By another extract of a letter from Sieur de Noyan, who had arrived from Niagara on the
22nd 7ber^ 1726, it appears that the English have represented to the Five Iroquois Nations
that they would be reduced to slavery by the French, who had sworn their common
destruction, if not anticipated by pulling down the building at Niagara, and that the sloops
would serve to take them away into captivity.
That they delivered themselves up to destruction when they gave their consent to such
undertakings; exhorted them to shake off their lethargy and to take courage; that they would
join them.
Whereupon the Indians had answered them : You have been a long time repeating the same
thing to us, and always in vain ; we do not regret having given our consent to the building of
the house and the barks ; we have given our word, and are satisfied with the manner in
which the French have acted ; it is useless to say any more, and if this post offend you, go and
pull it down, or settle the matter with our Father, Onontio.
Not satisfied with this answer, the English renewed the attempt by repeating that since it
was useless to warn them of their destruction, they must be informed that the English propose
to build a house also at Niagara, opposite that of their father, Onontio ; that they asked
only their consent, not wishing to do any thing except in concert with them. To this the
Indians replied: Settle the matter with Onontio; we do not wish to meddle with it.
These answers having been reported to the English governor, he invited the Chiefs of the
Five Nations to come to Orange, where he met them in the hope of succeeding in his demand.
But they did not change their minds, and rejected all his proposals.
25 Octob', 1726. The Marquis dc Beauharnois has since learned from M. de la Come, the
King's lieutenant at Montreal, that he had been informed by Tegaioguen, a chief of the Indians
of the Sault Saint Louis, recently returned from Orange, where he assisted at a council which
the Governor held with the Chiefs of tlie Five Iroquois Nations, that, on the English governor
iuciuiring which of the Five Nations had permitted the French to settle at Niagara, they
PARIS DOCUMENTS: VII. 979
answered, they had all consented to it; that they did not, indeed, suppose that Onontio would
erect a stronghold there, but if that was displeasing to the King of England, he had only to
tell him, in regard to them, they would raze the house without any interference on the part of
the English ; that, after divers others speeches, the Iroquois had promised this governor
absolutely to pull down this house in the spring.
Sieur de la Corne has learned from another source that the English had bribed the Iroquois
to get rid of Sieur de la Joncaire, the commander at Niagara, and to pull dovpn the house ; that,
with this view, they had made considerable presents to the Iroquois, who had promised to
execute the wishes of the English governor.
That they had sent four Belts to the Indians of the Sault Saint Louis, the Lake of the Two
Mountains, the Algonkins and Nepissings, to invite them to remain quiet when the Iroquois
will be denaolishing this house.
M. de Beauharnois states that though this information comes from Indians, who frequently
give false intelligence, he has written to M. de Longueil, the Governor of Montreal, to advise
Sieur de la Joncaire of it, and even to send, if necessary, an officer to the Iroquois to inquire
of them the truth, and to prevent them stirring, in case they should entertain evil designs, this
being an affair of the greatest consequence to the Colony.
Sieur de Chaussegros sends the plan of Fort Frontenac, which he drew in passing.
g'?te^by the Tiig prench have been, from all time, in exclusive possession of the trade with the
"^^' Indians of the Upper countries of New France.
They had formerly a fort at Niagara, on Lake Ontario, in the Iroquois country, but
time had destroyed it.
The English did not think of going to trade to those countries until after the
Treaty of Utrecht; and they are endeavoring to drive us therefrom by making
presents to the Indians, whom they supply with goods at a low rate, and furnish
with Rum, which is their favorite drink. They had even projected a settlement at
the mouth of the River Choueguen, on the borders of the same Lake, and pretty
near the French post at Niagara.
The late Marquis de Vaudreuil, Governor and Lieutenant-general, in giving notice
thereof in 1725, and in representing the importance of preventing that English
settlement, proposed to rebuild Fort Niagara.
He instructed M. de Longueuil to go to the Iroquois. Tiiis officer met one
hundred Englishmen. ######*#
Note by ihe King. fhe post at Niagara is of the utmost importance for the preservation to the
French of the trade to the Upper country.
The English have recourse to every means to monopolize that trade, because
it would make them masters of the Indians and very soon of Canada.
The house erected last year serves only in part to secure tiiis trade to the
French, and the proposal submitted by the Governor and Intendant respecting
the old House and the erection of a post at Choueguen, appears very important;
but as it is not convenient to undertake all these things at once, it appears
necessary to authorize the reconstruction of the old House at Niagara, the expense
whereof, amounting to 20,430", may be placed on the Estimate of the expenses
payable in 1728 by the Domain of the West.
980 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
When this post shall be permanently established, that of Choueguen can be
authorized. Meanwhile, it would be well to require the Plan and Estimate, and
to recommend the adoption of the most precise measures to prevent the English
forming an Establishment there.
These posts will secure to the French the Trade of the Upper Country, and
keep the Iroquois Nations in check.
Approved.
Answer to the Memoir of his Britannic Majesty. 1727.
The French having rebuilt the trading-house — the fort, if you will — which they have had
during several years at the Falls of Niagara, on the River of Canada, the Governor of New- York
immediately complained thereof to the Court of England, representing this act on the part
of the French as an attack on, and infraction of, the Treaty of Utrecht, which binds the
subjects of the two Crowns not to molest the Indians, subjects or allies of the two nations.
The Iroquois, 'tis said, are subjects of his Britannic Majesty, their lands belong to the Domain
of Great Britain, the fort which the French have rebuilt is on these lands; therefore the French
could not build it without contravening the Treaty of Utrecht. Such is the state of the question,
and the foundation of the complaints of England.
The Court of France has been so much the more surprised at a complaint so ill founded,
inasmuch as it has been for seven or eight years protesting against attacks much more real,
on the part of the English, who, abusing the peace, and the attention paid by the French,
up to the present time, to preserve good correspondence between both Nations, violate the
most formal articles of the Treaty of Utrecht, set up chimerical pretensions, and, under
pretence of putting themselves in possession of what the Treaty of Utrecht allows them, really
usurp lands which belong manifestly to the French, and to the Indians their allies, and pending
that same peace, commit hostilities, and do us more injury than they were ever able to commit
during all the time that the war continued.
Already regarding, in virtue of vain pretensions, all the country between New England and
Acadia as forming part of that same Acadia, or Nova Scotia, have they built Fort Saint George
on French soil, and divers other forts beyond, on lands belonging to the Abenaquis, our allies ;
carried off by surprise, and treated as enemies, some Indians and a French officer ; massacred
Father Rale, set a price on the head of the Missionaries, destroyed the Mission of Narautsouk,
fired and profaned the Church belonging to that Mission, captured two French ships in the
Gulf of Saint Lawrence, built forts on the Islands in front of Canceaux, notwithstanding all
the islands in or appertaing to the Gulf are, by an express article of the Treaty of Utrecht,
adjudged to belong to the French; treated with contempt the French whom the Governor-
general of Canada had sent to Boston, to complain thereof; and, in fine, cease not to send
Belts, secretly, to the Upper Nations of Indians, to induce them to attack the French, and to
compromise themselves thereby.
Admit, for a moment, the truth of the assertion that the French had built Fort Niagara on
territory indisputably English, and that the complaint of the latter in this regard is just and
legitimate, have we not a right to say to them :
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 981
You were the first to commence hostilities ; you have been the first to violate the Treaty of
Utrecht; you have erected forts on territory belonging to us and to our Indian allies; you
have waged a cruel war against those Indians, our ancient allies, whom we could regard as
our subjects with as much reason as you assert the Iroquois to be yours, and even with more
justice. Begin, then, by razing those forts; cease to molest our Indians, repair the evil and
the damage you have committed, and then we will attend to your complaint respecting Fort
Niagara, if it be well founded.
Thus, I say, could we answer the English, supposing things were equal, and their complaints
as legitimate as ours ; but such is far from being the case, and I flatter myself I shall
demonstrate that all their pretensions are ill founded, and that it is France alone that is
wronged, and justly entitled to complain.
Justice of the Complaint of France against the encroachments of the English on the territory of the
Ahenaquis, its Allies.
The English pretend that, in virtue of the treaty of Utrecht, which cedes to them Acadia,
or Nova Scotia, all the territory they have usurped forms part of Acadia, and forcibly usurp
more than one hundred leagues of country, notwithstanding that the article of the Treaty of
Utrecht cedes to them only Acadia comprehended within its ancient limits. This, as has
been demonstrated by divers Memoirs presented to the Court, and as all ancient Maps and
Relations verify, includes, under that name, the triangular Peninsula only. All the forts
which the English have built are without this Peninsula ; therefore, etc
The right claimed by the English, at the Peace of Utrecht, was founded on a Grant made
by James the first. King of Great Britain, to Sir Alexander, of that same Acadia, which he
called Nova Scotia. By virtue of this very grant, the English ought to be nonsuited, for the
Preamble to that very Instrument sets forth that King James granted the territory only on
the supposition that it was not occupied by any Christian Prince, and 'tis unquestionable that
it was then in possession of the French, who were expelled therefrom by Sir Alexander the
following year, although France and England were then in profound peace ; the French,
shortly after, drove oiFthe people Sir Alexander ^ had left there, and have ever since constantly
occupied it. Be that as it may, it was ceded to the French at the Treaty of Utrecht.
' ■William Alexandee, a younger son of Alexander Alexander, proprietor of the estate of Monstrie, in Clackmannanshire,
Scotland, was born in the year 1580. Having received a liberal education, he was selected as traveling companion to the
Duke of Argyle. On his return from foreign parts he lived for some time a retired life in Scotland, and published his
Aurora, a poetical complaint on the unsuccessful addresses he had made to a lady, who declining the honor of his hand, had,
as he expressed it, "matched her morning to one in the evening of bis days;" not long after this he married Janet, daughter
and heiress of Sir William Erskine, and removed to the Court of James the Sixth, when he published a tragedy on the story
of Darius, and two poems, one congratulating his Majesty on his entry into England, the other on the inundation of Dover,
where the King used to recreate himself with the diversion of hawking. In 1607, his dramatic performances, entitled the
Monarchical Ti-agedies, were published, containing besides Darius, just mentioned, Croesus, the Alexandrian, and Julius Caesar ;
he was also the author of a poem called Doomsday, and several other pieces, and it is said His Majesty used to call him his
philosophical poet In 1613, he was appointed one of the gentleman ushers of the presence, to Prince Charles, and master
of the requests, and received the honor of knighthood. In 1621, he obtained the grant of Nova Scotia. In 1626, the King
appointed him Secretary of State for Scotland, created him a peer of that kingdom in 1630, by the title of Viscount Sterling,
and soon afterwards, by letters patent, dated 14th June, 1633, made him Earl of Sterling. He discharged the duties of the
ofEce of Secretary of State with great reputation, until the time of his death, which happened in 1640. He left two sons
and two daughters. The title of the Earl of Sterling has been supposed for many years to be extinct. Ealiburton's History
of Nova Scotia, L, 40. — En.
982 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
But, assuming Acadia according to the express terms of the grant, and according to the
lines laid down in that Patent, the English are in the wrong, for it is certain that the forts
they have built are without the designated points of the compass (Rhumbs de Vent); that fort
Saint George is on French territory, and the remainder on the lands of the Abenaquis. They
have built, then, on lands belonging to others, and have manifestly contravened the Treaty
of Utrecht.
Inasmuch as the ancient limits of Acadia have not been determined, it is at least certain and
evident that the right of the English was doubtful. Does it belong, then, to the latter alone,
to decide the question according to the plan they appear to have adopted, to encroach every
where; and is it not an infraction of Treaties to act thus violently? The infraction is much
more evident in respect to the Islands in front of Caneceaux, which are in the Gulf, and are,
including their dependencies, ceded to France.
The Right of the French and English to Fort Niagara examined.
The claim of the English is quite recent, and has been put forth only since the peace of
Utrecht. Fort Niagara, say they, is situate on Iroquois territory ; the Iroquois are declared
by the peace of Utrecht to be our subjects ; therefore the French, by building a fort in the
Iroquois country, establish themselves on soil belonging to others, and violate that article of
the peace of Utrecht. Nothing is more frivolous, nor more easily upset than this pretence.
1" It is false that the Iroquois have been declared subjects of England by the Treaty of
Utrecht; for, though Article 15 states nothing else than that the French and English mutually
shall not anywise molest the Five Nations and other Indians their subjects or allies, the
Iroquois are not once named. It was not pretended, in the discussions in Congress, what
nations were allies or subjects ; it was neither desired nor thought of, and this is apparent
from Article 15 itself, in which it is specially stipulated that Commissioners shall be
nominated to determine exactly who those will be that are, or ought to be deemed, subjects or
friends of France and of Great Britain. France never did and never could understand that
the English would carry their views so far; the thing is of such great importance that, had
there been any question about it, it had well merited a distinct article, exactly stipulating
that cession in the same manner as one was dravfn up for Port Itoyal and other less
important points.
S""* It is not known by what authority the English can regard the Iroquois as their subjects.
There is not a single Indian Nation that France or England could treat in that wise. All the
Indinns, and particularly the Iroquois, who are superior to all the rest, have the feeling of
Independence and their Liberty so much at heart, that they could not fail to be grievously
insulted were they to be told that they were considered subjects. They pretend to be their
own masters, and so they are ; the Iroquois regard the English as their allies, but the French
are such by a better title and of more ancient date.
The Governor of New-York would not now dare to say to the Iroquois — You are the subjects
of the King of Great Britain ; nor attempt any thing on their lands without having the consent of
the National Council. This was recently made very manifest; for, the English being desirous
to prevent the establishment at Niagara, and having repaired in large numbers to intercept M.
de Lon"-ueuil, had the hardihood to stop him notwithstanding the passport he had from
M. de Vaudreuil, Governor-general of New France. But M. de Longueuil complaining to the
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 983
Iroquois of that violence committed against the French, their ancient allies, the Iroquois took
the matter up against the English, and did themselves favor the new establishment despite of
all the opposition the English could manifest against it.
3"* If the English pretend to found their right to the country of the Iroquois, and
consequently to them as subjects, on the grant that they themselves made of their lands
and persons, through the pretended Ambassadors the Governor of Nev7-York sent over to England
towards the close of Queen Anne's reign, nothing certainly can be more frivolous. That was
a pure farce that was acted in England, where these pretended Ambassadors were carried
around as Iroquois Princes and Indian Kings, who were come to lay at the Queen's feet their
Crowns, as people called a paltry ornament common to all Indians, and which among them is
a token neither of honor nor of dignity. These pretended Ambassadors were nothing more
than Farkailers^ of no character; neither Chiefs nor deputies from the Chiefs or Council of
the Nation, who in their hearts ridiculed the grand part they were made to perform, and
have since been disavowed by the Five Nations, who delegated to them neither power,
commission, nor character. The principal man among them was, as is commonly believed,
poisoned by a secret vote of the Council ; and finally, on rumors of their acts having transpired,
the Five Nations sent a deputation to the Governor-general of New France, to inform him that
they had intelligence of certain pretensions set up by the English, against whom they might in
consequence be obliged to take up the hatchet; and to ascertain whether he would furnish
them, in that case, with provisions and ammunition.
i"" If either of the two Crowns had a right to regard the Five Nations as subjects, it should
certainly be that of France, since the Iroquois have repeatedly placed themselves and their
lands under the protection of the Most Christian King, by a vote of the Council of the entire
Nation, and by authentic Instruments, signed by the Chiefs, after their fashion, with the figures
of the Totems of the three Tribes — the Bear, the Wolf, and Tortoise. They themselves
are aware that they have contracted, by virtue of these instruments, an alliance more potent
than any ordinary one, such as that with the Crown of Great Britain. This they demonstrate
in Council for upwards of a century, by the difference they observe between one and the other
Crown ; always calling the Governor-general of Canada, Father, whilst they call the Governors
of New- York and Boston only Brother.
S"* The Five Iroquois Nations did submit themselves and their lands, in a manner still
more special and more solemn, at the time when Count de Frontenac and M. de Denonviile
carried the war into their proper country. They then escaped utter ruin only by the
submission of their persons and lands — a submission which, in fact, arrested the anger of
the victorious French, who had it in their power to utterly destroy them, and who are
entitled, since that time, to regard them as subjects by right of conquest.
6"" 'Tis certain that the Iroquois did unite themselves to the French by Treaties more
ancient, more frequent, and much more authentic than those they concluded with Count de
Frontenac and M. de Denonviile, so that they considered themselves bound always to observe
a strict neutrality with France. In fact, though the English regarded them as their subjects,
they could never force them, throughout the whole of the last war, to take up arms against the
French, notwithstanding the Iroquois and other Indians, settled in our Colonies, waged a very
active war against the King of Great Britain's subjects.
' Sie. Qu ? Particuliers, private individuals. — Ed.
984 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
T-^ The Iroquois never gave themselves to the English otherwise than as they gave
themselves to us. If the English regard them as subjects, vee can consider them such likewise,
and with a better right, as I have just demonstrated. We alone, indeed, can justly do it, for,
in fine, if they have given themselves up to France as subjects before they did so to England,
they no longer possess the right to make themselves over to others, and we are justified in
maintaining our possession.
S"* It must, however, be admitted, as I have already remarked, that there is not an Indian
Nation in North America that ought to be considered in any other light than as friends and
allies. The Iroquois are allies of the English, but they are allies of the French, also ; their
alliance has existed in spite of the war waged by the two Crowns. Therefore, [if] Article 15
of the Treaty of Utrecht regards the French and the English equally, we are justified in
preventing the English molesting the Iroquois, who are our allies. Therefore, if to have a fort
at Niagara, on Iroquois territory, though with the consent of the Iroquois themselves, be to
molest the Iroquois, the English are also deemed to molest them in having caused a post to be
erected at Chouegen, which it is as much our interest to require them to demolish, as it can
be theirs that we should raze that of Niagara.
9"» All this is under the supposition that Forts Niagara and Chouaguen are on Iroquois
territory, but this principle is false. The bounds of the Indian territory are indefinite, if it be
pretended to include their hunting ground in it. Their country properly is only where their
villages and fields are located, and on this principle the posts at Niagara and Chouaguen are
on French territory. We do nothing, then, but rebuild a house in ruins on our own soil, where
Fort Denonville stood, whilst the English, in establishing themselves at Chouaguein, build on
French territory.
10"" The possession of the River Saint Lawrence, and the liberty the French have to settle
on what part of it soever they think proper, as well as on the Lakes, are so fully admitted by
the English themselves, that, in order to preserve good correspondence between the two
Crowns, it has been specially stipulated in the Treaties formerly concluded between the
Governors of New France and New England that the subjects of Great Britain should not
have the privilege of coming thither to trade with the Indians ; that they would be deemed
by the sole act as contravening the order of their Sovereign, and would subject themselves to
the confiscation of all their goods, and to other penalties, etc.
ll"" Up to the Treaty of Utrecht, the English considered themselves so little masters of the
Iroquois that they have never been able to prevent them having constantly in their villages
French Missionaries, officers, garrisons, and some sort of forts. Even during the last war, they
had Missionaries among them, who would still be there, were it not for the violences which
the English have been always guilty of towards them, not with the consent of the chiefs of the
Nation, but through indecent artifices constantly had recourse to even in time of profound
peace, hiring individual Indians to get drunk and to insult the Missionaries. These persecutions
have been, in fact, so frequent and so importunate, that the Missionaries, ever in danger of
their lives from these drunken hirelings, have been obliged to abandon the place. This did
not prevent the Chiefs and Council of the Five Nations asking the Governor-general of New
France, repeatedly since the peace of Utrecht, to furnish them again with Missionaries for
their instruction, which they certainly would not have done did they consider themselves
subjects of England.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: VII. 985
IS"" It betokens very slender acquaintance with the situation of America to pretend that
this constructed fort would molest the Iroquois and cause trouble with the nations allies of
England. So far from it giving them trouble, the Iroquois, who are the most interested therein,
have consented to it, have desired it. No further proofs of that are necessary than the fact
of the erection of the fort itself, for how could a hundred Frenchmen have succeeded in
constructing this fort, if any disposition to oppose them prevailed among the Iroquois, who are
in great numbers, and would have been seconded by the English?
IS"" We have, long ago, built forts in divers places on both branches of the River Saint
Lawrence. So far from these forts being hurtful to the Indian trade, they serve only to secure
it. The English can themselves acknowledge, in good faith, that these forts do not prevent
our allies going to trade with them whenever so inclined.
14"" The English cannot draw any argument from this in favor of their establishment at
Chouaguen; because this latter is on French territory, intersects all communication between
the Indians of the Upper and those of the Lower country, and has the same effect in favor
of the English, as a fort between Paris'and Rouen.
From all which it follows, that the French alone have the right to demand justice against
the encroachments of the English ; to require that they pull down the forts they have built on
French territory, and on that belonging to the Abenaquis, our allies; abandon the Islands in
the Gut of Canceaux ; restore the goods and vessels they have captured, and make satisfaction
for the Missionary and Indians they have killed, and for the Church and Mission they have
destroyed.
Collated and compared with a copy of an unsigned Memoir or Note on paper in
the Secretary's office of the Castle of S' Louis, of Quebec, by the undersigned. Royal
Notary, resident in the Pre vote of Quebec, this as"" day of July, 1750.
DULAURENT.
Francis Bigot, etc., etc. We certify, etc., etc.
Note of the Minister.
Abstract of M. Dupuy^s Memoir respecting the English.
M. Dupuy observes that special attention is to be paid to the great number of
has assuredly some designs on that town, and that an order from the King to all
these families to remove to Quebec would benefit that town and derange
hanmgtoJJ! their projects.
OT8eiiln|kiiny'*way That 'twould have been desirable to have anticipated the establishment at
ever. To put into Choucgueu (advice whereof was given) by sending thither at the very opening of
§?octoteF^^Tr"'r'ii *^^ spring. However, though the house be built, if the suppression of smuggling
^cting Foreigners, ^^^j jj^g g^jg ^jthjn ^hc Colouy of prohibited articles be made an object, they
will have that post pulled down, for it is rather a speculation of the Merchants than a
National undertaking.
Vol. IX. 124
986 NEW- YORK (.^OLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
As for the other pretensions of the English, his opinion is, to make a pretext of, without
deferring, the conferences indicated by article 15 of the Treaty of Utrecht, and we [can manage]
these conferences to arrest their designs and learn what is to be expected from them.
The rights and property France possesses over all Canada are not compromised by the Treaty
of Utrecht; it is not doubted that the country belongs wholly to her; there is not a word of any
sort in it about limits to be regulated between the two powers, but simply of a mixture of Indian
Nations scattered tliroughout Canada, who, on account of vicinity, may prefer the protection
of one or the other Crown, without this personal protection conveying any right of property
to the lands and possessions of the Nations who are protected, it being very easily demonstrated
that the word "subjects," inserted in that Article, is a frivolous expression, for the Engli.sh
are not able to arrogate to themselves the relative quality of subjects, in the person of Indians,
as they do not possess over them that of Sovereigns nor Conquerors ; whilst the King of
France has made conquests in Canada, of which his Majesty could take advantage, as regards
the Indians.
It may also be added, that the English have not acquired, over the Five Iroquois Nations,
the right of property they arrogate to themselves in virtue of the said Article 15 of the Treaty.
The liberty of these Nations is a continual protest against a Treaty in which they had no part,
and the question, what Nations are friendly to, or allies of, the two Powers, remains still to be
settled by Commissioners.
Therefore the Governor of New England' was in no wise justified in complaining of the
building at Niagara as an infraction of the Treaty, tiie English possessing nothing on tiiese
lands. If it be by right of protection, liis complaint is a superfluity, the Indians having
consented ; and the consent he quotes, as evidence that the territory does not belong to the
French, does not prove any thing, because it is not with the Indians that we have the discussion.
Besides, we would easily dispense with it, as we had built there in 16S7, but it has no application
in a Colony and a discovered Country, where people are, as we always have been, partners in
every thing with the natives by unanimous consent, which they very well understand, since
they call the King of France their Father, and the Canadians their Brothers.
All this affair consists then in the perfect analysis and distinction of the Articles of the
Treaty of Utrecht, the 15"" Article whereof does not make mention of any property or possession,
and where it is always assumed as belonging to France, as in fact it has always done; and
although the Marquis de Beauharnois hath allowed the word " limits " to escape in the letter
he wrote to the English Governor, whereunto he hath not paid sufficient attention, as he ought
to have confined himself simply to the text, this word "limits" is not found in the recapitulation
the English Governor makes of Article 15, and of the terms in which it is conceived.
'Tis nothing more, then, than an Article of respect and of details, and a precaution adopted
to obviate what might embroil the two crowns; and the provision that the Indian Nations will
be at liberty to visit mutually such French and British Colonies, siiovvs that those nations must
have been deemed perfectly distinct and separate, since the Commissioners have no other
power than to distinguish and specify these nations.
Such is not the case with Articles 12 and 13 of that Treaty, which have reference to estates
and properties, the King ceding Newfoundland and Acadia thereby.
As regards Acadia, the King cedes it according to its ancient limits ; but as he never had any
dispute respecting Acadia with any Power, wherein Limits could be designated by him, these
' Sic. New-York. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VII. 987
ancient limits are no other than those given hy Nature. It is a Peninsula and a portion of land
attached to a larger continent. These ancient and natural boundaries are, tiierefore, only its
Isthmus, or tongue of land, which separates it, and holds it attached to the principal continent,
of which it forms a part, in the possession of one Sovereign.
The accessory may, indeed, follow the condition of the principal subject, but not carry it
away with it. If the King have ceded any thing else besides Acadia, he siiould have explained
himself distinctly thereupon. Tliis more ample cession demanded a special explanation,
without which tlie cession of a part so distinct and separate could never have carried with it
any portion of tlie Continent, which remained to the King in its integrity, to be calculated
from the River St. George, and from that river proceeding towards Virginia, with the exception
of what the English have usurped from the French nearly a century after France had entered
into possession.
He says, the Decree of the 20"" of March, 1703, by which the King reannexed Acadia to
his domain, throws great light on this point.
That decree alleges, in one article, that the River Saint George forms the frontier and
bounds of the Province of Acadia to the South, toward New England. In another part,
its bounds are from the mouth of the River of the Isle Verite to New England. And in a third,
it is called Peninsula.
He observes, that he has prepared a longer Memoir on the subject, which he could not
continue in consequence of having fallen sick ; he will transmit it immediately, as it is so much
the more necessary to engage conferences thereupon, for should the English again preoccupy
any post, as they threaten to do, it would perhaps be necessary to leave [it] to them by
arrangement. Herein lies always the danger, when things are suffered to drag; and Canada
would be no longer as valuable as it is to the King, should the English encroach on it further
than they have already done.
If my Lord consider him qualified, and deem it expedient to begin some informal conferences,
which would at least suspend the progress of encroachmnt, and afford time to collect Forces,
M. Dupuy offers to set out. Perhaps even it would not be useless to learn the disposition of
New England. He will await orders thereupon.
Annotation. It does not appear proper to regulate any thing, nor exhibit any
desire to do so.
In my opinion we must not evince any doubt of our right, but at the same time
neither cause nor give rise to any idea that we are desirous to form any new
establishments.
The people of New England' are an industrious people, who think only of
thoroughly cultivating their land; they will not think of going to form an
establishment, and will not approve of undertaking any, because they must bear the
expense of it.
This is not the case with the French. The Canadian would wish that settlements
were made 500 leagues off"; these sorts of new establishments cannot but be a source
of gain to him as well as to the governors, who have by these means more favors to
bestow and more money to spend.
'York?
988 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
It is not expedient for us to remain quiet ; and Mr. Dupuy appears to be in error
when he treats as a bagatelle the article of the Treaty which states that Commissioners
will determine which are the friendly or allied Nations belonging to the two Powers.
This rule, once established, will necessarily bring the country of the friendly or
allied Nation under the Crown of which the Commissioners shall declare it the
friend or ally.
1st November, 1727.
Lords of Trade to the Duke of Newcastle.
Translation of the letter written by the Lords Commissioners of the Board of
Trade to his Grace the Duke of Newcastle.
Whitehall, 21" Dec', 1727.
My Lord,
Your Grace will perceive by the inclosed copy of a letter which we have had the honor to
write formerly to you, and likewise by the copies of letters we have just received from M'
Burnet, Governor of New-York, what industry is employed by the French at Canada to
encroach upon his Majesty's Dominions in those parts.
In the year 1726 they erected a Fort at Niagara, upon the land belonging to the Five Indian
Nations subject to His Majesty, of which complaint has been made, but no redress has as
yet been obtained.
Since the building of the Fort by the French, Mr. Burnet has thought it necessary to erect
another on the River Osuego, within the territory of the Five Indian Nations, for the protection
of our Trade in those parts. What we now complain of is, that the Governor of Canada has
peremptorily demanded that this fort be demolished.
This proceeding of the French Governor we conceive to be directly contrary to the Treaty
of Utrecht, highly detrimental to his Majesty's Rights, and in no sort agreeable to the good
union at present existing between the two Nations.
But as the papers inclosed will give your Grace a full stale of this affair, we shall only beg
leave to add one circumstance, which must put this matter out of all dispute between the two
crowns, and inevitably decide the right in favor of Great Britain; namely, that in the year
1726 the Indian Nations, as a confirmation of their entire obedience to the Crown of England,
did surrender all their lands to his Majesty, and it is upon part of these very lands that both
the Forts in question are erected.
As we look upon this to be a matter of very great consequence to the British interest in
America, we desire your Grace would be pleased to take the first opportunity to receive His
Majesty's directions for his Minister at the Court of France to make the proper instances for
redressing of those grievances.
We are, &c°.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII. 989
Louis XV. to Messrs. de Beauharnois and Dvpuy-
Canada.
Memoir of the King to Mess" de Beauharnois and Dupuy. 29 April, 1727.
His Majesty has been pleased to learn that the Abenaquis of S' Francis and Becancourt are
disposed to continue the war against the English, and not to listen to any proposals of peace
until the English have razed the forts they have erected on the lands of the Abenaquis. That
course is of such importance to Canada, that Sieur de Beauharnois cannot adopt measures too
precise to foment that war and prevent all accommodation. On which subject his Majesty has
nothing to add to what he has prescribed in his despatch of the 14"" of May, of last year.
On Sieurs de Longueuil and Begon's report that M. Gaulin, Missionary, had prevailed on
the Micmaks and the Indians on the River S' John to conclude peace with the English, his
Majesty caused Sieur de S' Ovide, Governor of Isle Royale, to be written to, with a view
to obtain correct information on the subject, and had orders sent him at the same time to
encourage hostilities. That officer has reported that the Micmaks had not made peace, and so
far from M. Gaulin and the other Missionaries having prevailed on these Indians to do so, that
they had, on the contrary, incurred the displeasure of the English for having incited the
Indians to continue the war ; that it is true some young Micmaks and Indians of the River S'
John, who had been invited to make peace, had, in the month of July, 1726, visited Port Royal,
rather for the purpose of being entertained there than of negotiating a treaty ; that the
Governor had submitted propositions to them, but that their Chiefs had recalled them, and sent
word to Sieur de S' Ovide that they would refer them to him until the spring ; that a party
of 8 Micmaks had since pillaged an English vessel ; that two of these Indians had been killed,
and two others taken prisoners, and that this affair would again enkindle hatred and distrust
among them; that the Indians assured him that they would not listen to the proposed Treaty
of Peace, and seemed disposed to reject any proposals that might be made.
Father Duparc, Superior of the Jesuits in Canada, has written that although the Abenaquis
of Panaounke appeared desirous of peace, they did not delay joining the other Abenaquis in
the march against the English, and that the Indians of Narantsouak would unite with those
of Becancourt. •
All this intelligence, joined to the statements of Sieurs de Beauharnois and Dupuy, afford
reason to believe that those Nations will continue the war; which is greatly to be desired.
His Majesty has continued the fund of 4000" on the Domain of the West as an aid to
Abenaquis families. He approves that a part of the same be appropriated to construct the
picket fort which those of S' Francis and Becancourt have demanded for the purpose of
assuring the more timid of their individual safety. He is persuaded that Sieur de Beauharnois
would not have allowed the erection of that fort, and that Father de la Chasse would not have
proposed it, could it be productive of any inconvenience.
Note. —The above Memoir ought to accompany the King's despatch, of the same date, to Messrs. Beauharnois and Dupuy,
mpra, p. 964, of which it is evidently a part ; but 'tis printed here in its order in the Paris Documents, where it is mixed up
•with the next paper. — Ed.
990 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Abstract of Despatches from Canada ; ivith the Ministei's recommendation^ approved
by the King. 16 March, 1728.
20lh October, 1727. They observe that the peace which the English have concluded with
the Abenaquis has produced a great change in the disposition of these Nations towards us.
Father de la Chasse, whose memoir they transmit respecting the non-execution of the Fort
they had mentioned, pretends that nothing had caused them to take this step but pure
weariness of the war; that those of them who are provided with missionaries always entertain
the same affection for us, and would even be disposed to go to war should an expedition be set
on foot against the Foxes, and the Nations of the Upper country. A more correct opinion of
the situation of the whole can be drawn from the expose of Father de la Chasse than from
their simple conjectures, which is all they can furnish.
Father de la Chasse's Memoir represents, that as the Abenaquis of the village of S' Francis,
within 11 leagues of Three Rivers, and in the centre of Canada, had been required to continue
hostilities against the English, they had demanded, in 1726, to be provided with a Fort of which
they stood in need ; that Mess" de Beauharnois and Dupuy, being in want of funds to build
that fort. Father de la Chasse proposed to appropriate to its construction a portion of the
4000" destined for the support of the women and children of the two villages of S' Francis
and Beccancourt, inasmuch as the 2000'' the King had granted, in augmentation of the
22000" his Majesty had appropriated in ch[arity] for all the Indians of the Continent, were to
be employed in extraordinary presents to the Abenaquis, as was in fact done on occasion of the
death of Father Rasle, whose body has been covered.
Fathers Aubry and Mareil, the missionaries at those two places, agreed to that proposition in
order that these Indians may be deprived of the plausible excuse of the want of a fort for
not continuing the war; but in the beginning of November, 1726, immediately after the
departure of the vessels for France, two Abenaquis of Acadia, Deputies from the Village of
Panaouamske, came to complain to Mess" de Beauharnois and Dupuy that the expeditions from
S' Francis and Beccancourt, which had been got up by the Governor and Intendant, had struck
a blow on the English ; that they, therefore, prayed them to arrest the hatchet of their
Brethren domiciliated in Canada, so as not to expose to destruction the entire Abenaquis
Nation, especially that adjoining the English, which coulc^ not, by itself, resist the forces and
great numbers of the English.
An effort was made to encourage those of Panaouamske to prosecute the war, or at least not
to prevent those of S' Francis and Beccancourt continuing it; but, notwithstanding all the
representations respecting their common interests, they answered that they understood better
than any one the importance it was to themselves not to continue the war against the English,
and even to entertain the proposals for peace that had been offered them, and to arrest the
hatchet of their Brethren domiciliated in Canada, the rebound of which would inevitably fall
on them, and that they were resolved, no matter how much they were forbidden, to visit their
Brethren of S' Francis and Beccancourt, in order to represent the danger to which they were
exposing them by continuing the war. They were told, in answer, that the step they
were about to take, was at entire variance with the interests of the whole nation; that
nevertheless there was no wish to embarrass them. They did proceed thither in fact, and
made the villages of S' Francis and of Beccancourt so sensible of their reasons, that they
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII. 991
continued the war only in spite of themselves ; and hastened to stop some parties that were
already in the field.
As Father Aubery, Missionary of S' Francis, heard nothing but peace spoken of, and saw
that these Indians thought of nothing but of going to ratify the treaty concluded by those of
Panaoiiamske, and no longer asked for a fort, the project of erecting it disappeared.
80 domiciliated Indians, belonging to S' Francis, Beccancourt and Narantsouak, joined those
of Panaouamske and S' John, and all spent the Summer in concluding a peace, the conditions of
which have been transmitted in writing by Father Lauverjeal to iM" de Beauharnais.'
The Missionaries continue to labor diligently to manage the Abenaquis, who serve, even after
the recently concluded peace, in which they have renounced neither their religion, their territory
nor their union with the French, as a barrier against the encroachments of the English, on the
Acadia frontier, where they are partly located and have some French Missionaries.
Besides assisting to prevent tiieir Brethren of Acadia abandoning us altogether, and besides
resisting the seductions of the English, those of S' Francis and Beccancourt will be able to
serve in the war which it is believed it will be necessary to proclaim against the Foxes and
other nations ; Father de la Chasse therefore considers it proper to continue the pension of
4000" to these two villages, which, being distributed by the Missionaries, will keep them
always attached to the French.
25"' 7*"^'' 1727. The Marquis de Beauharnais observes that my Lord will perceive,
particularly from the extract he transmits of the letter of Father Lauvergeat, Missionary at
Panaouamske, how ill founded were Father Aubery's false alarms respecting the peace of the
Abenaquis with the English.
It sets forth that the Chiefs of Panaouamske request him not to entertain any doubt of their
fidelity, and to be persuaded that the English will never be able by all their presents and
schemes to detach them from the French, nor debauch them from their religion ; that if
necessity, or want of strength to continue the war, hath constrained them to make peace, it
will not prevent them joining the French as soon as the latter will declare war : that he will
himself perceive from the paper he transmits how far the English are out in their calculation,
and what degree of credit is to be attatched to these rumors.
The papers sent by Father Lauverjeat are, 1"', a certificate signed by himself and Sieur de
S' Castin, of the 12"' July, 1727, to the effect that they have heard the interpretation of the English
documents containing the Articles of the Peace purporting to have been stipulated at
Boston, and confirmed and ratified at Caskebay, between the Indians of Panaouamske and M'
Dummer, Governor-general of New England, which interpretation has been made in the
Abenaquis tongue, in presence of the Chiefs and Deputies of the said Village of Panaouamske,
by two of the English interpreters, who had interpreted these Instruments to the said Indians
at Boston and Caskebay ; that these have suppressed, in the beginning of these instruments,
the article wherein the English make the Indians say —
That they come to submit to them.
That they acknowledge themselves to be the sole authors of the War which has been
waged on both sides during 4 or 5 years.
That they renew the pretended Treaties formerly concluded between them and the English,
whereby the English claim that the Indians surrendered themselves and their lands to the
' The Treaty concluded at Falmouth, Maine, 11th July, 1727. WUliamson, IL, 165. — Ed.
992 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
King of England, acknowledged him for their King, and placed themselves in the number
of his subjects.
That they accept English laws.
That they make a league, offensive and defensive, with the English.
The English Interpreters have rendered the above articles by the following words :
That the Indians of Panaouamske were come to pay their respects to the English Governor ;
to make peace with him, and renew the ancient league formerly entered into between them.
The English interpreters refused to interpret the act of amnesty ajid pardon granted to the
Indians by said Governor in behalf of the King of England, in consequence of the pretended
Treaties herein before cited.
Father Lauvergeat and Sieur de S' Castin furthermore declare that the said Indians of
Panaouamske protested to them, in the presence of the English interpreters, that they, the
Indians, had never spoken, nor the said interpreters mentioned to them, aught respecting
the aforesaid articles, except in the subsequent terms above reported, and that the English
interpreters had never mentioned any thing to them except an Armistice, a Treaty of peace,
accommodation and amity between these two Nations.
The 2"^ is entitled. Treaty of Peace concluded at Caskebay between the Indians of the
Village of Panaouamske and the English, the of August, 1727.'
It begins in these words:
I, Panaouamskyen, inform ye — Ye who are scattered all over the earth, take notice — of what
hath passed between me and the English wliilst negotiating the Peace that I have just concluded
with him. It is from the bottom of my heart that I inform you, and, as a proof that I tell you
nothing but the truth, I wish to speak to you in my own tongue.
The remainder is couched in these terms:
His reason for communicating this truth to the French, is the diversity of interpretations
given to the English documents containing the articles of the peace which they have just
mutually agreed to ; which writing appears to contain things that are not, so that the English
themselves disavow them in his presence, when they read and interpret them to him.
He then declares that it was the English who first spoke to him of peace, and that he made
no answer until they had spoken to him a S"* time ; that he went first to the River S' George to
hear the propositions, and afterwards to Boston, whither he had been invited on the same business.
On arriving at Boston, with two other Indians, he saluted the Englishman in the usual style,
but was not the first to speak to him, and only answered his questions at this interview.
The Englishman began by asking him what business brought him to Boston? he merely
answered, that he was come at his invitation to hear the propositions for a settlement that he
wished to make.
To the Englishman's question. Wherefore did they kill each other? he replied, he was
right; but never told him that he acknowledged himself the author of the War, and did not
regret having waged it against him.
The Englishman, having invited him to propose what was necessary to be done to come to
a settlement, he made answer — That such was rather his business, because, having spoken
first of a settlement, he did not doubt but he would make him some advantageous propositions.
The Englishman said to him — Let us observe the Treaty our Fathers have made, and renew
the ancient league ; whereunto he made no answer.
' Abstract of Document. Supra, p. 966. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII. 993
The Englishman asked him again — Did he not acknowledge the King of England to
be King in all his States? He answered, Yes; but do not understand that I acknowledge
thy King as my King and King of my lands; God having willed that he, an Indian, have no
King, and be master of his lands in common.
He again asked him — Did he not admit that the English were at least masters of the lands
they had purchased ? Whereunto he replied, that he admitted nothing, and knew not what
he had reference to.
The Englishman asked him whether they would not unite to arrest whomsoever hereafter
should desire to disturb the negotiation of Peace that they were engaged about. To this he
agreed, but did not understand that they were to go in company to attack such person, nor that
they should form a mutual league, offensive and defensive, or unite their forces together. He
understood only that if any one was disposed to disturb their negotiation of peace, they would
both endeavor to appease him by fair words.
The Englishman again said to him — In order that their peace be durable, should any private
quarrel hereafter arise between the English and the Indians, they would not take justice into
their own hands ; they would refer it to their Chiefs to decide ; Whereunto he consented, but
he did not understand that the Englishman should alone be Judge, but that each should judge
those belonging to his own party.
Finally, the Englishman said to him — There's our peace concluded. Whereunto he made
answer — Nothing is yet determined, because it must be approved in a General Assembly; an
armistice was sufficient for the present, and he was going to inform all his relatives of what
had passed between them.
This was all that occurred at his first visit to Boston, and there was not a word about grace
and amnesty accorded by the English in the name of his King ; the Englishman never spoke
of it to him and he never asked it.
His second visit to Boston, he being the fourth, was merely to tell the Englishman that all his
Nation did approve of the armistice, and of the negotiation of Peace, and even then the time
and place of the meeting, for the purpose of negotiating, were agreed upon. That place was
Caskebay, where two conferences were held, without any thing being decided except to
approve and ratify every thing the Indian did assent to, and on these conditions was the
peace concluded.
Only one point more was arranged then. That was to permit the Englishman to keep a
store atS' George, without building any other house or post — not giving the land.
He concludes by saying, that what is herein before set forth is the truth; and should any one
produce any writing that makes him speak otherwise, no attention is to be paid to it, because
he does not know what he is made to say in another language, but he knows well what he
says in his own. And in testimony that he states things as they are, he has signed the present
Acte, which he wishes to be authentic and to remain forever.
Father Lauverjeat has advised Father de la Chasse that the Abenaquis had told the English
that they were making peace with them only on condition that they would not encroach on
Abenaquis lands, and that they reserved unto themselves, in case of a rupture between France
and England, the right always to adhere to the French. But these twt) conditions are merely
verbal, and have not been inserted in the Treaty. This will oblige him always to manage
these Indians, and not to refuse them what he might be justified in not allowing them, after
having made their peace with the English contrary to his advice and without consulting him.
Vol. IX. 125
994 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
la reply to the representation to the M' de Beauharnois on the IS"" of May, 1727, that
Father Aubery, a Missionary of the Abenaquis of S' Francis, had in a letter to Father
Davaugour mentioned only an allowance of 2000" annually to the Abenaquis Nation, whilst
the King allowed 6000"; namely, 2000" from the Marine for presents, and 4000" from the
Domain of the West, under the head of Jesuits, and that that aid ought to suffice for the
support of the families belonging to these Indians —
25 7''", 1727. He answers, that having communicated this despatch to the Jesuits, they
replied, that Father Aubery intended to speak, only for his own village when he stated that the
2000", which the King allowed annually, did scarcely suffice to support the women and
children, and they have added, that of the 6000" which his Majesty accords annually for the
Abenaquis, about 2000" went for the subsistence of the village of S' Francis, and as much for
that of Beccancourt. This comprises the 4000" under the head of Jesuits, the remaining
2000" being employed in presents, which it is usual to give those Indians when they go
to fight.
Observation.
There was originally in the estimate of the expenses of Acadia a fund of 4000" for presents
to the Indians of that Colony. The staff and troops having afterwards moved to He Royale,
this fund was included in the estimate of the expenses of that Island ; but Mess" de Vaudreuil
and Begon having represented that, as He Royale had no communication with the majority of
the Indians of Acadia, who were more convenient to Quebec, 2000" were deducted from the
estimate of He Royale, and appropriated since, in that of Canada, for presents to the Abenaquis,
irrespective of peace or war.
