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Full text of "Documents relative to the colonial history of the state of New York"

06513 

V.9 

1136146 I 



OENEALOGY COLLECireFI 



ii 



DOCUMENTS 



RELATIVE TO THE 



COLONIAL HISTORY 



STATE OF NEW-YORK 



PROCURED IN 



HOLLAND, ENGLAND AND FRANCE, 



JOHK ROMEYN BRODHEAD, ESQ., 



UNDER AND BY VIRTUE OP AN ACT OF THE LEGISLATURE ENTITLED "AN ACT TO APPOINT AN AGENT TO 

PROCURE AND TRANSCRIBE DOCUMENTS IN EUROPE RELATIVE TO THE COLONIAL HISTORY 

OF THE STATE," PASSED MAY 2, 1830. 




EDITED BY 

E. B. O'CALLAGHAN, M. D. 



VOL. IX. 



ALBANY: 

WEED, PARSONS AND COrPANT, PEINTEllS. 
1855. 



These Documents have been published under the direction of the Governor, Secretary of State, 
and Comptroller of the State of Nevy-York, in virtue of an Act of the Legislature of the said State, 
entitled " An Act to Provide for the Publishing of certain Documents relating to the Colonial History 
of the State," passed March 30th, 1849. 

The Documents in Dutch and French were translated by E. B. O'Callaghan, M. D., who was 
employed by the State Officers above named for that purpose, and to superintend the publication 
generally. 



113614J 



TRANSCEIPTS OF DOCUMENTS 



ARCHIVES OF THE "MINISTERE DE LA MARINE ET DES COLONIES;" OF THE "MNISTERE DE LA 
GUERRE," AND EST THE " BIBLIOTHEQUE DU ROI," AT PARIS. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS, I-YIII. 



1631-1744. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS, 



The Documents contained in these volumes, are copies of originals in the Archives of the Department 
of the Marine and the Colonies ; in the Archives of the Department of War, and in the Royal Library 
at Paris. 

The general management of Canadian affairs was, for a long time, intrusted to the Department of the 
Marine in France, which also included the Colonies under its jurisdiction. It was not until about 
the year 1755, when a general war broke out in America between France and England, that the 
Department of War appears to have had any particular communications with the French Agents in 
America; at any rate, nothing of consequence has been found in its Archives previous to that date. 

The Archives of the Department of the Marine and the Colonies are very rich in Documents relating 
to the history of the French Colonies in America. Owing, however, to various causes (prominent among 
which may be named the unbridled spirit of wanton destruction which seemed to possess the Revolutionists 
of 1793), these Archives are, at the present moment ( 1843), in a state of deplorable confusion ; and the 
toil and time required to examine and select from the vast mass of unarranged papers that load their 
shelves, can scarcely be appreciated by any one who has not himself made personal investigations. 

The papers relating to Canada and New- York, are contained in two separate divisions. The one 
consists of a series of bound volumes, commencing with the year 1663, and ending very abruptly with 
1737. This series numbers about seventy volumes, and contains the despatches of the King and his 
Ministers to the Governors and other functionaries in the French Colonies. It is greatly to be regretted 
that the volumes subsequent to 1737, are missing. The other, and by far the most fertile repository, is a 
series of "Cartons," or Portfolios, in which are placed, loosely, hap-hazard, and without the slightest 
attempt at arrangement, a vast mass of original Documents relating to Canada from 1630 to the period 
of the Treaty of Paris, 10th February, 1763. There are upwards of one hundred of these " Cartons," 
each of which contains Documents enough to make two bound volumes of the usual size. It is scarcely 
possible to conceive a task more appaling to the investigator than an e.xamination of these papers. Dusty, 
decayed, without order, often without a date to identify the Document; a despatch of 1670 jostling a 
paper relating to Dieskau's defeat, an account of the surrender of Quebec, pele-mele, with a letter of 
Governor Dongan ; the expedition of 1690, mixed up with the attack on Forts William Henry, Fronlenac 
and Duquesne, the Hurons and Manhattan, Boston and the Ottawas, side by side ; the contents of these 
"Cartons" form, indeed, the materials of a brilliant Historical Mosaic, whose riches will repay the patient 
investigator who does not allow their painful disorder to deter him from the research. 

It must be evident that this state of things was embarrassing in no small degree. It not only very 
greatly increased the labor of the investigations, but was found that, in a great many instances, valuable 
papers were missing from the mass. If, therefore, the Historian, in looking over these Transcripts, 
hereafter, should observe deficiencies in the series, he may feel assured that they have not been so left 
without regret and mortification on the part of the collector. 

The Archives of the " Department of War," however, present a gratifying contrast, in respect to 
arrangement, to those of the " Marine and the Colonies." The papers are chronologically arranged in 



vi PARIS DOCUMENTS. 

bound ^ ilutnes; and tlieir examination was as agreeable and pleasant as that of the "Cartons" of the 
Marine was laborious and annoying. The papers relate, chiefly, to the period between 1755 and the 
Treaty of Paris, and comprise the correspondence of the Military Commanders in America with the 
French Government. 

In arranging these Transcripts (which were, of course, separately copied), a strictly chronological 
order has been observed. The papers from the Department of the Marine and the Colonies have been 
intermingled with those from the Department of War ; and whenever inclosures were found they have 
always been placed next after the letter transmitting them. 

John Romeyn Brodhead. 

Paris, December, 1843. 



LIST OF THE GOVERNORS OF CANADA, 
1612 - 1763. 

PKEPAKED, AND POLITELY COMMUNICATED TO THE EDITOR, BY LIEUTENANT-COLONEL JACQUES VIGEK, MONTREAL. 



Names. 

1. Samuel DE Champlain, 1612. 

2. Makc Antoine de Bras-de-fer de Chasteaufort,.. 1635. 



3. Charles Huault de Montmagny, 1636. 

4. Louis d'Ailleboust de Coulonge, 1648. 

5. Jean de Lauson, 1651. 

6. Charles de Lauson-Charny, 1656. 

7. Louis d'Ailleboust de Coulonge, Knight, 1657. 

8. Pierre de Voyer, Viscount d'Argenson, 1658. 

9. Pierre du Bois, Viscount d'Avaugour, 1661. 

10. AuGUSTiN DE Saffrai'-Mesv, Knight, 1663. 

11. Alexander de Prouville, Marquis de Tracy, 1663. 

12. Datjiel de Remy de Courcelle, Knight, 1665. 

13. Louis de Buade, Count de Paluan and de Frontenac,.. 1672. 

14. Le Febvre de la Barre, 1682. 

15. Jacques Rene de Brisay, Marquis de Denonville, . . . . 1685. 

16. Count dk Frontenac, (Same as iVo. 13), 1689. 

17. Louis Hector de Calliere, Knight, 1699. 

18. Philippe de Rigaud, Marquis de Vaudreuil, 1703. 

19. Charles le Moyne, Baron de Longueuil, 1725. 

20. Charles, Marquis de Beauharnois, 1726. 

21. Rolland Michel Barrin, Count de la Galissoniere, 1747. 

22. Jacques Pierre de Taffanel, Marquis de la Jonquiere, 1749. 



23. Charles le Moyne, Baron de Longueuil, 1752. 

24. Marquis Duquesne de Menneville 1752. 

25. Pierre Rigaud, Marquis de Vaudreuil-Cavagnal, 1755. 



Remarks. 

Died at Quebec, December 25, 1635. 

At first. Commandant of Three 
Rivers. His commission, as Gov- 
ernor, has been lately discovered 
by G. B. Faribault, Esq., of Quebec. 

Knight of Malta. 

Knight. 

Son of No. 5. 

Died at Montreal, 31st May, 1660. 



Died at Quebec, May 5, 1665. 
Viceroy; arrived at Quebec 1665. 



Died at Quebec, November 28, 1698 
Died at Quebec, May 26, 1703. 
Died at Quebec, October 10, 1725. 
Born at Montreal 1656; died at 
Montreal, June 8, 1729. 



Commissioned in 1746, but did not 
come to Canada until 1749, as the 
fleet he commanded was defeated 
on the 3d of May, 1747, on its way 
to Quebec, and he taken prisoner, 
Died at Quebec, May 17, 1752. 

Son of No. 19. Born at Montreal' 
1686, and died at same place' 
January 17, 1755. 

Son of No. 18. Born at Quebec. 
1698. 



CONTENTS. 



The dates of the following Documents are almost invariably according to the New Style. 

1631. _ _ Pagb. 

Abstract of the Fi-eneh and English discoveries in North America, between Virginia and Davis' Straits, 

<feo., to the year 1631 : 1 

1638. 
February IS. Letter of King Louis XIIL, on the subject of the limits of command between Messrs. Charnisay and 

de la Cour, in New France 4 

1651. 

June 20. Letter of the Council at Quebec to the Commissioners of New England, respecting the Indians, &c„ .... 5 

Commission of the Rev. Father Druillettes and M. Jean Godefroy as Ambassadors to New England, ... 6 
1663. 

March. Edict of the King, for the creation of a Sovereign Council, <fec, in New France, t 

May 1. Private instructions from the King to M. Gaudais, sent to inquire into the state of affairs in Canada, ... 9 
August 4. Letter of M. Dubois d'Avaugour, Governor of Canada, to the Minister upon the state of affairs in the 

Colony, <Ssc 13 

November 19. Commission to Sieur de Prouville de Tracy, to be Lieutenant-geueral in America, during the absence 

of the Vice-Roy, the Count d'Estrades, &C., 17 

Memoir in relation to the fortifications necessary to protect Canada from the insults of the Iroquois,. . . 20 
1664. 

November 16. Extracts of a Despatch from the Minister to M. de Tracy 22 

1665. 

March 23. Commission to the Sieur Talon, to be Intendant of Justice, Police, and Finance, in Canada, &c 22 

March 27. Instructions to M. Talon, 24 

October 4. Letter of M. Talon to the Minister, upon Canadian affairs, 29 

November 14. Tariff of prices at which the merchandise received by the vessels from France, is to be sold in Canada, 36 

December 1. Explanation of the eleven presents made by the Iroquois Ambassadors, 37 

December 13. Treaty with the Iroquois concluded at Quebec, this day, 39 

1666. 

April 6. Letter of M. Colbert to M. Talon on Canadian affairs 39 

May 25. Treaty with the Senecas, concluded at Quebec this day 44 

July 12. Treaty with the Oneidas at Quebec, this day 45 

An account of the nine Iroquois tribes, with illustrative drawings, <fec., 47 

September 1. Paper addressed by M. Talon, to Messrs. de Tracy and de Courcelles, on the question whether it is more 

advantageous to the King to make war or to be at peace with the " Agniez," 62 

November 1 3. Extract of a Memoir of M. Talon to M. Colbert, upon Canadian affairs 65 

Abstract of the census of Canada in 1666 67 

1667. 

April 6. Extracts of a Memoir of M. Colbert to M. Talon, about Canadian affairs 68 

October 27. Extracts of a Memoir of M. Talon to M. Colbert, upon the affairs of Canada, <fec.; 60 

Abstract of the census of Canada for the year 1667, 61 

^ Vol. IX. B 



X CONTENTS. 

1668. Page. 

Abatract of tlie census of Canada for the year 1668 61 

1669. 

May 15. Extracts of a letter from M. Colbert to M. de Courcelles, npon Canadian affaire, 61 

1670. 

April 9. Letter of M. Colbert to M. de Courcelles, (extract,) 63 

November 10. Extracts of a Memoir upon the affairs of Canada, addressed to the King by 51 Talon 63 

November 10. Extracts of a Memoir addressed to M. Colbert, by M. Talon, 67 

1671. 

February. Extracts of a letter from M. Colbert to M. Talon — I.a Salle,. 70 

March 11. Extracts of a letter from M. Colbert to M. de Courcelles, " 70 

November 2. Extracts of a Memoir upon the affairs of Canada, addressed to the King by M. Talon, _ 71 

November 11. Extract pf a Memoir upon Canadian affairs, addressed by M. Talon to the Minister, 74 

An account of what occurred during the voyage made on Lake Ontario by M. de Courcelles, 75 

1672. 
April 7. Instructions of the King to M. de Frontenae, chosen by His Majesty to be Governor, <fee., in Canada,. . 85 

June 4. Extracts of a letter from the Minister to M. Talon, on Canadian affairs 89 

November 2. Extracts of a despatch of M. de Frontenae to the Minister, upon the affairs of Canada, the Iroquois, <fec., 90 
1673. 

June 13. Extracts of a letter of M. Colbert to M. de Frontenae, respecting the Iroquois, Jesuits, &c 95 

A detailed account of M. de Frontenac's voyage, &c., to Lake Ontario, interviews with the Indians, &c., 

in June, July and August, 1673 95 

1674, 

May 17. Extract of a letter from M. Colbert to M. de Frontenae, 114 

November 14. Extracts of the General Memoir addressed by M. de Frontenae to the Minister upon Canadian affairs,. 116 

Petition of Sieur de la Salle for a grant of Fort Frontenae 122 

1675. 

March 15. Extracts of a letter from M. Colbert to M. de Frontenae 123 

May 13. Decree of the King, accepting the propositions made by M. de la Salle, respecting a Colony in Canada, 

and granting him Fort Frontenae 123 

May 13. Patent of nobility to M. de la Salle, &c., 125 

1676. 
April 15. Extracts of a letter from the King Louis XIV., to M. de Frontenae, respecting new discoveries,.. 126 

1677. 

April 28. Extracts of a letter from the King to M. de Frontenae — to be on good terms with the English, <Ste. 126 

1678. 
May 12. Letters of the King, granting permission to M. de la Salle to make discoveries to the west of New 

France, <fee., , 127 

May 12. Extracts of a letter from the King to M. de Frontenae — the English — Iroquois, <fec., 128 

1679. 
April 26. Extract of a letter from the King to M de Frontenae — to maintain a good correspondence with the 

English, &c '. 128 

November 6. Extracts of a Memoir addressed to the King by M de Frontenae — the Indians — Orange — Manhattan — 

Andros, <fec., 129 

November 10. Extracts of a Memoir by M. Duehesneau, Intendant, &c., of Canada, to the Minister — commerce with 

the Indians — census of Canada, &c 131 

November 14. Extracts of a Memoir of M. Duehesneau to the Minister — news from Albany — Manhattan, &c., 137 

Letter of M. de Saurel to M. Duehesneau, 138 

1680. 
April 29. Extract of a letter from Louis XIV. to M. de Frontenae — rupture with England — precautions to be 

taken, &c 139 

November 1 3. Extracts of a Memoir of M. Duehesneau to the Minister — commerce with the Indians — census, Ac, .... 140 
1681. 

November 2. Extracts of a letter of M. de Frontenae to the King— Iroquois— English, &o 145 

November 13. Extracts of a letter of SI. Duehesneau to the Minister, upon Canadian affairs, &e., 149 

November 13. Extract of a paper annexed to the foregoing, respecting trade with the Indians, <fec 159 

November 13. Memoir of M. Duehesneau to the Minister upon the subject of the French and English trade with the 

Western Indiane, Ac. 160 



CONTENTS. • xi 

1682. ' Page. 

May 10. Extract of the Instructions of the King to M. de la Barre, appointed Governor, &a., in Canada 167 

March 23. Abstract of the intelligence and opinions given at a Conference held ■with the Jesuits on the subject of 

the news received from the Iroquois, &a 168 

July 28. Letter from M. Duchesneau to M. de Frontenac — Iroquois, <fec., 174 

August 5. Letter of M. de Fronteiiac's in reply 175 

August 13. Account of an interview between M. de Frontenac and the Ottawas, &c., at Montreal 176 

September 11. Interview between the deputies of the Five Nations and M. de Frontenac, 183 

September 12. Replies of M. de Frontenac to the speeches of the deputies of the Five Nations, 189 

September 16. Letter of M. de la Forest, Commandant at Fort Frontenac, to M. de Frontenac, upon the return of the 

Indian Deputies, iSic 189 

September 12. Memorial in regard to the disposition of the Indians towards the French, at the departure of M. de 

Frontenac, from C/inada, 190 

September 20. Letter of Father de Lamberville to M. de Frontenac 192 

October 10. Account of the Assembly held at Quebec, by M. de la Barre, &c., with the officers in Canada, the 

Jesuits, (fee. respecting the Indians, iSrc 194 

November 12. Extracts of the Minister's Resume of the letters of M. de la Barre, 196 

1683. 

May 31. Letter of Captain BrockhoUs to M. de la Barre, 199 

August 5. Extract of a letter from the King to M. de la Barre 200 

November 4. Letter of M. de la Barre to the Minister — Iroquois — English, Ac, 201 

Extract of a general Memoir on the subject of the frauds in the Indian trade, &c 211 

1684. 

Memoir addressed to M. Seignelay respecting the situation in which M. de la Salle left Fort Frontenac, 213 

Another memorial respecting the expense incurred by M. de la Salle on Fort Frontenac 216 

April 10. Extract of a letter of the Minister to M. de la Barre — reproaching him for his bad conduct, &e 221 

April 10. Extract of a letter from the Minister to M. de Meules, lutendant in Canada 222 

April 10. Further extract from same to same, - 223 

April 10. Edict of the King, forbidding French suVijects to go to Albany, New-York, &c., 224 

April 10. Edict of the King, for the punishment of French subjects who go to Albany, New-York, <fee 224 

April 14. Commission from the King to M. de la Salle, to take command in the regions that shall become 

subjected to France, west of Canada, &c., 225 

June 5. Extract of a letter from M. de la Barre to the Minister (Seignelay,) 226 

February 1 0. Letter from Father de Lamberville to M. de la Barre 226 

July 8. Letter of M. de Meules, Intendant of Canada, to the Minister, 228 

July 31. Letter of the King to M. de la Barre — war with the Indians, <fec 232 

July 31. Despatch of the Minister to M. Barillon, French Ambassador at London, 224 

August 14. Return of officers and soldiers, militia and Indians, at a review held by the Governor of Canada at Fort 

Frontenac, 234 

September 5. Interview between the Onondagas and M. De la Barre, at La Famine, 236 

October 1. Memoir by M. de la Barre as to what had been done on the subject of a war with the Senecas, 239 

October 1. Resume by the Minister of the foregoing Memoir of M. de la Barre, 244 

October 7. Letter of M. de la Barre to the Minister, complaining of Ooh Dongan, &c 244 

October 10. Letter of M. de Meules to the Minister — Iroquois — Ottawas, <tc., 244 

November 9. Letter of M. de Callifire, Governor of Montreal, to the Minister 249 

November 13. Extract of a despatch of M. de la Barre to the King — difficulties with Colonel Dongan, &c., 250 

July 10. Letter from Father de Lamberville to M. de la Barre, dated Onondaga, : 252 

July 11. Letter from same to same 252 

July 13. Letter from same to same 254 

July 18. Letter from same to same 255 

August 17. Letter from same to same 266 

August 28. Letter fj-om same to same 267 

September 27. Letter from same to same 259 

October 9. Letter from same to same, 260 

June 15. Letter from M. de la Barre to Governor Dongan, 262 

July 6. Letter from Colonel Dongan to M. de la Barre 262 

July 24. Letter from M. de la Barre to Colonel Dongan, with a copy of the Instructions given to Sieur de la 

Salvaye, his envoy to New- York, 262 



xii CONTENTS. 

1683 Page. 

August 3. Letter of Colonel Dongan to the French at Pemaquid, 263 

1B84. 

November 14. Extract of a letter of M. de la Barre to the Minister, about Colonel Dongan, <fec 263 

November 14. Extract of the Resume, by the Minister, of the letters received from Canada, &a., 264 

1685. 
February 25. Memoir by M. de Calliere addressed to M. de Scignelay, respecting the usurpations of the English in the 

French Colonies in America 265 

March 10. Letter of the King to M. de la Barre, recalling him 269 

March 10. Extract of a letter of the King to M. de Meules, &.e .' 269 

March 10. Letter of the Minister to M. Barillon, Ambassador at London, complaining of the conduct of the 

Governor of New-York, &c., 269 

February 18. Resume by the Minister, of the letters sent to Canada, (fee., - 270 

March 10. Instructions of the King to the Marquis de Denonville, appointed Governor, <fec., in Canada, 271 

November 12. Extract of the Reaum^, by the Minister, of the letters of M. de Denonville, of August, September and 

November — with his notes 273 

November 12. Memoir of M. de Denonville concerning the present state of Canada, and the measures to be taken for 

its security, &c 280 

Return of Beavers received from Canada, from 1675 to 1685, 267 

1686. 

May 8. Letter of M. de Denonville to the Minister, 287 

1685. 

October 13. Letter from Governor Dongan to M. de Denonville 292 

1686. 

June 12. Letter from M. de Denonville to the Minister — Indiana — Colonel Dongan, <Scc 293 

November 8. Memoir by the Marquis de Denonville, respecting the present situation of Canadian affairs, and the 

necessity of making war on the Iroquois, &c 296 

Statement in support of the Right of the French to the Iroquois country and to Hudson's Bay 303 

November 1 1. Letter of M. de Denonville to the Minister — war with the Indians, ifec, 306 

November 16. Letter of M. de Denonville to the Minister, 308 

1685. 

May 20. Letter of Col. Dongan to Father de Lamberville, 311 

May 22. Letter of Col. Dongan to M. de Denonville, ,. 311 

June 20. Letter of M. de Denonville to Col. Dongan in reply , 311 

July 27. Letter of Col. Dongan to M. de Denonville 312 

September 29. Letter of M. de Denonville to Col. Dongan in reply, 312 

December 1. Letter of Col. Dongan to M. de Denonville 312 

Resum6 by the Minister of the letters received this year from Canada, and of the answers, 312 

1686. 

December 4. Commission of Major McGregory to trade in the Ottawa country, 318 

1687. 
January. Memoir for the Marquis de Seignelay, respecting the dangers that threaten Canada, the means of 

remedying them, and of establishing religion, commerce, and the French power in North America,. 319 

March 30. Extracts from the letter of the King to Messrs. de Denonville and Champigny — Iroquois— the English, &o., 322 

June 8. Letter of M. de Denonville to the Minister — Iroquois— Col. Dongan, Ac, 324 

June 17. Letter of the King to M. de Denonville, forbidding any efforts against the English, Ac, 330 

July 16. Account by M. de Champigny of the expedition of M. de Denonville to Cataracouy, ifec 331 

July 19. Proems Verbal of the taking possession of the Seneoas country by M. de Denonville 834 

July 31. Proces Verbal of the taking possession of Niagara by M. de Denonville, 335 

August 26. Letter of M. de Denonville to the Minister 336 

June 11. Letter from Col. Dongan to M. de Denonville 344 

August 22. Letter of M. de Denonville to Col. Dongan, in reply 345 

August 22. Letter of M. de Denonville to Col. Dongan, 845 

August 26. Resume by the Minister of M. de Denonville's letters, and of the replies thereto, 345 

October 27. Memoir by M. de Denonville, respecting the present state of affairs in Canada, in reference to the war 

with the Iroquois 346 

October 2. Letter of M. de Denonville to Col. Dongan, 355 

September 8. Letter of Col. Dongan to M. de Denonville, 866 



CONTENTS. xiii 

1687. Page. 

October 12. Letter of M. de Denonville to Col. Dongan, in reply, 355 

October. Detailed account of the expedition of M. de Denonville against the Seneoas 367 

November. Memoir by M. de Calliere to the Minister, urging the necessity of war against the English in New-York, <fec., 369 
December 13. Memoir presented by the French Ambassadors to the English Commissioners, concerning the rights of 

France over the Iroquois, &e., 37 1 

1688. 
March 8. Instructions of the King to the Marquis de Denonville, upon the subject of the difficulties between the 

French and the English, respecting their territorial claims in North America, 371 

March 8. Extract of a letter from the Minister to M. de Denonville — Col. Dongan, <Ssc., 372 

March 8. Extracts of the Minister's Resum6 of despatches to Messrs. de Denonville and de Champigny 373 

May 8. Project for the termination of the Iroquois War, ...'. 375 

May 16. Memoir by M. de Denonville, explanatory of the territorial rights of the French in North America, <fee., 377 
June 16. Declaration of the Iroquois before M. de Denonville, at Montreal, of their desire to remain neutral 

between the French and the English, Ac, 384 

September 15. Statement, showing the present situation, &c., of Fort Niagara 386 

October 30. Letter from Quebec, giving an account of the war, the difficulties with the Indians, Col. Dongan, &c., . . 388 
1689. 

Kesiim6 by the Minister of the letters of Messrs. de Denonville and de Champigny, with notes thereon, 393 

Memoir showing the advantages of a fort at Niagara, &c 399 

Explanatory paper in relation to the defences necessary in Canada, the means of increasing the Indian 

trade, and the French influence, <fee 399 

January. Memoir of M. de Calliere to the Marquis de Seignelay, upon the present state of Canadian afifairs, &c., 401 

January. Project by M. de Calliere, of an expedition for the purpose of conquering New-York, <fec 404 

Paper showing the difference in price of Indian merchandise at Albany and at Montreal 408 

Tariff of prices at which Canadian merchandise might be sent to France, &c., 409 

January. Abstract of the Project of M. de Calliere., 411 

Feliruary. Memoir of M de Calliere to the Minister upon his Project 411 

February. Estimate of arms, munitions, (fee, necessary to be sent to Canada for the proposed expedition against 

New-York 412 

February. Report to the Minister upon the foregoing Project and estimate 413 

April 24. Observations addressed to the Minister, upon the proposed plan for the conquest of New- York, 415 

May 1. Extract of a despatch of the King to Messrs. de Denonville and de Champigny, respecting the Indians — the 

English possessions in America, &c 416 

May 1. Extract of a despatch from the Minister to M. de Denonville 417 

M.<iy 8. Exemplification of the Procds Verbal of the taking possession of the Baye des Puants and the Upper 

Mississippi, <fec. .- 418 

May 22. Memoir by M. de Calliere, respecting the proposed expedition against New-York 419 

May. Further Memoir of M. de Calliere, urging a prompt execution of the proposed attack on New-York, Ac., . . 420 
June 7. Instructions from the King to M. de Frontenac (appointed Governor of Canada,) respecting the proposed 

conquest of New-York, giving full details of the views of the French government thereupon, <fec., . . 422 
June 7. General Instructions from the King to the Count de Frontenac, appointed Governor and Lieutenant- 
general of the French possessions in North America. (Extracts.) 427 

November 8. Memoir of M. de Calliere upon the present state of Canadian affairs, 428 

Statement of what has been put on boardthe ships le Fourgon and I'Ambuscade 430 

November 18. Observations upon the state of Canadian affairs, nt the time of the departure of the vessels, this date, 431 
November. Extracts of the Minister's resume of the letters received from Messrs. de Frontenac, de Denonville, de 

Champigny, and up to the sailing of the ships in 1689, 434 

1690. 
January. Extract of a Memoir by the Marquis de Denonville to the Minister, upon the situation of Canada — the 

expediency of the conquest of New-York, &e., 440 

February 15. Memoir by M Duplessis upon the subject of the defence of Canada, war with the Indians, <fec 447 

June. Message of M. de Frontenac to be delivered to the Ottawas, to dissuade them from forming an alliance 

with the English, Ac , 448 

July 14. Extract of a despatch from the King to Messrs. de Frontenac, and de Champigny — cannot undertake the 

attack on New- York at present. Ac 452 

July 14. Further extract from the King's despatch to Messrs. de Frontenac and de Champigny — the Iroquois, <fec., 452 

October 23. An account of what occured in Canada during the English expedition against Quebec, October, 1690. . 455 



XIV 



CONTENTS. 



1690. Page. 

November 12. Extracts of a letter of M. de Frontenae to the Minister — details of the military operations in Canada, <fec., 459 
November. An account of the most remarkable occurrences in Canada, from the departure of the vessels in the 

month of November, 1689, to the month of November, 1690 462 

Memoir of M. de Calliere to the Minister, upon the designs of the English — the attack of New- 
York, (fee 492 

1691. 

April 7. Extract of the King's despatch to Messrs. de Frontenae and de Champigny, 494 

May 10. Extract of a letter of M. de Frontenae to the Minister — Indian affairs, <fec 495 

May 10. Extracts of a Memoir of M. de Champigny to M. de Pontchartrain — Canadian affairs, 491 

May 12. Extracts of a " Memoir instruetif" upon Canada, by M. de Champigny, 600 

May 12. Letter of M. de Champigny to the Minister — attack of the Iroquois upon Montreal, <fee 503 

August 12. Letter of M. de Champigny to the Minister — Indian troubles, Ac 503 

October 20. Extract of a letter from M. de Frontenae to the Minister, 505 

October 12. Memoir by M. de Villebon to the Minister — proposing expeditions against New England, New- York, Ac, 506 

Petition of M. de Calliere to the Minister, for an allowance equal to that of other Colonial Governors,. 507 

Memoir on the present state of Canada, and tlie aid to be expended to it for its preservation 508 

Remarks on what appears important to the Kmg's service for the preservation of New France, 510 

November. Account of the most remarkable occurrences in Canada, from the month of November, 1690, to the 

departure of the vessels in 1691 ' 513 

1692. 

February 17. Extract of the Memoir on the present state of Canadian affairs, 627 

April. Despatch of the Minister to M. de Frontenae — M. de la Mothe Cadillac to be sent to France to give 

intelligence, &a., 530 

Sepf ember 15. Extracts of a letter from M. de Frontenae to the Minister — Boston — New- York — Port Royal, &e 531 

October 5. Account of the military operations in Canada, from November, 1691, to October, 1692, by M. de 

Champigny, 534 

November 11. Extract of a letter from M. de Frontenae to the Minister 638 

November 11. Memoir to M. de Pontchartrain on behalf of the Iroquois and other North American Indians, &c 539 

Notes by the Minister, upon the projected attack of the English Colonies upon Canada, and the means 

of opposing them, (fee 543 

Extracts of a Memoir of M. de la Mothe Cadillac to the Minister, respecting Acadia, New England, 

New-York, and Virginia 646 

1693. 

March 28. Despatch of the King to Messrs. de Frontenae and de Champigny, 549 

August 17. An account of what has occurred in Canada in relation to the war with the English and the Indians, 

since November, 1692, by M. de Champigny 550 

Account of the most remarkable occurrences in Canada, from the month of September, 1692, to the 

sailing of the vessels in 1693, 655 

May 8. Despatch of the King to Messrs. de Frontenae and de Champigny. ( Extract. ) 573 

August 20. Memoir of M. de Villebon to M. de Pontchartrain, on the proposed enterprise against Fort Pemaquid, 574 
1694. 

Memoir by M. de la Mothe Cadillac, of the occurrences in Canada this year, with the Iroquois, <fee 577 

Note by the Minister, upon the Canadian intelligence of this year, 687 

1695. 

April 16. Letter of the Minister to M. de Frontenae — negotiations with the Iroquois, (fee ,. . . . 689 

June 14. Despatch of the King to Messrs. de Frontenae and de Champigny 590 

November 6. Memoir by Mons. de ChanipigTiy, concerning the fort at Catariicouy, (fee 691 

Narrative of the chief occurrences between the French and the Indians, (fee, in Canada, in 1694, 1695, 694 
Abstract, (submitted to the Minister,) of the Canadian despatches of 1695, in reference to the Iroquois, 

English, (fee, 633 

1696. 
February 15. Ministerial memorandum on the subject of the Canadian despatches, and the preparations necessary to 

be made thereupon 634 

Mny 26. Despatch of the King to Messrs. de Frontenae, and de Champigny — Indian troubles — the English, (fee., 636 

Octiiber 25 Letter of M. de Frontenae to the King — expedition against the Onondagas, (fee, 639 

November. Account of the most remarkable occurrences in Canada, from the departure of the ships, in 1695, to the 

beginning of November, 1696, 640 



CONTENTS. 



XV 



1697. Page. 

January 20. Project of an enterprise against Boston gnd New-Tort, presented to the Minister, by M. de Lngny 659 

April 28. Despatch of the Minister to M. de Frontenae — approving hia conduct, etc., 662 

October 18. Narrative of the moat remarkable occurrences in Canada, from the departure of the ships in 1696, to 

October, 1697, 664 

1698. 

March 12. Despatch of the Minister to M. de Frontenae — news of peace of Ryswick, <fec., 677 

May 21. Extract of a despatch from the Minister to M. de Frontenae — Indians, &e., 678 

October 20. Narrative of the most remarkable occurrences in Canada, from 1697 to October, 1698, 678 

Memorandum respecting the Sovereignty of the King of France over the Iroquois, 689 

April 22. Letter from the Earl of Bellomont, Governor of New-York, to the Count de Frontenae 690 

June 8. Letter of Count de Frontenae to the Earl of Bellomont, in reply, 690 

August 13. Letter of Lord Bellomont to Count de Frontenae, 692 

August 22. Letter of Lord Bellomont to the Count de Frontenae, 693 

September 21. Letter of M. de Frontenae to Lord Bellomont, in reply 694 

October 25. Letter of Messrs. de Frontenae and de Champigny to the Minister, 695 



March 


25. 


April 


29. 


May 


27. 


1700. 




May 


5. 


June 


19. 


July 


18. 


October 


16. 


September 3. 


1701. 




May 


3L 


August 


4. 



1702. 
May 3. 

November 4. 
November 6. 
November 11. 

1703. 
May 30. 

November 14. 
November 14. 



1704. 
November 16. 



Despatch of the King to M. de Frontenae, respecting the Indians, &c 697 

Despatch of the King to M. de Calliere^ directing him to observe the treaty of Ryswick, <fec., 698 

Extract from a Memoir of the King to M. de Calliere, &c., — appointed Governor, cfec., of Canada, in 

place of M. de Frontenae deceased 699 

Memoir respecting the encroachments of the English upon the Territories of France in North America, 701 

Despatch of the King to Messrs. de Calliere and de Champigny — peace with the Indians, &c 704 

Council held by M. de Longueuil French commandant of Detroit, with the Indians, respecting a declara- 
tion of war against the English (of Carolina), 704 

Repliea of M. de Longueuil to the speech of the White River Indians 707 

Interview between six Iroquois deputies, and the Chevalier de Calliere at Montreal 708 

Letter of M. de Calliere to the Minister — the Iroquois— Mississippi^Lord Bellomont, &o 711 

Interview between the Iroquois deputies and M. de Calliere at Montreal 715 

Despatch of the King to Messrs. de Calliere and de Champigny — Iroquois — the Mississippi, &c 721 

Ratification of the peace made in the month of September last between the Colony of Canada and the 

Indians, , 722 

Cabinet paper, containing details of a project for the conquest of New England, <fee., 725 

Memoir by M. d'lberville, upon the situation of Boston, New- York, <fec., and the project for attacking 

them, 729 

Despatch of the King to M. de Calliere— Colonial affairs, <fec 735 

Extract of a letter of M. de Calliere to the Minister — peace with the Indians — Orange — New-York, Ac, 736 

E.\tract of a letter from M. de Calliere to the Minister — Onondagas — Orange — New-York, tfec, 739 

Extracts of a letter of M. de Beauharnois, Intendant of Canada, to the Minister — Indian aflfairs, &c., . . 740 

Extracts of a despatch of the King to Messrs. de Calli&re and de Beauharnois — Fort Frontenae — Detroit, 

&c 742 

Letter from M. de Vaudreuil to the Minister — death of M. de Calliere— menaces of the English, <fee.,.. 742 
Interviews with the Indiana by M. de Vaudreuil, Ac, in July, September and October, and notes by 

the Minister thereon 746 

Resume of a letter of Messrs. de Vaudreuil and Beauharnois, of this date, and notes of the Minister 

thereon 755 

Succinct detail of what composes the twenty millions (of livres) which the Colony of Canada produces 

yearly to the King and his subjects, 757 

Extract of a letter from M. de Vaudreuil to the Minister — Abenaquis — Iroquois — Detroit — Albany — Peter 

Schuyler, Ac 758 

Extract of a letter of Messrs. de Vaudreuil and Beauharnois, to the Minister — Indian affairs — Jesuits — 

,the English— Schuyler, Ac , 761 



xvi CONTENTS. 



Page. 



1705. 

June " 17. Extract of the King's despatch to M. de Vaudreuil— the Miamis— Onondagas, &a., 765 

October 19. Extracts of a letter from M. de Vaudrueil to the Minister, '?66 

August 16. Speech of the Indian deputies, to M. de Vaudreuil '?67 

August 17. Answer of the Goveruor-geaeral to the speech of the Indian Deputies 768 

October. Draft of a Treaty proposed by Colonel Vetch, on the part of Governor Dudley to M. de Vaudreuil, to 

be made between the Colonies of New France and New England 110 

1706. 

Proposal to be presented to the King in favor of taking immediate possession of Niagara, &c., 773 

April 28. Extract of a letter of M. de Vaudreuil to the Minister— Governor Dudley, <fec. 11 ^ 

June 9. Extract of a despatch from the Minister to M. de Vaudreuil— instructions in detail, <fec 776 

November 4. Extracts of a letter of M. de Vaudreuil to the Jlinister—Ottawas— Iroquois— Detroit— the English, <fcc., 779 
General Memoir, on the subject of the French dominion in Canada, from 1504 to 1706, with extracts 

from the despatches of the Governors, Ac, 781 

1671. 

June 14. Minute of Sieur de St. Lusson, of the taking possession of the Western country for the King of France, 803 

1707. 
June 30. Extracts from a despatch of the Minister to M. de Vaudreuil— to keep at peace with the Indians, and 

harass the English at Boston, &c. 804 

June 30 Instructions from the King to M. de Clerambaut d'Aigremont^ Ac.- the forts at Oswego, Niagara, Detroit, 

Ac 805 

June 30. Extracts from the despatcli of the King to Messrs. de Vaudreuil and Raudot, 808 

July 24. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to the Minister— Ottawas— Detroit, &c 810 

1708. 
June 6. Extract of a despatch from the Minister to M. Raudot, urging him to excite the Indians to a war with 

the English, &a 811 

June 6. Eytraots of the King's despatch to Messrs. de Vaudreuil and Raudot— His Majesty does not recognize 

Queen Anne, &a 811 

June 6. Extract of a despatch of the Minister to M. de Vaudreuil— Instructions, &c 812 

November 5. Extract of a letter of M. de Vaudreuil to the Minister— Onondagas— Boston— New-York, Ac 814 

May 24. Letter of Father d'Heu, to M. de Vaudreuil, dated Onondaga 815 

November 12. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to the Minister 816 

°^' ^ '. Letter of Colonel Peter Schuyler to M. de Vaudreuil, dated Orange, 818 

October 7. 

November 14. Report of M. de Clerambaut d'Aigremont to the Minister, concerning the advanced posts of Canada, &c., 819 

1709. 

April 27. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to the Minister— Schuyler— Onondagas— Orange, Ac 824 

July 6. Extract of the King's despatch to Messrs. de Vaudreuil and Raudot — to act on the defensive, &o 826 

July 6. Letter of the Minister to M. d'Aigremont, upon his Report of November 14, (supra) 826 

November 14. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to the Minister— details about Schuyler— Lake Champlain, &c. 828 

June 2. Examination of Samuel Whiting, taken prisoner by the French 835 

June 16. Letter of Father de Mareuil, Jesuit Missionary at Onondaga, to Father d'Heu, 836 

August 1. Examination of Querel Roulonse, by M. de Ramezay, at Crown Point 837 

June 14. Letter of M. de Joncaire to the Commandant at Fort Frontenac 838 

October 19. Letter of M. de Ramezay to M. de Vaudreuil— Schuyler— Grown Point, Ac, 838 

November. General statement of the condition of Canada in November, 1709 840 

1710. 

May 1. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to the Minister— Chambly— Lake Champlain— Schuyler going to England, Ac, 842 

May 10. Extract of a letter from the Minister to M. de Vaudreuil — Onondagas, Ac 844 

June 7. Letter from the Minister to M. de Vaudreuil— designs of the English, Ac. 845 

June. Notes by the Minister upon M. de Vaudreuil's letters, Ac 845 

November 3. Extracts of a letter from M. de Vaudreuil to the Minister— Onondagas— Schuyler— Ottawas— Orange, Ac, 846 

November 18. Extract of M. de Clerambaut d'Aigremont's report to the Minister — posts iu Canada, Ac 852 

1711. 

April 25. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to the Minister — New-York — Port Royal, Ac 863 

July 7. Despatch of the Minister to M. ae Vaudreuil— approves his conduct in reference to New-York — Boston 



— Indians, Ac,. 



856 



CONTENTS. 

1711. . 
October 25. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to the Minister — Albany — New-York — Boston — Onondagas — Port Royal, &«., 

1712. 
June 28. Extracts of the despatch of the Minister to M. de Vaudreuil — precautions to be taken against the 

English, &c 

November 6. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to the Minister — Detroit — Onondagas — Fort Frontenac, &e 

1713. 
July 4. Extract of a despatch of the Minister to M, de Vaudreuil 

17 U. 
October 1. Memoir showing the advantages of the post at the Detroit to the King, &c., 

1716. 
Febmary. Extracts of a general Memoir, addressed by M. de Vaudreuil, to the Regent, the Duke d'Orleans, upon 

the state of affairs in Canada 

October 15. Report by JI. Chaussegros de Lery, upon the fortifications of Quebec, &c 

November 7. Memorandum of the " Conseil de Marine," approving M. de Vaudreuil's proposition respecting the fort 

at Niagara, <fec 

November 12. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to the Council — Detroit — Albany, <fec 

1717. 
June 26. Extracts of a despatch of the Council to M. de Vaudreuil, to watch the conduct of the English — 
Governor Hunter, &c 



XVll 

Page. 



1718. 
January 



1719. 
May 
October 

1720. 
January. 
AprU 

172L 
January. 

March 
July 
August 
October 

1722. 
May 
June 



25. M. de Vaudreuil's account of his transactions with the Indians, 2-lth October, 1717, with the notes of 

the Council thereupon, 

Memoir on the subject of Acadia, in reference to the Abeuaquis, English, &c 

1. Memoir of Father Lafitau, on the subject of the trade in spirituous liquors with the Indians, with the 
order of the Council thereon. [In this paper is a copy of a letter of Francis Lovelace, Governor of 

New- York, to Father Pierron, dated 18th November, 1668, ] 

30. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to the Council — Indian affairs, 

General Memoir respecting the Indians between Lake Erie and the Mississippi, with remarks upon their 
territory, manners, habits, ifec, 

23. Extract of the despatch of Louis XV. to Messrs. de Vaudreuil and Begon — limits of Canada — Acadia, Ac, 
28. Extract of a letter from M. de Vaudreuil to the Council — Illinois — Miamis, &c., 



Memoir by Father Aubrey, upon the subject of the boundary between New France and New Enghind, &e., 
20. Census of Canada, according to M. Begon's return of 14th November, 1719 

Report of the Council of Marine, approving Messrs. de Vaudreuil and Begon's proceedings respecting 

Fort Niagara, <fec., .* 

24. Census of Canada, according to M. Begon's return, 26th October, 1720, 

11. Letter of Governor Burnet of New-York, to M. de Vaudreuil — Niagara, 

24. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to Governor Burnet, in reply, defending the French occupation of Niagara, (fee, 

8. Extracts of a letter of Messrs. de Vaudreuil and Begon to the King — English establishments in the Indian 

country — forts — trade, <fec., 

24. Census of Canada, according to Messrs. de Vaudreuil and Begon's return, 4th November, 1721 

8. Extract of a despatch of the King to Messrs. de Vaudreuil and J|gon — designs of the English upon Fort 



Niagara, <fec., . 

October 17. Memoir of Messrs. de Vaudreuil and Begon to the Council — ^Boston — the Abenaquis, &c 

1723. 

March. Memoir concerning the French Limits in America, drawn up and presented by Sieur Bob6 

April 21. Extracts of letters of the Governors and Intendants of Canada, respecting the expeditions and 

encroachments of the English, in Canada, since the treaty of Nimeguen, in 1678, 

January 18. Rc8um6 of the letters of Messrs. de Vaudreuil and Begon — Abenaquis — New England — Iroquois, Ac 

May 30. Extract of a Memoir of the King to Messrs. de Vaudreuil and Begon — the French must not appear in 

the war between the English and the Indians, but their influence must be exerted, (fee 

November 28. Letter of M de Vaudreuil to the Minister— English and Abenaquis, <fec 

General Memoir upon the present state of the Abenaquis, 

Vol. IX. c 



CONTENTS. 



1725. 
April 



April 



August 
August 


7. 
7. 


1726. 
May 


7. 


May 


7. 


May 


7. 


May 


14. 


May 
July 
August 
October 


16. 
6. 
16. 
25. 


1727. 
April 
April 
August. 


29. 


September 25. 
July 20. 
August 8. 
July U. 
August 1. 

July. 


November 1. 


December 21. 


April 

1728. 
March 


29. 
6. 


March 


9. 


May 


9. 


March 


16. 


May 


14. 


June 


22. 



1729. 
January 25. 



Page. 
Extract of a letter of M. Begon to Count de Maurepas the Minister, on the subject of war betireen the 

English and the Abenaquis, 941 

Abstract of letters from M. de Vaudreuil and Father de la Chasse, on the subject of New England 

troubles with the Abenaquis, <fec 945 

Abstract of M. de Vaudreuil's letters respecting the Abenaquis — English at Boston — their ambition, Ac, 947 
Abstract of letters of Messrs. de Vaudreuil and Begon of 22d May and 10th June — English at Oswego — 

encroachments on the French Territory, <fee. 949 

Cabinet paper respecting the English Fort at Oswego, and resumft of the letter of Messrs. de Longueuil 

and Begon of 31st Octobei-, 1725, detailing the journey of the former to Oswego, Onondaga, <fec., . 952 
Notes by the Minister upon the news from Canada about the war between New England and the 

Indians, Ac, 955 

Extracts from the Instructions of the King to the Marquis de Beauharnois, appointed Governor, ifec, in 

Canada 966 

Extraots from the King's despatch to Messrs. de Beauharnois and Dupuy — English at Oswego— the 

Indians to be engaged against them, &c 957 

Letter from the Duke of Newcastle to Mr. Walpole, about the French Fort at Niagara, 959 

Letter of Governor Burnet to M. de Longueuil, about the French Fort at Niagara 960 

Letter of M. de Longueuil, to Governor Bnrnet, in reply 960 

Extracts of letters of the Governors and Intendants of Canada, respecting the limits with the English, 

and the Iroquois, from 28th April, 1716, to 25th October, 1726 960 

Letter from the Duke of Newcastle to Mr. Walpole, respecting the Fort at Niagara, 963 

Extracts of a Memoir of the King to Messrs. Beauharnois and Dupuy — Fort at Niagara — Albany, Ac, 964 
Letter from a Penobscot chief explanatory of the Treaty of peace concluded at Caskebay, between the 

English and Indians 966 

Letter of M. de Beauharnois to the Minister — Fort at Oswego, Ac 968 

Letter of M. de Beauharnois to Governor Burnet of New-York 969 

Letter of Governor Burnet to M. de Beauharnois, in reply 970 

Summons jnade by M. Begon to the Commander of the Fort at Oswego, 973 

Proccs Verbal of the delivery of the same 974 

Speech of some Iroquois to Chevalier Begon on his way to Oswego 975 

Resum6 of the Canadian letters on the subject of the Forts at Niagara and Oswego, in 1725, 1726, and 

1727, and notes by the Minister and King thereupon 976 

French answer to the memorial of H. B. M., respecting Fort Niagara, Ac 980 

Resume of a Memoir of M. Dupuy, on the subject of the pretensions of the English in America, and 

notes by the Minister thereon 985 

Letter of the Board of Trade to the Duke of Newcastle, in reference to the French encroachments on 

New-York, Ac 988 

Extract of a Memoir of the King to Messrs. de Beauharnois and Dupuy — Abenaquis, 989 

Resume, for the King, of the letters of Messrs. de Beauharnois and Dupuy, in reference to the Indians in 

Canada — the English — their designs, with the Minister's report, Ac, 990 

Memoir of the Hon. Mr. Walpole, to the Court of France, respecting the Fort built by the English at 

Oswego 996 

Memoir of the Hon. Mr. Walpole respecting the Fort at Niagara, presented to his Eminence the Cardinal 

de Fleury 997 

Abstract of the correspondence upon the subject of the Forts at Niagara and Oswego — the designs of 

the English, with the Minister's Report, Ac 999 

Extract of a despatch of the King to Messrs. de Beauharnois and Dupuy — Abenaquis — posts at Niagara 

— Oswego — designs of the English — instructions 1002 

Letter of the Hon. Mr. Walpole to the keeper of the seals, on the subject of the Forts at Niagara, 

Oswego, Ac 1006 

Summary of the proceedings of M. de la Chauvignerie, sent by the Governor of Canada to the 

Onondagas 1007 

Abstract of Mwsrfi., de Beauharnois and d'Aigremont's letters in relation to Oswego — Niagara — 

proposed post at La Galette — the Shawneee on the Ohio, with the decision of the King, 1010 



CONTENTS. X'i.v 

1729. Pa..k. 

October 26. Abstracts of letters of Messrs. de Beauharuois and Hoequart — Abenaquis — Lake Oulario — Scioux — 

Iroquois, <fee 1014 

1730. 
October 10. Letter of M. de Beauli^iraois to Couat de Maurepas, the Minister, inclosing intelligence from Albany- 
respecting the Indians, &c., 1018 

October 16. Letter of Messrs. de Beauharnois and Hoequart, to the Count de Maurepas iu relation to the affair 

of John Henry Lidyus, convicted of heresy, tampering with the Indians, &c 1019 

1731. 
February 5. Cabinet memoranda upon the subject of the establishment proposed to be be made at Crown Point, on 

Lake Champlaiu, with a Memoir on the locality of that post 1021 

April 24. Extracts of a letter from the Minister to M. de Beauharnois — views of the English, <fee., 1023 

May 8. Extracts of a despatch of the King to Messrs. de Beauharnois and Hoequart — post at Oswego — St. 