On the representation that these Indians would be more readily disposed to wage war
against the English if they were assured that their wives and children would be supported
during their expeditions, it was determined, in 1723, to appropriate 2000" annually to that
object, on the estimate of the Domain, under the head of Jesuits, in order to conceal from the
English the source whence they derived this aid ; and on the representation that this sum was
insufficient, it was resolved, in 1725, to appropriate 4000" instead of 2000", and the
appropriation was made in the estimates of 1725, 1726 and 1727.
The motive for this allowance having disappeared by the Peace which these Indians have
apparently concluded with the English, or at least by their cessation of hostilities, would seem
to indicate the stoppage of this expense, not for 1728, because these Indians will possibly have
gone on the expedition against the Foxes.
This fund could be more usefully expended hereafter on the enceinte of Montreal.
2o"> s*"", 1727. Mess" de Beauharnois and Dubois, explanatory of two petitions of the
Jesuit Fathers —
First. That the Abenaquis of Narantsoiiak being desirous of reestablishing their ancient
village, apply for a Missionary who may preserve them in the Catholic Religion ; that they
will furnish them with one if the King, having regard to the losses those Indians have suffered
on the occasion of Father Rasle's [death], will be pleased to supply them with a Chalice, a
Ciborium, an Ostensorium and other Church ornaments, and with furniture for the Missionary's
house, which they lost there.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VTII. 095
Second. That the Hurons of Detroit are asking for a Missionary, whereby they would be
attached more strongly to the French. They are ready to supply one, hoping that his Majesty
will be pleased to furnish his maintenance.
Note. The Jesuits have, on the estimate of expenses, yearly: —
For their Missions in Canada, 5000 "
For their Iroquois and Abenaquis Missions, 1500
For the support of a Missionary at Kanzas, 600
For the support of a 3"''* Regent at Quebec, 400
For the support of 2 Missionaries to the Sioux, 1200
For that of a Missionary at Tadoussac, 600
• g j For the School of Navigation at Quebec, 800
£ I I For their house at Montreal, 500
1300
10600
They have learned by Sieur Brau, who visited Quebec this summer, that Sieur Gaulin did
not act as was reported of him. These clergymen are required at Acadia, where a great
number of Catholics have remained. The Bishop of Quebec' has just sent thither one M'
Desclaches,^ a man burning with the zeal of the house of the Lord, devoid of all solicitude
for himself, and such a person as is wanting in these missions, which are still the more difficult
in consequence of the greater degree of management and discretion required there than in any
other quarter.
Extract for the King.
The peace of the Abenaquis with the English is an inconvenience, but apparently these
Indians could not do better. As they served as a barrier at the lower part of the Colony of
Canada, where the English could inflict most damage in time of war, it seems proper to
preserve them in the French interest, and for that purpose to continue their allowance of
4000". But instead of distributing this exclusively among those domiciliated at Beccancourt
and S' Francis, it appears better to divide it among those of that Nation who possess
Missionaries; as those who are not domiciliated have it in their power to serve the Colony as
usefully, because they constitute the barrier to the English of Acadia.
16th of March, 1728. Approved by his Majesty.
' See note, supra, p. 388.
" Rev. Jacques de l'Esclache, No. 416, Lisle Chronologlque, which states that he received Iloly Orders in Canada on the
fth October, 1714, and died on 31st October, 174G. — Ed.
996 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Hon. Mr. Walpole to the GmiH of France respecting Forts Oswego and Niagara.
Memoir respecting a Fort built by the English at Oswego. 9 March, 1728,
M"" Burnet, late Governor of New-York, having thought proper to build a fort on the River
Osuego for the security and protection of the English trade in that quarter, the Marquis de
Beauharnois, commanding for his Most Christian Majesty in Canada, wrote him a letter from
Montreal, dated the 20"' of July, 1727, which he transmitted by M'' de la Chassagne, Governor
of the town of Three Rivers, complaining of the permission granted by the Governor of
New-York to the English merchants to trade on the River Osuego, and particularly for having
caused the aforesaid fort to be built.
The Commandant of Canada pretends that the French have the exclusive right to trade in
that country; that being masters of Canada, including Lake Ontario and the adjacent territory,
it is a violation of the Treaty of Utrecht to build a fort at the place where this Lake joins the
Osuego river, since by that Treaty it is provided that the subjects of the one and the other
Crown are not to molest each other nor to encroach the one on the other, until the Limits be
fixed by Commissioners to be named on both sides.
On this principle the Commander of Canada says that he sends M"' de la Chassagne to M'
Burnet to communicate his sentiments and intentions to the latter, at the same time that he
dispatches an officer to summon the commandant at Fort Oswego to withdraw with his
garrison and to demolish all the works.
The Commandant of Canada feels no difficulty in treating, throughout his whole letter, the
establishment of this fort as an act of hostility, and doubts not but his Court will so
regard it.
It is to be remarked that the Marquis de Beauharnois executed his plans so adroitly that M'
Burnet was, before M'' de la Chassagne's arrival at New- York, already advised by the
commander of his fort of the aforesaid summons on behalf of the Commandant of Canada.
This summons was to the eflect that the garrison should withdraw within 15 days at farthest,
with their arms, ammunition and all sorts of effects belonging to the English, and completely
demolish all the works, in default whereof the Marquis de Beauharnois would adopt such
measures against them as he would deem proper. This summons bears date 15"" of July,
1727, and it appears by the test of Begon, Major of Quebec, that he made formal service
thereof on the 1" of August following.
It is of this proceeding, among others, that M' Burnet complains in his letter to M' de
Beauharnois, dated the S"" of August, 1727, stating that it had been well, had the Commandant
of Canada awaited M' Burnet's answer, and afforded time to the Commandant of the fort to
receive orders from New-York before having recourse to such a proceeding.
In regard to the Trade which the Commander of Canada pretends to belong exclusively to
the French, M' Burnet abides by the Treaty of Utrecht, Article 15 whereof states, that one
and the other — namely, the subjects of Great Britain and the subjects of France — shall
enjoy full liberty of resort on account of trade. This shows that the Trade is every
where as free to the English as to the French ; and with much less reason ought the English
be denied the liberty to trade with their own subjects, such as the Five Nations are, as will
more fully be seen in examining what regards the fort.
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996 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS,
Hon. Mr. Walpole to the Caurt of France respecting Forts Oswego and Niagara.
Memoir respecting a Fort built by the English at Oswego. 9 March, 1728.
M' Burnet, late Governor of New-York, having thought proper to build a fort on the River
Osuego for the security and protection of the English trade in that quarter, the Marquis de
Beauharnois, commanding for his Most Christian Majesty in Canada, wrote him a letter from
Montreal, dated the 20"" of July, 1727, which he transmitted by M' de la Chassagne, Governor
of the town of Three Rivers, complaining of the permission granted by the Governor of
New- York to the English merchants to trade on the River Osuego, and particularly for having
caused the aforesaid fort to be built.
The Commandant of Canada pretends that the French have the exclusive right to trade in
that country; that being masters of Canada, including Lake Ontario and the adjacent territory,
it is a violation of the Treaty of Utrecht to build a fort at the place where this Lake joins the
Osuego river, since by that Treaty it is provided that the subjects of the one and the other
Crown are not to niolest each other nor to encroach the one on the other, until the Limits be
fixed by Commissioners to be named on both sides.
On this principle the Commander of Canada says that he sends M'' de la Chassagne" to M'
Burnet to communicate his sentiments and intentions to the latter, at the same time that he
dispatches an officer to summon the commandant at Fort Oswego to withdraw with his
garrison and to demolish all the works.
The Commandant of Canada feels no difficulty in treating, throughout his whole letter, the
establishment of this fort as an act of hostility, and doubts not but his Court will so
regard it.
It is to be remarked that the Marquis de Beauharnois executed his plans so adroitly that M""
Burnet was, before M' de la Chassagne's arrival at New-York, already advised by the
commander of his fort of the aforesaid summons on behalf of the Commandant of Canada.
This summons was to the effect that the garrison should withdraw within 15 days at farthest,
with their arms, ammunition and all sorts of effiscts belonging to the English, and completely
demolish all the works, in default whereof the Marquis de Beauharnois would adopt such
measures against them as he would deem proper. This summons bears date 15"" of July,
1727, and it appears by the test of Begon, Major of Quebec, that he made formal service
thereof on the 1*' of August following.
It is of this proceeding, among others, that M' Burnet complains in his letter to M' de
Beauharnois, dated the S"" of August, 1727, stating that it had been well, had the Commandant
of Canada awaited M'' Burnet's answer, and afforded time to the Commandant of the fort to
receive orders from New-York before having recourse to such a proceeding.
In regard to the Trade which the Commander of Canada pretends to belong exclusively to
the French, M' Burnet abides by the Treaty of Utrecht, Article 15 whereof states, that one
and the other — namely, the subjects of Great Britain and the subjects of France — shall
enjoy full liberty of resort on account of trade. This shows that the Trade is every
where as free to the English as to the French ; and with much less reason ought the English
be denied the liberty to trade with their own subjects, such as the Five Nations are, as will
more fully be seen in examining what regards the fort.
^
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PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII. 097
M' Burnet would be entirely justified in building this fort, and maintaining it, witiiout
violating the treaty or encroaching on tiie French, since the Commissioners to be named
would have nothing to determine relative to the Countries of the Five Nations, who are already
declared by the Treaty of Utrecht to be subjects to the Crown of England. Now, it is precisely
on the lands of the Five Nations that this fort is built. All that the Commissioners would
have to do would be to determine exactly and distinctly who are and who ought to be
[accounted] subjects or friends of Great Britain or of France. This does not include the Five
Nations, but, indeed, certain other nations of America, friends of Great Britain. Here is the
Article itself:
" The inhabitants of Canada and others, subjects of France, sliall hereafter give no hindrance
or molestation to the Five Nations or Cantons of Indians subject to Great Britain, nor to
the other Nations of America who are friends of the same. In like manner, the subjects of
Great Britain shall behave themselves peaceably towards the Americans who are subjects or
friends of France, and they shall, on both sides, enjoy full liberty of going and coming on
account of trade. And the Natives of these countries shall with the same liberty resort to the
British and French colonies, for promoting trade on the one side and the other, without any
molestation or hindrance either on the part of the British or French subjects. But it is to be
exactly and distinctly settled, by Commissioners, who are and who ouglit to be accounted
subjects of Britain or of France."
To pretend, then, that Commissioners would have to pass on the Five Nations, would be to
destroy what is formally declared in the first part of the Art. respecting the submission of
these people to Great Britain. But as mention is made of other nations of America, friends
of this Crown, and immediately afterwards of Americans, subjects or friends of France,
without naming either the one or the other, it is of these latter Americans, or Nation of
America only, that the Commissioners will have to determine which will or ought to, be
accounted subjects and friends of Great Britain or of France; and not the Five Nations, who^
independent of what is declared above regarding their submission to Great Britain, have
judged fit to donate anew to the King of Great Britain their entire country, as will be more
fully seen by a Memoir presented to his Eminence Cardinal de Fleury on the 9"" of May, 1727,
Copy whereof is hereunto annexed, Lef B.
Memoir respecting Fort Niagara, presented to his Eminence, Cardinal de Fleury,
9'^ of May, 1727.
The Governor of New-York, being informed that the French were engaged, by order of M.
de Longueil, who commands in Canada, in building a fort at Niagara, a country dependent
on the Senekas, one of the Five Iroquois Nations subject to Great Britain, considered it his
duty to write thereupon immediately to the aforesaid, his Most Christian Majesty's Commander
in Canada. This he did on the S"- of July, 1726, representing to him that these Indians being
subjects of the Crown of Great Britain, and acknowledged as such by the Treaty of Utrecht,
which granted them and the other Indians permission to visit the British and French Colonies
for reciprocal advantage of trade, without any molestation or hindrance on either side, as
expressly stipulated by the 15"^ Article, they had every reason to fear that they would be
molested and hindered, in their trade and otherwise, by means of a fort so situated between
998 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Lakes Ontario and Erie, that not only would they no longer have free passage to go hunting
in their country beyond these Lakes, but they would be cut off from all trade with the Farther
Indians, who being no longer able to repair to the country of the Five Nations, could not
consequently visit the English Colonies for purposes of trade, conformably to the said Treaty.
Wherefore, the said English Governor requested M. de Longueuil to be pleased to desist from
an undertaking which he had no right to attempt in another's country, and contrary to the
consent of the people to whom that place belonged — an undertaking so opposed to the Treaty
and to the perfect union that exists between the two Nations.
M. de Longueuil says, in the answer he returned on the IG"" of August, 1726, that he was
not acting except by the orders of his Court ; that it was not his intention to shut in the Five
Iroquois Nations, and to deprive them thereby of their trade ; and that he did not think he
was contravening the Treaty of Peace of Utrecht, denying, at the same time, that the Five
Nations were subjects of England, and that so far from doing what he was engaged in against
their will, he was building that fort with the consent of these People, given in a Council holden
at Niagara, on the 14"" of July, 1726.
M' Burnet, Governor of New-York, caused, about that time, the Five Nations to be assembled
at Albany, on the 7"" of September, 1726, in order to ascertain whether it was true that they
had consented to the establishment of Fort Niagara, and to learn all that had taken place in
the Council of July, on which the French founded their pretensions.
At this meeting at Albany, the Deputies of the Five Nations (or to speak more precisely, of
the Six, since the Tuscareras had removed from Carolina and formed a Sixth) publicly
and unanimously protested against the attempts of the French, saying that they had never
consented and would never consent to it ; that the Onondages, one of the Six Nations, had
indeed, at first, given some sort of consent; that it was lawful for one of the Six Nations to
submit propositions for the approval of the others, which were of no effect, in case the
remainder of the body non-concurred, and that the consent of these Onondages amounted to
nothing more. They, themselves, had repented of this, and united with the Five Nations
shortly after in sending a Deputation from the entire body to make a joint and unanimous
representation to the French, who were working at the Fort, that they should desist from their
work ; that they had not the least right to establish themselves in that passage, and that they,
the Indians, had every thing to fear from such an undertaking ; that they protested against it,
which they did according to their fashion.
As if this proceeding on the part of the Indians was not sufficient to indicate their disavowal,
they repaired to the Governor of New-York, as above, and in three conferences with the
Englisii, in full assembly, on the 7"", 9"" and 13th of September, 1726, protested anew against
the French undertaking. The Onondages, in particular, expressed the utmost regret and
sorrow for their weakness, and, in a word, they all claimed the protection of their Sovereign
and King of Great Britain, most humbly praying M' Burnet to be pleased to take charge of
their representations, and to inform his Majesty of their complaints and apprehensions, and to
recommend them to his goodness and clemency, so that He may employ his good offices near
his Most Christian Majesty to have Fort Niagara demolished. And, as a stronger mark of
their entire submission and complete obedience to the Crown of Great Britain, the Three
Nations contiguous to the Lakes and to the place where the fort was building, gave a Deed of
all the Beaver hunting ground beyond the Lakes, in confirmation of a like Deed made in the
year 1701, as well as of a large extent of country on this side of the Lakes of about 60 miles ;
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII. 999
Namely, from Canahogue, on Lake Erie, to Cahaquaragha.^ This they did of their own
accord, relying on the justice and power of his Britannic Majesty for their safety and protection.
It is to be remarked, that the Nations in question are formally acknowledged, by the Treaty
of Utrecht, to be subject to and under Great Britain, and in virtue of the same Treaty they
and all the Indians are to enjoy full liberty of coming and going for the purpose of trade,
without molestation or hindrance. Now, the pass at Niagara is that by which the Far
Indians are able to repair to the country of the Five Nations, and also the only one by which
the Five Nations themselves can go into their own territory to hunt; and in spite of the
benevolent and innocent views Sieur de Longueil pretends to entertain in building such a
fort, the Indians cannot be reputed to enjoy free trade and passage so long as they are bridled
by a fort built on their own territory, against their will, and which absolutely subjects them
to the pleasure of the French, wherefore they have recourse to their Sovereign and King, the
King of Great Britain, who cannot refuse to interest himself strongly, as well on account of
these subjects as for the maintenance of Treaties.
Abstract of the Correspondence hetiveen Messrs. de Beaulmrnois and Burnet.
Canada. Abstract of Mess" Beaubarnois and Burnet's letters respecting Fort
Oswego, with the decision of the government of Canada, and the Minister's
conclusion.
The French have been from all time in exclusive possession of the Lakes of Canada, called
New France, and the sole traders in the Upper countries. This fact was so generally
acknowledged, that the English who were taken in these Lakes, though in a time of profound
peace, had their property confiscated without any protests.
Since the Treaty of Utrecht the English have endeavored, in virtue of the IS"" Article, to
prosecute trade there the same as the French, and have even wished to prevent the
establishment of a house somewhat stronger than that the King had built at the place formerly
occupied by Fort Denonville, on Niagara river, near Lake Ontario, which obliged the Marquis
de Beauharnois, Governor and Lieutenant-general of New France, to dispatch, last July, Sieur
de la Chassaigne, Governor of Three Rivers, to^New-York, and to write to M' Burnet, the
Governor of the latter place, complaining of the permission given to the English merchants
to trade at the Choueguen river, and of the building erected at the mouth thereof; that such
an undertaking was capable of disturbing the union of the two Crowns ; that he could not be
ignorant of the possession by France, since a considerable time, of all the territory of Canada,
whereof that of Lake Ontario and the lands adjacent form a part, and whereon his Majesty
has had Fort Denonville, on the River^Niagara, now rebuilt; Fort Frontenac, still existing;
another on Famine river; Fort des Sables; that at Cayuga bay, and at Choueguen,
all of which have been occupied by the French, who alone have been entitled, and in
' For this Document, see V., 800. — Ed.
1000 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
possession of the right, to trade there, and that such an undertaking is an infraction of the
Treaty of Utrecht.
He sent, at the same time, Sieur Begon, Major of Quebec, to Choueguen to summon the
English officer in command of that new post to withdraw with the garrison, to demolish
the fortifications, and to wholly vacate that post.
M'' Burnet has answered M. de Beauharnois, complaining that, without awaiting his answer,
the English commandant at Choueguen had been summoned; he does not admit the
establishment, or the trade, of the English to be an infraction of the Treaty of Utrecht,
inasmuch as they have traded there for 5 consecutive years without opposition.
That Art. 15 expressly stipulates that the subjects of the two Crowns shall have full liberty
of coming and going among the Nations for purposes of trade; and by these Nations are to be
understood, as is evident from what precedes, all Americans, subjects, allies or friends of France
and' of Great Britain.
Tiiat in virtue of such Treaty England claims to have a right equal to that of France to trade
throughout all the Lakes and the Continent, and that it follows also that all the Natives of the
country should be likevpise permitted to trade in the English and French Colonies indifferently,
without any molestation ; that nevertheless the Canadians have done, and still do, all they can
to prevent the Indians frequenting the English for purposes of Trade.
That though the Canadians might have been in times past in exclusive possession of this
trade, it avails nothing, as the Treaty constitutes the rule.
That the fortified house built by the French at Niagara, on the territory and with the consent
of the Five Nations, according to M. de Longueuil's letter to him dated the 16"" of August,
1726, suggested to him the idea of erecting one which is much smaller at Choueguen.
That had the Niagara post not been on the territory of the Five Nations, their consent
would not have been asked ; that the same has been the case with all other posts mentioned
by M. de Beauharnois, which, with the exception of Fort Frontenac, had been abandoned
several years before the Treaty of Utrecht, and that it is certain that they have not been built
except with the permission of the Five Nations, as M. de Beauharnois admits, when he says
that these establishments were formed without any opposition ; and what has been built without
objection can never be regarded as a conquest, as the French have wished to maintain.
That no Convention or Treaty appears ceding to the French any of the lands of the Five
Nations, who, on the contrary, assert that the lands on the one and the other side of Lake
Ontario belong to them.
That Art. 1-5 of the Treaty of Utrecht expressly declares the Five Nations under the
dominion of England ; that the conclusion of that article, to the effect that Commissioners to
be named on both sides shall specify, exactly and distinctly, what people are and ought
to be considered subjects or friends of France and what of Great Britain, cannot possibly
be imagined to apply to the Five Nations, for if Commissioners were to decide anew if they be
subjects of England or of France, that would be an indirect contradiction of the first part of the
same article, which expressly declares them to be under the dominion of England ; but mention
being made of other Americans, allies of England, and of American subjects or friends of
France, without naming them, it was as clear as day that the Commissioners will not have
to decide except as to the last alone ; that finally, he considers himself obliged to maintain
the post of Choueguen until further orders, and will complain to the Court of England of the
summons served on the officer in command there.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII. ]001
Here are tlie terms of Article fifteen of the Treaty of Utreclit:
" The inhabitants of Canada and other subjects of France sliali not hereafter molest the
" Five Nations or Cantons of Indians, subjects of Great Britain, nor the otiier Nations of
" America, friends of that Crown ; in like manner, the subjects of Great Britain siiall behave
" themselves peaceably towards the Americans who are subjects or friends of France, and on
" the one and the other side shall enjoy full liberty of going and coming on account of trade;
•' and with the same freedom the natives of these countries shall resort to the French and British
«' Colonies for reciprocal benefit of trade, without any molestation or hindrance on the one side
" or the other. But commissioners shall exactly and distinctly settle who are and who ought
'• to be accounted subjects and friends of France or of Great Britain."
M. de Beauharnois had intended to dispatch a body of Regulars and Militia to dislodge the
English from Choiieguen, but, upon reflection, did not consider it proper to do so without his
Majesty's orders, the rather as the success of that expedition depended on the part to be
adopted by the Iroquois, who had not yet gone down to Montreal. The earnestness with
which these Indians spoke to him, beseeching him not to stain their territory near Choiieguen
with blood, showed him that he had adopted the wise course, as it appears they would not have
failed to sustain the English in case an attempt had been made to drive them from Choiieguen.
This fort being occupied, Mess" de Beauharnois and Dupuy observe that nothing remains to
be done but to endeavor to render it useless to the English.
That the colony belonging to New England' being for the present again delivered up to
Companies of Traders, who turn it to their profit, it is to be presumed that the principal object
of the English, who have just settled there, is to carry on a direct trade with the Indians,
and to drive a commerce Immediately with the French who are engaged in smuggling.
The views of the English are equally prejudicial to the Colony, and the first remedy thought
of has been to prevent the canoes of French traders, coming from the Upper country, to pass
along the south shore of Lake Ontario, and to oblige thera to keep always on the north of
that lake, or to pass by the Grand River.
The decision of M- Dupuy, in 1726, that the King's sloops at Niagara should take on freight
the packages of the Upper country Voyageurs, will facilitate this plan ; because the obligation
on the part of the Voyageurs to place their peltries in these barks will insure — 1st. Care
being taken, by the requirement of precise declarations on their part, that they do not conceal
their packages, and the arrival of such packages agreeably to the manifest ; also, the security
of the cargo of the sloops against fraud. 2d. That those who will refuse to put their peltries
on board the barks shall be marked and necessary orders issued to observe them more closely.
This attention, and a special severity towards those Frenchmen who will have the audacity
to undertake the voyage to Choiieguen, will possibly render that establishment entirely
useless ; and as it has been erected only by Traders, apparently, and with a view to traffic
and profit, the cause of the project not continuing, its eflects and consequences will possibly
likewise disappear.
The course adopted by M. de Beauharnois to suspend his expedition against
Choiieguen in consequence of being without orders, and on account of the dispositions
' Sic. New- York. — Ed.
Vol. IX. 126
1002 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
of the Iroquois in tiiis regard, seems wise. It appears proper not to make any public
demonstration at present; to restrict tlieir past and future measures to rendering
that post useless to English trade, and to endeavor to induce tlie Iroquois to
contribute to that end.
16 March, 1728.
Louis XV. to Messrs. BeauJiarnois and Dvpuy.
Extract of the Memoir of the King to the Marquis de Beauharnais, Governor
and Lieutenant-general, and M. Dupuy, Intendant of New France.
His Majesty has been surprised to learn that the English have succeeded in prevailing
on the Abenaquis to make peace; it is an unexpected inconvenience, but these people
have been, apparently, constrained thereunto, and unable to act otherwise, and will always
retain the same attachment for the French, which it appears by their speeches they are
determined to do, according to assurances to that effect given by their Missionaries. He permits
Sieurs de Beauharnais and Dupuy to use every means to retain them in these sentiments. It
is in this view, that his Majesty has been pleased to continue the annual appropriation of Four
thousand livres, granted since some years for the support of the women and children whilst
the men were engaged in war, and which allowance he might have stopped ; but his intention
is, that this sum, which was distributed only among the Abenaquis domiciliated at Beccancourt
and S' Francis, be divided among all those of that nation who have Missionaries; those not
domiciliated being able to serve as usefully as the others, inasmuch as they form the barrier
against the English of Acadia, and it is, consequently, best to manage them. Sieurs de
Beauharnais and Dupuy will make arrangements with Father de la Chasse respecting this
repartition, and will see to the execution of the King's intentions in this regard.
As the English possess the power, in case of a rupture, to inflict more injury on Canada by
attacking it on the lower part of the Colony than elsewhere, it would be very desirable to
render it populous in that direction, which would contribute much more to its security than
any thing that can be accomplished above Montreal, where the major portion of the colonists,
attracted by eagerness for the Indian trade of the Upper country, endeavor to form
establishments, without reflecting that they could not be sustained, and would have to be
abandoned in time of war. It will be difficult to convince them of this, but however that
be, his Majesty desires that Mess" de Beauharnais and Dupuy will encourage those who have
no establishments to settle in the lower part of the Colony, as much as possible, and to report
the measures to be adopted, in case they find it difficult to determine on this plan, the execution
whereof is of the utmost consequence.
His .>Lajesty approves of the Jesuits sending a Missionary to Narantsoiiak, to retain in the
Catholic religion the Abenaquis who are willing to resettle in that village. He is pleased, at
the same time, to allow them wherewith to replace a Chalice, Ciborium, Ostensorium and
other Church Ornaments which were pillaged when Father Rasle was killed at that Mission
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII. 1003
by the English. M. Dupuy will have them manufactured at Quebec with all possible economy,
and deliver the whole to the Missionary, who will be sent thither.
His Majesty cannot give any orders respecting the furniture they require, as no care has been
taken to transmit any estimate. But as tliey have not been subject to any deduction during
the time that Mission was vacant, the balance of the allowance can easily defray the cost of
this furniture, which must be trifling.
If Mess" de Beauharnais and Dupuy consider it necessary to allow the Hurons of Detroit a
Missionary, according to their desire, his Majesty will approve of the Jesuits sending one
thither; but he is very glad to explain to them, at the same time, tliat he shall not allow any
increase of expense for that service.
It has afforded his Majesty much pleasure to be informed of the proofs they have received that
the conduct of Sieur Gaulin, the Missionary, had not been such as reported ; his Majesty was
well satisfied of the contrary, aware that he is a firm and zealous clergyman. As there is no
longer a Recollet in Acadia, and the governor has declared that he would not suffer any Friar
there, his Majesty has approved of the Bishop of Quebec having sent thither Sieur Desclaches,'
who will be very useful there, if, as Sieurs de Beauharnais and Dupuy have written, he be a
zealous, prudent and discreet clergyman, devoid of all selfishness.
His Majesty, who was expecting to receive, by the return of last year's vessel, the plan and
estimate of the fort which Mess" de Beauharnais and Dupuy had proposed to erect at
Choueguen, has been greatly surprised to learn that he has been anticipated by the English,
who have built and established a fort and garrison at that place. This is so much the more
unfortunate, as it places them in a position to compete with the French for the Upper country
trade, and perhaps to prosecute it with greater advantage. His Majesty has, nevertheless,
approved M. de Beauharnais' resolution not to make any attack on that post, out of
deference to the dispositions of the Iroquois on that subject; because, also, it was not proper
to do so without his Majesty's orders, and there is every reason to believe that the Iroquois
have not been sorry for, but contributed to, the attracting of the English to that quarter.
Be this as it may, it is his Majesty's pleasure that no public movement be made at present
against that establishment; that Mess" de Beauharnais and Dupuy restrict themselves to the
measures they have already taken, and those it will be in their power to adopt, to destroy
the trade of the English, and that they so manage as to prevail on the Iroquois to contribute
thereto, by giving them to understand that the English (which is a fact) are only trying to
invade the Upper country, and that if once in the ascendant there, they will reduce the Iroquois
to slavery. Mess" de Beauharnais and Dupuy ought to use every means to make them
understand their interests, and induce them to adopt early measures to prevent their impending
fate. All which must be adroitly managed.
His Majesty has not been surprised to learn that no attempt has been made on the house at
Niagara, as all the reports the English had been spreading in that regard were intended only
to cover their design to settle at Choueguen and conceal all knowledge thereof from Mess"
de Beauharnais and Dupuy, wherein they have but too well succeeded.
As the reconstruction of the house at the Niagara carrying place seems at present no longer
necessary, in consequence of change of circumstances, his Majesty has approved of their not
having done any thing in that business, and does not authorize the remittance of the Twenty
thousand four hundred livres that he had destined for that object, and which Mess" de
' See note 2, tupra, p. 995. — Ep.
1004 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Beauhfirnais and Dnpuy propose to expend on an establishment at La Galette, where the
Lake Ontario sloops would come to load and unloiid. His Majesty is ignorant of what utility
such an est;iblishment may be ; he is, besides, not in a condition to supply therefor the necessary
funds, which exceed always two-fold the projects sent from the Colony. Meanwhile he desires
that the plan of this establishment be transmitted ; also, an estimate of the expense, with
a report from wliich some idea may be formed of its use to his Majesty, to the Colony and
to Commerce; whereupon he shall cause his intentions to be communicated to them.
His Majesty becomes more and more convinced that the management of posts to which
they are sent by officers for their own benefit, so far from increasing the trade and the attachment
of the Indian Nations, is productive of quite an opposite efl'ect. The trade diminishes whilst that
of the English makes considerable progress; and the confidence and attachment of the Indians
towards the French become daily weaker. Independent of the trifling attention perhaps paid
to the selection of those who are sent to these posts, all this is the consequence of the
officers, who solicit such appointment only with the view to their own interest, taking up goods
on credit in the Colony at excessively high rates, as they are unable to advance out of their
own pockets the funds necessary for the trade, and raising those rates still higher when they
sell to the Indians, so as to derive a profit. This estranges the Indians, favors the trade of the
English, who, not being subject to the same charges, or excess of cost, can afTord to furnish goods
at a lowef price. As it is impossible for things to remain in this state without exposing the
Colony to imminent destruction in consequence of the annihilation of the trade, his Majesty
would have determined this year to order the recall of the Officers and soldiers in the Upper
country, and the farming out of all the posts, as it is his opinion that those who will
become the lessees, being in a condition of themselves to advance the funds necessary for
the trade, and interested to augment their Commerce, would supply the Indians with goods
at a lower price, and by civility and good treatment keep them attached to the French,
whereunto they are well disposed. They would be still further cemented by the attentions of
the Missionaries and the distribution of presents for which his Majesty appropriates Twenty
thousand livres annually. He has, however, been unwilling to issue any precise orders on
this subject, before causing his views to be communicated to Mess"^' de Beauharnaisand Dupuy,
who, he desires, will examine them without prejudice or complaisance, transmit a very
circumstantial Report containing the reasons 'pro and con., and the means proper to be used ;
he recommends them not to be swayed except by public interests, commercial advantages, and
the safety of the Colony.
If they consider it proper to lease these posts, his Majesty will approve of their commencing,
without waiting further orders, by farming those of Niagara and Detroit, which can be very
advantageously leased, and will produce, independent of the profit his Majesty will derive
therefrom a very considerable saving, by the curtailing of the expenses incurred there, which
can hereafter be more advantageously applied to the security of the Colony.
They will observe that, in farming these posts, his Majesty is to be discharged from all
expenses attendant on them, even for the keeping up of the two sloops on Lake Ontario, which
it will be proper to convey to the Lessees.
They will observe, in like manner, not to issue any license to go and trade at these posts, as
whatever will be done there is to be for the profit of those who will take the leases thereof.
According to the intelligence his Majesty had received respecting the negotiation of peace
between the Illinois and Fox Indians, he had reason to believe that it was on the eve of being
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII. 1005
concluded, and has been much surprised to learn, not only that it had been broken off, but,
still more, that Sieur de Beauharnais had determined on making war on the Foxes. His
Majesty is persuaded of the necessity of destroying that Nation, as it cannot keep quiet, and
as it will cause, so long as it exists, both trouble and disorder in the Upper country; but he
should have wished that such a step, the success whereof is problematical, had been postponed
until his orders had been received. It is even to be feared that the project may not have been
so secret as that the Indians have not been informed of it. In this case, if they foresee their
inability to resist, they will have adopted the policy of retreating to the Scioux of the Prairies,
from which point they will cause more disorder in the Colony than if they had been allowed
to remain quiet in their village. Possibly, even the other Nations, who have been apparently
animated against the Foxes, will be touched at their' destruction, and become more insolent
should we not succeed. As the expedition is apparently organized at present, his Majesty has
been graciously pleased to allow the GO m." demanded by Sieurs de Beauharnais and Dupuy,
for the expenses of that war, news of the success of which he will be expecting with impatience.
He has examined the plans and projects of the proposed Fortifications at Quebec, and has
not approved Mess" de Beauharnais and Dupuy's proposition to build a Citadel there, because
these species of Fortifications are not adapted to the genius of the Canadians, who do not like
to be confined ; and because there are not sufficient Regulars for its defence. Moreover, his
Majesty is not in a condition to meet an expenditure of 325290", required for the execution of
that project. Means must be found to provide for the security of that place at a less cost.
Mess" de Beauharnais and Dupuy are not ignorant that any design the English could form
against Quebec would entail considerable expense on them, in consequence of the vast number
of ships and troops they would be obliged to employ. The attempts they made during the
last war gave them reason to know that success is very uncertain ; but granting that they
should be willing, in case of war, to get up a new expedition, and were sufficiently fortunate
to reach Quebec, their besieging it in form and capturing it appears a matter of difficulty.
Mess" de Beauharnais and Dupuy must examine this subject maturely in conjunction with the
Engineers ; draw up a plan of fortification which will not be susceptible of alteration, like
the preceding ones, and be careful to transmit it to his Majesty, in order ihat when it will
have received his approval, and the state of the Treasury will justify the expense, he may
appropriate the funds necessary for its execution.
His Majesty regards the completion of the inclosure (enceinte) of Montreal as highly useful,
and necessary for the security of the Colony. He recommends Mess" de Beauharnais and
Dupuy to urge that work forward with all the diligence compatible with the annual appropriation
of Seven thousand two hundred and fifty livres, destined therefor. He desires that the work
be proceeded with immediately, that there be annually transmitted a plan of what will have
been executed, and that Sieur Dupuy do annex thereto the account of the funds that shall
have been disbursed for that object. He forbids him to divert these funds to any other use, for
any cause, motive or pretext whatsoever.
He is persuaded the farmers will pay punctually what they owe of the tax imposed to meet
a portion of this expense; Sieurs de Beauharnais and Dupuy will carefully attend and have
an eye to this matter.
His Majesty has seen all they have written on the subject of the distribution of Brandy
among the Indians, on which subject no complaint has reached him. He recommends them
to see that no abuse be committed in this matter, because, should any come to his ears, he
1006 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
would resolve on prohibiting this trade with the utmost rigor. He continues persuaded that
had Mess" Beauharnais and Dupuy perceived that their toleration was prejudicial to the
religion or to the Colony, they would of their own accord apply suitable remedy thereunto,
by causing the former prohibitions to be rigorously executed, which he cannot too earnestly
recommend them.
Dated at Versailles, 14'" of May, 1728. Louis.
Phelippeaux.
Hon. Mr. Walpole to the Kec-per of the Seals.
Soissons, 22"'' June, 1723.
I have the honor to transmit to your Excellency the translation of a letter I have received
from his Grace the Duke of Newcastle, which you will perceive relates to two Forts erected
on the territory of the Five Nations of Indians, subjects of the Crown of Great Britain. One of
these forts, the first, situated near Niagara, has been built by the French, who, we say, have no
right to build there, for the purpose of molesting the said Five Nations, and keeping them in
check ; the other fort has been subsequently erected at the River Osuego, by the English, who
assert that they have a right to do as they please on the lands of a people subject to, and
recognized as the subjects of, the Crown of Great Britain. Independent of this difference
in the two cases, it is to be remarked, that the English Governor contented himself with
complaining of the matter to the Commander in Canada, whilst the latter commenced by
summoning the garrison of the English fort, and treating him as an enemy.
The better to illustrate the first point concerning the Niagara fort, I must request you. Sir,
to be* pleased to permit me to refer further back. This I shall do, by informing you that on the
9"" of May, 1727, I had the honor to communicate to his Eminence the Cardinal, by letter,
the inclosed Memoir,' by which it appears that, as the Five Nations are under his Britannic
Majesty's protection, he will interest himself deeply in their safety, they having been formally
declared by the Treaty of Utrecht subjects to the Crown of Great Britain; and that they,
in further proof of their submission and obedience to his Majesty, again made him a full
grant of all their territories and countries. I repeat to you, Sir, to-day this last fact the more
readily, as it is an argument which goes equally to demonstrate what little right tl^ French
had to build a Fort at Niagara, of which we have already complained, by showing with what
justice and reason we have erected, and pretend to be entitled and obligated to continue, our
fort at Osuego. As his Eminence gave assurance that this matter should be investigated, I
doubt not but our not having received advice of the good effects produced by his most Christian
Majesty's orders is owing altogether to the great distance of the places. Meanwhile, as the
instructions from my Court refer as well to that affair of Niagara as to that of Fort Osuego, I
beg you. Sir, to be pleased to attend to both at the same time. Wherefore I transmit you a
memoir on the latter subject,^ together with a translation of a despatch from the Lords
' Supra, p. 99'7. ' Supra, p. 996. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII. 1007
Commissioners of the Board of Trade to liis Grace the Duke of Newcastle. From this and
from the former, marked A., wliich the Duke of Newcastle addressed me on the 16"" of last
month,' you will ascertain the sentiments of the King, my Master, and how much his Majesty
desires a redress of the grievances of such consequence to his interests, in order to disseminate
every where the good effects of that happy and intimate union between the two Crowns.
Not to overwhelm your Excellency by [sending] all the papers I have received on these
subjects at different times, and which are very voluminous, I refer to Mr. to give
you more ample information, until I shall have the honor to confer personally with you
thereon, and I flatter myself to be able to place the whole matter in a light that you will feel
no hesitation in ordering tUe Commander in Canada to desist from his undertakings. No one
honors you more perfectly than I.
Signed Walpole.
M. de la C'1iauvigne7'ie''s Visit to Osivego and Onondaga.
Report of the Voyage of M. de la Chauvignerie, officer, Interpreter of the Five
Iroquois Nations, sent by order of the General, with a message to the
'Nontagues, 172S.
Three leagues from Choiieguen I sent three Wampum belts to notify the Nontague Chiefs to
meet me on the business which brouglit me among them ; and with three other belts I invited
the four other Iroquois Nations, their allies, to repair to the Nontagues to hear the message of
their Father, Onontio, which I had to communicate to them.
On the arrival of the Nontagues at my tent, they told me, on the part of the Commandant
of Choiieguen, that as I was passing his place on public business, I must fire the first salute
and lower my flag. His proposition surprised me ; my people would persuade me to do so.
I therefore suddenly stood up and said to them : Ye know such is not the intention of your
Father, Onontio, whose message I carrv- A young fool in the canoe of tiiose of the Lake,-
cried out to me, that he would fire and salute the fort. I replied to him, Indian fashion, that
he lied, and that I should not suffer it, being unwilling either to witness or be an accomplice
to such a folly ; that I was surprised he had so soon forgotten the words of his Father, Onontio,
•whose intentions I had communicated to him during our voyage ; that I had no manner of
business with him who was Commandant of the house at Choiieguen.
They returned to said Fort and reported to me that the Commandant insisted on what they
had first communicated to me. I asked them whose was the land over which I wished to
pass? The question caused them to droop their heads and they remained in pensive silence.
It was not until I told them I wanted a decisive and categorical answer, that they replied :
The ground over which I wished to walk was theirs. I then said to them, since it was their
property, I, as Child of their Father, Onontio, and bearer of his message to them, wished a clear
' Supra, p. 959, the date of which, according to the present Document and on comparison with the despatch of the Lords
of Trade, supra, V., 845, ought, seemingly, to be 1728, instead of 1726. — Ed.
" i. e., of Two Mountains.
1008 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
road, and that all the branches overhanging the river be cut away, so that my flag might pass
■without being obliged to remove it from where their Father, Oiiontio, had placed it; and that I
should not fire a salute until others had saluted me. Willingly or unwillingly they approved
and we proceeded.
When I arrived opposite the house of Clioileguen, we found at the mouth of the river a
canoe with people of the Sault who were returning from war. This obliged us to land to give
our folks an opportunity of learning the news and to cause the Prisoners to dance, as is the
custom among the tribes. During this interval the Commandant at Choiieguen sent for six of
the principal Chiefs, including me. My Chiefs invited me to follow them. I answered that I
had no business at that house ; they were masters to go there, sinfte they wished it ; I should
keep my tent with the young men. Tegarioguen wished to remain with me; I persuaded him
to accompany the others, so that I may learn from him what transpired. He is, moreover, a
man on whom I place great reliance. They accordingly set out for the fort. In the interval of
their visit, three cannon were fired, the meaning of which I did not understand. On their
return I learned that it was to do honor to the toasts. They began by — The King of England ;
The Commandant of the Fort, and the General of the French in Canada. These are the
terms they made use of. Here is what was said to them by the Commandant of the Fort.
Brothers, I never failed to assist the people of your Nation, and you in particular, when you
pass by my house and come to see me. I will always act so towards you. I invite you to
peace and tranquillity between you and us.
He gave them three pots of Rum, a large piece of Pork and a bushel of Peas, which they
brought to the Camp. I found them all except Tegarioguen in a state of great drunkenness.
They assured me that theChoueguen Sachem had been charmed to see them, and that he gave
them milk to drink to their Brother's health. But the excitement they were in led them,
nothwithstanding all the entreaties I could make, to finish what liquor they brought. This
delayed me three days before the Fort, as they were drunk, so that I was unable to do any
thing. I was not free from uneasiness, having only Tegarioguen for support, if I were insulted.
When the Chiefs of the Lake of the Two Mountains and of the Sault S' Louis returned to
my tent, the Nontague Chiefs came to summon me, on the part of the Commandant of the
Fort, to strike my flag that I had hoisted over my Tent, as I w^as under the guns of the Fort.
I always answered Indian fashion — I knew no flag but that of their Father, Onontio,
which I carried, and it should not be lowered until I was tied. Contrary to the custom of
lowering it at sundown, it remained flying, night and day, the whole of the time I was
constrained to remain at that post.
On the day of our departure it was again the same tune : I must absolutely fir« first and
strike my flag. This I would not do; therefore no salute on the one side nor on the other,
and we set about starting. A NontaguC- Chief, carrying a British flag in his hand, called out
to me to embark. I forbade my people doing so, telling them I would not march under an
English flag, and they obeyed me. I told them we should start when the English flag was no
longer to be seen, which we did. I reproached the Nontnguos with their weakness and the little
respect they paid their Father and his colors, since they dared not pass Choiieguen without a
British flag. They answered — You're right, Father; but you know we have to use every sort
of management here. I replied — Under their Father's flag there was nothing to be feared.
And forthwith they furled the British flag, which has not made its appearance since.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII. IOO9
When we were within half a league of the Nontagues, the Chiefs of that Nation came to
meet us with three strings of Wampum, to wipe away our tears and clear our throats,
according to the custom of that Nation, after which we set out with the flag for the village.
I hired Karskaroanin, a chief of the Nation, to bewail on my arrival the recent death of
Ononsarogon and his nephew, and, afterwards, all the dead of the Five Nations, on behalf
of their father, Onontio. On arriving at the village, he whom I had hired to wail entered
first, according to custom, and I next, followed by those of the Lake of the Two Mountains
and of the Sault S' Louis, always bewailing the dead. I took possession of Ononsarogon's
Cabin, over which floated the French flag. We remained there two days without speaking,
waiting for the Chiefs of the other four Iroquois Nations, whom I had invited to come to hear
the word of Onontio, their Father. Of the four Nations that were invited, the Oneida and
Cayuga only came. The Nontagues assured me that the Senecas and the Mohawks do not make
their appearance in their villages when invited on business. Notice was given me of the arrival
of the Oneidas and Cayugas. I sent to inform them that I would speak to them on the
morrow, in order to allow them the remainder of the day to recruit themselves. I did so in
these words :
A Present for the Two Dead.
8 Blankets, 8 shirts, 8 pairs of stockings, 8 breech-cloths, 2 dozen of butcher-knives, 4 dozen
with dog-heads, thread, needles, a"* of vermillion ; on these were stretched the two Dead,
three belts and other articles that were given to the family being strewn over them. The
following is the speech :
Children. This is to announce to you that your chief is not dead ; he reposes on my arm ;
by these Belts I support him. — (Naming the one and the other).
d"" Belt.
Children, I am come to cover up the Dead of your Nontagu^ village.
5"" Belt.
Children: 5 Nations. I invite you by this Belt to reunite all together. Your fire, which I
kindle again, is designated by this Belt. I invite you to preserve it all together, and with
your brethren of the Lake of the Two Mountains, and of the Sault S' Louis, and to have but
one heart. This is what I invite you to do by this Belt.
e"- Belt.