Lawrence — Crown Point — construction of a fleet — Louisiana, ifec, 1024 

October 1. Letter of M. de Beauharnois to the Minister — Abenaquis — western Indians — Oswego — Crown 

Point, <fec 1026 

October 1. Letter of Messrs. de Benuharnois and Hoequart to the Minister — correspondence with Governor 

Montgomerie of New-York, <$rc., 1029 

October 1. Letter of Messrs. Beauharnois and Hoequart to the Minister— Indian trade, <fec 1030 

October 23. Letter of Messrs. Beauharnois and Hoequart to the Minister — Accessories to the escape of the Niagara 

Mutineers, &c. 1031 

1732. 
April 22. Extract of the King's despatch to Messrs. de Beauharnois and Hoequart — Crown Point — instructions as 

to passports for English entering Canada — to be rigorously executed, &c., 1033 

June 13. Protest of the Eai-l of Waldegrave, English Ambassador to the French government, against the Fort at 

Crown Point, and demand that it be destroyed, &c., 1034 

October 1 5. Letter of M. de Beauharnois to the Minister — Ohio — Iroquois — Intrigues of the English — Albany, &c., 1035 

1733. 
February 18. Cabinet memorandum respecting the designs of the English on Lake Champlain and the River 

Ouabache, and approval of M. de Beauharnois' conduct, &c., 1037 

1734. 
October 10. Letter ( decyphered) of M. de Beauharnois to the Minister — projects of the English — Indians — Albany 

— military affairs, &c., 1038 

August 19. Conference between M. de Beauharuois and the Onondagas 1041 

December 27. Resume of M. Beauharnois' despatch of the 10th of October (xupra ) 1044 

Abstract of the general census of Canada, for this year, 1046 

1735. 
May 10. Letter of the Minister to M. de Beauharuois — precautions to be taken against the English— forts — 

Indians to be induced to side with France, if possible — impossible to furnish supplies needed from 

France, &e 1047 

1736. 
October 12. Extracts of a letter of Messrs. de Beauharnois and Hoequart to the Minister — forts — Indians — Detroit 

— Mississippi — Acadia, &e., 1048 

Enumeration of the Indian nations having relations with the government of Canada; with statement 

of the warriors of each tribe, and their emblematical devices, &c 1052 

1787. 
May 10. Extract of the King's despatch to Messrs. de Beauharnois and Hoequart — navigation of Lakes Ontario 

and Champlain — Detroit — Ottawas — Scioux — Iroquois — Abenaquis, &o 1069 

1789. 
January 16. Letter of the Earl of Waldegrave ( English Ambassador) to the Count de Maurepas, with memorandum 

respecting a proposed French establishment at Wood creek, &e., 1061 

January. Cabinet memorandum, in answer to the note of the Earl of Waldegiave, respecting a supposed 

French fort at Wood creek, &c 1062 

1740. 

August Extract of proceedings of a Council held with the Indians at Albanj^, 1062 

September 12. Speech of the Five Nations to M. de Beaueours, Governor of Montreal 1063 

September 20. Answer of M. de Beauharnois to the speech of the Indians to M. de Beaueours, 1065 

October 31. Letter ( decyphered ) of M. de Beauharnois to the Minister — precautions against the English, (fee 1068 

1741. 
September 21. Letter of M. de Beauharuois to the Minister — negotiations with the Indians— the English, ifec 1069 



CONTENTS. 



July 


8. 


July 


30. J 


August 


3. 


August 


7. 


August 


12. 


August 


12. 


August 


17. 


August 


20. 


September 1. 


1742. 




July 


6. 


July 


18. 


July 


17. 


July 


31. 


July 


30. 


1743. 




October 


13. 


1744. 




January. 




March 


4. 


April 


15. 


March 


2. 


April 


20. 


1743. 




December 26. 


1744. 




October 


8. 


October 


29. 


October 


19. 


November 7. 



Page. 

Message of M. de Beauharnois to the Ottawas of Michilimakinac 1072 

Answer of M. de Beauliarnois to the Iroquois of Sanlt St. Louis, 1073 

Message of M. de Beauharnois to the Iroquois of Sault St. Louis 1074 

Message of the Seneeas to M. de Beauharnois 1075 

Message of M. de Beaubarnais to the Indians of the Lake of the two Mountains, i'C, 1076 

Answer of the Iroquois, &c., to the above speech 1079 

Speech of the Onondagas and others to M. de Beauharnois 1081 

Answer of M. de Beauharnois to the above speech, 1082 

Reply of M. de Beauharnois to the message of the Seneeas 1083 

Abstract of despatches from Canada respecting Oswego and the Western tribes, 1085 

Speech of the Onondagas to M. de Beauharnois 1086 

Answer of M. de Beauharnois to the Onondagas 1088 

Speech of the Seneeas to M. de Beauharnois 1089 

Answer of M. de Beauharnois to the Seneeas, 1091 

Statement of the artillery in the various forts, &e., in Canada at this date 1094 

Letter from M. de Beauharnois to the Minister — Indian affairs, Ac, 1095 

Abstract of Messrs. de Beauharnois and Hocquart's despatch of October 10, 1743— Detroit— Iroquois, <fec., 1099 

Cabinet memorandum — English on Lake Ontario— commerce, &c 1 100 

Letter of M. de Beauharnois to the Minister, 1101 

Proems Verbal by M. Beaubassin, of his journey to Fort Anne, 1101 

Letter of M. de Beauharnois to the Minister, 1102 

Message of the English to the Five Nations, this day, 1102 

Letter of M. de Beauharnois to the Minister— English designs— posts at Niagara— Oswego— Acadia — 

Indians — Missionaries, &o., 1103 

Letter of M. de Beauharnais to the Minister, 1109 

Intelligence brought to M. de Beaucours, by an Indian returned from Albany, 1109 

Letter of M. de Beauharnois to the Minister— intelligence from Detroit— Niagara— Oswego, &c 1111 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 



Page. 

Indun Totems, 45, 47 

Indun Hieroglyphics, to face 49, 50 

Plan and Elevation of the Fort at the mouth of the Oswego river. 1727 " 996 

Map of Lake Chamflain, " 1022 



PARIS DOCUMENTS 

I-YIII. 



French and English Discoveries in America. 1631. 

Abstract of the Discoveries in New France, as well of those made by us as by 
the English, from the Virginias to Davis Straits, and of what they and we 
can claim, according to the report of Historians who have written thereof, 
which will enable every one to judge dispassionately of the whole.^ 

The English do not deny us all New France and cannot question what the whole world has 
admitted; they therefore only argue about boundaries, restricting us to Cape Breton, which is 
in latitude of 45| degrees, not permitting us to go farther South, claiming to themselves the 
entire extent from Florida to Cape Breton; and within these last years they have been desirous 
to usurp, as they have done, even unto the River Saint Lawrence. 

The foundation of their pretension is this: — About the year 1594, being on the Coast of 
Florida, they arrived at a place called by the said English Mocosa, having found some rivers and 
an agreeable country there, they began to build, giving it the name of the Virginias, but being 
thwarted by the Savages and other accidents, they were forced to abandon it, having remained 
there only two or three years. Nevertheless, the late King James of England ascending 
the Throne since, he adopted the resolution to explore, settle and cultivate that country ; for the 
encouragement whereof, he granted extensive privileges to those who would undertake this 
settlement, and among the rest, extended their right of property from the SS"* to the 4:5'^ and 
46"" degrees of Latitude, giving them power over all strangers they may find within that extent 
of country and 50 miles Seaward. These Charters of the King were issued on the lO"- of 

' Samtjel de Champlain, Geographer to the Kiog, would seem to have been the author of this Paper. It is found printed 
at length in Part IL, p. 290, of his Voyages de la Nouvelle France Occidentale, 4to, Paris, 1632, under this title. "Abregfe des 
Descovvertvres de la Nouuelle France, tant de ce que nous auons descouuert comme aussi les Anglois, depuis les Virginea 
iusqu'au Freton Davis, & de ce qu'eux & nous pouuons pretendre, suiuant le rapport des Historians qui en ont descrit, que 
ie rapporte cy dessous, qui feront iuger k m chacun du tout sans passion." 

Vol. IX. 1 



2 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

April, in the fourth year of his reign, and of grace 1607; 24 years ago. This is all that can 
be learned regarding those Countries from their commissions and documents. 

Here is what we answer them: — 

That in the first place, their Royal Charters, on which they stand, contradict their 
pretension, because this special exception is expressly stated therein — " We grant them all the 
Countries to the 45"' degree which are not actually possessed by any Christian Prince." Now 
it happens that at the date of these Charters, the King of France actually, and really possessed 
of the said Countries at least as far as the fortieth degree of Latitude, where the Dutch 
established themselves some years since; all the world knows it by Sieur de Champlain's 
Voyages, printed with the Maps, Ports and Harbors of all the Coasts drawn by him of which 
ever}' body since made use and adapted to Globes and Maps of the World {Cartes Universelles,) 
which have been corrected according to this description. And 'tis to be seen by the said voyages 
that they were in 1604 at Saint Croix, and in 1607 at Port Royal, which said Champlain 
named, as well as several other places seen on the Maps, the whole settled by the late 
Sieur de Mons, who, as his most Christian Majesty's Lieutenant, governed all the Country as 
far as the fortieth degree. 

Before the preceding year 1603, the said Champlain made the voyage to New France and 
into the Great River Saint Lawrence, by order of his most Christian Majesty, to whom, on 
his return he submitted a report thereof, which report and description he caused to be printed 
at the time. He departed on the 15"" May of the same year, from Honfleur, in Normandy; at 
that same time, the late Sieur Commander de Caste, Governor of Dieppe, was Lieutenant 
General in the said New France, from the 40"" to the SS** degree of Latitude. 

If the English say that they have possessed the Virginias not only from the year 1603, 4 
and 7, but from the year 1594, when they discovered [it] as we have stated. 

We answer, that the River they then began to possess, is at the 36"" and 37"' degrees, and 
that this their hap-hazard allegation might avail, if there were question only of occupying that 
river, and 7 to eight leagues on one and the other side of it, for so far may the eye be able 
ordinarily to embrace ; but claiming by sovereignty, it is rather an over monstrous stretch of 
the arm, or rather of cognizance, to extend thirty-six times farther than was explored. Let 
us suppose it possible. 

It would follow that Ribaut and Laudonniere having in the year 1564, 5, 6, gone well 
equipped to Florida by authority of King Charles IX., to cultivate and settle the Country, 
being there, founded Carolina at the 35"" and 36"" degree; thus the English are out of the 
Virginias, according to their own machinery. 

Why shall they, being at 36 or 37, advance to 45, rather than we being, as they admit, at 
46, descend as far as 37? What right have they more than we? This is our answer to 
the English. 

And it is very certain and acknowledged by all, that his most Christian Majesty hath taken 
possession of tiiose lands before any other Prince, and it is certain that the Bretons and 
Normans first discovered the Great Bank and Newfoundland. These discoveries were made 
in the year 1504, 126 years ago, as may be seen in Niflet's and Antoine Magin's History 
printed at Douay. 

And further, all confess that by command of King Francis, Jean Verrazan took possession in 
the name of France of said Countries beginning from the 33'' degree to the 47"'. This was in 
two voyages, the last of which was in the year 1523, 107 years ago. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 3 

Besides, Jacques Cartier, was the first to enter the Great River S' Lawrence in two voyages 
made thither, and discovered the greatest portion of the coasts of Canada; in the latter of his 
voyages, in 1535, he ascended as far as the Great Sault Saint Louis of the said Great River. 

And he made another voyage in the year 1541, as Lieutenant to M"' Jean Francois de la 
Rocque, Sieur de Robert Val, who was Lieutenant General of said Cbuntry, this was his third 
voyage when he remained. Not being able to live in the Country with the Savages who were 
insufferable,' he concluded to return in the Spring, which he did in a vessel he had reserved, 
and being past the Island of Newfoundland, he met said Sieur Robert-Val vrho was coming 
with 3 ships in the year 1542. He caused said Cartier to return to the Island of Orleans 
where they made a settlement, and having remained there some time, it is said that his 
Majesty required him for some important affairs, and this enterprise by degrees failed, through 
want of applying the requisite vigilance. 

About the same time Alphonse Saintongeois was dispatched^ by the said S"" de Robert-Val, 
others say by his Majesty, who discovered the Northern Coast of the Great bay, or Gulf of 
Saint Lawrence, and the Strait between the Island of Newfoundland and the Continent to the 
North up to the 52'' degree of Latitude. 

Afterwards the Marquis de la Roche of Brittany was, in the year 1598, in these countries of 
New France as his Majesty's Lieutenant; next Sieur Chauven of Honfleur in Normandy, 
Commanders de Chaste and de Mons, as is stated — and Sieur de Pointrjncourt and Madam 
de Quercheville, who had some department in Acadie, sent thither la Saulsaye with whom 
were the Reverend Jesuit Fathers who, as well as Port Royal, were captured by the English, 
the said Sieur Champlain having discovered and caused to be discovered 28 years since, divers 
countries, over 4 to 500 leagues inland, as is seen by his preceding Relations printed from the 
year 1603 to the present time 1631. 

Let us come to what is found written respecting the voyages of the English, it is not 
enough that they boast of being the first who discovered those countries : that they are, is 
questioned. It is very certain when any natural discovery is made, people are sufficiently 
curious to describe its epoch. The English have not neglected this, neither have other 
Nations according to the memoirs sent to them, they forget nothing that has been done. But 
we do not find in any author that the English ever took possession of the Countries of New 
France until after the French. 

It is true the English discovered on the North side towards Labrador and Davis Straits 
some lands, islands and some passages from the 56"' degree towards the Arctic pole, as is seen 
by the voyages printed as well in England as elsewhere ; showing of what they can avail 
themselves, without usurpation, of which they have been guilty in several parts of New 
France. We must be blind and ignorant not to perceive the truth that History teaches us. 

In the first place, Sebastian Cabot was, by order of King Henry VII of England, in the 
year 1499, to discover some passages towards Labrador, and returned unsuccessful ; and Mr. 
Martin Frobisher, since in the years 1576, 77 and 78 made three voyages thither. Seven 
years afterwards Honfroy Guibert was there. Next, John Davis discovered a Strait called 
after his name. Etienne Permenud was at the Island of Newfoundland, on its North East side, 
in the year 1583. Another, named Richard Witaabours, was sent shortly after to the same 
coast; then a man called Captain George was there in the year 1590, towards the North. 
From the latest memoir, an English Captain was in the year 1612 to the North where he 

' and being unable to make any further discoveries. Champlain. — Ed. " towards la Brador. Ibid. 



4 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

discovered a passage in the 63"* degree, as appears by the Map printed in England, and 
experiencing difficulties in the discovery of the passage for which so many Navigators have 
looked to go Westward to the East Indies for thirty-five years they have stretched as well to 
the Virginias as to the Countries belonging to us. 

Now the common consent of all Europe represents New France as extending at least to the 
35"" and 36"" degrees of latitude, as appears by the Maps of the world printed in Spain, Italy, 
Holland, Flanders, Germany, England, even when, if not since, they seized the coasts of 
New France where lie Acadie, Etechemins,^ Almouchicois^ and the Great River of Saint 
Lawrence, on which they have imposed, according to their fancy, the names of New England, 
New Scotland, etc. But it is not easy to efface a thing that is known to all Christendom. 



Louis XIII. to Sieur D''Aunay Oliarnisay. 

Letter of King Louis IS"" on the subject of the boundaries of Sieur D'Aunay 
Charnisay and Sieur Delacour's Commands in New France. 10 Feb'' 1638. 

Monsieur D'Aunay Charnisay. Wishing a good understanding to exist between you and 
Sieur de La Cour,^ and that the boundaries of the places where the one and the other of you will 
be in command may not excite any controversy between you, I have thought proper to give 
you particularly to understand my intention respecting the extent of said Countries, which is — 
that, under the authority I have given to my Cousin, Cardinal Duke de Richelieu over all the 
Countries newly discovered by means of Navigation, of which he is Superintendent, you be 
my Lieutenant General on the Etchemins Coast beginning from the centre of the main land 
on la Bale Francaise^ and proceeding towards the Virginias and the Governor of Pentagouet, 
and that the government of Sieur de La Cour, my Lieutenant General on the Coast of 
Acadie, be from the centre of the Bale Francaise to the Gut of Canseau. Thus you will not 
have power to alter any arrangement in the Settlement on the River S' John made by said 
Sieur de La Cour who in his economy and plantation will order as he thinks proper and the 
said Sieur de La Cour will not take upon himself either, to make any change whatever in 
the settlements of La Haiue and Port Royal or in any Ports. As for the Indian Trade 
{la Trocque) it will be carried on as in the lifetime of Commander de Razilly. As regards 
other matters, you will continue and redouble your care for the preservation of the places 
which are within the limits of your charge, and especially take particular heed that no 
foreigners establish themselves within the country and coasts of New France, of which the 
Kings, my ancestors, have caused possession to be taken in their name. You will render me, 
as soon as possible, an account of the state of affairs beyond there and particularly with what 

' The Etchemins inhabited the country between the rivers Penobscot, Maine, and St. John, New Brunswick. Williamson's 
History of Maine, I., 469. — Ed. 

" Between Pentagoet and the Kenebeck, were, in former limes, some Indians called Armouchiquois. They retired towards 
New England. Charlevoix Histoire de la Nouvelle France, 4to I., 134. Gallatin says they extended from Saco to Cape Cod. 
Synopsis, 31. Williamson adds, that they were Etchemins, and have some villages at present on the river St. John. History of 
Maine. I., 477. 

' Now, the Bay of Fundy. ' La Tonr. Charlev. 



PAEIS DOCUMENTS: I. 5 

view and commissions some Foreigners have introduced themselves and formed settlements 
on said coasts, so that I may provide and send you the orders I shall think necessary on that 
suhject by the first vessels vphich will go to your quarter. Herein I pray God that he may 
have you, Monsieur D 'Aunay, in his holy keeping. 

Written at Saint Germain en Laye the 10 February. 

Louis 

BOUTHILLIER 



Negotiations hetween Nefio France and Neio England. 
Letter of the Council of Quebec to the Commissioners of New England. 

Gentlemen: It is now several years since the gentlemen of Boston proposed to us to 
establish commerce between New France and New England. The Council constituted by his 
Majesty in these Countries, united their answers to the letters which our Governor had written 
to your quarter, the tenor of which was, that we would willingly desire that commerce, and 
at the same time the union of hearts and spirits, between your Colonies and ours, but that we 
should wish to enter at the same time into a league offensive and defensive with you against 
the Iroquois, our enemies, who would impede us in that trade, or would at least render it less 
advantageous for you and for us. The obligation which, it seems to us, you are under to 
check the insolence of those Iroquois Savages, who kill the Sokoquis^ and the Abenaquis your 
allies, and moreover, the facility you can enjoy in this war by taking us the right way, are two 
reasons which have induced us to prosecute this matter with you at your Court of Commissioners. 
We have requested our Governor to write effectually to you. This is to unite our entreaties 
to his, and to assure you of the disposition of our hearts and of all those of New France, for 
this trade with New England, and for the prosecution of this war against the Iroquois who 
ought to be our common Enemies. Besides Sieur Druillettes, who had already begun this 
winter to negotiate this affair, we were very glad that Sieur Godefroy our fellow Councillor was 
of the party. The Character of these two Deputies induces us to expect a successful issue of 
this design. They are provided with the powers necessary for that purpose. I wish to say this 
as much to knit trade effectually between you and us, as to lighten the expenses it will be 
necessary to incur for the proposed war against the Iroquois Savages. We beg you to listen 
to them, and to act with them as you would with us, with the frankness which is as natural 
to Englishmen as to us French. We cannot doubt but God will bless both your arms and 
ours, as they will be employed for the defence of Christian Indians, as well your allies as ours, 
against barbarous Heathens, who have neither God nor Faith nor any Justice in all their 
proceedings, as you will be able to learn more at length from the Gentlemen, our said Deputies, 
who will assure you of the sincere desire we entertain that Heaven may always go on blessing 
your Provinces and heaping its favors. Gentlemen, on you. 

' Or Saeo Indians ; they were an Abenaqui tribe. Williamson, I., 465 ; Gallatin, 32. Some of them assisted at the burning 
of Schenectady in 1690, in the destruction of the Mohawk castles in 1693, and accompanied Frontenae against the 
Onondagas in 1696. After removing with the Abenaquis into Canada, they settled, La Potherie-says ( Voyages de VAmerique, 
I., 309), at St. Francis in 1700. — Ed. 



6 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Done in the Chamber of the Council established by the King, at Quebec in New France, this 
twentieth of June One thousand six hundred and fifty-one, and .is marked Signed by the 
Council, and on the back is written A M''K M'''. les Commiss''^ des provinces Uniez de la 
Nouvelle Angletterre. 

Collated with the minute found in the files (liasses) of the ancient Council, by me the 
undersigned King's Councillor, Secretary and Greffier to the Sovereign Council at Quebec. 
Signed: Penuset, with paraphe. 

Extract from the Registers of the Ancient Council of this Country, of the 
twentieth day. of June, one thousand six hundred and fifty-one. 

The Council met at nine o'clock in the morning, at which assisted the Governor, the 
Reverend Father Superior, Mess" de Mauze, de Godefroy, and Menoil, on the proposal to 
the Council regarding certain rescript made by the Gentlemen of the Council in the year 1648, 
to Mess" the Commissioners of the States of New England for a Union between the Colonies 
of New France and New England for mutual trade. 

The Council wishing to comply with their request, nominated and nominates Sieur de 
Godefroy, one of the Councillors of the Council established by his Majesty in this Country, to 
repair with the Reverend Father Druiliettes to the said New England to the said Sieurs 
Commissioners, to treat and act with these agreeably to the power to them given by the 
Gentlemen of the Council, Copy whereof is in the file, as well as Copy of the letter 
written to the said Sieurs the Commissioners of New England by the Gentlemen of the Council. 
And respecting the merchandize brought by a man named Thomas Jost, on the assurance and 
good faith of the Reverend Father Druiliettes, the Council hath deliberated that a messenger 
should be sent to meet him, in order to point out to him the place where he may deliver it, 
and that at his convenience. Signed : Penuset. with paraphe. 

Commission to the Rev-^ Father Druiliettes and M"' Jean Godefroy as Ambassadors 
to New England. 

Louis Dailleboust, Lieutenant General for the King and Governor of all etc. Health. 
Having been requested and solicited as well by the Christian Savages depending on our 
Government, as by the Abenaquis residing on the River Quinibeck, and others their allies, to 
protect them against the incursions of the Iroquois their common enemies, as was formerly 
done by the Sieur de Montmagny, our predecessor in this government, and having it represented 
to us anew that all their tribes were in danger of being entirely destroyed if we did not quickly 
apply a remedy ; Therefore, and for the good of this Colony and according to the particular 
orders given us on the part of the Queen Regent, the King's Mother, to protect the Indians 
against their said Enemies, We have, by and with the advice of the Council established by 
the King in this Country, and of some of the most notable of the Inhabitants, deputed and 
do depute Sieurs Gabriel Druiliettes, Preacher of the Gospel to the Indian Nations, and Jean 
Godefroy, one of the Councillors of said Council, their Ambassador to the Gentlemen of 
New England, to treat either with Mess" the Governor and Magistrates of New England, or 
with the General Court of Commissioners and Deputies of the United Colonies, for aid in 
men, munitions of war and provisions to attack the said Iroquois in the most proper and 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 7 

convenient places, as well as to agree upon the articles which may be deemed necessary for 
the assurance of this Treaty, and to grant the said Gentlemen of New England the Trade 
which they desired of us by their letters of the year One thousand Six hundred and forty- 
seven, with the articles, clauses and conditions which they will consider necessary to make 
therein, until the arrival of the Ambassador whom we shall send on our part to ratify and 
finally conclude what they will have granted. We, therefore request all Governors, Lieutenant 
Generals, Captains and others to allow free pass &c. 

Collated with the Minute found in the files of the ancient Council by me the undersigned 
His Majesty's Councillor, Secretary and Chief Greffier to the Sovereign Council at Quebec. 
Signed: Penuset with paraphe. 

Compared at Quebec, this 12"' 9"" 1712. 

Vaudreuil. 



Edict for the Creation of tlie Sovereign Council of Qiiehec. 

Louis, by the Grace of God King of France and Navarre, to all present and to come. Health. 
The property of the Country of New France, which did belong to a Company of our subjects 
established to found Colonies there by virtue of concessions granted to them by the Treaty 
executed the 29"' April 1628, by the late King, Our most honored Lord and Father of Glorious 
memory, having been ceded to us by a contract voluntarily made by those interested in said 
Company, in Our favor the 24"" February last; in order to promote the interests of the 
said countries and to cause, at the same time, those who inhabit them to experience the same 
repose and happiness Our other subjects enjoy, since it hath pleased God to grant us Peace, 
We have deemed it expedient to provide for the establishment of Justice, as being the 
commencement and a preamble absolutely necessary for the due administration of affairs, and 
for the security of government, the stability of which depends as much on the maintenance of 
the laws and of Our ordinances as on the strength of Our arms; and being well informed 
that the distance of places is too great to admit of a remedy from hence in all matters with 
the requisite diligence, the circumstances of said affairs being ordinarily changed when Our 
orders arrive on the spot, and that the conjuncture and evils require prompter remedies than 
those We can apply to them from so great a distance ; We have considered that we could 
not adopt a better resolution than to establish a regulated Justice and a Sovereign Council 
in said Country for the encouragement of law, the maintenance and support of the good, 
the chastisement of the wicked, and the keeping each within his duty, causing the 
observance as much as possible there, of the same form of justice as obtains in Our 
Kingdom, and the said Sovereign Council to be composed of a number of officers suitable 
for its functions. Be it known that We, for these reasons and others Us moving, by the 
advice of Our Council at which were the Queen Our most honored Lady and Mother, Our 
most dear and beloved only brother the Duke of Orleans, Our most dear and beloved Cousin 



8 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

the Prince of Conde, and many other Princes, great and Noble Personages of Our said Council, 
and of Our certain knowledge, full Power and Royal authority, have created, erected, 
ordained, established, and by these presents signed by Our hand, create, erect, ordain and 
establish a sovereign Council in Our said Country of New France, ceded unto Us, as is set 
forth by the contract of cession from the Company to which the property thereof belonged, to 
be the said Sovereign Council sitting in Our City of Quebec, reserving, nevertheless, unto 
Ourselves the power of transferring the said Council to such town and other places of said 
Country as shall appear to Us good, according to circumstances and occurrences; which 
Sovereign Council We will to be composed of Our dear and beloved Sieurs de Mezi,' Governor 
representing Our person; de Laval, Bishop of Petrde; Robert, Intendant, and four others whom 
they shall name and choose conjointly and in concert; and of one, our Attorney to the said 
Sovereign Council; and they shall cause them to take the oath of fidelity at their hands; 
which four persons, chosen to fill the offices of Councillors, shall be annually changed or 
continued as shall be deemed most proper and advantageous by the said Governor, Bishop and 
Intendant. We have also given and granted, give and grant to the said Sovereign Council, 
the power to try all civil and criminal cases, to judge sovereignly and in last resort, according 
to the laws and ordinances of Our Kingdom, and to proceed therein, as much as possible in 
the manner and form observed and practiced in the precinct of our Court of Parliament at 
Paris, reserving to ourselves, however, to change, reform and amplify, according to our 
Sovereign Power the said Laws and ordinances, to derogate from and abolish them, to make 
new or such Regulations, Statutes and constitutions as We shall consider most useful for Our 
service and for the good of Our subjects of the said Country; and inasmuch as there will be 
need of a Greffier or Secretary for the preservation of the Minutes of arrets, judgments and 
other acts and orders of Council, We, in like manner, will that the said Governor, Bishop 
and Intendant shall appoint such person as they think proper to perform the functions of 
Greffier and Secretary who, likewise, shall be annually changed or continued according as the 
said Sieurs shall think fit: We, moreover, will that the four Councillors chosen by the said 
Governor, Bishop and Intendant be empowered to decide suits and differences of minor 
consequence and to have an eye upon, and superintend the execution of matters decided by 
said Council, in order that the said Commissioners obtain a more intimate knowledge of the 
afiiiirs which shall be proposed therein, reporting thither what they may be instructed by 
the Syndics of the settlements in said Country, by the inhabitants thereof, strangers, sojourners 
and others, to whom We will and expect that prompt justice shall be rendered: And in order 
that those who shall be promoted to the honors, powers, authorities, pre-eminences, privileges 
and freedoms to said offices appertaining, and to the salaries which shall be thereunto affixed 
by the schedule We shall cause to be dispatched, shall enjoy said appointments, the officers 
of said Sovereign Council being unable without Our permission to exercise any other 
office, have salaries, or receive presents or pensions from whomsoever they may come, 
other than those which shall be granted them by Us, We give it in command to Sieur 
de Mezi, Governor, de Laval, Bishop of Petree, and Robert, Intendant, that this Our present 
Edict which they have to execute and cause to be executed for the selection by them of said 

' Chevalier de Mezt, Major of the Citadel of Caen, in Normandy, was originally a Calvinist His brilliant conversion and 
extreme humility recommended him to the Bishop of Petr6e, through whose influence he was appointed in March, 1663, 
Governor of Canada ; he sailed for that country in May following. Ilis administration was one of discord and troubles, from 
which death relieved him at Quebec, on the 5th of May, 1665. — Ed. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS: I. 9 

Councillors, Our Attorney and Greffier, these being assembled, shall by them be published 
and enregistered, point by point, according to its form and tenor, and have the contents thereof 
observed and obeyed, notwithstanding all obstacles, oppositions or appeals whatsoever if any 
intervene, We reserve unto Ourselves the cognizance thereof, and have referred and refer the 
same to the said Councillors of New France, and for this purpose interdict and forbid all Our 
ancient Courts and Judges, And whereas the present Edict may be required in divers parts of 
said Country, We will that the same credit be attached to the Copies collated by the Greffier 
of said Council as to the Original, sealed, however, with the Seal of our Arms, as well as all 
other the orders decreed by the said Council. We, nioreover, command all judges, officers, 
inhabitants of said Country, sojourners and others to defer to and obey the Arrets which shall 
be rendered by Our Sovereign Council, for such is Our pleasure: And in order that it be a 
matter firm and established forever, We have caused Our Seal to be affixed to these presents, 
saving in all things in a word Our right and that of others. 

Given at Paris in the month of March in the year of Grace 1G63, and of our reign the 20"". 

Signed, Louis, and lower down By the King, d= Lominie. Visa, Seguier. To serve for 
Letters establishing a Sovereign Council in New France, and sealed with the Great Seal iu 
Green Wax. 



Instructions for Sieur Gaudais se?ii hy the King to Canada. 

The first thing said Sieur Guadais must consider is, that intending to return with the same 
vessels by which he will proceed to Canada, and which will probably remain there not longer 
than a month or six weeks from the time of disembarking to that of setting sail to return to 
France, it is necessary tiiat he particularly and constantly apply himself to collect in that space 
of time information on all matters contained in the present Instruction. 

Firstly, he must obtain exact information of the situation of the country; how many degrees 
distant it is from the pole; the length of the days and nights; their greatest difference; the 
good and bad quality of the air; the regularity or irregularity of the seasons and how that 
country is exposed. 

After these first particulars, he will do well carefully to inform himself as to the fertility of 
the soil; for what it is adapted; what grain, seed or vegetables grow there with the greatest 
facility; the quantity of arable land; what quantity can be cleared within a given time and 
what manures are required. 

And as the establishment which the King proposes for that country depends in some sort 
on what has been accomplished by the Company which was organized for that purpose by 
permission of the late King, it will be well to describe the three settlements of Quebec, 
Montreal and Three Rivers, the number of families which compose them, and how many souls 
there may be as well of the one as of the other sex ; to what particularly do the inhabitants 
apply themselves, what does their commerce consist of, and their means of supporting 
themselves and bringing up their children. 

The said Sieur Gaudais is to understand that the principal thing to be examined for the 
maintenance and augmentation of the Colonies of said country is, the clearing the greatest 
Vol. IX. 2 



10 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

possible quantity of land and inducing all the French settlers to live together in Villages and 
not at a great distance the one from the other, because not only they cannot assist each 
other in the several matters which regard the cultivation of their lands, but they are even 
exposed to the insults of the savages, especially to those of the Iroquois, who by means of this 
segregation are enabled to come almost under cover of the woods up to the settlements of the 
French, easily surprising them, and as they cannot be assisted, massacring them and thus 
laying waste the settlements scattered here and there. There is nothing, therefore, so 
important as to endeavor to reunite said inhabitants into parishes or hamlets, and to oblige them 
to clear their lands contiguous to each other, in order to afford one another mutual assistance. 
And though these means be the most certain, he will assuredly find, when on the spot, that 
the little care and knowledge the Company had of the country they formerly possessed, and the 
cupidity of those who wished to settle there, who always craved extensive grants of land on 
which they established themselves, have given rise to this dispersion of settlements. These 
being at a great distance the one from the other, individuals who obtained those grants not 
only have not been in circumstances to clear them, but have afforded great facilities to the 
Iroquois to cut the throats, massacre the settlers and lay waste all the said settlements. 
This has obliged the King to issue the Law (arret), copy of which is furnished to said Sieur 
Guadais, and to have the Bishop of Petree, at the same time written to, to place in his hands 
the original of said arret that it be published and posted every where, immediately after 
his arrival. 

And as it is evident, from the reasons above enumerated, that it is impossible ever to secure 
that country and to make considerable settlements there, until those who have had those grants 
be obliged to surrender them, and to unite in hamlets and parishes as numerous as possible, in 
order to clear all the contiguous lands in the neighborhood, which must in that case be divided 
anew and distributed to each hamlet or parish according to the number of families composing 
it; he will endeavor to inculcate this truth, by every sort of means on the said Bishop, 
Governor and principal men of said Country, in order that they may unanimously concur 
in effecting the success of this design, which, he will give them to understand, is not only 
absolutely necessary for their preservation, but that his Majesty will cause it to be executed 
by a general revocation of all the Grants, unless those to whom the grants are made, set about 
"clearing them altogether, and have begun to clear a large portion before the expiration of six 
months indicated in said arret; the intention of his Majesty being, that the Sovereign Council 
may, on petition, grant a further delay of six months only, which being terminated, it is His 
will that all the said grants be declared null. 

He will bring back, if possible, a roll of all the inhabitants as well men, women, boys, girls 
as little children. 

He will carefully inquire into the extent of country occupied by the French ; by each 
settlement in particular, the number of families and of persons composing them, and their 
situation, of which it will be necessary to sketch as exact a Map as possible. 

He will mention the number of acres {arpens) enclosed and under tillage in each settlement 
and the quality of those not cleared between the said settlements. 

He will likewise inform himself of the quantity of grain the country raises on an average 
year ; if it produce more than is required for the support of the Inhabitants, and if there be 
any sort of prospect that it will increase or not, it being of an extreme consequence for the 
people of said Country to cultivate the land so that it may furnish more grain than is necessary 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. U 

for their food in order that they may not be exposed for the future to the same inconvenience 
that they have experienced up to the present time: an inability to feed the persons who yearly 
emigrate thither unless flour be carried out at the same time for tiieir subsistance. 

The said Sieur Gaudais will observe if women and girls are needed in said Country, so that 
the requisite number may be sent tliitlier next year. 

The Iroquois being the principal drawback experienced by the Inhabitants of the Country, 
as they every moment unexpectedly attack the French and cruelly massacre them, there 
being no means of preventing their surprisals except by invading them in their fostnesses, 
and exterminating them in their own country, the King has resolved, should it be deemed 
necessary, to send thither next year some regular troops to undertake this war, and to secure 
his subjects in that quarter, once for all, from the violence and inhumanity of those barbarians. 
Sieur Gaudais will, therefore, most carefully and sedulously inquire into the number of men 
necessary to be sent thither, the munitions of war and provisions required, and the amount of 
force the country will be able to furnish of itself, whereunto it will be well to prepare them 
beforehand, in order that, when his Majesty's troops shall arrive on the spot, they will find 
matters ready for vigorous action, and that no time be lost in making preparations necessary for 
this war. 

It being admitted that the quantity of timber existing in that Country is the cause of the 
difficulty of clearing the land, and of the facility with which the Iroquois attack the French 
settlements, it would be well to examine whether a large portion cannot be burnt in winter 
by setting fire to windward. This is frequently done with great facility in the Royal forests, 
and perhaps if this means be practicable, as it would seem, it will be easy, by laying bare a 
large tract, to clear the land and prevent the ravages and surprisals of the Iroquois. 

The King desires that the said Sieur Gaudais examine and inspect the state of all the 
expenses to which the country is subject; such as the salaries of the governors, the pay of 
officers and soldiers, the incomes of the Bishop, Priests and Jesuits, and other general 
expenses, and the funds the said country possesses to defray them. 

He will take cognizance of all the debts of said country; their nature; when, by whom, 
for what cause and by what authority they have been incurred. 

And whereas the principal revenue possessed by the Company arose from the purchase and 
sale of peltries, which it held exclusively and ceded to the Colonists by a special treaty, 
with the exception of one thousand Beavers yearly ; and as this cession is found very 
injurious to tiie said Country inasmuch as the Inhabitants have turned the best part of their 
attention to this trade, instead of applying it exclusively, as heretofore, to the clearing and 
cultivation of the soil ; and the said peltry-trade being free to all the Inhabitants, and being 
carried on only through Savages, they increase prices the one on tKe other as they please, so 
that all the profit has passed to the Savages and all the loss to the French; the King wills that 
the said Sieur Gaudais inform himself particularly of the means of retaining the said Trade 
for his Majesty's profit, by acquainting the people that it is for their good and that he does 
not propose deriving any benefit from the said country ; on the contrary, he will disburse a 
very large sum there yearly, to maintain, support and people it. 

Sieur Gaudais will observe all that can and ought to be done for the establishment of the 
Rights of Sovereignty and Seigniory, direct and manorial, throughout the whole extent of 
said country, however without grinding the said Inhabitants whom his Majesty wishes to 
comfort in all things. 



12 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Sieur Gaudais will inform himself if any Iron mine can be opened in that country as is 
reported here, and what advantage may be derived from it, either to tlie King in undertaking 
the worii, or to Individuals to whom his Majesty would give the privilege. But what should 
be still more clearly verified is, whether there be found in that country a prodigious quantity 
of trees, of an extraordinary height, whereof Masts can be made for ships of the greatest 
Tonnage that the King has afloat, and whether others abound fit for all the parts of a ship; 
so that it would be easy to construct some in said country at a small expense, provided it had 
good carpenters and people experienced in the selection of said trees. 

It having been represented to the King that, the property of the country having belonged to 
the Company of his subjects wliich since surrendered its rights to his Majesty, there has not 
been, up to the present time, any regular course of Justice in that Colony so that its authority 
was not universally recognized ; and through lack of character in those appointed to administer it, 
Judgment pronounced remained most frequently unexecuted, his Majesty resolved, some time 
ago, to create a Sovereign Council in said Country, to be composed of the Governor, Bishop, 
and five other persons whose Commissions have been, already^ delivered here to the said 
Bishop. It is, therefore, very important that said Sieur Gaudais, carefully observe during his 
sojourn in those parts, how the establishment of said Council will be made, the selection of 
persons to perform its duties, the approval it will meet from the Inhabitants, and whether the 
majority of the honest people among them, will be of opinion that, by means of said Council, 
they shall be assured against the machinations of the wicked, the latter punished pursuant to 
the severity of the laws, and wholesome justice be generally established and maintained there 
amongst them. 

As regards Religion, the Bishop of Petree being come here to render an account to the 
King of what might be effected for the propagation of the Faith among the Indians of those 
countries, for the good government of that new church, and for the cultivation of the favorable 
disposition the French feel to conform themselves altogether to the maxims of Christianity, it 
would be superfluous in Sieur Gaudais to trouble himself about that matter, because it is 
particularly the sphere of said Bishop to whom his Majesty has given, and will hereafter give, 
all the assistance he will require for the management of his flock, and for the advancement of 
his pious designs. 

Finally, as the said Sieur Gaudais will see more distinctly, on the spot, all the matters 
which merit observation, as well for the advantage of the King's service as for that of his 
Majesty's subjects in that country, he relies on his activity and vigilance to advise him 
thereupon; on his prudence and discernment not to make any observations which do not 
appear to him important, and on his zeal and exactitude not to omit any of those which he 
will consider useful. 

Done at Paris, the first of May, 1663. 

Instruction to Sieur Gaudais, proceeding to Canada on behalf of the King, 
relative to certain points upon which his Majesty desires he will take 
secret information. 

The King wishing correct information regarding the conduct of Sieur Avaugour, to whom 
his Majesty had entrusted the Government of Canada, expressly orders said Sieur Gaudais to 
take information in a spirit of disinterestedness as to the manner said Sieur Avaugour 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 13 

comported himself in that employment, so as, when he returns, to render a faithful report 
thereof, and of the opinions entertained of hira by the Bishop of Petree, the Jesuits, tin; 
principal inhabitants of the country and the entire people of the Colony generally, examining 
the different motives on which their opinions are founded. 

His Majesty wishes also that he inform himself of the conduct of the Bishop of Petree,' as 
well in the spiritual government of his church as in the aifairs of the country and of the families 
to which he is called, but it is necessary that this be with that prudence and discretion 
requisite in like cases, so that it may, in no wise, appear that this order has been given him. 

He will take the same information on that of the Jesuits, and especially endeavor to find 
out the true reasons which have obliged them to complain of said Sieur d'Avaugour, and if it 
be with justice or not. 

He will observe also how the said Sieur de Mezy, the new Governor, will be received by 
the inhabitants ; in what manner he will apply himself to the duties of his office and if there 
be ground for concluding, from his apparent application to business, that he will acquit 
himself worthily and to the satisfaction of the Inhabitants of said country. 

He will particularly observe what manner of justice has been administered hitherto in that 
country; if those who have been appointed for that purpose have acquitted themselves 
honestly without yielding to corruption ; if manifest injustice hath not been committed, and, 
in fine, if the people complain of it or not. 

Done at Paris, the first day of May, 1G63. 



Baron d'' Avaugour to the Minister. 
Memoir on the Colony of Quebec, Placentia, Gaspe and Cape Breton. 

My Lord, 

In my first dispatch I described the beauty and fertility of the River Saint Lawrence. 

In the second, I demonstrated the importance of the post of Quebec; and in Sieur Dumont's 
memoirs I confirmed both these things and caused him to perceive their truth. 

Through him I spoke of three places, Placentia, Gaspe and Cape Breton; and in his 
Instruction I noted that it was politic to exaggerate more than ever the cruelties of the 
Iroquois, in order the better to conceal the designs that might be adopted in this country ; 
fearing lest English ignorance and Dutch weakness might be alarmed and have their jealousy 
excited; and, moreover, that very little consequence should be made of the settlement there, 

'Francois Xavier de Laval Montmorenct, Abbe de Montigny, waa born on the 30th April, 1623, at Laval, Department 
of Mayenne, France, and ordained priest at Paris on the 23d September, 1 645. The Society for the Conversion of the Indians of 
Canada being desirous that the religious interests of that colony should be superintended by a resident bishop, the Abbe 
Montigny was selected for that high office. He was consecrated by the Pope's Nuncio on the 8th December, 1658, having 
been previously nominated by Alexander YIL, Bishop of Petree, in partibus injldelium, and Vicar Apostolic of New France, 
and arrived in Canada on the 16lh June, 1659. When Quebec was erected into a diocese, M. de Laval became its first 
bishop, 1st October, 1674 He was succeeded in January, 1688, by M. de St. Valier. It was durinj; his administration that 
parish priests were rendered immovable in Canada, and the tythe was fi.xed at the 261h part of the grain. He erected the 
Quebec Seminary, in 1663, and had the misfortune of witnessing the destruction of that edifice twice by fire. His death 
occurred at Quebec on the 6th May, 1708, in the 86th year of his age, and the fiftieth of his episcopacy.— Ed. 



14 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

which, properly speaking, is but a fishing Coast of small consideration compared with the 
Great State of America, of which the River Saint Lawrence is, as it were, the centre, 
traversing it from one end to the other. 

Since his departure, having considered the hope the King excites of taking care of the 
country, I observed every thing more closely, in order that, with God's grace, the confidence 
his Majesty reposes in the fidelity of my services may not be vain for his glory nor useless 
for the advantage of his State. 

I shall inform you, my Lord, accordingly, that the three posts above mentioned, Placentia, 
Gaspe and Cape Breton ought not, at present, to be of any consideration, from the circumstance 
that they are arid districts, incapable of subsisting of themselves, and it must be expected that 
they will be supported from this, where efforts then will be made, in earnest, as well for the 
preservation as for the usefulness of the mouth of the River. 

There is no danger that other nations will settle there ; for if they come in numbers they 
will eat themselves up, and if they come but few they will not remain there long. I reassert 
the beauty and fertility both of the waters and of the banks of this Great river, as well as the 
importance, likewise, of the post of Quebec, which I have heretofore named the mouth of the 
finest and greatest State in the world. But I again repeat that it is of importance to preserve 
henceforward the secret of the designs of this country, because of the heretics who are already 
established there, and who, without doubt, will apprehend being one day driven therefrom. 
Therefore, it will be expedient to make public in every way the extreme cruelty of the 
Iroquois, in order that we may, by that truth, succeed more easily in establishing the Gospel 
in the most healthy and favourable climate in the world. 

And finally, in order to plant effectually the fleur de lys, there, I see nothing better than to 
fortify Quebec; erect one fort at its right, on the opposite bank of the river, and another on 
its left, at the River Saint Charles, and support these by a reinforcement of three thousand 
men, as I have already communicated by Chevalier Du Cochet. Thus, this post would be 
thoroughly secured, and thereby a very important matter commenced. 

To effect it, two things are necessary; the first, one hundred thousand ecus for the 
fortifications, and one hundred thousand francs for munitions of war and provisions. 
Secondly, it will be requisite that the tliree thousand soldiers be selected not only for war, but 
also for labor ; so that, on coming to this country, they may calculate on opening trenches at 
one place and intrenching a camp, all which will appear very light to them when they shall 
understand that it is for the making of their fortunes. 

¥ox the success of the undertaking calculations must be made to support them three years, 
and to furnish them seed grain the first year, from the crop of which they will save some for 
the second, and from the surplus of the second, they will keep and place some in the public 
store ; and, finally, from the fruits of the third, they will be able to five at their ease and then 
be sufficiently established so as to be no longer a burthen to the King, except for some presents, 
which it will please his Majesty to make to the principal officers. 

The wiiole thus executed, I assert for the third time, that no power on earth can drive the 
French from Quebec. 

With the abovementioned sum I will be able, within six months, to put the three posts in a 
good state of defence; and I pledge myself to do more in that time than ordinary theory can 
effect in four years for four times as much money, provided master masons with a great 
number of workmen of that craft are sent me. And not only that, but if occasion require, I 



PARIS DOCUMENTS: I. 15 

shall sustain those posts with half less men than other more usual and more expensive 
works demand. 

Quebec, thus fortified and thus sustained, must be regarded as the keystone of ten 
provinces, as will be remarked from the rough draft of a map transmitted herewith, which 
embraces an extent of three hundred leagues along the river. And these ten provinces, 
established in the same manner as Quebec, may be considered the security of one 
hundred others. 

In a word, should the King conclude to establish these ten provinces, he may consider himself 
master of America, and all the Heretics will remain there only so long as shall please him. 

In case his Majesty will not yet prosecute this design, there will be no urgency for it should 
Quebec be established. But without this, the settlement of the French must be counted as 
nothing. It has been commenced too slightly for its maintenance and security without expense. 

Finally, after mature reflection and earnest consideration on this country, you must be 
firmly convinced that the three posts of Placentia, Gaspe and Cape Breton, those of the 
English, Dutch and Swedes are not tlie main affair, no more than the defeat of the Iroquois. 
All that is but a feeble accessory, and the time employed in it, is not only lost, but even does 
harm to the chief matter. 

In my opinion, the first step to be taken is, what I have stated above regarding Quebec; 
to which I add a post at Bic, to receive more easily whatever comes from France, and to station 
there the number of vessels the King may please, in order not only to be masters of the 
River, but also to proceed towards the North to seek divers advantages which it is asserted 
can be found there. 

The second consideration is, to send, as soon as can be, three thousand effective men to the 
Iroquois settlement not only to disperse that rabble {canaille) but to thwart, also, the progress 
of the heretics, and to open, moreover, in that direction a communication with the sea, which 
is not subject to be frozen as in these regions. 

This can be easily accomplished in divers places, and particularly by constructing a fort on 
the same River that the Dutch have built a miserable wooden Redoubt on, which they call 
Fort Orange. This they ought not, nor cannot prevent, on the just grounds of the war which 
the Iroquois have waged, without cause, against us. 

The third outlay will be along the River Richelieu as far as Lake Champlain; and this 
tliird post being between the other two, will serve as a very useful and very advantageous 
means of communication. 

Should his Majesty think proper to go further, let him, with all diligence, garrison the whole 
ten provinces with the same care as the first, and he will, doubtless, be master of the finest 
and greatest Empire in the World. In this truth every man of experience must concur. But 
as the affair is of great importance, I resume it for the third time, and give it three aspects. 

The first will be, that if the King does not think favorably of it and will not be pleased 
with it, he need only leave the management of it to the Bishop and the Mis.sionaries who, 
little by little, will extricate themselves from their misery as they will best be able. 

The second ; if the King meditate on it at all, he cannot exhibit his care unless by incurring 
the first expense, as early as possible, on Quebec, which will assuredly support itself. 

Thirdly; if he desire to proceed further, he must not hesitate. He must calculate on four 
hundred thousand francs yearly, for ten years, and three thousand infantry, with their support, 
for three years. 



16 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

I doubt not there are people who wish, first, to see the profits of things before they take 
the trouble to reason on these plans in their low minds, but to listen to them is nothing save 
a decoy, as good sense will never believe that all that is found on earth is not met with in the 
vastest and finest of its parts; tliat, if the outlay be considerable, 'tis certain that the usefulness, 
like the glory, will in future be incomparably greater. 

As to the former I shall leave it to laborers, carpenters and explorers after mines to speak 
of it; and for the latter I shall make use of one instance. 

The city of Geneva which would, otherwise, have been but an intrenchment for a force of 
twelve thousand men, has become very considerable by reason of its situation on a Lake 
of twenty-six leagues circumference, surrounded by its allies who can easily succor it. If 
this, then, be the case with so mediocre a post, what will it be with several on divers lakes of 
the vastest magnitude. And, moreover, what will it be with those provinces settled entirely 
on the Great River Saint Lawrence, whose waters witli all those lakes make but one ; which 
hath no other entrance than Quebec, unless in simple bark canoes. 

The King, who, by the grace of God, was born at the most important crisis and who 
overcame it at an age unexampled in history, will perceive the difference and discern the 
advantages better than any one else in his kingdom; and I doubt not, but He, who has 
conferred on him the merit, preserves him also for this great work. 

When I reflect on the object of the wars of Europe for fifty years, and the progress to be 
made here in ten, my duty not only obliges, but impels, me to speak boldly. After which 
nothing more remains for me than to beg of God the grace of His spirit, to adore eternally 
with praises His will [as manifested] in his Majesty's thoughts and in those of all who have 
the honor of approaching him, in order to gather fruits abandoned for so many ages in a 
place where, every day, the samples show us that they are more abundant than elsewhere. 

The summary description of the River Saint Lawrence is, to wit — that from Gaspe to 
Quebec is one hundred and twenty leagues; from Quebec to Montreal, more than sixty; seven 
or eight leagues above Montreal it divides into two branches, one of which meets, at forty 
leagues, a lake called Ontario — which signifies, in Indian, "The beautiful Lake" — two 
hundred leagues in circumference; which spreads its waters Southwardly towards New 
Netherland and New Sweden. 

The other branch goes to the Huron Country, two hundred leagues from which it discharges 
itself into a Lake called, on account of its extreme vastness, the Fresh Sea (^a Mer douce) 
whose circumference is estimated at over five hundred leagues. 

One hundred leagues beyond that, is met another, called Lake Superior, the waters of which 
it is believed flow into New Spain; and this according to general opinion, ought to be the 
centre of the country. 

Thus, this River could not be less than eight hundred leagues long — to wit, from Gaspd, 
to the centre of Lake Superior to which no other important Power has any entrance except 
through here. 

I am much mistaken if that does not suffice to establish a vast design, and to doubt it I 
must have forgotten all the idle expenditure that I have seen at divers points. 

On the fifth of February we had an Earthquake, which continued during half a quarter 
of an iiour, sufficiently strong to extort from us a good act of contrition. It was repeated 
from time to time during nine days, and was perceptible until the last of the month, but 
always diminishing. And as these extraordinary events bring Christians completely to their 
duty, it is probable that they carry terror and fear powerfully into the hearts of others. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS: I. 17 

particularly among that scum of Americans who, to discover the future, are accustomed to 
sacrifice to the Devil. 

After the above was written, a vessel arrived here on the 7"" July, informing me, by some 
letters from my friends, that the King's orders relative to this country were changed, and, 
instead of an aid of two thousand soldiers, that some women and servants only were coming. 

Five days after, four deputies from our enemies came to me suing for Peace and asking 
assistance from me against their foes, and had that from his Majesty arrived, I dare say I 
might have been able in three months time to free the country from the bondage under which 
it has groaned for more than sixty years. But nothing save time has been lost, as there is 
nothing in the world easier, provided his Majesty will please to meet the expense. And that 
is so true, that, to render a more exact account thereof and to obey the orders which are 
coming to me for my retirement, I have not thought proper to wait any longer for them, 
leaving at Quebec some very good officers and orders necessary to maintain and give a good 
account of things to all those who bring them. 

As for the rest, my Lord, you will learn that it is entirely contrary to my orders that my 
Secretary importuned you for a justification against people who are too ignorant of 
my profession, to be judges of it. When I permitted them to repair to court, I in no wise 
doubted but they would have composed verses in my praise, but the interest of the King's 
service, and forty years experience acquired under the bravest men that ever commanded, 
appeared to me a strong protection against such base spirits. To terminate this bickering, I 
shall content myself, tlirough the respect I owe their cloth, by assuring you, my Lord, that 
I have served, by God's grace, not only well and faithfully but right honestly, according to 
my means, and that my acts, when better understood, will never excite the King's wrath, nor 
that of the Queen Mother. With the most profound respect, My Lord 
Your most humble 

and most obedient Servant 

Gaspe 4. August 1663. Dubois d'auaugour.' 



Commission of the Marquis de Tracy to he Lieutenant -General in America. 

Commission for Sieur de Prouville Tracy as Lieutenant General in America, 
pending the absence of the Vice Roy. 

Louts by the grace of God, King of France and Navarre, to all those who shall see these 
Presents, Greeting. Having considered that whilst Sieur Count d'Estrades, Viceroy and Our 

' Baron Dubois d'Avaugoue succeeded Viscount Argenson, as Governor of Canada, in 1661. He had already distinguished 
himself in the wars of Hungary, and brought to the government of Canada that strictness and inflexibility of character 
which he originally acquired in the camp. In 1662 he concluded a Treaty with delegates from the Onondaga, Cayuga and 
Seneca Nations. His administration is, however, particularly noted for the serious and unfortunate misunderstanding which 
existed between him and the Ecclesiastical authorities of the country on the question of the sale of spirituous liquors to the 
Indians, which finally led to his recall. On returning to Europe, he entered into the service of the Emperor of Germany 
against the Turks, and was killed in the course of the following year whilst bravely defending Serin, or Zrin, a fortress in 
Croatia, on the Unna, or Sunna, a tributary of the river Save. Charlevoix adds that he had been over forty years in the 
public service. — Ed. 

Vol. IX. 3 



18 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Lieutenant General in America is in Holland, occupied as Our Ambassador with Our affairs, it 
becomes necessary, in order for the satisfaction of the desire we feel not only to watch over the 
preservation of the places in America under our obedience, but to make new discoveries and 
new colonies there, to appoint some person of authority to rule, enlarge and preserve those 
places in the absence of said Count d'Estrades, and by extending our dominion in the country, 
aid materially in the spread of Christianity and the amelioration of Commerce there; and 
satisfied that Sieur de Prouville Tracy, Councillor in our State and Privy Councils, formerly 
Commissary General of Our army in Germany, and Lieutenant General in Our armies, 
possesses all the qualities adapted for acquitting himself worthily of this employment, and 
having every reason to believe, after the proofs he has given of his bravery in the commands 
he has held in Our troops in Germany and elsewhere, and of his prudence in the negotiation 
confided to him, that We cannot make a better selection than of his person to command in 
said Country: These and other considerations Us moving. We have constituted, ordained and 
established, and by these Presents signed by our hands, do constitute, ordain and establish the 
said Sieur de Prouville Tracy Our Lieutenant General in the entire extent of territory under 
Our obedience situate in South and North America, the continent and islands, rivers, ports, 
harbors and coasts discovered and to be discovered by Our subjects, for, and in the absence 
of, said Count D'Estrades, Viceroy, to have command over all the Governors, Lieutenant 
Generals by Us established, in all the said Islands, Continent of Canada, Acadie, Newfoundland, 
the Antilles etc. likewise, over all the Officers and Sovereign Councils established in all the 
said Islands and over the French Vessels which will sail to the said Country, whether of War 
to Us belonging, or of Merchants, to tender a new oath of fidelity as well to the Governors and 
Sovereign Councils as to the three orders of the said Islands ; enjoining said Governors, Officers 
and Sovereign Councils and others to recognize the said Sieur de Prouville Tracy and to obey him 
in all that he shall order them; to assemble the commonalty when necessary; cause them to 
take up arms ; to take cognizance of, settle and arrange all differences which have arisen or may 
arise in the said Country, either between Seigniors and their Superiors, or between private 
inhabitants; to besiege and capture places and castles according to the necessity of the case; 
to cause pieces of artillery to be dispatched and discharged against them; to establish garrisons 
where the importance of the place shall demand them ; to conclude peace or truces according 
to circumstances either with other Nations of Europe established in said Country, or with the 
barbarians ; to invade either the continent or the Islands for the purpose of seizing New 
Countries or establishing New Colonies, and for this purpose to give battle and make use of 
other means he shall deem proper for such undertaking ; to command the people of said 
Country as well as all our other Subjects, Ecclesiastics, Nobles, Military and others of what 
condition soever there residing; to cause our boundaries and our name to be extended as far 
as he can, with full power to establish our authority there, to subdue, subject and exact 
obedience from all the people of said Countries, inviting them by all the most lenient means 
possible to the knowledge of God, and the light of the Faith and of the Catholic Apostolic 
and Roman Religion, and to establish its exercise to the exclusion of all others; to defend the 
said Countries with all his power; to maintain and preserve the said people in peace, repose 
and tranquillity, and to command both on sea and land ; to order and cause to be executed all 
that he, or those he will appoint, shall judge fit and proper to be done, to extend and preserve 
said places under Our authority and obedience; and generally that he do, and order in the 
absence of said Count d'Estrades, Viceroy, all that appertains to the office of our Lieutenant 



PARIS DOCUMENTS: I. 19 

General in said Country; to hold and exercise the same ; to enjoy and make use of the honors, 
powers, authorities, pre-eminences, prerogatives, franchises, liberties, rights, fruits, profits, 
revenues and emoluments thereunto belonging, and of the wages and salaries which shall be 
assigned him. Therefore We charge all Our Governors and Lieutenant Generals in all the said 
Islands and Continent of Canada, Acadie, Newfoundland, Antilles and elsewhere, the officers of 
the Sovereign Councils established in all those Islands and all others Our Justices and Officers 
each as far as it shall him concern, that they shall acknowledge the said Sieur de Prouville 
Tracy, whose oath we have received, in such case required and accustomed, him obey, suffer 
and permit to enjoy and make use of the said State and office. We will that he be paid in 
cash by the Treasurers of Our Treasury or other proper officers to whom it shall belong, the 
said wages and salaries every year, at the times and in the manner accustomed, according to 
the orders and statements thereof, by Us expedited and signed ; the same producing, with 
these presents or copy thereof duly collated, only once, and receipt thereupon sufficing: We 
will, that all which shall have been paid him on that occasion be passed and allowed in the 
accounts of those who shall have made the payment, by Our trusty and well beloved Our 
accountants at Paris, whom We enjoin so to do without difficulty, terminating and putting an 
end to all troubles and obstructions to the contrary. We command and order Our very dear 
and well beloved Uncle the Duke de Vendosme, Peer, Grand Master, Chief and Superintendent 
General of the Navigation and Commerce of France, his Lieutenants and others to whom it 
will appertain, to give the said Sieur de Prouville Tracy, or those by him commissioned or sent 
to America, all conges and passports that sea-going ships and vessels are obliged to take, going 
and coming from the said Countries, Coasts and Islands, with the merchandise with which 
they shall be freighted, and the men and women to be conveyed thither in them, without any 
trouble or obstruction being offered, made or given them. We command and enjoin, 
moreover, on all others Our officers and subjects whom it may concern, being in the said 
countries of America, to acknowledge the said Sieur de Prouville Tracy in the said quality of 
Our Lieutenant General in said Country and him to obey and hear in all things the said office 
concerning, on pain of disobedience ; For such is Our pleasure. We request and require all 
Kings, Potentates, Princes, States and other Our good friends, allies and confederates, their 
Ministers and Officers, and all others not Our subjects, to afford him and all those by him 
commissioned and delegated, all aid, favor and assistance required of them for the execution 
of what precedes, offering to do the same in like case for those who shall be recommended to 
Us on their part. In Witness whereof. We have caused Our Seal to be affixed to these 
Presents. Given at Paris the 19"» day of November, in the year of Grace 1663, and of our 
reign the 21". 

Signed Louis 
and in the fold. 

By the King 

DE LlONNE. 

Mem. a nearly similar Commission to the foregoing issued to Sieur de Couroelles, as Governor, &c., of Canada ( in place of 
Sieur de Mezi, who is recalled ) dated at Paris, 23d March, 1665. Sieur de Mezi was probably appointed Governor of Canada 
at the same time that Tracy was commissioned Vice Roy, though no record of the Commission appears in the Marine. 

J. B. B. 

Chevalier de Mezi was commissioned Governor of Canada iu March, 1663. See Edict establishing the Council, 
mpra, p. 8. — Ed. 



20 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Meport of Baron (TAvaugour on the Forts required in Canada. 1663. 

Memoir regarding the fortifications required in Canada against the Iroquois. 

First. A fort is required on the bank of the Great River, opposite Quebec; but one of the 
smallest would suffice in that quarter, even a redoubt, provided it were strong and well palisaded. 
Two are required twelve leagues above Quebec, one on each side of the river which may 
be a quarter of a league wide at this point ; to wit, one at la Roche brulee and the other at 
Cape Lauzon. It would be necessary to furnish these two forts with some artillery. As for 
the rest, they could be erected without much expense. However they ought to be stronger 
than the first. 

Opposite Three Rivers, thirty leagues from Quebec, another fort w*uld be necessary on the 
other or South side of the river, similar to that opposite Quebec. 

Three leagues above Three Rivers where Lake Saint Peter is situate, the land is very good, 
and is all allotted to the inhabitants of the country, but they cannot till it, on account of the 
Iroquois who pounce on this district more than on any other. Two forts ought to be erected 
here on both sides of the River; one at the Point of Lake Saint Peter; the other opposite at 
the mouth of the River Nicolet, half a league across the river, the one from the other. These 
ought to be furnished with artillery, and both of them ought to be good and much stronger 
than the preceding. However, they would no more require to be regular than those before 
mentioned, but only demi-bastions facing the river and lake, and the remainder in form 
of redoubt. 

There had been formerly, twelve leagues from Three Rivers, a fort called Fort Richelieu, 
having four good bastions very regular and well faced. This was a prodigious annoyance to 
the Iroquois, as it was well supplied with artillery, and the river being at that point narrower 
than at any other, the Iroquois were absolutely unable to pass by way of the River, and 
were obliged to make a detour of three or four leagues through the woods, in order to get 
down into the country. They, consequently, came seldom there and left us more at peace. Now, 
if said fort were rebuilt, they would be still less troublesome than heretofore, in consequence 
of the other forts; on the supposition of building these lower down as I proposed above. The 
Country having been considerably abandoned for many years, and the Iroquois undertaking 
the surprise of said fort, on account of the inconvenience it was to them, they very easily 
effected their purpose in consequence of the slender garrison stationed there of late, so that 
they captured it, burned the houses and completely razed the fortifications. Now it would be 
necessary to rebuild a fort there, of four good and regular bastions, and to furnish it with 
artillery ; this point being of more importance than any other. But with a view to economy, 
I think it would be sufficient to construct the fortifications of earth with good palisades, 
without facing them with stone. 

From thence to Montreal, eighteen leagues, no fortifications would be necessary, and as for 
the little district (•petit pays) of Montreal; there are already several redoubts which would 
suffice, provided a trifle were expended on them, to put them in order and garrison them. 

Not wishing, or not being able to invade the country of the Iroquois, this is the only means 
to protect us from their insults, for all the said forts being well garrisoned, constant detachments 
would be sent out from them to guard the banks of the river from one fort to the other. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 21 

As for cutting trees and laying them athwart, or setting up palisades for the protection of 
our country, that would be apparently useless, considering that the tract of country necessary 
to be palisaded, or traversed by trees is of prodigious extent. With the fifteen hundred men 
the King proposes to send hither, it would be impossible to defend it so completely as to 
prevent the Iroquois easily cutting an entrance for themselves, at such point as they please, 
for each of them carries an axe as his principal weapon. 

As for starting from Quebec to go and fight them in their own country, the thing appears 
almost impossible, as it is two hundred leagues from one place to the other, and numerous 
water-falls or rapids in the Great River intervene, which render it totally unnavigable for the 
transport thither of the necessary equipments of war; the savages being constrained at those 
points to land, and carry their Canoes beyond the Saut ; and as for going thither by land, the 
entire country being nothing but forests and mountains, sufficient must be first cleared for a 
road. This would be a matter requiring stout lungs and a very considerable outlay, or rather 
it would be impossible as the country is not sufficiently peopled to furnish in a short time a 
suitable force for the execution of so vast a work. 

If the Dutch would give a passage to the King's troops, the thing would be very easy by 
disembarking the troops in the Dutch country, which is only twelve leagues distant irom that 
of the Iroquois, and where there is running directly into the said Iroquois country, a large 
and very navigable river on which the said troops with all their equipments could be 
easily transported. 

The Major of Boston, the Capital city of the English in that country, who is called Major 
Quebin, formerly proposed for the sum of only twenty thousand francs, to undertake the total 
destruction of the Iroquois. Inquiry might be made as to whether the English are still in 
the same mind, and were the King to give the English a much larger sum than that, to 
destroy the Iroquois, he would still be assuredly a great gainer, and would place the country, 
in a short time, in" a condition to be extensively cultivated and much increased in value. 

If it were deemed desirable to calculate the expense of constructing the forts of which I 
have spoken above, it must not be forgotten that it will be necessary to build in each a 
number of houses sufficient to lodge the officers and soldiers. • 

It would, moreover, be necessary to oblige the inhabitants of the country to clear, within 
one year, all the land granted to each, in default whereof, the remainder at the end of that 
time ought to be given to be cleared to those, who will be sent anew into the country; so that 
by this means, settlers would be nigher each other, and the country being cleared would 
become more open, which would be a very great advantage against the Iroquois. 

The Gentlemen of the Company have warehouses on the River side (sur le bord de la Marine). 
In the arrangement which the King will make with the said Company, it will be necessary 
that these warehouses return to his Majesty, as they would be particularly necessary for us, 
and on their leaving here we ought to have an order from the King, to obviate all difficulty 
on the part of their commissaries placing them in my hands. 

Again, in the plan entertained to send families hither this year, it must be noted to send as 
many casks (poingons) of flour as there will be mouths, foe their support, until the lands they 
may clear shall furnish crops, inasmuch as the country produces but just enough for those 
who are already in it. 

When troops shall be sent, the same measures must be adopted regarding their stores, not 
to depend on the country. 



22 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

M. de lAjonne (^Hugues)^ Minister of Marine^ to M. de Tracy. 

Extracts of a Memoir dated 15 Nov' 1664. 

1" Extract. " The first thing to advise you of is, that as the King takes, himself, 
" cognizance of all affairs, it will be necessary to address him directly ; to report to him 
" and receive his orders. It will be well for you to observe this, if you please, iu future, for 
" though I inform him of all things written to me, those who, like you, have posts of 
" confidence, are interested in establishing for themselves the maxim, to have their chief 
" communication with his Majesty ; the correspondence they hold with the persons who 
" have the hanor of entering into his Councils, being but a consequence and a dependence 
" on the first." 

After having complimented M. de Tracy on the direction he is giving the affairs of the 
Colony, the Minister instructs him as to the rights of the West India Company established by 
an Edict this year; then invites him to see that, for the security of the inhabitants, houses be 
not built so far apart; recommends him again to endeavor to avoid quarreling with the Jesuit 
fathers, which has caused the recall of Mess" d'Avaugour and de Mezy from the Government. 
But whilst managing those, he must take care not to suffer them to encroach on the authority 
confided to him by the King, against his Majesty's interests. — Here follows the second Extract: 

" Before going farther it is well that I observe to you, that M' de Petree and the Jesuit 
" fathers have forbidden, on pain of Excommunication, all the Inhabitants of Canada giving 
♦' liquor to the Indians, because, becoming intoxicated to excess and thus depriving themselves 
" of the use of reason, they fell into mortal sin. This prohibition is so strictly observed that 
" no Frenchman dared give a glass of Brandy to an Algonquin or a Huron. This is doubtless 
" a good principle, but one which is very ruinous to trade, because the Indians being 
" passionately fond of these liquors, instead of coming to trade their peltries with us, go trade 
" them among the Dutch who supply them with brandy. This also is disadvantageous to 
" Religion. Having wherewith to gratify their appetites, they allow themselves to be catechised 
" by the Dutch Ministers, who instruct them in Heresy. The said Bishop of Petree and the 
" Jesuit Fathers persist in their first opinions, without reflecting that prudence, and even 
" Christian charity inculcate closing the eyes to one evil to avoid a greater, or to reap a good 
" more important than the evil." 

The memoir closes with some points of rivalry between the French and the English 
regarding the Islands of America. 



Commission of Sieur Talon to be Intendant of Canada. 

Louis, by the Grace of God, King of France and Navarre, to our trusty and beloved 
Councillor in our Councils, Sieur Talon, Greeting. Considering it expedient for the good of 
Our people, and the regulation of Justice, Police and Finances in Our Country of Canada, to 



PAEIS DOCUMENTS : I. 23 

establish in the ofBce of Intendant on the spot, a person capable of worthily, serving Us, We 
have to this end laid eyes on you by reason of the special confidence We repose in your 
experience, good conduct and integrity, qualities of which you have given proofs on all 
occasions in which you were called to manifest your affection for Our service. For these and 
other reasons Us moving, We have commissioned, ordered and deputed, and by these presents 
signed by Our hand, commission, order and depute you Intendant of Justice, Police and 
Finance in Our Country of Canada, Acadie and the Island of Newfoundland and other 
Countries of Northern France; to assist in that quality at the Councils of War which shall 
be holden by Our L' General in America, and by the Governor and our L' General in said 
Country of Canada, to hear the complaints which shall be made to you by Our people of 
said Country, by the military and all others of excesses, wrongs and violences ; render them good 
and quick justice; take information touching all enterprises, practices and intrigues committed 
against Our Service ; proceed against those guilty of any crime of what quality or condition 
soever they may be ; prosecute and perfect the trial unto definitive Judgment and execution 
thereon inclusive ; to call to you the number of Judges and Graduates fixed by the ordinances ; 
and take cognizance generally of all crimes and delicts, abuses and malversations that may be 
committed by whomsoever he may be, in Our said countries; to preside in the Sovereign 
Council in the absence of Sieur de Tracy, Our Lieutenant General in America, and of 
Courcelles Governor and Our Lieutenant General in Our said countries of Canada; to judge 
sovereignly alone in Civil matters and to order every thing as you shall see just and fit, 
confirming from this present time as well as then the judgments which shall be rendered thus 
by you, in the same manner as if they had issued from our Sovereign Courts, all exceptions, 
citations (■prisedimrtie) Edicts, ordinances and other things tcf the contrary notwithstanding. We 
will likewise that you superintend the direction, management and distribution of Our funds 
destined, and hereafter intended for the support of the military; also of the provisions, 
ammunition, repairs, fortifications, contingencies, loans and contributions which may have 
been, or may be, made for the expenses therein and other disbursements which will be made 
there for our service; to verify and adjust (arreter) the statements and ordinances thereof 
which shall be expedited by Our Lieutenant General in chief, and in his absence by Our other 
Lieutenant Generals, to the payers whom it shall concern ; to cause to be reported to you the 
rolls and musters, to check and register them ; and in all the above circumstances and 
appurtenances, to do and order what you shall deem necessary and expedient for the good and 
advantage of Our service, and what will relate to the duty and exercise of the Office of 
Intendant of Justice, Police and Finances in Our said Country, the honors, powers, authorities, 
prerogatives, pre-eminences appertaining thereunto, We intend that you enjoy, with the 
appointments which shall be ordered you by Us ; to do which We give you power, authority, 
commission and special order ; We command the said Sieurs de Tracy and de Courcelles to 
place you in the enjoyment of the effect and contents of these Presents ; We order the Officers 
of the Sovereign Council and all others Our officers, justices, subjects to acknowledge, hear 
and obey you in said quality; to assist you and lend you efficient aid and prisons if necessary, 
for the execution of these presents: For such is our pleasure. Given at Paris, the 23'' day of 
March in the year of Grace 1665, and of our Reign the 22'* 

Signed Louis, 
and lower down: — 

By the King d'Lionne 
and sealed with the Great Seal in yellow jtvax. 



24 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

' Instructions to M. Talon. 

Memoir of tlie King to serve as Instruction to Sieur Talon proceeding to New 
France as Intendant of Justice, Police and Finance. 

His Majesty having made choice of the said Sieur Talon to fill that office, has considered 
that he had all the qualities necessary to take complete cognizance of the state of said 
Country; of the manner Justice, police and the finances have been administered there to the 
present time; to reform their abuses and in so doing, to maintain the people composing that 
great Colony, in the legitimate possession of their properties, and in a perfect union among 
themselves, which will produce in time a considerable augmentation of the said Colony, which 
is the principal object his Majesty desires to accomplish. 

For that purpose, the said Sieur Talon will be informed, those who have made the most 
faithful and disinterested Reports on the said Country, have always stated that the Jesuits, 
whose piety and zeal have considerably contributed to attract thither the people who are 
at present there, have assumed an authority there that transcends the bounds of their true 
profession, which must regard only consciences; To maintain themselves therein, they were 
very glad to nominate the Bishop of Petree, who was entirely dependent on them, to discharge 
the Episcopal functions, and they have nominated, even up to the present time, the King's 
Governors in that Country, where they have made use of all appliances possible to have 
those recalled who had been chosen for that office without their participation; so that it being 
absolutely necessary to preserve in a just equilibrium the temporal authority resident in the 
person of the King and in those who represent him, and the Spiritual, which resides in 
the person of the said Bishop and Jesuits, in such a manner always as that the latter be 
subordinate to the former, the first thing the said Sieur Talon shall well observe, and on 
which it is proper that he have correct ideas on leaving here, is, to understand perfectly the 
actual position of these two authorities in the country, and that which they ought naturally 
occupy. To obtain this, he will have to see the Jesuit Fathers here, who have been in said 
country, and who have all its correspondence ; also the Attorney General and Sieur Villerey,^ 
who are the two principal members of the Sovereign Council of Quebec, who, it is said, are 
entirely devoted to the said Jesuits; from whom he will learn what they may know, without, 
however, letting his object be discovered. 

It is important that he be aware that the said country had been granted to a Company, 
formed in the time of the late Cardinal de Richelieu's Ministry in 1628 ; that that Company not 
having strength enough to sustain the country, resigned, in 1664, to the Inhabitants the trade in 
Peltry, the sole advantage it derived from it, on condition only of receiving one thousand 
Beavers yearly as Seigniorage ; and the said Company being composed, in 1662, of no more than 
45 out of the 100 shares of which it consisted at its commencement, the interested in those 45 
parts surrendered them wholly to the King, being unable to meet the great expense which 
it was necessary to incur, without deriving any profit there from it. Since the year 1662 

' Sieur Bourdon, one of tlie principal inliabitants of Quebec, accompanied Father Jogues in his mission to the Mohawks, 
and was sent ten years afterwards overland to Hudson's bay to take possession of that country for France, in 1646; he 
became Attorney-General under De Mezy.wlio summarily dismissed him and sent him to France, where he became one of that 
Governor's accusers. He returned to Canada and acted subsequently as an agent of Be la Barre. Villerey was a member 
of De Mezy's Council, and was dismissed and sent to France along with Bourdon, where they aided considerably in eflfeeting 
the Governor's overthrow. — Ed. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 25 

aforesaid, his Mnjesty has included said country in the Grant he made to the West India 
Company, whose patent it is necessary Sieur Talon should see, whereby the Company is 
empowered to name the Governor and all the other officers; And as the Company was well 
aware that they could not find persons of sufficient merit and authority to occupy these posts 
and worthily fill them, it was well pleased that the King made these nominations, until that 
Colony increasing considerably through the continuation of his Majesty's goodness and 
protection, the company miglit, then, itself find persons proper to be sent thither. 

It is well that Sieur Talon siiould know all these things in order to understand that it is the 
King's intention and will, that he protect, support and endeavor as much as possible to 
establish firmly the Company's authority in the said country; to aflbrd him the greatest 
amount of information thereon, he can see the Instructions given to Sieur de Tracy; the Edict 
establishing the Sovereign Council; the order of Council issued on the subject of granting 
and clearing lands, and all the letters written since a year by Sieur de Mezy, Governor, the 
Bishop of Petree and the officers of the Sovereign Council, by which he will be amply 
informed of the misunderstandings that have arisen among them. 

To give him a succinct account tiiereof, he will learn that the Jesuits made so many 
complaints two years ago against Baron du Bois d'Auvaugour, then Governor of the country, 
and since killed whilst defending with great valor Fort Serin on the confines of Croatia 
against the Turks, that the King, to satisfy them, resolved not only to recall him, but even to 
leave them the choice of another Governor. They then set eyes on Sieur de Mezy, Major 
of the town of Caen, who made profession of a devotee and whom they doubtless believed 
would be guided by their opinions. But they found themselves mistaken in their calculations 
when he was in possession of the government; for not only divers passions of anger and of 
avarice, which he had concealed in the beginning, burst forth, as they represent, to the injury 
of the King's service and of the Colony, so that he several times suspended and reinstalled, 
according to his pleasure, the officers of the Sovereign Council, but what seems important in 
this dispute is, that within 24 hours time, he caused Sieurs Bourdon, Attorney-General, and 
Villerey, Councillor, to embark and depart, so that it being impossible for the King to approve 
this violent conduct, his Majesty ordered commissions to be issued to the said Sieur de Tracy, 
and Sieur de Courcelles, whom he sends in place of said de Mezy, and to Talon to take 
information, by persons not suspected of partialit}s of the truth of the complaints made against 
him, and in case they be well founded, to arrest him, to prosecute and complete his trial unto 
definitive judgment exclusively, and to send him afterwards a prisoner to France, being a 
satisfaction the King deems due to his Justice and to the peace of his people in those quarters. 

The Iroquois, who are divided into divers nations, and who are all perpetual and 
irreconcilable enemies of the Colony, having by the massacre of a number of French, 
and the inhumanity which they exercise towards those who fall into their power, prevented 
the country being more peopled than it is at present, and by their surprisals and unexpected 
forays always keeping the country in check, the King has resolved, with a view of applying 
a suitable remedy thereto, to carry war even to their firesides in order totally to exterminate 
them, having no guarantee in their words, for they violate their faith as often as they find 
the inhabitants of the Colony at their mercy. With this view he has ordered Sieur de Tracy 
to repair thither from the Antilles, with four companies of Infantry of the regular Troops, to 
command the expedition, and in addition to that, sends one thousand good men under the 
orders of Sieur de Saliere, ancient M' de Camp of Infantry, with all the munitions' of war and 
Vol. IX. 4 



26 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

provisions considered necessary for that enterprise, an ample Report whereon he hath handed 
to Sieur Talon, together with funds collected as well for this purpose as for the other 
expenses to be incurred in the country, wliich also will furnish 3 or 400 soldiers conversant 
with the mode of fighting tiiose savage people. 

As it is the King's intention that he assist in all the Councils of war to be held in the 
course of this expedition, and he will thus become exactly informed of the resolutions which 
will be adopted, his chief attention ought then to be directed to provide against the failure of 
any of the necessaries for the service and comfort of the troops, and to supply by his vigilance 
and his industry for unforeseen incidents: And this expedition terminating to the glory of his 
Majesty's arms and the safety of the Colony, the said Sieurs de Tracy, de Courcelles, de 
Saliere and the other Chiefs will perhaps deem it expedient to construct some forts for the 
preservation of the places which shall be occupied; he shall in that case turn, in like manner, 
all his attention to supplying them with provisions and munitions necessary for their defence 
and the subsistence of the soldiers who may be left there. 

Before quitting Quebec on this expedition it will be well that he acquire, as far as time will 
allow, all the knowledge possible regarding both the administration of Justice and the number 
of families, in order, if there be anything to be redressed in the first department, and it were 
posssible for him to work usefully in the second, he may do it before setting out on that 
journey. As he will be more at liberty on his return, being released from the principal 
business of the war, and as pursuant to the power given him, and the said Sieurs de Tracy 
and de Courcelles, they will either have dissolved the Sovereign Council, to compose it of 
other persons, in case they remark them not to have done their duty; or will be content to 
remove some of them, or in fine have confirmed all of them, if in effect, they shall have 
perceived that they are well disposed and meditate only the good of Justice. It is important 
that he continually bear in mind that this same Justice constituting the happiness of the 
people, and fulfilling the first intention of the King, his first object ought to be to establish it 
without any distinction whatsoever, by taking care that the Sovereign Council administer 
it always with integrity, without any cabal or expense: And though the power of judging 
civil cases, alone sovereignly and in the last resort, be conferred on him, it will be well 
notwithstanding that he do not exercise it except in case of absolute necessity, it being of 
consequence to dispose of business in its natural order, and not to abandon that except 
on indispensable occasions. 

As the Colony will derive another very considerable advantage from the establishment 
of a good police, regarding as well the administration of the public funds, the cultivation of 
lands, as the manufactures which can be established there, the said Sieur Talon will contrive, 
with the Officers who shall compose said Sovereign Council and the principal Inhabitants of 
the country, the means of forming some fixed regulations on that subject, to have them 
inviolably observed, founding them, if possible, on the example of those in force in the 
cities of the Kingdom, where order is best established. A statement of the Revenue of 
the country and of its application to the present time, is furnished him ; also of the debts 
which have been contracted and of the interest paid annually thereon. But as he may be able 
to acquire still further information respecting it, being on the spot, the King's pleasure is, 
that he endeavor to investigate this subject so far as to know with certainty, to the last 
sous, the actual amount of this revenue ; and also if any abuse be committed, that he 
inform himself thereof in order that the guilty be punished if found to have committed 
serious malversations. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 27 

One of the causes which have retarded the peopling of Canada has been that the Inhabitants, 
who have gone thither, have settled down wherever they pleased, and without using the 
precaution of uniting together and making their clearances contiguous, in order to afford each 
other help when necessary. They have taken grants for an amount of land they have never 
been able to cultivate in consequence of its vast extent; and being thus scattered, they become 
exposed to the ambuscades of the Iroquois, who by their fleetness have always committed 
their massacres before those whom they surprized had been able to obtain assistance from their 
neighbors. For this reason, therefore, the King had an order of Council issued two years ago, 
copy of which will be delivered to said Sieur Talon, whereby His Majesty ordained as a 
remedy for tiiese, that no clearances should be made thereafter except contiguous the one to 
the other, and that the settlements should be reduced as much as possible to the form of our 
Parishes and towns (bourgs). This, however, has remained without effect, inasmuch as, to 
bring the inhabitants within the bounds of villages, would obligate them to make new 
clearances and to abandon their own. However, as this is an evil for which some remedy must 
be found to guarantee the King's subjects against the incursions of the savages who are not 
their allies, his Majesty leaves it to Sieur Talon's prudence to consult with Sieur de Courcelles 
and the Officers of the Sovereign Council of Quebec, on whatever will be practicable to 
accomplish so necessary a good. 

The difficulty experienced, as above stated, in the execution of this Edict for the reunion of 
the settlements in form of parishes, having prevented the execution of a matter the most 
salutary for the country, and which can best contribute to render that Colony flourishing, it 
will be important that Sieur Talon, without stopping to put that Edict rigorously in force, act 
in concert with the inhabitants to execute it partially, if it cannot be fully carried out; and 
the condition possibly to be agreed upon may be, for example, that an inhabitant with a grant 
of 500 arpens^ of land, who has cleared only 50 arpens, abandon one hundred arpens of it to the 
Frenchmen who shall newly come to settle in the country, which if he object, he may be 
threatened with the loss of all he has not yet cultivated ; and in fact, a declaration will, if 
required, be sent to be enregistered at the said Sovereign Council of Quebec to the effect, that 
the said inhabitants shall be obliged to clear all the lands that have been granted them, if not, 
and in default of so doing, the 10"' or 15"" shall be retrenched annually therefrom to be given 
to new Colonists. By these means it is to be hoped that, in a few years, all the granted lands 
will be generally put under cultivation. 

One thing more remains to be done in the same matter, which will greatly promote the 
augmentation of the Colony. This is, that the King desires that the said Sieur Talon cause 
to be prepared, in the course of each year, 30 or 40 settlements for the reception of as many 
new families, by felling the timber and sowing the ground which will have been cleared at his 
Majesty's expense. 

The King considering all his Canadian subjects, from the highest to the lowest, in the light 
almost of his own children, and wishing to satisfy the obligation he is under to make them 
sensible, equally with those in the heart of France, of the mildness and happiness of his reign, 
Sieur Talon will study solely to solace them in all things, and to encourage them to industry 
and commerce which alone can attract abundance into the country, and render families of easy 
circumstances. And inasmuch as nothing can better contribute thereunto than entering into 
the details of their little affairs and of their household, it will not be mal-a-propos if, after 

' An arpent of land contains 100 square perches, of eighteen feet long each. — Ed. 



28 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

being established, he visit all their settlements, the one after the other, to understand their 
true state, and afterwards provide as much as possible for the necessities he will have noticed 
there, so that in performing the duty of a good master of a household, he may expedite for 
them the means of realizing some profits and of undertaking the cultivation of the wild lands 
lying nearest those already placed under tillage. 

He will observe tiiat tlie establishment of manufactures and the attraction thither of 
fabricators of articles essential to purposes of life, constitute one of the greatest wants 
of Canada; for either through the necessity of cultivating the land for the support of 
themselves and their families, they made this tiieir sole and most important occupation; or in 
consequence of the want of zeal and industry in those who have hitherto governed them, it 
has been found necessary, up to the present time, to export to that country the cloth to cover 
the people and the very shoes for their feet. He will therefore inquire into all the means that 
can be adopted for the introduction of a matter so useful to the country, to which his Majesty 
will contribute by opening his coffers, being well persuaded that he cannot employ a large 
sum of money to a better purpose. 

The education of Children being the first duty of fathers in their regard, the said Sieur 
Talon will encourage these to inspire the former with piety and a great veneration for things 
relating to our Religion (notwithstanding the Bishop of Petree and the Jesuits apply themselves 
thereto with great fruit); and afterwards with profound love and respect for the Royal person 
of his Majesty, and then to accustom them early to industry; for experience has always 
unerringly demonstrated, that the idleness of early life is the true source of all the disorders 
that mar it, whilst industry produces a contrary effect among those who avoid sloth at this 
early season. 

The expedition against the Iroquois being finished, the King desires Sieur Talon to invite the 
soldiers as well of the Carignan Regiment as of the four companies of Infantry who have 
already gone to America under command of Sieur de Tracy, to remain in the country, by 
presenting each a slight gratuity in his Majesty's name, to enable them the better to establish 
themselves there, and to procure for themselves from the old settlers some cleared land, in 
addition to what he shall grant them for purposes of cultivation. 

The Bishop of Petree, who labors with much zeal and fervor for the propagation and 
perfection of Christianity in New France, carried with him, at the last voyage he made to 
Court, an Edict of Council by which the King established Tythes on the fruits of the earth, 
and permitted him and his clergy to take the SO"" for the support of the Seminary and of the 
Ecclesiastics who perform the parish duties (foncdons curiales) at Quebec, Montreal, Three 
Rivers and other settlements of the Colony. Tlie King then deemed this burthen not too 
heavy on the. said Inhabitants, inasmuch as the Church takes the Eleventh for the tythe in 
most parts of the Kingdom; his intention, nevertheless, is, that the said Sieur Talon examine 
with Sieurs de Tracy and de Courcelles if tiiis establishment be, in fact, too burthensome on 
the country; for in that case it would be necessary to look to the modification requisite to be 
made therein, as his Majesty would rather contribute from another source to the support of 
said Seminary and of the Priests who compose it. 

From all the reports sent from Canada 'tis certain that a vast quantity of timber is found 
there fit for all sorts of purposes, and even for the construction of all the parts of a ship, and 
that there are trees of the thickness and height necessary for masts. As this is a treasure 
most carefully to be preserved, in order to erect in time some yarJs for building King's ships, 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 29 

it will be well when new clearances are made, to prevent the felling of timber of superior 
growth fit to be employed as aforesaid. Nevertheless, Sieur Talon will render a service to 
the King which will be most acceptable to him, and contribute at the same time to the 
establishment of trade in the Colony, if he can induce the inhabitants, in the most easy 
circumstances, to undertake some vessels on their own account; for which they will find even 
the more facility in the opening of the copper, lead and iron mines that have been proved, 
by explorations that have been made, to be very abundant. 

Sieur Talon will moreover report if the land by its fertility produces much grain, and if 
having in that way in the country more tiian is required for the food of all the settlers in the 
Colony and their families, it would not be more advantageous for the inhabitants to sow 
hemp and vegetables; and, if he should deem it necessary, he will be able, with the 
participation of the Governor and Sovereign Council, to draft a law to be afterwards enforced. 
And as the foddering cattle, for which the country is well adapted by the salubrity of the 
waters and the vast extent of the prairies, will contribute greatly to the advantage of 
the Colony, it will be well if the said Sieur Talon examine with the assistance, also, of said 
Governor and Council, whether it may not be proper to prohibit the slaughtering of Oxen, 
Cows, Calves, Sheep, Hogs and generally all sorts of Cattle for a time to be agreed on. 

Moreover, Sieur Talon ought to be very particular to inform the King of everything that 
may occur in said Country, and send his Mnjesty the observations he shall have made on the 
present Instruction. 

Done at Paris the 27"" day of March 1665. 

(signed) Louis, 
and lower down 

DE LlONNE 



M. Talon to the Minister. 



Sir, 

If you please to review, one after the other, the answers I have given to each article of 
the Instruction you furnished me, you will make closer application of this despatch and see 
that, explaining myself on the first answer, I say, that if the Jesuits in times past balanced 
the temporal, by the spiritual authority, they have greatly reformed their conduct, and there 
will be no need of being guarded against them, provided they always comport themselves as 
they now do. I shall watch them however, and prevent as much as in me lies, their 
proceedings being prejudicial to his Majesty's interest, and I believe that in so doing I shall 
not have any trouble. 

The second answer would require that I should, indeed, draw out an exact plan of the 
whole country, and amplify in this despatch on all its productions. But as the King's ships, 
which return to Rochelle, are on the point of sailing, and as M. de Tracy proposes to ascend 
the River within a couple of days to inspect the forts, and put the troops in winter quarters, 
I must attend principally to loading twelve sloops and thirty or forty bateaus with every 
thing necessary for their wintering, as the preservation of the troops and the expedition 
against the Iroquois depend thereon. I therefore, postpone to the return of the Dieppe vessel, 



30 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

informing you fully of all the advantages that God for his glory, and the King for his state 
may expect from this country. Nevertheless, in order to furnish you with a rough sketch, 
I shall have the honor to inform you: — 

That Canada is of a very vast extent; that I know not its limits on the North, they are so 
great a distance from us, and on the South there is nothing to prevent his Majesty's name and 
arms being carried as far as Florida, New Sweden, New Netherland and New England; and 
that through the first of these Countries access is had even to Mexico. 

That the whole of this country, diversely watered by the river Saint Lawrence and by 
beautiful rivers, which, at its sides, discharge into its bed, communicates by these same rivers 
with several Indian Nations, rich in furs, particularly those who inhabit the North ; that if 
the Southern Nations, to whom we can ascend by Lake Ontario, if the portages, with which 
we are not yet acquainted, are not very difficult, a thing however not irremediable; if they 
do not abound in peltries as much as the North, they may have more precious commodities; 
and if we are not acquainted with these, it is because our enemies the Iroquois intervene 
between us and the countries that produce them. 

That the Climate, which causes a residence in the country to be feared on account of the 
excessive cold, is nevertheless so salubrious that people are seldom sick here, and live here 
very long; that the land, very unequal on account of its mountains and valleys, is covered 
with trees which form but one forest, stifling in my opinion, rich and beautiful products. Its 
fertility in grain is evident to us by the abundant harvests furnished every year by cleared and 
cultivated lands; more especially as receiving the seed only from the close of the month of 
April up to the IS"" May, they produce their fruits at the end of August and beginning 
of September. Thus as regards the necessaries of life, they can be looked for in abundance 
from this country alone if cultivated. I say more, that when it will once be supplied 
with all sorts of animals, agricultural and domestic, for the raising of which it is well adapted, 
it will have in 15 years a sufficient surplus as well in grain, vegetables, meat as in fish, to 
furnish the Antillas of America, even the places on the continent of this vast quarter of the 
globe. I do not advance this lightly, and do not state it until after having well examined 
the strength of the soil in a state of nature, and before it receives the aid and help which 
manure affords that of France. A minot' of wheat here most commonly produces fifteen, 
twenty, and reaches as far as thirty; even more than this in favorable places. 

I pass from the fertility of the soil to its fecundity, and from its fruits to its minerals, and 
say that if the Founder sent us by the gentlemen of the Company, by your orders, is as skilful 
an artisan, as he represents himself to be, in the knowledge and discrimination of the true 
from the apparent minerals, you ought to expect great advantages from this country for his 
Majesty. I have had several private conferences with this Founder on all that I had collected 
going up the river Saint Lawrence and landing at places at which I expected to find particular 
productions either of the soil or climate; showed him specimens of mines, marcassites and 
something purer that I took from several places, which the river detaches from rocks, or 
produces in and washes along its bed. If the judgment he pronounces on what he has seen is 
that of an experienced man, gold and silver exist in the places which produce those marcassites. 
In exploring for those, I intend to labor with assiduity; making the discovery of minerals, 
whether of rich or poor materials, part of the King's affairs and the Canadian establishment. 
I do not ask you to approve my incurring the expense necessary for that purpose, as I cannot 

containing three bushela. — Ed. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 31 

receive your orders on every matter for this current year. I sliall act, as much as possible, for 
the ^ood of his Majesty's service, and, as I believe, for your satisfiiction ; nevertheless v^ith all 
possible economy, as I shall assume to myself all the ill success for this year; and as regards 
the future, should you be of opinion, after testing the marcassites I send you, and those I have 
placed for greater safety in the hands of this Founder, which he considers the best specimens, 
that in the resolution I adopt, I push my zeal too far, you will arrest it if you please, by 
limiting it, and indicating to me how far it may go, both in this regard and in all the 
undertakings I shall consider useful to the state, none of which I shall enter upon without 
the advice of Mess" de Tracy and de Courcelle. 

This Founder will depart to-morrow with the Company's General Agent, in a sloop I had 
equipped for Gaspe, where he expects to find silver, not from what he has seen in France, but 
from a view of a rock I showed him, which I broke off myself when passing said Gaspd. 
His expectation appears plausible. The important point is to know, such being the case, 
whether there will be metal enough to render men's labor profitable, and if the hardness of 
the rock which contains the mine, will not render its opening very difficult and expensive. 
My opinion is, that it will require powerful machines to make a good opening, unless there be 
some particular secret, or that working it in the woods which cover it, render it more moist 
and ductile. 

The ease with which the Founder pretends to work in a deep rock, and the great advantages 
he promises from his labour, united to the expectations of mines of gold and silver with 
which he flatters us, especially from what I showed him, induce me to say, it is well to test 
him, and find out if he will realize the hopes he creates, particularly as to mines of gold and 
silver, which he is almost certain must be found in this country. 

Though you can well understand from my answer to the 4"" article of my Instruction, if it 
be for the King's advantage to surrender to the Company the property of this vast country 
with the right of government, or to reserve the one and the other to his Majesty, I explain 
myself as to the motive that might have led him to make this surrender to the Company and 
say, — that if it were to increase the profits by furnishing him large means to meet his first 
expenses; to augment the number of his vessels, and to carry on an extensive commerce, useful 
to his state, without having in view the extending settlements and the multiplying colonists in 
this country, it is, in my opinion, more advantageous to the King to leave this property to the 
Company without any reserve. But if he have regarded this country as a fine field on which 
to establish a great Kingdom, or to found a Monarchy, or at least a very considerable State, I 
cannot persuade myself he will succeed in his design, if he leave in other hands than his own, 
the Seigniorage, the property of the soil, the nominations to parishes and dependencies 
(adjoints), and even the trade which constitutes the soul of the establishment. What I have 
seen from the time of my arrival to this moment, has convinced me fully of what I advance; 
for, since the Company's agents have given it to be understood that it would not suffer any 
freedom of trade, — neither to the French who were in the habit of coming to this country 
with merchandise from France, nor to the proper inhabitants of Canada, — even so far as to deny 
them the right of importing on their own account the products of the Kingdom which they 
make use of, as well for their own support, as in trade with the Indians, which alone will ruin 
the most considerable of the Inhabitants, to whom agriculture does not afford sufficient 
inducements to make them remain here with their families, I clearly perceive that the 
Company, by pushing its power to the extreme it pretends, will doubtless profit by 



32 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

impoverishing the country ; and will not only deprive it of the means of self-support, but will 
become a serious obstacle to its settlement, and that Canada will in ten years be less populous 
than it is to-day. 

The Company has been put in possession not only of honorary and seigniorial rights, but also 
of all those of any utility. As for trade, I apprehend it will push that to too great an extent. 
For that purpose, it will take advantage of its terms of the charter, which confers on it that 
privilege to the exclusion of all others; and I fear it will, thereby, discourage the most 
numerous and considerable portion of the inhabitants of Canada. As its pretension and the 
orders the King has given me by my instruction, wherein his Majesty commands me to 
stimulate the said inhabitants to trade, do not harmonize too well,^ shall hold things, as 
much as possible, in an equilibrium, to encourage in minds I find beaten down, some hope of 
gain and profit, until his Majesty next year, explain his intentions more fully on this subject, 
on which I shall further enlarge in my next despatches. 