Children : Five Nations. I am aware that grief overwhelms you. I know your heads are
bowed down, and that you take no thought of any thing. With this Belt I lift up your heads,
and clean your mats so that you may freely talk with your young men, the Warriors, about
all the affairs of peace.
?"■ Belt.
Children: Five Nations. I suspect that your heart is sick. With this Belt I administer a
mild medicine to you, to cleanse your breasts in order that you may talk freely about affairs
of peace.
Vol. IX. 127
1010 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
S"" Belt.
Children : Five Nations. I wipe away your tears ; I raise up your heads, cleanse your
hearts and your mats. Children: Fire Nations. I also know you are in darkness; by this
Belt, I clear the sky and set up another brilliant and new sun, in order that you might all be
able to see clear in the affairs of peace.
d'^ Belt.
Children. By this Belt I gather together, on your mats, all the bones of the Five Nations
that have been killed, and that have died ; I bring them all back to my Children, the Nontagu^s,
and inter them in the same grave. "Where I have lighted up again the fire in your country,
continue always, my Children, good business.
10"' Belt.
Children. I have settled all the affairs of your villages. Here now is a tenth Belt, by which
I engage you all, my Children of the Five Nations, to remain quiet, and to listen, at the same
time, to my word. I present you this Belt in order that you sustain, all together, the Five
Nations, and all think of good business ; and I invite you that we hold each other's hands,
and not listen to any evil minds that may still remain. Remember I have relighted your fire,
and that I am seated by it ; keep your word with your brethren of the Lake of the Two
Mountains, and of Sault S' Louis ; happy if you can form but one fire and one heart.
Notice to the Five Nations from the General, by me, La Chauvignerie, by three
strings of Wampum.
Children. Mess" S' Vincent, Contrecoeur, Meloise and Robert the Chief, with whom you
were all acquainted, have died since you were to see me at Montreal.
End.
Abstract of Messrs. de Beauliarnois and d''AigremonCs despatches^ and Orders thereupon.
English Establishment at Choueguen, on the Shore of Lake Ontario.
• 1" October, 1728. Mess" de Beauharnais and d'Aigremont observe, that they will adopt
the best measures to render the post of Choueguen useless to the trade of the English ; that,
to effect that, orders have been issued obliging the Canoes of the French Voyageurs, on their
way down from the Upper country, to pass along the north shore of Lake Ontario, which
orders will be strictly enforced, and such measures pursued as will tend to the same end.
They propose forming a new establishment in the bay of the Cayugas,* 8 @ 9 leagues west
of the River Choueguen, by means whereof the English post would decline so that it would
be abandoned.
To defray this expense, they demand a grant of 38047".
' Great Sodue bay, Wayne county, N. T. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII. 1011
It is to be apprehended that the English will form this establishment, and if they be not
anticipated, France may possibly lose the South part of the Lake.
Decision of the Minister, submitted to the King, by whom it is approved.
It appears proper to stay the measures which have been adopted to render the Post
at Chouguen useless to the English; it does not appear to have been prejudicial to
the trade carried on for the King's account at Forts Frontenac and Niagara, on Lake
Ontario, which is two-thirds more in 1728 than in 1726 and 1727.
As for the proposed establishment at the bay of the Cayugas, it does not appear
very necessary, for, independent of its cost, which would be greater than is proposed,
it would occasion an annual expense besides; it would even be difficult to establish it
on account of the opposition and jealousy of the Iroquois, which would be fomented
by the English. Even were it attended with success, there is no doubt but the English
would immediately set up another post alongside of it, as they are favored in that
regard, by the Iroquois, whose policy it is that neither of the two Nations should be
superior in their country. This same policy would lead them to prevent the English
establishing themselves at the bay of the Cayugas, should they undertake to do so,
as M. de Beauharnais apprehends.
For all these reasons it appears proper that things remain as they are, on Lake
Ontario, and that no new establishment be formed ; that M. de Beauharnais be
recommended to see that the English do not form any, and to excite the Iroquois,
should they form one.
Approved.
The supplying the post at Niagara with every sort of merchandise proper for the trade of
the Indians, in sufficient quantities to deprive them of all excuse of going to the English in
quest of what they will not find at that post, and the furnishing these ^oods at lower rates
than those fixed by the India Company, appear to them one of surest means to destroy
that trade. Otherwise the proceedings of the English at Choueguen will never be effectually
prevented, no matter what may be done ; and it is, on the contrary, to be apprehended that
they will soon succeed in putting into execution the views they have long entertained of
rendering themselves masters of the head of the Lake, and of pushing their trade as far as the
Upper Nations.
The ammunition and goods required by the Colony are carefully sent out every
year, and that is to be continued.
Observations.
The India Company sends to Canada nothing but scarlet cloth, large quantities of which
were called for and sold at 9" the ell ; but since 1726, the price has been lowered 30 sous, having
fixed it at 7" 10 sous the ell.
They send Sieur de Chaussegros' Memoir on the establishment of a post at La Galette,' with
the plan and estimate which had been required of them when that post was proposed.
The King will not have any new establishment, not even at La Galette.
' Preseott, G. W. — Ed.
1012 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
This Memoir contains reasons for its constructions at La Galette or at Lake Ontario; he
represents that some 8 or 9 English ' west of the River Choueguen is a large Bay
called the Cayugas', situate in a beautiful country, which he visited in 1726, and found
on sounding, that large ships could anchor and be quite safe there ; that the harbor is like
that of Louisburg, with this ditference only, that Louisburg is oval, whilst the bay of the
Cayugas is almost circular, having at its head a large river which leads to the village or
country of the Cayugas.
The entrance to this bay, which is narrower than that of Louisburg, is formed by two
landspits; they are appropriately called the Peninsulas, and inclose this Bay.
The English being established at Choueguen, he is of opinion that we should be in a
position to drive them out of it on the first war, were we seated alongside of them at the Bay
of the Cayugas, and did we possess a stronger fortification than they.
The King will not have any establishment at Cayuga; that at Niagara has called
forth that built by the English at Choueguen. If one were made at Cayugas bay,
the English would make one elsewhere. Besides, there are already too many posts.
There is no appearance that the English will establish any, either at Cayuga or at
any other part of Lake Ontario. It must, however, be closely attended to, and should
the English be disposed to undertake one, the Iroquois must be prevailed on to
prevent it, by making them perceive their interests. But his Majesty does not desire
any open attack to be made on the English.
The advantage of this post iS — 1" That large vessels can lie in the Bay, whilst only small
craft will be accommodated at Choueguen, on account of the shallowness of the river. 2"
Choueguen being established partly for trade only — the English Merchants having the largest
share — it is certain that should the King cause any to be carried on at the projected post, the
latter will, by its proximity, be the ruin of that of the English. The merchants, being forced
to retire, in consequence, his Majesty would find himself in possession of the South shores of
this Lake, which belong to him by virtue of first discovery and of having established the earliest
Trading posts, such as La Famine, Fort des Sables, Niagara, &c.
If the proposition be approved, nothing remains to carry it out but to gain over the Cayugas
by a few presents, and to construct, in the course of one summer, a good redoubt and surround
that afterwards with a wall, or a wall with a ditch outside, as it is important to prevent the
English encroaching on the territory of the Colony, and more especially on these parts, where
they cut off the communication with the Upper country. Should his Majesty not occupy
Cayuga bay, this post will possibly share a fate similar to that of Choueguen. He knows
that the English are anxious to occupy it, and should they not be anticipated France will
possibly lose the South portion of this Lake. It is intended to load, at the proposed
establishment at La Galette, the Lake Ontario vessels with the goods for the posts on that
Lake, and thereby save a portion of the expense of forwarding the canoes up. Were a house
built there, it would cost as much as a redoubt d machicoulis,^ and this house, not being
fortified, would thereby be exposed to be burnt. But these sorts of redoubts have the same
accommodation as houses, and can eventually be surrounded by a ditch or wall ; it will have
' Qiierc ? leagues. — Ed.
' i. e., with the upper, pvojecting beyoud nnJ overlooking the lower, story, or the diteb. James.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII. 1013
the advantage of being capable of defence and of accommodating eiglit cannon and a hundred
fusileers. It will be safe from an escalade, and, as all the stories will be arched and paved
with stone, a garrison and all the property will be safe in it ; and he assures that such a
work is superior to Fort Frontenac, which, independent of its ill construction, is in a bad
situation. The enemy, on their way to Montreal, pass it at a distance of four leagues, whilst
they come within cannon shot of La Galette.
Sieur de Chaussegros' plan and estimate state that if this redoubt be placed at Cayuga bay,
it will cost 30 or 47. 7' 9"*; if it be constructed at La Galette it will possibly cost something
less, as this post is only 36 leagues from Montreal.
Mess" de Beauharnais and d'Aigremont observe in a special despatch of the 1" of October,
that in consequence of its being represented to them, since the arrival of Baron de Longueil,
that it would be more for the security of the Colony to form an establishment on the South
shore of Lake Ontario, and to preoccupy the posts of which the English might make themselves
masters, they have proposed to postpone the post at La Gallette, which can always be made
whenever his Majesty shall so order, and approve that the funds which might be intended
therefor be employed on the one M. de Longueil proposes to erect in Cayuga bay, between
the River Choueguen and the post at Niagara. It is of the utmost consequence not to
permit the English to anticipate us. Choueguen is a proof of that, and if we neglect to make
an establishment at Cayuga bay, there is no doubt but the English will come and settle there
immediately. It is the only place where large vessels can be built ; the English cannot build
any of that description in the River Choueguen.
Same date. 1=« S'""', 1728. They observe that the late Marquis de Vaudreuil had adopted
measures in 1724 to bring the nation of the Chaouanons' nearer to the Colony; they are at
present between the Iroquois and the English. This nation, which consists of over 700 Indians,
has been much attached to the French, and was the first to ask to approach them, saying they
were unhappy alongside the English.
It would promote in a considerable degree the prosperity and security of the Colony, could
these Indians settle between Lake Erie and the Ohio river. Naturally fond of the French,
they would form a barrier between the Iroquois and us, and their numbers would make them
respected. They would reinforce our domiciliated Indians, who are decreasing every day;
and. in case of war with the Iroquois, would, doubtless, be of very great assistance. All
these reasons have induced them to adopt M. de Vaudreuil's views ; and M. de Longueil, who
had, in former years, sent a person capable of properly managing that negotiation to ascertain
the dispositions of those Indians, having learned that they continued to be resolved to come
near us, though unable to do so through fear of the Iroquois, has proposed to send the same person
thither again this year, in order to induce some of the most considerable chiefs of that Nation
to accompany him down to Montreal with the word of all their villages, and to examine with
those Chiefs the district that could be assigned them for the establishment of the new villages
alongside the French.
These Indians have begun a village on the River Ohio, which already contains more than
150 men and their families. They have traded from all time with the French, and are a very
industrious people, cultivating a good deal of land.
- ' The French name for the Sh;
1014 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Two families have already removed from this village to the vicinity of Lake Erie. There
is another small lake in a tongue of land situate between Lake Erie and the River Ohio, which
divides into two branches, whereof one falls into the River Ouabache and the other flows
towards Lake Erie. The latter is not very navigable. It is in this tongue of land that the
Chouanons desire to settle. This settlement will not be at most over 25 leagues from Lake
Erie, opposite a place called Long Point.
Cavillier is the name of the person whom M. de Beauharnais has permitted to return to the
Chouanons. He is understood and known by these Indians, and will probably negotiate this
affair with success.
The construction of two sloops on Lake Erie would contribute materially to the increase and
preservation of the trade of the Upper country. It is intended to establish a small post on the
borders of that Lake, to serve merely as winter quarters for those vessels by means of which
the whole of Lakes Erie, Huron and Michigan would be navigated. The last is convenient
to the country of the Foxes, and what war soever may occur hereafter with the Indians, these
sloops will afford the means of supplying the upper posts with all the requisite supplies of
ammunition and provisions. The colony would derive another additional advantage from these
vessels; they would keep in check the Indians who are carrying their peltries to the English,
and the latter would be no longer tempted to send canoes loaded with Brandy and merchandise
to the head of Lake Erie, whither they sometimes go to trade with the Indians. If these
views be approved, they beg that orders may be sent by the first vessels, so as to enable them
to commence the post in the very forepart of the next autumn, and to order the cutting of the
timber necessary for the construction of these barks. The late M. de la Salle had one built
with which he navigated these three lakes.
January 25, 1729. The King will not incur this expense.
Abstract of Messrs. de Beauharnois and Hocquarts Despatches.
Abenaquis.
25 October, 1729. In regard to the measures adopted last year by M. de Beauharnais for
retaining the Abenaquis in sentiments of attachment to the French, with which measures the
King has expressed himself satisfied. Mess" de Beauharnais and Hocquart assure that his
Majesty will not be less so with those they shall jointly adopt to preserve them in this
disposition, and will closely watch their proceedings in case these should be prejudicial to the
Colony; they will consult with Father de Lachasse ' respecting the distribution of the four
thousand livres granted annually for the necessities of that Nation, and will see that all the
villages having Missionaries, shall share therein.
The Missionary who went to the Village of Narantsouak has returned thence with the
intention of again going thither in the spring ; the Indians who have brought him are to come
in quest of him.
' Rev. PiEBBB Joseph de la Chaese wm a missionary among the Abenaquis as early as 1700. He was Superior of his Order in
Canada from 1718 to 1727, when he was succeeded by Father Duparc, and is said to have returned to France in 1786. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII. 1015
Although they feel all the advantage of restoring that village to its former condition, they
observe that it is now to be apprehended that our domiciliated Indians may abandon their
villages of S* Francis and Becancourt with a view to go and settle with their brethren at
Narantsouak. These ideas may be suggested to them by the proximity of the English, and
the presents with which the latter overwhelm them. But every thing possible will be done to
dissuade those Indians from that course, as there is no doubt, should they adopt it, they would
be, sooner or later, lost to France. This will form one of the objects of attention, and Mess"
de Beauharnais and Hocquart will see what will best comport with the welfare of the Colony,
whereof they will afterwards render an account. They add, that on the arrival of the
Missionary there, only six cabins of these Indians were at that village ; Father Lauverjeat,
Missionary at Panaoumske, took charge of them during the former's absence.
Lake Ontario.
They will enforce the orders issued to oblige the canoes of the French Voyageurs when
returning from the Upper country to pass along the north side of Lake Ontario, such course
being very necessary on account of the Trade carried on by the English at Choueguen.
They will see that the stores at Niagara be supplied with goods adapted to the wants of the
Indians. They represent it as desirable that goods be furnished the Indians at the same prices
as the English supply them at Choueguen; this would be the true means to destroy the trade
of that place. They will adopt, besides, all the precautions necessary to accomplish that object-
Inasmuch as his Majesty has not approved of the proposed establishment at the Bay of the
Cayugas, it shall not be thought of any more, unless it be determined upon. It is to be hoped
that we shall not be anticipated at that point by the English, who do not omit any opportunity
of encroaching.
They will direct all their attention to the preservation of the trade at Niagara and Fort
Frontenac, and will curtail every apparently useless expense.
The same objections to the farming the posts always continue, and there is not a doubt of
the entire loss of all those posts, should it be decided on to lease them.
Although there be no reason for suspecting that the English will undertake to establish other
posts, except the fact that they have one at Choueguen, it is to be presumed that they might
think of doing so. There is no doubt of their desire to encroach on Lake Ontario, nor is
any reliance to be placed on the policy of the Iroquois, who, loaded with presents, will suffer
themselves to be easily seduced by the English should they form such a design. The Indians
have not been 'till this time of day without hearing that they must regard the English as a
nation that seeks to invade their country and make themselves masters of it. M"" de Beauharnais
will continue to insinuate this idea among them, and will not neglect any thing to prevail on
them not to listen to the propositions the English might make them.
If necessity do not require the employment of the two sloops, one alone will be absolutely
required for the forwarding of whatever supplies are sent to Fort Frontenac for the use of the
post at Niagara.
The proposition submitted last year, to construct two sloop.s on Lake Erie, appeared judicious,
inasmuch as they would navigate all the Upper Lakes. It was also intended to keep those
nations in check by means of these vessels. Provisions and munitions of war for the entire
army could be safely conveyed to their country in case of war with the Foxes. The
multiplication of canoes would be obviated thereby, and the difficulty and trouble of finding
1016 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS,
suiBcient persons qualified to manage them would be removed. But as there is an appearance,
from all their proceedings, of a solid peace with that nation, and as his Majesty does not
approve of the construction of these two sloops, nothing more will be thought of them.
The measures adopted by M. de Beauharnais to bring the nation of the Chaouanons nearer
to the Colony have not been without effect. Cavelier, whom he had intrusted with that
commission, brought him four of their deputies, this summer, to Montreal, to assure him of
their entire fidelity and attachment to the French. They told him that, being unhappy with
the English, and united formerly with the French, they had come to ascertain if he would
receive them, and where he would wish to locate them. These dispositions made him think
that it would be well to attract them and take advantage of the inclination which led them to
visit him. But as it was not prudent to determine on a place, which perhaps would not have
suited them, or might be injurious to some other Nation as regards hunting, on account of the
proximity of the one to the other, he contented himself with telling them that he could not
better respond to the pleasure he felt at seeing his children, than to leave them entirely at
liberty to select, themselves, a country where they might live conveniently and within the
sound of their Father's voice ; that they might report, next year, the place they will have chosen,
and he should see if it were suitable for them. What quarter these Indians shall have selected
will be reported next year, when it will be approved of only so far as it will comport with the
welfare of the Colony. They do not expect that this change will entail any other expense
than a few presents to that Nation, which it is necessary to attract, and which will be a barrier
between the Iroquois and us.
Brandy.
The toleration his Majesty is pleased to entertain in favor of the distribution of Brandy
to the Indians, is so much the more necessary, as that liquor is the sole allurement that could
attract and preserve them to us, and deprive them of all inducement to go to the English.
Care will be taken that no abuse arise therefrom, and if this toleration be found prejudicial to
Religion and the Colony, they will apply a remedy, and cause the prohibitions against this
liquor to be enforced.
The Fort at the Scioux.
They agree that the fort the French built among the Scioux, on the border of Lake Pepin,
appears to be badly situated, on account of the freshets. But the Indians assure that the
water rose higher in 1727 than it ever did before, and this is credible, inasmuch as it did
not reach the fort this year. When Sieur de Laperriere located it at that place, 'twas on
the assurances of the Indians that the water did not rise so high ; moreover, he could not
locate it more advantageously in regard both to the quantity of land suitable for cultivation
and to the abundance of game. These two considerations, the one and the other of which
are paramount, conjoined to what the Indians told him respecting the freshets, determined
him ; but as the water might possibly rise 'as high as in 1727, this fort could be removed four
or five arpcTis from the lake shore, without prejudice to the views entertained in building it
on its present site.
It does not appear probable that this settlement any more than the fort, could give umbrage
to that nation, which, itself, had solicited it. The favorable reception it had extended to the
French on their arrival,' seems to contradict the representations on this subject. It is very
true that these Indians did leave shortly after, on a hunting excursion, as they are in the habit
PARIS DOCUMENTS: VIII. 1017
of doing for their own support, and tlint of their families, wlio liave only that means of
livelihood, as they do not cultivate the soil at all. W de Beauharnais has just been informed
that their absence was occasioned only by having fallen in, whilst hunting with a number of
Prarie Scioux, by whom they were invited to accompany them on a war expedition against the
Mahas,' which invitation they accepted, and returned only in the month of July following.
The interests of Religion, of the service, and of the Colony are involved in the maintenance
of this establishment, which has been the more necessary as there is no doubt but the Foxes,
when routed, would have found an asylum among the Scioux had not the French been settled
there, and the docility and submission manifested by the Foxes cannot be attributed to any
cause except the attention entertained by the Scioux for the French and the offers which the
former made the latter, of which the Foxes were fully cognizant.
It is necessary to retain the Scioux in these favorable dispositions in order to keep the Foxes
in check and counteract the measures they might adopt to gain over the Scioux, who will
invariably reject their propositions so long as the French remain in their country, and their
trading post shall continue there. But despite all these advantages and the importance of
preserving that establishment, M' de Beauharnais cannot take any steps until he have news
of the French who asked his permission this summer to go up there with a canoe-load of goods,
and until assured that those who wintered there, have not dismantled the fort, and that the
Scioux continue in the same sentiments. Besides, it does not seem very easy, in the present
conjuncture, to maintain that post, unless there be a solid peace with the Foxes ; on the other
hand, the greatest portion of the Traders who applied in 1727, for the establishment of that
post, have withdrawn, and will not send thither any more, as the rupture with the Foxes,
through whose country it is necessary to pass in order to reach the Scioux in canoe, has
led them to abandon the idea. But the one and the other case might be remedied. The
Foxes will, in all probability, come or send next year to sue for peace ; therefore if it be
granted to them on advantageous conditions, there need be no apprehension when going to
the Scioux, and another Company could be formed, less numerous than the first, through
whom, or some responsible merchants able to afford the outfits, a new treaty could be made
whereby these difficulties would be soon obviated. One only trouble remains, and that is, to
send a commanding and sub officer, and some soldiers up there, which are absolutely
necessary for the maintenance of good order at that post; the Missionaries would not go there
without a Commandant. This article^ which regards the service, and the expense of which
must be on his Majesty's account, oblige them to apply for orders. They will, as far as lies
in their power, induce the Traders to meet that expense, which will possibly amount to 1,000"
or 1,500" a year for the Commandant and in proportion for the officer under him, but as in the
beginning of an establishment the expenses exceed the profits, it is improbable that any
company of merchants will assume the outlay, and in this case, they demand orders on this
point, as well as his Majesty's opinion as to the necessity of preserving so useful a post, and a
nation which has already afforded proofs of its fidelity and attachment. These orders could be
sent them by way of He Royale, or by the first merchantmen that will sail for Quebec. The
time required to receive intelligence of the occurences in the Scioux country, will admit of their
waiting for these orders before doing any thing.
'One of eight tribes composing the Nation of the Southern Sioux in the older maps. They occupied the territory around
the Great and Little Sioux rivers in Iowa, from which they have not moved very far, being now located between the
Missouri and Nebraska rivers in the territory of Nebraska. — Ed.
Vol. IX. 128
1018 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Iroquois Indians.
Mess" de Beauharnais and Hocquart send the extract of a letter written by Father de
Lauzon,' Missionary at Sault S' Louis.
This letter states that, reflecting on the means to be adopted to detach the Iroquois gradually
from the English by attracting them to the Missions, it is easy to get their relatives who are
domiciliated at the Sault S' Louis to invite them to come among us. Thirteen years' experience
has shown him that success will attend this course when some trifling present can be made
those who quit their country to reside in ours, and there has not been a year since he has
been in the mission that some Iroquois family did not come to settle there and be instructed.
'Tis true that all have not remained there, but what mostly discouraged them seemed to him
to have been that their wants could not be supplied as readily at the mission as in their own
country; for although the Christian Indians are well inclined to assist those who come to
settle among them, and the Missionaries help them as much as they can, it often happens,
notwithstanding, that it is impossible to meet all the wants of the new comers as soon and as
abundantly as is needed. Hence, the Indians imagine that they are thought nothing of, and
under the apprehension that poverty, some of whose pinchings they already begin to feel, will
endure a long time, they decide on returning home.
It would be necessary for the King to grant the mission of Sault S' Louis some revenue
whereby facilities might be afibrded to the Missionaries to assist the new comers and to have
fields cleared for them promptly, in order that they may gather corn the very first year for
their support.
He observes that the Mission of the Sault is the oldest, the most populous, and that which
has afforded the most proofs of its attachment to the French in the wars with the English and
the Iroquois, and the one, which, notwithstanding, derives the least benefit from the King's
bounty, receiving only 500" though it has three Missionaries. An increase of revenue would
afibrd it the means of sending a deputation, from time to time, to the villages of the Iroquois
with a view to attract some of them to the mission, and to assist them to settle there, which,
whilst promoting the glory of God and advancing their salvation, will augment, at the same
time, our strength, by depriving the English of those whom they would use against us in time
of War.
M. de Beauharnois to Count de Maurepas.
My Lord,
I have the honor to communicate to you some intelligence respecting what passed at Orange,
between the English and the Iroquois. It was sent me by M. de la Come, who received it
from Sieur de la Fresniere, Lieutenant of the troops, and it was communicated to him by an
Abenakis Chief who came thence.
I am with most profound respect.
My Lord,
Your most humble, and most
Obedient Servant,
Quebec, 10"' October, 1730. Beauharnois.
' Rev. FnANfoiB Locis db Lavzon succeeded Father Lafitau {mpra, p. 882) at the Sault St Louis. He is said to have died
ia YlM. Ziate Chronologigue. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII. 1019
A Chief belonging to S' Francis arrived here this day, the thirtieth of vSeptember, on his way
to hunt at the head of Lake S' Francis, and not being able to speak to the Commandant,
requested me to tell him, that he (the Chief) fell in three days ago, with two of his people,
who, after having been deer hunting some time in the neighborliood of the Little Fall,' went
to Orange, which place they had left ten days ago ; that they had been present at a meeting
of Dutch and Iroquois, held on occasion of the death of an English or Dutch man who had
been killed at Chouaguen, last Spring.^ At that meeting, the Iroquois gave three bundles of
beaver; one to appease the minds of those belonging to the family of the deceased; the other
as an assurance that the Iroquois had duly interred his remains, and to wipe out the blood ;
the third to invite those to whom they addressed this word, to bury this affair so deep that it
would never more be heard of.
The Iroquois receiving no answer demand one, and were told they must wait for one from
the Governor of Menathe ; [ They answered] that Orange was the place they received answers,
and that usually they had not to wait for any one to come from Menathe, with an answer.
They were told that even if they had the bulk of a house of beaver, they would not receive
any answer until the Governor had arrived, and that he it was, who would reply to them ;
they were, moreover, informed that they were speaking about a man they had just killed, but
did not say a word of the three other murders they had previously committed.
The Iroquois replied, that he saw clearly they were seeking to pick a quarrel ; that his
young men, 'twas true, had killed some evil disposed (malingre) English, some time ago ; and
since those old sores were ripped up anew, some bad designs were entertained, but he would
give himself very little trouble about them, and return home to his village. A few days after
this an Iroquois runner arrived with orders to notify all the hunters belonging to that Nation,
who were somewhat numerous around the Little Fall and Lake S' Sacrament, to return
forthwith to the village, where news had been received that the Governor of Menathe had
arrived quite out of humor at Orange ; whereupon all these hunters took their departure
next day.
These same Abenaquis assure that all the English or Dutch, who were at Choueguen, had
gone away from that place and left the house empty, no one remaining behind there but one
man who could not get his property away, and preferred to remain there than to abandon all.
de Beauharnois and Hocquart to Count de Maurepas.
My Lord,
We have the honor to send you copy of the trial of a man named John Henry Lidius, a
native of Orange, in New England, who has resided at Montreal since 1725, and the decree of
the Superior Council which hath declared him impeached and guilty of having contravened the
King's Edict in form of letters patent of the month of October, 1727, and especially Article
one of Title six of said Letters, and hath consequently condemned him in a fine of 3000" and
banished him the Colony forever.
' Whitehall, Washington County, N. Y.
'' Jacob Beowee, an Indian trader, was, " barbarously murdered" at the falls on the Oswego river, in the spring of 1730, by
an Onondaga Indian. iV. Y. Council Minutes, XVI., 28. — Ed.
1020 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
■
On information we received at Montreal that this foreigner was carrying on an unlawful
trade with New England through some Indians whom he had endeavored to conciliate by
presents and entertainments, we jointly resolved to have him arrested, and M. Hocquart
immediately commenced proceedings, which have since been concluded in the Superior Council.
Although this man has not been convicted of having plotted against the government, we
received through the Missionaries of the Sault and the Lake of the Two Mountains, such
strong suspicions of his conduct towards our domiciliated Indians, in whose minds he daily
ingratiated himself, either by visiting them or by receiving them at his house or by painting
them himself, telling them that it was thus they should go to war, that there is every reason to
believe that this foreigner was a very dangerous man in the Colony. The Misssionaries have
again complained, on information received from their most trustworthy Indians, that the said
Lidius was representing to them that the Religious mysteries which the Missionaries were
announcing to them, were pure impositions which they ought not to believe. All these
suspicions cannot be verified more exactly. It simply appears by the certificates of the Cure
of Montreal, that the said Lidius has given no evidence of Catholicity since his abjuration,
the record whereof we transmit you.
We had the honor to report to you. My Lord, last year, that this foreigner having connections
in New England and with the Indians, it might be dangerous to disturb him in his trade. It
would be more dangerous now to send him back to his country ; wherefore we have determined
to send him to France in the King's ship. We send him to M. de Beauharnois, who will await
your orders in the premises. There is no fear that he will return to New England, where, we
have understood, he has been bankrupt, and has been obliged to abscond in order to hide
himself from the suits of his creditors. This foreigner married a Metive,' by whom he has
two children.
M. Hocquart did not consider that the Lidius affair was within his jurisdiction as Intendant,
because Attorneys-General are enjoined by Article 4 of the same Title 3, to attend to the
execution of the three preceding articles, and cannot prosecute except before the Council.
In regard to the accusations against some Frenchmen of Montreal, contained in Lidius'
dispositions, the Superior Council has referred the investigation of them to M. Hocquart, who
will follow up this matter as far as prudence will permit. You need not doubt. My Lord, but
the example in the instance of the said Lidius, will make a strong impression at least for some
time, on those who are in the habit of carrying on, or favoring foreign trade.
M. de Beauharnois having been informed that the Indians of the Sault and of the Lake of
the Two Mountains were to send him some deputies to solicit the liberation of said Lidius,
sent them word that he would not hear them, and that their deputation would be unsuccessful.
They did not move any further.
On perusal of the proceedings you will observe. My Lord, that Father Lauzon, the Jesuit
Missionary of the Sault, is accused by the said Lidius, with having himself carried on or favored
foreign trade : but this is evidently a pure recrimination on his part, and a frivolous accusation.
We, on the contrary, have every reason to congratulate ourselves on the conduct of this
Missionary, and his zeal for the King's service, and the good of Religion.
We are with most profound respect.
My Lord,
Your most humble and most obedient servants,
Quebec, 15"" October, 1730. Beauharnois, Hocquart.
' A half-breed; the offepring of n Wliite and an Indian. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: VIII. 1021
I, the undersigned, Priest of the Seminary of S' Sulpice, performing Parochial duties in the
town of Montreal, in Canada, certify, on the juridical inquiry which M. Hocquart, Intendant
of New France addressed to us as to the conduct of Sieur Lydius, an Englishman, in regard to
the exercises of religion, that I have not, during the six months! have had charge of the parish
of Montreal, seen said Sieur Lydius assist at any office of the chuVch, or even enter that
building. 1, in like manner certify that I have no knowledge of his having, during that time,
performed any act of the Catholic religion.
Done at Montreal, this 26 July, 1730. A. Deat,' Priest.
I, the undersigned. Priest of the Seminary of Montreal, formerly performing parochial duty
in the town of Montreal, certify on the juridical inquiry which M. Hocquart, Intendant of
New France addressed to us respecting the conduct of Sieur Lidius, in regard to the exercises
of religion, that the said Lidius, an Englishman, has not, since his abjuration, given any proofs of
Catholicity, but many utterly repugnant to the Catholic religion; firstly, in objecting to present
his child in the church to have it baptised; secondly, in having exhorted an Englishman on
the point of death, to persist in his heretical opinions; and thirdly, in having assisted at his
interment, and performed the service according to the manner of English Ministers.
J. G. M. Du Lescoat,^
Missionary Priest.
Abstract of M. de Beauliarnois' despatches relative to Crown Pointy xviili the
King's approval.
Proposed Establishment at Crown Point, on LakeChamplain. 5"" February, 1731.
[From the Original resamS of the Minister in the Archives of the Marine, Paris. ]
M. de Beauharnais having been informed that the English of Orange were going to Lake
Champlain and its vicinity to trade with the Indians, sent an officer and thirty soldiers thither
in 1730, with orders to drive them thence ; but owing either to their having been warned, or
from some other cause, none of them were found there.
The English, bent on augmenting their possessions in America, profit by the peace to
advance into the country of Canada, and use every means to gain over the Indians. 'Tis
known that with a view to establish himself on Lake Champlain, the King of England granted
'Rev. Antoine Deat, a Sulpitian, was born on the 16th of April, 1696, at Eiom, parish of St. Amable, and diocese of
Clermont, in Auvergne. Heentered the seminary of that town in 1718, and accompanied Mr. Normant to Canada in 1722.
He was a man of great talent and exemplary piety, and an eloquent preacher ; he succeeded M. de Lescoat, as Rector of the
parish of Montreal, in February, 1730, and died 13th of March, 1761, in the 65th year of his age. FaiUon, Vie de Mde.
d'Youville, 62. Vie de Mde. de Bourgeoys, II., 329.
' Rev. Jean Gabeiei le Pappe dd LEscaAT, was born in 1689. He was a native of the diocese of St. Malo, in Brittany,
entered the Seminary of St. Sulpice, in Paris, in 1709, and volunteered in 1717, to go to Canada. He was accordingly sent
to Montreal the following year. After having been sometime in charge of the parish of Point aux Trembles, near that city,
he was recalled, and finally appointed parish priest of Montreal He filled that office until 1730, and died on the 7th February,
1733, at the age of 44 years. Ibid. — Ed.
1022 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
it to the children of M. Peter Schul,' a famous citizen of Orange, and there is every reason to
fear that, if not provided against, they will seize on it, and in such case force will be necessary
to oblige them to retire.
As a means of prevention, he proposes to form an establishment at Crown Point, which will
close on the English the road to the French settlements, and enable us to fall on them when
they least expect it.
When the establishment will be completed, lands can be granted to settlers who will consent
to live there, and who will insensibly add to our strength at that point.
It appears proper to order the construction of a stockaded fort there, until one more
solid can be erected, and to place such a garrison in it as M. de Beauharnais shall
deem fit, and to concede lands to such farmers as will demand them.
The Map of this lake and environs, is annexed with that of Canada.^
Good.
Respecting Posts to be erected at Crown Point, on Lake Champlain. 13
February, 1731.
Letter of the 15th ^he Marquis de Beauharnois states that the English apparently intend to form
sber, 1730. some Dosts in these parts, he having been informed that some Dutchmen of
Extract for the King. ' . , , . , , t ,. rr,, . . i , , .
Orange were gomg there to trade with the Indians. This induced him to send
The proposition ap- ° do
pears fitting. o„g officer and thirty soldiers thither this year, with orders to drive them away.
Approved by the rpj^^ officers who havc been alternately there, have, however, found nobody in
that quarter, the Dutch having apparently been informed of his design. He will continue to
pay attention that they form no establishment there until he have received orders.
He transmits a Memoir from M. de la Come, King's lieutenant at Montreal, on the importance
of forming these establishments there.
Memoir.
Crown Point is at the head of Lake Champlain, about half way from Chambly to Orange.
It is a small strait, separating that Lake from the Grand Marais, about 15 arpens wide at
the head of which is a place called The Little Fall of the River du Chicot.'' The English caused
a fort to be built on this river in 1709, where they constructed the bateaux necessary for the
conveyance of their army to Canada, but not being able to reach Quebec, they abandoned
and burnt that fort.
There is a Carrying place four leagues long from the place where this fort stood to the River
of Orange, which comes from the country of the Oneidas, passes through that of the Mohawks
and disembogues into the Sea.
See Map. Withiu 3 or 4 leagues of Crown Point, to the right, lies Lake Saint Sacrament,
leagues long and wide, at the head of which is a Carrying place to reach the River of
Orange. This is the shortest route to the Mohawks.
When in possession of Crown Point, the road will be blocked on the English should they
wish to pass over our territory, and we will be in a position to fall on them when they least
' Sic. Schuyler. ' An Engraved Map. ' Wood creek. — En.
Carte du Lac Champlain, avec les Bi\
Tort de Chamhly dans la Nouvelle Francel
e de la Nouvelle Angleterre, dress6 sur d^
[Date
1022 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
it to the children of M. Peter Schul,' a famous citizen of Orange, and there is every reason to
fear that, if not provided against, they will seize on it, and in such case force will be necessary
to oblige them to retire.
As a means of prevention, he proposes to form an establishment at Crown Point, which will
close on the English the road to the French settlements, and enable us to fall on them when
they least expect it.
When the establishment will be completed, lands can be granted to settlers who will consent
to live there, and who will insensibly add to our strength at that point.
It appears proper to order the construction of a stockaded fort there, until one more
solid can be erected, and to place such a garrison in it as M. de Beauharnais shall
deem fit, and to concede lands to such farmers as will demand them.
The Map of this lake and environs, is annexed with that of Canada.^
Good.
Respecting Posts to be erected at Crown Point, on Lake Champlain. 13
February, 1731.
Letter of the istii "^'^^ Marquis de Beauharnois states that the English apparently intend to form
8ber, 1730. some posts in these parts, he having been informed that some Dutchmen of
Extract for the King. . , . , , t i- mi • • t j i • i
Oransre were gomg there to trade with the Indians. 1 his induced him to send
The proposition ap- " DO
pears fitting. gjje officcr and thirty soldiers thither this year, with orders to drive them away.
Approved by the rpj^g officcrs who havc bccu alternately there, have, however, found nobody in
that quarter, the Dutch having apparently been informed of his design. He will continue to
pay attention that they form no establishment there until he have received orders.
He transmits a Memoir from M. de la Corne, King's lieutenant at Montreal, on the importance
of forming these establishments there.
Memoir.
Crown Point is at the head of Lake Champlain, about half way from Chambly to Orange.
It is a small strait, separating that Lake from the Grand Marais, about 15 arpens wide at
the head of which is a place called The Little Fall of the River rfu Chicot.^ The English caused
a fort to be built on this river in 1709, where they constructed the bateaux necessary for the
conveyance of their army to Canada, but not being able to reach Quebec, they abandoned
and burnt that fort.
There is a Carrying place four leagues long from the place wkere this fort stood to the River
of Orange, which comes from the country of the Oneidas, passes through that of the Mohawks
and disembogues into the Sea.
Bee Map. Within 3 or 4 leagues of Crown Point, to the right, lies Lake Saint Sacrament,
leagues long and wide, at the head of which is a Carrying place to reach the River of
Orange. This is the shortest route to the Mohawks.
When in possession of Crown Point, the road will be blocked on the English should they
wish to pass over our territory, and we will be in a position to fall on them when they least
' Sic. Schuyler. ' An Engraved Map. ' Wood creek. — Ed.
Map of Lake Champlain, with the Rivers from
Fort Chamhly in ^few France, to Orange in New
England, prepared according to divers Memoirs.
[Abotit 1731.]
A, s.a at Nm- HrL
cLSO ^(ea^s
d&c<.eJ
C.,.J...>.^r,.,.,.. .,.....W-" — — — "^
Paris, 3U September, 1S42.
J. ROMETN BbODHEAD.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII. 1023
expect it. Should they, on the contrary, anticipate us in this establishment, we could never
show ourselves on Lake Champlain except with open force, nor make war against them except
with a large army, whilst seizing on this post, we could harrass them by small parties, as we
have done from 16S9 to 1699, when we were at war with the Iroquois.
Now, when the Colony is better settled than it was at that time, this Post can be begun by
constructing a good post there and granting farms on Lake Champlain. If this be neglected,
the English will not fall asleep on it, and they are already adopting, for that purpose, similar
measures to those they had recourse to at Choueguen. They have located some farmers
among the Mohawks and Oneidas ; have had a convenient road cut to facilitate the requisite
land carriage from the River of Orange to the Lake of Thecheaeguen, or of the Oneidas;
through the outlet of this Lake they pass into the River Choueguen in canoe, so that by
sending small Trading parties into all these places, they have gradually succeeded, when we
were off our guard, to settle themselves, by open violence, at Choueguen, on Lake Ontario,
where they are forming a permanent establishment, by building houses, and there will be a
town there probably before long.
Though profound peace exist, we must be on our guard against them ; they take advantage
of this season to seize on the country and gain over the Indians by supplying them with
goods at a bargain.
He knows, beyond a doubt, that the King of England has granted Lake Champlain to the
Children of Sieur Peter Scult,' a well known resident of Orange. Therefore, we must
anticipate the establishment they may form at Crown Point. It has been observed that
establishing Niagara would engage the English to settle at Choueguen ; it was likewise
observed, when Detroit was founded, that it would bring the English nearer our Indians. Yet,
certain it is, that if we had not erected these two posts, the English would now be settled
there and at Missilimakinak.
The Indians did not wait for our coming to Detroit to communicate with the English; the
latter were there before 16S3, since Mess" de la Durantaye and Du Lude, who commanded in
the Upper country, and were on their way to attack the Senecas, did, at that time, capture, in
Lake Eri6, 50 or 60 Englishmen who were going to trade at Missilimakinac, under the
command of the Major of Orange, and guided by a Renegade named La Fontaine Marion,
whom M. Denonville ordered to be put to death.
Co^hnt de Maurepas to M. de BeauJmrnois.
Versailles, 24 April 1731.
Sir,
I have received the letters you wrote me on the lO"", 15"" and 24"' of October last year, with
the papers annexed thereunto, and have rendered an account thereof unto the King.
His Majesty has consented on your application, to maintain the Abenaquis in the French
interests, and to neutralize the reiterated attempts of the English to induce that Nation to sell
or cede their lands to them. It is to be hoped that they will not succeed in those attempts so
' Sic. Schuyler. — Ed.
1024 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
long as you will be careful both by yourself and through the Missionaries, to insinuate to
these Indians that their destruction would be certain, should they yield to those solicitations ;
in fact, it is certain that they would become slaves. Their attacliment to the Religion may
contribute essentially to retain them. This is an important matter and must command your
entire attention.
The views and movements of the English to obtain the ascendancy in the Upper countries,
are but too notorious. It seems, nevertheless, that their urgent applications to the Iroquois
with a view to determine the latter to come to a rupture witii the French, will meet with no
success, because it does not comport with their interests, and they are too politic to allow
themselves to be won by presents. Meanwhile his Majesty has approved of your having sent
Sieur de Joncaire to the Senecas, to find out the secret intrigues of the Iroquois with the
English, and to thwart them by his experience and influence over the minds of these Indians.
I recommend to you not to lose sight of this object which is of the greatest importance.
His Majesty has likewise approved of your having, in concert with M. Hocquart, sent Sieur
de Rigauville to Niagara to command that post during Sieur de Joncaire's absence, being
persuaded that you have found in him all the talents necessary for that command. You
cannot pay too much attention to the selection of agents for the posts, and I beg you to
observe that neither predeliction nor complaisance have any share in such choice.
Louis XV. to Messrs. de Beatiharnois and Hocquart.
Marly, S'" of May, 1731.
His Majesty is satisfied with the attention paid by M. Hocquart to supplying the posts of
Frontenac and Niagara abundantly with goods for the trade. That is so necessary for the
overthrow of the post the English have established at Choueguen, that M. Hocquart cannot
pay too much attention to it.
He has been pleased to see that Sieur Hocquart does not perceive any impropriety in his
Majesty tolerating the distribution of Brandy to the Indians ; being convinced of the attention
of Mess" de Beauharnois and Hocquart in this regard, he recommends them not to relax, and
to put most rigorously into execution the prohibitions on this subject, should the privilege
degenerate into abuse.
They are not to be discouraged by the difficulties they experience in settling the Colony on
the South side of the lower St. Lawrence. They will, doubtless, encounter eventually more
favorable dispositions. Therefore they can not follow up these views with too much industry.
They are aware of its entire importance.
His Majesty has had cognizance of what M. de Beauharnois has written respecting the
proposed establishment at Crown Point, on Lake Champlain.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: VIII. 1025
That post may be very advantageous either to prevent the English coming to the French
settlements, or to fall on theirs in case of war. Therefore, his Majesty desires that a stockaded
fort be erected at that place, until a stronger one can be constructed, and that M. de Beauharnois
send such garrison thither as he shall judge proper; but in order to increase the strength of
that quarter, Mess" de Beauharnois and Hocquart are to be careful to make grants there to
the farmers who demand land. His Majesty recommends them to follow carefully these
views; to report what action will have been taken thereon, and to transmit an estimate of the
expense of tliis establishment.
He has likewise had cognizance of the proposal submitted by M. Hocquart to build on his
Majesty's account a flyboat of 500 tons, and to construct a larger one every year. His Majesty
would decide on it readily, but as wages are too high, it is proper that our endeavors should
be confined at present to fostering and encouraging the disposition apparently entertained by
the people of the country to apply themselves to ship building. With this view his Majesty
is pleased to grant a bounty of 500" for each vessel of 200 tons that will be built there ; 150"
for each batteau of from 30 to 60 tons, and 200" for those of 60 to 100 tons, on the proprietors
producing certificates of the sale of those vessels either in the ports of France or in the Islands.
He has confined this bounty to two ships and six bateaux for the next year, and will
afterwards increase the number of the vessels according as things progress. He orders Mess"
de Beauharnois and Hocquart to communicate his intentions in this regard to the inhabitants
of the country, and recommends them to redouble their care and attention to encourage
them in this (ship) building. In this way merchant vessels will be obtained; the number
of workmen in the Colony will be increased, and wages will be reduced to a point that will
admit of vessels being constructed there for his Majesty. He recommends Mess" de
Beauharnois and Hocquart not to lose sight of this Important object; to pay every possible
.attention to it, and to report the result.