It has not been deemed proper to proceed against M' de Mezy after his death ; the Bishop 
and other individuals whom he offended by his behavior, taking no further steps therein. 
We were of opinion, Mess" de Tracy, de Courcelle and I, that his Majesty would not be sorry 
were his fault buried with his memory. However, as regards civil suits, satisfaction will be 
given to those who claim to have suffered damage by the conduct he pursued, and if his 
Majesty wish any thing further, when it will be communicated to me by your letters, which I 
hope to receive next year, I shall on my part, do as you on behalf of his Majesty order me. 
I will not enlarge either on the war, nor on the troops referred to in the T"" Article of my 
Instruction, because I am persuaded that Mess" de Tracy and de Courcelle render you an 
exact report thereon. I shall only observe in this place, that though our voyage was very 
tedious, some vessels, among others, those on board of which we were, having been one hundred 
and seventeen days at sea, reckoning from the time of embarkation, the troops arrived here 
in pretty good condition ; and in the whole passage we did not lose one officer, and only 
about eight soldiers died. Yet, several ships, especially ours which was very small, much 
incumbered and considerably crowded with people, were filled with sick, of whom I saw as 
many as 80; so that had we not gone to the North, the heat of the South would have 
engendered a plague on board of our vessel. It is important that more room be furnished the 
troops which his Majesty may please to send out in future. 

The companies composing the Carignan Regiment^ are, with the exception of four which 
came from America, as yet almost more than complete. There are, among others, some of 
66 men. All will be distributed for the winter among the forts which have been commenced, 
and the three settlements, this, Three Rivers and Montreal. I shall give my best attention 
to their preservation, and for this purpose shall send them, if the river does not freeze soon, 
in addition to what is necessary for their subsistence, some luxuries to charm away the rigors 
of the winter, so that Mess" de Tracy and de Courcelle may find them ready to act against 
the enemy. 

' The Carignan regiment participated in the war of the Fronde and in the bloody affairs of Elampes and of the Faubourg 
St. Antoine, Paris, on the side of ihe Royalists, and served under Turenne at Auxerre. It formed part of tlie 4,000 men sent 
by France under Counts de Coligni and de la Feuillade, in 1664, to the aid of the Emperor Leopold against the Turk?. At 
the decisive battle of St Godart. they drove the latter from the banks of the Raab, and afforded effectual support to the 
German army, who were very nearly overwhelmed. On the retiirn of the regiment from Hungary it emliarked for Canada, 
■where most of the soldiers settled, with their officers, as Colonists. Oarncau's Histoire du Canada, 2d ed., L, 203. — Ed. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS: I. 33 

I say nothing of the provisions consumed by the supernumeraries, besides the volunteers of 
the country, the sailors and other people employed in the transportation of munitions of war 
and supplies, nor of the expenses which of necessity must be greater than you expected, 
inasmuch as my industry as well as my obligation, binds me to supply all deficiencies. You 
have the service at heart, and I am persuaded you will not have us spare what is necessary 
for its advancement. 

As considerable of the munitions of war and provisions destined for us are missing, as 
appears by the memoir M. de Terron has placed in my hands ; and as many of the things we 
have received are damaged and good for nothing, either on account of the little care taken 
by those who have had charge of them, or because the sea has caused the loss in the number 
and weight, as well as the damage in the quality, I send back to the said M'' de Terron, copy 
of the said statement, verified, article by article, by the Storekeeper General whom he sent 
hither on his behalf; as he requires it of me in order that he may take fuller information as 
to what has caused the losses I mention. 

I think I have explained myself sufficiently as to what regards the administration of Justice 
in this country; and I do not suppose that you will be less informed by M. de Tracy's 
despatches as to the causes which have prevented the arrangement of the Council to the 
present time. It will doubtless be composed much more judiciously on returning from 
the journey M. de Tracy is about to make, than it could have been before we had collected 
information of the capability, talent and merit of persons who ought to enter this Body. 
You may, however, rest assured that, as far as it is in my power to administer justice 
consularly and summarily, I shall do it with care, for the reasons given in my answers to the 
Instruction I have received from his Majesty. 

I do not see any further answer requisite to the article of my Instruction which speaks 
of the administration of the public moneys of the establishment, of the police and of 
manufactures. I postpone 'till my next despatches sending you a memoir as to what I shall 
have received, possible to be manufactured and fabricated here usefully ibr the State; and I 
insist now only on the item of the fourth of the peltries claimed by the Company's General 
Agent as a thing ceded without any reserve for forty years, the limits of the charter granted 
by his Majesty. This droit constituting, as I observed, the whole of the public revenue from 
which are defrayed the indispensable charges of the country, and the aids essential to its 
safety in urgent occasions, I have thought it necessary to demand of you, as regards the future, 
an explanation of his Majesty's intentions in this regard, and I shall ask of M. de Tracy that at 
least a Comptroller be appointed to keep a register of the receipts of said duties, so that if his 
Majesty think proper to retain them, on demanding- an account of the charges of the country, 
such may be faithfully rendered him. If, however, his Majesty wishes to surrender them 
absolutely, he will at least have a more complete knowledge of the Company's profits, and I 
say not this without reason ; for I have before remarked, that this fourth has already appeared 
to Mess" de Tracy, de Courcelle and me to have been very productive. The Company's 
Agent does not willingly admit that it is very profitable; and he even makes a difficulty in 
paying certain charges, which, he says, are not included in the statement of those to be 
defrayed by this fund. 

You have truly remarked that whilst settlements are not made contiguous, the country will 
not be in a state to sustain itself against the attacks of its irreconcilable enemies the Iroquois. 
A remedy will be applied as eflectually as possible to the past evil, and the same 
Vol. IX. 5 



34 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

inconvenience will be avoided for the future. I am devising a plan of a clearance for the 
erection of the first hamlet. When finally determined on, I shall send you the design. 

I hope you will consider the declaration I request of you in my answer to the King's 
Instruction; if it be not necessary, it will be at least useful to the establishment of the country, 
inasmuch as it cannot but stimulate the inhabitants to industry. I therefore expect you 
will order it to be sent me. 

Arrangements can be always made in good season to send families to this country next 
year, on the assurance I give that settlements will be provided for them ; and if the King will 
please to have a greater number in readiness for the next, instead of the forty you order me 
to prepare the current year, I shall have as many arranged as his Majesty pleases, if I be 
furnished on his part with the necessary help. 

I say nothing further on the article ordering me to encourage the inhabitants to commerce, 
as I have already stated that I shall feed their minds with the hope of the gain to be realized 
by them in this way, in opposition to the dread created by the Company, who wish to deprive 
them of the means to acquire it. And I have already begun to collect some people to work 
at the fishery ; to prepare timber necessary to construct some small vessels, and in default of 
the commodities which were not to be had in the Company's stores before the arrival of the 
ship from Dieppe, I even sent to Montreal a portion of goods I purchased to trade here on my 
own account, because specie does not go as far as commodities for the subsistence of people; 
and I added, by the advice of M. de Tracy, some supplies drawn from the King's stores, to be 
distributed at Montreal for the comfort of the Inhabitants, though for the advantage of his 
Majesty, as I expect in return to receive grain and vegetables for the subsistence of the 
soldiers, and even Moose Skins ( Peaux (T Oiigncaux) with which to construct large canoes, better 
adapted to navigation than those of bark. I shall see by this and other experiments that I 
shall cause to be made with the savages, what benefit may accrue from barter, so as to be 
able to give you fuller information. 

I postpone, until the return of the Dieppe vessel, communicating to you the memoir I 
intend drawing up on all the manufactures that can be introduced into this country; on the 
means to be proposed and the aid necessary to be demanded for putting them into practice. 

You may rely, Sir, on the assurance I give you that for carrying out the King's pious 
intentions and seconding yours, I shall direct my main efforts to lead not only the children, 
but even the'- heads of families, to Divine worship; to inculcate the veneration they owe the 
Ministers of our Religion, and the respectful love they are obliged to preserve for his 
Majesty's sacred person. 

I think, without pledging myself too much, that I can answer for it, if I do but a very little 
more for the soldiers of the Carignan Regiment, that many of them will remain in this 
country, should his Majesty resolve to recall that corps. 

Although I remark in the answer I make to the article of the Instruction relating to Tythes, 
that I shall send you a memoir, you will not find it here, as I defer forwarding it to you until 
the sailing of the Dieppe ship. I calculate that vessels adapted to navigation can be built 
some day here, especially when we shall have settled farther to the South, where the trees 
are of finer growth, and the oaks are less scarce than here ; especially as the Founder, of whom 
I have spoken, assures me that he will bloom the iron sand (sable de fcr) discovered here in 
considerable abundance. Herewith is a small bag of it for the purpose of an experiment, at 
which this same Founder can work if you order him. He could have done it here, had he the 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 35 

tools which he says are required for that purpose. Besides, as respects rigging, you will learn 
by the last answer given to the Instruction that at least as much hemp can be expected from 
these lands as is procured from those of France, inasmuch as they are as well qualified to 
produce it. And if I discover the means to make tar and resin, which I dare not as yet hope, 
you will find every thing in this country necessary for a ship, without drawing from without 
for any of its parts. . J_ J 'sGJ ^ 6 

I notice such feeble health in M. de Tracy that I justly fear we shall lose him, either by 
death or by the retirement he meditates in the hope that the King will give him his con^e; if 
his Majesty consider his age, and the inconveniences a long and fatiguing voyage has caused 
him, and which I believe two climates, very opposite, In which he lives and has lived, will 
seriously aggravate, I fear his loss, the rather, as in the midst of the attacks he sufl^ers from 
his disease, he relaxes in no wise his labors, so as not to detract any thing from his zeal ; 
triumphing over his age and infirmity, he acts just as if he enjoyed perfect health and was 
only thirty years of age. I assure you, Sir, he astonishes me, and though I should mar the 
design he entertains of returning to France next summer, I cannot but tell you that, with his 
genius singularly adapted to the establishment of a new country, as to its reformation when 
badly managed, and the energy with which he embraces every thing that can reflect glory on 
the King or advantage to his state, I doubt much if his Majesty grant him the retirement I know 
he desires, if he reflect on the advantage of M. de Tracy's sojourn in this country and the need 
in which we shall still be of his presence to sustain the vast work the King has commenced. 
Should his Majesty, however, incline to grant it, so as not to offend him by an absolute refusal, 
I believe he might be induced honorably to continue his application and attention, if, leaving 
him at liberty to return, he should be ordered not to avail himself of such permission until he 
should have satisfactorily perceived that his retirement will not cause any prejudice to his 
Majesty's service throughout the whole extent of the country. 

Should the frigate which brings M. de Tracy's supplies be lost, as it is supposed, I greatly 
pity him. He has indeed already sold a portion of his stores to purchase necessaries ; and I 
believe that however resolved he may have been not to borrow from any person, he will be 
obliged to accept aid from those who are more at ease, in order to defray his expenses. From 
his known character, I doubt much if he will inform you of his wants. 

Chevalier de Chaumont, Captain of M. de Tracy's guards, who serves assiduously and very 
usefully near his person, has been favored by his Majesty with a commission of Aid-de-camp, 
for the allowances of which he has applied to me. You know. Sir, I have no fund for that. 
He expects payment thereof from his Majesty through your intervention. 

You will find annexed a memoir of observations I made on the voyage. As I am aware of 
the great danger in navigating the river Saint Lawrence, I reflected considerably, in order to 
ascertain the measures to be adopted to improve it, so as to diminish the difficulty Captains 
of ships experience in steering securely there, when they undertake to do so without a 
thorough knowledge of the river. I send a duplicate of this Memoir to M. du Terron, so 
that he may confer with the most experienced pilots, in order, if it be found useful, that each 
of the vessels leaving Rochelle may bring a copy of it along. I believe it would not be 
mal-a-propos to send as many to Normandy for the ships leaving there. 

I must not close this despatch without bearing testimony to the attention M. de Courcelle 
gives to every thing relating to the King's service. I can assure you, Sir, that he powerfully 



36 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

seconds M. de Tracy, and I trust he will greatly comfort him in the expedition against 
the Iroquois. 

I am, with all due respect, 

Your most humble, most obedient 

and most obliged Servant 
Quebec 4"' S*-" 1665. Talon. 



Prices of European Goods in Cariada. 

Prices of the Goods brought by the India Company's ships to be delivered to 
the Inhabitants of Quebeck. 

14th November, 1665. 
At a meeting of the Council, where M. de Tracy presided — at which Mess" de Silly, 
d' Amours, Denis, de la Chesnaye and de Maze Councillors; the King's Attorney General were 
present — was arranged the tariff and prices of the goods arrived in the West India Company's 
ships and in others of the Merchants of Rochelle, which are to be delivered to the inhabitants 
by the Commissary of the general warehouse 

At Quebec : 

Wine, per barrel, @ 51. 

Brandy, per barrel, @ 140. 

Vinegar, per ton, @ 180. 

Salt, per barrel, @ 14. 

Poitou Serge, the ell, @ 4. 5.10, 

Linen de Meslis, the ell, @ 1. 9. 9. 

Coarse ditto, the ell @ 1. 8. 1. 

Large Biscay axes, each, 1.11. 5. 

Small axes @ 19. 10.0. each, 19.10. 

For Three Rivers. 

The barrel of Wine, 56. 

The barrel of Brandy, 154. 

The barrel of Vinegar, 49 . 10 . 

Tiie barrel of Salt, 15. S. 

Poitou Serge, the ell, 4.14.6. 

Linen de Meslis, the ell, 1.11. 

Large Biscay axes, each, 1.14.2. 

Small axes, each, 1. 2. 

For Montreal. 

The barrel of Wine, 61. 

The barrel of Brandy, 168. 

The barrel of Vinegar, 64. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 37 

liv 

The barrel of Salt, 5. 3. 

Fine Meslis linen, the ell, 1.16. 

Coarse Meslis linen, the ell, 1 .14.2. 

Large Biscay axes, each, 1.17.9. 

Small axes, each, 1. 4. 

Done and enacted in said Council the day and year aforesaid. 

The present Tariff will serve for Liquors, until the arrival of the next vessels in the year 
1666, and the salt which will be delivered at Three Rivers and Montreal will be sold 
as usual. 



Explanation of the Eleven Presents of the Iroquois Ambassadors. 

1« December, 1665. 

The First present is made to reply to the three that the said Ambassadors received from 
M. de Tracy at their first audience. {The first of which was to wipe their eyes, so that they 
may see the features of Onnontio'^ (i. e., M. de Tracy) full of honor and humanity; the second, to 
open their mouths and cleanse their throats, so that they may speak, with more ease, mildness 
and agreeableness; the third, to strengthen their hearts, so that they might express their 
sentiments and discover their thoughts sincerely and without disguise.) 

The Second to congratulate us upon the return of Sieur Le Moyne, whom they had a 
prisoner, and whom they restore in health, without even one of his nails being torn off or any 
part of his body being burnt ; and explaining, by the same present, all the kindnesses they had 
shown, particularly by Captain Garagonsie to Sieur Lemoyne, and to all the French who have 
been prisoners in the Iroquois villages. 

The Third, to testify that with the Dead of their Nation they have interred the memory of 
the injuries and wrongs perpetrated against them by the French, in killing them, or allowing 
the Algonquins and the Hurons to massacre them; and generally, all the wrongs they 
have received either by the violation of the Treaty or bad treatment experienced by their 
Ambassadors, or by the retention of their presents without replying to them; in a word, 
forgetting generally the whole of the past, so as not to retain any resentment about it. 

The Fourth indicates that they remember right well that there have been frequent Treaties 
of peace between them and the French; that they come not to demand a new, but to confirm 
the old treaty, and testify the passion or desire they of the three Upper Nations feel to preserve 
it inviolably. 

The Fifth invites the French to grant them two Black-gowns — they mean by this term, 
Jesuits — an Armorer to repair their broken guns, and a Surgeon, whom they require to dress 
their wounded, recollecting that they often received charitable and useful aid from the French 
physicians, who often restored them again to life : 'Tis thus they designate their cures. 

' Literally, Great Mountain; an epithet originally applied by the Indians to M. de Moutmagny, Governor of Canada, of 
■whose name, it wUl be seen, it is a translation. Relalion of 1640, 1, p. tT. — Ed. 



38 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

The Sixth: having learned with great grief the bad news of Father Le Moyne's death, they 
wish to resuscitate him; and with this present invite the appointment of a successor, who 
would have the same disposition as the said Father for their instruction in Christianity and 
in the principles and mysteries of our Religion. 

The Seventh demands an Iroquois squaw, a prisoner, and a child captured by the 
Mohegans (Loups^) to be restored to Captain Garagonqui, so that returning with this mark of 
the consideration entertained for him by the French, he may be able, when occasion presents, 
to convince his nation of the good faith of the said French, and of the gratitude they evince 
for the care he has taken to preserve their brothers; the said Garagonki earnestly desiring 
that this favor be granted him, the rather as being frequently employed to procure the liberty 
of French prisoners by redemption and a multitude of presents, he has been always reproached ' 
that the French had no gratitude, and that he should lose his influence if he returned without 
bringing back this squaw and this little child, who are prisoners ; assuring, moreover, that he 
should always preserve a warm friendship for the French, and a like inclination to assist 
them in all their necessities. 

The Eighth, to obtain the liberty of a Huron Squaw belonging to a family of the same 
Nation domiciled with the Iroquois, who was captured by the Algoaquins, and who is at 
present in the Huron fort; in order to make manifest his influence in like manner, and to show 
that he experiences as favorable treatment as those Frenchmen experienced at his hands, 
whose freedom he procured when they fell into the power of the Iroquois. 

Tiie Ninth, to testify that he no longer proposes peace like that of times past, which he 
says held the French only by the fringe of the coat; but that he clasps them around the waist, 
promising the observance of this peace, not only in the names of the old men but also of the 
young, who often disturb it mal-a-propos, contrary to the opinion of the Ancients; therefore 
he demands, in the name of those same young men, that the Algonquins and the Hurons 
do not trouble them on their side, nor get up any war parties against them, nor obstruct 
their hunting. 

Tlie Tenth, to give assurance that though the Oneidas have not given them presents to 
demand peace, not having been aware of the coming of the three Upper nations, he of that 
tribe who is present with this Embassy being here only by accident, yet they warrant 
that they will do nothing to disturb the peace, and that they will not form any war party. 
Therefore he demands that they be treated in the same manner as the three Upper Nations. 

The Eleventh, to suspend hostilities against the Mohawks, who not being advised of the 
arrival of the French and of the design they formed to destroy the five Iroquois Nations, have 
not sent an Embassy, promising that, as soon as they shall have notice of it, they will not 
fail to do so; and to demand time necessary for Captain Garagonki to repair with advice to 
the said Mohawks, which is promised to be done immediately, with assurance that if they 
do not concur in the same Treaty of Peace when he will have spoken to them, those Upper 
Nations will abandon them. 

' " This nation was formerly settled on the River Manhatte, in New -York, and it seems they are originally from there." 
Charlevoix, III., 121. They were hence known as the River Indians. The French name is a mere translation of that of the 
tribe ; Mahigan meaning " Wolf," in Algonquin. — Ed. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 

Treaty of Peace hetwcen the Iroquois and Governor de Tracy. 

[ Already printed in Vol. III., 121 - 126. ] 



M. Colbert to M. Talon. 

Sir, 

I received your despatches of the 4"' October and 12"" November of last year, with all the 
Memoirs annexed thereunto and the answers to your Instructions ; and after having submitted 
the whole of them to the King, and his Majesty having made the necessary observations on all 
your arguments, he has commended me to explain to you his intentions on all the affairs of 
Canada in the manner following: 

The King cannot concur with you in the whole of your reasoning as to the means of 
rendering Canada a great and powerful State, perceiving many obstacles thereto which cannot 
be overcome except by a long lapse of time; because, even though he sliould have no other 
business and could direct both his application and his power to that object, it would not be 
prudent to depopulate his Kingdom, which he should do to people Canada. Besides tliis 
consideration, which will appear important to you, there remains yet another, namely, that if 
his Majesty removed thither a greater number of men than what the land, now cleared, 
could feed, 'tis certain that if they did not all perish at once they would at least sufi^er great 
privations, which, reducing them to continual langor, would weaken them little by little ; and 
besides the inconveniences they would themselves endure, they would increase those of the 
old inhabitants, who, without this augmentation of Colonists, would live by their labor and 
the cultivation of the soil. You will understand sufficiently, by this observation, that the true 
means of strengthening that Colony is to cause justice to reign there, to establish a good 
police, to preserve the inhabitants in safety, to procure them peace, repose and plenty, and to 
discipline them against all sorts of enemies; because all these things, which constitute the 
basis and foundation of all settlements, being well attended to, the country will get filled up 
insensibly, and in the course of a reasonable time may become very considerable, especially 
as his Majesty will afford it all the assistance in his power according as he shall have more or 
less occupation within his Kingdom. 

You ought always bear in mind and never depart from the plan I trace for you in a few 
words, which agrees with that laid down more at length in your Instructions and in the 
conversation I had with you here; because it is notoriously impossible that all these ideas of 
forming vast and powerful states could succeed if useless people are to be conveyed to places 
where they are to be settled. 

The other argument you use respecting the King's abandoning the country to the West 
India Company, and the inconveniences you apprehend from it, may also be combated by a 
reason capable, by itself, of destroying all the others you advance to the contrary. That is, 
that we have seen, by experience, that this Colony fell into the languishing condition in which 
it has been up to the present time, only because the old Company was too feeble, and because 



=40 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

that Company had abandoned it afterwards to the inhabitants; and if you study well what 
has occurred on that point, you will concur that these two causes have produced the desertion 
of the old colonists and prevented others establishing themselves there, which they would 
assuredly have done had they been supported by a powerful Company like this. 

It is unquestionable that you will experience great difficulties in the beginning, in 
consequence both of the inexperience and perhaps of the cupidity of the Company's Agents and 
Commissaries. But you will soon be rid of them through the remedies which the Company 
itself will have applied and by the care it will take to recall those of their agents and clerks 
who will be in any way insolent, to substitute, in their stead, others of more moderation. 

It is not by these precautions only that the King wishes to limit the means of sustaining the 
inhabitants of Canada. His Majesty has induced the Company to divest itself, in their favor, 
of the trade with the Indians, though entitled to it by the ternfs of its Charter, and though 
it might perhaps be more advantageous to leave it to it, as 'tis to be feared that in consequence 
of trading the inhabitants may remain a great part of the year in idleness, whilst, had they 
not the privilege to pursue it, they would be under the necessity of cultivating their farms. 

What you allege in order to prove that it would be more advantageous to leave commerce 
to the disposal of all the inhabitants than to confine it within the hands of the Company alone, 
being founded particularly on the bad administration of Agents and Commissaries, it would 
seem that the precautions to be hereafter used in making good selections would suflSce to 
convince you of the contrary. But to give you an opportunity to form an opinion thereupon 
with more accuracy, the Company, on my representation, has granted liberty of trade to all 
sorts of persons indiffiirentiy for this year, though it is much to be feared that those private 
traders will send from France only goods and commodities from which they will derive profit, 
and leave the country ia want of those which perhaps it will most need; besides, the Beaver 
being in several hands, sales, it is certain, will be effected at a miserable price. 

As to the receipt of the fourth of the Beavers, and of the tenth of the Moose Skins made 
over to the Company, the King having granted it Canada and all the other Countries in its 
Charter, in full seigniory and property, reserving only the sovereignty thereof, his Majesty 
has no ground to claim these two duties ; neither the mines which concern only the Company 
or the commonalty {communaute) of the country, having assigned them to it to satisfy the 
charges for which it was responsible in virtue of the agreement entered into with the old 
Company of New France. 

You will further observe that the said Company of New France, to the rights of which that 
of the West Indies has been substituted, had the monopoly of the fur trade, by means whereof 
it paid the expenses of the country as it pleased; and that the inhabitants, being unable to 
abstain from trading, the commonalty of said inhabitants negotiated therefor, and it was 
ceded to them on condition that they should be obliged to pay all the public expenses, and 
a thousand Beavers annually, to be delivered in France, or a sum to be agreed upon ; for the 
payment of which charges and of this annual rent the Commonalty imposed the duty of 
one-quarter on the Beavers and two sols per pound (pour livrc) on the Moose Skins, (Orignaux) 
payable in kind, so that the West India Company, having the rights of the old Company of 
New France, can legitimately claim the exclusive trade in peltries, or, when executing its 
surrender to tiie inhabitants, demand at least the annual rent of one thousand beavers. 

Whereupon it is, nevertheless, proper to consider that as the (fur) trade will increase also in 
value by the formation of new settlements and the augmentation in the number of Colonists, 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 41 

it is just that it should not only regularly bear the ordinary charges, but supply something for 
the extraordinary; covenanting, already, to form an annual fund of two thousand livres to 
defray incidental items, and even to contribute to whatever expenses may be necessary to be 
incurred should the King conclude on any enterprise by which his own interest and that of 
the country might equally be promoted. 

The same reason that justifies the Company reserving the duty of one-fourth of the 
Beavers — that is, having surrendered to the inhabitants the [Indian] trade which was 
the seigniorage ((e droit seigneurial), that trade duty must now supply its place — will oblige 
you to determine, in your incertitude, to make out all deeds (infiodadons) in the Company's 
name, and to proceed to the completion of the Grand Roll (Papier Terrier) at its General 
Agent's request. 

The various experiments made at the desire of the Directors of the same Company on the 
Marcassites extracted from the mines, which you forwarded, having produced nothing certain, 
and the experiment with the sand having been also unsuccessful, in consequence of its very 
small quantity, they send you back the German smelter, who had returned to France, with 
the implements necessary to make all sorts of experiments on the spot, and particularly at the 
Gaspe mine. 

The King has approved your having erected his arms at the extremity of the territory of 
Canada, and your having prepared at the same time the Records (proces verbaux) of the taking 
ppssession, as his sovereignty is thus always extended; doubting not but you have on this 
occasion concluded with Mr. de Tracy and the other officers that it would be much better to 
restrict yourselves to a tract of country tiiat the colony will, of itself, be able to maintain, 
than to embrace too vast a quantity, a portion of which we may perhaps be obliged one day 
to abandon, to the decrease of his Majesty's reputation and that of his crown. 

As all the necessaries of life are produced in Canada with the same ease as in France, and 
as some of them, such as wheat, give much greater returns, it is desirable that the inhabitants 
T)f the country profit by a circumstance so fortunate for their subsistence, by cultivating all 
their farms and increasing their clearances, confining them within the neighborhood of the 
settlements, and making them only contiguous one to the other. The means of establishing 
manufactures there consist rather in their industry and labor than in the aid which the 
King is able to furnish. In the present conjuncture, when his Majesty is obliged to maintain a 
heavy war against the English, whom none of his predecessors had ever before attacked on the 
sea, the forces of that Nation having always appeared formidable to all others on that element, 
that assistance would not be as considerable as if he were in profound peace as well abroad 
as at home. Therefore, you must use economy and calculate principally on what you can 
effect with articles and commodities the country furnishes in pretty considerable abundance ; 
also by prohibiting, either by an Edict of the Sovereign Council, or by your own special 
ordinance, the slaughter of lambs, and even of the females of each species of animal, so that 
they may be multiplied in less time, as it is certain that when Canada will be stocked with 
a large quantity of sheep and horned cattle, from their fleeces and skins can be manufactured 
cloths and other stuffs and leather capable of being converted to divers purposes for the 
convenience and advantage of the inhabitants. 

Grain being often at a low price in Canada, a portion of the new clearances can be sown 
with hemp, and at the end of some years a linen manufactory can be established there, which 
from the quality of the hemp will become perhaps as flourishing as that of Lower Brittany. 

Vol. IX. 6 



42 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

And as this is a point to which the King in your Instructions has recommended you to 
diligently apply yourself, I doubt not but you have already disposed the inhabitants to prepare 
some of their lands for that purpose. 

The hope you have given me, that timber will be found in large quantities suitable for the 
construction of ships, has highly gratified the King ; and in order to secure a certain supply, 
his Majesty has ordered Mr. Colbert de Terron to have two or three carpenters sent to Canada 
to examine closely the quality of the timber and to see if enough can be found there for each 
piece and part of a vessel; for on their report, his Majesty may either build in that country 
on his own account, or at least cause to be dressed and prepared the greatest number possible 
of those parts and pieces to remove them to his shipyards in France, to be made use of in 
the construction of his ships. I shall say to you further on this head, that it appears to 
me the inhabitants of Canada might find it much to their advantage to make a large quantity 
of staves. For the King reserving all the timber in his kingdom fit for shipbuilding, and not 
permitting the manufacture of staves, parties are obliged to go for these to Norway and every 
part of the North ; whence the conveyance is at least as long and as difficult as it would 
be from Canada, and where, doubtless, they purchase them dearer than they could in 
that Colony. 

From the manufacturing of Staves the country will derive a double advantage. In the first 
place, clearances will be increased, and in the other, a profit will be derived from an article 
the preservation of which had not been thought of up to the present time. Thus I am 
persuaded that you cannot direct your attention more to the advantage of the inhabitants 
than by exciting and encouraging them to this work, the profit on which being certain and 
near, must be much more acceptable than others of which they have immediately but a tardy 
and distant hope. 

You understand that freedom of Guilds (lettres de MaUrise) was introduced with a view to 
exclude inferior manufactures and to give circulation only to those that were good ; and on 
that principle, I believe, it is of more importance to attract to a growing Colony like Canada 
all sorts of Mechanics indifferently, than to think of receiving in the beginning only those 
who succeed in each art. It is not but your proposition is good in one sense, that is, when 
you have, hereafter, a sufficient number of each trade, you should confer these freedoms with 
the consent of the officers of the sovereign Council and the principal inhabitants of the 
country ; for it is of importance that these sort of things be always done, as much as possible, 
with the agreement and consent of the whole country. 

It would be impossible to send you as large a number of sheep as you mention, because, in 
addition to the difficulty of the voyage, several vessels would have to be freighted for their 
conveyance alone; and you will appreciate what I tell you on this head — the Spaniards, in 
their conquest of Mexico, Peru and other countries which they hold in America, contented 
themselves with carrying, in the different fleets they sent from Europe, a few animals of the 
species which multiply with most facility. By the great care they took to preserve these, 
and by the succession of a few seasons, they became as common as in the places from whence 
they had been conveyed. Therefore, the true means to promote the multiplicity of sheep, 
horned cattle and other domestic animals, is to prohibit the slaughter of the females, and 
even of a good portion of the males, until the frequent multiplication of each species may 
permit it. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS: I. 43 

Every precaution possible will be observed in the selection of new colonists, particularly of 
girls, to be hereafter sent you. But it can scarcely be expected that any can be got from 
Normandy during the war with England, because tiie Channel being occupied by the naval 
force of the King of that nation and by that of the Dutch, there would not apparently be much 
safety in the voyage. 

I shall expect the proces-verbal which you make me hope for, concerning tlie individuals 
who claim to be creditors of the commonalty of Canada, in order to make my report thereon 
to the King; I shall, however, advise the Committee of tlie Council tiiat has been named 
to make that settlement, not to trouble itself about any petition on their part except by 
his Majesty's order, doubting not, but in sending it to me, you will annex an exact census of 
all the Inhabitants of the Colony, which is essential to enable the King to understand clearly 
the strength of the country and give him the means of forming a better opinion of the 
resistance it is capable of making in case of necessity, or what it might undertake 
when necessary. 

In order to strengthen the Colony in the manner you propose, by bringing the isolated 
settlements into parishes, it appears to me, without waiting to depend on the new colonists 
who may be sent from France, nothing would contribute more to it than to endeavor to 
civilize the Algonquins, the Hurons and other Indians who have embraced Christianity, and 
to induce them to come and settle in common with the French, to live with them and raise 
their children according to our manners and customs. 

I am astonished at the error which has been discovered in the munitions of war, supplies 
and provisions sent through the care of Mr. Colbert de Terron, knowing the exactness he 
applies to all things. But as there is scarcely any remedy in matters of this sort, I content 
myself to write to him to inquire who sent them on board, and whether they acted in good 
faith, and to take better care regarding what will be sent you hereafter. 

I have ordered Sieur de Lamotte to be paid the sum of Thirteen thousand five hundred 
livres, according to a private letter of which he was bearer, out of the fund created for the 
support of the troops in Canada up to the end of the current year, an account of which you 
will find hereunto annexed for your fuller information. 

The King has been very glad to see by your and Mr. de Tracy's dispatches that the greater 
number of the soldiers composing the four companies, who already went to America under the 
command of Sieur de Tracy, and the regiment of Carignan-Salieres, are much inclined to settle 
in the Country if they be somewhat aided in establishing themselves there ; for his Majesty 
deems it so important to the good of his service and of that Colony, that he wishes they 
should all remain in Canada. 

The King has formed a fund for Mr. de Tracy's allowances for rations and those of Mr. 
de Courcelles till the end of the year; and moreover, he has granted twelve hundred 
ecus to Chevalier de Chaumont, who acts as Aid-de-Camp ; twelve hundred livres to Sieur 
Berthier, Captain in L'AUier's regiment, and as much to your Secretary, and has in addition 
made a considerable present to Sieur de Tracy, in consideration of the loss he experienced of a 
bark freighted with supplies and provisions which he was importing from France, and which 
was shipwrecked in the river Saint Lawrence. 

His Majesty writes to Mr. de Tracy in the terms you suggested, in order to oblige him 
to remain in Canada until next year, unless his health forbid it ; and is moreover very happy to 



44 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

learn both from him and from you that the Bishop of Petree and the Jesuit Fathers have only in 
view the advancement of Christianity in the country, the maintenance of the inhabitants in the 
purity of the faith and of morals, and to raise their children in the fear of God, by inculcating 
among them a love of work and a dislike of idleness. He is also of opinion that you have 
acted prudently in burying t.he late Sieur de Mezy's fault with his memory; in reserving to 
yourself to have justice done to the parties to whom he is justly indebted, out of the effects he 
may have left at his death; and I must assure you that the trouble you take to inform me that 
you will not trade at all on your own account is entirely useless, as he is well persuaded 
that you study in your department only the improvement of the Colony and the means of 
pleasing him, and that you did not go to Canada with a view and idea of profiting by the 
opportunities in your power, for the purpose of forwarding some trivial interests there which 
might be personal to you. 

I am, Sir, 

Your most humble and 

most affectionate servant 
Versailles, S'" April, 1666. Colbert. 



Treaty between the Senecas and the French. 

On the 22'' of the month of May, of the year 1666, the Iroquois of the Seneca Nations above 
Onontae being come down to Quebec to sue for peace by ten of its Ambassadors, named 
Garonheaguerlia, Sagaaechiatonk, Osendst, Gachioguentiaxa, Hotiguerion, Ondegsaronton- 
Sosendasen, Tehaoug«echa»enion, Honag«est8i, Tehonneritague, Tsohaien, after having 
communicated by the mouth of their Orator Garonhiaguerha, their chief, the subject of their 
embassy by thirty-four words, expressed by as many presents, have unanimously demanded 
that, being always under the protection of the most high, most puissant and most excellent 
Prince Louis the Fourteenth, by the Grace of God, Most Christian King of France and Navarre, 
since the French discovered their country, it may please his Majesty to continue it to them, and 
to receive them among the number of his faithful subjects, praying that the Treaty, made as 
well for the Onnontae Nation as for theirs, have for them full force and entire effect, ratifying 
it on their part in all its points and articles, which were read to them in the Iroquois tongue 
by Joseph Marie Chaummont, Priest and Member of the Society of Jesus, named in the Huron 
language Tchechon; adding, moreover, to all the said. articles, which they protest to execute in 
good faith, what they proposed by their said presents, especially to cause to be sent to Quebec, 
Three Rivers, and Montreal some of their families, to serve as a closer bond by their persons 
and wills to the orders of those who shall have, in this country, the authority of the said 
Lord the King, whom they acknowledge from this present time as their Sovereign; demanding 
reciprocally, among other things, that some French families be sent among them and some 
Black-gowns, that is to say, Jesuits, to preach the Gospel and make known to them the God 
of the P'rench, whom they promise to love and adore; with assurance that they will not only 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 



45 



prepare cabins to lodge them, but will labor to construct forts for them to shelter them from 
the incursions of the common enemy, the Andastaes and others; and, that the present Treaty 
concluded by them in ratification of the preceding, may be stable and manifest to all, they 
have signed with the different and distinctive mark of their Tribes, after what they had asked 
of the said Lord the King had been accorded them in his name by Messire Alexander de 
Prouville, Knight, Lord de Tracy, King's Councillor in his Councils, Lieutenant General of 
his Majesty's Armies both in the Island and on the Continent of South and North America, as 
well on sea as on land, in virtue of authority to him given, mention whereof is made at the 
present Treaty, in the presence and assisted by Messire Daniel de Remy, Seigneur de Courcelle, 
King's Councillor in his Councils, Lieutenant General of his Majesty's Armies, and Governor 
of Acadie, the Island of Newfoundland and Canada, and of Messire Jean Talon, also King's 
Councillor and Intendant of Justice, Police and the Finances of New France, who have signed 
with the said Lord de Tracy, and as Witnesses Fran9ois Le Mercier, Priest, Superior of the 
Society of Jesus, and Joseph Marie Chaumonnot, also Priest of the same Society, Interpreters 
of the Iroquois and Huron Languages. Done at Quebec, the 25 May, 1666. 




Treaty between the Oneidas and the French. 

On the seventh of the month of July, of the year one thousand six hundred and sixty-six, the 
Iroquois of the Oneida Nation, having learned from the Mohawks, their neighbors and allies, 
and from the Dutch of Fort Orange, that the troops of Louis the Fourteenth, by the grace of 
God, Most Christian King of France and Navarre, had, in the month of February of the said 



46 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

year, carried his Majesty's arms, over tiie snow and ice, near unto Fort Orange in New 
Netheriand, under the command of Messire Daniel De Courcelle, Lieutenant General of his 
armies, pursuant to orders received from Rlessire Alexandre de Prouville, Knight, Lord de Tracy, 
member of his Majesty's councils, and Lieutenant General of his armies, both in the Islands 
and main land of South and North America, as well by sea as by land, to fight and destroy the 
Mohawks, which probably they would have accomplished, had not the mistake of their guides 
caused them to take one road for the other, came down to Quebec to solicit peace, as well in 
their own name, as in that of the Mohawks, by ten of their Ambassadors, by name Soenres, 
Tsoenser«anne, Gannonksenioton, Asaregsanne, Tsendiagon, Achinnhara, Togonk«aras, 
Oskaraguets, Akyehen, and after having communicated by the mouth of their Orator and 
Chief, Soenres, the object of their Embassy by ten talks, expressed by as many presents, 
and having handed to us the letters from the officers of New Netherland, have unanimously 
requested, acknowledging the - force of his Majesty's arms and their weakness and the 
condition of the forts advanced towards them, and moreover aware that the three upper 
Iroquois Nations have always experienced great benefit from the protection which they formerly 
received from the said Lord the King, that his Majesty would be pleased to extend to them the 
same favor by granting them the same protection, and receiving them among the number of his 
true subjects, demanding that the Treaties fomerly made, as well by the said Nations as by 
theirs, have the same force and validity as that of the Mohawks, who have required them to 
solicit this of us, with great importunity, as they should have themselves done by means of their 
Ambassadors, had they not been apprehensive of bad treatment at our hands, ratifying, on 
their part, all the said Treaties in all their points and articles, which have been read to them in 
the Iroquois tongue by Joseph Marie Chaumonot, priest, member of the Society of Jesus ; adding, 
moreover, to all the said articles, which they protest they execute in good faith, what they 
offered by their said presents, especially to restore all the Frenchmen, Algonquins and Hurons 
whom they hold prisoners among them, of what condition and quality they may be, and as 
long as any are detained there, to send families even from the Mohawks, to serve, like those 
of the other nations, as the most strict hostages for their persons and dispositions to obey 
the orders of those who shall, in this Country, have authority from the said Lord the King, 
whom they acknowledge from this time as their Sovereign; demanding, reciprocally, among 
all other things, the restoration to them, in good faith, of all those of their Nation who are 
prisoner's at Quebec, Montreal and Three Rivers; that French families and some Black 
gowns, that is, Jesuits, be sent them, to preach the gospel to them, and make known to 
them the God of the French, whom they promise to love and adore ; also that trade and 
commerce with New France be open to them, by Lake Saint Sacrement, with the assurance, 
on their part, that they will provide in their country a sure retreat, as well to the 
said families as to the Traders, not only by preparing cabins to lodge them in, "but also by 
assisting to erect forts to shelter them from their common enemies, the Andastracronnons 
and others. And that the present Treaty, made on their part in ratification of the preceding, 
may be stable and known unto all, they have signed it with the separate and distinctive marks 
of their tribes,* after which, what they solicited from the said Lord the King has been granted 
to them in his name by Messire Alexander de Prouville, Knight, Lord de Tracy, Member of 
the King's Councils, &• (as above) in the presence and assisted by M'" Daniel De Remy 
Seigneur de Courcelles, King's Councillor, &c., &c., and of M''' Jean Talon, also Councillor, 
&c., who have signed with the said Lord de Tracy, and as Witnesses, Francois le Mercier, 







Tjn^ave^sPrmrertby . 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 47 

Priest, &c., &c., and Joseph Marie Chaummont, likewise Priest and Member of the said 
Society, Interpreters of the Iroquois and Huron languages. Done at Quebec the 12 
July 1666. 





Tie' Nine Iroqxiois Tribes. 1666. 

The Iroquois Nation consists of Nine tribes, which form two divisions ; one of four tribes 
and the other of five. 

They call the first division Gueyniotiteshesgue, which means the four tribes; and the 
second division they call it Ouiche niotiteshesgue, which means the five tribes. 

The first is that of the Tortoise, which calls itself Atiniathin. It is the first, because they 
pretend when the Master of Life' made the Earth, that he placed it on a Tortoise, and that 
when there are earthquakes,. it is the Tortoise that stirs. 

The Second tribe is that of the Wolf, and calls itself Enanthayonni, or Cahenhisenhonon, 
and is brother of the Tortoise tribe. When there is question of War they deliberate 
together, and if the affair is of great moment they communicate it to the otlier tribes, to 
deliberate together thereupon; so of all the other tribes. They assemble in the hut of a 
War-chief when the question is of war, and in the hut of a Council-chief when it is for 
ordinary matters of state. 

The Third tribe is that of the Bear, which they call Atinionguin. 

The Fourth tribe is that of the Beaver, and brother to that of the Bear. These four tribes 
compose the first division, which they call Guey niotiteshesgue. 

Second Division. 

The Fifth tribe is that of the Deer, which they name Canendeshe. 

The Sixth is that of the Potatoe, which they call Schoneschioronon. 

The Seventh is that of the Great Plover, which they call Otinanchahe. 

The Eighth is that of the Little Plover, which they call Asco, or Nicohes. 

The Ninth is that of the Kiliou,> which they call Canonchahonronon. They call these five 
tribes Ouicheniotiteshesgue. 

These nine tribes formerly occupied nine villages, which were finally collected together in 
order to sustain war more easily. 

' Signifies a Hawk, ia some of the Iroquois dialects. — Ec. 



48 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

The ninth tribe derives its origin from a cabin that was in the interior (dans les terres), and 
composed of several tires or households. In the middle of the cabin was a partition which 
divided it in two. 

"Weary of knowing no one, and consequently unable to marry, they all married among 
themselves, which is the reason that their name signifies Two cabins united together. 

Each tribe has, in the gable of its cabin, the animal of its tribe painted; some black, 
others red. 

When they assemble together for consultation, the first division ranges Itself on one side of 
the fire in the cabin, and the other division on the other side. 

"When the matter on which they have met has been discussed on one side and the other, 
they accompany the decision with much ceremony. 

The division which decides the matter gives two opinions, so that the best may be adopted, 
and offers all possible opposition in proposing its opinions, in order to show that it has well 
considered what it says. 

They adopt, usually, the first opinion, unless there be some strong motive to the contrary. 
"When they do go to war, and wish to inform those of the party who might pass their path, 
they make a representation of the animal of their tribe with a hatchet in his dexter paw; 
sometimes a sabre or a club; and if the same party is made up from several tribes, each 
draws the animal of his tribe, and their number, all on a tree, from which the bark is removed. 
The animal of the tribe which heads the expedition is always foremost. 

They generally have a rendezvous when they propose tg strike a blow, where, in case of 
pursuit, they leave a part of their clothes and ammunition. "When they fight they are highly 
painted, and have merely the breechcloth on, with a pair of Mocassins on the feet. 

"When the expedition is numerous, they often leave a party a hundred or a hundred and fifty 
leagues' from the village which they are about to attack. "When they have finished, if they 
have casse-tetes or clubs, they plant them against the corpse, inclining a little towards the 
village of the slain. 

On their return, if they have prisoners or scalps, they paint the animal of the tribe to which 
they belong, rampant (dcbout), with a pole on the shoulder, along which are strung the scalps 
they may have, and in the same number. After the animal are the prisoners they have made, 
with a Chicicois^ in the right hand. If they be women, they represent them with a Cadenet 
or Queue and a waistcloth. 

If there be several tribes in the war party, each paints the animal of his tribe with the 
scalps and prisoners they have made, as before, but always after that which is head of the party. 
"When they have scalps they give them to one or two men, who suspend them behind to 
their girdle. 

The men who carry these scalps follow the others at a distance; that is to say, at a quarter 
of a league, because they pretend that when they have taken and retain scalps, if these precede 
the others they cannot march any further, because they are seized with terror at the sight 
of the dripping blood. But this is only the first day; sometimes the second and third when 
they are pursued. 

When they come again together, they proceed to notify the others, and then each one takes 
his station or awaits the enemy. When night falls they make a hole in the earth where they 
kindle a fire with bark to cook their meat, if they have any, and that during three or four days. 

' lieuei, qy. paces ! ' i. e., a gourd filled with beans to rattle. — Ed. 




^ 










PARIS DOCUMENTS: I. 49 

They tie the prisoners to stakes set in the ground, into which they fix the leg, or rather 
foot, and this stake is closed by another; these are lied together at a man's height. They 
place a man at each side, who sleeps near and is careful to visit the prisoners from time to time 
during the night. 

When they have lost any of their party on the field of battle, they sketch men with the legs 
in the air, and without heads, and in the same number as they have lost; and to denote the 
tribe to which they belonged, they paint the animal of the tribe of the deceased on its back, 
the paws in the air; and if it be the chief of the party that is dead, the animal is without ' 
the head. , 

If there be only wounded, they paint a broken gun, which, however, is connected with the 
stock, or even an arrow; and to denote where they have been wounded, they paint the animal 
of the tribe to which the wounded belong with an arrow piercing the part in which the wound 
is located; and if it be a gunshot, they make the mark of the ball on the body of a 
different color. 

If they have sick and are obliged to carry them, they paint litters,' of the same number 
as the sick, because they carry only one on each. 

When they are thirty or forty leagues' from their village, they send notice of their approach 
and of what has happened them. Then every one prepares to receive the prisoners, when 
there are any, and to torment each as they deem proper. 

Those who are condemned to be burnt are conveyed to the cabin which has been 
appropriated to them. All the warriors assemble in a war cabin, and afterwards send for 
them to make them sing, dance, and to torture them until they are carried to the stake. 

During this time two or three young men are preparing the stake, placing the fuel near, who 
keep their guns loaded. 

When every thing is ready, the prisoner is brought out and tied to the stake and finally 
burnt. When he is burnt up to the stomach, they detach him, break all his fingers, raise 
the scalp which was left hanging behind by a small tongue of skin to the head. They 
put him to death in these agonies, after which each takes his morsel and proceeds to 
make merry. 

Explanation of the Designs. 

A. This is a person returning from war who has taken a prisoner, killed a man and a 
woman, whose scalps hang from the end of a stick that he carries. 

B. The prisoner. 

C. Chichicois (or gourd), which he holds in his hand. 

D. These are cords attached to his neck, arms and girdle. 

E. This is the scalp of a man ; what is joined on one side is the scalp lock. 

F. This is the scalp of a woman; they paint it with the hair thin. 

G. Council of war between the tribe of the Bear and that of the Beaver; they are brothers. 
H. A Bear. 

I. A Beaver. 

' Boyarda — hand-barrowa, used at cod-fisheries. — Ed. " Three or four miles. Colden. 

Vol. IX. 7 



50 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

L. Is a belt, which he holds in his paws to avenge the death of some one, and he is conferring 
about it with his brother, the Beaver. 

K. Council for affairs of state. 

M. The Bear. 

N. The Council fire. 

O. The Tortoise; so of the other tribes, each ranges at its own side. 

P. Canoe going to war. 

Q. Paddles. They know hereby how many men there are in the Canoe, because they place 
as many paddles as there are men. Above these is painted the animal of the tribe, to which 
they belong. 

R. The Canoe. 

S. This is a man returning from hunting, who has slept two nights on the hunting ground 
and killed three does; for when they are bucks, they add the antlers. 

What is on his back is iiis bundle. 

T. Deer's head. This is the way they paint them. 

V. This is the manner they mark the time they have been hunting. Each mark, or rather 
each bar, is a day. 

Y. Fashion of painting the dead ; the two first are men and the third is a woman, who is 
distinguished only by the waistcloth. 