They are to be informed that his Majesty has accepted the surrender of the province of
Louisiana and of the Islinois Country from the India Company, to date from the first of July
next. They will find hereunto annexed copies of the arret issued on this subject. That
Province will in future be dependent on the general government of New France, as it was
previous to the Grant to the Company.
His Majesty has not determined whether the Islinois Country is to remain dependent on the
government of Louisiana. That may nevertheless be the most convenient, as the Governor-
general will be always equally able to send his orders to it, and to be informed of what will
occur there in regard to the Indians. Mess" de Beauharnois and Hocquart will examine
whether it be proper to leave this country in its present state, or to disconnect it from the
Government of Louisiana, as was the case before it had been granted to the Company. They
will be careful to report on that point and to state the reasons for and against, whereupon
his Majesty will communicate his intentions. He recommends Mess" de Beauharnois
and Hocquart to contribute all in their power to support the Colony of Louisiana, and to
put themselves in correspondence with Sieur Perrier,' the Governor, and Sieur Salmon,
' M. Perbier du Salvbrt, who held a Commissioii in the Marine and was a Knight of Saint Louis, succeeded M. Dugu6 de
Boisbriant in 1726, in the government of Louisiana, where he was very popular. In 1730 he led an army against the Natchez,
and utterly subjugated that Indian Nation. He was succeeded by M. Bienville, who reannied the government, in 1734 when
M. Perrier returned to France, where, as a reward for his public services, he was promoted to the rank of Lieutena it-general.
Duinonl. Memoir stir la Louisiane, II., 116, 123, 206, 210. In 1755 he was sent in command of a fleet for the protection of
St. Domingo, and served at the head of a squadron in the war which was subsequently declared in 1756. Entick. — Ed.
Vol. IX. 129
1026 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Commissaire ordonnalcur ^ on every point that will possibly promote the reciprocal advantage of
the two Colonies.
Done at Marly, the eighth of May, 1731. Signed Louis.
And lower down Phelypeaux.
M. de Beauharnois to Count de Maurepas.
My Lord,
You do me the honor to inform me by your letter of the twenty-fourth of April last, that his
Majesty continues to be satisfied with my efforts to maintain the Abenaquis in the French
interest, and to render the views of the English null. His Majesty may rely on my entire zeal
in this regard, and on the measures I shall constantly adopt to thwart the design they have
formed of seizing the lands of the Indians who, on their part, continue, it seems to me,
indisposed to sell or to cede their lands to them. I constantly encourage these dispositions, by
making the Indians sensible of the danger to which they would be exposed, and what I say
to them in that respect is frequently repeated by tiieir Missionary, who, like me, adds
thereunto the motive of Religion to which these Indians appear attached. It were desirable
that they should not allow themselves to be corrupted, and that they would perform the
promises they have made me on this subject.
I entertained the same opinion that you did. My Lord, on the report made me by Sieur de
S' Castin respecting the attempts and proceedings of the English, but it is impossible,
nevertheless, to deny the principle ; the object they contemplate of insinuating themselves
into the Colony, lead them to try every means to effect it.
They would have found the policy of gaining over some Indians by presents the least
difficult, and it would in fact have been less, had I not rendered these as firm as they seem
to me in their resolutions ; but although my uneasiness may be relieved on that point,
the superiority of the English, and the considerable establishments they are forming in the
neighborhood of the Indian territory, make me apprehensive that they will succeed in
rendering themselves masters of it by force ; this would agree closely with the representation
of Sieur de S' Castin, who did not come this year.
I shall conform myself. My Lord, to what you did me the honor to observe to me in regard
to the discharged soldiers, and will not grant discharges except to such as will come within the
' The CornmiMaire Ordonnateur, in the French Bervice, was a civil officer who had charge of the public treasury, provisions,
ammunition, and stores generally ; no payment or issue could be made unless on his order, but he was obliged to give a
return to the commandant, when required, of the provisions and stores on hand. He likewise had the superintendence of
the hospitals as far as concerned the details of their management; also of the department of Police, and tlie administration
of justice was his attribute. As first Councillor to, or in the absence of, the Intendant, it was his duty to preside in the
Superior Council, hear complaints, call the causes, collect the votes, pronounce the judgments, &c. Conjointly with the
Commandant or Governor, to report the conduct of the officers of justice, and propose proper persons to fill vacancies; to
concede lands; maintain religion and public order, and encourage population by protecting the weak ogainst the powerful,
and seeing that the officers of justice did not abuse their authority. Pkhon. Histoire da Cap Breton, HI - 115. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII. 1027
rules you prescribe to me. Although his Majesty has been so good as to send eighty-nine
recruits this year, the companies will be far from being complete, inasmuch as the rolls returned
to me show that the whole are in want of men. The number of soldiers who settle, die, or
desert, from year to year, is the reason that the recruits annually sent by his Majesty scarcely
suffice to replace them. In consequence of the numbers which we need this year, permit me>
My Lord, to make new representations to you on the subject of the want of soldiers we
experience, and which will increase in consequence of the new establishments formed among
the Scioux, at Lake Ouinipigon, and Crown Point; the last especially requiring a constant
garrison of thirty men, as it is the nearest frontier post to the English. Moreover, the
detachments required by the service employ the greatest portion of the soldiers, and diminish
the number in the towns, so that hardly sufficient remain there for duty, and these are the
circumstances under which T have taken the liberty to solicit an increase of troops from you,
and wherein I dare to flatter myself with your cooperation this year, by engaging his Majesty
to cause to be sent over, next season, a number of soldiers sufficient to replace those
required to complete the companies, and to place me in a condition to keep up the garrison in
the new establishments without loss to the service in the towns.
I have continued to give orders to the commanding officers in the neighborhood of the River
Ouabache, to be on the look out for any attempts the English might make in that quarter. I
have heard nothing on the subject, and the Chasanons, whom I had located in the vicinity of
that place, (as I had the honor to report to you in the answer to the King's despatch) have
promised me, should the English send horses loaded with goods thither, as they have done
heretofore, that they would kill the horses and plunder the goods. If these Indians keep
their word, it is to be supposed that the English will think no more of forming establishments
in those parts, especially when they will discover the French connected commercially with
that nation, and in a position to carry on trade conveniently with the neighboring tribes.
You do me the honor, My Lord, to inform me that his Majesty has approved of my having
sent Sieur de Joncaire to the Senecas, for the purpose of investigating the secret intrigues of
the Iroquois with the English, and that he recommends me not to lose sight of so important an
object; I had already anticipated his Majesty's intentions in this regard, by sending thither,
this year, that officer's son, who has resided a long time among those Indians, and who is
thoroughly conversant with their language. He went there with his father, who is to leave
young Joncaire at the Seneca village and to proceed himself to the Chasanons, whither I
have dispatched him to place these Indians in the location proper for the proposed purpose.
There is reason to believe that Sieur de Joncaire's presence among the Iroquois has been a
check on them as regards the English, and that by continuing to keep a person of some
influence constantly among them, we shall succeed in entirely breaking up the secret intrigues
they have together. On the other hand the Iroquois will be more circumspect in their
proceedings, and less liable to fall into the snares of the English when they have some one
convenient to consult with, and in whom they wnll have confidence. Sieur de Joncaire's son
is well adapted for that mission.
You must be persuaded. My Lord, of my care in the selection of the officers whom I send to
command the posts. I have already had the honor to inform you that neither partiality nor
complaisance will have any part therein, and that I vpill consult only the capacity and experience
of those whom I shall send thither. I have acted on this principle hitherto, and I will continue
the same course. I shall attend to what you have been pleased to observe to me respecting
Sieur de Noyan.
1028 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Also, regarding the distribution of licenses, by confining them to officers' widows and
daughters whose necessities are known to me. I annex hereunto the Return of the distribution
I have made last year, in which I employed the Mdm" Leverrier and de Lacorne agreeably to the
permission you were pleased to grant me. I shall make Abbe Falaise ' a participator therein
to the amount of two hundred livres, in accordance with your intentions. This Clergyman,
certainly, stands in great need of this trifling assistance.
I shall conform myself, My Lord, to his Majesty's intentions regarding Miss Desgly, and from
the proceeds of the licenses this year, will pay her the thousand livres, the balance of her
dowry ; I shall, moreover, make arrangements for her trousseau, having disposed of the greatest
portion of the proceeds of the licenses previous to the receipt of your letter. I should have
concluded to pay it to her on the application of her relatives last year, had I not reflected that
by taking so considerable a sum out of the proceeds of the licenses, I should deprive five or six
poor families of assistance they expect every year for their support, and I considered it my duty
to give them a preference.
I have had no news of the pretended misunderstanding between the English and the
Iroquois, nor of the evacuation by the former of the post of Choueguen. What has been
reported on that subject by an Abenakis Chief has no appearance of truth, and I should have
been highly flattered by the favorable opinion you entertain of my punctuality in communicating
this news to you, had they been true. The Indian's story is based, apparently, on the murder
of a Dutchman by an Iroquois, prompted whilst drunk by some motives of interest or of
jealousy. It is true that some Chiefs of the Iroquois did, according to the usual Indian
custom, pay a visit to Orange to cover the Englishman's corpse, and settle this matter. The
Governor of Manatte, as I learn, did not accept their present, except on condition that they
would bring him the murderer; the Iroquois made some such promise, but on their second
visit, gave for answer to the same demand of the Governor, that the assassin had fled, and they
knew not what had become of him. Matters remained in that position, and the English do not
seem to me to persist in wishing to have him. This, My Lord, is what may have given that
Abenaquis Chief occasion to retail the news that have been transmitted to you.
Sieur de Courval's daughter has a strong resemblance to the King's portrait, which is at her
father's house. In regard to the three lilies which form her stump, they are scarcely visible
any more.
I have the honor to be with most profound respect,
My Lord,
Your most humble and
Most obedient servant,
1st October, 1731. Signed Beauharnois.
P. S. I annex hereunto the Message of the Chasanons, and my answer thereunto.
' Rev. Paul Thomas de Gannes Falaise. The Line Chronotot/ique contaiiiB also tlie nnmo of Joseph Bcrnardiu de Qannea
Falaise, a R6colet Friar. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII. 1029
Messrs. Beauliariwis and HocqxLart to Count de Maurepas.
My Lord,
I had the honor to inform you, by way of Isle Royalle, that I had sent Sieur Hertel, a gentleman
of this country to New- York, to deliver to M. de Montgomery, the Governor-general, divers
despatches, which were returned to us in consequence of the wreck of Sieur Le Febre's ship ;
among the rest those regarding the last defeat of the Foxes. M. de Montgomery advises me,
in answer to the letter I had written him, that he would attend to the forwarding M. Hocquart's
and my packets to Count de Broglio, the King's Ambassador at London, to be afterwards sent
to you to Paris.
M. de Montgomery adds in his letter, that some of the King of Great Britain's subjects had
complained to him that the officers in command of the frontier posts of this colony, had
prevented them, though provided with his passports, from proceeding as far as Montreal, whither
these persons were going to collect some old debts, payment of which they were unable to
obtain heretofore; that Sieur Hertel, whom I had sent with my pass, had been well received
by them, which would be the case with other Frenchmen also, and he requested that his
countrymen should experience like civility. 'Tis true that I had sent orders, at that time, to
the domiciliated Indians not to go to New England, and had forbidden the officers at the Posts
to allow any Englishman to pass, because I was informed that the Small Pox, which is a
dangerous disease in this hemisphere, was committing great ravages there ; and I replied to the
Governor-general with all the politeness consistent with such occasions.
In regard to the subjects of Great Britain, I considered it my duty to inform M. de Montgomery
that with his pass they would be admitted into the Colony, provided they brought no sort of
merchandise, and I should allow them to collect their old debts on condition that they would
not take back any Peltries or goods ; that if they did not conform to these terms, they should,
notwithstanding their pass, be sent back, and their goods seized ; that he could, if he pleased,
issue the same orders respecting the French who might subsequently go to New England, and
that things would continue in this wise until our Sovereigns would be pleased to conclude a
treaty of commercial reciprocity between their subjects. I have learned that Sieur de
Montgomery was dead, and towards the end of August received a letter from M"' Rip Van Dant,*
president of the Privy Council, who commands in the absence of the Governor, wherein he
requests me to have justice done to six Dutchmen of Orange — there are only four of them —
who came to Montreal to recover the old debts in question.
M. Hocquart and I issued, on the earliest advice, the necessary orders to discover whether
they have not, under this pretext, contracted new ones by importing foreign goods. Nothing
resulted from such proceeding except the seizure, through M. de Contrecoeur's vigilance,
of a canoe above the Chambly rapids, without any crew, and with 80.£ of Tin ware or
thereabouts, which induces us to suspect that this is not the only goods they have brought.
Be so good. My Lord, as to instruct me respecting the course I am to pursue on like occasions,
and to inform me if you approve that which I have followed. A strictly rigorous policy towards
our neighbors may be somewhat serious in consequence of the difficulties they would interpose
on important occasions to the transmission of our despatches to you, and of your orders to us.
The 4 Dutchmen have returned to Orange in the beginning of the month. M. de la Chauvigny
'/Sic. Van Dam. — Ed, ^
1030 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
who was apparently not informed of the prohibition, or through want of reflection, allowed
one of them to carry off to the value of 2400" of deer skin, delivered to them by Sieur 1' Estage
as payment in full of the sum Sieur Delancy, merchant of New York, had advanced to M. de
la Chauvigny in 1727, when he visited New England. He excuses himself on the ground that
it was impossible for him to make any other arrangement to pay that foreigner. We should,
however, have discovered some other expedient, had the business not been concluded.
I have the honor to be with the most profound respect.
My Lord,
The Intendant and I have Your most humble and most
jointly drawn up this letter. Obedient Servant,
Beauharnois.
Quebec, this 1" October, 1731. . Hocquart.
Messrs. de Beauharnois and Hocquart to Count de Maurepas.
My Lord,
We have received the letter which you did us the honor to write us, on the S"" of May last,
wherein you make some remarks on the Returns of the presents given to the Indians in 1729.
'Tis true that a great portion of the goods composing them, are charged higher than in France ;
others which we were obliged to purchase in Canada, are entered below the cost. As M. Hocquart
intends to ask for all that are necessary, both as supplies for the posts as for prese.nts, this
expense will be found absolutely reduced to what is indispensable. He cannot transmit you
this year the Return of the presents made in 1730, the storekeepers of the posts not having
complied with what he demanded of them in order to prepare a general Return. We will
transmit it to you next year according to the form you prescribe, so that you may understand
the state of that expenditure, which we will meanwhile reduce as much as possible. We can
easily admit the impossibility of wholly subjugating the Indians at present. It can be
eventually effected by inspiring them, by degrees, with more fear and more respect for the
government. These are the principles we apply in our negotiations with them, and it is
probable that they will become more docile according as the colony will increase. The effect
would be more prompt, were it pleasing to his Majesty to increase his forces. We add, that
if you permit us to send some chiefs selected from the different villages to France, to be
witnesses of the Royal Majesty, the account they would give of it on their return to the people
of their nation, would increase among them the high opinion they entertain of the King's
power, and render them more submissive to his will. No difficulty will be experienced in
prevailing on some among them to make the sea voyage, the expense of which cannot be very
great. This expedient has been already tried some twenty years ago, when M. de Montigny
conveyed to France an Abenaqui Chief who was presented to the King. There is a like
instance in M. de Frontenac's time, and we have learned that the English had recourse to
the same expedient in the reign of Queen Anne and in that of the present King of England.
We know from Father Lauson that the Iroquois of the Five Nations have given a brilliant
account of this visit to our domiciliated Indians, insinuating into their minds the superiority of
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII. 1031
the English over the French. Our Indians who are credulous and have seen only Quebec and
Montreal, cannot return them any answer ; and meanwhile it is to be apprehended that such
might diminish the attachment they entertain for us, and impress them with more fear of
the English.
We are with most profound respect,
My Lord,
Your most humble and most
Obedient Servants,
Quebec, the first of October, 1731. Beauharnois, Hocquart.
Messrs. de Beauharnois and Hocquart to Count de Marepas.
Respecting the accessories to the escape of the Niagara Mutineers.
Quebec, 22,^^ October, 1731.
My Lord,
We are in receipt of the letter you did us the honor to write to us on the 17"" of April last :
At present we answer the article only which refers to the Mutineers of Niagara and their
escape from the prisons of Montreal. M. Hocquart pursuant to his Majesty's orders has
commissioned Sieur Raimbault to take information against the Jailer and his accomplices.
You will find, hereunto annexed. My Lord, copy of the principal papers in that investigation
from which you will perceive that Brothers^ Cesaree and Carpenter are gravely accused with
having furnished files to these criminals and abetted their escape. A warrant has been issued
for their arrest and search has been made for them in their convent at Montreal whence they
secretly fled to Quebec. On receiving intelligence thereof, we have sent to examine their
General Superior that he may declare to us the whereabouts of these two Brothers. He
frankly acknowledged to us that they were at Quebec and that he would have them
forthcoming each and every time we should deem proper.
We have examined the proceedings and depositions concerning these two Brothers from
which it seems certain that Brother Cesaree has contributed more than any other to the escape
of those prisoners. This crime, grave as it is on account of its consequences, is become by
reason of its accompanying circumstances an affair most difficult to be decided in this country.
The guilty parties are Brothers, and as such should be prosecuted agreeably to Article 3S of
the Edict of 1695, on Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction ; though this Edict and the Declarations of
167S and of 16S-4, repealed by said Article 3S, be not enregistered in the Superior Council,
nor even well known here, yet as we are instructed that it is his Majesty's intention to maintain
the Clergy in their privileges, M"' Hocquart would have attended to the provisions of these
Edicts, had there been an ecclesiastical court in Canada provided, as in other dioceses of
France, with enlightened Judges. Besides, the only effect of two conflicting jurisdictions would
be to multiply Incidents, prolong proceedings, deteriorate the evidence, and perhaps favor
' Fr^res. Text, Religious men who are not Priests. Rkhdei. — Ed.
1032 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
exemption from punishment. This is the view we have taken of it; but in an affair of so
much delicacy, we have come to the conclusion to refer the matter to you, and to suspend the
prosecution against these Brothers. We had agreed to send them to France, and to leave his
Majesty to determine what punishment such an offence deserves. The representations of the
Coadjutor Bishop,^ and those reiterated by the Superior of the Recolets who hopes to obtain
a favorable pardon from his Majesty, have again prevented us adopting that course which they
regarded as very rigorous, and even most ignominious to their body.
There is also a warrant issued against a 3^ Recolet, who is accused only with having
conducted, with Brother Cesaree, these criminals to Quebec. M. Hocquart will suspend the
warrant for this one, and as regards the other two, their Superior will keep them confined until
we shall have received orders next year.
Le Pallieur, the Jailer, is in prison, and after the sailing of the ships, M. Hocquart will
examine what charges may be against him, in order to pronounce judgment accordingly.
The prosecution instituted at Montreal, the publication of monitory letters, the issuing of
warrants to arrest the said Brothers, the search for them with an armed posse, and the
expectation of the judgment which will be pronounced against them by his Majesty, are
capable of exciting serious reflections in the Convents and Nunneries where, hitherto, it was
considered a meritorious act to assist guilty persons to escape from justice: But such
reflections are not suflicient to control them long, if his Majesty do not issue a precise declaration
expressly forbidding all Parish priests, ecclesiastics and communities, secular and regular,
to liberate and entertain any fugitives, vagabonds, persons accused of crime, with a view to
withdraw them from the prosecution of justice, on pain of forfeiting their privileges and of being
deprived of the King's bounty, &". Let this declaration also enjoin all Parish priests and
Ecclesiastics as above, to admit in their Rectories, houses. Convents of both sexes, all searches
and examinations for the guilty, authorized by the ordinary Judge, on the simple warrant of
said Judge, and to comply immediately with the same, without a special permission of the
Governor-general or of thelntendant of the country being necessary ; and in case any Clergyman
or Religious person contravene the two preceding articles, cognizance thereof shall appertain
to the Royal Judges, Article 38 of the Edict of 1695 being annulled in this regard.
It appears to us. My Lord, that it deserves his Majesty's attention that he should please
make a law respecting what we have the honor to write him, in order to put an end to
difficulties which are but too often renewed since the settlement of this country.
To the pretended motives of compassion and charity entertained by the two Recolet brothers,
we can add those of thorough simplicity and ignorance. We possessed at the time an entire
certitude of the disavowal of their Superiors, and of the correction they inflicted on them.
■Right Rev. Piekke Hermant Dosquet was born in Lille, in Flanders, in 1691. He entered the Seminary of St. Sulpioe,
in Paris, in 1715. After residing there sbc years, and receiving Holy Orders, he proceeded to Canada, where he arrived
July 1721, and was sent a Missionary to the Lake of Two Mountains. The severity of the climate produced such
unfavorable effects on his health, that he was obliged to return to France in August 1723. He was then appointed Superior of
the Seminary of Lisieux; next transferred to the Foreign Missions in 1725, sent to Rome and there eonseerated by the Pope
Bishop of Samos, in parlibm. Bishop do Mornay, successor to M. St. Vallier, whose age prevented him from going to
Canada, appointed M. Dosquet his Coadjutor, who arrived in that country on the 23d of August 1729, after a passage of
sixteen weeks. He again sailed, in the fall of 1732, for France, and M. de Mornay having resigned, was acknowedged on his
arrival in 1733, Bishop of Quebec M. Dosquet visited his diocese in 1734, but his health continuing very feeble, he
was obliged finally to return to Europe in 1735 and resigned his see at Paris, on the 26 June, 1739. fie afterwards
became Vicar-general to the Archbishop of Paris; was one of tlie administrators of that Province in 1768, during the
Archbishop's absence, and died in Paris on the 4th of March, 1777, aged 8C years. Faillon ; Bourbourr/. Mr. Garneau
lists tlie date of M. Dosquct's resignation in 1736 ; J/istoire da Canada, 2d Ed., II., 124 ; but this is an error. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII. ] 033
We would not have omitted last year to inform you, My Lord, of the cause of the mutiny
at Niagara, had it originated from any other cause than the intoxication of some soldiers
belonging to the garrison, on the day of the commotion (emotion), and perhaps the state of
military discipline which Sieur de Rigauville, the new commandant, had somewhat neglected.
This officer comports himself very well at his post, where he causes the duties of the service to
be performed with as much exactness as in a hostile country. We have none other than very
favorable testimony to report to you of his conduct.
We annex to this despatch copies of the proceedings against the mutineers. 'Tis true that
the Court Martial held at Montreal in their case, did commit an error in not having caused the
sentence pronounced against the guilty, to be put in immediate execution. The officers who
composed that Court were then of opinion that it was necessary to await the arrival of the
executioner, not being aware of the disposition of the ordinance in that regard. M. de la
Corne, the then Commandant, appears to have adopted proper measures to prevent their
escape from justice. He took the advice of the Court Martial, which decided that the crime
was so grave, that it called for the most severe punishment. Through a desire to do too well,
these gentlemen committed a mistake. This is all we can impute to them. 'Tis true that M.
de la Corne, as commandant, might have taken upon himself to have the guilty executed in
the absence of the hangman. He is, in other respects, an excellent man ; active, vigilant, and
loving the service.
We are, &ca..
Signed, Beauharnois and Hocquart.
Louis XV. to Messrs. de Beauharnois and Hocgxiart.
Memoir of the King to the Marquis de Beauharnois, Governor and Lieutenant-
general, and M. Hocquart, Intendant of New France.
Versailles, 22"-' April, 1732.
He has learned with pleasure that the Chaouanons had come down to Montreal last summer
to demand of the Marquis de Beauharnois, the place where he wished to locate them. He has
approved his sending Sieur Joncaire with them to locate them on the north bank of the river
Oyo, with a view to approximate them to the colony, and to detach them from the English.
He recommends him to carefully cultivate the favorable dispositions of that Nation, so as to be
in a position to draw from it the advantages proposed in case of rupture with the Iroquois. It
is desirable that they persist in their present apparent resolution not to tolerate the English,
which Sieur de Beauharnois is carefully to attend to.
His Majesty is fully satisfied of the diligence used by Sieurs de Beauharnois and Hocquart,
in causing a stockaded fort to be erected at Crown Point, on Lake Champlain. He has
approved of M. de Beauharnois' appointment of Sieur de Montcount with Sieur de Rouville, to
Vol. IX. 130
1034 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
command 20 men who were to compose the garrison there this winter, and the addition of 10
men to tlie garrison of this post will meet also his approbation.
In reply to the complaints of the Governor-general of New-York, that the officers commanding
the posts of New France had prevented some of the King of Great Britain's subjects, though
provided with passports, proceeding to Montreal where these individuals had some old debts to
collect. His Majesty has approved M. de Beauharnois' answer to that Governor, that provided
the English possessing these passports were not bringing any sort of merchandise, they will be
allowed to pass, and might recover their old debts, on condition not to carry back any peltries
nor merchandise. His Majesty's intention is, that Sieurs de Beauharnois and Hocquart pay
strict attention to the exact performance of these conditions, and if the English fail therein,
that they be treated most rigorously, by the seizure of all their goods.
Declaration of the Bi^itisli Ambassador respecting a French Fort at Crown Point.
The Earl of Waldegrave,' Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of His Britannic
Majesty, has the honor to represent that the Board of Trade established at London having
laid divers complaints before the King, his Master, that the French in America continued to
encroach on the Territory of their neighbors, has just complained again that the said French
have recently commenced seizing on certain territory within the Province of New-York, and
that they have caused a fort to be built there, at a place called Pointede la Couronne, in English
Crown Point, situate within the Country of the Iroquois, which Fort is only three days journey
from the town and city of Albany.
As the erection of said Fort within the country of the Iroquois is in absolute opposition to
Article 1-5 of the Treaty of Utrecht, whereby the Five Nations or Cantons of Indians are
acknowledged to be under the dominion of Great Britain, there is no doubt but his Most
Christian Majesty will issue the necessary orders that said Fort be razed, and that the subjects
of the French Colonies do not henceforward undertake anything contrary to Treaties.
At Compiegne, this 13"" June, 1732.
' James, first Earl of Waldegrave, K. G., was the son of Baron Waldegrave; his mother was a natural daughter of James II.,
by Arabella Churchill, sister of the Duke of Marlborough. The family being Catholic, the Baron educated his son in that
Faith, but the latter became a Protestantin 1722, to the great scandal of the Jacobites and of his uncle, the Duke of Berwick.
All suspicions of disaffection being thus dispelled, he was advnnced to offices of considerable trust ; was sent on a
complimentary mission to France in 1725 ; was appointed ambassador (o Vienna in 1727 ; and in 1730 succeeded Mr. Walpole
at the Court of Versailles, where he resided until 1740. During these services abroad he was created a Viscount, an Earl,
and a Knight of the Garter. He died in 1741, of dropsy and the jaundice, in the 67th year of his age, at Navestock, in the
church of which place a monument is erected to his memory. He married the daughter of Sir John Webbe of Gloucestershire.
Waldegrave't Memoirs, v. vi. ; NicholU Literary Anecdotes, II., 862, says he died on the 11th of April, 1746. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII. 1035
M. de JBemiliarnois to Count de Maurq>as.
My Lord,
You do me the honor to observe to me in your letter of the twenty-second of April last,
that his Majesty, whilst continuing to be satisfied with the care I take to preserve the
dispositions of the Abenaquis in the French interest, recommends me to relax nothing in this
regard. His Majesty may be assured that I will not lose sight thereof, and shall always oppose
the attempts of the English. I am conversant, since my arrival in this Colony, with the desire
of the latter to insinuate themselves there. The means they daily employ are evidences
thereof, but it is to be hoped that the application I devote to turn them aside from the snares
the English lay for them, will confirm the Indians in the resolution they apparently entertain
to attach themselves more and more to the French, and to reject the proposals of the English.
I have had no further intelligence. My Lord, of the latter having attempted to make an
establishment in the neighborhood of the River Ouabache. The orders I issued some years
ago, and which I have renewed this year, will have apparently diverted them from any views
they manifested to establish themselves there.
Sieur de Joncaire, whom I sent last year to the Chasanons, has reported to me this spring
that these Indians were settled in villages (en village) on the other side of the Beautiful river of
Oyo, six leagues below the River Atigue ; that there had been some negotiations between this
Nation, the Hurons, Miamis and Oouiatanons, to induce the first to light their fire in that
place; that the Hurons, among other things, had represented that, as they were disposed to live
with them as Brethren, if they located themselves on this side, they would injure their hunting
grounds and that it would be better they were in a place where they could not injure any
body. The Ouiatanous, who are their nearest neighbors, have expressed the joy they felt on
the occasion, and matters have been harmoniously arranged in that way, among these Tribes.
They continue apparently resolved not to suffer the English to come to trade in those parts ;
I have sent back Sieur de Joncaire there, with a view to encourage them in these dispositions.
They number two hundred persons, exclusive of women and children, and are distant the one
from the other only some four or five leagues; the greatest portion of them are six leagues
below the River Atigue.'
The Belts the Senecas had sent the Outaouacs to attack the Hurons, have been without any
result. I correctly surmised that as soon as their secret had been discovered, the execution of
their project would fall through, and they would disavow the matter as they have done. The
'Nontague Chiefs whom I had instructed last year to sift the aflfair and to render me an account
of it, came down at the commencement of this winter to Montreal, to speak to me on the behalf
of the Five Nations, in answer to the message I caused to be carried to them and transmitted
to the Senecas. After having disavowed every thing and endeavored to eflface the bad opinion
I might have of them, they protested to me, anew, in the name of the entire nation, that they
would be always in favor of a good understanding ; that they knew not whence I could
receive such bad news; that the Hurons were my Children and their Brothers, and that
consequently they never entertained the design to betray their kindred ; that finally, they
requested me not to lend an ear to such wicked words, and that they had not given me the
name of Father for the purpose of not securing to me its title.
' Laid down in Bettln'a Carle de La Louisiane, as R. au Boeuf, now French creek, Pa. — Ed.
1036 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Though their eloquence did persuade me only apparently, as the Belts had been given to the
Oiitaouacs, I nevertheless expressed to them the satisfaction I felt at their having washed their
hands of so wicked a business, and at knowing that they entertained proper sentiments. They
returned home quite contented, as this affair had embarrassed them.
Sieur de Joncaire, Jun', who had come down this summer, has been sent back to the village
of the Senecas, to continue to sift their intrigues with the English. It appears that his presence
among those Indians serves greatly to restrain them, as he has not reported to me that any
intimate commercial relations, or any intrigues, are carried on between them and the English.
I have the honor to report to you. My Lord, in one of my letters, the ravages which the small
pox, brought by a Seneca from Orange, is making among these Indians ; the Missisagues, who
have lately come down to Montreal, report that the disorder continues there with the same
virulence, and that it rages in like manner in all the Iroquois villages.
The news I had the honor to communicate to you last year, respecting the Governor of
Orange prohibiting the merchants going to Choueguen to trade, is not confirmed ; I have heard
that the report arose from these traders having returned last year early and before tiie usual
time ; two Canoes of Outaouacs having been there to trade, and not meeting any merchants,
reported to Sieur de Rigauville, that there were no more traders there, adding, apparently,
that such was by orders of the Governor.
One thing. My Lord, is certain ; they begin to raise the price of their merchandise and to
diminish that of the Beaver; this alteration will possibly effect a change among the Indians,
and disgust them with going thither, when they will no longer find the cheap bargains they
used to get there.
Sieur de Boishebert's occupations regarding the proceedings of the Hurons and Iroquois
against the Foxes, will not have permitted him, I believe, sending you the draughts he was to
make of Lakes S' Clair and Huron. I have not failed to recommend to that officer, as I had
done to his predecessors, to give all their attention to the establishment of Detroit, and to the
general welfare of that post. But although they do not appear to me to be wanting in attention
in these two particulars, it is impossible for that establishment to become considerable, so long
as a sufficient number of troops are not sent thither, to whom lands would be granted for the
purpose of improvement, by which course farmers would eventually be introduced. If, on the
other hand, it be his Majesty's intention to send thither a hundred Faus<onmers^ with their
families, to whom some advances would be made in the first instance, this post would become
considerable in a short time, and by its strength keep all the Nations of the Upper Country in
check. But as these projects cannot be executed until approved of by his Majesty, I shall
continue to recommend the officers in command of that post, to induce as much as possible the
settlers to cultivate the soil, and to maintain good order there. This, My Lord, is all that their
diligence can accomplish.
I thank you. My Lord, for the twelve medals you had the goodness to send me for the
Indians. His Majesty may be assured, that I will make the most of them, and that I shall not
distribute them except to Chiefs, whose services and attachment to the French will be known
to me. As there are many such to whom I have promised such a token of honor, and as the
adventure of our Iroquois and Hurons against the Foxes places me under the obligation of
giving a few to the principal Chiefs of the expedition, I beg you. My Lord, to order that some
be sent me next year, so that I may be enabled to invest them with this mark of honor which
also renders them more respectable among their people.
' Peraons guiJtj' of defrauding the Revenue accruing from the sale of Salt — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: VIII. 1037
I beg you, My Lord, to be persuaded of my attention to the choice of the officers whom I
send to the posts ; I am the most interested, in consequence of the account that I must render
you thereof. I have already had the honor to observe to you that neither favoritism nor
complaisance had any share therein, and that I consulted only the capability of those whom I
was sending thither. I am not ignorant. My Lord, that attention in my selections excites
feelings of jealousy among the officers. Many who, most frequently, have only self interest
in view, think they have a claim to these places, without reflecting on their incapacity in
affairs, the management of which appears to them as simple as it is difficult, and of which they
have not the remotest idea. The examination I have made of the talents of the officers of this
Country, has given me some knowledge thereof, and I considered it my duty to consult only
the capacity of those to whom I have confided the command of the posts, as the good of the
service and of the Colony is involved therein. Such will be the spirit. My Lord, in which I
shall always act, and it appears to me conformable to your intentions.
I expect to send Sieur Noyant, next spring, to command at Missilimakinac.
I have the honor to be, with most profound respect,
My Lord,
Your most humble and
most obedient Servant,
15 October, 1732. Signed Beauharnais.
TTie King's approval of M. de Beauharnois' Vigilance.
Marly, IS February, 1733.
The English, ever alive to the extension of their possessions, are taking advantage of the
peace to encroach on the country of Canada, and using every means to gain over the Indians.
In anticipation of an establishment they were projecting on Lake Cliamplain, a fort of
stockadoes has been erected at Crown Point, until an opportunity be had to build one more
solid. And as there was reason to fear that they might attempt to construct one on the
opposite side of the same Lake, though they have no right to that territory, incontestably which
belongs to France, orders were transmitted last year to the Marquis de Beauharnais, to adopt
measures for being advised of the proceedings, and for opposing any attempts they may
make there.
He observes that he had not as yet learnt that they had manifested any design of that
nature, but in order to be constantly on his guard, he has given orders to the Commander of the
post to watch their proceedings, and he will strengthen the garrison if necessity so require.
Neither has he learned that they have attempted to make any settlement on the River
Ouabache ; and it is his opinion that the orders he issued several years ago, and which he has
reiterated this year to the Commandants of the posts adjoining that river, will have diverted
them from any views they manifested of establishing themselves there.
It appears proper to approve M. de Beauharnais' attention in watching the
proceedings of the English, and to recommend him not to neglect anything in
that regard.
Approved.
1038 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Louis XV. to Messrs. de Beauharnois and Hocquart.
Extract of a Memoir of the King to Mess" de Beauharnais and Hocquart.
May 12, 1732.
Secret Document copy whereof cannot be allowed to be taken. D'A.
[ Veto of the Keeper of the Arehiyea of the Marine. J. R. B. ]
M. de Beauharnois to Count de Maurejpas.
My Lord,
I received the letter yoti did me the honor to write to me on the V2>^ of May last.^ M. Hocquart and
I have, in our answer to the King's memoir, made some observations on the projects the
English might form to attack this Colony, either by Quebec or from above, and on the necessity
of fortifying Quebec. We dwelt at length also last year on that subject, and I have nothing to add
thereunto in regard to the attack from above. Happening to be at Montreal, I informed the
Engineer, immediately on the receipt of your despatch, that there was a fund formed for
completing the enceinte, and that he could hasten the works ; which he has done. I hope the
work will be finished in Seventeen hundred and thirty-six, and that the place will, with
the aid I am about to ask of you, be in an efficient state of defence.
I have adopted all necessary measures for the construction of the Redoubt a Machicoulis at
Crown Point. We have transported workmen thither at the commencement of this Autumn to
prepare materials there, so as to be ready to begin the work early in the Spring; and I will,
besides, take proper precautions, at the melting of the snow, to guard against all accidents
that may interrupt its progress. Meanwhile, I shall keep Fort Chambly in the best possible
state of defence, and for that purpose have had some work done there this fall. The domiciled
Indians, to judge by their conduct, are certainly in our interest, and as for the Iroquois they,
apparently, will adopt a neutral course. M. Joncaire, Jun'' is with them, and I have, again,
given him orders to watch their proceedings, and to report them to me. I have, also, instructed
Sieur de la Gauchetiere, who commands at Crown Point, to be on his guard with the thirty
men of his garrison. It is impossible to station there any inore on account of the smallness
of the fort. Unlilthe redoubt be built, a larger body of men cannot he accommodated at that place
during winter. If, however, the English attempt any thing in Lake Michigan^ at this season,
and I can be informed of it, I will dispatch some Frenchmen with some Indians on snow
shoes. I shall be advised by our Indians at all times of the movements of the English.
It would he imimrtaiit that I should receive news from you, if the English declare against
us. I shall, meanwhile, be informed, through the Indians, of whatever will transpire at Orange
and New-York, and by M' de S' Ovide of what will take place at Boston.
Should the English send reinforcements from Old England to those troops they have on this
Continent, there is no doubt but I would require strong reinforcements to oppose them. I have
' This despatch is in Cypher, except such parts as are in Italics. ' Sie. Qu ? Cliamplain. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII. 1039
a very small number of soldiers ; and though the militia of New England, who are very-
numerous, be not greatly to he feared, the Canadians are not as as good as formerly. Nevertheless
it is reasonable to suppose that, if attacked at home, they would behave with great courage.
I have read with attention the letter you write to M. de S' Ovide. He has not as yet given
me any information respecting the projects therein contained, to wi/:, against Placentia and Acadia.
He is in a better position than I, to be advised of the strength of the English forces, and of
the condition of their forts, and of the reliance to he placed on the French of Acadia; and he
is to judge whether the aid of two vessels of war be sufficient, with that of the troops of Isle
Royale, the Fishermen and Acadians, to execute it. The English will inohably disarm these
last, and I think, that M. de S' Ovide will ask you for arms in addition to the four hundred
you send him. The assistance he can derive from Canada, in case the English make no
attempt on this place, may amount to one hundred soldiers and two or three hundred militia.
But the difficulty would be, to transport these three hundred men. We would require a ship
like le Rubis or two frigates which should arrive here in the month of May and should even be
preceded by an express boat independeiit of the vessels of war destined for Louisburg, the Canada
merchant ships of any considerable tonnage being at ■present at sea.
I shall adopt, in addition, the best measures to make all our domiciliated Indians annoy the
English settlements in our vxcmity.
As for the rest: Canada will be protected on the Upper part as much as possible, by means
of the Redoubt, Fort Chambly, and the fortifications of Montreal ; and on the Quebec side
there being no fortifications, I shall have all the gun-batteries put in order. I shall erect some
elsewhere, if necessary ; and to oppose a landing, I see no other way than to bravely charge
the enemy with fixed bayonets and sword in hand.
You can, in consequence of what I write you, issue your orders to M' de S' Ovide, who will,
doubtless, communicate his ideas to me. I shall anticipate him, if I do not hear from him.
Our present uncertainty as to the future, has mduced me not to transmit to you the general and
detailed census of the Colony. It is quite ready, and we believe that it is sufficient that you
should have an extract of it. It actually amounts to about eight thousand men capable of
bearing arms. But as many of these arms are in a bad condition, the good of the service
requires that there should be on hand here, from fifteen hundred to two thousand grenadier
muskets. There is, in the King's store in Canada, nearly one hundred thousand pounds of
powder, including that belonging to the King and to the Company of the Indies, independent
of the thirty thousand pounds demanded for the next year. We send the estimate of the
artillery necessary as well for Quebec and Montreal, as for the other forts. The force I require
for the defence of the Colony, depends on what the English will send against us.
In regard to the expeditions I could send out against the English, they can only be against
Orange, and some other adjacent villages; Choiiaguen and the establishments in the direction of
Hudson's Bay. As respects«Orange, you will be informed that the Patroon, or Lord of that
City,* visited Montreal this summer, in company with another influential gentleman of that
country, on pretence of traveling and making a tour, and nevertheless provided with a passport
from the English Governor, from whom they handed me a letter on the subject of the fort, which
that Governor had imagined I was having built among the Senecas. These two Englishmen,
' CoL Jekkmiah Van Rensselaer, 3d proprietor of the manor of Rensselaerwyck, was the eldest son of Kiliaen V. R., and
Maria Van Cortlandt, and was born on 18th of March, 1706. He represented the manor in the General Assembly of the
Province of New-York, from 1726 to 1743, and died unmarried in 174S. — Ed.
1040 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
who are Dutch fflamandsj, have privately informed me, and I was aware of it, that the late
M. de Vaudreuil, in the last war, had always spared their country, and had recommended
the Indians not to make any incursions into it; that the Father of one of these two Englishmen
had kept up a secret correspondence with M. de Vaudreuil, and that they would do the
same with me ; that as for themselves, being in more intimate relation with the Indians
than the English are, they would make no movement against us ; adding, that they had thus
acted with fidelity during twenty years ! I answered that there was no appearance of any
rupture, and as for me, I should be much inclined to adopt M. de Vaudreuil's policy, and, in
fine, that I would have the honor to write to you on the subject. I entertained them well,
and imid them every sort of attention, and they seemed to me to return home content.
I have demanded troops of you. Some will necessarily be required even though we should
not have war; and if it break out, a larger augmentation will be requisite. You will judge
thereof by the following details.
In the entire Colony there are actually only seven hundred and fifty soldiers, one hundred and
sixty of whom are in the different posts, and sixty with M. Desnoyelles' party.' The garrison
of the Redoubt^ must be increased to one hundred and twenty men. There would remain
four hundred and ten soldiers for the defence of the Country, and the execution of the projects.
This is nothing. Therefore it would be for the good of his Majesty's service, to maintain in
Canada, an additional force of at least six hundred men, and officers in proportion with a view
to secure the Iroquois to us. If these be neuter, we cannot touch Choiiaguen ; nor the
English, Niagara. I answer the remainder of your letter —
Orange is not for'tified. There are only two hundred Regulars in the government of New-
York, one hundred and ten of whom are in that city, and the remainder dispersed at Orange,
Hyssope and Corlar. The Castle at New- York is a fort having four bastions faced with
masonry, terraced and provided with forty pieces of artillery. I am assured that there are
more than twenty thousand men capable of bearing arms in the city and neighborhood. No
attack can be made on that place from this point. I shall endeavor to obtain the plan of it,
and from this to next year acquire some more precise information, which I shall communicate
to you. M. Hocquart is the only person to whom I have communicated your letter, and I
shall continue to employ the cypher in business of consequence so that our neighbors may not
know our strength, nor the state of this colony. This is what determined me to put a part of
our answer to the King's memoir in cypher. I shall transmit by the merchant vessels the estimate
I mention in this letter.
I am with the most profound respect, My Lord,
Your most humble and most obedient Servant,
Quebec, lO"- October, 1734. Beauharnois.
' Against the Sacs and Foxes. ° At Crowi^ Point. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII.
1041
Conference between M. de Beauliarnois and the Onondagas.
Annexed to M. de Beauharnais and Hocquart's despatch of the T^ October, 1734.
Canada. Message of the Senegas.
By a Belt.
Father. On our way home last Fall, we learned from those of the Lake of the Two
Mountains, that our Brother the 'Nontaguez had told you that we wished to betray you, and
requested you to have Tiaatacaot, whom you made chief, put to death when he was going
down to Montreal ; that he was a man who was seeking only to make trouble for the French ;
this has alarmed us all. Although our son Joncaire told us that such was not the case, we
have, notwithstanding, requested him either to go down to Montreal, or to repair to Niagara,
with this Belt, whereby we pray you, Father, not to listen to our brother the Nontaguez ; he
is seeking only to disturb the land, having wished to sacrifice us repeatedly by Belts which he
has given to get us attacked ; which Belts have been sent to us.
For me, Seneca, I promise you. Father, never to meddle with bad business, and to be always
faithful to you, and if anything happen to you, we will die with you ; our warriors are ready
to follow you.
Speech of the 'Nontagues. 13* of
August, 1734.
By two Strings of Wampum.
Father. You are aware that we told you,
when we came here, that we were in trouble ;
you are about to learn the cause.
Father. We know that our Brothers, the
Senecas, who came here last year to see you,
had returned home angry with us, having
learned, as they say, by some of their Com-
rades, that we had given you a belt, two years
ago, to have Teaatacout killed. We know
not. Father, who those are who have told them
Buch a falsehood, and request you to show us
our message, if it be true that we have sent
you one to that effect.
First Belt.
Father. We request you to take pity on us,
if we do not speak with richer belts. You
were so good last year, as to send our son
Joncaire to us, to cover the death of Tegani-
norins. We thank you for so doing, and as
we know that you are as much afflicted by the
Vol. IX. 131
Answer to the Speech of the Nonta-
guez. 19"- of August, 1734.