As regards the dead, they inter them with all they have. When it is a man they paint some 
red calumets, peace calumets on the tomb; sometimes they plant a stake on which they paint 
how often he has been in battle; how many prisoners he has taken; the post ordinarily is only 
four or five feet high and much embellished. 

a. These are punctures on his body. 

b. This is the way they mark when they have been to war ; and when there is a bar 
extending from one mark to the other, it signifies that after having been in battle he did not 
come back to his village, and that he returned with other parties whom he met or formed. 

c. This arrow, which is broken, denotes that they were wounded in this expedition. 

d. Thus they denote that the belts which they gave to raise a war party and to avenge the 
death of some one, belong to them or to some of the same tribe. 

e. He has gone back to fight without having entered his village. 

f. A man whom he killed on the field of battle who had a bow and arrows. 

g. These are the two men whom he took prisoners, one of whom had a hatchet and the 
other a gun in his hand. » 

gg. This is a woman, who is distinguished only by a species of waistcloth. 
h. This is the way they distinguish her from the men. 
Such is the mode in which they draw their portraits. 



to iifii://r>ii ///rf//// ///r// //r/u/\ /r//,t7/ n//// A/Z/r^f , 





PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 



51 




A. This is the manner the tribe of the Potatoe must be designated, and not as it is on the 
other plate. 

b. Is a stick, set in the ground, to the extremity of which two or three pieces of wood are 
attached, to denote the direction in which they went hunting; and on the nearest tree 
they paint the animal of the tribe to which they belong, with the number of guns they have; 
that is to say, if they are three men they paint three guns, if they are more and there are 
some who have a bow and no gun, they put down a bow. 

When they return from hunting and are near the village they do the same thing, and add 
the number of beasts they have killed; that is to say, they paint the deer and the stag from 
the head to the neck; if some are male they add antlers; they paint the other animals entire; 
if they are some days at the chase they mark the number as you see on the other plate. 

c. Club which they use to break the skull when they are at war. 

Stake to tie the prisoners. They place 

his leg between these two posts, in the 
hollow of the larger; that is, the two posts 
catch the leg above the ankle, and they 
afterwards join one to the other and tie 
them at a man's height, sometimes higher, 
so that it is impossible to withdraw the 
foot without untying the cords. 




52 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

M. Talon to Messrs. de Tracy and de Courcelles. 

[ D6p6t da Minist^re des Affaires Etrang^res ] 

Propositions submitted by M' Talon to Mess" de Tracy and de Courcelles, 
whether it be more advantageous for the King's service to wage War 
against the Mohawks than to make peace with them. 

For War. 
Suppose, what is universally conceded in Canada, that a permanent Peace can never be made 
with that nation, which respects it only so long as it finds it its interest, or fears that its 
violation may cause it some damage, I think War is more advantageous than Peace, for the 
following reasons: 

First. The King having sent to Canada a Regiment of Twelve hundred men, and regular 
troops commanded by brave Officers, with orders to fight that barbarous Nation, by which the 
establishment of the French Colony is so much retarded, 'twill be more glorious for his 
Majesty and more profitable to the Country that an effort be made to destroy them than to live 
at peace with them. 

Second. That repeated experience inculcates the conviction, that the treaties of Peace made 
with those Infidels are broken on the first opportunity that presents itself to them to obtain an 
advantage over the French. The death of Mess" de Chazy and Travery and of Sieurs 
Chamot and Morin furnish evidence thereof as disastrous as it is recent, inasmuch as they 
have been attacked and killed at a time when Ambassadors of the Oneida Nation were at 
Quebec treating for that of the Mohawks. 

Third. That though that Nation may not be always meditating or attempting to Adolate 
peace as often as it is disposed and believes it for its advantage, whether on account of its 
aversion to the French, Algonquins and Hurons, or as a consequence of its inhuman and 
barbarous nature, the proximity of the English, who stimulate their designs, must make us 
apprehend that sooner or later that European Nation will, when at war with the French, excite 
the said Mohawks and Oneidas to come p a rupture with us at the Upper part of the river, 
in order to divide our strength, whilst it will attack us at the mouth, or in the course 
of the river Saint Lawrence. 

Fourth. That the present conjuncture appears the most favorable of all those that can be 
hereafter expected; because there is no other season for the destruction of that Nation except 
this, or the winter, or next spring. 

Winter, in the opinion and according to the representation of those who, in the last season, 
had accompanied the expedition of Mr. de Courcelles, is too rigorous and too destructive to 
the troops. 

Spring is much less adapted than Autumn ; for in addition to the extraordinary heats, the 
bites of the Musquitoes create such severe inflammations as sometimes incapacitate a soldier for 
fighting; and besides, the waters are ordinarily so high in that season, that the rivers 
separating us from the Mohawk Nation are impassable, expect by constructing bridges of trees 
or bateaux. 

Moreover, M. de Saurel having been, with three hundred troops, within a day's journey of 
the Mohawk village, with the design of sacking it, and having returned without committing 
any act of hostility, on meeting the Dutch Bastard who was sent on a mission of peace, it is to 



PARIS DOCUMENTS: I. 53 

be presumed with reason that the said Mohawks are not on their guard and do not expect 
danger, as an Indian of the Mohegan tribe (Loups) sent back by tlie said Sieur Saurel, was to 
have told them that he should retire, assuring them of a firm peace just concluded at Quebec 
with the said Dutch Bastard. Thus it is to be hoped that these barbarians will be found 
divided, and those discovered in the Wigwams be either in a profound sleep or off their guard. 

Fifth. As to the conclusion of Peace between England and France, inasmuch as we shall 
not be able to have any news of it next Spring, we ought always calculate on war, which the 
King in his letters says he has declared. On this account, prudence suggests the distribution 
of the troops and their withdrawal from the Forts adjoining the Iroquois, in the Spring, when 
the English are more to be feared than now, so as to preserve Quebec and the interior of the 
Colony of Canada. 

Sixth. That the Winter, always severe in this Country, will certainly take off some of the 
soldiers and weaken the Troops in point of numbers, besides rendering them, by its 
inconveniences, less adapted to the fatigues of war. 

Seventh. That at present we have all the munitions of War and supplies necessary for this 
expedition, and it is not certain that we shall have them in spring, as we have, as yet, 
received but a small part of what will be required for the subsistence of His Majesty's troops; 
and the remainder, on board three ships, is still at the mercy of the winds and sea. 

Eighth. That on occasions of war where more is to be hoped for than feared, the policy of 
attack is the best. That it must be granted that this expedition promises more success than 
mischance, inasmuch as we can attack the enemy with such a force as cannot be resisted by 
the whole of theirs together. 

The Ninth and last. That the success of the expedition against the Mohawks opens the 
door for the seizure of Orange, the rather as the Dutch may be found inclined to unite with 
the King's arms in aiding the attack and capture of that fort. We may at least expect that 
when his Majesty's troops will have accomplished an action so bold as that proposed, within 
view of the English Colonies, that nation, more numerous in these Countries than the French, 
and capable of undertaking the ruin of Canada by an invasion, may be diverted therefrom, 
were it made sensible, by seeing us at it's gate and in the centre of its settlements, that 
we are in a position to carry the war into its midst. 

Reasons for Peace. 

First. It is to be feared that the English may be in the River, and have already captured 
some of the three vessels which are due, and have not arrived, though the season is advanced; 
therefore Quebec and its environs cannot be stripped without exposing the Colony. 

(Answer to this Article.) Though it were true that the English were in the River, there is 
no reason for believing they would hazard an invasion of a country which, they are convinced, 
has twelve hundred soldiers, independent of the settlers who, they know well, are more than 
twice as many; and it is well established that Boston has but very few regular troops, and 
that its militia are not capable of an action of that nature. Moreover, in the present season 
and that of the ice, the time is short. 

Second. To carry on the war, the militia must be called out, which cannot be done during 
the season of the harvest, except by postponing the cutting of the crops, or injuring them. 

( Answer to the Objection. ) This evil, how serious soever it may be, is always much less than 
that caused by the forays of the Iroquois when they pass from peace to war. And though the 
country should suffer the loss of the grain that the militia (guerriers) will not reap, it will be 



54 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

better for it that the said militia attend to the war rather than to the harvest, which, however, 
will be saved by all the other Inhabitants, and for this purpose a police ordinance shall 
be issued. 

Third. That the Algonquins and other savages will not, perhaps, feel disposed to return to 
this war, as they appeared dissatisfied because they had not the disposal of the prisoners 
demanded by the Ambassadors.' 

Answer. That the Algonquins and other savages can be ordered to the war by authority, or 
prevailed on by argument and presents, which will indemnify them for the advantages they 
would have reaped from the prisoner.s they had made, had these been left to them. 

Fourth. That the Mohawks who seem to demand peace with a sincere intention to maintain 
it faithfully, will never listen to it again if they perceive that war was designed whilst they 
were bearers of the Message of peace. 

Answer. That it is belter to have open war with the Mohawks, than an uncertain peace, 
dependent for its continuance on the pleasure of the most capricious among them; satisfied 
that it is more desirable that the French soldiers and all others regard them as avowed enemies, 
than to suppose them friends, since between them and us there is no more good faith than 
between the most ferocious of animals. 

Fifth. That the English and Dutch, who, up to this time, have committed no act of hostility, 
will possibly declare war against us if they see us destroy an Indian tribe which appears to be 
under their protection. 

Answer. So far from fearing that the Dutch would be jealous of the success of the King's 
arms, we may be persuaded, from all the steps they have taken to the present time, that they 
will joyfully receive them; and possibly, they await an occasion such as this, to avenge the 
usurpation unjustly committed upon them; weary as they, moreover, are of the insupportable 
domination of the English, [War] being declared between France and England, it is not 
reasonable to believe that the English will require new pretexts to obtain over us all the 
advantages possible by force of arms or otherwise. Therefore the attack on the Iroquois will 
not render them any more inimical to us than they now are. 

Sixth. That to proceed in a secure manner in the destruction of the Mohawks, it will be 
necessary to select the best officers and soldiers in the forts, which will greatly reta;rd the 
conveyance of provisions. 

Answer. If the expedition against the Mohawks be successful, the forts will require 
one-half less supplies, because one-half less troops will be necessary, and though it should 
not, the posts can be resumed next spring. In a decisive move, a part is risked without 
risking the whole. 

Answers, as annexed, may be given to each of these reasons. 

I doubt not but the peace party may advance, also, other reasons than these. It is, therefore, 
well to adduce them, in order to balance the one by the other, so as to adhere to those of 
most weight. 

This is what Talon most humbly craves Mess" de Tracy and de Courcelles, to examine. 

Done at Quebec, the 1" September, 1666. 

'The text is unintelligible. It is, "lis ont paru malcontents de ce qu' on ne leur a pas laisse la disposition des 
Ambassadeurs fails par les prisonniers." The translation approaches somewhat nearer to common sense. — Ed. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 55 

M. Talon to M. Colbert. • 

Extracts of a Memoir on the Condition of Canada, addressed by M. Talon to 
M. de Colbert. 

I. I ought to furnish you, in this place, with a detail of the expenses to which this country 
is subject, but in truth I dare not, what I have done is in such confusion, and I am so much 
afraid that I sliall not appear a good steward of the King's property. Since my arrival 1 have 
been obliged to furnish Mr. de Tracy and Mr. de Courcelle, for the war, with one hundred and 
fifty-two bateaux capable of carrying fifteen men with their stores, and the freight alone of 
the munitions of war and provisions, which must be sent up by the lakes and rapids to all the 
frontier posts, costs nearly twelve thousand livres a year. You can conclude from this. My 
L^rd, what the other expenses of Canada may amount to, for which I have not received, this 
year, a sou. I shall, nevertheless, do my best to maintain the success of the King's arms, and 
to dispose the country to produce something useful, in the hope, I entertain, that you will have 
the goodness not to abandon us. I find by Mr. Terron's return of provisions that there might 
have been an excess in some. I shall husband them to meet the most urgent demands, 
however solicitous the officers of the troops may be that I should give the whole to the 
soldiers. I have sold and turned some Brandy into wheat, with which I am well pleased. 

II. Police regulations applied to the Christian Indians. 

Some time after my arrival here I proposed to make police regulations for the Algonquin 
and Huron Indians, to regulate their manners according to those of the French in the 
view you pointed out to me, and to have the right to punish tliem when they will contravene 
the ordinances; giving them the enjoyment, in other respects, of the advantages which the 
French here possess ; among the rest tiie use of liquor, which has been prohibited them up to 
this time. But I have experienced some difficulty, which I shall endeavor to remove this 
winter. 'Tis true, they ought to have been taught our language long ago, and not oblige the 
King's subjects to study theirs, in order to be able to communicate with them. 

III. I believe I have already sufficiently explained myself respecting the supply of timber 
the King may derive from Canada for his French Navy. Notwithstanding, I add, that all the 
information I receive convinces me that it can be greater in amount than I have noted. 
I shall verify what I have stated only on the reports of others, when I shall have examined 
for myself, in the voyage I intend making. 

I confirm what I have noted regarding hemp ; and I assert, that if it be sown as abundantly, 
and cultivated with the same care, as in Low Brittany, this country may be expected to 
produce, some day, nearly as much of it as old France. 

As there is here a quantity of pine and fir (sapin), pitch, resin and incense may be got from 
these, and from those, tar. I shall commence next spring some experiments on the one and 
the other, and I shall have the honor of communicating to you the result. 

'Tis quite certain that there are very fine masts here, but the greater portion are not on the 
banks of the river; nevertheless, as the whole of this country is penetrated with very fine 
streams, which disembogue into the said River (Saint Lawrence), it is to be expected that the 
said streams will facilitate the conveyance of the masts into it. The want of industry 
displayed hitherto in developing the country is the reason we are now ignorant of its 



56 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

productiveness. It will not be for lack of care on my part that you will not become acquainted 
therewith. May God grant that it be satisfactory to you. 

IV. One of the great advantages I remark in this country is, that it will be able to furnish 
hereafter a large number of seamen if it become populous, the inhabitants being greatly and 
much inclined to navigation. 

V. I have sent back to Mr. Colbert de Terron all the muskets and cross-belts I could 
withdraw from the Troops here and at Three Rivers, to be returned to the Navy Store, as he 
advised me it would be for the King's advantage to do so. I should have sent all that the 
Carignan regiment has of them, if the remainder were not in the forts, where a portion may 
be of considerable use. 

I cannot omit acquainting you that the frequent and numerous Iroquois embassies, some of 
which number one hundred and twenty and more, with the support of prisoners of that 
nation, twenty-two of whom are still under guard, have caused almost as much expense as 
three companies of the King's troops. 

I say nothing of the extraordinary expenses of two war expeditions, in which, especially 
the latter, it was necessary to feed French settlers, Algonquins, Montagnez and Hurons in 
great numbers. The King will make such allowance as he pleases for these extras, which I 
must meet, and I shall be content with whatever His Majesty will order. 

Mr. de Tracy and Mr. de Courcelles have returned from their expedition. The Iroquois 
having concluded to withdraw and abandon their settlements, Mr. de Tracy has not been 
able to effect more than to burn their forts and lay every thing waste. It is for these two 
gentlemen to inform you of all that occurred throughout the journey, which occupied fifty-three 
days' march. What I learn from the public voice is, that nothing that was possible to be done 
could have been added to what has been effected, and that the King's orders would have been 
executed and his wishes completely realized, had these Savages kept tlieir ground. Indeed, 
it were desirable that a portion had been defeated and some others taken prisoners. 

Mr. de Tracy's advanced age must greatly enhance the merit of the service he has rendered 
the King, by undertaking, in a broken frame like his, a fatigue of which no correct idea can 
be formed. I am" assured that throughout the entire march of three hundred leagues, 
including the return, he suffered himself to be carried only during two days ; and then he was 
forced to do so by gout. Mr. de Courcelles, though stronger than he, could not dispense with 
being carried in the same manner, having been attacked by a contraction of the nerves. 
Both, indeed, endured all the fatigue human nature is capable of. 

Mr. de Tracy incurred some expenses on his march for the carriage of the cannon and other 
extraordinary services rendered by the Troops; I wished to repay him, but his modesty would 
not suffer it. 

Not having been a witness of what was done in this enterprise against the Iroquois, I cannot 
note the merit of each of the officers employed in that expedition. It is for Mr. de Tracy and 
Mr. de Courcelles to advise you thereof. What I know by a public account is, that all have 
acquitted themselves therein in the manner his Majesty may expect from the most zealous of 
his subjects. 

If his Majesty, effecting an arrangement between Holland and England, should stipulate 
for the restitution of New Netherland, and find it convenient previously to bargain with Mess" 
the States General for it, I think he could do so on reasonable terms; and that country, which 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 57 

is not of much importance to them, would be of considerable to the King, who would have 
two entrances into Canada, and would thereby give the French all the peltries of the North, of 
which the English have now partly the advantage, by means of the communication with the 
Iroquois, which they possess by Manatte and Orange, and would place these barbarous tribes 
at his Majesty's discretion, who could, moreover, approach (New) Sweden when he pleased, and 
hold New England confined within its limits. I thought it my duty to submit this idea here. 

VI. When the King ordered me to Canada, his Majesty did me the honor to tell me that he 
should leave me there only two years. My discharge cannot come before that time. I pray 
you most humbly. Sir, to have the goodness to obtain it for me. I should not ask it, had I 
sufficient genius and talent to acquit myself efficiently in the employment you did me the 
favor to procure for me, and to mould a rising state without such aid as that of Mr. de Tracy. 
Should his Majesty, nevertheless, believe that I can be useful to him, I have no other will than 
his and yours. Command, and though infirm, I shall obey, sacrificing entirely my person 
to his service and to your satisfaction. 

I know well I am not here with the consent of the whole world; and it is this, coupled with 
my own indisposition, that induces me to ask the King for my discharge. Should you wish 
to know who these are who may be dissatisfied with my conduct and wherefore. Chevalier 
de Chaumont and the Company's general Agent will be able to acquaint you, and to inform 
you that if I would leave the Church on the footing of authority I found it, I should 
experience less trouble and more approbation. 

Talox. 

xiij November, 1666. • 



Census of Canada. 1666. 

Abstract of the Roll of Families in the Colony of New France. 

Quebec. 
Five hundred and fifty-five polls, 665 

Beaupre. 
Six hundred and seventy-eight, 678 

Beaufort. 
One hundred and seventy-two, 172 

Island of Orleans. 
Four hundred and seventy-one, 471 

St. Jean, St. Francois and St. Michael. 
One hundred and fifty-six, 166 

SiLLERT. 

Two hundred and seventeen, 217 



Vol. IX. 



58 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Notre Dame des Anges and River St. Charles. 
One hundred and eighteen, 118 

Cote de L'Auzon. 
Six, 6 

Montreal. 
Five hundred and eighty-four, 5S4 

Three Rivers. 
Four hundred and sixty-one, 461 

Total, 3418 

Return of the number of men capable of bearing arms from 16 

to 50 years of age, 1 344. 

There are, no doubt, some omissions in the Roll of families, which will be corrected during 
the winter of the present year, 1666. 

(signed) Talon. 



M. Colbert to M. Talon. 



(Extracts.) Saint Germain en Laye, 6 April, 1667. 

I. The King orders a new war against the Iroquois, to frighten them if they cannot 

be destroyed. 
The King is entirely satisfied with the care you have taken to supply the troops with 
necessaries, in order to their efficient action in their different expeditions against the Iroquois, 
of the success of which his Majesty is very glad to be informed. But as the effect of the 
King's arms on them, however considerable, is not sufficient to guarantee the Colony against 
their invasions, they not being destroyed ; and as it is, moreover, to be feared that they will 
return with more ferocity than ever, to commit their usual massacres in the scattered 
settlements, which cannot be succored in consequence of their remoteness, his Majesty expects 
that you will, by your counsel and all other means at your disposal, induce M. de Courcelles to 
undertake a new expedition during the next summer against them, for the purpose of utterly 
destroying them, if possible, or at least of increasing the terror they entertain of his Majesty's 
forces, and placing them in a position not to trouble the Country, however desirous they may 
feel to do so. 

II. Of the Treaty made with the Iroquois and the conduct to be observed towards them. 

I have seen the Treaty which, with M. de Tracy and M. de Courcelles, you have entered 
into with some of those Iroquois Nations, who, having no connection, and being detached from 
those they had, with the Mohawks, have voluntarily come to demand peace and to submit to 
the King's obedience; well remarking that you had principally in view to acquire a possession 
adverse to the actual or future pretensions of the European nations. Therefore his Majesty 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 59 

has given it his entire approbation. As the greater portion of those people are properly 
savages, having, q^iasi, nothing human but the figure, I believe that when they will 
determine hereafter to send Ambassadors, it will not be necessary to put the King or his 
principal Officers, nor the country, to any but a very trifling expense, being certain that, to 
keep them in check, they ought to be treated haughtily; the consideration in which they 
might have been held, having contributed to render them more insolent. 

As to the produce of the farming of the duty levied on tlie Beaver, and of the tenth 
of the Moose ( Oiignaux), I clearly understand that, in consequence of the operations of the 
troops, and the occasion of the war, which has been carried even to the Iroquois settlements, 
it has been impossible for you to avoid disbursing the whole of it. But as it is very just that 
the Company, which is at great expense to support New France, should derive some advantage 
from the grant the King made it, it is important, and it is his Majesty's pleasure, that you 
hereafter reduce all the expenditure, which has hitherto been charged against that Farming, to 
the sum of Thirty-six thousand Livres annually, without paying attention to the Regulations 
made heretofore by Sieur du I'ont Gaudais, except in urgent and indispensable necessity, such 
as undertaking a new expedition for the destruction of the Iroquois, it being well understood 
that you will take great care to have it employed with strict economy; the rather, as before that 
grant those expenses of the Country paid from the same fund, did not amount to Twenty 
thousand francs, and since the Grant to 29 thousand livres ; being the sole advantage that 
Company can derive from the Colony to compensate for all the different outlays it is obliged 
to make. 

III. Fortification of Quebec and the Colony. 

It is of great importance for the security of the Colony to devise practicable means to place 
principally the fort of Quebec in a state of defence, by constructing a regular fortification 
there, and stocking it with an efficient artillery and all sorts of munitions of war, so that it 
might not only not be insulted, but be capable of a vigorous defence, even though the most 
experienced nations of Europe laid a regular seige to it. The same attention ought to be 
paid to the other forts recently erected, and it ought to be a constant study to improve them. 
And as it would tend very much to the preservation^ of the country if powder could be 
manufactured there, let inquiries be made if saltpetre is to be found there. 

IV. Recommendation to mould the Indians, settled near us, after our manners and language. 
I confess that I agreed with you that very little regard has been paid, up to the present time, 

in New France, to the police and civilization of the Algonquins and Hurons (who were a long 
time ago subjected to the King's domination,) through our neglect to detach them from their 
savage customs and to oblige them to adopt ours, especially to become acquainted with our 
language. On the contrary, to carry on some traffic with them, our French have been 
necessitated to attract those people, especially such as have embraced Christianity, to the 
vicinity of our settlements, if possible to mingle there with them, in order that through 
course of time, having only but one law and one master, they might likewise constitute 
only one people and one race. 

Your most humble 

and most affectionate servant, 

Colbert. 



60 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

M. Talon to M. Colbert. 

(Extracts.) 27 October, 1667. 

L As long as all the nations of Iroquois, enjoying the benefit of the Peace granted to them 
on behalf of his Majesty, will allow the French Colony to spread itself in this country and 
labor in profound tranquillity at the cultivation of the soil, we consider it inexpedient to wage 
war against them during the winter; we therefore wait the King's orders, should his Majesty 
desire for the reasons set forth in your despatch, that a second invasion be made on those of 
the Lower Nation, notwithstanding the treaty concluded with them. 

The means, in my opinion, to secure the whole Colony more effectually against either the 
Europeans or the savages, would be to give Manatte and Orange to the King by conquest 
or acquisition, as I had the honor to propose to you on the grounds submitted in the 
annexed memoir. 

II. Agreeably to your idea, T render the fee of the three villages which I caused to be 
formed in this vicinity, to strengthen this principal post by a greater number of Colonists, a 
dependency of Fort Saint Louis of Quebec;^ and the King, or, at his Majesty's pleasure, the 
Company, will remain the Lord proprietor thereof, holding domaine utile and the rights which 
I stipulated in the contracts of settlement distributed to the soldiers, to the recently arrived 
families and to the volunteers of the country who have married the young women you sent 
me. I even caused the land, I had prepared at the King's expense, to be given to them on 
condition that the occupants will do as much in the space of three years for the benefit of the 
families sent from France, whom my successors shall have orders to establish, supposing that, 
at the expiration of that time, the country will have a certain and perpetual fund for the support 
of the majority of the families dependent on it. My principal object is hereby to people the 
neighborhood of Quebec with a good number of inhabitants capable of contributing to its 
defence, without the King having any of them in his pay. I shall, as much as possible, practice 
the same economy in all the places at which I shall form towns, villages and hamlets, mingling^ 
thus, soldiers and farmers, so that they may mutually instruct one another in the cultivation 
of the soil and be aiding to each other when necessary. 

III. The return realized by some Fishermen, who, by fishing at one place and another have 
given me some idea of the profit derivable from fixed fisheries, has favored the project I 
entertained of establishing some such ; and already four of the principal inhabitants and I have 
agreed to put it into operation next spring. Should my Secretary demand of you some 
commissions for the execution of this design, I very respectfully request you. My Lord, to 
cause them to be granted him. I agree with you. My Lord, that we shall excite the envy of 
some now devoid of it, and that the profit I caused to be realized by nine of the Colonists, 
who were employed by rae in fishing for Cod for the use of the troops and for the trade with 
the Islands of South America, will serve as a powerful attraction. 

Talon. 

' Conformement a votre sentiment, j'attache au fort de Saint Louia de Quebec la raouvance des trois villages, Ac. — Ed. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS: I. 61 

Census of Canada. 1667. 
Abstract of the Roll of Families of New France. 

Families, 749 

Total of persons composing them, 4312 

Men capable of bearing arms, 1566 

Men of a marriageable age, 84 

Girls above fourteen years, 55 

Roll of cultivated Farms and of Cattle. 

Farms under cultivation, Arpens, 11,174 

Horned Cattle, 2,136. 



Census of Canada. 1668. 

Abstract of the number of Families, of persons composing them, and of Men 
capable of bearing arms, of cleared lands, of the produce of the harvest, 
and of Cattle in Canada, in the year 1668. 

Families, 1,139 

Persons composing them, 5,870 

Men capable of bearing arms, 2,000 

Arpens of land cleared, 15,642 

Horned Cattle, 3,400 

Minots of grain saved, 130,978 

It will be observed that neither the 412 soldiers who settled this year, nor the 300 of the 
four companies who remained in Canada, are included in the present Roll. 



Sir, 



M. Colbert to M, de Courcelles. 

15"' May, 16G9. 



You will learn by Sieur Talon's return that his Majesty has granted freedom of trade to the 
said country (Canada), so that it will now be able to import with more facility those 
provisions and commodities it will require. But you must at the same time excite the 
inhabitants to seek out merchandise which may induce the French to supply them in exchange 
with said provisions and commodities. And that is the more necessary, as the kingdom being 



62 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

at present stocked with a vast quantity of peltries, the French would perhaps become soon 
disgusted with furnishing them supplies, should there be no other goods to give them 
in exchange. 

I have nothing to say regarding M. BoutteroiieS as his Majesty has resolved to send back 
M. Talon, who himself is the bearer of this dispatch. But perhaps time would have enabled 
you to discover better qualities in him than you have already done, with so short an experience 
as you have had at the date of your letters. At least, I can assure you that he is a person 
much esteemed here, and who in time would have worthily performed the duties of his office; 
and though I am persuaded he would not in the end be so absolutely dependent on the 
Bishop and the Jesuit Fathers, yet I believe he is much to be esteemed on account of 
the deference and regard he has had for them. * # # # You will perceive that your 
resolution to appear occasionally at Montreal conforms to the King's intentions ; but he desires 
that you extend this design further ; that is to say, that you go, if possible, as far as the 
Iroquois country every two years, or oftener if you think it fit, with all the forces you can 
collect, it being certain that we must impress on the minds of these tribes a great opinion of 
our nation, in order to restrain them within their duty; and this high opinion can never be 
sufficiently impressed until they shall have had the whole of the French forces 3 or 4, and 
perhaps 5 or 6 times within their country. And when that reputation shall be onc^firmly 
established, not only the inhabitants of that Colony will derive from it the advantage of never 
again being disturbed in their labor and trade, but that advantage, being known within the 
kingdom, will induce a considerable number of French to repair thither annually, so that the 
country will be peopled and will augment without difficulty. 

Though you will learn from M. Talon all that the King does this year for said Country, I 
shall not forbear telling you, in three words, that his Majesty has employed more than 
200"lb. for all that he has considered necessary to do there ; that he sends one hundred and 
fifty girls to be married there ; six effective companies of fifty men each, with more than thirty 
officers or gentlemen, all to settle there, and more than 200 other persons who go over, also 
with like intentions. You clearly perceive that so considerable an effort indicates effectually 
the regard his Majesty entertains for that country, and that he will favorably consider the 
services which will be rendered him to advance it. 

M. Talon has the King's order to testify to the Bishop of Petree and the Abbe de Queilus^ 
that they can do nothing more agreeable to him than to continue to labor as they have begun, 
by instructing the children of the Indians, and civilizing them so as to qualify them for uniting 
themselves to the French under the obedience of those who bold legitimate authority from 
his Majesty. And hereunto I think you can greatly contribute by your care. 

Regarding the too great authority assumed, as you experience, by the Bishop of Petrde and 
the Jesuits, or, to speak more correctly, by the latter in the name of the former, I must 
inform you that you will have to act with great prudence and circumspection in that matter, 
especially as it is of such a nature that, when the country will increase in population, 

' This gentleman acted as Intendant during Mr. Talon's brief absence in France. 

'Rev. Gabriel dk Quatlus, Abbe de Loc-Dieu, came to Canada, in 1657, as representative of the Seminary of Saint 
Sulpice, Paris, which had become proprietor of the Island of Montreal, where he founded the Seminary of which he 
was the first Superior. Under pretended authority from the Archbishop of Rouen, he claimed certain jurisdiction over 
the Clergy, which, having been found to conflict with that of Bishop de Laval, Abb6 de Qunylus withdrew to France in 
1659, a few months after the Bishop's arrival in Canada. He returned, however, in 1668, to Montreal, where he labored 
for a few years and then retired to his native country. — Ed. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. " 63 

assuredly the Royal will predominate over the Ecclesiastical authority, and resume its true 
extent. Meanwhile, without either any rupture between you, or partiality on your part being 
perceptible, you will be always able adroitly to prevent the too vast undertakings they may 
attempt ; whereupon you can always consult M. Talon and act in concert with him. 



If. Colbert to M. de Oour 

S' Germain, 9*" April, 1670, 
I received your letters of the 10 July, first September and 11"" Nov' of last year. * # # 
His Majesty is very glad to learn from your letters that the Iroquois have continued to 
observe peace and trade with us, and to abandon all thoughts of war. Your zeal in 
encouraging the people to the practice and exercise of arms, and even in causing them to 
make journeys sometimes into the interior, will assuredly contribute a great deal to bring all 
those tribes into the King's obedience, and consequently to strengthen the Colony and give it 
the means of extending itself. This is what his Majesty desires you will direct all your 
attention to. 

His Majesty orders me to say to you, in a few words, that you ought to occupy yourself 
continually to preserve the people in peace, and to guarantee them against all violences of 
their enemies; encourage them to industry and the cultivation of the soil, and still more to 
the commerce of the seas in every way you consider best; sedulously insist that justice be 
impartially administered to them, so that each preserve his property, and the weak be not 
oppressed by the powerful. 

That you take great pains to encourage them all to early marriage, so that by the 
multiplication of children the Colony may have the means of increase within itself. 

That you likewise carefully stimulate them to the fisheries and marine trade, and that you 
assist, with all the authority the King has committed to you, the exploration Sieur Talon is to 
make of the Iron and Copper mines, as well as for timber necessary for the construction of his 
Majesty's ships, and for all other establishments advantageous to the country, the detail of 
which I shall not explain any further to you, referring you to what Sieur Talon shall say 
to you. 



M. Talon tcr the Ki\ 



Extracts of a Memoir addressed by M. Talon to the King on the affairs 
of Canada. 

Demand for Troops in case of war against the Iroquois. 

Part loth 8ber ^^ ^^ Iroquois, rendered more insolent by the retirement of the Troops who 
'"■ were recalled when I went to France, do not become more pliable by the return 



64 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

of those -whom his Majesty has ordered hither next year, there is reason to suspect some 
violation of the peace on their part. This suggests the observation that as the three designs, 
the building ships, making tar and exploring the iron mines, appear important, as well as the 
establishment of the Colony, which grows beautiful in peace, it appears important also to 
send hither a further force of two hundred troops. 

The fund his Majesty allowed for the subsistence and maintenance of the six companies 
which he sent out this year, from the first of July 1670, to the first of July 1671, not being 
sufficient to complete the establishment of the companies, his Majesty is very humbly 
It will be necessary supplicatcd to grant them a second and third year, in order that they may place 

to see how much that , ^ , . ° . . , ^ ... •,,.., 

year amounted to. themselvcs m a positioH to sustam the Country by their arms and their industry. 

Another Extract. One of the sources of population in Canada. 
Good. Of all the girls who arrived this year, numbering nearly one hundred and sixty- 

five, thirty do not remain unmarried. 

Good. 150 girls. The soldiers who have come this year will incline to get married when they 
To M. Baiienzaui ^\\\ h^ye labored to make a home ; wherefore it were well if his Maiesty would 

to Speak of It to ' *j j 

Gen^rarHoSp'itai.''^ please Send out again one hundred and fifty to two hundred girls. 

Another Extract. Dispatch of Adventurers for the discovery of New Countries. 

Since my arrival I have dispatched persons of resolution, who promise to penetrate further 
than has ever been done ; the one to the West and to the North West of Canada, and the others 
to the Southwest and South. These adventurers are to keep journals in all instances, and reply, 
on their return, to the written instructions I have given them; in all cases they are to take 
possession, display the King's arms and draw up -proces verbaux to serve as titles. His Majesty 
will probably have no news of them before two years from this, and when I shall return 
to France. 

Establishment on Lake Ontario. 

In addition to my being informed, both verbally and in writing, that the Iroquois threaten 
a rupture, I perceive that they ruin the trade of "the French; hunt for Beavers in the country 
of the Indians who have placed themselves under the King's protection, perpetrate robberies 
on them and despoil them of their peltries. I am strongly persuaded that if an Establishment 
be formed on Lake Ontario, which I designed to make before my departure for France, the 
Iroquois will more easily be kept, with one hundred men, in order, respect and dread. If his 
Majesty approve my having a small vessel built in form of a galley, which could move by sails 
and oars, and be seen in all parts of the Lake through which all those savages carry on their 
entire trade. I shall explain myself better by the last ship ; yet should she not arrive in 
safety, it would only be necessary that his Majesty send me three blank commissions; one for 
the commandant of this little vessel, and the two others to authorize persons to command at 
the two posts which it will be well to occupy &t the North and South of that Lake; and order 
M. de Courcelles to afford me all the assistance of which I shall stand in need to render this 
design successful. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 65 



Extracts from the Addition to tiie present Memoir. 10"" November, 1670. 

Coureurs de bois.' 

The Edict enacted relative to marriages has been enregistered, and, proclaiming the intention 
of the King, I caused orders to be issued that the volunteers (whom on my return, I found in 
very great numbers, living, in reality, like banditti) should be excluded from the [Indian] trade 
and hunting; they are excluded by the law also from the honors of the Church, and from the 
Communities ICom.rmmautcs'] if they do not marry fifteen days after the arrival of the ships from 
France. 1 shall consider some other expedient to stop these vagabonds; they ruin, partially, 
the Christianity of the Indians and the commerce of the French who labor in their settlements 
to extend the Colony. It were well did his Majesty order me, by Icttre de Cachet, to fix them in 
some place where they would participate in the labors of the Communautc. 

Of the means of recovering the profit of the Beaver trade which passes to the English 
and Dutch. 

If the observations that I have myself made and caused others to make, be correct, the 
English of Boston, and the Dutch of Manatte and of Orange who are subject to them, attract, 
by means of the Iroquois and other Indian tribes in their neighborhood, over tvi^elve hundred 
thousand litres of Beaver,^ almost all dry and in the best condition, part of which they use in 
their trade with the Muscovites, either themselves or through the Dutch. As all this Beaver 
is trapped by the Iroquois in countries subject to the King, we can more freely speak of 
those throughout which he alone can prescribe law, and Europeans cannot penetrate if the 
smallest precaution be taken to secure the most favorable posts. I find considerable occupation 
in diverting the greater part of this trade, naturally and without violence, to the benefit of his 
Majesty's subjects; and if he will please grant me the company of one hundred picked soldiers, 
which I ask for in my Memoirs, with one payment of fifteen hundred livres, as well for levying 
as for subsisting them; or the commission to empower me to raise fifty men at my own 
expense, and to have a sort of galley built for the security of Lake Ontario ; there is reason 
to hope, not only that the duties derived from this commerce would indemnify his Majesty and 
benefit the Company, but also that he would, through this means, be assured of Lake Ontario 
by two settlements which I should make, one at the North and the other at the South of the 
Lake. These posts would favor the passage of the Outawas when descending with their fat 
Beavers, of which, otherwise, they will often be despoiled by the Iroquois; would keep in 
check the five Upper Nations, to the most of whom we ascend by the lake, and would make 
the first openings towards Florida across the interior. By means of those two posts which 
I propose establishing, and of the vessel I suggest, with whose expense I charge myself, I 
anticipate, through the Indian trade, a very large profit. This I do not solicit for myself; but 
when realized, I propose to employ it to lighten the expense the King is obliged to incur for 
the support of this Colony. 

' Forest Rangers, so called from employing their whole life in the rough exercise of transporting merchandise to the Lakes 
of Canada, and to all the other countries of that continent, in order to trade with the Savages. La Hontan, I., 277. In Kew 
England they are called Swampiers. Douglas' Summary, II., 245. By the Dutch they were called Bos Loopers. — Ed. 

" Pour plus de 1,200,000 livres de Castor. 

Vol. IX. 9 



66 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

In order to attain success in this design, I require an order to M. de Courcelles to furnish 
me, in the way of troops, with every assistance I need ; and a general order to the officers to 
act in those establishments conformably to my instructions. 

I say no more about Manatte and Orange, since these two posts cannot, by any arrangement, 
be the King's, though, in my opinion, they would be of very great utility to him ; we must shut 
against them the Road to the River (S' Lawrence), and secure for his Majesty all the outlets of 
the Lakes and of the Rivers communicating therewith, in order that the Europeans may lose 
all desire they may feel to share with his Majesty so beautiful and so vast a Country, could 
they easily effect it. 

Another Extract, alio.— Of a War against the Iroquois. 

From all I have read and heard of the humor of the Iroquois, we may be persuaded that 
that Savage Nation, though humbled by the King's arms, has not forgotten its arrogance ; and 
if it do not at present wage war against the French Colony, it is because it has on its hands 
the Andastogues, a tribe bordering on f\ew Sweden, well adapted for war. In my opinion it 
would be prudent to anticipate them by attacking them in their own country, if tilings on this 
side could be placed in a situation to support this enterprise, or if the two posts I propose to 
establish, the one on the North, the other on the South side of Lake Ontario, with the 
galley I intend building, do not alarm these barbarians sufficiently to restrain them within 
bounds, which is what I hope, with good reason. Therefore, I incline much more to the 
commencement of the Establishments I propose, than to coming to an open rupture, for which 
complete arrangements will be necessary so as to be able to succeed with certainty; not but 
that his Majesty can afford such aid that nothing would be impossible. The thing depends 
on what he would be willing to do. 

To sustain or wage this war, as well as for any other unforeseen enterprise, I think it would 
be well that his Majesty should order to be sent hither six iron twelve-pounders, one or two 
mortars, and fifty shells of a proportionate calibre; and at the same time a gunner capable of 
perfectly managing artillery, who especially would be thoroughly conversant with the effect 
of powder from the mortar and of shell, so admirable in attacking Indian Villages; also, 
fire-works for burning their palisades. 

Two Indian Tribes, one called the Mohegans (Loups) and the other the Socoquis, inhabit 
the country adjoining the English, and live, in some respect, under their laws, in the same 
manner as the Algonquins and Hurons do under those of his Majesty. I perceive in these two 
tribes, by nature arrant and declared enemies of the Iroquois, a great inclination to reside 
among the French." I am of opinion that it would be well to encourage and strengthen this 
inclination, in order" both to profit by the peltries they carry to the English, and to oppose 
them, when necessary, to the Iroquois, if these be disposed to an open rupture, the rather as 
the English may adopt the policy, which they have attempted, to reconcile those hostile tribes 
in order to bring them all down upon us. 

Mess" Dolier and Galinee's Voyage to Lake Ontario. 

I return to new discoveries, and I say that already Mess" Dolier and Galin^e, priests of Saint 
Sulpice, Missionaries at Montreal, have traveled all over Lake Ontario and visited unknown 
tribes. The Map I annex hereunto, under the letter C, will show their route and how far 
they have penetrated. The small proces verbal, letter D., which they drew up somewhat hastily, 
and without giving all its form, will furnish evidence that they have taken possession of all 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 67 

that dritrict. I shall correct, as far as possible, that Instrument, and shall cause to be planted in 
every quarter, where the King's subjects will go, his Majesty's arms, with the sign of his 
religion, under the impression, if these precautions be not at present of use, they may become 
so at another time. I am assured that it is the Iroquois practice to pull down the arms and 
written placards attached to trees in the places of which possession is taken, and convey them 
to the English, whereby that Nation may learn that we pretend to remain masters tiiereof. 
It is for his Majesty to determine if this practice of posting up notices is to be continued or 
interrupted, until he be perfectly assured of all the important posts in the Country. 

Talon. 
Quebec, 10"- 9^" 1670. 



M. Talon to M. Colbert. 
Extracts from the Memoir addressed by M. Talon to Monseigneur Colbert. 



Oood. 



I. You will understand. My Lord, by the Memoir I furnish the King, that some 
adventurers have set out to discover unknown countries and to seek out things which may be 
of use to his state. According as I have advices, I shall despatch others, with the precaution 
necessary to such enterprises. 

I learn by the return of the Algonquins, who will winter this year at Tadoussac, that two 
Good. .European vessels have been seen very near Hudson's bay, where they wigwam 

(cabanent) as the Indians express it. After reflecting on all the nations that might have 
penetrated as far North as that, I can light only on tlie English, who, under the guidance of a 
man named Des Grozeliers, formerly an inhabitant of Canada, might possibly have attempted 
that navigation, of itself not much known, and not less dangerous. I intend dispatching 
thither over land some man of resolution to invite the Kilistinons, who are in great numbers in 
the vicinity of that Bay, to come, down to see us, as the Ottawas do, in order that we may 
have the first pick of what the latter savages bring us, who, acting as pedlers between those 
nations and us, make us pay for a round-about of three or four hundred leagues. 

The proposal made to me by Captain Poullet of Dieppe ought to be mentioned here. This 
man, wise by long practice and experience acquired from an early age, and become a skilful 
navigator, offers to undertake the discovery, if not yet accomplished, of the passage between 
the two seas, the Southern and Northern, either by David's Strait or by that of Magellan, 
which he thinks more certain. After having doubled the opposite coast of America, as far as 
California, he will take the western winds, and, favored by these, re-enter by Hudson's bay or 
David's strait. I have given him a letter which he is to present to you, if he have not 
To examine thu altered the plan, which would be to penetrate as far as China by one or the 
proposal. other of those passages. If you desire to hear him, my secretary will have him 

repair to you. 

Good. II. All the girls sent out this year are married, except about fifteen whom I 

caused to be distributed among families of character, until the soldiers, who solicit them, 
have formed some establishment and acquired wherewith to support them. 



68 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

To promote the marriage of those girls T made them a present, as is my custom, of tlie sum 
Good. of fifty livres, Canada currency, in necessaries suitable for their house keepii>g, 

in addition to some provisions 

Good. Miss Etienne, appointed their Matron by the Director of the General Hospital, 

An extract of this ^\\\ retum to Frauce to take charare of those to be sent this year, should his 

article must be fur- ~ J 

mshed to M Beiiin- jyjjjjggty have the goodness to let some come; in which case it will be well to 
recommend strongly that those destined for this country be in no wise naturally deformed; 
that they have nothing exteriorly repulsive ; that they be hale and strong for country work, or 
at least that they have some aptness for hand-labor. I write in this sense to Mess" the 
Directors. Three or four young women of good family (naissance) and distinguished for 
their accomplishments, would tend, perhaps, usefully to attach by marriage some officers who 
are interested in the Country only by their allowances and the profit of their lands, and 
who do not become further attached in consequence of disproportion of rank. 

The girls sent last year are married, and almost all pregnant or mothers; a proof of the 
fecundity of this country. 

A slight present of one hundred and fifty or two hundred ecus to Miss Etienne would 
be well employed. 

Should the King send other young women or widows from Old to New France, it is well 
that they be provided with a certificate from their Parish Priest, or the Justice of thiir place 
of abode, to the effect that they are free and in condition to marry. Without this, the 
Clergy here object to confer this sacrament on them; indeed, not without reason, two or 
three marriages having been acknowledged here. The same precaution might be observed 
regarding widowers ; and that ought to be the business of those who will be entrusted 
with the passengers. 

Tobenotedin Speaking of girls, we ought not lose sight of the comfort of the hired laborers 

the extract. g^ very ncccssary in this country, both as assistants in their work to the 

farmers who are at their ease, and as new Colonists after the expiration of their ordinary 
term of three years. 

Good. in. On this head I must observe that if all the money which the King orders 

for Canada were transported hither, and made use of in specie, this country would not only 
Supplies must be uot be accommodated, but expenses would be double. This practice of turning 
lotion.' " ' the King's money into commodities suitable for nourishment or clothing, for 
providing furniture for the establishments of soldiers and young women who marry, and of 
new families who come here, is not agreeable to the merchants, who would like every thing 
to be got from themselves, good or bad, and at so high a rate that it would require double the 
expense, were people reduced to what they wish. 

Good. Goods are of use also to be exchanged for grain ; and it is for this purpose 

I sent some into certain places to be distributed among the farmers at a distance from 
Quebec, in order that, by finding at home those articles which they need, they may not be 
obliged to come to Quebec in search of them, and abandon their families for three and 
sometimes four days ; and in order, also, that the grain to be received in payment may be 
conveyed here in a single vessel. 

I dwell on and explain this article, because I have been informed that a Rochelle Merchant 
has complained to M. de Terron that I busied myself too much with trade, and that I 
had Magazines established in Canada. I add that had I not had them, several of the 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 69 

settlements, either commenced or completed, would be entirely ruined ; and some people 
would desire nothing better. 

Good. IV. I must not forget to acquaint you, that the Abbe de Queylus applies himself 

zealously to the reorganizing of his Clergy, to the increase of the Montreal Colony, and to 
providing subjects for the Missions, who, by the discoveries they make, acquit themselves 
worthily and usefully for the King. He pushes his zeal further, by the care he takes to 
recover the Indian Children who fall into the hands of the Iroquois, in order to bring them 
up — the boys in his Seminary, the girls among persons of the same sex who form at Montreal 
Good. Thisestab- a sort of Congregation to instruct youth in reading, writing and little handiwork 
e'ncOTraged."" ( ouvrages de main). The Princess de Conty is the principal promoter of this pious 
action. She made me the depository last April, in Paris, of her intentions, which she backed 
by a first donation of twelve hundred livres. Other persons of a like disposition, feeling 
themselves urged by charity, gave me to understand that they would willingly participate in 
this pious work; if you approve my engaging in it I shall do so, and I have reason to hope 
with some success, without my application thereto detracting in any way from what I owe the 
affairs you place in my charge. Four lines, indicating to M. de Queylus and his community 
To write to the ^^^ pleasure with which the King learns from my despatches the zeal they evince 
Abbfe de Queylus. ^^j. Christianity and his Majesty's service, would have a very good effect. He 
will perhaps have need of your authority to draw his income from France ; he hopes you will 
grant him your protection in such cases as justice shall be on his side. 

I found greatly diminished, on my return, the number of little savages brought up by the 
Good. Bishop and the Fathers; but I must say their zeal for this charity revives, and 

that they are about looking up new subjects to rear them according to our manners, language 
and maxims. It would be well to encourage the disposition they evince for this work by two 
or three approbatory lines. 

v. M. de Courcelles, to whom I communicated the King's desire that he should exercise the 
Good. inhabitants from time to time, collecting them together for the management and 

carrying of arms, has promised to do so, and assures me that he will not fail therein; I think 
it will be well to distribute some standards to them after they shall have been enrolled under 
Good. a chief in form of a company. On the supposition • that his Majesty would 

approve it, I told my secretary to meet the expense thereof, as well as of what would be 
necessary for the purchase of some swords, of moderate value, to be offered to them as prizes, 
in order to encourage them in manoeuvring and firing correctly on Sundays and holidays. 
Good. Here I must say, that if it do not render the Royal medals too common 

to distribute some of them to those who will undertake great enterprizes or useful discoveries, 
Good. Some must either of new countries or of mines, or of forests, I would ask a dozen to 
'"'''°'' serve as an incentive to induce persons to accomplish difficult undertakings 

to whom money would not be so strong an inducement. This description of reward is more 
economical, and often times more powerful than any other. 

VI. In order to contribute in fact, as well as by counsel, to the settlement of Canada, I 
Good. have, myself, afforded an example by the purchase of a tract of land covered 

with timber, except two arpens which were found cleared. I have had it cultivated and 
improved in such a manner that I can say it is the most considerable in the country. 1 still 
propose to enlarge it; it is of sufficient extent to admit of some hamlets; it is in the vicinity 



70 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

of Quebec and may be of use to that town. It could receive a title if his Majesty pleased to 
give it one; and to render it more susceptible of a mark of honor, which I expect from his 
Majesty, he can annex to it, under such names as he shall please, the three Villages which I 
have caused to be erected. He will not, perhaps, be displeased with beginning by me to 
create emulation among the oflScers and wealthy colonists, who will labor zealously to extend 
their lands in the hope of receiving some title. 