By two Strings of Wampum.
I am delighted, my Children, that you have
revealed to me the trouble you are in on
account of the accusation against you in regard
to your Brothers, the Senecas. 1 have dis-
abused them of it by a Belt which I have sent
them this spring by your son Joncaire. You
can now rest content, since I have rendered
you the justice that was due you.
1042
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
loss you have experienced in M. de la Chas-
saigne, we throw this Belt upon his body to
cover it, to shelter it from the bad weather,
and to cause it to rest in peace.
Second Belt.
Father. You sent us word by that Belt, last
year, that you were sorry for all our warriors,
our wives and children; by this same Belt
we thank you and cover all the bodies of your
warriors, wives and children who have died
of the sickness.
Third Belt. By a Belt.
Father. By this Belt we are sorry for M' de I am flattered, my Children, by the attention
la Come and M"' de la None. We request you have had in covering up the corpses of
you. Father, to excuse us if we do not put M. de la Come, and of M. de la Noue, and by
one on each body separately ; but we have no this Belt, I express to you my gratitude,
more.
Fourth Belt.
Father. By this Belt we perceive that your
mat is full of ashes in consequence of the death
of your Chiefs. We come to clean it, and
request you that we may not suifer from
your affliction, and we again kindle the fire
that was extinguished, in order that you may
always gather your warriors around you to
work at good business.
Fifth Belt.
Father. We request you and your Chiefs by
By a Belt.
My Children. I am glad that you are come to
clean my mat and to kindle again the fire that
was extinguished by the deaths of the Chiefs I
have lost. In regard to the request that I should
always labor for your peace, you may depend
that I shall always do so with as much pleasure
as you will labor in like manner to deserve
my attentions.
By a Belt.
My Children. You may depend on it that
this Belt, not to suffer yourselves to be cast neither I nor my warriors will ever suffer our-
down by grief, and to listen the one to the selves to be cast down by such deep grief as
other, so that you may always labor at good not to be always prepared to labor at good
business. business ; I hope the same on your part.
Sixth Belt.
We cannot recommend you too
By a Belt.
My Children. The beverage you have given
strongly
not to allow yourself to be cast down by the me has entirely cleansed my heart, and no more
grief of your warriors on account of all the bile remains in it. I give you a like liquor to
misfortunes that have happened you, and we cleanse your hearts, asssuring you that 1 shall
add to this Belt an agreeable beverage to
cleanse away all the bile you may have in your
heart. We also give some of this liquor to
your warriors, in order that they, with you,
may always maintain peace.
not cease to labor at affairs of peace.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII.
1043
Seventh Belt.
Father. All your misfortunes have involved
you in a sort of night, and the dark clouds
which rest on your head, sliut out tiie day from
you. We dispel them by this Beit and refix the
Sun which you had lost, in order that you may
enjoy its light in peace. This, Father, is all
that we have to say to you regarding the
Dead.
Eighth Belt.
Here, Father, is the Tree of Peace which
we have brought to Montreal. You know
that it is we who have planted it. It was so
high that it could touch the clouds with its
head, yet you did not consider it lofty enough,
and you wished it to pierce the Heavens, so
that it might be immovable, and visible to all
your children. It embraced in its roots the
four quarters of the globe; its leaves were
large enough to shelter us all from the heat of
the Sun, and its bark was sufficiently strong to
resist the axe. You promised us. Father, to
sustain this Tree with us, so that nothing
could throw it down. We come to-day with
this Belt, to refresh its roots, and to make its
leaves again green, praying you to hold it as
firmly as you have done heretofore, so that
nothing may injure it, and that it may always
retain its beauty.
Ninth Belt.
Father. Here is an old message we bring
back to you. It was given to the Five Iroquois
Nations, nine years ago, by our late son, Lon-
giieil, when the House at Niagara was built.
He promised us that it would be a House of
peace for us and for our Children, down to the
third generation and farther ; he assured us,
also, that we should enjoy the peace that he
attached to that House. Nothing afforded us
more pleasure, and we pray you to give us as-
surance of the promise, by renewing it to us.
By a Belt.
I thank you, my Children, for having dis-
pelled tlie clouds which shut out the day from
me, and for having replaced the Sun that I and
my warriors might enjoy its brightness. I wish
you and your warriors to enjoy its light in
peace. By this Belt I fasten it to tiie spot where
you replaced it.
By a Large Belt.
My Children. I take it kindly of you that
you have come to Montreal, to strengthen the
Tree of Peace which you have planted there, by
refreshing its roots, and making its leaves again
green. I shall always hold it as firmly as I
have done hitherto, so that we maybe always
sheltered under it. But be on your guard lest
some of your brethren induce you, by bad ad-
vice, to shake it. Then the great Master of
Life would throw that Tree down on the Chil-
dren rather than on the Father.
By a Belt.
My Children. When your son, Longiieil,
promised you that the House at Niagara would
be a house of Peace for you and for your chil-
dren down to the third generation, he was
justified in so promising you. As you re-
quest me to renew that promise to you, and
inform me that such will afford you pleasure,
I assure you that it will be a House of Peace,
as long as you please.
X044 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
By 3 Strings of Wampum. By 3 Strings of Wampum.
Father. This is all that we have to say to you I grant you with pleasure, my Children, all
on matters of business. Your Children pray that you have asked, to enable you to return
you to have their hatchets and arms repaired home, and I hope you will arrive there with-
for them ; to furnish them provisions to take out meeting any accident,
them home, and a little of your red and white
Milk to strengthen our hearts, and give us
courage to ascend the Rapids that are difficult.
Abstract of the Marquis de Beauharnois' Despatch of the 10th of October, 1Y34,
Canada.
The Marquis de Beauharnois who had been written to on the 12*'" of May last, on the
conjuncture of affairs in regard to the maritime powers, submits his views in case of a rupture
with England.
The English could, in that case, attack the Colony either by Quebec or the Upper country.
To secure Quebec, he thinks it would be absolutely necessary to fortify that place.
He writes on this point, conjointly with M. Hocquart, both of whom represent that though
the two expeditions the English have, these last years, set on foot against that city have failed,
they could still prepare a third, and that they would be well recompensed for whatever expense
they might be at. That, in fact, Quebec is the key of the Colony, and the port at which the
succors are landed that arrive there from France. That, should the English become masters
of that place, they would soon be rulers of the entire country. That there is no other way to
remove all attempts on their parts, than to place the city in a thorough state of defence. And
it is necessary, for that purpose, to order the execution of the plan they transmitted last year
for the construction of a wall (enccintf) around the town.
The estimate for that work amounted to 155,817" 10». They had proposed appropriating
thereto a fund of 155 m." remaining from the issue (fabrication) of paper money, ordered in
1733, and destined for the fortifications of the colony. But that proposal was not approved,
and it was considered better to appropriate that fund to the completion of the works at
Montreal, and to the building of a Redoubt a machicoulis in Lake Champlain, inasmuch as the
Colony was exposed to more danger in its upper section in case of war.
The Marquis de Beauharnois adds: that Quebec being unfortified, he will cause the batteries
there to be put in order ; that he will place others elsewhere if necessary ; but he sees no
other way of opposing a landing, than to bravely charge the enemy sword in hand and with
fixed bayonets.
In regard to the attack from above, he has issued orders to the Engineer to urge on the
work at the walls of Montreal, and hopes that they will be completed in 1736, and that the
place will be in a good state of defence.
He has, likewise, adopted all necessary measures for the construction of the Redoubt, a
machicoulis at Crown Point, in Lake Champlain. Workmen have been transported thither at
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII, 1045
the commencement of this Autumn, to prepare materials there, and to be ready to commence
operations early in the Spring. He will, also, take proper precautions, at the melting of the
snow, to guard against all accidents that may interrupt its progress. Meanwhile he will keep
Fort Chambly in a state of defence : he has even had some work done there this fall.
As respects the Indians, he observes, that those who are domiciled are certainly in our
interests; and the Iroquois will, apparently, adopt a neutral policy. He has given orders to
the officer who resides with them to have an eye to their proceedings and to report the same
to him. He has, likewise, issued orders to the Commandant at Crown Point to be on his
guard with the thirty men composing his garrison, until the Redoubt be completed. And
should the English attempt anything in the direction of Lake Michigan during the winter, he
will dispatch some Frenchmen and Indians on snow shoes.
It would be important that he should receive orders, if the English declare themselves.
Meanwhile he will be informed by means of Indians, of everything that will transpire at
Orange and New-York, and by M. de S' Ovide, governor of Isle Royale, of whatever will
occur at Boston.
The forces he will require for the defenceof the Colony, would depend on those the English
may send thither; but there is no doubt, should reinforcements be sent from Old England to
strengthen the troops they have on the American Continent, that he would require considerable
aid in order to oppose them. He has no troops, and though the New England Militia, who
are numerous, be not greatly to be feared, the Canadians are no longer as good as formerly.
Nevertheless, it is reasonable to suppose that, were they attacked at home, they would display
great courage.
In regard to the attacks that might be made against the English, he observes in relation to
Placentia and Acadia, that M. de S' Ovide is in a better position than he to be advised of the
strength of the English forces, and of the condition of their forts in these two Colonies, as well
as of the reliance to be placed on the French of Acadia; and it is for that Governor to judge
■what assistance he would require for any expedition in that quarter. The aid he can derive from
Canada, should the English make no attempt on that Colony, would amount to 100 soldiers
and 2@300 militia; but the difficulty would be to transport this reinforcement, and a vessel
like le Rubis, or two frigates, would be required at Quebec for that purpose, to arrive in the
month of May, inasmuch as the Canada merchant vessels of any considerable tonnage are
then at sea. They should be even preceded by an advice boat. He adds, in respect to the
French of Acadia, that it is his opinion that the English will disarm them.
Should he send out any expeditions against the English, on his side, it could only be
against Orange and some other villages in that vicinity, Choiiaguen and the posts towards
Hudson's bay.
As respects Orange, the Patroon of that town, and another gentleman of the country have
visited Montreal on pretence of traveling. These two Englishmen told him confidentially
(what he already knew) that his predecessor, the late Marquis de Vaudreuil, had, in the late
war, always spared their country, and recommended the Indians not to make any incursions
into it ; that the Father of one of them had carried on a secret correspondence with that
governor; that they would pursue the same course now. He answered, that there was no
appearance of a rupture ; that he would be greatly inclined to follow the course of his
predecessor, and in fine, he would ask for orders on that point. He entertained them well,
and after considerable politeness, sent them back satisfied.
1046 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Orange is not fortified. Tiiere are only 200 regulars in the government of New-York, 110
of whom are in that city, and the remainder are dispersed through Orange, Hissop and
Korlak. The castle at New-York is a fort with four bastions faced with masonry, terraced
and furnished with 40 pieces of Artillery. He has been assured that the town and vicinity
contain more than 20 thousand men capable of bearing arms. No attack can be made on that
place from Canada, and he will endeavor, between this and the next year, to obtain the plan
of it, and to acquire more precise information which he will transmit.
Choueguen remains: but if the Iroquois continue neuter we cannot do any thing against
that post, as the English will not be able to do any thing against the French post of Niagara.
The Colony contains at present 8000 men capable of bearing arms, 6600 of whom are armed,
but as the greater part of these arms are in a bad condition, the good of the service requires
that there be in store 1500, or 2000 grenadier muskets.
There is in store nearly 100m £ of powder, including that belonging to the King and to the
Company of the Indies, independent of 30m" which he and M. Hocquart have demanded.
The entire Colony contains only 750 soldiers, 160 of whom are at the different posts, and sixty
in the expedition sent against the Foxes and the Sacs. The garrison at Crown Point will have
to be increased to 120 men when the Redoubt will be finished. Then only 410 soldiers would
remain for the defence of the country and the execution of the projects ; this is of no avail ;
so that it would be proper to maintain in Canada an additional force of at least 600 men, and
officers in proportion, in order to preserve the Iroquoisto us.
He annexes to all these observations, an estimate of the munitions and artillery necessary
to place Quebec, Montreal and the forts, in a state of defence. The estimate is subjoined.
24"' December, 1734.
Census of Canada. 1734.
Extract from the General Census of New France in 1734.
Churches, 102 Lands under improvement (arpens), 163,111
Parish Priests or Missionaries, 83 Meadows (arpens), 17,657
Presby teres, 76 Wheat (minots), 737,892
Priests or Canons, 32 Indian Corn (minots), 5,223
Jesuits, 18 Peas (minots), 63,549
Recolets, 27 Oats (minots), 163,988
Nuns of the Hotel Dieu, 97 Barley (minots), 3,462
Ursulines, 80 Tobacco (pounds), 166,054
Nuns of the General Hospital and//Y>fs Flaxseed (pounds), 92,246
charrons,'^ 31 Hemp, 2,221
Nuns of the Congregation, 96 Horses, 5,056
Gristmills, 118 Horned cattle, 33,179
Sawmills, 52 Sheep, 19,815
Hogs 23,646
' Se« note, supra, p. 907. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII. 1047
Families, Six thousand four hundred and twenty-two.
Men above fifty years,. Seventeen hundred and eighteen.
Men under fifty years,. . . . Four thousand five hundred and eighty-eight.
Men absent, Four hundred and thirty.
Women and Widows,. Six thousand five hundred and ninety-three.
Boys over fifteen years,... Three thousand eight hundred and five.
Boys under fifteen years,.. Eight thousand three hundred an4 forty-two.
Girls over fifteen years,. . . Three thousand six hundred and fifty-four.
Girls under fifteen years,. . Eight thousand one hundred and twenty-two.
• Fire-arms, Six [thousand] six hundred and nineteen.
Swords, Seven hundred and seventy-four.
This Census has been taken with all possible care, and it is believed the most exact of any
sent up to this time.
Count de Maurepas to M. de Beauharnoia.
Versailles, 10"" May, 1735.
Sir,
I have received the letters you wrote me on the 10"" and 25"" of October of last year, in
answer to that I had written you on the 2"'' of May preceding relative to the then situation of
the affairs of Europe, and I have submitted the same to the King.
His Majesty has ordered me to inform you, that the maritime powers have not as yet made
any declaration. There is reason to believe that the Dutch will not declare themselves, and
that, if England, who is making great efforts to bring about an arrangement between the Powers
engaged in war, determine on entering the lists, she will be too late to do any thing this
year; and the ill success which is almost inevitable, and which she experienced when she
made the attempt, appears to protect Quebec against all insult from that quarter, and it would
be so much the more useless to fortify that place as its new fortifications could not be sufficiently
solid to guarantee it, for there is every reason to believe that if England made any attempt to
reduce it, she would employ a larger force than in the late wars, and in any case, did she not
do this, you would be in a sufficient condition to defend the place and to baffle her designs, the
more especially as she could not make any such demonstration without organizing in Old
England a considerable expedition to cooperate with the forces of New England, which
perhaps would not be willing to participate in it. As I would be informed of this armament,
and you could easily be advised of the movements and preparations which would be made at
Boston, you could adopt measures and precautions to mar their plans. His Majesty would
cause to be sent to Quebec the aid he would deem necessary, and you would be informed of
every thing by a corvette which I should have despatched thither. Thus, all seems to be
reduced to the taking the precaution to guarantee the Upper part of the Colony against all
surprise. The labor expended last year on the enceinte of Montreal, led me to hope that this
work will be in a state of defence this year, and completed the year following, and that the
1048 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Redoubt a machicoulis at Crown Point, will be in a like condition in consequence of the measures
you have adopted for preparing materials to commence that work in the spring. These
two finished, and Fort Chambly in the condition you describe, will it appears to me be
sufficient ; and if, as you suppose, the Iroquois will remain neutral, the domiciled Indians
being, as you assure yourself, in the French interest, the English will have more to fear in
that quarter than the French.
His Majesty has approved your having ordered the officer stationed among the Iroquois, to
watch their proceedings ; his report thereof will enable you to adopt suitable measures, and
meanwhile, without giving that nation to suspect any apprehension on your part from it, you
should so act as to induce it to determine on remaining neutral, if you cannot prevail on it
in whole or in part to declare in favor of France.
As for the visit the Patroon or Lord of Orange and another gentleman of the country paid
last summer to Montreal, to propose to you to act towards him as the late Marquis de
Vaudreuil had done with his predecessor ; that is, to spare the country and to recommend the
Indians not to make any incursions there, I was in fact, aware that such a course had been
adopted in the last war, but that the Lord of Orange had not responded, as he ought, to the
regard which was had for him, there having been several English parties at Orange and in its
vicinity, of which he gave no notice. As for the rest, as you do not propose any thing
touching the proceedings of these two men, and as you are in a position to know whether it
will be proper or not to accept the proposition, His Majesty will refer the matter to you,
observing to you, however, that this kind of secret neutrality may be more injurious than
profitable, and that should it occur, 'twill be necessary to adopt precise measures to prevent
it causing any prejudice to the Colony.
Should the Iroquois in fact remain neuter, it does not seem as if they would suffisr you to
make an attack on Choueguen, nor the English on our post at Niagara. In that case it will
be necessary to proceed according to circumstances.
His Majesty has seen with pleasure your report that the Colony contains SOOO men capable
of bearing arms, though all of them are not, indeed, well armed. Did the state of the finances
admit of my incurring the expense of 1500 @ 2000 grenadier muskets, I should have had a
portion of them sent out this year, as well as the contents of the memoir you sent me, but
that was impossible. I shall provide therefore by degrees, according as it will be in my power.
Messrs. de BeatiJiarnois and Hocquart to the Minister.
My Lord,
• ••••••#•••
The King's ship arrived this year on the ?"■ of August, and the ammunition and goods
destined for Forts Frontenac and Niagara have been sent a few days after to Montreal, and
will be deposited this fall in both the posts, so that the King's trade will not suffer this year, as
it did last season when the King's ship arrived so late that tl e supplies destined for the trade
remained at Fort Frontenac, the bateau which was conveyir • them from that fort to Niagara
having been obliged to put back on account of bad weather auJ the advanced season. It were
PARIS DOCUMENTS : Vlll.
1049
desirable that tlie King's sliip might arrive, every year, sufficiently early to admit of these
supplies being transported to the posts in the course of the same season, and to prevent
the trade suffering.
As for the commerce now carried on at Fort Frontenac and Niagara, it becomes every year
more inconsiderable in comparison to the expenses the King incurs there. These tveo posts
which produced some years ago, as much as 52000"' of peltries have these four years past
returned only 25 @. 35, 000"'. This falling off has occurred merely since the discontinuance of
the distribution of Brandy to the Indians, whereof it is the King's pleasure that Mess" de
Beauharnois and Hocquart be very sparing. In vain Sieur Hocquart endeavored to tranquilize
the store keepers of these Forts respecting the toleration whereby the King is pleased to
permit the sale of Brandy to the Indians, observing therein the proper precautions and
moderation. The pastoral Letter," of the Bishop of Quebec, whereof Sieurs de Beauharnois
and Hocquart have rendered his Majesty an account, disquiets them to such a degree, that they
would prefer resigning their situation than to be even suspected of the reserved case." This
is what they have repeatedly written Sieur Hocquart. We admit that it is difficult, and perhaps
impossible to sell Brandy to the major portion of the Indians without their getting drunk.
But it is equally certain that nothing deters them from trading with the French in these posts
and every where else in the Upper countries, more than the refusal to sell them any of this
liquor for which they entertain an inexpressible passion. They find plenty of it at Choueguen,
where they repair from all the posts of the Upper countries, without any means of stopping
them at Niagara. Sieurs de Beauharnois and Hocquart perceive, unfortunately, no means of
destroying or interrupting the commercial relation this drink keeps up between the Indians
and the English.
M. de Beauvais, commandant at Fort Frontenac, and M. de Rigauville, commandant at Niagara,
continued to be very careful to prevent Voyageurs passing along the South side of Lake
Ontario. The former dispatched a canoe, this spring, after the men named Duplessis and
Deniau, Voyageurs, on hearing that they were on the way to Choueguen. Sieur de Tonty,
who was in command, overtook them within four leagues of that fort and arrested them.
They had on board their bark canoe about 300^ of Beaver, which was seized and confiscated.
These Voyageurs have been conducted to Montreal, where they were imprisoned. On suspicion
of being Coureurs de Bois, their trial has been instituted at Montreal conformably to the
Letters Patent of the month of March, 1716, but by the definitive judgment of the 27"" of
June, pronounced by the Commissaries, they were acquitted of the charge, and the violation
by them committed of the arret of the 22""* of May, 1716, was referred to M. Hocquart, who,
on receiving notice of this judgment, delegated Sieur Michel to investigate the violation in
question, its circumstances and dependencies, all unto definitive judgment, saving appeal. M.
Michell condemned them in a fine of 500" but in consideration of the poverty of both these
accused, the consequent impossibility of making them pay. Mess" de Beauharnois and
Hocquart have been under the necessity of setting them at liberty after an imprisonment of
three months. This example will possibly always restrain those who might be inclined to
drive a fraudulent trade.
' Cm reservi. Certain grave offences, the decision whereon the Bishop, or other superior authority in the Church, reserves
to himself. — Ed.
Vol. IX. „. 132
1050 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
The two sloops on Lake Ontario have been navigated alternately by the same crew. That
course is necessary to keep tliem in order.
If Lake Champlain be navigable for sloops, it will be very useful to have one built for the
conveyance of the supplies for Crown Point. But we do not as yet possess sufficient
knowledge respecting its rocks and sand bars, which may render the building of such vessels
hazardous. Up to the present time, only one bar has been discovered ; it lies north of Isle a
la Motte, and is three-quarters of a league wide opposite Point au Fer.' In other respects,
sloops will, apparently, be able to sail through this lake.
Sieur de Beauharnois reported last year the cause of the ill success attending Sieur de
Noyelles' campaign against the Foxes and the Sakis. He has the honor to inform you, My
Lord, by a private letter, of resolution adopted by these Indians, and of the dispositions of the
Sakis, according to the news he has received from the commandant at the River S' Joseph.
Sieur de Joncaire, commandant among the Chaouanons, has written Sieur de Beauharnois
that his Indians continued to reject the evil advice of the Iroquois, and were disposed to follow
their Father's pleasure ; that they were about sending Deputies to Detroit to visit their
Brothers the Hurons, and that they would come down to Montreal next Spring, to hear Sieur
de Beauharnois' word, and obey it. They have added that as he had located them on the
Beautiful river, they would not, without his orders, abandon the fire he had lighted for them at
that place. Therefore, although the transmigration of these Indians to Detroit has not yet
taken place, it is to be presumed from the dispositions they continue to entertain, that Sieur de
Beaubarnois will succeed in engaging them to do so. The maxim of the Indians in
negotiations of this nature, is to have frequent talks together, and nothing is terminated among
them until after divers interviews. This has been the cause of the delay manifested hitherto
by the Chaouanons. As for the rest, M. de Beauharnois flatters himself that the business will
be terminated next year ; he will not lose sight of it.
As regards the Miamis, they appear very quiet in their village, and M. de Beauharnois has
not heard that any of them have dispersed.
In the answer to the King's Memoir of 1734, Mess" de Beauharnois and Hocquart have
explained the reasons which had prevented M. d'Arnaud, who commanded the party sent
against the Ouiatonons, proceeding beyond the Miamis, and the motives which induced M. de
Beauharnois not to push that affair any farther.
He will add, in regard to its probable consequences, that he agreed the more readily to be
content with the pardon the Ouiatanons have solicited of him, inasmuch as there is no doubt,
had Sieur d'Arnaud continued his march, but these Indians would have been advised thereof by
the Miamis, their allies, and have retired to the Peanguichias or Islinois, who are equally their
allies, so that, besides being unable to wreak vengeance on the Ouiatanons, it would be
declaring war against the other nations, among whom they would certainly have found an
asylum, and stopping the path to the Mississippy on ourselves. The peace we are since some
time endeavoring to establish in the Upper countries, and the condition of affairs required mild
and moderate means to be preferred on an occasion involving neither the honor of the French
nation nor the King's arms, and arising merely out of a simple fray between some drunken
young Ouitanons and two or three Voyageurs, in an affair of trade. The proceedings and
resolution of the French of Detroit to wreak vengeance for the insult perpetrated on these
Voyageurs, have not been unknown to all the Nations, and may, in like manner, help to restrain
' In the town of Champlain, Clinton county, N. Y., about 18 miles north of Plattsburgh. — Eu.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII. 1051
those of that quarter. In fine, it has not been until after having weighed all these considerations
and the unfortunate consequences this affiiir might involve, which M. de Beauharnois has just
explained, that he deemed it prudent, and of infinite importance to the good of the Colony, to
grant the Oiiitanons the pardon they asked of him, rather than aggravate the troubles of the
Upper country, by acting in direct opposition to the views he entertains of reestablishing peace,
the object so strongly recommended to him.
In regard to the Scioux, Sieur Pierre, who commanded at that post, and Father Guignas,' the
Missionary, have written to Sieur de Beauharnois on the lO"" and 11"" of April last, that these
Indians appeared well intentioned towards the French, and had no other fear than that of being
abandoned by them. Sieur de Beauharnois annexes an extract of these letters ; and although
the Scioux seem very friendly, the result only can tell whether their fidelity is to be absolutely
depended on, for the unrestrained and inconsistent spirit which composes the Indian character,
may easily change it. They have not come down this summer, as yet, but M. de St. Pierre
is to get them to do so next year, and to have an eye on their proceedings.
The Senecas visited Montreal this summer. They seem always well disposed towards the
French, and have assured Sieur de Beauharnois that all the Chiefs of their Nation are to come
down next year to speak on business. No reason has occurred as yet to suspect their fidelity,
hut Sieur de Beauharnois continues to have a watch over their intercourse with the English.
The Abenakis have visited Quebec. Those of Acadia who had commissions from the
English, have given them up to Sieur de Beauharnois, and promised to bring him, next year,
those of the other Chiefs who did not come this season. They assured him, at the same time,
that they would not receive any more.
Several Chiefs of the village of S' Francis, have applied to go to France next year to render
their fealty to his Majesty. Mess" de Beauharnois and Hocquart are of opinion that tliis voyage
would be productive of a good effect among these Nations, and would attach them more and
more to the French.
M. de Beauharnois gave an account last year of the affair of the Chicachas, and since that
time has not received any news from M. de Bienville.
We are with most profound respect.
My Lord,
Your Humble and most obedient
Servants,
Quebec 12 8*"% 1736. Beauharnois. Hocquart.
' Rev. PiKKRE Michel Guignas {Liste Chronologique, No. 425), came to Canada in 1715, and went as a Missionary to the
Scioux in 1728, but was soon obliged to abandon liis mission -when the Foxes defeated the French. On attempting to reach
the Illinois, he fell into the hands of the Kikapoos and Mascoutens in October, 1728, and remained live months in captivity
among these people, during which time he was condemned to be burned, but was saved by being adopted by an old man.
Having induced the Indians to make peace, he was conducted to the Illinois country where he was left on parole until
November 1729, when he was taken back by his late masters. Though Shea in his Missions, 374, where .the Missionary is
called "Ignatius" Guignas, says there is nothing to show that he then resumed his Sioux mission, it is evident from the texti
that he did return to labor in that field. Noiseux states that he died in 1757. — Ed.
1052 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Enumeration of the Indian Tribes connected with the Government of Canada;
the Warriors and Armoi-ial hearings of each Nation. 1736.
The Eskimaux, ") ^, ^^ . , , ^ , -,
_, ... f These Nations are below Quebec, and
The Micmacs, > ,
The Amalecites or rather the Maneus. ) ^^y""'^ "^^ knowledge.
At Quebec.
■Warriors.
The Hurons. . 1 Village 60 a 70 men ; bearing arms, 60
At the River Saint John, adjoining the English.
The Abenakis. . 1 Village called Panabamsket towards the mouth of said river, 200
The Bbenakis. . 1 Village called Narentchsan, at the head of said river, 150
Becancour.
The Abenakis. . 1 Village. Warriors, 60
At Saint Francis.
The abenakis. . 1 Village, including those of Michiskoui and those who migrate, ISO
The Armorial bearings (Totums) of this Nation, which is divided into two
sections, are the Pigeon (lourlre^) and the Bear.
There are, besides, some tribes who carry the Partridge, the Beaver and the Otter.
At Three Rivers. See Montreal.
The Algonquins. . fifteen men, 15
'' The Tetes de Boule or Tribes of the Interior.
These are wandering Savages who have no knowledge either of the order or form •
of villages, and evince the least intellect ; they inhabit the mountains and lakes in the
interior, from Three Rivers to Lake Superior. Their armorial bearings are unknown,
if any hey have.
Boston and Orange.
The Mohegans (Loups) who understand the Bbenakis and whom the Bbenakis
understand, are dispersed from Boston to Virginia, which is equal to from Lake
Champlain to the head of Lake Erie — 300 leagues. This nation may be six hundred
men, under British rule. No person could give me any information of their customs.
This only by way of remark.
' This word 13 Otter, (Loutre) in Schoolcraft's History of the Indian Tribes of the United States, 4to. PhUadelphis, ;
Part III., 553. — Ed.
50
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII. 1053
'W^arrion.
6Gd
Montreal,
Algonquins. They are twenty men settled with the Iroquois of the Two Mountains ;
this is all that remains of a nation the most warlike, most polished and the most
attached to the French. They have for armorial bearings, an Evergreen Oak
(CMne Vert), 20
At the Lake of the Two Mountains.
The Nepissingues. A part of this tribe is incorporated with the Iroquois. The
remainder has its village at the lake of their name. Here are 6fty men bearing
arms,
The Armorial bearings of this Nation are, the Heron for the Achaguc, or Heron
tribe ; the Beaver for the Amekoses ; the Birch for the Bark tribe ; Blood for the
Miskouaha or Bloody people (Gens du Sang.)
Remark, Sir, if you please, that besides the arms of the principal stocks to which
I exclusively confine myself, leisure not permitting me to obtain thorough details, each
tribe distinguishes itself by peculiar devices. The Iroquois who are masters of this
village, amount to no more than sixty-three — I mean warriors, 60
At the Sault Saint Louis.
The Iroquois, who compose exclusively the village are nearly three hundred and
three bearing arms, 300
These two villages are shoots of the Iroquois of Lake Ontario, or Frontenac, and
have the same armorial devices. Those of the three principal tribes are the Wolf,
Bear and the Tortoise.
Note. — Argent, to the Wolf gules, &c.
They usually design them merely with charcoal.
The Grand River of the Outawas.
At Lake Nepissingue there is one small village of thirty men, who bear a Squirrel
Atchicama, 30
River and Lake Themiscaming.
The Tabittibis are one hundred warriors. They have for device an Eagle, 100
At the mouth of the Themiscaming there are twenty warriors, 20
At the head of the Lake, twenty domiciled, .• ." 20
These Indians are what are called Tctes de Boule, who amount to over six hundred
in the Northern country ^^^
I shall speak of them hereafter without reference to their numbers.
At MissilimaMnaJc.
The Outawas of this village amount to one hundred and eighty warriors ; the two
principal branches are Kiskakons (1) and Sinago (2) ; the Bear (1) and Black
Squirrel (2), 180
2,045
1054 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
■Warriore.
2,045
River Missisague.
The Missisagu6s on the river number thirty men, and twenty men on the Island
called Manitouatim of Lake Huron. They have for device, a Crane, 50
Lake Superior — At the Mouth.
At the Falls of Saint Mary are the Sauteurs, to the number of thirty ; they are in
two divisions, and have for device, the Crane and the Cat fish, 30
Michipicoton — At North of this Lake.
The Papinakois and those of the interior ; the first are twenty warriors, and have for
device, a Hare, . 20
River Ounepigon.
The Oskemanettigons are domiciled there to the number of forty warriors. They
have for device, the bird called the Fisher, 40
The Monsonis, who are migratory, estimate themselves two hundred men, and have
for device, a Moose (Orignal), 200
The Abittibis and the Tites de Boule come there also. Some have informed me that
the first have for arms, the Partridge with the Eagle. I have already stated
that they are in all one hundred warriors.
The Namebilinis have one hundred and fifty fit to bear arms. They have for device,
a Sturgeon, 150
The tribes of the Savannas, one hundred and forty warriors strong, have for armorial
device, a Hare .* 140
Gamanettigoya.
The Ouace are in number sixty men, and have for device a Cat fish, 60
Tecamamiouen, or Rainy Lake.
These Indians are the same as those who come to Nepigon. They are about this
lake to the number of one hundred men, 100
Lake of the Woods.
The Cristinaux are scattered hereabout, to the number of two hundred warriors.
They have for device, the Wild goose, 200
Lake Ounepigon.
The Cristinaux are around this lake to the number of sixty men, 60
See Scioux.
South of Luke Superior.
Kiouanan. In this quarter there are domiciled forty Sauteurs, who have for device,
the Crane and the Steg, 40
The Sauteurs of Point Chagouamigon are one hundred and fifty warriors, 150
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII. 1055
WarriorB.
3,2S5
The Scioux, at the head of tliis lake, in the woods and along the lakes, though
scattered, are computed at three hundred men, 300
The Scioux of the Prairies are, in the opinion of Voyageurs, over two thousand men, 2,000
Their Armorial devices are the Buffalo, the Black Dog and the Otter.
The Asssenipoels, or Pouans can, according to others, vie with the Scioux, from
whom they formerly sprung. They number one hundred and fifty to the south
of Lake Ounepigon, and have for device, a Big Stone or a Rock, 150
The Puans have retired, since 1728, to the Scioux to the number of eighty ; they have
for Armorial bearings, the Stag, the Polecat (Pichour), the Tiger, SO
The head of L.akc Superior.
The Ayosois are settled at the south of the River de Missouris, at the other side of
the Mississipi. They are no more than eighty. They have for device, a Fox, SO
LnTce Michigan with its dependencies.
The Folles Avoines, north of this lake, number one hundred and sixty warriors,. — 160
The most considerable tribes have for device, the Large tailed Bear, the Stag, a
Kiliou — that is a species of Eagle (the most beautiful bird of this country,) —
perched on a cross.
In explanation of a Cross forming the Armorial bearings of the Indians, it is stated
that formerly a Chief of the Folles Avoines finding liimself dangerously sick,
consented, after trying the ordinary remedies, to see a Missionary, who. Cross in
hand, prayed to God for his recovery, and obtained it from his mercy. In gratitude
for this benefit, the Chief desired that to his arms should be added a Cross on
which the Kiliou has ever since been always perched.
Poutesatamis. In 1728 there was a small village of this nation retired on an island
to the number of 20
The Bay, at the head of this Lake is the sojourn, or rather the country of the Sakis.
This nation could put under arms one hundred and fifty men. Others do not
count but one hundred and twenty. They have for device, a Crab, a Wolf, and
a Slie-Bear, 150
Fox River.
The river of the Foxes discharges into this lake. This nation now migratory, still
consists, when not separated, of one hundred men bearing arms. They have
for device, a Fox, 100
The Kickapous, formerly their allies, may be eighty men. They bear for device, the
Pheasant and the Otter, 80
The Maskoutin has for Armorial device, the Wolf and the Stag. This nation is
estimated at sixty men, 60
6,465
1056 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
■Warriora.
6,465
River Saint Joseph, south of Lake Michigan.
The Pouteaatamies, who call themselves the Governor's eldest sons, compose the
village of the River Saint Joseph, to the number of one hundred w^arriors 100
The principal tribes bear the Golden Carp, the Frog, the Crab, the Tortoise.
There are in the village about ten Miarais who bear as their arms a Crane, 10
Also, eight Illinois Kaskakias, whose device is a feather of an arrow, — c:=^^°-g^^i_,r--»
notched ; or two arrows supported one against the other ( X ) in saltier (like a
St. Andrew's cross.)
These are the nations best known to us as well along the Grand River of the
Outawas as north and south of Lakes Superior and Michigan. I propose now
proceeding again from Montreal by way of the Lakes to Missilimakinak.
From Montreal; Lake Route.
I have spoken of Sault Saint Louis on the first page.
Toniata.
Some Iroquois, to the number of eight or ten men, have retired at this place. Their
device, is without doubt, like that of the village from which they issue ; the
Deer, the Plover, &c., as hereafter, 10
Lake Ontario, or Frontenac ; south.
There are no more Iroquois settled.
The Mississagues are dispersed along this lake, some at Kente, others at the River
Toronto, and finally at the head of the Lake, to the number of one hundred
and fifty in all, and at Matchedach. The principal tribe is that of the Crane, 150
North of Lake Ontario.
The Iroquois are in the interior and in five villages, about fifteen leagues from the
Lake, on a pretty straight line, altho' distant from each other one days journey.
This nation, though much diminished, is still powerful.
South of Lake Frontenac.
The Onnontagues number two hundred warriors. The device of the village is a
Cabin on the top of a Mountain, 200
The Mohawks, towards New England, not far from Orange, are eighty men, and have
for device of the village a Steel and a flint, 80
The Oneidas, their neighbors, number one hundred men or a hundred warriors, 100
This village has for device a Stone in a fork of a tree, or in a tree notched with
some blows of an axe.
The Cayugas form a village of one hundred and twenty warriors. Their device
generally is a very large Calumet, 120
The Senecas form two villages, in which are three hundred and fifty men. Their
device is a big Mountain, 350
7,686
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIIT. 1057
Warriors.
7,585
Besides the arms of each village, each tribe has its own, and every man has his
particular mark to designate him. Thus the Oneida designates his village by a
Stone, a fork — next he designates his tribe by the bird or animal, and finally he
denotes himself by his punctures. See the designs which I had the honor to send
you in 1732 by Father Francois, a Recollet.
The five villages belonging to the same tribe, have for their arms in common, the
Plover, to which I belong ; the Bear, the Tortoise, the Eel, the Deer, the Beaver, the
Potatoe, the Falcon, the Lark and the Partridge.
1 doubt not but the other nations are as well distinguished, but our Voyageurs,
having little curiosity in these matters, have not been able to give me any information.
The Tuscarorens have a village of two hundred and fifty men near the Onontagues,
who brought them along. I know not their hieroglyphics, 250
Niognj-a — Lake. Ontario.
The Iroquois have some cabins at the Portage.
Lake Erie and Deiiendencies ; South Side.
The Chaouanons towards Carolina, are two hundred men, 200
Flatheads. The Cherakis, Cliicachas, Totiris, are included under the name of
Flatheads by the Iroquois, who estimate them at over six thousand men, in
more than thirty villages. I'm told they had for device a Vessel, (un Vaisscau.) 6,000
The Ontationou6, that is those who speak the language of Men ; so called by the
Iroquois because they understand each other — may be fifty men. I know
nothing of them, 50
The Miamis have for device the Hind and the Crane. These are the two principal
Tribes. There is likewise that of the Bear. They are two hundred men,
bearing arms, : 200
The Ouyattanons, Peanguichias, Petikokias, are the same Nation, though in different
villages. They can place under arms three hundred and fifty men. The devices
of these Indians are the Serpent, the Deer, and the Small Acorn, 350
Illinois. The Metchigamias at Fort Chartres, number 250 men, 250
The Kaskakias, six leagues below, have a village of one hundred warriors, 100
The Peorias at the Rock, are fifty men, 60
The Kaokias, or Tamarois, can furnish two hundred men, ■: . . 200
All these Indians comprehended under the name of Illinois, have, for device, the
Crane, the Bear, the White Hind, the Fork, the Tortoise.
River of the Missouris.
The Missouris.
The Okams or Karase.
The Sotos.
The Panis.
This only as a note, as I do not know anything of these Nations except the name.
Vol. IX. 133 16,236
1058 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Warriorf.
15,235
Lake Erie; Detroit.
The Hurons at present are two hundred men, bearing arms. They mark the
Tortoise, Bear and Plover, 200
The Pouteouatamis have a village there of one hundred and eighty men.* They
bear for device the Golden Carp, the Frog, the Crab, the Tortoise. (See River
Saint Joseph, south of Lake Michigan,) — ISO
The Outaw^as have two villages there, composed one of the tribe of Sinagos ; the
other of Kiskakons, and may count two hundred warriors, 200
They have the same devices as those of Missilimakinak ; that is to say, the Bear
and Black Squirrel.
Lake Saint Clair, which leads to Lake Huron.
At the end of the little Lake Saint Clair, there is a small village of Mississagues,
which numbers sixty men. They have the same devices as the Mississagues of
Manitouatin and Lake Ontario ; that is to say, a Crane, 60
Lake Huron.
I have spokeu before of the Mississagues who are to the North of this Lake.
On the South side, I know only the Outawas, who have a village of eighty men at
Saguinan, and for device the Bear and Squirrel, 80
15,955
Less, 80
15,875
Remark.
All the Northern Nations have this in common ; that a man who goes to war denotes himself
as much by the device of his wife's as by that of his own tribe, and never marrries a woman
who carries a similar device to his.
If time permitted, you would. Sir, have been better satisfied with my researches.
I would have written to the Interpreters of the Posts, who would have furnished me with
more certain information than I could obtain from the Voyageurs whom I questioned. I am
engaged in the history of the Scioux, which you have asked of Monsieur de Linerot.
Missilimakinak.
* Instead of 180, only 100 men must be counted.
Note. — Joncaire is supposed, by some, to have been the author of the preceding enumeration, but this cannot well be, as
that officer was on the Oliio at this date, and the writer was at Michilimackina. It is attributed to M. de la Chauvignerie,
by Mr. Schoolcraft, in History of the Indian Tribes of the United States, III., 658. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII. 1059
Louis XV. to Messrs. de Beauliarnois and Hocquart.
His Majesty approves the alternate sailing last year of the two sloops on Lake Ontario, and
recommends Sieur Hocquart to pursue the same course each year, so as to keep these two
vessels in order.
If it were possible to navigate Lake Champlain with vessels of that description, it will be of
use to have one built for the transportation of supplies to Crown Point ; but before hazarding
their construction, it will be well to cause that Lake to be surveyed, with a view to become
acquainted with the rocks to be met there. When Sieurs de Beauharnois and Hocquart shall
have acquired correct information on this subject, they will report the same, and his Majesty
will cause his intentions to be communicated to them.
His Majesty has learned with pleasure that Captain Desnoyelles' expedition against the
Foxes and Sacs in 1735, has not been attended by any bad consequences. As he causes his
intentions regarding these Indians to be fully explained to the Marquis de Beauharnois, he will
content himself here to recommend him to conform thereto.
He hopes to learn that the Chaouanons will have kept the promise they gave Sieur Joncaire,
the commandant in their country, to come down this spring to Montreal, to hear the Marquis
de Beauharnois discourse on their migration. It is probable that, should they determine
on that course, they will be easily persuaded to settle at Detroit; and that it is very desirable,
so as to protect the fidelity of these Indians against the insinuations of the English. But the
delay they interpose to that movement induces his Majesty to apprehend that the Marquis de
Beauharnois will meet with more difficulties than he had anticipated, and that the English,
with whom his Majesty is informed they trade, had made sufficient progress among them
to dissuade them therefrom. However that be, Sieur de Beauharnois should neglect nothing
to accomplish that removal; and this object deserves now the more attention by reason of the
settlement which a party of Cherakis and Chickachas has made on the river Oio, as Sieur de
Beauharnois must be aware.
His Majesty is satisfied with his explanations respecting his determination in 1734 not to
press the affair that occurred among the Ouiatanons, and to be content with the pardon these
Indians demanded of him. A mild and moderate policy is always preferable, when it can be
pursued without affecting the honor of the Nation and the glory of His Majesty's arms. But
there are occasions when it may be absolutely necessary not to stop short, and when such
policy may be accompanied by very unfortunate consequences. It is for Sieur de Beauharnois
to decide on the course he is to adopt in occurring circumstances, and his Majesty cannot but
rely on his zeal and prudence.
As respects theScioux: according to what the commandant and Missionary at that post have
written to Sieur de Beauharnois, relative to the dispositions of these Indians, nothing appears
to be wanting on that point. But their delay in coming down to Montreal since the time they
promised to do so, must render their sentiments somewhat suspected, and nothing but facts
can determine whether their fidelity can be absolutely relied on. But what must still further
increase the uneasiness to be entertained in their regard, is the attack on the convoy of M. de
1060 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
la Veranderie,' especially if this officer has adopted the course he had informed the Marquis
de Beauharnois he should take, to have revenge therefor. His Majesty will wait impatiently
Sieur de Beauharnois' report of what shall have been done on that subject, and is, meanwhile,
persuaded that he will have adopted such measures as will have appeared to him the most
suitable for the public service.
His Majesty has been very glad to learn that the Senecas, when they visited Montreal last
summer, seemed well disposed towards the French. But though their fidelity appear above
suspicion, Sieur de Beauharnois must not be less attentive in watching the conduct they
observe towards the English. This is what His Majesty recommends him to do.
The readiness with which the most of the Abenakis Chiefs who had received commissions
from the English have given these commissions up to the Marquis de Beauharnois, must afford
a good idea of their fidelity ; and it is to be desired, that those who still have any of them
may follow their example, as Sieur de Beauharnois has been promised. But he must not rely,
altogether, on this proceeding: he must be always attentive to whatever may occur to induce
them to accept new commissions. For these sorts of connexions are ever dangerous.
As regards Sieurs de Beauharnois and Hocquarts' proposition to let the Ciiiefs of the St.
Francis Indians make a voyage to France, pursuant to their request; it seems to His Majesty
useless to incur the expense. Nevertlieless, should Sieurs de Beauharnois and Hocquart deem
it absolutely necessary, His Majesty may concur. But he recommends them not to enter into
any sort of engagement in that regard, without having first received his orders.