Good. You know, My Lord, that M. Berthelot has directed me to expend, in his behalf, 

ten thousand livres in clearing a farm for him ; other persons in France solicit me to do the 
same for them, at a small expense, 'tis true. These Titles which I propose, and to which 
the lands should be proportionate, would be a very useful means to advance the Colony. 

VII. When I was in France the King did me the honor to say to me that he wished a coin 
to be struck here suitable for the country and which should remain here in circulation. 
Good. and you inform me such would be your sentiment. When you will please to 

issue the necessary orders, that work shall be prosecuted. It will be of the highest utility 
to the Colony. 

Done at Quebec, this tenth of Nov"", 1670. Talon. 



M. GoTbert to M. Talon. 



The King has entirely approved the proposition you have made to enter into a good and 
intimate correspondence with the English of Boston, and even to carry on some trade with 
them in commodities which you will mutually require. But as regards the fisheries, 
which they will prosecute in view of the country under the King's obedience, his Majesty 
desires that they shall experience the same treatment as his subjects receive from them on like 
occasions, and this conduct must be observed as well in the trade they may pursue with the 
savages around Pentagouet as in that which the King's subjects shall prosecute with the Indians 
around Boston; that is to say, that you should establish reciprocity between the two Nations. 

The resolution you have taken to send Sieur de la Salle towards the South and Sieur de 
S' Luisson to the North, to discover the South Sea passage, is very good ; but the principal 
thing to which you ought to apply yourself, in discoveries of this nature, is to look for the 
copper mine. Were this mine once discovered, and its utility evident, it would be an assured 
means to attract several Frenchmen from Old to New France. 

February, 1671. 



M. Colbert to M. de Courcelles, 

Paris, 11"- March, 1671. 
Sir. • 

Since you do not find it convenient to undertake the journey into the Iroquois country 
which the King referred to you, and which was in no manner compulsory, you may dispense 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 71 

therewith. But his Mnjesty thinks that nothing is so essential to the quiet of his subjects of 
New France as to keep always in a state of alarm the several Savage tribes that may 
trouble them, being certain that nothing but the apprehension of a severe punishment can 
prevent them violating the peace his Majesty has granted them. 

As for your proposal to send some companies hence to repair to the outlet of Lake 
Ontario and prevent the incursions which the Iroquois may make on the other Indian 
Nations under the King's protection, his Majesty does not consider it necessary for the good 
of his service ; yet he refers, notwithstanding, to you and to M. Talon what will be most 
convenient, being well persuaded that you will execute, with your ordinary iirmness, whatever 
resolution you may jointly adopt. 

Nothing can better promote the good of that Colony than to take care that the inhabitants 
shall exercise themselves in the management of arms at such time as will be most convenient 
for them; and his Majesty has instructed me to say to you, on this head, that it is of no less 
importance to his service to review said inhabitants from time to time, and to encourage them 
to such training by some prizes, than to excite them to the clearing and cultivation of the land, 
and to the undertaking the construction of Vessels to reap the advantages of maritime commerce. 



M. Talon to the King. 

Extracts from the Memoir addressed by M. Talon to the King On the State 
of Canada. 

Peace prevails both within and without this Colony. The Iroquois, after having grumbled 
somewhat at the Indians who placed themselves under the King's protection, and against 
whom they waged war, have, in fine, remained within their duty; and except some brute 
among them who, in his drunkenness, cracks a skull, there is reason to believe that the mass 
will always prefer peace to war. 

The English of Boston and of the other seacoasts enjoy the same tranquillity as we, and, 
far from incommoding, evince a warm desire to live in peace with us, and a disposition to 
establish some correspondence, which we have already begun on our side, and which it will 
be much the more easy to keep up, as I understand, by persons who have gone to Pentagoiiet 
and returned, that the passage across the country is no more than sixty leagues. Wherefore 
I hope to be able to settle some twenty persons, at intervals, so that factories, shelter and 
refreshments may be found from place to place. 

II. I shall execute, as much as will lay in my power, the instructions given to my Secretary 
by M. Colbert, on his Majesty's behalf, especially as to what regards the marine, to which I am 
assured Acadia can furnish great assistance ; and if I can, I shall have some conversation with 
Colonel Temple, who appears to me much disgusted with the Boston government, which is more 
Republican than Monarchical. To Sieur de Marson, whom I had sent to Boston to demand 
the restitution of a Vessel which had been pirated by an Englishman, that officer expressed 
a desire to retire within the King's dominion, and to live there under his protection and 



72 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

obedience. He has even some useful domains' wliicii lie abandoned in the receded country, 
the property of which had been granted him. I shall await his Majesty's orders as to what I 
ought to do in regard to this Colonel, who promises me, by his intermediation, great facility in 
recalling the French families established among the English. I am also encouraged to hope that 
I may obtain, through him, some sailors, some ship carpenters, and mechanics capable of 
constructing Saw-mills, of which the country is in great need. If I find it easy to introduce 
there those mechanics of that nation, to the number of twenty, 1 presume it cannot be 
disagreeable to the King, as they will not fail to be useful to his service. 

ITT. A month ago or more I dispatched, at two several times, and by two different canoes 
and different routes, Sieurs de Saint Lusson and la Nauraye, to continue the opening of the road 
hence to Pentagout and Port Royal, and to convey at the same time some Instructions which 
his Majesty's service demanded, and to prepare new memoirs, until I could furnish him more 
correct information before my voyage. I expect their return every moment. 

Sieur de La Salle has not yet returned from his journey to the Southward of this country. 
But Sieur de Lusson is returned, after having advanced as far as five hundred leagues from 
here, and planted the cross and set up the King's arms in presence of seventeen Indian nations, 
assembled, on this occasion, from all parts ; all of whom voluntarily submitted themselves to 
the dominion of his Majesty, whom alone they regard as their sovereign protector. This 
was effected, according to the account of the Jesuit Fathers who assisted at the Ceremony, 
with all the pomp and eclat the country could afford.' I shall carry with me the record of 
taking possession prepared by Sieur de Saint Lusson for securing those Countries to 
his Majesty. 

The place to which the said Sieur de Saint Lusson has penetrated is supposed to be no more 
than three hundred leagues from the extremities of the Countries bordering on the Vermilion or 
South Sea. Those bordering on the West Sea appear to be no farther from those discovered 
by the French. According to the calculation made from the reports of the Indians and 
from Maps, there seems to remain not more than fifteen hundred leagues of navigation to 
Tartary, China and Japan. Such discoveries must be the work either of time, or of the King. 
It can be said that the Spaniards have hardly penetrated further into the interior of South, 
than the French have done up to the present time into the interior of North America. 

Sieur de Lusson's voyage to discover the South Sea and the Copper Mine will not cost the 
King anything. 1 make no account of it in my statements, because having made presents to 
the Savages of the Countries of which he took possession, he has reciprocally received from 
them in Beaver what can balance his expense. 

Three months ago I dispatched with Father Albanel, a Jesuit, Sieur de Saint Simon, a 
young Canadian gentleman, recently honored by his Majesty with that Title. They were to 
penetrate as far as Hudson's bay; draw up a memoir of all that they will discover; drive a 
trade in furs with the Indians, and especially reconnoitre whether there be any means of 
wintering ships in that quarter, in order to establish a factory that might, when necessary, 
supply provisions to the vessels that will possibly hereafter discover, by that channel, the 
communication between the two seas — the North and the South. Since their departure, I 
received letters from them three times. The last, brought from one hundred leagues from 
here, informs me that the Indians, whom they met on the way, have assured them that two 

' Tliis meeting was held at the Falls of St. Mary. — Ed. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 73 

English vessels and three barks have wintered in the neighborhood of that bay, and made a 
vast collection of beavers there. If my letters, in reply, are safely delivered to the said 
Father, this Establishment will be thoroughly examined, and his Majesty will have full 
information about it. As those countries have been Igng ago (anciennement) originally 
discovered by the French, I have commissioned the said Sieur de Saint Simon to take renewed 
possession, in his Majesty's name, with orders to set up the escutcheon of France, with which 
he is entrusted, and to draw up his proces verbal in the form I have furnished him. 

It is proposed to me to dispatch a bark of sixty tons hence to Hudson's bay, whereby 
it is expected something will be discovered of the communication of the two seas. If the 
adventurers who form this design subject the King to no expense, I shall give them hopes of 
some mark of honor, if they succeed; besides idemnifying themselves from the fur trade which 
they will carry on with the Indians. 

IV. His Majesty will be able to see by the abstracts of the Registers of Baptisms, which I 
have entrusted to my Secretary, that the number of children born this year is between six and 
seven hundred; that hereafter a considerable increase may be expected, and there is reason to 
believe that, without any further aid from French girls, this Country will furnish more than 
one hundred marriages in the first year, and a great many more according as time progresses. 
I think it inexpedient to send out girls next year, in order that the farmers may marry off 
their daughters more easily among the soldiers who are settled and disengaged. Neither 
is it necessary to send out any young ladies, having this year received fifteen so qualified, 
instead of four that I asked for, to form engagements with the officers or principal 
inhabitants here. 

V. I am no Courtier, and assert, not through mere desire to please the King nor without 
just reason, that this portion of the French Monarchy will become something grand. What 
I discover around me causes me to foresee this; and those colonies of foreign nations, so 
long settled on the Sea-board, already tremble with affright, in view of what his Majesty has 
accomplished here in the interior within seven years. The measures adopted to confine them 
within narrow limits, by the taking possession which I have caused to be effected, do not allow 
them to spread without subjecting themselves at the same time to be treated as usurpers, and 
to have war waged against them ; and this, in truth, is what they seem, by all their acts, 
greatly to fear. They already are aware that the King's name is spread so far abroad among 
the Savages throughout all those Countries that he alone is there regarded by them as the 
arbiter of Peace and War ; all detach themselves insensibly from the other Europeans, and 
with the exception of the Iroquois, of whom I am not yet assured, we may safely promise 
ourselves to make the others take up arms whenever we please. 

Done at Quebec, this 2^ November, 1671. Talon. 

Vol. IX. 10 



74 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 



M. Talon to M. Colbert. 

Extracts of a Memoir addressed by M. Talon to the Minister, On the State of 
Canada, dated ll"- Q^" 1671. 

I am more firmly convinced at present than when I wrote my last dispatch that Acadia and New 
France will in a few years be in a condition to furnish the Antilles with the salted provisions 
necessary for their use. And in order that this aid be more prompt, I think it would 
be necessary to interrupt, without violence, the trade the English carry on with the King's 
subjects inhabiting Port Royal, from whom they obtain, yearly, quantities of sahed meat in 
exchange for some druggets and other stuffs of Boston manufacture. This, in my opinion, 
can be naturally enough effected by sending from France or hence to Port Royal some few 
stuffs to supply the most urgent demands; also some looms, which the Colonists demand, to 
weave their sheep's wool, and the flax produced by the aid of their hand-labor from the soil. 
For my part I shall provide for these wants as much as my health permits. 

II. I have placed in my Secretary's hand one of the first four lettres de cachet which the 
King had issued on my return here last year, whereby his Majesty ordered the Captains of 
his ships or others to do as I should direct them for his Majesty's service. I think it would be 
as beneficial to renew them this year, and to forbid those Captains to take any persons on 
board, to return to France, without a permit from me ; on the ground that should the people 
return, this Colony would scarcely increase, whatever pains you would take to augment it. 
Several persons have returned this year; but a considerably greater number expect to go back 
next season, in consequence of the facility with which passports are given. 

III. After closing my dispatches, the Abbe de Queylus proposed to me to found an hospital at 
Montreal for the support and treatment of sick and aged Indians, and offers to make, for that 
purpose, an original endowment of ten thousand Hvres. In addition to the glory which may 
accrue to God from this work of piety, it may also afford facilities to win the children, who, 
feeling themselves near the chiefs of their tribes, will more easily detach themselves from their 
other relatives. I did not promise to write you on this proposition, until I had been requested 
to do so by the Bishop of Petree, by the Abbe de Queylus and the Mother Superior of the 
Ho.ipitalieres, who promises to furnish Nuns for the management of this establishment, for 
which they solicit only the King's consent, and a charter at the proper time; having on my 
part, neither promised nor excited hopes of anything except this permission, if the proposal 
appear reasonable to you. 

IV. Whilst concluding this memoir, Sieur de S' Lusson returns from Pentagouet, but so 
broken down by the fatigue of his journey, and so enfeebled by the hunger he suffered, that I 
doubt his ability to go to France, whither I should be very glad he would repair to have the 
honor to inform you, in person, what he saw at the Rivers Pemcuit and Kinibiki, both covered 
with handsome English settlements, well built and in beautiful valleys. The Colonists of 
those districts, though for the most part English by birth, received him in princely style; 
saluted him with Musketry and Cannon, and all regaled him the best they could with 
demonstrations of evident joy at seeing that Pentagouet and the title to the lands were in the 
King's possession. Whether this extreme joy be an effect of the fear they entertain in 



PARIS DOCUMENTS: I. 75 

consequence of the vicinity of the French, or of a real desire to pass under his Majesty's 
dominion, I cannot determine; they have authorized Sieur de Saint Lusson to make proposals 
to me on this subject, whicli I forbade him to communicate to whomsoever. He is the bearer 
of the Memoirs to you. 

If the project submitted to me by M. Le Tourneur, one of the Directors of the General 
Hospital, and which I consider, in some parts, practicable, could be effected, I know no quarter 
better adapted than those Rivers to render it successful for the relief of the hospital and 
the advancement of the Colony; a mixture of French among the English would attach to the 
King's service those who would not naturally belong to his Majesty on the restitution which 
has been made to him of that quarter. 

I am assured that the English will urge the settlement of the Boundaries between Pentagouet 
and Boston. Should his Majesty give me any orders on that subject, I shall do my best to 
execute them on taking charge of his instructions. I am likewise assured that Colonel 
Temple 1 repairs to Old England, with the design to return. I would have desired a conference 
with him before he had undertaken that voyage. 

Talon. 



Narrative of Governor de Courcelles' Voyage to Lake Ontario. 

^ [ From an Original paper in the Eoyal Library, Paris. ] 

An Account of what occurred during the Voyage of Monsieur de Courcelles, 
Governor of New France, to Lake Ontario. 1671. 

They, into whose hands this Narrative may happen to fall, will wonder, perhaps, that 
their time should be taken up with the perusal of a voyage which possesses nothing 
remarkable either in battles or in victories, and is rather a promenade than a voyage of 
public utility. 

But I am confident their surprise will cease when I shall have placed before their eyes the 
difficulty of voyages in New France, whether by land or water ; the grand designs which 
induced the Governor of that Country to undertake this one; and, in fine, the great good 
which has resulted therefrom ; so that I have only to request my Reader to suspend his 

' Sir Thom.is Teuple was a kiasinan of Lord |Say. Having obtained, with others, from Oliver Cromwell, in 1656, a grant 
of Acadia, bounded east by the River St. George, and including Nova Scotia, he purchased of Stephen la Tour all the right 
the latter inherited to that country from his father, and came to New England in 1657, when ihe persecution of the Qualiers 
was at its height He endeavored most humanely, though ineffectually, to save the lives of those of that sect who were 
condemned to be executed, oflering to remove and provide for them at his own charge. He was recommissioned Governor 
of Nova Scotia and Acadia by King Charles II., in 1662, in which year he visited New Amsterdam ( New- York ) and Fort 
Orange (Albany), to suppress the incursions of the Mohawks into his territory. This, however, was soon after ceded 
to France by the Treaty of Breda, and possession thereof was demanded on the 21st October, 1668, of Sir Thomas 
Temple, who declined to comply with the requisition on the ground of the non-payment of the sum of £16,200, which 
the Crown agreed to allow him as an indemnity for the loss of his property. A special order from the King, in 1669, forced 
him to submit; and he signed an instnmient at Boston, on the 9th of July, 1670, whereby the whole of the country, from 
the River Muscongus in Maine, to Cape Breton inclusive, was restored to France. Sir Thomas, thereupon, returned to 
England, and died in 1674, having devised his interest to his nephew, William Kelson, who transferred it, in 1730, to Samuel 
Waldo, of Boston. The indemnity, however, has never been paid. Charlevoix' Histoire Nouvelle France, I., 416; Hutchinson's 
History of Massachusetts, I., 184, 190, 236; Holmes' Annals, I., 368; Haliburton's History of Mva Scotia, I., 64, 66; Wil- 
liamson's Maine, I., 428. — Ed. 



76 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Judgment until the close, in order to make him agree with me that it was of importance to 
place before the eyes of the People of that Colony the pains and fatigues endured by the 
Governor, through regard for them, so as to render them more disposed to testify towards him 
the obedience they owe him. 

To commence, then, this account. It is well to understand that the River Saint Lawrence 
on which people journey, is one of the most considerable rivers in the World, since at its 
mouth, situate in it is nearly thirty leagues wide, and growing 

gradually narrower for the space of 120 leagues up to Quebec [where it is only half a 
league;]' it preserves that width not only as far as Montreal, which is the last of the French 
settlements, sixty leagues above Quebec, but for the space of more than seven hundred 
leagues, spreading now into lakes of an appalling magnitude, anon confining itself within the 
bed of a simple river of the width I have stated. 

Lake Saint Peter, the first lake formed by this River, is 33 leagues above Quebec; it is 
about four leagues wide. The second is Lake Saint Louis, four^ leagues above that of 
Saint Peter, and is six leagues long by two leagues wide. Five leagues farther up is met 
a third — Lake Saint Francis — twelve leagues long by two leagues wide. Forty leagues 
beyond that is found Lake Ontario,^ of an oval figure, 120 leagues long by 30 leagues in 
breadth. 35 or 40 leagues beyond the latter is found Lake Erie, called by the Indians 
Techaronkion, whose length from East to West is 140 leagues, and the width twenty- 
five to thirty. Fifteen leagues higher up is met another lake, quite circular, twelve leagues 
in diameter. Fifteen or sixteen leagues farther on is seen the Lake of the Hurons, 250 
leagues long and of an irregular width ; at one place ten, at another twenty, and in a thir* 
place thirty or forty leagues. 3 leagues beyond this is seen the lake called Lake Superior, 
150 leagues long. Into this disembogue ten or twelve large streams, which must be ascended 
to their source before the true head of this River (Saint Lawrence) can be determined. The 
writer relates only what he has seen; he therefore cannot be doubted. 

But what is most astonishing in this River is, that neither the great weight nor rapidity of 
its waters has been able to scoop out a bed where it can spread and flow in an easy and equal 
stream, but in many parts are found rocks so hard that, not being able to break or soften 
them, after having collected above a sufficiently large volume of water to rise to their level, 
it passes finally over and forms in these places Cascades, the more beautiful as it is not the 
water of a simple canal, formed by the hand of man that constitutes them, but a vast River 
which, as I have already stated, is a full half league in width. These falls are not all of an 
equal height; and to describe them in order — 

The first four are in front of the Island of Montreal, and form what is called the Sault Saint 
Louis. At this point the River, in less than a quarter of a league, has a fall of over thirty 
feet, so loud that we cannot hear one another speak. 

The second Sault, in ascending the stream, is where the River enters into Lake Saint 
Louis. It has a perpendicular fall of about three feet. 

The 3"^ is half a league higher up, and falls about four feet. 

The 4"' is another half a league higher, and falls about four feet. 

The fifth is twenty leagues higher than the last, and falls four or five feet. 

' The words within brackets are translations of notes appended to this document by the French copyist, to supply parts 
of the text which are pared off in the original. — Ed. 

i" go in the text^ Query. Twenty-four ? " Literally, " The Great Lake ;" from the Huron lontare, Lake, and lo, great. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 77 

The sixth is 20 leagues higher than the last, and falls at several points more than forty feet. 

The seventh is between Lake Ontario and the Techaronkion ; it falls perpendicularly more 
than sixty feet. 

Finally, the eighth is between Lake Huron and Lake Superior, and is similar to the Sault 
Saint Louis. 

I mention here only the water-falls to be met in the River, without counting the violent 
rapids which are continually encountered in it between and lake Saint 

Louis, from Lake Saint Louis to Lake Saint Francis, and from the latter to the place called 
Otondiata,* near Lake Ontario. 

What is called a rapid in this Country is not a simple current of water, but a current caused 
by a pitch so great that the water combs violently up, breaking sometimes three or four feet 
high. I have seen some such leap over eight or ten feet, so that the hair of the head stands 
on end when one is obliged to pass these places. 

But if Navigation on this river is, as we have seen, so difficult, the vessels in use render 
it so dangerous that a prudent man cannot expose himself, unless obligated either by the 
the service of God or that of his King. 

The River Saint Lawrence is navigable to Quebec for vessels of 500 Tons. From Quebec 
to Montreal vessels cannot be taken up of more than 150 tons; but above Montreal no person 
ever attempted to take more than a flat bateau, on account of the Sault Saint Louis, which 
at that point entirely bars the river. 

This difficulty has caused the savages, and after them the French, whom the necessity of 
their aifairs has obliged to pass those places, to invent a species of vehicle the most spiritual, 
but at the same time the most perilous that can be imagined. 

Thtse vessels are made simply of birch bark, which covers a frame (Gaharis) of cedar 
wood that sustains this bark, and gives it the form necessary to transport on the water a 
considerable amount of men and baggage; they are so fragile, withal, that if they happen to 
strike against a rock or be rudely handled in removing them or launching them into the water, 
they are seriously injured; so unsteady that 10 pounds on one side more than on the other 
causes them to lurch, which renders it necessary to remain kneeling or in a sitting posture ; 
so light that a man, or, at most, two, can carry them ; and yet so useful that there are some 
which contain as many as six to eight men with their provisions and baggage. 

In fine, these vessels are not rigged nor steered as our bateaux. A particular skill is requisite, 
which is not acquired except by long practice ; and for want of this skill many have lost 
their lives. 

On arriving at these dangerous points of the river, which I have mentioned above, it is not 
attempted to pass them by paddling; but, plunging into the water, the bateau or canoe is 
taken with the hand and thus drawn along the shore, avoiding the rocks, and thus forcibly 
dragged to surmount the rapi'dity of the water. But in places where there are falls we land, 
unload the canoe, and, shouldering it, carry it until a convenient point of re-embarkation is 
met with. 

Navigation on this river being so dangerous, as we have stated, the Governor could not 
undertake the voyage to Lake Ontario, which includes the most dangerous passes on the River, 
without powerful motives. 

' Five or six leagues from La Galette is an island called Tonihata. Charlevoix, III., 194. It is supposed to be Grenadier 
Island, Leeds county, C. W., and is laid down in the Map accompanying Kalm's Travels in America; also in Jeffery's Chart 
of the River St. Lawrence. La Galette is a little below Ogdensburgh. —Ed. 



78 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

To explain these in a few words, it is necessary to know that the French are established in 
New France, in a Canton belonging to Indian people called Algonquins, who received us 
among them in order that we should aid them in their wars against another people, also 
Indians, called the Iroquois, of whom they were for a long time the enemies. In the beginning, 
the French did not find any inconvenience from those wars. They were here only for the 
Beaver Trade, without caring about making any settlement or clearing any land. They 
occupied a strong fort, well supplied with provisions and arms, and not being obliged to leave 
it through any necessity, thus found themselves beyond the reach of the Iroquois, who never 
dared to attack a French fort that they thought any way capable of defence. 

The manner of life of these people is so heteroclitical, that it will not be useless here to 
make some remark on it. 

They have neither Religion, nor King, nor Laws, nor Justice; and each is so far master of 
his will that he can execute whatever comes into his head without fearing reproval from any 
one soever. The sole rule of morals among them is a certain point of honor, which causes 
them to abstain from certain things or to pursue others, because they are esteemed or 
contemned by their Chiefs. 

This is the reason that, regulating themselves by the natural law alone, they esteem good 
and hate evil. They are not observed to attach themselves to vices evidently opposed to this 
law ; and if it happen that some one does so, he is so much despised as to be considered 
unworthy to be heard in the Councils relating to the affairs of his tribe. 

But notwithstanding their complete independence, the one of the other, this does not 
prevent them, when some affair is being prepared, such as undertaking a war, treating of 
peace, distributing prisoners, or such like things; it does not prevent them, I say, assembling 
a sort of Council, which the old men, and those who have rendered themselves commendable 
by some great achievement, have alone the right to attend, and the remainder of the people, 
ordinarily abide pretty faithfully by the decision of that Council, and if any one assumes the 
liberty of contravening it, he passes for a man devoid of understanding. 

The resolution to make war being adopted, the Kettle is immediately hung, and all 
the young men are invited to the feast; and before the distribution of the meats, one of the 
company, in whom most confidence is reposed, rises and commences singing the War-Song, 
saying he is about to proceed against such a people, and that those who have courage wiH follow 
him. His song ended, those among the young men who take a notion to join him, rising one 
after the other, sing each a song, containing nothing but a recital of the great actions they 
intend performing in that war. 

The engagement being taken, a day of departure is fixed. The women prepare small sacks 
of flour for the Warriors, who carry them on their shoulders, with their gun, axe, powder 
and ball. Arrived in great silence in the enemy's country, they skulk along, afraid of being 
discovered, seeking an opportunity to strike their blow, so that their wars and battles consist 
only of surprisals. A man will leave the village to hunt or to work; they unexpectedly 
surround him and take him prisoner. A vfoman will go into the woods in search of fuel ; 
they endeavor to approach her without noise, and to take her prisoner. But if they perceive 
a party approaching whom they can advantageously attack, they hide, each behind a tree, 
awaiting until the party passes their place of ambuscade, and having fired a volley, they 
pounce on them, hatchet in hand, and endeavor to capture them; for their glory consists in 
carrying off with them as many as they can. But if any of the enemy remain pa the field 
they pull the scalp off his head and take it with them, in order to 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 79 

The Warriors having returned, the old men assemble, to whom the prisoners are presented for 
disposal. If any have lost a son, nephew or relative in that war, a prisoner is presented to 
him to replace the dead ; but if the person to whom he is given do not accept him, or feel 
disposed to wish the death of his relative avenged, which happens but too often, he 
condemns his prisoner to death, which is executed with a horrible cruelty, appalling even in 
its description. 

The first torture they inflict on the unfortunate man is to tear away some of his nails; to cut 
some of his fingers off with flints, in order to increase his sufftirings, or to apply some coals of 
fire to his body, to force him to sing. Having tortured him five or six hours in this style, they 
conduct him to a stage in the public square, where, having tied him hand and foot to a stake, 
they commence burning him with an old gun barrel, red hot, applying it, successively, from 
the heels to the head, for a space of eight or ten hours, so that not a particle of the body 
remains unroasted. This done, they untie him and let him run through the square, where the 
young men wait with brands, and kettles full of hot ashes or boiling water, which they throw 
on him, whilst others stone him. In a word, they worry him to such a degree that he falls 
down exhausted, when they rush on him and tear him limb from limb, each taking away a 
piece to his lodge to feast on. I here describe only the least cruel kind of death, for they 
sometimes perpetrate cruelties so dreadful that I dare not relate them lest I excite horror. 

I mention all these things only to give an idea of a portion of the cruelties the Iroquois 
have committed against the French, and the impossibility the latter [experienced to extend 
their Colonies whilst] the war continued. Every day the enemy was seen charged with our 
spoils ; carrying some of our people away prisoners, whom they afterwards pitilessly burned. 
These misfortunes were for us frequent, and without remedy had not the King's goodness 
commisserated our wretched condition and sent troops to our aid, who, under the guidance of 
Monsieur de Tracy and Monsieur de Courcelles, our Governor, carried the war, with great 
fatigue, into the enemy's country, captured their forts, burned their villages and finally 
obliged them to sue for peace, which was granted them. This is known to all the world. 
Therefore I pass lightly over it. 

Those we call Iroquois are a people inhabiting along the South side of Lake Ontario; divided 
into five nations. The nearest to us are the Mohawks ; those which follow are the Oneidas ; 
next the Onoutagues, the Cayugas, and finally the Senecas. These Five Nations can turn out 
about two thousand warriors. They are so inclined to war that they wage it not only against 
their neighbors, but against tribes more than six hundred leagues distant from them. It is 
surprising th.at they have observed the peace they have made with us. The terror they 
entertain of our arms may alone constrain them to it, for as regards friendship for us, 
they have none. Therefore our attack was directed, in the first place, against the Mohawks, 
which is the most warlike nation ; these were so severely handled that the others were 
terror stricken. 

Nevertheless, as those Iroquois, though at peace with us, have not ceased waging war 
against the Outawacs, our allies, who have for a long time been in the habit of coming to trade 
with the French settlements, and by that means obstructed the freedom of their commerce, 
attacking them when they were coming to trade and despoiling them of their beavers, Monsieur 
de Courcelles thought it necessary for the good of the Colony to oblige the Iroquois to make 
peace with them, and for its greater security obliged the one and the other to exchange the 
prisoners who happened to be still alive. 



80 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

The Iroquois acted in bad faith on this occasion, for they selected the least useful among 
their prisoners, such as a few women and children. They brought these to the Governor, to 
the number of twelve or fifteen, and retained more than a hundred good men, whom they would 
not restore, saying they preferred waging war against the French to giving them up so great 
a number of men whose absence essentially weakened them ; so that three or four times last 
year they brought news here that the Onontagues and Senecas were preparing in earnest to 
make war on us ; principally relying on their position on the borders of the Ontario, as we 
have stated, whither the Governor could not bring his troops to them, being obliged for the 
transportation of supplies to make use, French fashion, of bateaux, the management of which 
seemed to them impossible, on account of the rapids and water-falls which, we have seen, 
intervene between us and the Ontario.' 

The Mohawks, who felt that they could be reached, since they were once already 
devastated, took good care not to join the enterprise of the other nations, their allies. On the 
contrary, they always protested that they acknowledged the King of France as the Lord of 
their country. 

This shows the importance of the voyage taken this spring by our Governor, to prove to 
these insolent fellows that he could ruin them at his pleasure, since it was not impossible for 
him to have a large plank Bateau taken up as far as Lake Ontario, with such great dispatch 
as to be astonishing were such diligence used even with bark canoes. 

This was not the sole utility expected to be derived from this voyage. There are others no 
less important. 

It is well known that the Iroquois nations, especially the four upper ones, do not hunt any 
Beaver or Elk. They absolutely exhausted the side of Ontario which they inhabit, that is, 
the South side, a long time ago, so that they experience the greatest difficulty in finding a 
single beaver there ; but to get any they are obliged to cross to the North of the same lake, 
formerly inhabited by the Hurons, our allies, whom they defeated or drove off"; so that 
it may be said the Iroquois do all their hunting, at present, on our allies' lands, which belong 
in some sort to the French, who ought by the Treaties be subrogated to the rights of the Hurons. 

The Iroquois, however, trade scarcely any with us, but carry all their peltries to New 
Netherland, depriving us thereby of the fruits of our land; that is to say, of the peltries which 
they take from us on the lands belonging to us. 

Wherefore some means were sought, a long time ago, to prevent the Iroquois going to New 
Netherland to trade; and the best assuredly would be to establish a post as far up as the 
mouth of the Ontario, to command the pass through which these people go to trade when 
returning from their chase, and thus the French would absolutely control it. For this purpose, 
it was necessary to reconnoitre the place, examine the most convenient sites and the finest 
land; and this the Governor has done in this voyage. 

I shall add here a reason for this voyage, of no trifling importance. Two years ago, two 
Ecclesiastics left here [to visit] divers Indian Nations, situated along a great River called by 
the Iroquois, Ohio, and by the Outawas, Mississippi. Their design did not succeed on 
account of some inconveniences very usual in these sorts of enterprises. They learned, 
however, from the advances they made towards the River, that it was larger than the River 

'It IB certain that the Iroquois war could never have been more injurious to us than at present. The eettlementa 
being dispersed along the River, each being obliged to live on his farm, to make it of any value, would enable them to 
take off a great deal of people before we were in a position to resist them everywhere. Nott by the Author of the Memoir. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 81 

Saint Lawrence, that the tribes settled along its banks were very numerous, and that its 
ordinary course was from East to West. After having closely examined tlie Maps which we 
have of the coast of New Sweden, of the Floridas, of Virginia and Old Mexico, I did not 
discover any River's mouth comparable to that of the River Saint Lawrence. 

This leads us to think that the river of which we speak disembogues into another sea — to 
determine where, I leave to the judgment of the more learned. Nevertheless, it is probable 
it waters those countries towards New Spain, which abound in gold and silver.' 

The shortest and easiest route to this River is that of Lake Ontario, which would be not a 
little facilitated by the planting of a Colony at the entrance of that Lake; and this was not one 
of the least of the Governor's plans in his arduous voyage. 

We must not wonder if all these grave reasons made so strong an impression on his mind 
as to cause him to set at naught the most extraordinary fatigues a man of his rank could 
endure. But it were well to detail some of these. 

No sooner was the river free of ice, last spring, thai#the Governor went up to Montreal, 
whither he was followed by all the Officers and Gentlemen of the Country. It was at 
that place he proposed to them the plan he entertained to make the Ontario voyage, not in 
bark canoes as the savages were accustomed to make it; but that his design was to 
demonstrate to the tribes inhabiting the shores of the Ontario that the French could 
accomplish something they were incapable of; and that he could go when he pleased in 
wooden bateaux, which we ordinarily make use of, and set fire to and slaughter all in their 
villages. This novelty so surprised every body, that the French and the Indians at first 
considered it impossible. 

One flat bateau of about two or three tons burthen was, notwithstanding, by the Governor's 
order, prepared, loaded with provisions, and the command of it given to a brave Serjeant of 
Monsieur Perrot's company, named Champagne, who had eight soldiers as his crew. It was 
also furnished with a strong rope to haul it along bad places. 

Every thing being ready, the Governor left Montreal on the second of June. He went by 
land as far as the head of Sault Saint Louis, whither all those who were to be of the voyage, 
to the number of fifty-six persons, repaired in thirteen bark canoes, and the flat bateau of 
which we have spoken, prepared to set out on the morrow. But as every one was convinced 
of the perils he was about to encounter in this voyage, each wished to shrive his conscience 
before departing; following, therein, the example of the Governor, who had invited an 
Ecclesiastic of Montreal, named Monsieur Dollier, to join the party. This gentleman performed 
the duties of Chaplain during the entire voyage. 

It is inconceivable with what joy every body embarked on the 3* of June, and how pleasing 
a sight to behold all those [little embarkations proceed] regularly to the sound of two 
trumpets. Monsieur Perrot, Governor of Montreal, Monsieur de Varennes, Governor of Three 
Rivers, Monsieur de Loubias, Captain of Infantry, with several Officers, and a number of young 
Gentlemen of the country, performed wonders. No person is exempt from the paddle in these 
little vessels. Every one must contribute in person, and there is no room for the idle. Lake 
Saint Louis was traversed that day ; and a shower having begun at noon, we landed at the foot 
of the first rapid, at the mouth of the River of the Iroquois. No sooner landed, than each taking 
an axe in hand, hurried into the woods to look for poles suitable to build a little hut, as a shelter 
from the ill effects of the air. This frame of poles is covered with bark stripped from the trees 

'This last phrase was in the margin, and half obliterated. Note by the Copyist. 

Vol. IX. 11 



82 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

when in sap, and we lie under it alongside of the fire. But as the woods are at this season 
infested with a species of fly, similar to tlie French gnat, so tormenting that a vast number of 
them are constantly around you, seeking only an opportunity to light on the face or parts of the 
body protected merely by a slight covering easily pierced by their sting, and are no sooner 
down than they suck blood, in place of which they deposit a species of poison that excites 
a strange itching, with a small tumor which lasts three or four days. As, I say, tliere is a 
vast quantity of these flies at this season, the Governor, to protect himself from them, had 
a little arbor made on tlie ground, three or four feet wide and two feet high, and covered 
with a sheet, the extremities of which trailed on the ground on all sides, to close perfectly 
all the points by which these little insects could penetrate; and here, [under this arbor, the 
Governor] had an opportunity to sleep; a favor denied to all those who travel at this season, 
unless extreme fatigue or want of rest for four or five nights so prostrate them that they 
fall asleep through very drowsiness, insensible to the frequent bites of the Musquetoes. All 
those of the Governor's suite followed his example and found the advantage of it. 

Next day, the4"' June, preparations were made to overcome the first chute. The canoes passed 
by drawing them in the water; but when it came to the bateau an effort was made to drag 
it by means of the rope we had brought, which the violence of the current breaking three 
or four times, those who were on board saw themselves in danger ; and no person offering 
to tow them, as was done with the canoes, the Governor himself plunged in, and taking hold 
of the bateau, was immediately aided by a number of brave fellows sufficient to force it 
up the rapid. The same day we came to the foot of a chute which we despaired of 
surmounting in consequence of a big rock that lay close to the shore, and formed at this 
point a frightful breaker (bouillon). Nobody knowing what to do, the Governor bethought him 
of having an attempt made with levers to force this rock aside. Some long ones were got, 
which could be used without going into the current, whose rapidity would not permit a 
foothold ; and so successful were these efforts, that the rock was removed far enough to allow 
a free channel capable of permitting the bateau to pass, but with indescribable trouble. 
The whole of this day's journey was only two leagues and a half. 

On the 5"" only two or three leagues more were accomplished, in consequence of very bad 
roads, and we met a missionary of Montreal going to the Iroquois. 

The G"" a dense fog arose on Lake Saint Francis, which we had to pass, so that the Governor 
had his canoe steered by the compass, causing the Trumpets to sound, in order that all should 
collect together, and not stray away in that mist And we made such 

way that we arrived at the Islands at the head of the Lake, at the Southwest extremity, 
where a hunt came off, the like of which is never seen in France. 'Tis arranged thus: As 
soon as ever an Island is discovered, strict silence is observed approaching it; then, having 
put some persons ashore at one end, the canoes proceed towards the other. Then those who 
are on the Island commence making a noise, and in this way force the animals that arc there 
to throw themselves into the stream to gain the main land. At that moment the canoes in 
advance pursue them, and, having overtaken them, seize them by the ears and lead them 
where they please, and when near the shore give them their death wound, either by a cut of 
a sword or a shot from a gun. It is in this way we had the satisfaction to-day to kill an Elk, 
which contributed somewhat to refresh the party. 

Sunday, the seventh of June, after Mass, resumed the voyage among the Islands, which 
would have been very agreeable had the River not been so rough. The land appears to be 
remarkably good. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 88 

The S"" of June we passed, as usual, through extremely rugged rapids. 

The 9•^ passed the Great Sault, a frigiitful place, where the breakers in the middle of the 
river leap twelve to fifteen feel high. 

The lO"", passed the last Sault between Montreal and Ontario, and arrived at a place 
called Otondiata, quite celebrated in this country, because there terminates the arduous 
labors of those who ascend to the Iroquois, in going to whom nothing more remains to be 
passed than beautiful tranquil water, almost without a ripple. It was here the Governor left 
his bateau under a guard, in order to proceed in a canoe to the mouth of the lake. 

The 11"", being near a place called the Eel fishery, in consequence of the great quantity of 
that fish caught there, he dispatched a canoe with some Frenchmen to where some Iroquois 
were, to reassure the Indians who happened to be there, so that they should not take flight 
on seeing the French canoes; and, in fact, this precaution was necessary. There were a 
goodly number of Iroquois there, to whom the Governor sent word by a gentleman of this 
country, named Monsieur Le Moyne, who understands and speaks their language thoroughly, 
that his object was not to quarrel with them, but that he had learned that they spoke of 
waging war against our allies and ourselves too, if we thought it our duty to assist them, 
and that 'he had come to give them carte blanche to do so, and to show them that, if he found no 
difficulty in coming to their country for pleasure, he could as easily come to destroy them did 
they depart from their duty; and after having regaled them with some French presents he 
proceeded on. The Iroquois would not leave him, but embarked to follow him. 

The l^"", arrived at the mouth of the Ontario, which appears from this place like an open 
sea, without any bounds. The Governor here dismissed the Iroquois who had accompanied 
him, to whom he gave letters for the Missionaries residing in their Villages, in which he 
ordered them to publish throughout the country the reason of his voyage, as ffe had 
represented it to those whom he met at the Eel Fishery. Started from this place the same 
day, on being somewhat refreshed, to return to the bateau, and arrived there on the 13"" June. 
Here we learned a portion of the astonishment which this voyage created in the minds of 
the savages; for having met the [Montreal] Missionary, of whom we spoke [and v^ho was 
accompanied by some Iroquois], this Ecclesiastic remarked that the Iroquois carefully examined 
all the coves in the River, and all the little bays, to see if they could find any thing. This 
caused him to inquire the reason ; and they answered him that they were examining where 
Onontio (as they called the Governor) had left his bateau; for, said they, he will never 
get it up to OTondiata. But when they saw it there, it is impossible to conceive their 
wonder. The Governor remarked at this place a stream, bordered by fine land, where there 
is sufficient water to float a large bark. This remark will be of use, perhaps, hereafter. 

The 14"', began to descend the rapids to return to Montreal. It is here that the danger is 
the greatest, because of the fright which frequently seizes the canoe-men on seeing the 
immense breakers over which they must pass with an incredible swiftness, and which, 
depriving tiiem of their self-possession, prevents them making use of ordinary skill either to 
avoid the trees or rocks encountered in these places, or to steer their canoe so that the 
breakers may not swamp it. It occupied only three days to get to MontreaJ, where the 
whole world was greatly surprised to see that in 15 days a large bateau was carried up to, 
and brought back from Otondiata, without the loss of a man. Thanks were given to God; 
and the Governor, before returning to Montreal, wished to visit the establishment of Monsieur 
Perrot, Governor of that place, where Monsieur de Chailly, Ensign of Monsieur Perjot'a 



84 " NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Company, had a canoe. Having learned that some Frenchmen at the foot of the Long Sault, 
in the River of the Outawacs, were contravening the orders of the Sovereign Council of New- 
France, selling Brandy there, with which they intoxicated the savages, he proceeded thither 
and had spnie arrested to inflict an exemplary punishment on them. After these expeditions 
he returned to Montreal, where he was received with tokens of joy, which every one felt, for 
the care he took for the preservation and advancement of the Country. 

A few days after returning from the voyage, the Outawacs arrived. They were delighted 
to lenrn what the Governor had achieved for the maintenance of peace between them and the 
Iroquois. They thanked him for it by presents in the usual manner, and requested a 
continuance of his good will towards them. 

Several Missionaries arrived afterwards from the Iroquois, who related that the news of the 
Governor's voyage had so scared them, that those of the small villages wanted to abandon 
them, having previously threatened to crack the skulls of the French who were among them ; 
that those of the large villages had retained the young men who were on the eve of setting 
out on a war expedition against the Indians of New Sweden, called the Antastosi ; that they even 
had recalled those of their young braves who had already departed. Having learned, however, 
that the Governor had returned, they resolved to send deputies the ensuing spring to Onontio, 
to learn from him the motives of his voyage, and what they were to expect. 

"We must not omit remarking here that one of the principal advantages the Governor 
anticipated from his voyage, and which was in fact realized, was to prevent the Outawacs 
going to trade their peltries with the Dutch. 

At the opening of the Autumn of the last year, 1670, some Iroquois went in the company 
of some Frenchmen to the Outawacs' country, to carry some presents thither to confirm their 
union^as they said. They wintered there; and the Outawacs having inquired of the Iroquois 
the prices of merchandise among the Dutch, learned they were much lower than among the 
French, and that a Beaver among the former brought as much as four here. This news 
inflamed them greatly against the French, and caused them to adopt the resolution to endeavor 
to open a trade with the Dutch. They consulted with the Iroquois about it, who told them 
that if they pleased to come to meet them next spring, they would conduct them thither. The 
Iroquois' proposal was received with joy by the Outawase youth, who only desired to see the 
country. The news, however, reached Quebec, where it was considered of the last 
importance for the country to prevent this commerce, and it was effectually prevented; for 
though wishing these two nations to be at peace, it was not desirable that they should be so to 
the extent of familiar intercourse. The Governor wrote to all the Missionaries of both Nations 
to give them to understand that they could not unite together for that trade without running 
the risk of a war more sanguinary than heretofore; that their tempers and mode of acting 
did not accord; to the Iroquois that it was dangerous for them to receive so considerable a 
number of their enemies among them, who nourished still in their hearts resentment for the 
slaughter of so many of their relatives in past wars, and who were coming, less in search of 
merchandise than to learn the location of their villages and their hunting grounds, so as to 
come some day to teach them that they must always look upon them as their enemies; the 
Outawacs we caused to be told that they ought to remember all the treacheries the Iroquois 
had been guilty of towards them and the infinite number of treacherous ambuscades in which 
they witnessed the destruction of a great many of their finest young men ; that the Iroquois 
were desirous to attract them into their country; that they might return from it, perhaps the 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 85 

« 

first year; but after that, being once enticed, frigiitened, 

they would behold themselves some day so effectually surrounded by their enemies that they 
would find no way to extricate themselves out of their meshes; that then they would repent of 
not having followed the counsels of the French, and of having so lightly confided in the faith 
of their enemies. 

These were the speeches that the Governor put into the mouths of the Missionaries of the 
two nations in order to prevent them confiding the one in the other. The Indians, more 
especially the Iroquois, fell so easily into the snare, that they pictured to themselves continually 
the Outawacs coming, arms in hand, to butcher them even in their lodges, so that they 
experienced, during the winter, several panics on this account, which obliged them to fortify 
themselves more strongly against the enemy who were held up so near their view. They 
finally protested to the French, during the winter, that they would ne.ver suffer the Outawas 
to pass through their country to trade with the Dutch. However, notwithstanding all their 
fine protestations, we saw a band of twenty-five young Ottawacs arrive this spring in the 
Iroquois country, who traded there as much as they could for clothes and arms; but having found 
only some very poor ones, they came back greatly dissatisfied. Nevertheless, they failed not to 
promise to return thither, not to trade with the Iroquois, but to accompany them to the Dutch. 
The French who happened to be at that trade were in too small a number to prevent it. But 
they failed not to say to the one and the other that if they were bold enough to return 
thither against the orders of Ononthio, they would find the French sufficiently numerous to 
prevent them passing, and to plunder them. It was at this conjuncture that the Governor 
arrived, whose presence induced the one and the other to obey his orders. 



Imtruciions to Count de Frontenac. 

The King's Instructions to Count de Frontenac, whom his Majesty has chosen 
as his Governor and Lieutenant General in Canada. 

Sieur de Frontenac must first be informed that the peace and tranquillity of the Colonies of 
New France having been frequently disturbed by the expeditions and cruelties of the savage 
tribes, and particularly of the Iroquois, against the Inhabitants thereof, at the time his Majesty 
began to turn his care and attention to the re-establishment of commerce and navigation 
within his kingdom, he adopted the resolution to appropriate a fund annually to supply the 
wants of those of his subjects who were settled in those countries; and though considerable 
sums have been expended to meet the proposed augmentation of those Colonies, the fruit of 
his labors and of that expense has been a long time retarded by massacres, from time to time, 
of those inhabitants by the Iroquois, so that the care for the preservation of their lives and 
those of their families has for a long time diverted them from a proper application to the 
clearing and cultivation of the soil. 

But as his Majesty affords equal protection to all his subjects, and has nothing more strongly 
at heart than to cause them to feel the effects thereof, Sieur de Frontenac ought to be informed 
that his Majesty, being desirous to deliver the whole of the inhabitants of said country, once 
for all, from the cruelty of said Iroquois, resolved, in 1665, to send to said country the 



NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Regiment of Carignan Salieres composed of a thousand men, with all the arms and ammunition 
necessary to wage war against said Iroquois and oblige them to sue for peace. 

That undertaking was entirely successful; and that expedition having been prosecuted under 
the care of Sieur de Tracy, Lieutenant General in America, and of Sieur de Courcelles, 
Governor and Lieuteant General in New France, he had the satisfaction to learn that the most 
of those savage nations submitted to his obedience ; that the settlers (habitans) had no longer 
the mortification to see themselves disturbed in' their establishments by the cruelty and 
barbarity of the Iroquois; and as his Majesty then deemed the most effectual plan of increasing 
considerably those Colonies to be to disband the companies of said Regiment in that country, 
and to make grants to the Captains and soldiers who would settle there voluntarily, this plan 
having succeeded, and the greater portion of those officers and soldiers having taken up 
settlements, those colonies received such an augmentation that they are at present able not 
only to support themselves, but also to furnish the Kingdom, in a few years, with a greater 
quantity of products than they have hitherto done. 

His Majesty has since caused a considerable number of persons, of both sexes, to be sent 
every year to that Country, and in 1669, accepted the proposal, made by six Captams of 
Infantry, to convey thither their full companies to settle there in like manner. Thus, it is easy 
to understand that when those colonies are supplied with a considerable number of disciplined 
settlers, they will be able to impose sufficient dread on those Iroquois as to confine them within 
the bounds of their duty and the obedience they owe his Majesty. Wherefore, said Sieur de 
Frontenac must take particular care to maintain the Inhabitants of said country in the exercise 
and management of arms, and cause them to be frequently reviewed, so as to keep them in a 
condition not only to repel any insults the Iroquois may commit against them, but even to 
attack them whenever the service of his Majesty and the peace of the Colony may require it. 

After this first duty, wliich is indispensable for the defence and preservation of these colonies, 
Sieur de Frontenac must particularly apply himself to procuring for all the Inhabitants thereof 
the same peace and repose which his Majesty's other subjects enjoy, by the establishment of 
Justice among them, so that every one may reap the fruit of his labor and his pains. 