He has caused the Marquis de Beauharnois to be written to, on the subject of the Chicachas
Indians, to inform him of the preparations on foot for a new expedition against that nation,
from Louisiana. He recommends him to do whatever will lie in his power, on the Canada
side, so as to effect, at last, the reduction of these Indians.
Versailles, lO"- of May, 1737.
' This gentleman was sent, by order of the French government, on an overland expedition to discover the Pacific Ocean.
He set out with his party from Montreal ; passed through Lake Superior, and proceeding as near due West as he could, went
along the foot of Lake Winnipeg, ascended the River of the Assinibonis and directed his course towards the Rocky Mountains,
for several days, over large tracts of land free from timber but covered witli very tall grass. In some places, where no
European had ever been, were found great pillars of stone, leaning upon each other. The pillars consisied of one single
stone each, and sometimes such stones were found laid upon one another and as it were formed into a wall. At one place in
the prairie, about nine hundred leagues west of Moutreal, the party discovered a large stone, like a pilliir, and in it a smaller
stone about a foot long and between four and five inches hroad, covered on both sides with unknown churacters. This
curiosity was separated from the pillar and transmitted to the Secretary of State at Paris, where Missionaries conveisant
with the Eastern languages, affirmed that the inscription was in Tartarean characters. Without reaching the Rocky
Mountains, M. de la Veranderie was obliged to abandon the prosecution of his expedition, his party having got mixed up in ii
-war which the Indians of those parts were waging against each other. Kalm's Travels, IH., 123; Garneau, II., 126. The
country thus explored, embraces what is known as the North Western Territory of British America, and lies North and
West of Minnesota. Three hundred miles West of Lake Winnipe r, on the Assiniboin river, the French erected Fort la Reine,
mentioned by Carver, 109; three others were built farther West, the most remote of which stood on the bank of the River
Paskoyac. — Ed.
Sir,
Efclamation of the
A mbassadiir of Eng-
ablishmenl
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII. IQQI
Earl Waldegimve to Count de Maurepm.
Paris, le"" January, 1739.
have the honor to transmit to your Excellency the particulars of a matter of
ed by ihe French Excelicncy will find tiierein tiie question in dispute as well as the Article of
in the Iroquuis * *
counirj. the Treaty of Utrecht, in consequence whereof I have order to make this
Representation. And I flatter myself that although the information we have received on this
subject have not come from persons perfectly instructed ; yet as those who are supposed to be
about forming these new Establishments, pretend to be thereunto authorized by the Governor-
general of Canada, this circumstance might merit attention. The proceeding would be in direct
violation of the Treaties existing between the two Crowns, and I dare hope from His Most
Christian Majesty's acknowledged Justice, that he will be pleased to issue the necessary orders
that this project, if approved, may not be executed, and that in accordance with the Letter of
the Treaty, the Subjects of France may not molest the Five Nations or Cantons of Indians,
subject to Great Britain, nor the other Nations of America, friends of that Crown.
I have the honor to be,
Sir,
Your Excellency's
Most humble and most
Monsieur le Comte de Maurepas. Obedient Servant,
VValdegrave.
Paris, 16"" January, 1739.
From some proceedings of the subjects of France in Canada, and from advices which reach
us from those Cantons, there is reason to believe that tiie Governor of Canada has formed the
design of sending several families next Spring to settle at PAnse au bois, " The Wood Creek,"
within ten miles or thereabouts from our settlements, and tliat it is proposed also to build a
fort at the said Wood Creek.
These proceedings would be contrary to the Treaties between the two Crowns, for the
Iroquois or Five Nations of Indians in whose country these settlements would be made, are
an ancient dependency of the Province of New- York, and acknowledged by the loth Article
of the Treaty of Utrecht, dependent on the Crown of England.
Article 15, of the Treaty of Utrecht.
Gallic subditi Canadam incolentes aliique, The subjects of France inhabiting Canada,
Quinque Nationes sive Cantones Indorum and others shall hereafter give no hindrance or
Magnas Britanniae Imperio Subjectas, ut et molestation to the Five Nations or Cantons of
caeteros Americas Indigenas eidem Aniicilia Indians, subject to the Dominion of Great
conjunctos, nullo in posterum impedimento Britain, nor to the other Nations of America,
aut molestia afficiant. Pariter magna3 Britan- who are friends to the same. In like manner,
niae subditi cum AmericanisGalliaevel subditis the subjects of Great Britain shall behave
vel amicis, pacifice se gerent et utrique com- themselves peaceably towards the Americans,
mercii causa, frequentandi libertate plena gau- who are subjects or friends to France ; and on
1062 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
debunt. Sicut pari cum libertate Regionum both sides they shall enjoy full liberty of going
istarum Indigenae colonias Britannicas et Gal- and coming on account of trade. Also the
licas ad promovendum hinc inde commerciura natives of these Countries shall, with the same
pro lubito, adibunt absque ulla ex parte liberty, resort as they please to the British
subditorum BritannicorumGallicorum molestia and French Colonies, for promoting trade on
aut impedimento. Quinam vero Britanniae vel one side and the other, without any molesta-
Gallife subditi et amici censeantur ac censeri tion or hindrance, either on the part of the
debeant id per commissarlos accurate et dis- British subjects, or of the French. But it is
tincte describendum erit. to be exactly and distinctly settled by Commis-
saries who are, and who ought to be, accounted
the subjects and friends of Britain or of France.
Answer of the French Court to Earl Waldegrave.
January, 1739.
Re. ecting a fori ^® h^-ve no knowledge of the projected establishment mentioned in the
preifnd'Jd' ihaf'the Memorandum transmitted by the Earl of Waldegrave. The King will cause
ing'at'w-oticrvek inqulfies to be made on the subject, and assurances are given beforehand, that
the article of the Treaty of Utrecht referred to in this Memoir.
It were to be desired that the same exactness in conforming to the spirit of Peace and
tranquillity which forms the object of that Article, prevailed in the English Colonies on the
same Continent. But since the Treaty of Utrecht experience has shown, and still shows
only too palpably every day, that the English are continually occupied in corrupting the Indian
Nations, the friends of France, and that there are no intrigues left unpracticed to foment
division among them, and to excite them against France.
And as it is to be presumed that such conduct is not less opposed to his Britannic Majesty's
intentions, than to the Union which exists between the two Crowns, it is to be hoped that he
will issue, in consequence, effectual orders to his subjects not to afford any further cause for
new complaints in this regard.
Extinct of the Conference between Lt. Gw. Clarhe and the Five Nations.
Extract from the meeting holden at Orange, with the Five Iroquois Nations,
towards the end of August, 1740, which was attended by those of the
Sault S' Louis.
Answer of the Iroquois.
Brother. You invite us to take up the hatchet with you against Spain ; I have no desire as
yet to die ; I am not a man to cross Seas; therefore I do not accept, absolutely, your hatchet.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII. lOgg
Brother. You ask me to permit you to settle at Fort des Sables' for the purpose of protecting
us, and of closing the passage on our father Onontio, should he desire to destroy us. Our
heart is not divided ; We love our Father as we love you ; when you asked us permission to
build a trading house at Chaoueghen, we consented; we did tiie same regarding Niagara;
these two houses are sufficient, and we will not allow any others to be erected.
You renew our ancient Covenant chain, and you clean the Silver bracelet that binds our
arms together; I thank you and assure you that if the Earth happen to upset, we shall find
ourselves buried together, Iiolding eacli other by the hand.
You ask me to make peace with the Flatheads and others, their neighbors, who are united
in the Covenant chain with you; People do not make peace until they see those who ask it;
therefore, when we shall see the Flatheads and the others, and their propositions, we will
examine what we shall have to do. This is all I have to say to you.
Address of the Five Nations^ and M. de Beauharnois' A>iswer.
Address of the Five Iroquois Nations to M. de Beaucours, Governor of Montreal,
the 12"' of September, 1740.
By a Large Belt.
Father. You see our ceremony ; we are yery sorry that our father Onontio is not here to
listen to us; we come to bewail your dead, our deceased son, Mons"" de Joncaire; with this
Belt we cover his body so that nothing may damage it.
By a Large Belt.
Father. We have learned on the way, at our son's, the Chevalier de Longueuil, that you
have experienced a serious loss, in the death of the Bishop ;' we sympathize with your grief,
and throw this Belt on his remains, so that he may rest in Peace.
By a Medium sized Belt.
Father. You know that pain and grief trouble the mind ; we present you with this Belt to
pray you to continue your attention to the good work which may nothing derange.
' Tierondequit Supra, VL
' Right Reverend FEAitgois Louis de Pourroy de l'Acberitierk, Doctor of the Sorbonne, and 5th Bishop of Quebec, belonged
to a distinguished family of Grenoble ( Ferland ), and was born in the year 1711. He was selected in March, 1739, by Bishop
Dosquet ( supra, p. 1032 ), as his successor, and the choice having been approved at Rome, he was consecrated at Paris on the
21st December, 1739, by Bishop de Mornay, at the early age of 28. He embarked for Canada in the course of the following
summer in a King's ship, which was conveying a number of troops to that country. A malignant fever broke out among
these men during the voyage, and in his zeal to comfort and administer to the sick, the young Bishop caught the disease. He
landed at Quebec on the 8th of August, 1740, but survived only 12 days. He died on the morning of the 20th of August,
and such dread was entertained of the epidemic, that he was hurried to the grave the next night. Bishop de I'Auberivi^re
left behind him a reputation of great sanctity, and the disinterested zeal to which he fell a victim created such veneration
for his memory and reipect for his merits, that his tomb was devoutly visited by the faithful, for many years after his decease.
Noiseitx; Bmtrbourg. — Ed.
1064 NEW-YOEK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
By a Small Belt.
Father. By this Belt I again kindle the fire which had gone out through our son's death.
By a Small Belt, almost Black.
Father. By this Belt, I request you to listen to your warriors when they will make any
representation to you ; we exhort them, also, to listen to everything you will say to them.
By a Small White Belt.
Father. The misfortune which has overtaken us has deprived us of light; by this Belt I put
the clouds aside to the right and to the left, and replace the sun in its meridian.
By a Small Belt.
Father. We know that pain and sorrow disturb the heart, and cause bile ; by this Belt, we
give you a medicine which will cleanse your heart, and cheer you up.
By a Large Belt.
Father. By this Belt we restore the tree that was planted when we both made peace ; we
have set it high enough to touch the clouds, ^r de Callieres and M. de Vaudreuil, our fathers,
made it reach the heavens, so that nothing might be able to shake it; I have preserved it, and
beg you to preserve it likewise.
By a Medium sized Belt.
Father. A tree without roots cannot stand ; we have furnished it with some white ones in
order that if any one should injure them 'twould be easily perceived ; those which shoot out
on my side are the same as we laid them, but those on the side of your children of the Upper
country are spoiled ; wherefore, we renew them by this Belt.
By a Black and White Belt.
Father. By this Belt we have put leaves on the Tree of Peace, in order that it may furnish
shade as a protection from the sun's heat, when we speak on business. These leaves must not
wither, and the children now in the cradle, as well as those unborn, must behold them in all
their beauty.
By three Strings of Wampum.
Father. Eleven years ago, I spoke to you by a Belt of the size of this I show you, by which
I told you that I knew M. de Longueuil had a brother; we requested you to send for him
that he may watch the Chiefs' fire which was lighted at Montreal; I ask the answer to my
word, as I think our request has not been granted.
Father. Passing Fort Frontenac we learned the death of Curot, the interpreter; Father, we
inquire if you have any knowledge thereof, because we had no answer concerning it.
We ask you, likewise, if you have received three messages we delivered at Niagara ; one
by four skins ; the other by three, and the third by two strings of Wampum; to ask of my
father Onontio, the reason why he did not acquit me of the bad business imputed to me by
my brother the Huron.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: VIII. 1065
By three Strings of Wampum.
Father. We request you by these three Strings, to send back with us our son Joncaire and
the Blacksmith. We have retained the entire forge, in order to induce them thereby to
return; and in case the Smith be unwilling to go back, on account of the bad cheer in our
country, I request you to furnish us another, and that he remain at the Little Village ; you
are aware, Father, that our people are at the Meeting at Orange ; we know not what for.
This is the reason why we wish to carry back our son with us, so that he may inform you
of what will occur.
By two Strings of Wampum.
Father. When we made peace, I surrendered to you all the French in my hands; I look on
them always as my relatives; I beg you to permit Laforge* to come and spend a year with us,
in order that he may see all his friends.
By A Bearskin.
Father. As you have a great many children and do not know them all, here is a message I
bring you from them, to request you to give them a sample of your powder, your ball and
some knives, so that when they will be acquainted with the quality of the powder and ball,
they may easily make use of them.
By four Bearskins.
Father. This is on the part of our young men ; they are two families who request you by
this small present to grant them a little powder, some ball and flints to hunt ; they are recently
returned from the war path.
Father. Be not surprised that we do not repair the road from your country to ours : It is not
long since we cleared it ; we are pursuaded that it is not yet spoiled.
Father. We ask you for shoes t that we may return home ; there was so much to do in our
villages at our departure, that we have not been able to find any good ones ; I request you to
give us three pairs, so that we may return home at our ease.
Answer of the Marquis de Beauharnois to the Address of the Five Iroquoig
Nations to Monsieur de Beaucours, Governor of Montreal.
Quebec, 20 September, 1740.
Children. M. de Beaucours has sent me your address by your son, Joncaire; your ceremony
has greatly flattered me ; I am very sorry not to have been at Montreal so as to have the
pleasure of seeing you, and hearing you speak. The affairs of your Great Father, Onontio
Goa, called me to Quebec, and I could not dispense with coming down here.
You had cause to mourn for the death of your son Joncaire, and to cover his body ; you have
experienced a great loss, for he loved you much. I regret him like you.
• Those were Onondagas who made this request for their village. \ Each pair of shoes is a bark Canoe.
Vol. IX. 134
1066 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
By a Belt.
Children. I thank you for the sympathy you express for the loss we have suffered in the
Bishop's death. The Great Master of Life has taken him from the Colony which continues to
mourn for him.
Br A Belt.
Children. Trouble and grief will never disturb my mind when I shall have to listen to you,
I will always cooperate with you in good business ; I will drive the bad out of my mind. By
this Belt I ratify my word, to prove to you that I can tell the truth.
By a Belt.
Children. By this Belt I, in like manner, rekindle the fire that had been extinguished by the
death of your son, Joncaire.
By a Belt.
Children. I shall always listen to my warriors when they will have anything to represent to
me. I invite you to do likewise, and to hear the words that will come from me.
By a Belt.
Children. I sympathise with you for the misfortune that has overtaken you ; this accident
must not make you lose the light ; by this Belt I clear your sight; I set the clouds aside, in
like manner, so that the Sun may enlighten us all.
By a Belt.
Children. I know that trouble and sorrow sadden the heart; I thank you for the medicine
that you have given me to cleanse it ; I give you another for a like purpose ; we should keep
no bile on our hearts, because that prevents the transaction of good business.
By a Belt.
Children. I am delighted that you have arrived here to renew the Tree of Peace, which has
been planted ; I am aware that Mess" de Callieres and Vaudreuil have made it reach the
heavens so that nothing may be able to shake it; I have preserved it, since I have been in this
country, as I have not been able to make it grow higher. I expect you to continue to attend
to its preservation. It shall never be thrown down by me.
By a Belt.
Children. 'Tis true that a- tree without roots cannot stand. You have affbrded me pleasure
by having added white ones to it, and your idea has been good, because it will be better seen
who shall insure them. I have not yet perceived them damaged on your side, and I congratulate
you thereupon. The same is the case on my side; as for my children in the Upper country
I have no part in their quarrels; I have done every thing a good father could, to unite the
world and keep it quiet, and labor to that end every day.
By a Belt.
Children. You are not the only ones that have put leaves on the Tree of Peace ; I have added
to it as many branches as possible ; we can sit together under it, shaded from the heat of the
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII. 1067
sun, and converse together on good business. I shall never cause these leaves to wither, and
children in the cradle, as well as those still unborn, will behold them in all their splendor.
By three Strings of Wampum.
Children. I know that you spoke to me at Quebec, eleven years ago, when coming to mourn
M. de Longueil's death, and that you asked me to send for his brother to watch over the Chiefs'
fire that is lighted at Montreal; I answered you, as I now do, that I was not his master.
Onontio Goa has disposed of him, since that time, by making him a Great Chief at Louisiana.
You have Okoesin, and Thathakoinsere, two of his nephews here, who will take care of it.
Children. I thank you for your attention to Curot, and for having covered his body. It was
reported to me at the time, and I am surprised that you have not had an answer.
By a Belt and two Strings of Wampum.
Children. I have received the words you addressed to me at Niagara ; I had no difficulty in
acquitting you of the bad affair your brother the Huron imputed to you, because I never
entertained any but a good opinion of you ; therefore, be at ease, and do not trouble yourself
about the lies that will possibly be circulated.
By three Strings of Wampum.
Children. I send you back your son, Joncaire, who will fill, near you, the same place as your
late son. Listen attentively to whatever he will say to you from me. The smith you have
asked of me will go up with him ; he, too, is one of your children ; I recommend you to take
very good care of him, and not to suffer him to be hungry.
You tell me that your people had gone to the meeting at Orange, without your knowing for
what. As I have ears every where, 1 have heard that your brethren the English, had invited
you to join them, and to take up the hatchet against Spain, and that you had answered them
that absolutely you would not receive their tomahawk.
That they asked permission of you to settle at Fort des Sables in order to protect you, and
to shut the path on me, to which you told them that your heart was not divided, and that you
wanted no other establishments. lam obliged to you, children, for your answer. Be on your
guard lest the English corrupt your heart and mind.
By two Strings of Wampum.
Children. You are right to regard, as your relatives, all the Frenchmen you have restored
during the peace. You, Onontagues, ask me to permit Laforge to spend one year with you, in
order that he may visit his relations. I readily permit you to take him along, as I cannot refuse
you any thing. You have only to prevail on him, and I consent.
By a Present.
I know that I have many children, and that I am not acquainted with all of them. I shall
be highly flattered, however, to see them come and hear my word, and supply them, myself,
with what they stand in need of; though they be not here, I give you this present for them.
Let them make a good use of it.
1068 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Br ANOTHER Present.
I give you what you ask for the two families, in whom you take an interest.
You need not repair the road between you and me. It is very clear, and shall never be spoiled
by me.
I give you the shoes you ask me for, to take you quietly home. I wish they may carry you
home and also bring you back, next year.
M. de Beauliarnois to Count de Maurepas.
Canada.
My Lord,
You have been able to perceive by my despatches of ike 22"'' of My last, and of the 10"' instant, what
I had done and proposed to do in consequence of what you did me the honor to communicate to me on
the 12" of August, 1739, 29 February and 13'* of May last.
Nothing lias occurred in New England up to the present date. Had there been any
movement, I should have been notified of it immediately, having people continually abroad.
I have communicated. My Lord, to M, Hocquart your despatch of the IS"" of August one
thousand seven hundred and thirty-nine, and we have made the proper arrangements together for
expenses of utility.
1 have been informed. My Lord, by the first vessels, of the affairs of Europe, and have
always been on my guard against every event. A vessel arrived here from Isle royale on the 25"' of
this month, which has reported that matters were in the same position, and that the Spaniards
were making a great deal more progress against the English, than the English against them.
The precautions I have adopted, My Lord, have been to send a good garrison to Crown
Point, and to supply that post with every thing necessary for its defence. I have done
the same to Fort Chambly, and have sent Sieur Rochbert de La Morandiere to Niagara to have the
fort repaired, the pickets whereof were falling down, and, next, to Fort Frontenac to put every
thing in order. These posts. My Lord, will be furnished this fall with the troops, provisions
and ammunition it may require in case of rupture with our neighbors.
I calculate. My Lord, on six hundred Regulars. There may be twelve to fifteen thousand
effective militia who would serve well when occasion requires, but on whom I cannot
rely as absolutely as on disciplined troops, the long continuance of peace having damped
the ardor of the Canadians; four hundred Iroquois of Sault S' Louis and of the Lake of
Two Mountains ; two hundred Algonquins and Nepissingues and more than seven hundred
Abenakis of Acadia and this place. As regards these Nations you are aware, My Lord, of their
inconstancy. I took the precaution to let our domiciliated Indians know by some strings of
Wampum, not to go far from home, in case they may be wanted.
I advised you last year by a despatch of the 25"' of October, that I had transmitted to you on
the twenty-fifth of the same month one thousand seven hundred and thirty-four, the estimate of the
munitions of War necessary for the defence of the country, and to complete those in the King's
stores. I took likewise the liberty to ask you to send forty @ fifty thousand weight of powder ;
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII. 1069
you have not thought proper, 3fi/ Lord, to send more than thirty @forty thousand weight of
it. It is, however, the most important article for the Colony, as well as a larger quantity
of muskets which would be required to arm those who have none. They would not be lost, for
they would be returned to the store after the close of the expedition, if we should find ourselves
in that category.
I am ivilh most profound respect,
My Lord,
Your most humble and
Most obedient Servaiit,
Quebec, the 31 October, 1740. Signed : Beauharnois.
KoTE. The preceding despatch was written in cypher, except the passages in Italic.
M. de Beauharnois to Count de Maurepas.
My Lord,
I find myself under the grievous necessity of having the honor to inform you to-day of every
thing that has occurred this year at the Sault S' Louis, both on the part of the Indians and
their Missionaries.
Those of the Sault, on their return from S' Francis, the 28"" of July, came to salute me
agreeably to their custom, and told me that they had received, last fall, a message from the
English, inviting tiiem to attend a general meeting to be held at Orange, and that they were
very desirous to see what was wanted of them. I told them, on the instant, that I should
answer them on the earliest day. They replied to me, that it should be soon, as they were
desirous to go to the English to obtain wherewith to cover them before the cold weather set in.
I had resolved, My Lord, to speak to them on the next day, but the Chiefs having learned
that I was angry with their village, returned home and carried off" all their people. As soon as
I learned this, I wrote to Father de Lauzon, to assemble all the principal Chiefs, and send
them to Montreal, which he did, and came with them. You will see, My Lord, by the annexed
paper, the speech I made to them, which greatly displeased them, for I have been assured they
had said that no Governor-general had ever treated them after such a manner.
They came a few days after to congratulate me on the new grade with which the King had
honored me, and brought me the English message. They were inclined to excuse themselves
and to speak against those of the Lake whom they suspected of having informed me of their
intrigues. I ordered them to be silent, saying that I was satisfied, and that I buried the past.
On the 3"''i of August I sent an officer to them to entertain them, and to install another into
the place of one of their Chiefs who was deceased. I have the honor to annex hereunto, My
Lord, the speeches made on that occasion.
Vincent, one of the Great Chiefs of the village of Loretto, went last year to the lake to visit
his brethren. He asked to see their treasure, which consists of their Belts and Wampum.
These were shown to him, and he found only two of the twelve his Nation had deposited there
formerly, on lighting their fire; he took them and carried them off", saying— that fire was
1070 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
dead since they had disposed of the Belts. On learning this, I made him take them back to
M. de Beaucours, to be deposited with him, until the matter was settled.
The custom among the Indians is, to allow everything to be carried away without offering
any opposition, but they do not feel the less, hoping as they do, to be revenged. In fact, the
Chiefs came to tell me that they were plunged in the deepest grief because their fire had been
removed ; that they were not aware whether those who had done so, had a village, being but
a handful of people who kept themselves hid, and who were never seen on the warpath ; that
they were ready to obey my pleasure, and meanwhile were persuaded I would do them justice.
The Chiefs of the Lake returned this summer to tell me that they no longer possessed any
influence over their young men, since their fire had been carried off", and requested me to
arrange matters as soon as possible, as they could not be responsible for any thing.
I wrote to Quebec to send up to Montreal this same Vincent, and the other most influential
Chiefs. When he arrived. Father Richer,' the former (ancien) Missionary of Loretto, addressed
him thus : — Drop these Belts and be gone, as you are about to be censured in full Council. On
being advised of this, I invited this Chief into my study, where I induced him to agree to every
thing I should wish him, to which he consented. When I was sure of his promise, after having
obtained that of the people of the Lake, I had them assembled, and it was resolved in Council,
that Vincent should restore the Belts he had carried off", that I should rekindle a new fire, and
be the grand master of the village of the Lake ; Vincent rose, drew forth a Belt which he
presented to the Iroquois, saying to them, that it seemed an Angel had come down from
Heaven to inspire me with these sentiments, so as to quieten the earth; and they parted friends.
On the 12"" of August, I sent to the Lake to kindle a new fire, and to replant the tree that
had fallen down. You will find annexed. My Lord, the message and the answer. You will
remark therein the submission of these Indians to my will ; that I am at liberty to dispose of
them, and that I have taken advantage of that opportunity to render them wholly subject to his
Majesty. This is a fire that is lighted forever. My successor will have nothing to do but to
present a Belt to confirm it.
On the 18"" of the same month, those of the Lake came to thank me for my attention to
them, and to inform me that they had sent a messenger, the evening before, to the Sault S'
Louis to communicate what bad occurred, and to exchange congratulations with them, who
sent a string of Wampum in answer by a warrior, from the Missionary Fathers and Chiefs of
the village, saying, not to go near them and to pass them by; that they ought to know what
Onontio had said, in which they had a considerable share ; that those of the Sault wished to
have nothing to do with them; to remain quiet on their mats and they should do the same.
Atinon, principal Chief of the Nepissingues who attended the Council, said, that he was
surprised that those of the Sault refused to receive their brethren of the Lake, who were of
the same Nation, and that he had never perceived that they had any misunderstanding ; he
added privately to some persons who repeated it to me, that this affair would not pass away
without blows (cou-ps dc couteaiix) on both sides.
To prevent such direful consequences, My Lord, and to hinder two villages butchering each
other in consequence of the jealousy that exists between them, I immediately requested Father
de Lauzon to explain this to me; he told me that the Warrior from the Sault had committed
a mistake, and that the Chiefs had sent no other message to those of the Lake, than that they
were not prepared to receive them, and requested them to postpone their visit to another
' Rev. Pierre Daniel Richer is represented as having arrived in Canada in 1699, and having died there in 1770. lAttt
Chronologique. Charlevoix makes mention of him in his Journal Hiatorique. Letter IV. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII. 1071
time. I wished to appear as participating these sentiments, having, however, my own opinion
on the subject. I communicated to the Missionaries of the Lake the pretended mistalie ;
invited them to the Sault with their Indians; had wherewithal to make an entertainment
furnished ; every thing went off seemingly well. I cannot answer for the venom which may
remain in the heart.
Almost all the people of the Sault, My Lord, have English hearts, as the Indians express it.
For this, I can blame only their Missionaries and the Misses Desauniers, who make them trade
with New-York.
Sault S' Louis, My Lord, has become a sort of Republic, and it is only there that foreign
trade is carried on at present. Here is the proof I possess of the fact, of which I must not
leave you in ignorance.
I know, My Lord, beyond a doubt, and as if I had seen it, because I must believe him who
informed me of it —
That a Montreal merchant drew some years ago on Sieur Quesnel, of La Chine, in favor of
Miss Mary Anne Desauniers for 800.£ of Beaver ; that on the back of the draft is her receipt
for 600.£ on account ; every thing is still in existence in the hands of the merchant who would
have transmitted the papers to me were it not for a certain scruple of conscience that he feels.
It is publicly stated by everybody in this country, that the college of Quebec has been built
out of the frauds committed in the trade with the English.
Sieurs Daine and Deschambault reported to me this year that these Ladies have not
brought a single Beaver to the Company's office in fifteen years.
I am informed that the Squaws who visited Montreal carried away Beaver in their baskets ;
they went with it to the Sault, whence it eventually was exported. I have notified Sieur
Deschambault of the circumstance, in order that he may be on his guard.
I have learned, further, tliat those Ladies sent a package of smuggled goods by some
Indians to be sold at Quebec, whereof I have advised the Intendant ; tiiat they were exchanging
their Beaver at Orange for Martins, Visons, Otters, Pecans, Foxes, Wild Cats and other small
peltry which left them a profit of over six francs a pound.
I am assured that they purchased the Corn and the Pumpkins at a low rate from the Indians,
and when these fell short, which usually occurred in the spring, sold them these provisions
at three times the original cost. These things have been, and are daily, complained of.
'Tis true. My Lord, that being so perfectly cognizant of these abuses, I might remedy them
by removing these Missionaries and their associates. But I dare do nothing without having
first received your orders, more especially as you have taken no notice of the under-ground
Belt which I had the honor to mention to you in my despatch of the first of October last, and
as, from all that has occurred, whereof I have the honor to send you an exact report, I have
reason to apprehend mischief, which I would willingly avoid. M. Delaporte will tell you
more about it than I can.
The Indians of the Lake came down here these days past on a visit to their brethren at
Loretto, and to renew their ancient league. I caused them to be supplied with something for
a feast.
I am with profound respect.
My Lord,
Your most humble and most
Obedient Servant,
Quebec, 21 September, 1741. Signed, Beauharnois.
1072 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS,
Communications hetween M. de Beauliarnois and the Indians.
Address of the Marquis de Beauliarnois, Governor-general of New France, to the
Outaouacs of Missiliniakinac. S"" July, 1741.
Children. I wrote last year to the Commandant at Missilimakinac, and ordered him to
prevail on Mincheokima, Akikamingue, Chelaouiskaouois, Otolimois,* Ouiskaouois,** and other
influential Chiefs both Kiskakons and Sinagos to come hither to hear my word.
He has informed me that the reason which had prevented the greatest portion of these
Chiefs coming down is, that they have remained at the Grande Traverse ' to look at some lands
suitable for the settlement of their villages, in consequence of the scarcity of provisions they
experienced this winter, and that they apprehend the recurrence of a similar misfortune, your
lands being exhausted.
Children. Several years ago M. de Celoron here present informed me that you intended for
this reason, to remove your villages elsewhere. In pursuance of my orders he went in search
of you to Maskigon^ where you had a wish to settle, and brought you back to your villages, as
that land was not in any way suitable for you, the sickness which frequently prevails at that
place being enough to destroy you; besides it injures your hunting; and you must have
remarked when some of your Nation have passed the summer there that they have found the
animals driven away and the game less abundant.
Children. The question now is to fix you in a place where you could find fertile land for the
purpose of raising good crops for the support of your families, and preserve your hunting
grounds. From the interest I take in whatever regards you, and the great friendship t feel for
my children the Outaouacs, I do not see any place better adapted to you than Poutchitaouay,*
Pamitabe point, or Arhre croche,^ which, nevertheless, I consider too far off". Select, my
children, whichever of all these places will suit you, and reflect well on it. Think of the
pleasure you will experience in being near the French, who purchase your canoes, your guns,
your corn, your fat, and every thing that industry causes you to produce, whereby you are
furnished with the means of living more comfortably with your families, which you would not
find if farther off.
By a large Belt, which you undertake to present to M. de Celoron, I kindle you a fire at the
place you will select from those I have indicated to you.
I will in like manner entrust to you for him a large flag that he may plant it himself in your
villages. He will raise it so high that I shall be able to see it, and have the satisfaction of
saying, 1 have settled my children at a place where they can live in peace and at their ease ; I
shall learn that news with pleasure next spring.
As your Chiefs have appeared to me to have great confidence in M. de Celoron, I send him
to make this settlement. Listen attentively to what he says ; 'tis my word.
* Chief of the Sauteux. * * Two branches composing the Outaouac Nation.
' Great Traverse bay on the Northeast of Lake Michigan.
' River Maskegon takes its rise from a lake in the North part of the State of Michigan in about latitude 44°, flows thence in
a Southwestern direction and falls into Lake Michigan in Ottawa county, a little North of the mouth of Grand River.
^ The locality between Carp and Pine rivers at the extremity of Bay St. Ignace, at the head of Lake Huron. See Belin'a
Carle du Detroit da Lac Superieur.
* Immediately North of Little Traverse bay, on the Northwest corner of the Peninsula of Michigan — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: VIII. 1073
Children. I've learned that you visit Choiieghen for the purpose of obtaining bad milk.*
We have some good milk here ; why don't you come for some of it since you are so fond of
it ? You have never been refused any, and my paps are overflowing. I shall let them run
with pleasure, when the liquor does not put my children out of their senses; Come and see
me before leaving, and I will give you and your village some proofs of my friendship. I have
not yet had time to prepare any thing. I have been much pleased to speak to you in presence
of INI. de Celoron who starts to-morrow, and who will repeat my message to your villages.
Answer of the Marquis de Beauharnois, Governor-general of New France to the
Iroquois of the Saut S' Louis, on their announcing to him that they were
about setting out for England,' and respecting several other grievances.
SO"" of July, 1741.
Cliildren. But what do I say? Ought I call you Children, and give you so dear a name,
you who are endeavoring to uproot in my bosom the emotions and feelings of a Father.
I am that Father whom you ought to cherish, especially on account of my kindness, since I
have exhausted on you, in preference to all my other Children, whatever, the most tender
friendship can inspire in favor of those who would render themselves deserving of it.
Tell me what have I not done to secure your affection ?
I have showered down presents on your village on every occasion.
I have fed you all during the Famine.
I have rewarded you during the War.
I have fitted you out completely when you went to fight by my order.
I have supported your families during your absence.
1 have clothed and armed you at your departure and on your return.
I have carried my indulgence so far as to have your horses fed during your absence.
What more shall I say? I have assisted you on every occasion.
I have had your arms repaired in all seasons.
I have furnished you canoes for every voyage, whenever you asked for them.
In fine, I have unsparingly stript myself of every thing to satisfy you.
Are not these the sentiments and acts of a good Father, who is entitled to exact a sincere
return from those whom he ought to reckon among the number of his friends.
What have you done to deserve all these favors? Answer me, unnatural Children.
You blush, and feel as much difficulty in confessing your fault, as ingratitude in committing it.
Listen to your fault. I feel pain for you while pronouncing it, and you ought to die of
shame to think that it has reached my ears.
How came you to consent to receive from a foreign and inimical hand a Belt injurious to the
interests of a Father to whom you are under so many obligations?
What have you not done to suggest bad thoughts to a village of my Children, *■ who
understand better than you the value of my friendship?
One of your Chiefs" wished to inspire them with sentiments of rebellion against the
discipline of your common Father.
•i. e., Rum.
• Sic. In M. de Beauharnois' letter of the 2l8t September, it is stated that they proposed attending a meeting at Orange or
Albany. — Ed.
* The Lake of the Two Mountains. • Onorekindiak.
Vol. IX. 135
1074 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
You see that I am conversant with all your doings, but however unworthy they may be, I
would have willingly forgotten them, in my capacity of Father, which exacts mildness towards
his Children.
And passing by these treacheries on your part I warned you not to go astray, that I might
be able to furnish you with proofs of my confidence and friendship.
What response have you made? First, by sending a party of your young men to the
Chicachas without my knowledge or participation ; you next applied to me for provisions
to carry you to S' Francis, for the purpose, as you say, of visiting your brethren belonging to
that village.
I supplied you abundantly with them, flattered with your attachment for my children of S'
Francis, whom I always hold dear.
But what were the real motives of your voyage? Are you not afraid, at this instance of
your treachery, that I will overwhelm you with my indignation ? Is this the gratitude I ought
to expect in return?
Not satisfied with having accepted a Belt which you ought never have laid your eyes on —
You employ this fatal instrument, doubtless, to go and shake the fidelity of my Children at
S' Francis.
You go to suborn them in their Cabins where they are quiet, and for what? for the sole
satisfaction of making them, like yourselves, ungrateful to me.
Not content with all these wanderings, whicli ought to make you die of shame, you have
the impudence to come and tell me in Council that you are going to England !
You undertake this voyage without consulting me, at a time when I caused you to be
informed that I had need of your presence, for reasons which do not accord with the motive
of your departure ; at a time when your families, who are dying of hunger, are just experiencing
all my affection, inasmuch as I have just caused them to be supplied with flour, peas, powder
and lead, so as to enable them to attend to the harvest.
Count no longer on my friendship if you continue to listen to bad advice; you cannot avoid
this misfortune except by breaking the close relations you entertain with the English.
These are your enemies and mine, the moment they inspire you with sentiments which
conflict with your duty to me.
These connections are, moreover, too fatal to your consciences and the general trade of
the country; I require you to abandon entirely, and in good faith, the voyage indicated by
that Belt.
I require, at the same time, that the Belt itself be brought back to me in order to be burnt,
so that not a vestige of it remain.
On these conditions, and according to your future conduct, I shall reestablish you in your
original position near me, and will restore to you my friendship that you have lost by your errors.
Another Message of the Marquis de Beauharnois, Governor-general of New
France, to the Iroquois of the Saut S' Louis, 3^ August, 1741.
Children. Before leaving for Quebec, I send an ofBcer to your village to carry my
word thither.
Children. I am very glad to express to you the satisfaction T felt at the compliment you paid
me on the new dignity with which the King has honored me.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: VIII. 1075
Children. I did not wish to leave for Quebec without letting your village know that I am
pleased with you, and that I have buried all the past.
I go now with a clean heart because I have seen you sorry for your fault, and I regard you
now as my children indeed. In order to cheer your spirits, I am making a feast for you, and
give you wherewith to smoke at your ease on your mats.
Children. A tree fell last year in your village; I have sent to cover the Dead. To-day, I
replant that tree and make choice of Thomas Gayengiiuiraygoa,' whom I appoint Captain
agreeably to the good character I have received of him. I invest him with a gorget as a mark
of his dignity, until I give him a medal.
By this Belt, I lift up the tree that had fallen ; I wish it to be firm, stable, and that it may
not be bent by any winds or storms.
Hark ye Gayengouiraygoa ; I have just made you a Captain and Chief of the Council;
henceforth you must consider yourself as commissioned to promote good, and to drive away
and destroy all sorts of wickedness.
My Son. You must also report to me everything that passes in the village.
I recommend you to listen to the Black Gowns whenever they will speak to you of prayer,
and to do all that they tell you on this subject.
Hark ye, young men of Gayengouiraygoa's family ; acknowledge him as your Chief; respect
in him the authority I have just placed in his hands ; hear his voice and obey him in everything
that he will command you for the good of the King's service.
Message of the Senecas to the Marquis de Beauharnois, Governor-general of
New France. 7"" of August, 1741.
By three Belts of Wampum.
Father. Be not surprised at not seeing me this year. Famine prevails to such an extent
throughout our country that I cannot abandon the women and children. I shall go down next
year; I believe my brother the Onontague will go down. He is not to be pitied ; he is alive;
he has not been in want of provisions like me. (He means that the English furnish them to him.)
Br A Belt.
Father. I beseech you not to let your heart be spoiled by the bad reports you will receive
of me. Should any of my Nation tell you my heart is ill-disposed, hear him not. Our Son
who resides with us will perceive clearly whether I am engaged in bad work. By this Belt I
remove all the bad speeches that might come into your head.
By a Belt.
Father. Listen to those who are in the grave.
You know when children are in distress, they will have recourse to their Father. By this
Belt we beseech you to take pity on us ; to give us some charges of powder and ball. Father,
you are at liberty to add something else to it. I am so miserable, that I'm in want
of everything.
You will weep in silence ( doucemrnt ) when you hear that the Seneca Nation hath died of
hunger. If you grant anything we beg you to send the Blacksmith back immediately, so that
should he overtake any men or women alive, they may receive your answer.
" i. e., Great Arrow; from OaXengtiire, an arrow, and^oa, great. — Ed.
1076 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Message of the Marquis de Beauharnois, Governor-general of New France to the
Indians of the Lake of the Two Mountains, delivered by M' de Ramezay,
who is sent to light anew tiie fire whicii had formerly been kindled by the
Hurons of Loretto and to replant the Tree that had fallen in consequence of
the said Hurons having carried off some Belts. Twelfth of August, 1741.
First Belt.
Children. Ancients, men, women and children, and all. Attend to my voice as long as you
are here ; give good heed to what I say.
Children. I could not forget the word you addressed me when your village was first
established at the Mountain, when you told me, you placed yourselves under my wings, and
added, that those wlio would bite me, would bite you also.
You again told me that you would, in a moment, be my right hand to strike my enemies.
I have always before my eyes the Belt you gave me on that occasion, assuring me of your
promise and of your fidelity.
Children. You have always kept that promise, and you have given me and my predecessors,
proofs how strongly you were attached to me. I, in my turn, desire to afford you sensible
marks of my friendship, and to unite you to myself by a chain that nothing can ever break.
All your old men, warriors, women and children have besought me to become absolute
master of your village, in addition to my quality of Onontio, by lighting your Council fire ; I
have accepted this choice with much pleasure ; how could I refuse Children whom I so tenderly
love, a favor that affords me so much joy?
Here is the Belt wherewith I light your Great Council fire ; around which you will be able
to assemble in peace, to consult on my business and your own with the different nations of
this country ; that will then be the spot on which my fire shall truly burn, since 'tis the first
I have lighted in this Colony.
Children. This Belt will tell you every time you look on it, that I am your Father and Great
Chief, and, consequently, at the head of all your affairs, and it will tell me, too, that you are
my true Children, whom I never can, and never will abandon.
This message will also tell you that you ought to attach yourself to the Great Master of Life;
listen with submission and respect to your fathers the Missionaries, and obey them in all things
that they will recommend to you for the good of your souls.
It will tell you, besides, that you ought never spoil my village by drunkenness or other
disorders, so that I may always find my Children peaceable, when I shall pay them a visit.
I exhort you to love one another, like true brethren, and to live in perfect understanding
with your brethren, my Children of the other villages.
And, finally, to charitably receive your brethren who do not pray, and who will be disposed
to reside with you ; omit nothing that can attach them to God and my village.
On Throwing the Belt.
Children. There's the Belt with which 1 light your Council fire. Consider it very attentively,
in order never to forget it.
By a Belt to Plant the Village Tree.
Children. Listen attentively to me ; by this Belt I cause to issue from the earth you inhabit,
a Great Tree, which represents me ; under its shade all the Nations who are my Children, can
come and repose in peace.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII. 1077
I spread its branches particularly over tiie tribe of the Bear, the Tortoise, the Wolf and all
others who may settle in the village.
I cause at the same time, three tvpigs to sprout from this same tree; they are smaller, it is
true, but they each have the same authority in his tribe ; I am about to raise these to prop and
support that which represents my person.
Children. It is Nissentanni whom I appoint Grand Chief of my village; he has merited my
confidence and yours; which circumstance obliges me to elevate him to that dignity.
From this hour he belongs to all the tribes ; by virtue of the authority with wiiich I invest
him, he has the right to exhort particularly all the bands, in public and in private; you are,
consequently, to listen to him as my representative, and as speaking in my name.
The following is the message I propose to send him, in order that you may know his
obligations and yours :
Son. Thou shall henceforth be called Garontouanen ;* thou wilt hold my place in my
village ; thou wilt inform me of every thing that passes tiiere, and on all occasions maintain
my interests; thou wilt transact all the business! shall entrust to thee, and advise me faithfully
of all that will happen among the Nations, and come to thy knowledge.
I recommend thee, above all things, to entertain all possible respect and submission for thy
fathers, the Missionaries, and undertake nothing without consulting them.
Courage, son Garontouen ; never dishonor the quality of Grand Chief of my village, with
which I invest thee ; never abuse my confidence ; the higher I elevate thee, the more humble
and submissive must thou be.
On Giving this Belt.
Here's thy Belt; thou must make prudent use of it, for the honor of my village and the good
of the Colony.
Receive, at length, this mark of distinction I confer on thee, as a pledge of my friendship,
and a reward of all the good services which I shall never forget.
Messages to the 3 Chiefs of the tribes of the Bear, Tortoise and Wolf.
Children, attend : Saseunouanen, I appoint thee Chief of the Bear tribe ; Onontienn^s, Chief
of the Wolf tribe, and Sonnourio, Chief of the Tortoise tribe, and, by these Belts, I confer on
you authority over all your companies (bandes). I raise up your trees, and you shall possess
the same power as all the Chiefs of each tribe, in my Children's villages.
These Belts bind you to Garontouanen from whom you shall never separate; you shall be
always united to him to aid and sustain him and to cooperate with him in good affairs.
xMessage to the four Assistants' to the Chiefs of the Village.
Children. I considered it my duty to appoint, according to your manners and customs, an
assistant to each of the Chiefs whom I have just nominated. You know its necessity.
Wherefore I have cast my eyes on the Orators of best repute in my village, and I give
* Which means, The Great Tree. [From Caron^a, a tree, and Coxana, big. £r«i/«.] ^, , . „. . „ „
■ For the functions of these officers, called Agaianden, by the Iroquois, consult Lafilau I., 474 ; CharUvoxr, HMou, NouvelU
France, IIL, 268 ; Carver, London Edition, 259. — Ed.
1078 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
To Garontouanen, Thegarehonte.
To the Chief of the Bear tribe, Yogouaronte.
To him of the Wolf tribe, Sahousouanne.
And to him of the Tortoise tribe, Gaienskoton.
By three strings of Wampum and this present I make each of them in particular, I confirm
them in their office, and exhort them to follow in all things the intentions of their Chief, whose
word they may express.
By A Belt to the Women of the Village.
Children. I know how closely you attend to the maintenance of good order in my village,
by your exhortations; 1 have every reason to hope that you will labor anew with the same
zeal for the good of religion and the King's service. By this Belt I invite you to carry out my
intentions and the instructions of your Missionaries.
By a Belt to the Warriors.
Children. All you who are in the village of the Lake of the Two Mountains to defend my
interests in the different wars I shall have to wage in this country ; I bind and attach you by
this Belt to Garontouanen, and exhort you not to do nor undertake anything for any war
whatsoever, without his participation. I will not now make any further regulations for you.
The War Chiefs of each Tribe must be appointed. Hoping to do this on the first opportunity,
I rely on your submission and fidelity, as you may depend on my goodness and benevolence.
By a Belt to the Algonkins and Nepissings.
Children. I could not forget what you so often told me when you visited me, that the
moment I appeared in this country you took my hand and I took yours ; we squeezed them
tight; I have never withdrawn mine, and you have never drawn yours away. You add that
your fire is mine, and that you have no other than the King, your Father's.
By this Belt, I renew that Covenant chain which I wish to last as long as this earth will
endure ; and I attach and bind you, at the same time, in an inseparable manner to your Iroquois
brethren of the Lake of the Two Mountains, whose fire I wish to light. I shall not exhort
you to respond to my intentions. I know your fidelity and submissiveness.
To Makougane, an Algonkin.
Son. I have remembered your services, and as a reward for them, here is a medal that I
suspend around your neck. When the Nations shall behold this mark of distinction on you,
they will know in what esteem I hold you, and how I reward the King's faithful servants. It
is unnecessary for me to urge you to continue in well doing, because I am certain of your
heart, and to prove it to you more signally, here's a dress I give you, lest you may be cold
this winter.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII. 1079
Answer of tlie Iroquois, Algonkins and Nepissings, of the Lake of the Two
Mountains, to the Message of the Marquis de Beauhariiois, Governor-general
of New France. 12"' of August, 1741.
First Answer of the Iroquois Ancients.
Father. We shall forget none of the message you have addressed us in tlie famous feast you
have just made for your children of Ganesatague,* which will be spoken of among all Nations.
You are not satisfied with having cleansed our hearts which were choked with grief and loaded
with bad words, when you were pleased to re-arrange matters between the Hurons of Loretto
and us.
Father. To-day you cause the most beautiful sun that has ever been seen to shine upon our
heads; the obscurity and darkness of the night in which we stood are entirely dissipated ; we
think, we meditate and smoke in peace around the Grand Fire that you have just lighted in
your village of Ganesatague. You have exhorted us to comply with your will ; to listen to
your word, and on the request we present to you, have been pleased to be the Grand Chief of
our village which is now your"s.
Father. Is there a happiness like unto our's. We see in our midst a fire which is to endure
as long as earth shall be earth, for the power of the King our Father and our attachment to
him will never die. Thanks, Father, and a thousand thanks for what you have done ; you
are our good and true Father; we cannot doubt it; we will be, as we have been to the
present time, your true children. This word can never die.
Second Speech of the Ancients.
Father. We could not too much admire what a mighty mind is your's ; you perceive that our
mode of government tended frequently to our ruin, and that we were exposed in our villages
to see the firmest rooted trees thrown down when least expected. Three independent Chiefs
could hardly agree to work together and in concert for the good government of the land
entrusted to their charge : You have remedied that defect by promoting Garontouanen, and
placing him alone at the head of our affairs, and prevailing, by three Belts, on the other Chiefs
to be attached and submissive to him, and binding by another Belt all the Warriors to this
tree which represents your person even at Ganesatague. The more we reflect on this good
order that you establish there, the more are we penetrated with gratitude. We thank you
Father, for having given us sense, and we assure you, that we Old Men, assembled together
with the Women, Warriors, Children, in a word the whole village, with us, are perfectly
rejoiced, and happy in consequence.
We embrace this opportunity to thank you for your goodness, in lately wiping away our
tears at the loss we have experienced of our young warriors at the Chicachas, whose scattered
remains you have covered by some magnificent presents at a feast. These four Strings of
Wampum assure you of our gratitude. We pray our Fathers, the Missionaries, to aid us to
keep our words, to follow your intentions, and to pray for us.
Answer of the Women.
Father. If the Women have any influence over the young men, you can be assured that we
shall omit nothing to prevail on them never to separate from the King, our Father, and to
* Meaning, Mountains.
1080 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
defend his interests on all occasions, even to death ; that we will raise up all our Children in
these sentiments; this will be the milk with which we will nourish their spirit, when making
them suck our breasts; we shall not forget, at the same time, that the King, our Father, is the
eldest son of the Church, as we have been repeatedly told, and that his Children ought to be
true Christians.
Father. We thank j^ou for all that you have just done for the honor and welfare of our village,
and at the same time for the bountiful presents you have made us in this season of scarcity,
when we should have all perished of hunger, had it not been for your assistance and that of
our Fathers, the Missionarit'S, who gave us 300 minots of flour, 150 miuots of Indian corn,
and 45 minots of peas. It is wonderful how happy we are at Ganesatague ; we constantly
bless and thank the Master of Life therefor, and unceasingly pray Him long to preserve our
Father to us.
Answer of the Warriors.
Father. It is impossible for Indians and young, rash headed fellows like us, to thank you in
appropriate terms ; we have but three words to say to you — that our heart is at rest, that we
have never been so content, that we look on you as our Father and true Chief, that we will
never quit Garontouanen, that our arm is raised to strike the first Nation that dares to offer
you an insult, and that we shall not hesitate when the defence of your interests are in question.
Be persuaded that it is in the sincerity of our sentiments that we speak; there was no need
even of the Belt you have given us to confirm your speech ; your word alone is sufficient; we
request you to convey our sentiments to the King, our Father, and tell him that he has at
Ganesatague loyal and brave warriors ready to undertake every thing in his service. We ask
of our Fathers, the Missionaries, to grant us their blessing and to pray for us, so that the
Master of Life may enable us to live and die in our present good dispositions.
[Here all the Warriors threw themselves on their knees in the most edifying
manner; M. Normant, Superior of the Seminary of Montreal,' and Mess" the
Missionaries, gave them their blessing.]
Answer of the Algonquins and Nipissings.
Father. We are at a loss for words to express the joy we feel at beholding to-day the manner
in which you have rendered our brethren the Iroquois happy and content; in the pain I felt last
year in beholding their fire carried off, 1 at once sided with them, because I sincerely love them,
and in my excitement and resentment some words may possibly have escaped me which might
offend the Hurons of Loretto.
Father. Now, it is your pleasure that every thing be in quietness and peace. I have entirely
forgotten my first speech and say, in two words, that having shared my brethren's trouble, I
participate also in their joy.
Father. We thank you for your kindness to our Iroquois brethren; you know we have no
other fire than your's ; the one you have just lighted for them, will unite us to them still more
' Rev. Louis Nohmant du Far\don, son of Dr. Charles Normant, of the Parish of Chateaubriant, in the diocese of Nantes,
in France, was born in May, 1681, and entered the Seminary of Angers on the 25th July, 1701, and that of Saint Sulpice,
Paris, in 1706. After filling divers offices in that Institution, he was sent to Canada in 1722, and entered the Seminary at
Montreal, and subsequently became Vicar-general. On the death of M. de Belmont, in 1732, M. Normant became Superior
of the Seminary, which he governed until the time of his decease. He died on the 18th June, 1759, aged 78 years and one
month. He was succeeded in his office of Superior by the Rev. M. Montgolfier. Faillon. Vie de Mde. d'Touville. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII.
1081
intimately than heretofore; we have now but one and the same village, one body and
one heart.
Answer of Makougane.
Father. I thank you for the mark of distinction with which you honor me, and the present
you make me ; you can always reckon on my fidelity ; you have but to command me ; I am
ready to obey.
Message of the Onontagues, Cayugas, Oneidas and Tachekaroreins," to the
Marquis de Beauharnois, Governor-general of New France, l?"- August, 1741.
Father. Our principal Chiefs is sick; this is the reason that he is not here; we are very
sorry for it.
Father. We are very glad to inform you how Niagara has been settled. Our son, M. de
Longueuil, asked us for the loan of a piece of ground for the erection of a house on it, telling
us that it would be of use to ourselves, and that we should find whatever we may require at a
cheap rate there; we consented that such should endure for three lives (that is to say three
hundred years) exclusive of the life of him who founded it, and we said, we could renew still
further the life of the other three men, and that there should not be any war between us ; on
the contrary, that we should live forever in peace.
Father. When we had arranged with our son M. de Longueuil for the settlement of Niagara,
he told us we should find whatever we may want at that place; that the Ancients, Warriors,
Women and Children would all be welcome there; that we should talk there of peace, and
that the earth should be quiet. All that fell out according as he had said, and you have not
heard a word since. Father, of anything bad having occurred. We have intermarried with all
Nations, and they with us; it is, consequently, impossible for the earth to be troubled on the
part of the Five Nations and our Brethren, the Upper Indians.
By a Belt.
Father. You have just heard what we have told you ; that the land at Niagara is ours ; our
brethren, the English, asked us for some ; we gave them a piece, also, but we put a trap in
it;* they told us that we should find goods with them cheap and abundant; that they had
slaves who worked for them, and an inexhaustible well. They have kept their word with us,
and let us want for nothing. But we perceive. Father, that jealousy exists between tlie Traders
at Niagara and those at Choiieghen. We request you. Father, to leave every one at liberty to
go and trade at the cheapest market. We sincerely desire to see a good understanding exist
between you both. We find French powder better than English.**
By a Belt.
Father. As we are your Children, we request you to tell us whether we have spoken
impertinently on the subject of the trade, and of the misunderstanding that seems to exist
' A Carolina nation which had been destroyed bj the Governor of Philadelphia, and took refuge, about twenty years ago,
among the Five Nations.
^ Onoouarogon.
* Meaning, that they have not limited the time, and are always free to resume their land.
* * Meaning, they would side with the French against the English ; but they are not to be trusted.
Vol. IX. 136
1082 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS
between you and our brethren, the English. Father, we are not the cause of it, and we beg
of you to believe so. By this Belt we restore your senses, and beg you again to retain the
name of Skenon, which we bestowed on you on your arrival, and which means Peace.' For
our part, we shall never undertake any thing against you. We speak to you in the name of
the entire Nation.
By three Strings of Wampum.
Father. The message which I had to deliver is concluded.
Father. You sent a message last year to all our villages. You told us that we seemed to
have very intimate commercial relations with our brethren, the English; that we carried their
goods and liquors in quantities, to every place where we knew there was any peltry to be
procured ; you added, that each ought to trade on his own soil, and that you were well
satisfied that we should sell our own property wherever we pleased ; we heard your message;
we have buried the goods in the earth, and the liquors in the rocks. By these Strings of
Wampum, we assure you, Father, that we shall not carry on this trade any more.
By two Belts of Wampum.
Father. We asked you, last year, for Laforge, the Blacksmith, and his wife ; she has been
brought up among us; we look upon her as our child ; they told us that they could not come
until next year. Father. We beg you not to refuse them to us, and to permit them to
accompany us ; we shall be contented having Frenchmen among us.
Answer of the Marquis de Beauharnois, Governor-general of New France to the
Message of the Iroquois of the Five Nations. 20** of August, 1741.
Children. I was very sorry to hear of the sickness of Onoouarogon ; I am glad he is better,
because I feel much pleasure at seeing him.
Children. I know how Niagara was settled; I do not think that you have any reason to
complain of the promise your son, M. de Longueuil gave you. That house has been always
the mainstay of your and my business, and it will be so peaceably, as long as Earth shall be
Earth. I do not fee! any more desire to have war with you, than you, according to the tenor
of your speeches, to have war with me.
Children. M. de Longueuil was right in telling you that the earth would be at rest; you
perceive he has told the truth, and events will show you that this will be always the case.
Children. I know you are in alliance with all your brethren, the Nations of the Upper
country ; I unite with you in rejoicing thereat, for you are all equally my children ; it gratifies
me, that it is impossible for the earth to be disturbed in your parts; I shall, on my side, apply
all my efforts to continue the good understanding that exists between you.
By a Belt.
Children. I have attended to what you have told me : I have no objection that you should
go and trade your own property with your brethren, the English. Nevertheless, the house I
caused to be built at Niagara, was erected only with the view to furnish you there with
whatever you want, and to talk there of affairs of peace. It will always remain a monument
' Esprit tranquille. — Text. Skano is the Seneca word for Peace. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII. 1083
of what I tell you. I should not have suspected, at the time of its settlement, that you would
have permitted the English to establish another at Choiiegheu.
Children. You said to me that you would be very glad to see me living in peace with your
brethren, the English. I have not any misunderstanding as yet; if they attack me, I will
defend myself. I cannot tell you whether there will be war between us, not having received
as yet any news from Onontio Goa.* Should there be any misunderstanding between us, it
will not rebound on you. By this Belt I confirm my word.
By a Belt.
Children. You always speak well, and I have no reproach to make you on that account I
never was indisposed, nor entertained any ill will, towards you, as you never gave me any
cause to do so.
Children. You have requested me to preserve the name of Skenon, which you gave me on
my arrival in this country ; you know I am what my name purports ; you have spoken to me
on behalf of the five Nations, and I respond to them by this Belt, that I will not undertake
any thing against them.
By three Belts of Wampum.
Children. I flatter myself that you, as well as all your brethren, have heard my word; you
have conferred a pleasure on me in having buried the goods and shut the liquor up in the rocks.
I invite you to continue so to do, in order to avoid the difficulties that may arise on this point.
Children. I gave Laforge, his wife and children to you with great pleasure, inasmuch as it
does indeed afford you gratification ; 1 exhort you to take good care of them, and to pay
attention to them if they say anything to you from me.
Answer of the Marquis de Beauharnois, Governor-general of New France, to the
Message of the Senecas.' 1" September, 1741.
By three Strings of Wampum.
Children. Your son, Joncaire, has sent me your Message, by the Blacksmith, and reported
your situation to me.
Children. I sympathized sincerely with you on account of the famine you have suffered,
which prevented you coming down this year. The spring has been so unfavorable that it was
impossible to send to Niagara provisions enough for your supply. I shall adopt such precautions
in future that will obviate a recurrence of this misfortune. You know what the Commandant
told you from me on that occasion, and that he divided a piece of bread with you.
Children. The Onontague has come down here, as you informed me in your Message. The
Cayugas, Oneidas and Tachekaroreins accompanied him. Although you told me that he had
no reason to complain, provisions not being scarce among them, they, nevertheless, told me
that they were dying of hunger in their village, as well as you.
By a Belt.
Children. I have heard no bad account of you, except that your young men had committed
some thefts at the Carrying place. You know that I have already repeatedly told you. Chiefs,
* The King. ' See supra, p. 1073.
1084 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
that absolutely, I would not suffer my Frenchmen to be robbed, who have so much trouble in
going so far in search of packages of peltries. A number of your young men hang around the
portage, who are continually drinking the English poison that sets them crazy ; several have
entered the fort, dagger in hand, on pretence that a soldier had struck one of them for having
taken something in his cabin. I have been informed that it was not he who had committed
the theft, that it was a woman ; whether man or woman, 'twas always one of your nation.
It is not proper to rob or to pillage, unless you have a design to declare war against me.
I have given fresh instructions to the Commandant at Niagara to do you justice, should the
French in any way injure you, and to punish them very severely ; but, on the other hand,
I will not suffer your young men to act so unruly as they have hitherto done. See to it, you
Chiefs, and do not admit any more of that bad liquor.
Children. Onoouragon, who was at the head of those who came down here, and who spoke
to me in the name of the Five Nations, did not tell me that your heart was bad ; on the
contrary, he spoke only well, and it afforded me pleasure to hear him. Your son, Joncaire,
wrote me that you would be always my true friends, and would not discontinue to cooperate
in good affairs ; I, on my part, sliall not cease to be your good and true Fatlier. By this Belt,
I drive away all the bad speeches that come into my head respecting what your young men
have done, and dispel all those that might come near me.
By a Belt.
Children. The sloop will have arrived in sufficient time to assist you, and to draw you out
of the grave into which you had well nigh sunk. I am aware of your misery; I take pity on
you ; I send you what you ask of me, and something wherewith to smoke quietly on your mats.
By a Present.
Children. Admit that if you are miserable it is because of your own fault; if you have a
beaver or other peltry, you carry it to the English; What do they give you in return? Bad
rum, which continually degrades your mind and contributes to your destruction. Did I not
love you as much as I do, and did I not desire your preservation, am I not as much at liberty
as he to have an abundance of liquor, and of a better quality, poured out among you? You
know very well that I possess inexhaustible wells of it; but you know the French heart which
is not disposed to do evil, and that a Father despises self-interest when the destruction of his
Children is in question.
No, my Children, I would not weep in silence were I to learn that your Nation had perished
of hunger; I love you too sincerely to admit of any consolation for such a loss: I hope that
the Great Master of Life will have preserved you all, and that on your reflecting over your
past misery, you will labor to cultivate your fields, and not strip yourselves any more to
procure rum from the English.
Children. I expected to send back the Blacksmith to you; He has told me that he could
not return any more to you, because he was afraid of dying of hunger whilst there ; that
he did not earn enough to get him an ear of Indian corn, and that you had all your work done
by Englishmen. I have ordered another to be looked up. Should 1 find one, I will send
him to you; if not, I shall furnish you with one next year whom you will take along with
you. Try to come down early, for then we shall have more time to talk together about
good business.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII. 1085
Children. As I have ears every where, 1 have heard that the Onontague desired to sell
the English the lands of Caskonchagon, and to get you to make peace with the Fiatheads.
You have always had sense; do you not perceive that he has no other object in view than to
make himself stronger, perhaps in order some day to crush you. You know that all the Nations
are at war with the Fiatheads, and that such a peace would be a declaration of hostilities
against them. But what would become of your young men, and where could they go to divert
themselves? Besides, your blood has been repeatedly shed in the country of that Nation.
Children. In regard to Caskonchagon,' you ought to recollect that you requested me to
allow your son Joncaire to settle there, that he may live more comfortably, and that I refused
your request on account of the English who would be at liberty to ask for permission to form
another establishment. That ought to give you to understand that I would not approve of the
Onontagues selling their land to them. I spoke to them about it. It is for you to oppose it.
This is all that I have to say to you.
Abstract of Despatches from Canada^ respecting Oswego and tTie Weste7-n Tribes. 1741.
On Marquis de Beauharnois receiving information from divers points, respecting the
establishment at Choiieguen, where the English were building a stone house, the meeting
which he held at his quarters of all the estates^ of the town of Montreal, took into consideration
whether the sole means of preventing the English penetrating into the Upper countries, and
depriving us of the trade of those parts, was not to dispatch immediately a detachment of
regulars and militia to oppose the construction of the house at Choiieguen, and to drive the
English from that post, in case they were not willing to abandon it on being summoned.
There was only one opinion on this point, and as private interest found itself countenanced by
the King's service, and the safety of the Colony, specious reasons were not wanting to show
forth all the consequences of an enterprise which seemed to threaten the Colony, and must
deprive it of the entire trade, and thereby render open opposition to the English necessary.
But these reasons being counterbalanced by the inconveniences to result from so precipitous
a proceeding — to wit, the uncertainty of success, and of the part which would in that case be
adopted by the Iroquois, who have been unwilling to declare themselves, have obliged the
' Genesee river, N. T. The following is Charlevoix's description of it in 1721 : "It is very narrow, and of little Depth at
its Eutrance into the Lake. A little higher, it is one hundred and forty Yards wide, and they say it is deep enough for the
largest Vessels. Two Leagues from its Mouth, we are stopped by a Fall which appears to be full sixty Feet high, and one
hundred and forty Yards wide. A Musket Shot higher, we find a second of the same Width, but not so high by two-thirds.
Half a League further, a third, one hundred Feet high, good Measure, and two hundred Yards wide. After this, we meet
with several Rapids ; and after having sailed fifty Leagues further, we perceive a fourth Fall, every Way equal to the third.
The Course of this River is one hundred Leagues ; and when we have gone up it about sixty Leagues, we have but ten to go
by Land, turning to the Right, to arrive at the Ohio, called Li belle Riviere : The Place where we meet with it is called
Ganos; where an Ofiioer worthy of Credit (Joncaire) assured me that he had seen a Fountain, the Water of which is like
Oil, and has the Taste of Iron. He said also that a little further there is another Fountain exactly like it, and that the
Savages make Use of its Water to appease all Manner of Pains." Ganos is derived from Genie or Gaienna, which in the
Iroquois tongue signifies Oil or Liquid grease ( Bruyas ). This oil spring is in the town of Cuba, Alleghany Co., N. Y. The
other is in Venango Co., Penn. — En.
' Clergy, Noblesse and Commonalty.
1086 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Marquis de Beauharnois to revoke the order he had not been able to refuse to the ardor every-
one displayed to set out on this expedition ; and to confine himself to the instructions of the
Court, regarding that establishment ; that is, to oppose it as much as possible, by employing
the Iroquois for that purpose, without explaining himself any further.
The news received from the Upper countries to the effect that some underground Belts were
sent by the English to divers Indian Nations, inviting them to rid themselves of the French
scattered throughout that region ; and that the Foxes had sent out some war parties against
the Ilinois, whereby several Frenchmen have been killed, led the Marquis de Beauharnois to
think that some brilliant action would be necessary in order to keep the Nations in check, and
that the French and domiciliated Indians who had been called out for the expedition against
Choiieguen might be sent, next year, against the Foxes. But as it was of the greatest
importance to keep this project secret, he contented himself with giving the Indians and the
Militia, who had been warned, to understand that he calculated on them for next year, the
season being too far advanced for the execution of the design against Choiieguen.
The Marquis de Beauharnois' opinion respecting tlie war against the Foxes has been the
more readily approved by the Baron de Longueuil, Mess" De la Chassaigne, Lacorne, de Lignery,
La Noue and Duplessis-fabert, whom he had assembled at his house, as it appears from all the
letters that the Court has written since several years, that it has nothing so much at heart as
the destruction of that Indian Nation, which cannot be prevailed on by the presents and the
good treatment of the French, to live in peace, notwithstanding all its promises. Besides it is
notorious that the Foxes have a secret understanding with the Iroquois to secure a retreat
among the latter, in case they be obliged to abandon their villages.
They have one already secured among the Sioux of the Prairies, with whom they are allied ;
so that should they be pre-advised of the design of the French to wage war against them, it
would be easy for them to retire to the one or the other, before their passage could be
intersected, or themselves attacked in their villages.
Conference hetween M. de Beauharnois and the Onondagas and 8:nec2s.
Address of the Nontaguds to the Marquis de Beauharnois, Governor-general of
New France. G"- of July, 1742.
Onobarogon, Grand Chief.
Father. Here we are come to see you ; we are delighted to behold you in such good health ;
we are all assembled again, and have but one Cayuga among us, who is a child ; I know not
whether your Council be again assembled.
By a Belt.
Father. As we have arrived here in safety, we request you not to listen to any bad tales
that might be reported to you of us ; we know there are wicked Nations, that speak badly; we
have but the hearts our ancestors implanted in us, which is to do your will. We assure you by
this Belt, and beg of you not to believe the evil reports that might have been made to you.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII. 1087
By a Belt.
Father. We are devoid of reason since we no longer see our children ( Mess" de Longueiiil ).
Formerly, when there was any business, they used to come to our mats to communicate it to
us. It is a very long time since we have seen them, and as their visit spread peace throughout
our village, we request you to send them to us when you desire to make your will known, and
to announce to us your message.
By a Belt.
Father. We told you that our ancestors gave us sense ; we have none any more since we
no longer lay our eyes on our son M. de Longueiiil; the late M' de Callieres planted for us a
Tree of peace, whose bark was so hard that no axe could penetrate it; nevertheless one of our
people, a young fool, has stained a leaf of it with blood; we bury this affair by this Belt;
Father, we request you to prevail on your Nations to forget it, and to recompose every thing,
as we are disposed to do also.
By a Belt.
Father. When we came to see you on your arrival, you asked us for a name. It was I who
gave it to you; it is Skenon, which signifies Peace. Father, we thank you for having preserved
this name among us, and for having prevailed on your young men to obey your will; we, on our
part, have not forgotten and shall always preserve it; by this Belt we assure you thereof,
and we cleanse your throat, in order that if you have anything to say to us, you may speak to
us more freely.
By four Strings of Wampum.
Father. This is all I have to say to you; by these strings of Wampum, I repair our road, so
as to remove all obstructions ; but, Father, I perceive that I am at work at it alone, wherefore
we request you to send some one of our children to pacify our young men, in order that this
road may be always peaceable and quiet.
Address of the same to those present from the Sault.
By a Belt.
Brethren. We have commenced by speaking to our Father. You have been witnesses
thereof; you know that bad affairs occur when least expected; we have returned a scalp to
M"' Darnaud at Fort Frontenac to replace him of your village who was killed at Choiieghen by
one of our thoughtless young men, whilst under the influence of liquor. Brethren, you are
aware that matters such as these which are of frequent occurence among us, are subject to be
arranged; therefore we request you to forget what has passed and to think no more of it.
Brethren. You know that we have covered the dead by presents which we have left with
M' Darnaud. By this Belt, we invite you to maintain like us, peace among your young men.
By another Belt.
Brethren. This Belt is to wipe up the blood that has been shed; to clean the mat of the
afflicted, and to quieten their minds.
1088 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
By three Strings of Wampum.
Brethren. Here is a pleasant medicine whicli we give you, so that you may not have any
more bile in your hearts: wherefore, Brethren, we invite you to bury all that is past, and to
entertain no ill feeling against us.
Those of the Sault thanked them, and invited them to visit their village.
Answer of Marquis de Beauharnois, Governor-general of New France, to the
Address of the Nontagu^s. 18* of July, 1742.
Children. I am very glad to see you all again assembled around me, and that you enjoy
good health; you perceive that my Council has also met.
By a Belt.
Children. You may be at ease in regard to evil reports, for I have no desire to hear any.
However, I have heard none respecting you: I know your heart is good, and that you tread
in the foot steps of your ancestors ; as long as you do my will, you shall find me always a good
father who will open his arms to you.
Children. I know that Mess" de Longueiiil were going to see you on your mats ; had any thing
of consequence required, I should have sent them to communicate it to you. I will send
them as you request, whenever it becomes necessary to communicate my pleasure to you, and
to announce to you my word.
By a Belt.
Children. I have seen the Tree of Peace planted by M' de Callieres. I know that the
bark was so hard that no axe could penetrate it. The finest tree has always some rotten
branches; the leaf which one of your young fools stained with blood has been cleaned; this
unfortunate affair is entirely forgotten; therefore Children, remain quiet, and do your best
to prevail on your young men not to act so any more.
By a Belt.
Children. I remember that you conferred on me, at my arrival, the name of Skcnon; you
perceive that I have preserved it, and that my young men have always obeyed me ; you too
have preserved, and not forgotten it. By this Belt, I renew this name, and assure you that I
will retain it as long as I live. My heart gives expression to my thought.
By four Strings of Wampum.
Children. I make a smooth road for you on which you will find no obstructions ; you see me
working on it as well as yourselves, when any business is to be transacted you will see some
of your children in your village. Continue to live in peace and quietness on your mats.
By a Belt.
Children. You told me, last year, that you had buried the goods, and shut the liquor up in
the rocks, assuring me that you would not carry on that trade any more ; I have been told that
your young men continued their trade notwithstanding; it is for you to regulate this, if you
wish me to believe you sincere in what you said; otherwise, I should suspect that your words
proceed only from the tip of your lips.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII. 1089
Children. I have learned that the English were desirous to settle at Kaskonchagon, and
continued hard at work to corrupt your Nation, in order to induce them to sell that land. I
communicated last year my opinion thereupon to the Senecas ; as they are present I intend
speaking to them again on this subject.
Children. I have been informed that the English were fortifying Choizeghen. Some evil
design against you and me must be hatching, I cannot comprehend how the Iroquois of the
Five Nations can tolerate such an establishment, and not oppose it, the more especially as,
when the English asked permission of you to settle Choueghen, they said that they merely
intended to construct a Beaver trap. Reflect on what I say to you. I shall repeat this to
your brethren, the Senecas, when I meet them in Council.
Children. I have listened attentively to all that you said to your brethren of the Sault, to
repair the unfortunate affair that has occurred. They have invited you to visit them. You
can set out whensoever you please.
Children. Here's a cup of my milk, and something for you to smoke quietly on your mats.
This is all I have to say to you.
Address of the Senecas to the Marquis de Beauharnois, Governor-general of
New France. 17"" of July, 1742.
Father. When we came down here two years ago, you gave us some shoes* to takes us
home, and you said to us: Children, I expect they will bring you back here; they could hardly
carry us home ; we have made others to come down, and we have left our wives and little
ones for the purpose of visiting you. We have set out without provisions, and ha\ie left every
thing to the wide world in order to have this pleasure. We have abandoned even our bodies.
Father. We have been informed that we were not looked upon as Chiefs, and that 'twas said
that we were not such ; Father, 'tis true that we are young men, and that all our Chiefs are
dead. We are, notwithstanding, sent here on behalf of all the village, and we request you to
hear us.
By a Belt.
Father. When you granted peace to all the Nations, you planted a Tree of Peace which
went up to Heaven, and even pierced all the clouds. Father, we perceive that this tree is
shaken, we make it firm by this Belt.
By a Belt.
Father. You know that a Tree ought always have green leaves ; we renew them so that the
sun may not penetrate, and that all the Nations who will come to talk on friendly affairs, may
set under our shade.
Father. When this Tree was planted, some white roots were attached to it in order that we
might be able to see more distinctly those who might injure them ; on our side they are always
in their original brightness; none are rotten but those which are on the side of Sundown; we
repair them by this Belt.
, • These are Bark Canoes.
Vol. IX. 137
1090 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
By a Belt.
Father. We come to repair the Tree of Peace ; here is a Medicine which we give you to
cleanse your heart, and we request you not to listen to evil reports.
Father. When the Chiefs began to talk, of friendly affairs, they placed a white flag over
your head; we now see that it is torn and is beginning to be soiled. By this Belt, we
clean it, and remove all the dust which may be on your body in consequence of the business
with which we see you daily overwhelmed.
By a Belt.
Father. We learned last year that the King our Father at the other side of the Great Lake,
had made you a much bigger Chief than you had been ; we express our gratitude in return
by this Belt, and request him not to withdraw you from this place. We are acquainted
with your manners; you are kind to us; another might come who would not be acquainted with
us, and who might not entertain the same kind feelings towards us; therefore. Father, we
request you not to leave us. As we sometimes remark whatever passes, we have perceived
that your coat is not decorated like that of M. de Vaudreuil; we know not the reason of this.
Father. We met on our way down two Hurons at Choiieghen, who directed us to desire
the three chiefs who were here to return, as they would not come down, and that their
Missionary located them on Grosse Isle, in the vicinity of Detroit.
By three Strings of Wampum.
Father. By these three strings of Wampum we request you to order our Interpreters to
repeat correctly all that the Indians say, and your answers to them, so that you may
understand our words, and we yours.
By three Strings of Wampum.
Father. When you concluded peace, you left us masters of our late son (M' de Joncaire)
who died at Niagara. You replaced him by his son who accompanied us down; we request
you to grant him to us, and to let him go up with us in order to assist at a Council to be held
next spring with the Flatheads, and to learn what will be concluded at that which is to be
held with the English, to which we have been invited. We know not what they want of
us; our son will inform you.
By three strings of Wampum. .
Father. When you granted us peace, you also gave us a Blacksmith, and you told us
Laforge would die with us; as he is old we ask for his son and request you to permit him to
reside at the Little Village; we also request you to recommeud him not to treat us rudely
when we shall go with work to him.
Father. Here is a present from the Women of the Council (Dames de Conseil); they request
you to endow their Tortoises with sound, so as to be able to rouse themselves when they are
performing their ceremonies.
Father. Here is another message from the Warriors, who request you also to give them
some charges of powder and some ball, to enable them to take refuge in the woods, to avoid
the famine.
Father. Here is a trifling present sent you by three persons of the village, to request you, if
you have any old blankets, to throw a few over them.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : Vlll. 1091
Father. I wish to inform you that our brothers, the Nontagu^s, on their return home last
year, took down the French flag, when within sight of Choueguen, and hoisted that of the
English. I, Seneca, do not do that; I have always borne your flag among the English, in spite
of all that could be said to me. The one you gave me is worn out; I request you to give me
another. This is all we have to say to you ; we ask for some of your milk.
Father. Your village appears to be changed ; we are repulsed, and are not allowed to enter,
when we go in quest of provisions.
Answer of the Marquis de Beauharnois, Governor-general of New France, to the
Address of the Senecas. 31" July, 1742.
Children. You must not doubt the pleasure I feel at seeing you arrive here in good health.
I had sent orders to Fort Frontenac to facilitate your means of coming down.
Children. 1 cannot comprehend how you suffer yourselves to be amused by the idle talk that
is addressed to you. You, Theruatakonte, are you not aware that I have long known you
as a Great Chief, and a man who is continually occupied at good business; I am likewise
acquainted with the Chiefs who accompanied you, and am aware that you are all sent on behalf
of your two villages. You may have remarked that I made no difficulty in hearing you.
By a. Belt.
Children. I remember well the Tree that has been planted. You ought to know that it has
never been shaken by me, and that I have done all that has depended on me to preserve it
green and bright. By this belt I clean whatever part of it might have been soiled.
Bv A Belt.
Children. You have well done to renew the leaves of this Tree, though they were always
green on my side. I invite you to preserve them carefully. You know that all the People
from Sundown have come here to clean the roots that had rotted; by this Belt I make you
see them such as they have been planted.
By a White Belt.
Children. I have drank with pleasure the medicine you have given me, though I had no
need of it ; my heart is always clean, and I do not amuse myself in hearing or listening to evil
reports; I give you a like medicine, to cleanse away all the bad stuff" you might have in your
hearts. Children. I thank you for renewing the white flag, which the Chiefs placed over my
head. I will always preserve it, and will never be occupied except in good business.
By a Belt.
Children. I thank you for the compliment you have paid me, on the new dignity with which
the King has honored me. I shall report your sentiments to Onontio-Goa.
Children. I am about to repeat to you what I said this year to your brethren the Nontaguds
who addressed me last year in the name of the Five Nations.
1092 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Speech to the Onondagas.
By A Large Belt.
Children. You told me, last year, that you had buried the goods and shut the liquor up in
the Rocks, assuring nie that you would not carry on that Trade any more. I have been told
that your young men continued their trade, notwithstanding. It is for you to regulate this, if
you wish me to believe you sincere in what you said ; otherwise 1 should suspect your words
proceeded only from the end of your lips.
Children. I have learned that the English was desirous to settle at Kaskonchagon,' and
continued hard at work to corrupt your nation in order to prevail on them to sell that land. I
communicated last year my opinion thereupon to the Senecas ; as they are present, I am going
to speak to them again on the subject.
Children. I have been informed that the English were fortifying Choiieghen. Some evil
design against you or me must be hatching. 1 cannot comprehend how the Iroquois of the
Five Nations can tolerate such an establishment, and not oppose it, the more especially as,
when the English asked permission to settle Choiieguen, they said that they merely intended
to construct a Beaver trap. Reflect on what I say to you.
Children. I shall repeat this speech to your brethren, the Senecas, when I meet them
in Council.
Children. As I have eyes and ears every where, I am going to repeat to you what occurred
at the Council at Orange, which you mentioned to me, and whereof, you told me, that my
son, Joncaire, would give me information.
Council held at Orange.
By the first Belt, Kora says to the Iroquois: — Children, I have cause to complain of you ;
every time we met, I exhorted you to go no more to see Onontio, and not to carry on any
trade with him ; you have always deceived me, inasmuch as you go down every year to
Montreal, and your deputies are actually on the road to visit Onontio. This is a matter I
take close to heart. By this Belt, I bar the Montreal path against you, and beg of you not to
speak to me any more from the end of your lips, as you have done hitherto, but to tell me
from the bottom of your hearts that you will have no more business with Onontio.
By the second Belt he said: Children, you know that I had Choiieghen fortified, and that I
have put it in order so as to fear no more the insults of the French. You ought to regard this
fort as the support of your country, and your refuge in case of need.
Should Onontio come, then, to shake it and to overturn it by his blows, place your hands
against the other side of the fort to keep it up, and repel the French with all your might.
By the third Belt, he said: My heart is torn at seeing my children destroying each other;
you have unadvisedly taken up the hatchet against the Flatheads, the Cherakis and Chicachas,
who are all my children like yourselves. I, therefore, take the hatchet out of your hands,
and throw it so far that you can never recover it. I wish all my children to regard each other
as brethren; let them all henceforward entertain the same sentiments, and unite together to
support mutually the one the other.
' See note 1, stipra p. 1085. The literal meaning of this name, by which the Mohairts or Onondagas distinguished the
Genesee river, is " At the Fall," Oascons-age, It is derived from Gasco, something alive in the kettle ; as if the waters were
agitated by some living animaL Bruyas. Radices Verborum Iroguceorum. — En.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII, 1093
By the fourth Belt, he said : I have been astonished to learn that some Frenchmen are settled
in your villages, and that they have one of their National flags with them there, which means,
that you consider yourselves Onoiitio's children, and this I must not suffer. By this Belt, then,
I haul down the French flag that you have at home; I drive from your cabins all the French
who might happen to be there; and whenever any of that Nation or other of Onontio's
children come to you, I forbid you entertaining them longer than one night.
Children. I must not keep you in ignorance of what your brethren of the Sault S' Louis
said to your brethren the Onontagues, and which they intend to repeat to you when you
visit them.
Address of those of the Sault to the Onondagas.
Brethren. The road from you to us has been a long time as it were stopped up, and we can
hardly speak to you anywhere except at Montreal ; 'tis you that have placed this obstruction in
the road, by the English establishment at Choiieghen, which you desired and have maintained.
We can hardly go any longer to your country whilst Choiieghen exists, and you ought to know
the reason. It is because there is a Demon in that fort that foments discord between you and
us, and does all in his power to make us take up the hatchet against you. This Demon is rum
that has caused the death of eight men belonging to our village whom you have killed at
different times at Choiieghen. We, notwithstanding, love peace and desire nothing so much as
always to maintain good intelligence with our brethren. But we would wish, at the same
time, that you on your part should do all that depends on you to foster it.
When the English were desirous to build a house at Choiieghen, they requested you to loan
them for a season a small piece of ground. When will you take back that land which belongs
to you? It is time to set about it, for you see that they already regard themselves as the
masters of your country, and are about settling there in such a manner that you will not be
able to drive them out of it. They will soon reduce you to slavery; you must perceive that
they scarcely love you; you know well they love your enemies the Flathads better than they
love you, and that they favor them in every respect. Bethink yourselves, then. Brethren, of
what you have to do, but reflect on it like wise men. If you have need of us, we shall
remember tl^t you are our brethren. We have readily undertaken the war against the
Flatheads, to please you.
Children. The Council held at Orange ought to prove to you how bad hearted the English
are, and shew you that their aim is only to disturb the earth, and to make you disloyal to
your Father. I know not what response your Nations will have given to these bad speeches ;
I shall soon know ; but I could not believe that the English could seduce you to such a degree
as to induce you to get into a misunderstanding with me who am your Father, whilst they are
only your brethren. Pay attention to what I tell you, and never allow your mind to be
corrupted. By this Belt, I confirm my word, and invite you to continue hostilities against
the Chicachas who is our mutual enemy ; you know that I have given his flesh for food
to all the Nations.
Children. You did well to communicate to me the message intrusted to you by the Hurons,
whom you met at Choiieghen, for two or three of their Chiefs who were here.
By three large Strings of Wampum.
I have ordered all my interpreters to repeat faithfully what my Children say to me ; I feel
the necessity of that being done so as to avoid all confusion in Council.
1094 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
By three Strings of Wampum.
Children. I still leave you masters of your son, Joncaire, who came down with you. I send
his brother with you to learn your language; you will not hold any Councils except in the
presence of the one or the other, so that I may be informed of what passes among you. I
shall not repeat to you what I have directed your son Joncaire to say to you respecting the
Flatheads ; you ought to know what to think, of the matter, and how dangerous it would be
for you, in regard to the other Nations, to make peace with them.
Bv THREE Strings of Wampum.
Children. I give you a Blacksmith, namely, Laforge's Son, whom you will take along.
I shall give him orders to treat you mildly as I treat all my Children. You Chiefs, do you,
on your part, get your young men to entertain the same kind consideration for the French
whom I send among you, and whom you asked of me.
Children. Here's a present for the women of the Council. Tell them from me that I
engage them to continue to be industrious in good affairs.
Children. Here's also a present in return for the Warriors' Message. I invite them to make
a good use of it.
Children. I comply, with pleasure, with the request you have presented me in behalf of
three persons of your village.
Children. You have done me the pleasure to advise me of what your brethren, the Nontagues,
have done in passing by Choiieghen: Had I known it sooner I would have told them my mind
thereupon. As your flag is worn, I give you another, because I regard you as my true
Children, and believe your heart to be as pure as this flag is white.
Children. My village is not changed ; I do not think that you have been repulsed when
going in quest of provisions, as that would be contrary to my intentions. You ought to be
aware that the store is small, and that every body cannot get into it.
Children. Here are some presents for your villages; I am told that those I sent thither were
consumed before reaching you; on this account I have instructed my son Joncaire to distribute
them for me.
Artillery at present in the several Forts of France.
At Quebec.
7 iron 24 pounders, with 8 marine carriages and 1500 balls.
20 iron 18 pounders, " 22 carriages and 1372 balls and 150 barred shot.
18 iron 12 pounders " 20 carriages and 1248 balls and 150 barred shot.
26 iron 8 pounders " 28 carriages and 1554 balls.
35 iron 6 pounders with 34 marine carriages ") , , „
0 • o J u o c ij • h and 1154 balls
3 iron 3 pounders " 9 field carriages J
and 3 carriages 82 balls.
2 brass 4 pounders ) ^ , , . , ,. ,
, , . J , . >- 4 field carnages and 12 umbers.
1 brass 4 pounder culverine j °
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII. 1095
1 brass 12J inch mortar, one carriage and 263 shells.
1 other brass mortar 94 inches in diameter; one carriage and 310 shells.
At Montreal.
2 iron 4 pounders with 2 marine carriages.
2 iron 12 pounders " 2 carriages.
6 iron 8 pounders " 7 carriages.
7 iron 6 pounders " S carriages.
At Three Rivers.
1 iron 4 pounder.
8 iron 6 pounders.
At Fort St. Frederic.
12 iron 4 pounders with 15 marine carriages and 690 balls.
1 iron 2 pounder 1 carriage.
2 small grenade mortars, 2 carriages and 200 grenades.
13 swivels mounted on parapets and 31 case shot and 160 iron half pound balls.
At Fort Chambly.
2 brass 2 pounder culverines, with 2 field carriages, 200 balls of various calibres.
1 iron 1 pounder culverine, and 1 carriage.
3 iron 1 pounders and 1 carriage.
12 swivels, mounted on parapet, and 14 case shot (boeles d pierricrs).
Done at Quebec, 30'" July, 1742.
M. de Beauharnois to Count de Maurepas.
My Lord,
I am in receipt of the letter you did me the honor to write me, in the month of April last.
The affair that occurred between the Indians of the Sault and those of the Lake of the Two
Mountains has been unattended by any consequences. 1 shall, as much as in me lies, prevent
any division between them, for although nothing has happened, there is always reason to
apprehend that the semblance of union which they assume, covers on both sides some secret
resentment. My attention in this regard must be so much the greater, inasmuch as the conduct
of the Iroquois of the Sault, which I must watch, is not free from suspicion, in consequence of
the commercial relations they secretly keep up with the English ; those of the Lake who
entertain different relations, are considering whether they will not reproach them with their
conduct, which, perhaps, would not be kindly received.
Certain it is, that the suppression of the Misses Desauniers' store at Sault S* Louis, was a
necessary means to put a stop to, or at least to diminish, the foreign trade that was carried on
1096 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
at that place; but though they have been forbidden to continue their former store there, and
have given up the open trade they have carried on, their residence in a place that ought not
furnish them any further advantage, creates suspicions which cause it to be supposed that tiiese
ladies have still, by secret means, some indirect interests there resulting from tlie relations
they continue to entertain with the Indians of that quarter. In fact, My Lord, I am told by the
Missionary of the Indians belonging to the Lake of the Two Mountains, that the Iroquois of
the Sault had been, last spring, to the Grand River, loaded witii Brandy, to meet those of the
Two Mountains who were returning from hunting, and that they had traded with them as well
as the Nepissings for nearly 300 packs, which it is calculated have already arrived among the
English. It is difficult for me to believe that the Misses Desauniers do not participate in some
degree, if not entirely, in the spirit of this trade, and do not themselves furnish this liquor to
these Indians ; and when I conjoin to this reflection the report that foreign trade had begun to
be introduced into the villages adjoining that of the Sault, through the intervention of the
Indians of the latter locality, I cannot help thinking that they have no other views, in remaining
there, than to pursue, by means of the Indians, a secret and contraband trade, inasmuch as
they, otherwise, have no motive to reside in a place which cannot furnish them any direct
advantage ; I shall investigate this matter very thoroughly, and if I find that they participate
in these abuses, I see no other way of remedying it than to oblige them to leave the place
altogether, and I shall order them to do so, with your permission. As for the rest. My Lord, I
think the Missionaries will conduct themselves towards these Indians as they ought, and I shall
be pleased to have no other than favorable accounts to give of them.