He must likewise be informed that at Quebec has been established a Sovereign Council, 
composed of the Lieutenant General, the Bishop of Petree, the Intendant of Justice, Police and 
Finance in said Country, and of a number of Councillors ; and as that Tribunal has not been 
formed except with a view solely to prevent the oppression of the Poor by the more Powerful 
and the more Wealthy among the said Inhabitants, Sieur de Frontenac will take particular 
care that his Majesty's good intentions in this regard be punctually carried out; and in case 
he observe any fault in the conduct of the Judges and public men, it will be necessary that he 
notify them thereof. But should any grave disorder occur, he will not fail to inform the 

King of it. 

Thougli no epidemic has prevailed, up to the present time, in New France, should any 
occur, Sieur de Frontenac will have an inquiry instituted into the causes thereof with great 
care, in order to apply a prompt remedy to it, as it is important to his Majesty's service 
to convince the inhabitants of said country that their preservation is dear to his Majesty and 
useful and necessary to the public. 

As the augmentation of said Colonies is to be the rule and aim of Sieur de Frontenac's ■ 
entire conduct, he must bethink himself constantly of the means of preserving all the 
inhabitants, of attracting to that country the greatest number of people possible; and as 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 87 

the good treatment of those who are already established there will induce divers other 
Frenchmen to repair to the said country to make it their home, he will apply himself 
strenuously to allay all differences, as well general as particular, and to govern the people with 
that spirit of mildness which obtains in his Majesty's conduct. 

Sieur de Frontenac must encourage the inhabitants, by all possible means, to the cultivation 
and clearing of the soil; and as the distance of the settlements, the one from the other, has 
considerably retarded the increase thereof, and otherwise facilitated the opportunities of 
the Iroquois for the success of their destructive expeditions, Sieur de Frontenac will examine the 
practicability of obliging those Inhabitants to make contiguous clearances, either by constraining 
tiie old colonists to labor at it for a certain time, or by making new grants to the French who 
will come to settle in said country. 

The King having granted divers privileges by the arret of his Council of the S"* April, 1GG9, 
in consideration of the fecundity of the families, and of the marriage of young men at twenty 
years and under, and of the girls at fifteen, let Sieur de Frontenac advantageously use these 
means to prevail on all the inhabitants to get married, in order that the colonists receive a 
considerable augmentation thereby. 

As the establishment of stationary fislieries in the river S' Lawrence or in the adjoining 
seas will be of great utility to tiiose Inhabitants, as well by their abundance as by the 
facilities they aff"ord for trading .to the Antilles or to France, he will earnestly encourage 
them to apply themselves thereto ; he will give them to understand, at the same time, that by 
exporting their fish, provisions and staves to those Islands, they might derive a two-fold benefit 
therefrom, by the returns in sugar which they would then import into Canada. 

As it is necessary to have vessels for this purpose, and as all timber adapted to ship building 
abounds in that country, Sieur de Frontenac will profit by this disposition to induce them to 
apply themselves thereto ; these two points being very important for the increase of 
the Colonies. 

He is well aware what great convenience families derive from raising cattle. He will, 
therefore, strenuously encourage all heads of families to keep the greatest number possible, so 
that the country may not be obliged to have recource to the cattle of the Kingdom for its 
subsistence and for the cultivation of the soil ; and as there is at present a very considerable 
number of all species on the coast of Acadia, and as the King has already formed a fund to 
begin the road, which is essential for communicating between that country and New France, 
Sieur de Frontenac will use all diligence in his power to urge forward this work, which will 
be of mutual advantage by the sale and consumption of provisions and merchandises, the 
conveyance of which from one Country to another will become feasible. 

His Majesty having invested Sieur de Grandfontaine' with the Government of the province 
of Acadia, which extends from the River Saint Lawrence to New England, and Sieur de la 
Poippe with that of Fort Placentia in the Island of Newfoundland, Sieur de Frontenac will 
be aware that it is necessary he should cause them to render him an account of all that 
each will do in his department, whether for the King's service or for the government of 
his subjects, and that he recommend them to have great care for the augmentation of his 

' Hubert d'Andiqnt de Grant) Fontaine was the French plenipotentiary at Boston in 1670, when England re-ceded Acadia. 
He continued to govern that colony, with the title of Commandant only, Bays Charlevoijc, until 1673, whun he was succeeded 
by M. de Chambly. His head quarters were at Penobscot. — En. 



88 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Colonies, being certain that his Majesty will appreciate their services in proportion to the 
multiplication of Inhabitants that they will have eflected. 

The Jesuit fathers who are established at Quebec being the first who carried the light 
of the faith and of the Gospel of New France, and by their virtue and piety contributed to 
the settlement and augmentation of that Colony, his Majesty desires that Sieur de Frontenac 
have great consideration for them ; but in case they desire to carry Ecclesiatical authority 
further than it ought to extend, it is proper he should give them kindly to understand the 
conduct they must observe, and in case they do not correct themselves, he will skilfully 
oppose their designs in such a manner that no rupture nor partiality be apparent, and advise 
his Majesty of every thing, in order that he may apply a suitable remedy. 

The Colony of Montreal, situate above that of Quebec, deriving great comfort and 
consolation from the Ecclesiastics of the Seminary of S' Sulpice, who are settled there, Sieur 
de Frontenac will afford them all the protection in his power, as well as to the Recollect 
Fathers! who have settled in the city of Quebec ; it being necessary to support these two 
Ecclesiastical bodies in order to counterbalance the authority the Jesuit fathers might assum 
to the prejudice of that of his Majesty. 

As the end of all his conduct and of the service he can render his Majesty in that 
employment must be the increase and multiplication of people in that country, he must take 
care and have an exact census made every year in all the Parishes, either by tiie Officers 
appointed to administer Justice in each canton, or by the Parish Priest (Cures), which census 
shall be divided into Men, Women, Children of twelve years, and under and over, and domestics, 
and sent every year to his Majesty, in order that he may know the ratio of increase in population, 
every year, in that Colony. 

As nothing maintains and augments population in a country so certainly as the administration 
of Justice, whereby his Majesty's authority is always exerted for the preservation of every 
one in his rights, Sieur de Frontenac must particularly see that Justice be well administered 
by the ordinary officers in the first instance, and by the Sovereign Council in case of appeal, 
without, however, interfering therein, except in quality of, and officially as President of said 
Council, to the exercise of which office he will confine himself, leaving the Judges who compose 
it entirely at liberty to give their opinions, and will attend particularly to exalt that Tribunal, 
and impress on the people the respect and obedience they owe the Judgments it will pronounce, 
and the Officers composing it. 

Done at Versailles, the V"" April, 1G72. 

(Signed) Louis. 



And lower down 



Colbert. 



■ The Recollect, or Grey friars, were a branch of the order of St. Francis, and instituted by F. John of Guadaloupe, in 
Spain, in the year 1500, received into Italy in 1525, and in France in 158'1. They came to Canada in 1616. The name, 
" Recollects," was given them because they were first instituted in certain solitary convents, devoted to the strictest retirement 
and recollection. Alban Buller. — Ed. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 89 

M. Colbert to M. Talon. 

S' Germain, 4"> June, 1672. 
Sir, 

The King saw, before his departure, all the letters and memoirs brought by your Secretary, 
whereupon his Majesty has ordered me to communicate his intentions to you. 

As, next to the increase of the Colony of Canada, there is nothing more important for that 
country and his Majesty's service than the discovery of the passage to the South Sea, his 
Majesty wishes you to offer a large reward to those who shall make that discovery; but it 
seems it may be difficult to the inhabitants of that country, as it cannot be effected without 
ships, of which they have but a very small number. 

Respecting the Copper, Lead, Iron and Coal mines, tar and all sorts of manufactures, as 
you are well informed of his Majesty's intentions regarding the advantage of that country, 
and as there can be nothing more profitable to the Inhabitants, he leaves entirely to you what 
is to be done for the discovery of mines and the establishment of all sorts of manufactures. 

His Majesty does not wish Tobacco to be planted, as that would not be in any way 
profitable to the Country, which has much more need of whatever can direct the inhabitants 
to trade and navigation, to fixed fisheries and to manufactures, and as the cultivation of that 
plant would be prejudicial to the Islands of America. 

His Majesty wishes that you would always encourage the increase of cattle; and with this 
view desires that the Sovereign Council forbid by its ordinance the slaughter thereof, until 
sufficiently numerous. He is very glad to hear that 700 ciiildren were baptized last year ; 
also the opinion the Bishop of Petree communicated to him, that there would be 1100 this 
year. But he would liiie to have been informed of the number of marriages contracted 
last year, and how many boys and girls were born in the country. 

The decrease in the fur trade last year is not surprising, considering that the decrease and 
diminution of all commerce, of whatever description soever it be, is caused by divers accidents. 
But it always happens that when one trade is for some years at a low ebb, it afterwards recovers, 
and this must be left to the industry and necessities of men, the rather as, if Canada lose this 
trade, the Inhabitants would be disposed to apply themselves to fixed fisheries, and others to 
the exploration of mines, and to manufactures, which would be much more profitable to them. 
His Majesty will take into special consideration the proposal to have coin struck especially 
for said country of Canada; and if he deem it good and advantageous, will issue his orders to 
have it coined and sent out next year. 

His Majesty sends the allowances for the shipwrights maintained in Canada. He desires 
you should promptly fit out the Vessel that has been begun, and would be very glad if you 
could embrace the opportunity it affords to return with M. de Courcelles to France. 

As you perceive clearly that nothing is of greater advantage to that country than 
commerce by sea, his Majesty wishes you to use every means in your power and all your 
energy to induce the inhabitants to build ships, and themselves to export their commodities 
to the French American Islands. 

In regard to the French who return annually to France, his Majesty considers it a serious 
disorder, which an effort must be made to remedy; and with this view he writes to M. de 
Frontenac, forbidding him to permit the return of any Frenchmen to this Kingdom, who, on 
Vol. IX. 12 



90 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

asking that permission, have not a Wife and Cliildren and a considerable establishment in that 
country; his Majesty always deferring to his prudence to enforce tliis order as he will consider 
proper for the good and advantage of that colony; it being important that the B'rench should 
not feel themselves detained by force in those countries, as that perhaps might prevent a great 
many repairing thither, and as it is not expedient to have recourse to force until all other 
means fail. 

After having replied to all the points in your despatches, according to the order the King has 
given me, nothing remains for me, but to assure you that I am. 



Count de Frontenac to M. Colbert. 
Extracts of the Memoir of Monsieur de Frontenac to the Minister. 

L Interesting Point respecting the Population of Canada. 

This scarcity of workmen and servants obliges me to request you to have tlie goodness 
to remember to send us some of all sorts, and even young women to marry a number of 
persons who cannot find any wives here, and who create a thousand disorders in the settlements 
of their neighbors, and especially in the more distant places, where the women are very glad 
to have several husbands, when the men cannot get even one wife. 

Had there been a hundred and fifty girls and as many servants here this year, they would 
all have found husbands and masters within one month. 

I have been informed that the Grand Hospitals of Paris and Lyons proposed to send some, 
at their expense, provided tliey were granted some lands here. It will remain for you to 
examine with your usual prudence what utility and advantage can be derived from 
their proposals. 

IT. Importance of clearing and sowing lands — Necessity of securing the country against the 

incursion of the Iroquois and the disorders of the Coureurs de hois — M. de Frontenac 

requests the Minister to encourage the exportation of provisions, of which the Country 

already has an excess; otherwise, he says, " it is to be feared that the Inhabitants will 

neglect agriculture, finding no vent for their grain, which is the sole means the majority 

of them possess to purchase their necessary clothing." 

According to my imperfect light, I see only two ways of remedying this evil. The first, to 

establish a permanent trade between here and the Islands — this has favorably commenced 

this year, two vessels having gone thither with their cargoes ; and the other, to send hither 

people to settle, and even some troops, who would be very necessary if the Iroquois and other 

savages are to be restrained within their duty, and peace is to be maintained in this Country by 

preventing the disorders of the Coureurs de bois, who will finally become, if care be not taken, 

like the banditti of Naples and the Buccaneers of Saint Domingo — their number augmenting 

every day, as M de Courcelles may inform you, despite of all the ordinances that have been 

made, and which I have, since coming here, renewed with more severity than before. Their 

insolence, as I am informed, extends even to the formation of leagues, and to the distribution of 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 91 

notices of rendezvous ; threatening to build forts and to repair towards Manatte and Orange, 
boasting that they will be received and have every protection there. They have begun last 
year to carry their peltries thither, which essentially prejudices the Colony. But I shall go 
early in the spring to Montreal, to watch them nearer, and I assure you I shall endeavor to 
make so severe an example of them as will serve ever after. I beg of you, nevertheless, 
to consider that, however well disposed I may be to execute your orders and carry out all your 
intentions, a Governor, such as I find myself here, is hardly in a condition to effect it. 

Miiita state of the ^^^* ^ ^"^ '^^''^ without troops, without Warlike stores or ammunition, liaving 
Colony. jjj jjj] pi^iy tj^j-ee or four thousand pounds of powder, said to belong to the King. 

There is not a single arm in the magazine, except some forty old muskets, all broken, not 
worth the cost of mending. The funds of the current year are all exhausted ; and M. Taloii 
assures me that he is obliged to furnish, from his own property, what the Company allows for 
the payment of the Garrison, which, to the present time, had not been very regular, whereof the 
troops complain. There is not in store a single pair of snow shoes, a canoe or bateau — things 
which cannot be done without when any expedition is on foot. The Governor has not a single 
boat at his disposition — the few vessels said to belong to the King, consisting of some barges 
(bagarres), and a bark called La Suisse, which have never been inspected, so that how zealous 
soever he may be, he will find it difficult to make all the movements necessary to preserve a 
country so vast in extent as this is, and so difficult of communication. 

I proposed to Monsieur Talon to make a plan for building a very light brigantine, with 
fourteen to sixteen oars, for the use of the Governor and Intendant to go from Tadoussac as far 
as Montreal, whenever the King's service required, to visit the settlements in safety and with 
some sort of dignity; for I assure you, however accustomed I may already be to a Canoe, 'tis 
rather the vehicle of a savage than of a King's JMinister. It would not be difficult even to man 
such a brigantine expeditiously with all the Criminals, Coureurs de bois and with Volunteers 
here, where, I think, it would not be mal-a-propos were they to behold a species of Scola, as 
they call the Galley at Venice, which lies always opposite S' Mark's place. 

IV. Of the Iroquois and the Establishment on Lake Ontario — Demand for Troops. 

After having demanded a vessel of one hundred and eighty tons, and indirectly asked the 
King to do for Canada what he does for the smallest of the towns taken from the Dutch, he says : 

"For besides having no longer to dread any incursion from the Iroquois, whose fickleness and 
inconstancy you know, and who, perceiving our weakness, may through their natural inclination 
for war very easily violate the peace they have with us — a circumstance that depends only on one 
of their old women's dreams — the troops may also be employed in divers works that will never 
be executed without a very great expense, such as the road from here to Acadia, and the 
fortifying certain posts which will be very necessary here. Mr. de Courcelles will mention one 
to you that he projected on Lake Ontario to prevent the Iroquois carrying to the Dutch the 
peltries for which they go to the Outawas, and to oblige them, as is just, to bring their furs to 
us, since they hunt on our lands. I shall endeavor to visit the place next spring, the better 
to understand its site and importance, and to see if, notwithstanding our actual weakness, it 
be not possible to form some establishment there that would also strengthen the Mission the 
Gentlemen of Montreal have already at Quintay; for I beg of you, my Lord, to be persuaded 
that I shall not spare either my care or trouble, or even my life itself, if it be necessary, in 
the effort to accomplish something pleasing to you, and to prove to you the gratitude I shall 
entertain, through the whole course of my life, for the obligations I am under to you. 



92 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Military condiiion ^0'' ^^^^ puFpose I shall employ all the means I shall be able to devise, and 
of iiie Colony. apply myself carefully to have the Inhabitants drilled, and arranged and formed 
into companies in the places where such is not already done. But though there are some who 
have not forgotten the profession of the soldier by having become Colonists, you know better 
than I the difference between disciplined soldiers and people who find it difficult to leave 
their wives and children; who think rather of their household than of the orders they receive, 
and who being, for the major part, almost without arms, having sold their guns either through 
poverty or negligence, are scarcely fit for any expedition except at the time of their harvest 
or that of their planting, which, on the one hand, would be doing an injury to the Colony at 
a season when, on the other, it would be desirable to do it a service. 

If peace be concluded as gloriously for the King as there is reason to expect, we shall have 
greater hopes of obtaining that favor through your means. 

The troops can hardly cost the King in this country more than they cost him in France; 
and I will guarantee to have them well supported for six French sous per day, without being 
under the necessity of sending anything from France except the necessary stuffs and cloths 
for their apparel, which would be deducted from their pay, and could be freighted to this 
place gratis. 

But in order to be of advantage to the Country, I should think they ought to get their 
money and be paid in advance, as is done everywhere, instead of maintaining them, as has 
heretofore been the custom here ; because the whole profit of the provisions consumed by 
them has remained in F'rance, and this country has not experienced the advantage of it. At 
present we have sufficient wheat and pork, provided salt does not fail, as it did this year by 
the loss of one vessel, and the leakage that occurred in the others. This will be a great 
disadvantage to the farmers, who, in consequence of their eel and cod fisheries, would require 
one year's salt in advance, so as not to experience a recurrence of the inconvenience ; that is, 
about two or three thousand minols, which is nearly the quantity they consume. It has been 
distributed with the greatest ord6r possible ; and its price fixed at an ecu the minot, in order 
to obviate the abuses the merchants might commit. Yet, with all the precautions that have 
been adopted, it will be difficult to prevent the Inhabitants suffering greatly this year. I 
request M. du Terron in my letters to oblige the first ships coming hither next year to bring 
out to us the greatest quantity possible of it. 

V. Dispatch of Sieur Joliet, to discover the Mississippi. 

He (Chevalier de Grandfontaine, Governor of Acadia and of Pentagouet) has likewise 
judged it expedient for the service to send Sieur Joliet to the country of the Maskouteins,' to 
discover tlie South Sea, and the Great River they call the Mississippi, which is supposed 
to discharge itself into the Sea of California. He is a man of great experience in these sorts 

' Father Allouez, who visited this tribe in February, 1670, says " they were called the Fire Nation ;" Skoote or Ashkoote 
being the Algonquin word for " fire," to which the article m' and the termination enk being added, gives us Mashkoutenc — 
tlie country, or p)ace, of Fire. But Charlevoi.x says this is an erroneous derivation; for, he adds, the word Muskoutenec 
means an open country or prairie. The Maskoutens were, therefore, Prairie Indians, who dwelt on a river of the same 
name, which falls into Lake Winnebago, and is called the Wolf river in modern maps of Wisconsin. It is possible, however, to 
reconcile the meaning given by Father Allouez to the word, by supposing that fire was the agent by which the country 
became originally divested of its timber, and that it was to this circumstance the Hurons also referred when they called these 
Indians AssUta Ect Aeronnons, or the people of the Fire Country. Relation, 1069, 70. It is proper to add, that Mr. School- 
craft corroborates the statement of Charlevoix. Hennepin ( Voy. i., 132 ) says that they and the Outagamis lived, in 1680, 
on the River Mellioki (now Milwaukie ), which runs into the lake in 43° of K. latitude. — Ed. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 93 

of discoveries, and has already been almost at tiiat Great River, the mouth of which he 
promises to see. We shall have intelligence certainly from him this summer. 

VI. A Passage, the greater portion of which is in Cipher, wherein M. de Frontenac 
communicates to the Minister what he has done to keep in check the ever active 
ambition of the Jesuits. 

I send you, under Letter G., copy of the passport in which, you will perceive, I obliged 
Father Crespieu, Jesuit, to have his name inserted. They were not in the liabitof doing this, 
and passed and repassed into all the different countries, and even to France, without any 
passports or permits. But having let the Father Superior adroitly and civilly know that such 
was not in order, and that they ought to be the first to show the example of submission, he 
forthwith sent Father Crespieu to me — (Ciphers explained: 82. 7. I believe you will approve 
that I acted thus by them, and that it is well to prevent them arrogating special privileges to 
themselves — 18. 17. — ) I expressed forcibly to them my astonishment at seeing that, of all the 
Indians that are with tliem at Notre Dame de Foi, which is only a league and a half from 
Quebec, not one spoke French, though associating with us, and told them that they ought, in 
their missions, bethink themselves, when rendering the savages subjects of Jesus Christ, of 
making them subjects of the King also; that for that purpose it would be necessary to inspire 
them with a desire to learn our language, as the English taught them theirs ; to endeavor to 
render them more sedentary, and make them abandon a life so opposed to the spirit of 
Christianity, and that the true means to render them Christians, was to make them become 
men. (Ciphers: 86. 33. 17. — But whatever pretence they manifest, they will not extend that 
language, and, to speak frankly to you, they think as much about the conversion of the 
Beaver as of souls; for the majority of their missions are pure mockeries, and I should not 
think they ought to be permitted fo extend them further until we see somewhere a better 

formed church of those savages. * I strongly exhorted the Geiitlemcn of 65.28.88 * the 

Seminary of Montreal so to manage them at Quintay, and to inspire their savages with those 
sentiments, which they promised me they would do. This, perhaps, will excite the others, 
through jealousy, to do the same. 

Ciph.) If you will hint as much also to Father Ferrier, perhaps what he may write would 
produce some eifect. Another thing that displeases me is the complete subserviency of the 
Priests of the Seminary of Quebec and the Bishop's Vicar general' to the Jesuit Fathers, 
without whose order they do not the least thing. Thus they are indirectly the masters of 
whatever relates to the Spiritual, which, as you are aware, is a great machine to move all 
the rest. They have, if I mistake not, gained over even the Superior of the Recollets, who 
has no more than three or four Friars in his Monastery, which the Jesuit Fathers would be 
very glad to see entirely abolished, and where it would be necessary to have able Friars of 
sufficient talent to balance somewhat that of the others. You will bear in mind, if you deem 
fit, to say something about it to the Bishop of Quebec and to the Provincial of the 
Recollets.— 13. 91. 20. 17. 

* The words in italics are written, after which are ciphers again. 

'Very Rev. Henri, de Beexiere.s, nephew of the Treasurer-general of the same name, came to Canada in 1659, in company 
with Bishop de Laval, by whom he was ordained in the spring of the following year, and appointed to the parish of Quebec 
in 1664. He was afterwards Superior of theSeminary, and the iirst Dean of Quebec. He died 5th December, 1700. The Very 
Kev. Jean Dudouyt is also mentioned as one of the Vicars-general of Quebec at this time. — Ed. 



94 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Here the Ciphers terminate ; and in case persons in the interest of the Jesuits should read the 
Memoir, M. de Frontenac, to conceal his game, continues in letters thus : 

First Assembly ^ have, personally, every reason in the world to be pleased with the civility 

hoiden at Quebec ^^^ urbanity of the Reverend Jesuit Fathers, who gave me a token thereof at a 
meeting I held, some days ago, of the Gentlemen of the Clergy, Noblesse, Judiciary and Third 
Estate, for the purpose of having therii take a new oath of fidelity, having offered me their 
New Church, without my asking it of them, and decorated it as much as lay in their power. 
I considered, as the like thereof was never done here before, that all the pomp and eclat that 
the country could contribute ought to be displayed on that occasion, in order to impress more 
strongly on the public mind the respect and veneration they-ought to entertain for his Majesty. 
I endeavored then to give a form to what they never had had before, and to compose a sort of 
corps of the Clergy, Noblesse, Judiciary and Third Estate. I was first disposed to adjoin the 
Religious Communities with the Gentlemen of the Seminary, and the Jesuit Fathers had agreed 
to it in the beginning. But the Vicar General having afterwards thrown great difficulties in 
my way, though he, too, had consented, I at once understood they came from them, 
notwithstanding he alleged to me only that it was not the custom in France for them to mix 
with the Clergy. I did not, therefore, think it proper to force them, for fear of disobliging the 
one and the other. For the Noblesse, I selected two or three gentlemen here, whom I united 
to as many of the officers, and the ordinary Judges and the Syndic of the farmers with the 
principal merchants and burgesses of Quebec, having organized their little Body, we held a 
meeting the most brilliant ever seen in Canada, at which there was a concourse of more than 
a thousand persons. I endeavored to inculcate on them the sentiments of obedience and 
fidelity they owed the King, and to make them understand, also, the obligations they were 
under to you, for all the aid you every day procured for them. They appeared convinced of 
the one and the other, and with all the tokens of joy possible took the oath I demanded 
of them, copies of which I send you under letter H. I had the Gentlemen of the Sovereign 
Council to take it in almost the same terms on the first day I sate among them. Several 
Hurons attended that ceremony, and were so much afiected by it, that on the next day they 
asked me to take the same Oath, which I allowed them. Mr. Talon was not present, because, 
unfortunately, he was somewhat unwell. 

VII. A Mr. de Villeray, intending to solicit the office of Farmer General from the Sovereign 
Apropos of Council, M. de Frontenac warns the Minister that though this man lacks not 

the inBuence ° 

of the Jesuits, undcrstandmg nor knowledge, he is to be feared as a busybody, but particularly as 
attached to the Jesuits. He writes the following in cipher: 

It is openly stated here that he (242 is of the number of those who, without wearing the 
uniform, have not omitted taking the vows.) (Letters:) I therefore consider it my duty to 
advise you thereof, in order that you should see whether, after having been at so much trouble 
to (ciphers:) deprive the Jesuit Fathers of the knowledge and direction of aflTairs in 
this Country, it would be expedient to open to them a door by which they could again 
enter indirectly. 

Quebec, this 2'' Novemb^ 1G72, Frontenac. • 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 95 

M. Colhert to Count de Frontenac. • 

Paris, 13"' June, 1673. 
Sir, 

In respect to the Iroquois, as the Colony is very numerous, his Majesty doubts not your 
easily restraining them within their duty and the terms of their obedience, which they have 
sworn and promised to his Majesty. But you must not expect that his Majesty can send you 
troops from here, inasmuch as he has not considered that necessary, and desires you punctually 
to execute what is contained in your Instruction to discipline the inhabitants of that Country, 
by dividing them into Companies and having them drilled as often as possible, so as to enable 
you to make use of them on all the occasions you may require. 

The assembling and division of all the inhabitants into three orders or estates, which you 
had done for the purpose of having them take the oath of fidelity, may be productive of good 
just then. But it is well for you to observe, that as you are always to follow, in the 
government and management of that country, the forms in force here, and as our Kings have 
considered it for a long time advantageous to their service not to assemble the States General 
of their Kingdom, with a view perhaps to abolish insensibly that ancient form, you likewise 
ought only very rarely or — to speak more correctly — never give that form to the corporate 
body of the Inhabitants of that country; and it will be necessary even in the course of a 
little time, and when the Colony will be still stronger than it now is, insensibly to suppress the 
Syndic who presents petitions in the name of all the Inhabitants, it being proper that each 
speak for himself, and that no one speak for the whole. 

The Provincial of the Recollets has, within eight days, dispatched two Friars who are to 
embark to join their Monastery in Canada ; and with a view to the continued increase of their 
number, I had the same Provincial informed to-day to send thither two others of the most 
efficient; and I shall also take care that he send some over every year, in order to be able 
thereby to counterbalance the excessive authority the Jesuits have assumed in that country. 



Journal of Goimt de Frontenads Voyage to Lalce Ontario in 16V3. 

The intelligence received by the Count de Frontenac, on arriving in Canada, of the Treaty 
the Iroquois were negotiating with the Outaoiiaes, was of too great importance to the trade of 
the country not to oblige him to prevent its ratification. By this Treaty, in which the 
Iroquois were urged forward principally by their neighbors, they offered to supply the 
Outaoiiaes with all the goods they required, and the latter were to carry to them generally all 
their peltries, and the exchange was to take place on Lake Ontario. 

The only means to traverse and upset this negotiation was, as had been frequently before 
proposed, to establish a Post on the same Lake, which would prevent the communication of 
the Nations of the South with those of the North, and force the latter to continue to bring us 
not only all the peltries that usually came by the River of the Long Saut, but even those 



96 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

our neighbors profited by, through the facility of being able to cross the Lake without any 
impediment. Count de Frontenac found himself much embarrassed in the adoption of a 
resolution, seeing himself without troops, without money, without ammunition, without 
canoes, and arriving in a country, to the situation of which, and the humor of its inhabitants, 
he was almost an entire stranger, and where he had not, as yet, sufficient friends to enable 
him to undertake, on his own credit alone, what thoseVho had preceded him dared not execute 
with all the knowledge and all the aid they were masters of. 

He was of opinion, however, that the loss of the trade would infallibly entail in a short 
time the rupture .of the peace, since the Iroquois and the Outaoiiaes, being in a position to 
dispense with us, and finding greater facility in their hunting and trade, would more easily 
resume that inclination they naturally feel for war, inasmuch as they had an idea that 
they could undertake it with less risk on the arrival of a new Governor, who they knew had 
no troops. 

These considerations, and the letters received by Count'de Frontenac, in the course of the 
winter, from the Reverend Jesuit Fathers who are missionaries among the Iroquois, who 
advised him that these people were not over and above well disposed, finally determined and 
obliged him, despite all the obstacles and all the difficulties he anticipated in the execution of 
that design, to resolve on undertaking it as soon as the river would be free of ice, and the 
water sufficiently warm for navigation. Nevertheless he considered, for divers reasons, that he 
ought not to give entire publicity to it, and contented himself with letting it be understood that 
he had determined, ia the course of the next spring, to visit the whole extent of his 
government ; to become acquainted with the country, and in that way with the Indians who 
inhabit it, to assure them of his Majesty's protection provided they observed the peace 
with us. 

And as his predecessors had never undertaken similar voyages, except with a considerable 
number of men and canoes, so as not to expose themselves imprudently to the insults of the 
Indians, whose fickleness is ever to be dreaded, he declared he would invite the officers who 
had settled in the country to accompany him on the voyage, and would order out canoes and 
people from each settlement, so as to be in a state to defend themselves against all the Indians 
might undertake; and by manifesting to them some evidence of Onontio's power, induce them 
the more readily to confine themselves within their duty. 

To impress these sentiments the more strongly upon them, and to show them that the Sauts 
and Ilapids, which obstructed the River in many places, were not an insurmountable barrier 
by which the French could be prevented reaching them when necessary, he resolved to take 
with him two fiat bateaux, similar to that Mr. de Courcelle had some years previously 
carried to the head of the Rapids, and even to mount them with some small pieces of cannon, 
in order to achieve something new which may inspire the Savages with more respect and awe. 
He therefore caused two to be constructed of a particular model, capable of containing 
sixteen men, with considerable provisions, and had them painted in a fashion unlike any 
thing seen before in the whole country, and ordered canoes to be pressed, and directed the 
Hurons to make some others of burk found in the public store. 

But in order that the Iroquois, who are very suspicious, may not be alarmed by these 
preparations, he thought proper to send some person of credit to them to advise them of 
his intention to go as far as Kente to visit the French Mission and establishments, and to 
exhort them, at the same time, to send thither deputies from each Nation, to whom he would 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 97 

confirm, on the part of his Mnjesty, all that had been promised them in his name by the 
Onontios, iiis predecessors, and receive from them new tokens of the obedience and submission 
they owed iiim. 

For this purpose he selected Sieur de Lasalle as a person qualified for such a service by the 
different journeys he had made into that country and by his acquaintance with the Indians. He 
sent him orders to leave Montreal as soon as the navigation would permit, and to proceed to 
Onontague, the place where all the Nations assemble for business, and to invite them to send 
delegates to Kente towards the end of June; he was to carry the same message, should he 
think proper, to the four other villages. 

However, as soon as the very severe frosts were over, Count de Frontenac had the 
construction of the bateaux prosecuted with great care and assiduity; the necessaries for his 
expedition collected, and orders issued to hold the canoes in readiness all along the shore, and 
to engage persons suitable for such an enterprise, so that every thing may be ready in the 
latter end of May to depart for and repair to Montreal, which was to be the general rendezvous. 

The voyage had to be postponed for a month in consequence of bad weather and the delay 
of the spring sowing, which put Count de Frontenac to the necessity of despatching Sieur de 
Hautmeny anew to the Indians to change the rendezvous, and to defer it to between the 
IS"- and 20"' of July. 

June the S"* was the day finally fixed for his departure from Quebec. He had a sloop' sent to 
Montreal, some days before, with the munitions of War and other articles he was taking from 
Quebec; and having left orders with Sieur Prevost, Town Major, to follow him with all the 
Brigades from the River sides and adjoining places, and to reach Montreal on the 24"", he led 
the van with a part of the Castle garrison, his guards, staff", and some volunteers. He 
visited all the officers on his route, who endeavored to outstrip each other in entertaining him, 
and arrived on the 15"" June, about 5 o'clock in the evening, at Montreal, where he was received 
by Mr. Perrot, the Governor, amidst the roar of all the cannon and musketry of the people 
of the Island, who were under arms, and was addressed on the beach by the Officers of Justice 
and the Syndic of the Inhabitants, and finally by the Clergy at the door of the church, where 
the Te Deiim was sung. 

Passing Cape de la Magdelaine, the Reverend Father D'Ablon, Superior of the Jesuits,^ who 
was returning from visiting his missions, informed him that he had learned from the Indians 
that some Dutch ships had arrived at Manath, of which place they had made themselves Masters 
after a feeble resistance; that it was to be feared they would afterwards repair to the mouth 
of the River S' Lawrence, to exclude French vessels from it,' and would attempt ascending 
even to Quebec, should they learn that he was at a distance with the main force of the country. 

But Count de Frontenac, seeing no foundation for this intelligence, continued his route, and 
requested the Father not to divulge the news ; and in case it should spread, to encourage those 

' Une Gribane ; a sea Tessel from 30 to 90 tons. Diet, de Richelet. 

'Rev. Claude Dablon amred in Canada in 1655, and was immediately sent missionary to Onondaga, wliere he continued, 
with a brief interval, until 1658. In 1661 he set out overland for Hudson's Bay, but succeeded in reaching only the head 
waters of the Nekouba, 300 miles from Lake St John. In 1668 he accompanied Marquette to Lake Superior, and preached 
the gospel in Wisconsin; assisted, in 1671, at the great council held by St. Lusson with the Indians {mpra, 72), at the 
Falls of St. Mary, and was Superior from 1670 to 1680, again in 1685, 1688, and as late as July, 1693. See IV., 48. He 
compiled the Relation of 1671, 2; and many of his MSS., of interest and value to the early history of the Weitern States, 
are still extant — Ed. 

Vol. IX. 13 



gg NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

who may feel alarmed. He did not omit, however, sending orders by him to Sieur de Tilly, 
whom he left Commandant of Quebec and the circumjacent places, to hold all the militia in 
readiness at the first news he should receive from him, with particular instructions what to do 
at the least intelligence of the enemy's approach, and sent two canoes to Tadoussac, so as to 
be promptly advised of the appearance of vessels in the river. He also commanded carriages 
to be made for the guns which were on the ground and in very bad order at Quebec, whither 
he assured Father D'Ablon that he should return with all possible diligence on the first news he 
should receive of the approach of this pretended fleet, and would arrive there soon enough to 
prevent the enemy effecting any thing. 

During the ten or twelve days he remained at Montreal he thought of nothing but regulating 
what was required, as well for the construction of the Fort he designed, as for the division of 
the Troops and Canoes into brigade's and squadrons, and the supplying them with Commanders; 
he had considerable trouble in arranging the ranks and the line of march in such a way as 
not to leave any one dissatisfied. He divided them into nine sections, including the detachment 
of the Hurons who desired to accompany him, and composed each of ten to twelve canoes; 
so that, including those of his staff, he found he had nearly one hundred and twenty 
canoes with the two flat bateaux, and about four hundred men. 

He next gave orders to have a wagon road constructed overland from Montreal to a place 
called La Chine, distant about 3 to 4 leagues, so as to avoid the Sauts in the river between 
Montreal and that place, there being none more dangerous, and to provide for the carriage of 
all the necessaries for the expedition over that road. After every thing had been successfully 
accomplished through his vigilance and assiduity, he caused all the troops who had arrived on 
the preceding day to take up their line of march on the 26"' and 27"", and arrived there, 
himself, on the evening of the 28"". 

June 29"". Finished putting all the munitions of war and provisions on board the canoes 
. and bateaux ; and Count de Frontenac, having chosen M. de Chambly as a most efficient, and 
the oldest officer in the country to command the troops under him, detached him with three 
canoes, with orders to encamp on the South shore at the foot of the first Rapids, which are at 
the head of Lake S' Louis, and departed with all the squadrons intending to join him there. 
But having discovered, in passing, that the Indians were creating some disorder, having got 
drunk at the house of a Montreal settler, he was obliged to land for the purpose of 
punisiiing the Indians, and the man named Roland who had given them drink contrary to 
the prohibitions repeatedly issued, whom he ordered to accompany him on the expedition. 
The consequence was, he could camp only at the head of the Isles de la Paix,' whence he sent 
orders to Sieur de Chambly to proceed, with his squadron, beyond the first three Rapids. 

30«''. Passed the first two with incredible labor and fatigue in consequence of the bateaux, 
the dragging and towing of which required more than fifty men, who were up to the shoulders 
in water. This caused him much uneasiness, tempered, however, with great satisfaction on 
beholding the manner the officers acted and the alacrity with which every body toiled. 

The Hurons, whom Count Frontenac brought with him, set the example; they achieved 
wonders; and those conversant with their humor, acknowledged they performed without any^ 
difficulty, for him, what no one had ever before dared to propose to them. He, therefore, had 
them and the whole fleet regaled at night with some Brandy and Tobacco, for which the 
Hurons sent two of their oldest chiefs to return thanks, and to protest to him that their young 

' On the south side of Lake St. Louis, and in front of the Seigniories of Chateauguay and Beauharnoia. — Ed. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS: I. 99 

braves were ready to do all he ordered them, and that, in obedience, they would never be 
behind any of the French. Camped at the foot of -the S"* Rapid. 

First of July, passed tiiis Rapid in the morning with much difficulty, on account of a Sault 
in It. Tlie bateaux found in some places scarcely any water, and tlie roci<s cut the feet of the 
people hauling them, who in other places were up to their armpits in water. Nevertiieless, 
their good humor never diminished, and after having towed the same bateaux all the afternoon, 
for more than a league with the water up to their waist, encamped at the Islands to the 
South, a league and a half distant from the outlet of Lake St. Francis. 

July 2"*. Completed the passage of the two Rapids which intervened between us and our 
entrance into this Lake, wHere we arrived at noon ; and as the crews of the bateaux were very 
much fatigued, and several of the canoes had been damaged by towing. Count de Frontenac 
commanded others to relieve the men with some canoes for an escort, and sent them along 
the North shore to a Point' two leagues further up, and encamped with the remainder 
of the troops at the outlet of this Lake. 

3*. There could not be finer navigation or more favorable weather than on the S* ; a light 
Northeaster having sprung up, gave the bateaux an opportunity to go as fast as the canoes, so 
that we arrived at the Islands at the head of the Lake time enough to repair the bateaux, 
which had been injured by the rocks in the Sauts and at those places where they had to 
be dragged. 

4"". Continued the route, and passed through the most deliglitful country in the world. The 
entire river was spangled with Islands, on which were only oaks and hard wood; the soil is 
admirable, and the borders of the main land on the North and South banks are equally 
handsome, the timber being very clean and lofty, forming a forest equal to the most beautiful 
in France. Both banks of the River are lined with prairies full of excellent grass, interspersed 
with an infinity of beautiful flowers; so that it may be asserted there would not be a more 
lovely country in the world than that from Lake S' Francis to the head of the Rapids, were 
it cleared. 

Made three leagues this forenoon, and halted at a spot more delightful than any we had 
yet seen : it was near the little channel leading to the Long Sault on the North side, and 
opposite the mouth of a River by which people go to the Mohawks.^ The Great River, here, 
is only a musket shot across. Sieur Le Moine was sent to examine that which goes to 
the Mohawks, and reported that it formed a large, circular, deep and pleasant basin behind the 
Point^ in front of which we had halted, and that the Iroquois, whom he found there, had 
informed him that there was five days' e'asy navigation in that river, and three when the waters 
were lower. 

After having dined and rested awhile, the march was resumed, and it was resolved to keep 
to thtf South shore, the design being to go and camp above the Long Sault, and at three- 
quarters of a league below it to cross over; but the^ rain which supervened obliged Count 
de Frontenac to cause the entire fleet to come to anchor at the North side, at the place where 
we intended to cross over, and he had time only to get the bateaux to do so and to encamp 
himself with the three Rivers brigade and his staff' on the South shore, opposite the place 
where the other sections had anchored. We found in the Western forest, or Camp, a 
white flower as beautiful as can be seen, with an odor similar to that of the Lily of the 
Valley, but much finer. It was sketched through curiosity. 

" Point au Baudet, Soulanges county, C. E. ^ Supposed to be Grass river, St Lawrence county, N. Y. 

' MasBena Point, St. Lawrence county, N. Y. — Ed. 



100 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

S"". Rain threatening, we contented ourselves in despatching the bateaux at the break of day 
to get them past the Rapid of the Long Saut, and the order was sent to tlie fleet at the North 
not to cross until the weather was settled. Therefore, it having cleared about 10 o'clock, the 
fleet crossed over and advanced to the foot of the 1" Rapid of the Long Sault; but one-half 
having passed, a storm sprung up which obliged the Count to go by land as far as the Rapids, 
to hasten on those who were in the centre, and to prevent those in the rear going further on ; so 
that four only were able to pass, and these camped half a league above. He sent the others 
into a cove, after he had remained more than two hours under the rain, without a cloak, very 
uneasy about the bateaux, which experienced much difficulty in ascending the Rapid; one of 
them would have run adrifc in the current, had not the people behind thrown themselves into 
the stream with incredible promptness and bravery. 

It is impossible to conceive, without witnessing, the fatigue of those who dragged the 
bateaux. They were, for the most part of the time, in the water up to the armpits, and 
walking on rocks so sharp that many had their feet and legs covered with blood. Yet their 
gaiety never failed; and they made such a point of honor of taking these bateaux up, that as 
soon as they had arrived, in Camp, some among them commenced jumping, playing Prison 
base (jouer aux barres), and other games of like nature. 

The night of the S"" and 6"" was so rainy that the Count could not sleep through fear of 
the biscuit getting wet, insomuch that having ordered Sieur de Chambly not to allow the 
canoes to start until he saw settled weather, and to push on only the bateaux with experienced 
hands, as they did not carry any provisions capable of spoiling, he waited until noon to set 
out; the weather having cleared up, with the appearance of no more rain; but a league had 
not been traveled, nor the bateaux overtaken, before a tempest burst, so furious that all thought 
the provisions would be wet. With care, however, very little harm happened, and after 
halting about three hours, he proceeded on with some five or six canoes, to find out a place to 
camp, to give [time] to relieve the people in the bateaux, in order that they might follow him 
with all the troops; and though there were three or four ugly rapids to be passed, they did 
not fail to surmount all those difficulties, and to arrive before sundown at the head of the Long 
Saut, where Count de Frontenac had traced out the Camp opposite a little Island,' at the end 
of which the North channel unites with that on the South. 

7"'. Started the Canoes very early, with orders to cross from the North side at the place 
where they should find the river narrower and less rapid; and left, with all the Canoes, two 
hours afterwards, and proceeded until eleven o'clock in better order than during the preceding 
days, because the navigation was easier. Stopped three or four hours, about a quarter of a 
league from the Rapid called the Itapide plat. 

The weather appeared the finest in the world ; this induced us to determine on passing the 
Rapid, which is very difficult on account of the trees on the water side tumbling into 
the river, obliging the canoes to take the outside and go into the strongest of the current. He 
detaciied six canoes in consequence, and ordered ail those in them, and two carpenters whom 
he sent along, to take axes to cut all the trees that might obstruct the passage of the bateaux, 
and took with him the Three Rivers brigade and his staff' to lay out the camp, having left 
two brigades with the bateajix and the rest for a rear guard. But on landing at five o'clock in 
the afternoon there came a storm, accompanied with thunder and lightning, more furious 
than all the others that preceded it; so that it was necessary to dispatch orders in all haste to 



PARIS DOCUMENTS: I. 101 

the bateaux and to all the fleet to cast anchor wherever they happened to be ; which it was very 
difficult to effect, in consequence of some of the bateaux being in the midst of the Rapid. 
The rain Ihsted the whole night, during which the Count was extremely uneasy, lest 
precautions should not have been taken to prevent the provisions getting wet. 

Next morning, at break of day, having sent for intelligence, news was brought about seven 
o'clock that there was not much harm done, through the care every one took to preserve 
his provisions; and the bateaux arrived a quarter of an hour afterwards at the Camp. As 
every one had suffered considerably from the fatigue of the night, it was resolved not to 
leave the Camp before ten or eleven o'clock, in order to collect all the people and give them 
time to rest. The weather was so unsettled that, through fear of rain, we waited until noon, 
and though a pretty strong South West wind arose, and the river was very rough, we failed 
not to make considerable head way, and to camp at the foot of the last Rapid. 

9"". We had proceeded scarcely an hour when the Montreal brigade — detached by Count 
de Frontenac from our S"* encampment, and sent by Lieutenant De la Valtrie, under the 
direction of Ensign Morel, to make a second convoy and carry provisions beyond the 
Rapids — was found in a place which it had been ordered to occupy as a depot. As soon as 
our fleet was perceived, he crossed over from the South to the North, and came on board 
the Admiral. 

The Count wrote by him to M. Perrot, Governor of Montreal, to whom he sent orders to 
have new canoes furnished to Sieur Lebert to join this Fleet, and to ^ndeavor to bring in one 
voyage what he had at first resolved to have brought in two. 

Two hours afterwards, arrived at the place Sieur de la Valtrie selected to build a Storehouse. 
It was a Point at the head of all the Rapids, and at the entrance of the smooth navigation.' 
The Count strongly approved Sieur de La Vaitrie's selection, and resolved to sojourn there the 
whole day, to allow the troops to refresh, and to have leisure to send off a second canoe to 
Montreal with new orders, and to hasten the return of the canoes which were to bring up the 
provisions. At six o'clock in the evening two Iroquois canoes arrived, bringing letters from 
Sieur De La Salle, who, having been sent into their country two months before, advised the 
Count that after some difficulty, founded on the apprehension the Indians entertained of his 
approach, they had in fine resolved to come to assure him of their obedience, and that they 
awaited him at Kent^ to the number of more than two hundred of the most ancient and 
influential, though they had considerable objection to repair thither, in consequence of the 
jealousy they felt on seeing Onontio going to Rente, as it implied a preference of that Nation 
to the others. 

This obliged him to request the Abbes de Fenelon and d'Urfe to go in all haste to Kente 
to invite the Iroquois to the mouth of Katarakoiii, twenty leagues below Rente, which he 
had resolved to visit, having judged by the Map, after considerable consultation and different 
opinions, that it would be a very suitable place on which to erect the proposed establishment. 

Though Count de Frontenac had appointed this interview with the Lidians only with that 
purpose, he did not omit, however, taking advantage of the jealousy they entertained in their 
minds; and requested those gentlemen to assure them that he expected them in that place 
only to let them know that he did not prefer the one to the other, and that he should be 
always their common father so long as they remained in the Obedience and Respect they 
owed the Ring. 

' Presumed to be Chimney Point, in the present town of Lisbon, St Lawrence county, New-York. — Ed. 



102 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

lO"-. Left the Camp about five o'clock in the morning; and though Count de Frontenac 
had determined on the preceding day, and before he received the news of the approach of the 
Iroquois, to leave the bateaux with the greater portion of the Troops behind, and*to take with 
him only two or tiiree brigades to reconnoitre as quickly as possible the outlet of the Great 
Lake, and the post he was about to fortify at the mouth of the River Katarakoiii, he changed 
his design, and concluded he ought to proceed with more precaution until he should be better 
informed of the intention of the Iroquois. We therefore proceeded in a body, and in closer 
column than heretofore. The weather was so serene and the navigation so smooth, that we 
made more than ten leagues, and went into camp at a cove about a league and a half from 
Otondiata, where the Eel fishery begins. 

We had the pleasure, on the march, to catch a small Loon, a bird as large as a wild goose 
(OutardeJ, of the most beautiful plumage, but so difficult to be caught alive, as it plunges 
constantly under water, that it is no small rarity to be able to take one. A cage was made 
for it, and orders were given to endeavor to raise it, in order to be able to send it to 
the King. 

ir"". The weather continuing fine, a good day's journey was made, having passed almost all 
that vast group of Islands with which the river is studded, and camped at a point above a 
River called by the Indians Oanondokoui,' up which many of them go a hunting. It has 
a very considerable channel. Two more loons were caught alive, and a Scanohton,^ which is a 
sort of Deer, with headland antlers, however, handsomer than those of the deer of France. 

12"". Broke up camp very early in the morning, and, having proceeded until 10 o'clock, 
halted three hours to eat and rest. On approaching the first opening of the Lake, the Count 
wished to proceed with more order than had been already done, and in line of battle. He 
accordingly arranged the whole fleet in this wise : 

Four squadrons, composing the vanguard, went in front and in one line. 

The two bateaux followed next. 

After these came Count de Frontenac at the head of all the canoes of his guards, of his stafl", 
and of the volunteers attached to his person ; having on his right the squadron from Three 
Rivers, and on his left those of the Hurons and Algonquins. 

Two other squadrons formed a third line and composed the rear guard. 

This order of sailing had not been adhered to for more than half a league, when an Iroquois 
canoe was perceived coming with the Abbe d'Vrfe.^* who, having met the Indians above the 
River Katarakoui, and having notified them of the Count's arrival, they were now advancing 
with the Captains of the Five Nations. 

They saluted the Admiral and paid their respects to him with evidence of much joy and 
confidence, testifying to him the obligation they were under to him for sparing them the 
trouble of going farther and for receiving their submissions at the River Katarakoui, which is 
a vecy suitable place to camp, as they were about signifying to him. 