I have none other to render you. My Lord, of the Indians of the Lake of the Two Mountains,
of the Algonkins and Nepissings. I thank you for the additional assistance that you have just
obtained for them, and I shall see that its destination be not changed. I have the honor to
transmit to you the Plan I have caused to be prepared of the present condition of the works
constructed for the establishment of the village of these last, whereby you will easily
distinguish what is actually done, and what it would be necessary to complete, in order to
place that Mission in a defensible state against all events. 'Tis certain, My Lord, that
independent of the tokens of approbation due to the fidelity of the Indians composing it, the
importance of this post deserves a particular attention, and entitles it to some outlay by his
Majesty for its security, in consequence of the advantages to be expected from it, into some
details of which I have considered it my duty to enter.
The Lake of the Two Mountains may be regarded as the place which would be exposed to
the first attack in case of rupture with our neighbors, and as that whence aid could be easily
drawn for the different incursions which would be made into that Colony. The Nations
composing the three villages, number over 300 warriors, who to bravery conjoin a strong
attachment towards the French and whatever is connected with the service of the King, in
whose name all business among them is transacted. Situated as they are at the head of the
towns and rural settlements of the Colony, not only are they in a position to offer the first
resistance, but also to discover any parties of Indians in alliance with the English, and to put
us on our guard against them. The solidity of the settlement would attract thither many
other Indians, even of those who appear attached to the English ; and my prejudices on this
point are founded on the promise a Mohawk Chief has given to those of the Lake that he
would come with twenty-nine of his family to settle among them. This is a matter which is
secretly going on, and which the Missionary of the Lake communicated to me within a few
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII. 1097
days. In fine, My Lord, all these objects combined, appear to me by their utility to merit
consideration and some expense so as to put that place in the condition 1 have had the honor
to represent to you, and which hinjjes principally on the necessity of fortifying it according
to the plan I annex, the foundations of which are laid. I consequently beseech you to prevail
on his Majesty to continue for some years the grant to that mission of 2000" which will be
employed as well for this object as to complete the works wliich remiiin to be constructed for
the settlement of the Algonquin and Nepissing villages. It would be desirable, My l^ord, that
this sum were increased in the beginning, with a view to the application of more diligence in
the execution of what is necessary. But I have not dared to propose it to you, and if the
precautions, the adoption whereof you have been pleased to recommend to me for my protection
against events, did not require me to seize every means to contribute tiiereunto, I should not
have taken the liberty of supplicating you to engage his Majesty in this expense, the utility
whereof, and the advantages to accrue therefrom, 1 flatter myself you will acknowledge.
The suspicions. My Lord, which you had conceived in regard to the migration of the
Chaouanons ought, it seems, to disappear in consequence of the conduct they have observed.
I annex the address of these Indians and my answers, which I have already had the honor to
send you, from which you will perceive, My Lord, that they iiave accepted the propositions I
made them to go and settle at the Prairie of the Maskoutins, and they have set out with that
design. I have written to Sieur de Joncaire to let the Senecas know it beforehand, and to tell
them that it is by my orders that the Chaouanons take up their fire to remove it to the place I
have indicated to them. I have adopted this precaution in order that the Iroquois should not
take any umbrage against the Chaouanons, who requested me, themselves in Council, to do so,
in consequence of the apprehension tiiey entertained of the former. I have, besides, enjoined
on Sieur la Saussaye who went up this summer to where they were collected together, not to
neglect any thing in regard to this migration, so that it may not be deferred any longer. 1 hope
to have the honor to advise you, next year, that these Indians have performed the promises
they have made, and I have not omitted to impress upon them how particular they ought to be
to observe their words.
The expedition organized by the Iroquois of the Lake of the Two Mountains against the
Flatheads, returned with one or two scalps of the latter, when the idea came into my head to
propose the matter to them. I expected, indeed, that it would not meet with much success,
as parties of this character confine their conquests ordinarily to very trifling affairs, but I
considered that the best means of breaking up the negotiations of the Flatheads with the
Chaouanons and the Iroquois, was to have these harassed by the very Nations with whom
they were expecting to be able to treat for peace. Sieur de Joncaire writes me that the
Senecas have raised different parties against them; that some had returned with scalps
and that others had again immediately set forth in quest of more. He adds that these
Indians are more excited than ever in this war, and that he observes them disposed not to
accept any proposals of peace tiie Flatheads might offer them. I recommend this officer
to keep them in these sentiments, and I will encourage them therein more and more in the
course of the visit they are about to make me next summer, having sent me word that they
were unable to come down tiiis year in consequence of their being occupied in fitting out
different parties against the Flatheads.
I shall continue. My Lord, to cause a diversion to be made in that quarter against the
Chicachas, until M. de Vaudreuil inform me of the necessity of putting a stop to them. I
Vol. IX. 138
1098 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
have noticed that the expeditions organized by our Nations against those Indians did not
appear to be very successful. But greater success can hardly be expected from these sorts of
parties, so great is the fatigue these Indians have to endure in these expeditions, and so great
the distance to be traveled before arriving at the field of operations; nothing is capable of
discouraging them, but taking one or two scalps or the smallest prisoner satisfies them in an
equal degree, and they return as victorious as if they had wholly destroyed the Nation they
are about to attack. This is the mode of thinking among all Indians, which it is impossible
to alter. However that may be, tliese sorts of diversions always have a good effect, for by
harassing the hostile Nations, the obligation the latter are under to protect themselves,
cripples them in the organization of parties at home independent of our Indians always
destroying some of them. The Outaouas of Missilimakinac have fixed their residence at
Arbre croche, and Sieur de Vercheres advises me that they have made their clearances in the
resolution not to quit that place. In regard to the Chief Pendalouan, his repentance up to
this time appears sincere, and the conduct he observes, whereof I have received this spring
only good accounts, will possibly induce me next year to restore him to his dignity, subject to
his Majesty's pleasure, especially if I learn that he has persevered in his present sentiments.
I coincide with you. My Lord, that the conduct of the Senecas, Nontagues and Cayugas in
regard to the English and us, may lead these Indians to adopt a neutral course in the event of
war. I do my utmost to retain the good will of these Nations, and to do what is best in
the circumstances, but I dare not flatter myself that they are as much in our interest as
I would desire. A favorable occasion occurred last year to bring about a rupture between
the English and Five Nations, and I seized it in order to push it to that result. A party of
Onontagues going to war against the Chicachas, was attacked by the English settled in Carolina,
who opposing the designs of the former, came to blows with their party, so that about 30
Onontagues remained on the field. In so favorable a circumstance I caused to be insinuated
among the Five Nations what I thought of the conduct of the English towards them, and that
they ought to see by the action just perpetrated, that I was fully justified in warning them to
be distrustful of the English. On receiving intelligence of it from the Indians of the Sault S'
Louis on my arrival at Montreal, this spring, I made them the answer, copy whereof I have
the honor to annex hereunto, with a view that they should communicate it to the Five Nations,
and that the resentment the latter ought to feel at this affair would be thereby aggravated.
Every thing appeared to me favorable to the end I proposed to myself had the Onontagues
responded thereto, but far from meditating revenge, and accepting the proposals submitted to
them by the Senecas, Cayugas and Oneidas, to declare war against the English, Sieur de
Joncaire observes to me that they have allowed themselves to be swayed by the presents and
the messages the English brought to their village, copy whereof I also have the honor to annex
hereunto, from the Original transmitted to me by Sieur de Joncaire; so that there is now no
question of a movement either on their part nor on the part of the rest of their nation. It is
very possible, however, that they dissemble their resentment for a season, and until they find
occasion to take sides; but this is what I cannot fathom, and what it were desirable they would
determine on. I likewise annex to this despatch the message brought to me by the two
Onontague Chiefs, on the 26"" of July last, and my answer to them which they are to repeat
te the Chiefs of the Five Nations.
I am truly mortified, My Lord, that you should remark with pain that the expenses for the
Indians are increasing every year. I dare assure you, notwithstanding, that I sanction those
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII. 1099
only which the service absolutely requires; the greater or less importance of the affairs that I
have to transact with the different Nations cannot render this amount fixed, and augments or
diminishes it according to circumstances. I am aware, My Lord, that these presents have
been considerable last year, in consequence of those I have been obliged to make to the Sioux,
Sacs and Foxes, an account whereof I had the honor to render you. The motives of their
voyage, and the advantages to be expected from the promises they had made, required that I,
on my part, should send them back contented, and this could not be accomplished except by
such means. Although these Indians as well as others, have come down this summer in great
numbers, these sorts of presents ought not amount to near as much as those of last year, if, as
I must presume, other expenses are not included, and I beg you to be persuaded that, as far
as I am concerned, they contain only what I cannot refuse to the good of the service.
I have had the honor to give you an account, My Lord, in my despatch of the 16"" September,
of the dispositions in which the Sioux, as well as the Sacs and Foxes, continue. And I have
nothing to add thereunto.
I am, with most profound respect,
My Lord,
Your most humble and
most obedient servant,
Quebec, 13"" of October, 1743. Beauharnois.
Abstract of the despatch of Messrs. de Beauharnois and Hocquart of the 10th
October, 1Y43.
They report what Sieur de Celoron, formerly commandant at Detroit, had written in the
month of June last to M. de Beauharnois respecting some Indians who have seated themselves
of late years, at the Wliite river.
These Indians are Senecas, Onondagas, and others of the Five Iroquois villages. They
have earnestly asked that officer for some Frenchmen to supply their wants, under promise
that if their request be granted, they would drive off" the English from that quarter and have
no dealings with them, whilst, if refused, they would be under the necessity of inviting
them thither.
Sieur de Celoron, who thought it worthy of attention, has permitted some residents of
Detroit to carry goods thither, in exchange for which they returned with about 200 packs of
peltries, of which the English would, no doubt, have had the benefit. And to assure himself
of the importance of this new Establishment, and to be able to give some account of it, he
has sent Sieur Navarre, who has drawn up a report thereupon, copy whereof they have
annexed to their despatch.
By this report it will be seen that those different tribes may amount to about 600 men ; that
they seem to feel a sincere desire that t^French should go to trade with them, and that they
are equally disposed to keep the English at a distance ; that game is abundant in the place
where these Indians are seated, but that they are in want of ammunition and merchandise,
1100 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
some of which they would assuredly obtain from the English, should the French not carry any^
to them.
Mess" de Beauharnois and Hocquart observe that they cannot give any other guarantee for
the correctness of tliis report than that furnished by Sieur de Celoron himself, who writes
M. de Beauharnois that entire reliance can be placed in tiiis particular on the probity and
dii^interestedness of Sieur Navarre; but until the receipt of fuller confirmation of what is
stated therein, M. de Beauharnois has ordered Chev" de Longueuil to send to these Indians one
or two canoe-loads of goods from each of which he will derive as much as 400" profit for the
King, and that with a view to ascertain, whilst awaiting My Lord's orders, whether the trade
ought to be prosecuted or abandoned.
They are, moreover, of opinion that as it is useless to flatter ourselves with the idea of
breaking up that settlement composed of difl^erent nations, or of obliging them to return each
to their respective tribes, it would be well to profit by the advantages it presents, especially to
deprive the English of them, or at least to lessen tiiose they can derive therefrom. They
will furnish further information next year on this head, after they will have received Chevalier
de Longueuil's report.
January, 1744.
Canada.
M. de Beauharnois has been informed that the English are engaged in fortifying the post of
Chouaghen on Lake Ontario, and that they are about building on that Lake two sloops, the
equipment whereof would render them masters of the navigation; and on the report he made
last year of this news, he was ordered to oppose these undertakings, and to make use for that
purpose of the Indians until further orders.
But by the last despatches from this governor, information is received that the emissaries he
had sent out in order to be informed of what would be passing, have reported to him, that
there was no question as yet of any preparations for the building of the two barks; that the
garrison of Fort Chouaghen had not been increased, and that there had been no other
augmentation at that post than the erection of two private houses outside the fort.
Independent of the serious prejudice that this fort causes to the trade of Canada, it also
places the English in a position to form connections with the most of the Indian Nations,
always fraught with danger. Its destruction will be easy, and the Canadians will undertake
it the more readily as they are perfectly sensible of its necessity. They will be seconded
therein by all the domiciliated Indians, and particularly by the Algonkins and Nepissings,
who iiave hitherto regarded it as an essential point of their conduct, not to frequent that post.
4'" March, 1744.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII. 1101
'M. de Beauliarnois to Count de Maurepas.
My Lord,
I had the honor to report to you in detail, by a despatch, some news I have received this winter
from Fort S' Frederic, the particularsof my journey to Montreal on the ice, and of the measures
I have taken, as well as tliose I siiall adopt, to oppose the project to which the news relates.
The uncertainty of opportunities for conveying them to you, considering the circumstances
we may be placed in with respect to the English, has induced me to adopt the course of
annexing to this despatch the proces-verbal prepared by Sieur Beaubassin in the voyage he
made to Fort Anne with Sieur Boishebert, which will enable you to judge, My Lord, of the
motive of my journey, and whereupon I have taken the liberty to communicate to you some
measures I shall adopt in case the project it mentions be carried out. / shall not recapitulate
tliem here for the reason I have just had the honor to explain. I merely beg you, My Lord, to
be pleased to rely on my applying all my care to thwart our neighbors' designs, and that 1 will
not omit any of the rules his Majesty has been pleased to prescribe to me in 1732 and 1733, in
regard to the settlements they might make on lands belonging to the King's dominion.
I am, with most profound respect.
My Lord,
Your most humble and most
Obedient servant,
Montreal, IS'"- of April, 1744. (Signed) Beauharnois.
Note. Written in cypher, except the words in Italics.
Copy of Sieur de Beaubassin's Proces-verbal.
Having been detached, on the 20"" of February, in the year One thousand seven hundred
andforty, by Captain Fouville, commandant of Fort S' Frederic, to accompany M. de Boishebert
to Fort Anne, whither he was sent by order of M. Fouville for the purpose of examining, as
usual, the movements of the English, and whether they did not intend commencing some
establishments at that place or in its neighboriiood, on the territory belonging to the King, or
to ascertain by means of the Indians whether the English had not some such object in view;
and being at said place, we did not discover any establishment begun either at said Fort Anne
or any inhere else. The Indians for whom I acted as interpreter, told M. de Boishebert only
that the English intended to settle on Wood creek (d la riviere du Chicot) next spring, and to
erect at the Little falls two mills, whereof one is to be a grist, and the other a saw mill ; and
they being ignorant of what we were desirous of discovering, and M. de Boishebert wishing
to obtain, if possible, other than Indian information, we visited what is called Lidius
settlement,' which was no more than two leagues or thereabouts from the place where we
reached the height of land ; and being at the Great Carrying place,^ we met two Englishmen
who had hoes which they used to turn up the soil, and who were examining the timber, and as one
of these spoke Mohegan,^ I inquired of him what they were doing at that place, and what was
their design ; he answered me that they were simply taking a walk, and were coming to see the
land, and they set out with us for Lidius, where we slept, without any thing being mentioned.
' Fort Edward. ^ now, Dunham's basin. ' la laogue des Sauvagea loups. Text. — Ed.
1102 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
And these two Englishmen being departed next day, Lidius, in reply to the questions we asked
him, on occasion of meeting tiiese two Englishmen and what we saw them doing, confirmed
what the Indians had told us, that the English were assuredly to erect in the spring the two
mills in question and an establishment on Wood creek, for the purpose of locating the Scotchmen
there, inasmuch as they did not fear the Indians lilce the other people who were coming from
Europe. Whereupon we came to make a report of our mission to M. de Fouville, and I have
exclusively drawn up these presents which I have placed in his hands.
Done at Fort S' Frederic, this 2''^ of March, 1744.
(Signed) Beaubassin.
Note. Written in cypher, except the words in Italics.
M. de Beauliarnois to Count de
My Lord,
I have just this moment received a letter from Sieur de Joncaire, who is at the Seneca Village,
whereunto he annexes the message of the English sent to each of the villages of the Five
Iroquois Nations, copy whereof I have the honor to address you. I know not. My Lord, what
could have given rise to its contents, and from what quarter Menade could have received any assaults.
I see so little 'prohahility in it that I would be inclined to suspect this message is rather a ruse to keep
people's minds in suspense, than a reality, unless a party of Onontagues to the number of 70, in
union with the Indians of the Saut and the Mohawks of the Lake of the Two Mountains, have
wreaked vengeance for the blow the former received from the English of Carolina. I shall
have an opportunity to unravel this during my sojourn here, and shall have the honor to make a report to
you thereupon, as well as respecting the other circumstances in connection with it. This one thing is
certain, according to what Sieur de Joncaire has written to me, that one Indian from each
Nation, except the Senecas, has remained at Choiieguen since the close of December, and that
they toere to remain there until spring.
I am with most profound respect,
My Lord,
Your most humble and most
Obedient servant,
Montreal, 20"" of April, 1744. (Signed) Beauharnois.
KoTE. Written in cypher, except the words in Italics.
Message of the English to the Five Iroquois Nations, sent with four Strings of
Wampum, 26'" December, 1743.
Brethren. I give you notice that Menade has been attacked, and that so many men have been
killed on both sides, that nothing but blood is to be seen all around. I know not as yet what
nation is attacking us; therefore. Brethren, make haste and send one man from each village to
Choiieghen for the defence of the fort there, and you will go on the scout as far as Fort
PARIS DOCUMENTS: Vlll. 1103
Frontenac. If you perceive any movement you will come and advise me at once, and I shall
immediately set out v(rith my troops to repair with you to our fort, and we will defend it.
When I shall learn who has attacked us, I will let you know by a courier whom I shall
send to you.
J/, de Beauharnois to Count de Maurepas.
My Lord,
I had communication by the despatch you did me the honor to write to me on the SO"" of
April last, of what you were pleased to observe to me respecting the King's intentions in
regard to the existing rupture with England, and I have the honor to answer it in detail, as
well as to render you an account of the measures I have adopted and will hereafter take, for
the purpose of responding to his Majesty's views and to liis expectations from my zeal in the
different operations I shall have to pursue in this Colony.
The first point, which has reference to the attempt the English might make on Canada
by sea, is not, in my opinion, My Lord, devoid of some apprehension, especially were the
contrary to be inferred from the difficulties they had to surmount on the two different
demonstrations they already made. In fact, My Lord, the weakness of the first fleet that
arrived here in 1690, at a season which did not admit of their continuing a long siege, as well
as the accident that occurred to the last in 171 1 at Egg Island, (Ik au.v (Eufs,) are two obstacles
both of whicli can be surmounted by greater foresight, and the hope of better success. As for
the expenses they will incur, I admit, My Lord, that they cannot but be very considerable, and
that the occupations of the English elsewhere might not permit them at present to achieve the
conquest of this Colony; but in regard to the object contemplated, 'tis not to be doubted that
it excites their jealousy to a great degree, and that they will take advantage of the first
favorable opportunity to seize upon it at all imaginable points. It is in that probability, as I
have just had the honor to observe, that, whilst conforming carefully to his Majesty's intentions
in providing for operations which, were the enemy at hand, there would not be leisure to attend
to, I have commenced to put in order all my batteries as well on the ramparts as on the
platforms of the Lower town and wharves along the shore, where one has been erected to
defend the landing on that side. From the mills near the Palace to the woods of the General
Hospital a palisaded intrenchment consisting of a ditch fifteen feet wide and six feet deep has
been constructed to prevent the passage of the Little River S' Charles at that point, and Sieur
de Lery has sent me the annexed plan, whereon you will see. My Lord, the stockade work
which I shall have commenced this spring. I do not, however, consider it capable of resisting
a large force; but in the present situation of this place, and in the spirit of economy you are
pleased to recommend, it is an intrenchment capable of procuring us some advantages over the
enemy before he succeed in forcing it, and the least that can be done for the defence of this
town ; for there are other means of securing it, which I would have the honor to propose to
you, were it his Majesty's intention to consider the expenses they would occasion.
The case is the same in respect to the incursions the English might make into the Colony
overland. It is impossible to expect that Forts S' Frederic, Chambly, and the fortifications
1104 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
of Montreal could completely stop or prevent them. 'Tis certain that should they lay siege to
these places, they would before capturing them, experience resistance and even some difficulties ;
but these would not arrest any expeditions they might send across the country to ravage and
lay waste the settlements on tiie south side of the government of Montreal, which could only
oppose some militia to them. As a matter of anticipation, I have directed not only the
restoration of the old forts in all the settlements, but even the construction of new ones in
those recently formed, and where such were necessary; and these forts are now in a condition
to receive the inhabitants of each parish, and to defend themselves as well against the attacks
of the English as against any Indians that might accompany them.
I have, moreover, reinforced the garrison of Fort S' Frederic, which is composed of seventy-
two soldiers and cadets and nine Officers, and have had munitions of war, provisions and
artillery, a return whereof 1 had the honor to send you, supplied to this fort as abundantly as
I was able, considering the amount of our supplies and the actual condition of the Colony in
regard to provisions.
As for Fort Chambly, you know. My Lord, what the garrison consists of, and that its guns
have been taken to furnish Fort S' Frederic. 'Tis true that, in case of need, an increased
force could be thrown into it, and even the farmers of the place might retire thither to defend
themselves; but independent of its strength being greatly impaired by the want of cannon,
neither it nor Fort S' Frederic could offer any opposition to whatever attempts the English
might make by land.
1 have sent Sieur de Celoron to command the post of Niagara, and have added thirty men
to its garrison, so that this consists at present of sixty-four soldiers and six officers ; our small
supply of cannon did not allow of my removing any that are permanently fixed, to increase
the few already at Niagara, which consist of only five peteraros and four two pounders.
Sieur de Lery went up there this summer with Sieur Lamorandiere, to cause the old stockades
of the enceinte to be repaired and doubled, in order to put that place in a better state of
defence; and I expect this and the works he has ordered for the preservation of the fort and
the house, to be completed by the end of autumn.
In regard to the fortifications of Montreal, they are in the best possible state as far as they
go. I have had the platforms constructed that were wanting at the flanks; and on the brow
(butte) of the hill which serves as a cavalier a barbet-battery has been erected, on which
thirty pieces of cannon can be planted, for the defence of the approaches on the land and river
sides, and by the high road from Quebec. The main point is to furnish these platforms and
this battery with cannon ; the town has only thirty-eight guns, including those already there
and those I had transported from here, some of which were purchased from vessels that
have been condemned, and are of a small calibre. I have had five @ six thousand balls ordered
at the furnaces to supply any deficiency, and according to the specimen furnished, they appear
to be of a suitable quality.
Such, My Lord, is the condition of the places and forts I have just had the honor of
enumerating to you, and the precautions my means have permitted me to adopt for their safety,
and which I shall second with all the foresight and strength I shall be able to make use of,
according as circumstances will demand; but in regard to my views respecting offensive
operations against the English, I have the honor to report to you, My Lord, what I had
already undertaken before the receipt of your letter; what I propose to do next spring, and
the difficulties which oppose the execution of the Choiieghen project.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII. 1105
Oa receiving intelligence this spring of the diftijrent settlements and magazines the English
have formed on the Beautiful river, I issued my orders and sent Belts to the Detroit nations to
drive them thence by force of arms and to plunder the stores they have there ; 1 gave liis.e
orders to the Commandant among the Ouiatanons, and the Miamis. Therefore, according to
what the Outasacs and Poutouatamis of Detroit have promised me this summer at Montreal,
and what the Commandants of the other posts have written to me respecting the dispositions of
the Indians, I have reason to presume that these will act against the English settled on the
Beautiful river, and also against the other settlements the latter may possibly form in that
vicinity, and which the former will not suffer, as, independent of the war that I have had
chanted in all the villages, they have accepted the Belts presented on that occasion.
In regard to the posts on Hudson's bay and those they have established on this side, in the
direction of Temiscaming, and which his Majesty has been pleased to recommend me to
endeavor to neutralize, or to utterly destroy if possible; I have accordingly instructed Sieur
Guillet who farms the post of Temiscaming, and has gained the good opinion and confidence
of all the nations thereabouts, to prevail on them to assemble together in the course of this
winter in order to fall, at the opening of the spring, as well on Fort Rupert as on the
other posts in the direction of Hudson's bay; I have, in like manner on receiving news of
the war, sent orders to Missilimakinac, to be transmitted to Alepimigon and the other posts
in that neighborhood, so that they may all cooperate in the destruction of the English
establishments at the North, and among the rest, of that newly built about twenty leagues
above Michipicoton,' by a Canadian refugee, who has conducted thither seven or eight
Englishmen who trade there; and I have ordered not only the forcible destruction of that
establishment, but also that the Canadian be killed, if it be impossible to seize him. I have
also given Sieur Guillet notice, that I should, at the very opening of spring, dispatch a party
of Frenchmen and Indians, under the command of an Officer and some others, so as to make a
simultaneous attack on those posts. Sieur Guillet is to warn those Indians of this expedition,
in order that they may hold themselves in readiness to join it, and in fact I calculate on sending
it thither as soon as the season will permit, and I beg you. My Lord, to assure his Majesty that
I will not neglect any thing to utterly destroy, if possible, the English establishments in
that quarter, as well as all those the difficulties whereof I shall be able to surmount.
On the receipt of the declaration of war addressed to me by M' Du Quesnel, the post of
Choueghen was the first object of the views I entertained against the English establishments,
and I should have attempted its capture, had I been able toovercome the difficulties that presented
themselves. The first, which relates to the scarcity of provisions prevailing in the Colony,
was, of itself, sufficiently grave to be an obstacle to this expedition, but the certainty I had of
the sentiments of the Iroquois of the Five Nations, and which they explained when that post
was established, was a niuch more serious impediment to such an undertaking, unless assured
of their dispositions, so as to avoid, on our part, any ground for a rupture with them. In my
despatch of the 30"" of June last, I had the honor to give you an account of this matter, and of
the pretext I employed to fathom their opinions, in the voyage I caused Sieur de Lachauvignerie
to make to these nations in the course of this summer, accompanied by twelve trustworthy
Indians of the Saut S' Louis and the Lake of the Two Mountains. And from the report of
the conferences he held with the Oneidas, Cayugas, and Ouondagas, they appeared to me to
persist in their usual sentiments, that the traps at Choueghen and at Niagara should remain
' A river and harbor on the Northeast of Lake Superior. — Ed.
Vol. IX. 139
1106 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
undisturbed (this is the expression they used), and that they will, moreover, remain neuter in
our diffijrences with the English. The Senecas, who came down last August, made use of the
same language to me, though I did my best to change them ; they only promised me that they
would look on whilst we were at work, but the traps especially must not be upset. Under
these circumstances, My Lord, I feel it would not be prudent to commence with operations
against Choueghen, especially when, to the dangerous consequences that would result from
such a proceeding, I add the inevitable loss of the post of Niagara; the English would not
fail to attempt the seizure of the latter, whether the conquest of Choueghen were achieved or
attempted, and you know. My Lord, that it is far from being in a condition to resist the force
the English can dispatch against it, and which the Five Nations would not fail to second, in
case of an expedition against Choueghen. Tf it has appeared of importance to his Majesty
that this should be executed, without occasioning any movements among the Iroquois, the
preservation of Fort Niagara, which is the passage to all our Lake posts, deserves, at least, as
much consideration, and it is. My Lord, in such conjunctures which, moreover, it is impossible
for me to remedy, that I have considered it my duty to make no attempt against this place until
circumstances become more favorable. The English, on their part, according to the report of
the Indians to me, promised to undertake nothing unless constrained thereunto, nor unless a
commencement be made at this side ; but whether their sentiments be sincere or simulated,
would not in the least impede me, could I surmount the obstacles I have just had the honor
of laying before you, and which appear to me sufficiently serious to deserve particular
attention, especially the preservation of the post of Niagara. The Five Nations, who are
impelled by one and the same interest, would doubtless most certainly oppose any attempt
on the part of the English against Niagara, just as they would resist any effort on our part
against Choueghen ; on the other hand, the Iroquois would have nothing to reproach us with,
were the English the first to move against Niagara ; under such circumstances I would be
always in time to attempt the capture of Choueghen, wherein I would experience less
opposition, and which I would not fail immediately to attack.
The obstacles I now have the honor to enumerate as opposing the views his Majesty
entertained against Choueguen, and which had, in like manner, prevented my designs against
the English posts, will in no wise arrest the expeditions I propose sending in the course of the
winter into New England, to be composed of young Canadians and our domiciliated Indians
under the command of Officers whom I shall consider the best qualified to make some progress
in these descriptions of forays, and the best suited to them. 'Tis true that the conquests to
be made in those parts, must, as in times past, be inconsiderable, and untenable; but our
rupture with the English obliges me to profit by the most trifling advantages. I beg of you,
My Lord, to assure his Majesty that I shall not neglect any of those that will offer, and that I
will act offensively on occasions from which none but the ordinary events of war will possibly
follow ; the destruction of the posts towards Hudson's bay, as well as those commenced on the
Beautiful river, which I have had the honor to mention to you, will also form the object of my
operations and earliest movements, — that against Hudson's bay at the opening of the spring —
for as respects the settlements on the Beautiful river, I expect they will be the subject of the
operations of the Detroit Indians, the Miamis and Guitanons this winter for which purpose I
have sent them Belts; these they have accepted, and have promised me, and made me promise,
not to suffer any Englishmen in that quarter.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII. 1107
The conquest of Acadia which his Majesty would desire to be able to accomplish, has been,
in consequence of its importance, also one of the principal subjects of my views. M' Du
Quesnel has, in the course of the summer, imparted to me his views and the measures he
contemplated taking, to insure success, and which he must. My Lord, have reported to you.
The Indians of Panasamske and Narantssak being at the time here, I engaged them to unite
with the forces M"' Du Quesnel was to employ on that expedition, and I have, according to
custom, presented them Belts and hatchets which they have accepted ; he writes me on the 3"^
of last month that the Indians had already made some incursion on the Port Royal countries;
this induces me to think that they have kept tiieir promise to remain attached to, and to
espouse the cause of the French on the present occasion. I would have wished that the
situation of the Colony previous to the arrival of the flour, might have enabled me to send
M"' Du Quesnel the other assistance he required of me for that expedition ; but we were unable
to attempt any thing in consequence of the extreme scarcity of provisions to which we were
reduced this year. This Commandant writes me that he has designed r Ardent and le Caribou
to attempt the capture of Port Royal, observing the proper precautions at the same time, so as
not to risk too much as he is not very certain of success. He informs me that he is about to
■withdraw Sieur Duvivier and the troops in that quarter in order to bring them back
to Louisbourg. This circumstance has induced me to defer sending him by la Gironde
whatever reinforcement of Canadians might have been at my disposal to cooperate with him
in his expedition. I was led to adopt this course on reflecting that the withdrawal of his
forces from that quarter would render those I siiouid send Iiim not only useless, but even an
incumbrance on account of the scarcity of provisions from which, as he tells me, he is suffering.
M'" Hocquart and I are, however, doing all in our povper to procure him the largest supply of
provisions possible, notwithstanding the opposition that exists thereto in consequence of the
loss experienced in thrashing out the grain at this season of the year, not to mention the fact
that the farmers are quite busy with their usual fall ploughing. I have prevailed, likewise, on
the Becancourt and S' Francis Indians to organize a party, without weakening their Villages
too much, to cooperate with those at Panawamske, and Narantswouak in their intended
incursions on Acadia; I expect them to start immediately, and as regards M' Du Quesnel's
views in favor of this expedition, I write him to communicate them to me this winter
overland; or by sea should he find an opportunity this fall; and according to the arrangements
he will have made, the progress of the King's ships destined thither, the situation of the
English of Acadia, and the measures he will judge proper to adopt, I will furnish him
whatever number of men I shall be able to detach from this place, to increase his forces and
second him in this enterprise; but I observe to him, that it will be only in case he will
absolutely require them, as t am interested in retaining for the entire continent the few militia
that are here, of the strength of which you will judge by the general census I have had taken,
and annex hereunto. You will remark that one-third of these militia are without arms and
that it is out of our power to remedy the deficiency notwithstanding His Majesty's gracious
permission to M'' Hocquart to purchase some for the supply of these men, as it is certain, from
the search I have had made, that there are none in the hands of the merchants of the town
who, in consequence of the small importation this year, cannot supply the trade of the
Upper countries.
To the advantages we are endeavoring to procure for M' Du Quesnel, I shall add, that we
calculate on putting on board la Gironde several seamen who are here in the ships that have
1108 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
been condemned or are unemployed, and I will prevail on as many young men of the country
as possible to proceed to Louisburg in this ship, by allowing them subsistence only, so that
M' Du Quesnel may employ them, should he determine on any expedition this winter, or in
any forays he will have occasion to make next spring.
This, My Lord, is the report I am able to render you of what it is in my power lo do at
present and of my views in case of war, attention being had to the situation of this. Colony.
More favorable opportunities may occur which I shall not neglect, and as these will depend on
different circumstances which may eventually arise, I beg you to be persuaded that I shall
profit as much as possible by every advantage.
In regard to the two points his Majesty has been pleased to recommend to me, which are of
such great importance to the defence of the Colony, and which relate to the government of the
Indians and my selection of commanders of Posts, or of those to whom I shall furnish special
commissions for different negotiations with the Indians; the first has always constituted
the principal subject of my obligations in this Colony, and independent of the justice which,
I flatter myself. My Lord, you will be pleased to render me on this occasion, I beg you to be
persuaded that it will become more particularly my care in our present circumstances, and
that I will spare no pains, not only to maintain the Indians in our interests, but also, to derive
from them all the advantages that can possibly be expected. The dispositions in which I found
them when war was declared, flatter me with favorable prejudices in their regard, and with
the hope that they will afford evidence of their attachment to the French on such occasions as
I shall employ them. As regards the Nations the English might employ to make some
incursions on our Tribes, the Mohegans (Loups), who are their allies, came this summer to
the number of twenty-five to ask my permission to visit their brethren of S' Francis and
Becancourt, for the purpose of renewing their ancient covenant, and keeping the path open
for reciprocal intercourse, as they were not disposed to remain under the dominion of the
English, and if I would give them land, that they would unite with their Brethren so as to
enrol themselves among the number of my Children. I accorded them the permission they
requested to visit the S' Francis and Becancourt villages, observing on my part the proper
precautions. Their interview took place in presence of the Missionaries. No suspicion was
manifested adverse to the motive which made them desire to make this journey; but as to
their other requests, I merely said : I consent to the path remaining open if they deserved
it by their conduct, and that the favor they were asking of me, to place them on my lands
would depend entirely on their future behavior. They returned content with my answers,
and have assured me that I should be so with them. I am informed, for certain, that four
villages of this Nation had retired to the Senecas, though I know not wherefore; they appear
to me, nevertheless, unable to reflect except on the scheme they communicated to me, of
wishing to quit the English dominion; but as the Senecas have urged me particularly to
permit Sieur de Joncaire who had come down this summer from their village, to return to winter
with them, according to the message I annex hereunto, I shall have the means of ascertaining
the behavior as well of the Mohegans (Lonjis) as of the Five Nations among whom the
presence of Sieur de Joncaire, whom they regard as their child, could not, in my opinion,
but be highly necessary.
After having requested you, My Lord, to please to be persuaded of my entire attention to
the government of the Indians, and to the details into which I have the honor to submit
to you, I dare flatter myself that you will condescend to be satisfied with the care I continue to
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII. 1109
pay to the selection of the commandants of the Posts, and of those to whom I shall intrust
the superintendence of Indian negotiations or of the different parlies I shall send out. 1 liave
remarlied, since my residence in this Colony, that all do not possess suitable qualities in the
same degree, and this will cause me to apply, in the present conjuncture, a most particular
attention to the choice I shall make of the officers for the one, and the other, service. I have
never denied that the influence of the Missionaries over the minds of the Indians among whom
they reside, could greatly contribute to the advantages to be expected from them; and if
respect and marks of confidence are capable of exciting their zeal for his Majesty's service in
this portion of their obligations in this Colony, I think, My Lord, I have left them nothing to
desire up to the present time in that regard.
I am, with the most profound respect, My Lord, your most humble and most obedient
servant.
Signed: Beauharnois.
S'" October, 1744.
M. de Beauliarnois to Count de Matireims.
My Lord,
I have the honor to transmit to you annexed, some intelligence that I have just received
from M' de Beaucours to whom the Indians communicated it. If true, its contents are no
more than what I am well satisfied of, as well on account of the precautions the English
are taking to remain on the defensive on this side, as of the opinion entertained by the
Iroquois of the Five Nations in regard to the post of Choueghen. It tends, besides, to
confirm but too strongly the reasons 1 had the honor to submit to you in my despatch of the
8"" of this month as to the opposition to be expected from them in the projected attack on that
post. I feel more strongly the necessity that existed for my sending back Sieur de Joncaire to
the Senecas, both for the purpose of tranquilizing the minds of the Five Nations as well as to
restrain them, and to be informed by him of what was doing in these Cantons. And as to the
threats the English make use of against him, I advised him beforehand to secure himself
against their effects by passing along the North shore of Lake Ontario.
I am with most profound respect.
My Lord,
Your most humble and
Most obedient Servant,
Quebec, Sg"" October, 1744. Beauharnois.
Intelligence communicated to M. de Beaucours by Tecanancoassin, Chief of the
Indians of the Sault S' Louis, on his return to Montreal from Orange, ig""
of October, 1744.
He reports that the town of Orange is inclosed with stockades, eight feet high.
That the town and country people are drilled with the musket on the shoulder and the
hatchet in hand.
1110 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
That the English told him they were fitting out a fleet large enough to cover the entire sea,
and that the few siiips tiie King of France had, would not dare make their appearance lest they
should be all captured.
That all sale of ammunition to the Indians settled in Canada has been prohibited in that
town, as well as repairing their arms.
That there is at Sarastau' a garrisoned fort of the same size as that at La Prairie de la
Madeleine, furnished with a building in each bastion for the accommodation of the inhabitants
in case of necessity.
That each of the merchants of the town is in turn obliged to be on guard through the night.
That six Mohawlis, three Dutchmen, and two Mohegans (Loups) came some twelve days
ago to Fort S' Frederic, to see what was going on there ; that lie saw and spoke to two
Englishmen and one Loiip at the River au , who were there for that purpose.
That the Indians whose effects have been seized at Fort S* Frederic, told the English to
distrust Tecanancoassin, and that he was a spy.
That the Five Nations were under arms ; on the two Mohawks who had come to Sault S' Louis
having been notified by Neraguindiac, Tagocariache and Acouiresheche, Indians of that place,
to withdraw forthwith lest they maybe made prisoners of war, as such was Onontio's pleasure,
it led them to say, that they saw clearly their Father was angry with them, since he did not
send back their son Joncaire, as that alone could tranquilize them.
That there is at Choueghen, exclusive of the garrison, one hundred militia under the
command of a Captain.
That a Mohawk squaw, his relative, had told him, should Nitachinon (that is Sieur de
Joncaire) return to the Senecas, all will be changed, and we shall be satisfied.
That an Abenaki of Misiskoui had seen in the Grand Marais^of the Little falls, three River
Indians who had been sent from Orange to examine whether any persons were hunting, as
should he not discover any, it would be a proof that all the Nations would be under arms to
wage war against them ; that the Abenaki told them to go themselves and find those who were
hunting, which induced them to return.
He says that he also had seen these three scouts, and assures that he is ready to go wherever
he will be sent, and to strike a blow, with his hatchet only in his hand, as he has no gun.
That he requests Father Onontio to remember him, and to be persuaded that he hath seen
all he has just related.
Intelligence communicated to M"" de Beaucours by Neraguindiac, a Chief belonging
to the Sault St. Louis. 21 October, 1744.
That a canoe of the Sault S' Louis passing, on its return from Orange, through the Lake
called Tiondiondoguin, was stopped by some Oneida Chiefs who prevailed on them to tarry
for the purpose of learning the truth of the current rumors, viz' : that Lake Ontario, from the
Isle aux Galots to the Count's river, was covered with Frenchmen and Indians on their way
to besiege Choueghen.
' Saratoga.
" Now called the Twelve Mile Marsli, wliioh extends from 'Whiteliall nortli half way to Ticonderoga. Fitch's Topography of
Washington County, N. Y. — Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS : VIII. 1111
That if such be the case, the Five Nations are armed to defend themselves, having been told
that it was designed to raze their villages.
That four Onontagues had come to Lake Ontario to warn Sieur de Joncaire not to pass by
Choueghen except at night, as the English had issued orders to take him dead or alive.
That the Five Nations had been warned in twenty-four hours that an enemy was coming
against them.
That three officers were stationed at Choueghen with orders to stand an assault, and not to
surrender on pain of death.
That there are scouts along the lake, on the look out for the army that is expected.
M. de Beauharnois to Count de Ifaunpas.
My Lord,
I have just received letters from the Commandants of Detroit and Niagara of which I am
enabled to give you an account in consequence of the return of la Gironde and the
merchantmen which have been forced by contrary winds to put back. I have already had
occasion to inform you of the dispositions of the Detroit Nations in regard to the declaration of
war against the English, and that tiiey had, in consequence, accepted the hatchet which I had
caused to be tendered to them for the purpose of striking the English settled on the Beautiful
river in the course of this winter, and that 1 had engaged the Miamis and the Ouiatanons
to do likewise. Sieur de Longueiiil writes me on the 1'' of September, transmitting to
me the message to and answer of the 4 Nations, copy whereof I annex. These Indians
continue in the same sentiments, and he is even flattered by the ardor and zeal they evince on
this occasion; on receiving intelligence of the arrival of several Englishmen at the White
river, he immediately raised a party of thirty-five picked Outaeais to plunder and kill them,
or to fetch them prisoners to him, and set out on the 17"" of September with every desirable
demonstration of joy. This officer adds, that he is so much the more determined to urge on
this party, as he is informed that the English were loaded with powder and ball, and resolved
to annihilate the French Traders who were going to that quarter; that he has farmed out, as
he informs me, seven places' for his Majesty's profit, pursuant to the orders I had sent him last
year; that he has, also, sent messages to the Indians seated on this White river, whereof I had
the honor to inform you last year, in answer to their request to him to send them back some
Frenchmen, and that they would not suffer any Englishmen there ; whereby he prevails on them,
in like manner, to take up the hatchet and join their brethren of Detroit. I have no doubt.
My Lord, but they will have determined on this course when they will see the Detroit Nations
moving, and I have none either of their driving oft' the English in their neighborhood, by
their incursions in the course of this winter there as well as on the Beautiful River, and
against the Flatheads, whom they include in this war, and with whom it is to be expected
the Hurons will not risk the entering into any negotiations for peace, even if, as they have been
accused, they had felt disposed to do so of late years.
' livres. qn ? lieux.
1112 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
I expect to have the honor to report to you next year, My Lord, the progress of this party
of Outasuas against the English on White River, whence they ought to have returned at the
close of October; as well as of those which the Detroit Nations will send against the other
places in the course of this winter. The principal point was to get them to move. That is
now effected, and provided they experience some losses at the hands of the English, it will be
more difficult to stop them, in case the circumstances of peace require us to do so, than to
determine them to enter on this great war, the events of which they seem to have accepted
with pleasure.
As for the Iroquois of the Five Nations, Sieur de Celoron, the Commandant at Niagara,
writes me on the 20"^ of last month that one of the brothers of Sieur de Joncaire, whom he
had sent to the Senecas to examine what was going on there, had returned within two days,
and reports that the result of the Council which the Five Nations and the English held at
Orange this summer has been, a refusal to take up the hatchet which the English presented
them, to strike the French who should visit them, and particularly Sieurs Joncaire and La
Chauvignerie; that the Iroquois invariably answered all their demands by saying, that they
would not do any thing; that they did not wish to take any part in the present war against
their Father, Onontio.
Sieur de Joncaire the younger has added, according to Sieur de Celeron's letter to me, that
during his sojourn among the Senecas, two English messengers had arrived there with Belts,
to demand a Chief of each nation to guard the house at Choueghen, who had received for
answer that they might guard it themselves ; and on the messengers reproaching them that
plenty of them were at Niagara, the Senecas had replied to them, that this Chief was there to
settle any difficulties that liquor might occasion among the Indians in the work they had to do
at the Carrying place; but as for the rest, they did not wish to participate in their war with
their Father.
The Senecas have likewise sent word to Sieur de Celoron, to assure me that, whatever
proposals and advances the English may cause to be made to them, they will never declare in
their favor; that they requested me to be at ease on that score, and when they would
recover from the affliction caused by the death of two of their Chiefs, they should go to the
Onontagues, to light up the Council fire, and prevail on that Nation to be as firm as they, in
the resolution of neutrality they have adopted, provided always the Beaver traps at Choueghen
and Niagara remain untouched ; which are the words they used to me this summer at Montreal.
This, My Lord, is the news I have this day received, which appeared to me worthy to be
reported to you. My expectations of the result are thereby encouraged, in consequence of the
hopes I entertain of the seeming dispositions of the Detroit Indians and of the Iroquois of
the Five Nations. Sieur de Joncaire, whom I have sent to the latter, has orders to maintain
them therein as much as possible. This, under existing circumstances, is the most favorable
thing that is to be desired.
I am, with most profound respect,
My Lord,
Your most humble and
Most obedient Servant,
Quebec, 7"" November, 1744. Beauharnois.
/
CORRIGENDA.
rage 492, line 3, for 1649, read 1690.
Page 878, line li, Jbr June, read January.
Page 1046, line 23, for 24, read 27.
\
FOR GENERAL INDEX TO THIS WORK, SEE LAST VOLUME.
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