After Count de Frontenac had replied to their civilities they preceded him as guides, and 
conducted him to the mouth of the River Katarakoui, into a bay about a cannon shot from 
the entrance, which forms one of the most beautiful and agreeable harbors in the world, 

' Supposed to be now Gannrtniiolcoui. ' Oskennonton U the Mohawk for a Deer. — Ed. 

' Rev. Lascaris d'Urkk, Dean of tlie Cathedral of Piiy, came to Canada in 1668, and was detached to the Indian mission at 
the Bay of QuIutiS. This having been abandoned by the Sulpitians, Abbi- d'Urf6 returned to France in 1678. He, however, 
came again to Canada in 1685, and in 1686 was in charge of one of the frontier parishes in the district of Montreal. 
St. Vallier. Slat present, 3, 21, 69; Faillon. Vie de Aide. Baurgeoyn, I., 179. — Ed. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 103 

capable of holding a hundred of the largest ships, with sufficient water at the mouth and in 
the harbor, with a mud bottom, and so sheltered from every wind that a cable is scarcely 
necessary for mooring. 

The Count, enraptured at finding a spot so well adapted for his design, immediately landed, 
and after having examined, during two or three hours, the shore and situation, he re-embarked 
in a canoe to explore both sides of the entrance to the river and some points which jut out 
into the Lake, so that he did not return until 8 o'clock in the evening. 

The Iroquois impatiently awaited for him to present him their respects in his tent, but as it 
was late, he sent them word to postpone it imtil the morrow, when it would be more 
convenient to see and entertain each other, to which they willingly consented. 

13"". Beat the reveille at day break, and at seven o'clock every body was under arms; 
pursuant to the orders issued the preceding evening, all the troops were drawn up in double file 
around Count de Frontenac's tent, extending to the cabins of the Indians. Large sails were 
laid in fi-ont of his tent for them to sit on, and they were made to pass between the two files. 
They were astonished at seeing such preparations, seemingly new to them, as well as all those 
guards with their watch-coats, none of which they had ever before seen. There were more 
than sixty of the oldest and most influential of the sachims. After having sat, and, as is their 
custom, smoked some time, one of them, named Garagontie, who has always been the warmest 
friend of the French, and who ordinarily acted as spokesman, paid a compliment, expressing 
in the name of all the Nations the joy they felt on learning, from Sieur de La Salle, Onontio's 
design to come and" visit them; that though ^ome evil disposed spirits had endeavored to 
excite jealousy among them at his approach, they could not hesitate to obey his orders, and 
to come to meet him in the confidence they felt that he wished to preserve peace always 
with them, and to protect them against their enemies, treating them as a Father would his 
children; that they were then coming as true children to assure him of their obedience, and 
to declare to him the entire submission they should always manifest to his commands; that 
he was speaking in the name of the Five Nations, as they had only one mind and one thought, 
in testimony whereof the Captain of each Tribe intended to confirm what he had just stated in 
the name of the whole. 

Each Captain in particular accordingly complimented the Count, and told him the same thing 
in substance, though in different and very eloquent terms, which is very remarkable, adding only 
that they were much obliged to Onontio for having abridged the voyage to Kente and for having 
been pleased to receive them at Katarakoiii; that they did not intend to pay their respects to 
him by these preliminary compliments, presented whilst waiting his orders and the day he 
should appoint for them to hear the proposals he would be pleased to make them. 

Each Captain presented, at the conclusion of his speech, a Belt of Wampum, which is 
worthy of note, because formerly it was customary to present only some fathoms of 
stringed Wampum. 

Count de Frontenac having had a fire lighted near the place where they were seated, 
answered them in terms adapted to their manner of speaking. 

Children! Onnontagues, Mohawks, Oneidas, Cayugas and Senecas. lam pleased to see 
you come hither, where 1 have had a fire lighted for you to smoke by, and for me to talk to you. 
O, but 'tis well done. My Children, to have followed the orders and commands of your 
Father. Take courage, then, my children ; you will hear his word, which is full of 
tenderness and peace; a word which will fill your cabins with joy and happiness; for think 



104 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

not that war is the object of my voyage. My spirit is full of Peace, and she walks in company 
with me. Courage, then, My Children, and rest yourselves. 

The Count thereupon presented them with six fathoms of Tobacco, and added : 

Children : You have taken great pains to come to see me, and I regret to have given you the 
trouble of so long a voyage, which I, however, tried to abridge by not obliging you to go to 
Kente and by lighting the fire for you at Katarakoui. Let not fear close your ears, or disturb 
your minds. I am aware that there have been plenty of ill disposed persons desirous to 
persuade you that Onontio was coming into these Cantons only to devour your Villages, But, 
Children, that is not true; those are busy-bodies who would break the peace and union that 
exist between us, and you will never find in me any other than the feelings of a real father, 
so long as you will act like true children and continue obedient. Cheer up, then, your spirits, 
and be persuaded that I had no other de?ign in this voyage than to visit you, as it was very 
reasonable a Father should be acquainted with his Children, and the Children with their Father. 

1 cannot, however, sufficiently testify to you the joy I feel to see that you not only fully 
obeyed my orders with promptness, and liave come in great numbers to meet me, but that you 
have also brought your wives and children with you, because this is a certain mark of 
the confidence you place in my words. One regret only remains, that I cannot speak your 
language, or that you cannot understand mine, so that there might be no necessity for 
Interpreter or Spokesman. * 

But in order that you may be fully informed of all I have said to you, I have selected 
Sieur Lenioine, to whom I shall communicate' in writing what I have stated to you, so that lie 
may explain it to you, word for word, and that you may not lose any of my remarks. Listen, 
then, attentively to him. Here is something to open your ears, in order that you may be 
disposed, in a day or two, to hear the thoughts of Onontio. 

The Count then handed the paper he held to Sieur Lemoyne, and presented to each nation 
a gun, a quantity prunes and raisins for the women, with some wine, brandy 

and biscuit. 

The Indians appeared highly pleased with the speech, which Sieur Lemoyne explained to 
them, and with the presents made to them in the commencement, and which appearing, 
according to their fashion, considerable, caused them to hope that magnificent ones would be 
made them at the close, when Onontio would communicate his intentions to them. It was 
remarked that their countenances were much changed, and that Toronteshati, their orator, the 
most astute, most spiritud, and most influential man among them, from being sad and pensive 
before, assumed a gaiety not usual to him. He has been always an enemy to the French and 
greatly in the interest of the Dutch. Count de Frontenac was obliged, in consequence, to 
pay him particular attention and to keep him to dinner with him. 

Sieur Rendin was busy meanwhile tracing out the fort at the place designated by the Count, 
and according to the plan that had been approved of by him, and as soon as they had dined, 
men were ordered to work at the trench, where pickets were to be set until it should be 
determined in what manner the troops were to be employed, and until the tools were put 
in order. He then embarked in a Canoe to visit the banks of the river or harbor, and was 
delighted to find at the head of the bay a prairie, more than a league in extent, as handsome 
and level as any in France, and to see the river winding through its centre, very wide, and 
capable of admitting barks and vessels for over three leagues continuously. 

He returned to the camp in great spirits on perceiving that he had found every thing 
according to his wishes, and that God had seemingly blessed his enterprise; but what 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 105 

increased his joy still more, was to find every body so impatient for work, and so anxious to 
advance their undertaking, which he hoped to bring soon to an end. This ardor thus 
exhibited by them caused him to alter his resolution to divide the troops into four brigades, 
and to have them relieved every two hours, in order that the work should not intermit, and 
he accepted their proposal to divide the labor among them, each undertaking what might be 
allotted to him. This had so good an ettect that, early in the evening, they began to make a 
clearing, with such energy that the officers found difficulty in drawing the people off to rest and 
sleep, so as to be able to work the next morning. 

li"". Day had scarcely broken when the entire brigade fell to work according to the allotment 
that had been made, and all the officers and soldiers applied themselves to it with such 
heartiness and zeal that the site of the Fort was nearly cleared. 

Sieur Lempyne had orders from the Count to bring him,'at each meal, two or three of the 
principal Iroquois, whom he entertained at his table. He fondled their children every time he 
met them, and had bread, prunes, raisins, &c., distributSd among them, which so gratified the 
Indians that they would not leave his tent, no m9r«' than the women, whom he treated to 
induce them to dance in the evening. /^ 

IS"". The work was continued with the sanj|^^eal ; but the rain which fell throughout the 
morning of the IG"" prevented operations until noon, when every effijrt was made to recover 
lost time. The Indians were astonished to see the large clearance that had been made; some 
squaring timber in one place ; others fetching pickets ; others cutting trenches, and that 
different operations advanced at the same time. In the evening he caused notice to be given 
to the Captains of the Five Nations that he would^rant them an audience the next day, at 
eight o'clock in the morning. W 

17"". Every thing being prepared to'receive them, they came to see the Count in the same 
manner as the first time, when he submitted to them, in his speech, all the conditions he desired 
of them, as may be seen from the annexed copy of his address, which was accompanied by 
magnificent presents in Indian fashion. 

Count de Frontenac's Speech to the Iroquois: 

First Word. Children ! Onnontagues, Mohawks, Oneidas, Cayugas and Senecas. I signified 

to you the other day the joy I felt to see you arrive here with all the proofs of submission that 
Children owe their Father, and with such entire confidence that you had brought even your 
wives and little ones. 

You alleviate, in truth, thereby, all the trouble and fatigue I encountered on my voyage, and 
oblige me, by the respect you have for my commands, to give you every assurance that you 
can desire of my friendship, and of the King my master's protection, if you continue to observe 
faithfully his will, of which I am the interpreter and executor. I have even reason to persuade 
myself that you will not fail therein after the protestations you have given me and the 
knowledge you have afforded me of the good understanding in which all the Nations now live, 
inasmuch as you have informed me that they were all of the same spirit and had but the one 
opinion. But as 'tis the duty of Children to be obedient to their Father, 'tis likewise the duty 
of a good Father to communicate to his Children Instruction and Information the most useful 
and necessary for them. 



lOG NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Children! Onnontagues, Mohawks, Oneidas, Cayugas and Senecas. I cannot give you any 
advice more important or more profitable to you than to exhort you to become Christians, and 
to adore the same God that I adore. He is the Sovereign Lord of Heaven and of Earth; the 
absolute Master of your lives and properties; who hath created you ; who preserves you ; who 
furnishes you food 'and drink; who can send death among you in a moment, inasmuch as 
He is Almighty, and acts as he willeth, not like men who require time, but in an instant, and 
at a word. In fine. He it is who can render you happy or miserable, as he pleaseth. This 
God is called Jesus ; and the Black Gowns hero, who are his Ministers and Interpreters, will 
teach you to know Him whenever you are so disposed. I leave them among you and in your 
Villages only to teach you. I therefore desire that you respect them, and prevent any of 
your young braves daring or presuming to injure them in the smallest degree, as I shall 
consider the injuries done them as personal to myself, and such I will punish with the 
like severity. • 

Hearken, then, well to the advice ^ive you, and forget it not, as it is of great importance, 
and you ought to be aware that in giving it I labor more for you than for myself, and I study 
only your happiness. The Hurons, here present in great number, must incline you thereto, 
since you see with your own eyes that they have learned to honor and serve the God of 
whom I speak to you. 

Ancients! Give herein the example to your Children, as your judgment must be sounder 
than theirs ; or if you be not yet disposed to become Christians, at least do not prevent them 
becoming such, and learning the Prayer and the Commandments of that great God which the 
Black Gowns will willingly teach them. 

These consist only of two points, very easy of observance. The first is to love Him with 
your whole heart, and your whole soul, and your whole strength. 

Ancients ! Is there any thing more easy than to love what is perfectly beautiful, what is 
sovereignly amiable, and what can constitute all your happiness? 

The second thing he requires of us is, to love our Brothers as we love ourselves. That is to 
say, that we assist them in their necessities, and furnish them drink, and meat and clothing 
when they are in need of them, as we would wish should be done to ourselves. 

Again, Ancients, for to you I address myself, believing your minds to be sufficiently endowed 
to comprehend it, tell me frankly, is there any thing more just and reasonable than this 
Commandment? 

As I am obliged to observe these by my profession as a Christian, you ought to be more 
easily persuaded that I come not here save with a heart filled with gentleness and peace to 
communicate these to my children, to assist them in all things, and to give them a proof of a 
true and sincere friendship. 

Children! Onnontagues, Mohawks, Oneidas, Cayugas and Senecas. Take courage, then. 
Lend not an ear to the counsels of certain busy-bodies, who, at my approach, desire to 
excite distrust aud suspicions, and who, assuming to be your friends, meditate only your ruin 
and destruction. 

Listen to me and trust my words. I am frank and sincere, and shall promise you nothing 
but what I will exactly perform, desiring that you on your side may do likewise. 

The dread I feel of disturbing the peace I promise you prevents me even reproaching you 
with the various treacheries you formerly committed against my nephews. No, I will not 
dispel from your countenances that joy which I there behold. I content myself with telling 



PARIS DOCUMENTS: I. 107 

you only to reflect on the past and on the present ; consider well the greatness and power of 
Onontio; behold the number of persons accompanying and surrounding him, the ease and 
celerity with which he has surmounted all your Sauts and rapids, and passed bateaux mounted 
with Cannon over them, which you never could have imagined possible for him to have steered 
through the smoothest and most tranquil of rivers, and that in a voyage made only for 
pleasure and without any necessity. Infer from this what he could effect if he desired to 
wage war and to crush any of his enemies. If you reflect seriously on all these things, you 
will acknowledge he is a good Father, who is not cruel, and that he is the absolute arbiter of 
War and Peace. 

My predecessors concluded the latter with you, and I now ratify it, assuring you that every 
thing they promised you shall be faithfully observed, but on the same conditions they did 
impose on you. These, I understand to be, that, besides the French, all the Indians under the 
protection of the King, my Master, and his Allies, shall participate in that same peace, and 
that the first who will break it shall be hanged. I shall set my hand to it on my side ; do you 
the same. Ancients; for if any of your youth insult any Indian under the King's protection, or 
any of his Allies in the Countries under his dominion, I shall deem myself injured, and shall 
avenge it in the same manner; and you should not be surprised at this, for what confidence 
can you have in the assurances I give you of my friendship and protection, if you perceive 
me capable of abandoning those to whom my predecessors granted the same for so long a time, 
and who are my friends ? 

Here, then, is something to make you remember my first speech, which in two words 
consists in exhorting you, as much as lies in my power, to become Ciiristians, by listening 
with respect and submission to the instructions the Black Gowns will give you on that subject, 
and then like Christians, or even as good politicians who wish the preservation and advantage 
of your Country, to observe strict peace on your part, as I shall do on mine, by chastising the 
first who will happen to violate it. 

Fifteen guns, a quantity of powder and lead of all kinds, with gun flints, were thereupon 
presented to them. The Count then resumed his speech: 

secondword. Children! Oonontagues, Mohawks, Oneidas, Cayugas and Senecas. I pretend 

not to persuade you by mere words; I will make manifest my good intentions to maintain a 
true and solid peace with you by more effectual evidence, and I do not think I can afford you 
a stronger proof of that than by the settlement I am about to make at Katarakoiii, where I have 
already spread the mat on which I am seated, and where I have lighted the fire to which I 
have iuvited you to come and to smoke. I intend to make it considerable in a little while, 
and to have goods brought thither by my nephews, in order to spare you the trouble of carrying 
your peltries so far as you have done. You will find here all sorts of refreshments and 
commodities, which I shall cause to be furnished you at the cheapest rate possible, as I do not 
intend that you be treated otherwise than as Frenchmen. 

But you must consider that it is a matter of expense to convey goods so far, and that your 
obtaining all your supplies at your door will save you considerable trouble, as you will not be 
obliged to go and seek them more than a hundred leagues from your villages, over rough 
and bad roads. 

I shall induce all my Nephews to love you, and to do nothing but what is just. Otherwise 
I shall chastise them. I beg of you to do the same, on your side. Invite your Nephews to 
respect all the French, and to aid them as far as they are able, supplying them, for payment, 



108 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

with Indian Corn and other provisions, if they require them, and if such can be easily brought 
from your Country. You will thereby console me, and show yourslves to be my children, and 
that you are disposed to live as Brethren with my Nephews. This is my second word; this 
present will oblige you to give it some consideration. 

Twenty-five large overcoats were presented to them ; and some time afterwards. Count de 
Frontenac, continuing his speech, added: 

Third -Word. Children! Onnontagues, Mohawks, Oneidas, Cayugas and Senecas. As I am 

the common Father of all the Nations, how can I avoid reproaching you with the treachery 
and cruelty you have exhibited towards your Brethren, the Hurons, preventing them visiting 
their relatives; and how can I refrain from telling you that it is not good, inasmuch as you 
treat them as slaves, and threaten to split their skulls? 

See you not that I act towards them alike? I treat them like other Frenchmen, as my true 
children. Inquire of them — there are numbers of thenr here — they will tell you I make no 
distinction between the one and the other. 

Do not behave so again, for I insist that they be free to live wherever they please. Have 
you not been allowed the same liberty? And your people, do they not remain at Montreal and 
every where else as long as they like, going and coming whenever they think well, without 
any objection? Prevent, then, complaints being made hereafter to me on this subject, fori 
shall become angry, and I insist that you, Iroquois, Algonquins and other nations who have me 
as Father, live henceforth as Brothers. Otherwise, those who act differently, will feel the 
effects of my wrath. 

But to prove to you that I require nothing more than a perfect union between you all and 
the French, I conjure you most earnestly to let your children learn the French language, 
which the Black Gowns can teach them. That would unite us more strongly, and we should 
have the satisfaction to understand each other without an Interpreter. 

To begin with a matter that I consider most advantageous for both Nations, I invite you to 
give me four of your little girls, of from seven to eight years old, and two of your little boys, 
whom I shall have instructed with all possible care, and taught French and writing, which arp 
of so great importance. I know it is not a trivial request that I make, being aware of the love 
you bear your children; but I can say, that I shall take as much care of them as if they were 
mine own; I shall adopt them as such; shall keep the boys by me, and place the girls with 
the Nuns at Quebec, where the Hurons already have some of theirs, and where, they can 
assure you, that they are well reared; I shall frequently visit them, and you can come and 
see them there whenever you please; promising you to restore them when you require 
them back, should you not wish to have them married with some of the French, when they 
have attained a proper age. If you grant me this request, I am sure you will be hereafter 
pleased at having done so, and at seeing them in the position in which I shall place them. 

I conclude my third word and ray third present, by repeating to you that I shall thereby 
know the friendship you entertain for me, since you cannot give me any greater mark thereof. 
Twenty-five shirts, twenty-five pair of stockings, five packages of glass beads and five coats 
were given them as a third present, and then the Count said to them: 

That he forgot to stale that he had recently learned that some Frenchmen among them 
endeavored to persuade them that they were persons of great importance among us, and even 
Nephews of Onontio; but that they were rogues and worthless fellows, whom he should 



PARIS DOCUMENTS: I. • ... 109 

chastise as soon as he could catch them. Let them not be stopped, then, by what those knaves 
might tell them, and let them be assured that when he desired to communicate his intentions 
to them, he should send some person of character, such as Sieur de La Salle, or write to the 
Black Gowns to inform them of his wishes; that, in fine, to prevent the disorders their young 
men created in their Cabins, and which may cause some difficulty among us if they pretended 
to do the same in ours, they must be on the alert to keep them from committing excesses 
or getting drunk, as there was nothing so unbecoming rational men of well regulated minds, 
and that we had such profound contempt for drunkards, and that if they acted in like manner 
towards their young men, they would infallibly correct them of that habit. 

As soon as Count de Frontenac had finished his discourse, the Hurons, who were present 
at the audience, took up the word, and in a speech, which had nothing barbarous in it, addressed 
the Iroquois, telling them that they were very glad to confirm what Onontio had just said to 
them on the advantage they would derive from being Christians, and the good treatment they 
experienced, as well in their own persons as in those of their children, by the education 
which was given them; that it was one of the greatest obligations they were under; and 
when the Iroquois would perceive the advantage theirs would derive therefrom, they could 
never thank Onontio sufficiently for the favor he offered them. They hoped the permission 
requested, to let their relatives return to them, would not be refused; and as they all regarded 
him to-day as their common Father, they were very desirous to live henceforward together in 
good intelligence, and as true brethren ought to live. 

This speech was accompanied by a belt of Wampum which they offered the Iroquois, and 
it is impossible to conceive the effect it had on their minds, nor the joy of the Count on 
witnessing the proceedings the Hurons had adopted of their own voluntary motion, and without 
advising him thereof until an hour previous to the audience. 

The Iroquois tlianked him for what he had just said, evincing every mark of satisfaction 
that could possibly be expected, and requesting until to-morrow to communicate their 
resolution more fully. They appeared highly gratified that Onontio had at the first and second 
audience addressed them as children, and thereby had bound himself to act towards them as a 
Father; the other Onontios not having made use of that mark of authority, and they having 
never consented to be addressed otherwise than as Brothers. 

The works were meanwhile continued with the same diligence as on the preceding day, and 
the Three Rivers detachment having completed the excavation of the French, began to set 
up the pickets, and completed one of the flanks of the fort. 

IS"'. The Iroquois were expected to assemble in the morning, but not being ready until very 
late, the matter was postponed until the afternoon, when the Count received them as heretofore. 

The five deputies spoke, one after the other, and each testified, in his harangue, the joy 
experienced at meeting a real Father in Onontio, whom they conjured to be persuaded that 
they too would be most obedient children ; that they well understood that all the suspicions 
which were endeavored to be fomented among them were but chimeras, since he had not 
proposed any thing to them but what was for their advantage; that they thanked him for having 
especially exhorted them to become Christians, as it was the greatest advantage that could 
ever accrue to them ; that they promised him also to do what they could to influence their 
young men and children in that regard, and that they would themselves endeavor-to show them 
the example by receiving respectfully the Instructions of the Black Gowns, and preventing any 
of their people offering the smallest insult to them. 



110 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

After which they made their presents, each of a Belt of Wampum, in answer to Onontio's 
first word. 

They then resumed their speech, and said they saw with equal joy the establishment he 
had commenced at Katarakoiii, and they clearly perceived the benefit they should derive from 
a Cabin so convenient to theirs, where they could obtain their supplies and not be obliged to go 
so far to seek, them as they were forced heretofore to do. But there was one thing that 
Onontio seemingly forgot, and which they requested him to declare; that was the price he 
would fix on the merchandise, in order that, by informing their young men of it, they may more 
easily persuade them not to carry their peltries where they had been in the habit of taking 
them, but come to Katarakoiii for all their supplies; they insisted particularly thereupon, and 
the Captain of the Cayugas, more eloquent than the others, added, in an address which 
exhibited nothing barbarous, that it was true that the news they had heard of the ruin of the 
Dutch and of the King's conquests in their Country had much afflicted them, sympathizing in 
the disgrace of a Nation which had been friendly with them, through whom they had received 
their supplies, but they liad reason to console themselves, since for one friend they lost they 
found a Father who promised to assist them in all their. necessities ; this it was that caused 
them to hope he would take care of them, for it being his interest not to have roguish children, 
he doubted not that a price so reasonable would be set on all the supplies to be furnished them 
that they should have every cause to be satisfied. And this was their second word, which was . 
followed, like the others, by presents similar to the first. 

In the third, they earnestly exhorted Onontio to assist them against the Andostaguez, the 
sole enemies remaining on their hands, as he had ordered them to live in peace with all 
the other tribes, and it would be a shame for him to allow his children to be crushed, as they 
saw themselves about to be; the Andastoguez being strongly fortified with men and canoes, 
and they not having the means of going to attack them in their fort, which was very strong, 
nor even of defending themselves if the others came to attack them in their villages. 

In the fourth speech they protested that they would blindly follow the orders of Onontio 
relative to the Hurons, Algonquins and other nations ; and that henceforth they would leave 
them at full liberty to go wheresoever they pleased, without retaining them by force or 
offering them any violence. 

And in the fifth speech, which related to the little girls and little boys, they represented that 
the affair was important, and they could not come to any resolution on it until tliey had 
returned to their villages, promising him to propose it to all the Tribes; to point out to them 
the advantage they should derive from it ; to use all their efforts to oblige them to give Onontio 
that satisfaction, by assuring them that the word he had pledged them would be punctually 
executed, and that their children would be restored as soon as they should demand them back. 
They concluded by repeating their thanks for the civilities and good treatment they had 
received from Onontio, congratulating themselves on the affability and urbanity with which he 
treated them, even to their children, acknowledging that they had never before experienced 
such in their Country. 

Each Deputy, in particular, returned thanks to the Hurons, and offered them a present, 
assuring them that in compliance with Onontio's wishes all would hereafter live as brothers, 
and they should have full liberty to go and come whenever they thought proper. 

Count de FrOntenac having forthwith recapitulated all the heads of their answers, invited and 
urged them again to become Christians, and to have their children instructed, recommending 



PARIS DOCUMENTS: I. HI 

them especially to respect the Black Gowns, and to prevent drunkenness among their youth, 
as that was the chief cause of the greatest disorders that occurred. 

Secondly, he assured them they should be advised of the orders he would issue for the 
establishment at Katarakoiii, and the price to be fixed on the merchandise, which he could not 
determine at present, as he did not precisely know how much the freight would amount to, 
since it would be higher at so distant a place, accessible only by a difficult navigation ; but that 
he assured them in advance that they should be favored as much as possible, and that being 
considered as his children, he did not pretend they should be treated otherwise than as 
Frenchmen. In regard to the war against the Andostaguez, they might very well believe he 
would never suffer them to be oppressed, as it was a point of honor with him, and a duty 
he owed his children not to let them perish, but as the season was already advanced to go 
on the War path this year, and as some preparation was necessary for such purpose, they 
should concert together when they would come to Quebec to communicate to him their 
resolution on the demand he had made them to give him some little boys and girls to 
be instructed. 

He rejoiced to see them disposed to do all he told them relative to the Hurons, Algonquins 
and other Nations, and this was the true means to oblige him to maintain always with 
them the peace he had promised them. 

He did not take it ill their declining to give a decisive answer to the request he had 
made for their little girls and little boys, as it was an affair that could not be arranged except 
in the presence of all the Nations and in their villages, but he implored them to acquaint him 
promptly of the decision they should adopt, and to believe that his request arose only from 
the friendship he bore them, and from his desire to receive a proof of theirs. 

In reply to their statement, that some of their tribes had already complied with his request 
by sending a few of their daughters to Quebec when peace was concluded, he was very glad 
to tell them that there was considerable difference between the demand Onontio had then 
made and the one he was now proposing ; for then, some of their girls were required as pledges 
and hostages for the promise they had given to observe peace; now, the request was made 
through pure friendship and desire to unite more intimately both Nations, by causing those 
young children to be taught the language, and to be brought up according to the manners and 
customs of the French ; and as he intended to restore them as soon as they should be required 
back, he understood, at the same time, that when he should restore them, they would furnish 
others, and thus a perpetual exchange would be established, which would finally and insensibly 
lead them to accommodate their manners and customs to ours; that it was quite just that a 
Father should always have some of his children by him ; and the same tenderness which 
made it so painful for them to furnish him with some of their children, created in him also the 
desire of soliciting them. That the comparison of the Hedge-hog, which some of them used 
in their speech, pointing to the young men who acted as Onontio's guard, and expressing 
surprise at the readiness with which their Fathers had given them up, was in no way 
applicable, since so far from having done so through want of tenderness for them, as was the 
case of the Hedge-hog in abandoning its young, they, on the contrary, considered that 
they could not give them a greater proof of friendship than to place them near a person who 
could do them a service and procure advantages for them ; and that Onontios, such as he, 
found more embarrassment in refusing those offered by their parents, than difficulty in asking 
for them. 



112 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Count de Frontenac rose, after having spoken to them in this wise, and told them they could 
remain or return to their own Country whenever they pleased ; to which they replied, that 
they would occupy a day or two more in preparations for their departure, and would then 
come and receive his commands. 

The whole day was employed in great industry at the Fort; half the palisades were set, 
and Count de Frontenac sent his two bateaux in the morning with Sieur de Brucy to take 
whatever had been left at Sieur de La Valterie's post. 

ID"". Finished the fort; and as the entire ground was to be inclosed on the following day, 
he told the Commanders of the detachments that he required of each no more than an acre 
and a half of abatis, after which he should send them home. The consequence was, that 
two squads finished the task assigned them that night, and the others were far advanced 
with theirs. 

20"". The Indians came in the morning to take leave of Count de Frontenac. One set went 
to the great village ; others went down to Montreal, and the remainder to Ganeious and Kent6. 
He had previously spoken in private to each Captain and Chief of the Five Nations, to whom 
he made presents, as well for themselves as for their little children, and all departed so 
satisfied that they could not desist from praising the frankness and mildness with which 
Onontio treated them. 

The Count, perceiving after dinner that the Three Rivers and Saurel detachments had 
completed their task, permitted them to leave next morning, and resolved to send away also 
those of Du Guay, S' Ours and La Durantaye, he himself resolving to wait, with his 
guards, his staff and some volunteers, composing about twenty canoes, the arrival of the 
convoy which was sailing from Montreal. But at night he received news which tended to 
delay the departure of the squadrons. The Abb6 de Feneloni sent him word that the 
Deputies of Ganatoheskiagon, Ganeraski, Kente and Ganeious,^ proposed coming to 
Katarakoui, to the number of more than a hundred, on Friday night or Saturday morning at 
latest, to present him their respects. 

Notwithstanding the officers offered to delay and postpone their departure, he did not wish 
to deprive them of the pleasure of returning, and persisted in his first resolution, judging from 

' Rev. Francois dk Salignac de Fenelon arrived in Quebec on tlie 27th of June, 1667, and was ordained Priest by Bishop de 
Laval, on the 11th of June, 1668. On the loth of September following, he was sent Missionary to an Iroquois tribe ou 
the north shore of Lake Ontario. In order to perpetuate the memory of his labors there, his name has been given to a 
township in the county of Victoria, C. W. In 1670 he returned to France, in the same ship with Mde. Bourgeoys, foundress 
of the Congregation Nunnery at Montreal. Vie de la Scear Bourgeoys, I., 212. In 1673 he accompanied Count de Frontenac 
in the expedition above mentioned. Ou his return to Montreal, he sided with Governor Perrot, in the misunderstanding 
that occurred between that officer and Count de Frontenac, whose conduct M. Fenelon severely censured in a sermon he 
prsached at Easter, 1674. He was, in consequence, cited before the Council at Quebec. On appearing before that body, 
he insisted on his privilege of remaining seated and covered when addressing the Council, whose jurisdiction he refused to 
acknowledge, and declined to a*nswer all interrogatories. He was thereupon committed to prison, whither M. Perrot had 
already been sent. Their coBfiiiement was but short, however, for the whole affair was referred to the King, and nothing 
more was heard of the prosecution. Garneau, I., 216, 218. Abb6 Fenelon is said to have returned Innally to France, but at 
what precise time is not stated. He was still in Canada in 1676, accordmg to Hennepin. Nouvelle Decouve'rte, Amsterdam, 
1694. p. 14. This author confounds him with the celebrated Archbishop of Cambray, and the mistake has been lately 
repeated by various writers. That prelate was born in 1651, and ordained at Paris in 1675, by Mgr. de Harlay (Abb^ 
Ferland's Observations, p. 15), seven years later than the Indian Missionary, who was the Archbishop's half brother. Faillon. 
Vie de la Soeur Bourgeoys, I., 178. — Ed. 

' Ganadatsiagon, Ganaraskc and Gannejouts will be found mentioned on Vaugondy's map of Canada, 1763, in Mitchell's 
map of North America, and in that accompanying Kalm's Travels. Ganatoheskiagon was near Darlington, or Port Hope, 
in the Newcastle district; Ganarask6 was the mouth of the river Trent, and Ganneious is now Nappano — all on the north 
side of Lake Ontario. Kente is still preserved on modern maps. — Ed. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 113 

the proceedings of the Indians that it was not necessary to take much precaution against 
thetn, nor to retain a greater force than he had proposed to keep by liim. 

21*'. Therefore, tlie Three Rivers and Saurel squadrons left in the morning, followed in the 
afternoon by those of Contrecoeur and Bertier; Count de Frontenac having ordered them to 
proceed to Montreal in the same order in which they had come, and to wait the one for the 
other in the Rupids, so as to assist each other and to be able to pass through without accident. 

The clearing of the interior of the Fort and the construction ol the barracks were continued, 
and there arrived two or three canoes of Indians who had left to go to Ganeious. Among 
these was the Captain General of all tiie Five Nations, who returned to assist the delegation, 
on bging informed that the Deputies of Ganatcheskiagon and the other Northern Villages 
were to come to Katarakoiii, in order to assist also at tiieir deliberations. Count de Frontenac 
was much pleased at this, perceiving thereby that he persevered in the sentiments of 
submission and peace which he assured him he should ever entertain, though naturally lie 
might be induced to wage war, and his interests may obviously lead him thereto. 

In the evening arrived the Delegates from Ganatcheskiagon, Ganeraske Kente and Ganeious, 
to offer the same compliments as the others, so that it may be said that all the Nations to the 
North and South of Lake Ontario evinced the same submission to his orders. 

22''. The brigades of Dugue, S' Ours and La Durantaye departed at day break; and after 
dinner. La Chevrotiere. whom Count de Frontenac dispatched to Montreal from the head of 
the Rapids to hasten the Convoy which was to leave that place, brought intelligence that the 
canoes would start without fail on the 17"" of this month. This afforded him much pleasure, 
hoping, as he did, that he should not have long to wait for them. 

23''. Sieur de Brussy returned at eight o'clock in the morning from the post at the head 
of tiie Rapids with the two bateaux freighted with provisions which had been left there in 
passing, and reported having met one of the brigades on its return ; it had the wind aft and 
was making great headway. 

Count de Frontenac gave audience, about ten o'clock the same day, to the Deputies of 
Ganatcheskiagon, Ganeraske, Kente and Ganeious, who spoke to him in nearly the same 
terras as the others, and assured him of their respect and submission. 

Having replied forthwith thereto, and expressed his displeasure at their not being in 
attendance at the same time as the rest to hear what he had to say, he recapitulated all the 
requests he had made, on which he enlarged at considerable length, having exhorted them 
particularly to become Christians and to maintain a firm peace and a good understanding with 
the French. This they promised to do, assuring him that they should all have but one mind 
and one will to obey him. 

24"" and SS"". Continued the works as usual, every man exerting himself to forward them ; 
and Count de Frontenac designated the Garrison and workmen whom he was to leave in the 
Fort after his departure. 

26"". Caused to be removed into the store he had constructed, the provisions and ammunition 
which were to be left there, and directed what work was to be done during the winter. 

2VK He resolved to depart, hoping the Convoy would arrive soon, and that he should meet 
it the first day. He accordingly embarked at eight o'clock in the morning, and camped at 
Otondiata without hearing of the Convoy, which caused him great uneasiness. 

25"". Though the wind was Northeast the camp was broke up at day break ; we had not 
made three leagues when the Convoy was perceived to the number of twenty-five Canoes. 

Vol. IX. 15 



114 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

This gave him the more pleasure, as he learned by the officer in command that every thing 
he required had been put on board and was in good condition, except four bags of biscuit 
which had been lost in a Canoe that had upset. 

Count de Frontenac delayed this officer as little as possible, so that he might not lose the 
favorable wind, whereby he could at an early hour the same day reach the fort, which would, 
by means of this fleet, have a supply of provisions for one year. 

The wind, however fair for those ascending the river, was so contrary for us that we were 
forced to halt, half an hour after passing the convoy, and to wait until seven o'clock in the 
evening, when, it becoming more calm, we continued the voyage, and after sailing until more 
than two hours after midnight, we arrived at the head of the Rapids, at the place called La 
Galette, where Sieur de La Valterie was stopping. 

29"". Left about eight o'clock in the morning, and, nolfc'ithstanding the excessive heat, 
succeeded in passing the Long Sault Rapid and in camping at the Islands at the head of Lake 
S' Francis. 

SO"". A Northeast wind rose up so strong that we were obliged to remain and wait for fair 
weather to cross the Lake. This we did the next day and slept at La Chine. 

The first of the month of August. Arrived at Montreal about ten o'clock at night, to the 
entire satisfaction of Count de Frontenac ; as out of one hundred and twenty canoes that had 
accompanied him, not an accident had occurred to a single one, notwithstanding the perils 
ordinarily incurred throughout all the Rapids which must necessarily be passed in such 
voyages. To the special protection of God are we indebted for this, as well as for the 
successful execution of an enterprise whose importance will, no doubt, be better developed in 
the course of time ; since, independent of its securing the entire Country, it also obliges the 
Iroquois to keep the peace despite themselves; affiDrds full liberty for the Missionaries to 
continue their missions without fear, and secures the trade, which was going to utter ruin. 

But what must be more glorious to him is to have effected it by his energy and skill alone ; 
and to have executed without troops, without any funds from Court, and without any other 
assistance than that afforded by the officers who have settled in the Country, what had 
heretofore been considered very difficult, and what people had contented themselves merely 
in projecting with considerable aid and means. 

'Tis true that justice to all the officers requires us to proclaim that, next to God, whose 
will it seemingly was Himself to conduct this enterprise, its principal glory belongs to them, 
and that Count de Frontenac is under obligations to preserve for them an eternal gratitude, 
and that in no Regiment, however well disciplined and paid it may have been, was there 
ever greater vigilance, activity, zeal and obedience observable than were manifested by all 
these gentlemen. 



M. Colbert to M. de Frontenac. 
(Extract.) Paris, 17 May, 1674. 

Sir, 

Your principal study ought to he to increase the number of the Inhabitants of that country, 
as his Majesty has been surprised to see, by the returns you have sent me, that there are only 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 115 

6,705 men, women and children tlitoiighout the whole extent of Canada, and is therefore 
satisfied that whoever made up those returns committed a very great error, as the country 
contained, ten years ago, more people than at present. Hereafter His Majesty wishes you to 
see that those returns are more correct, in order that he may be better informed of the number 
of People in that Colony. 

His Majesty desires, moreover, that you continue to discipline them by accustoming them to 
the constant exercise of arms, and dividing them into companies, according to the Instruction 
furnished you previous to your departure. 

As to the request the Jesuits made to continue their Missions in the far countries, his 
Majesty thinks 'twould be more advantageous both for the Religion and his service if they 
attended to those more near, and whilst converting the Indians, lead them to civilized society, 
and to abandon their manner of living, in which they can never become good Christians. His 
Majesty, however, does not pretend that these good Fathers be in any wise circumscribed in 
their functions. He merely desires that you would communicate to them, and gently 
encourage them to second, His Majesty's views. 

You will readily understand by what I have just told you, and more especially by the state 
of affairs in Europe, which I have explained to you at the commencement of this letter, that his 
Majesty's intention is not that you undertake great voyages by ascending the river S' Lawrence, 
nor that the inhabitants spread themselves, for the future, further than they have already 
done. On the contrary, he desires that you labor incessantly and during the whole time you 
are in that country to consolidate, collect and form them into Towns and Villages, that they may 
be placed in a position the more easily to defend themselves successfully, so that should even 
the state of European affairs be altered by a happy and advantageous peace, to his Majesty's 
glory and satisfaction, he deems it much more agreeable to the good of this service that you 
apply yourself to the clearing and settlement of those tracts which are most fertile and nearest 
the sea coasts and the communication with France, than to think of distant discoveries in the 
interior of the Country, so far off that they can never be settled nor possessed by Frenchmen. 

This general rule may have its exceptions in two cases: — The one, should the countries of 
which you take possession be necessary to the trade and traffic of the French, and be open to 
discovery and occupation by any other Nation tliat may disturb French commerce and trade. 
But when such a category does not exist, his Majesty is always of opinion that you may and 
ought to leave the Savages at liberty to bring you their peltries, without giving yourself the 
trouble of going so far in search of them. 

The other is, that the countries you might discover may approximate you to France by 
communicating with some sea, more Southerly than the mouth of the River S' Lawrence, such 
as would be the case with Acadia. 

The reason for this is, as you are perfectly aware, that the greatest drawback to Canada is 
the mouth of that River, which being very much to the North, is open to vessels only for 
four to six months in the year. 

His Majesty likewise desires that you continue to encourage the Jesuits, the Recollets, the 
Montreal Seminary to take young Indians, to rear and instruct them in the Faith and lead them 
to associate with the French. 

He likewise wishes you to see that the Vessel, which has been begun, be completed as soon 
as possible and be ready for its freight to be sent to France; and he desires that this Vessel 
may be an example to induce the Inhabitants to build some others for their own trade. 



116 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

In regard to Sieur de Villeray, his Majesty has always «nderstood that he was the wealthiest 
of all the inhabitants of Canada, the most extensive merchant, and even that he already had 
some vessels at sea which had opened a trade with the American Islands; and as his Majesty 
has invariably stated to you that nothing was more important and necessary than such 
establishments, those, therefore, who apply themselves thereto ought assuredly possess the 
greater share of your confidence and good graces, in order that, by the favorable treatment they 
experience at your hands, they may be invited to increase that trade, and their example 
induce others to apply themselves thereto. This assuredly is the rule and order you ought to 
observe ; and though you may meet with some imperfections in these sort of people, it is 
necessary to dissimulate and bear with them, inasmuch as the good of which they are capable 
greatly exceeds the harm; and as the Company had commissioned said Villeray to receive 
the ten per cent duties, you ought not to give that office to any other, on the pretext that said 
Villeray is attached to the Jesuits. 



Count de Frontenac to M. Colbert. 

Extracts from the General Memoir addressed to the Minister, by M. de 
Frontenac, On the State of Canada in 1674. 

froq'u. .i»°8mong ih/ ^- Hiiving received your orders very late, and given instructions quite recently 
Jesuits BiDce last ^^^ taking the Census, which had been already begun, I know not whether it can 
be finished before the departure of the vessels, nor whether I shall have it in my power to send 
it to you this year. But you shall have it next year, at farthest, with as much exactness as 
possible, for I shall not seek to conceal anything from you. You will find at the settlement of 
La Prairie de la Madelaine, belonging to the Jesuit Fathers, a considerable increase of Iroquois, 
who have come to settle there since last year, and are resolved to make a fixed and 
permanent abode there. 

t^'peopie'{hfc™n-' N° person can desire more earnestly than I the increase of the number of 
ihirnbawiantj'.''''"'' inhabitants in a Country which I have the honor to command, and therefore it is 
that I shall use my every effort, both to discipline them and accustom them to the use of arms, 
there being a greater necessity than ever for it, and the example of what occurred at Acadia 
(of which I shall have the honor of speaking to you by and by) warning us to be more on 
our guard for fear of being surprised. 

With that view, I have renewed the orders I had already issued to all the Governors, 
Commandants and Seigniors of the settlements to have their people drilled as often as possible, 
who are divided into Companies, to which I have appointed Officers, Sergeants and Corporals. 
But I find it very difficult to constrain them to keep arms, powder and lead, as much in 
consequence of the poverty of the most part of them, as on account {of 90 — 20. 21. 39. 69 18 
Want of arms, pow- ^'''•' '''^ Scarcity of arms and amtiiunilion existing this year in the Country, where only 
deranuhad. three vessels have arrived, and brought scarcely anij.^ 

' The words in italics are in ciphers in the oiiginaL 



PARIS DOCUMENTS: I. 117 

You will please to observe, My Lord, that a great quantity of arms and powder is every year 
absorbed by the Indian trade, and the hunting wliich is prosecuted every winter by the French, 
who, in their necessity, part even with their guns, for which they find a ready sale; neither do 
the merchants ever bring enough of these, and had not the King reserved some in his stores 
for unforeseen use, the same difficulties would always recur. 

It is several years since any poivder or other muni/ions have been sent hither, and therefore 
what remained is consumed, notwithstanding I economized it as much as possible since I have 
been here. 

I found here only about 4,000 pounds of coarse, and a hundred pounds of fine powder, as you may 
see by the returns I sent you the first year I came here; and you will judge from these that 
there cannot be imich rcmahi'mg. You will have also seen the number of balls, which is very small, 
and though a ball has not been fired, we should not have enough for two days, were we attacked. 

I see no remedy for that, except such as it will be in your power to supply from France, 
should the War, and other more important affairs, allow you to provide for those of this 
Country, which is deeply interested in wishing for a solid and permanent peace. 

I have not failed to order all the merchants to retain half the powder and guns they received 
this year, and not to part with them before the summer, nor until we shall have heard what 
the Dutch intend to do in our River, which, I think, is one of our strongest defences, in 
consequence of the difficulty in ascending it. 

fenaTa'''from''Nrdo ^^- ^^ ^^^ ^^^^ Same zcal that led me last year to undertake the voyage to 
toTakeOnVrST L^kc Ontario, the effect and utility of which have been perceptible this year, 
since the way I managed the Indians, and the post I erected, are the sole causes that prevented 
the Iroquois adhering to the Dutch, who sent twenty Ambassadors this year among them, to 
engage them to renew the war against us; but they remained faithful to the promises they 
gave me ; have come this year in solemn Embassy to Montreal to give me eight of their 
children, belonging to the principal and first families of their Villages; have there ratified all 
the conditions of the Treaty concluded last year with them; have promised to prevent the 
Mohegans of Taracton, a Nation bordering on New Netherland, continuing hostilities against 
the Outawacs, seven or eight of whom they killed, which may be of important consequence; 
and promised not to prosecute the Trade that, I advised you last year, they had begun at 
Gandaschekiagon with the Outawas,' and which would have ruined ours by carrying to the 
Dutch the peltries they might collect. In fine, they evinced such thorough submission, were 
80 affected by the good treatment, presents and entertainments they received, that every 
body in this Country is surprised to see them in these sentiments. But what creates more 
profound astonishment is, to see that they have granted me what they invariably refused all 
Governors, and what M. de Tracy and M. de Courcelles never could obtain from them, after 
haying defeated them, and after having gone to burn them in their Villages. 

The Jesuit Fathers, who know them better than any one, were at first deceived, and could 
never believe, until they had seen it, that they had resolved to give me their children. 

Nevertheless, here are eight that I have in my hands, who are so many hostages, responsible 
to me for the peace so necessary to this Colony, and which they would not dare, henceforward, 
to break. 

'SeeBupra, Note 2, p. 112. The water communication north of Rice Lake, in Canada West, through which this trade 
was probably carried on, will be found laid down in Bouchettes Map of Canada, 1831. — Ed. 



118 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

The alms the King has been pleased to bestow on the Ursuline Nuns has arrived quite 
L^retaryTibiiSs Seasonably for the support of these children, as I had placed the fourteen* girls 
mtended to write ^j^j^ ^jjgjj-,^ which, with the six Hurou girls they already had, naake at present ten 
little female savages, vs'hom they instruct so successfully as to edify every one. 

I have agreed with them that eight of those children shall be supported out of the thousand 
livres the King gave, which is about forty ecus each, and that I should pay the board of the 
other two from the charities some private persons sent me from France, in consequence of 
what I had written to them. 

In regard to the four Iroquois boys, I placed two of them, who are very young, to board 
with a woman who has great care of them, where they are supported on the remainder of 
the charity I have received ; the other two, who are about nine or ten years old, I shall rear in 
my own family, at my own expense, and send them for Instruction, daily, to the Jesuit Fathers. 

If it be his Majesty's intention to continue the thousand livres annually to the Ursulines, 
they offer to establish a Seminary of Female Indians, where the King will always have eight 
supported; this number will be increased by other private charities of those who will be 
inclined to aid in so pious a work, which I consider the most meritorious in the sight of God 
and the most useful for this Colony that can ever be proposed. 

Be pleased, My Lord, to communicate your intentions hereupon to the Bishop of Quebec, 
before he return to this Country, in order that those good Ladies may be able to arrange 
their plans accordingly, and have the clothes and other necessaries for that establishment 
brought from France next year. 

If the erection of Fort Frontenac has been productive of the effects that I have described to 
you above, and (insured) the safety of the Missionaries among the Iroquois, who are never 
weary of thanking me, as the Secretary by whom I send this can show you from several of 
their letters, it has also been not less advantageous to commerce, for never since the French 
came to Canada have so many Indians been seen down in Montreal as this year. The 
Iroquois, who used to come hither only in spring and towards summer, and not leave it 
the whole winter, and the Outawacs, who came there towards the month of July to attend the 
Great Trade, have come down this year in such great numbers that there were as many as 
eight hundred at one time. It was a pleasure to see them mingled with the Iroquois, who had 
accompanied their ambassadors, and who had been formerly their bitterest enemies, and to 
remark the submissiveness with which they observed all the regulations I had made to prevent 
any disorders in trading. Therefore, never has so quiet a sale been witnessed; not a single 
complaint having been made by an Indian against a French person, nor by the French against 
an Indian. All the French, as well simple traders as wealthy settlers (gros Jiabitans), made 
profitable purchases there, and the Indians, on their side, were satisfied at the prices at which 
goods were sold them. 

They received no less attention, presents, and public festivities, at which they assisted "to 
the number of 800, and private entertainments which I always had during their stay; and 
if the expectations they had conceived, on receipt of the news of what passed last year at 
Cataracouy, had attracted hither this season four or five new tribes, who had never before 
descended thus far, I hope there will be a great many more of them next year. 
Foniwcna"' •'^ " those Considerations coinciding with the two that you have 

laid down to me in your dispatches, relative to new establishments, united witli the 
representations of Sieurs Bazire and Le Ber, who with the principal people of the Country are 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. UQ 

persuaded that the security and preservation of the Trade depend on that of this Post, have 
determined me to find the means to support it without any charge to the King, since he will 
not in the present state of his affairs incur any extraordinary outlay. And as I could not 
support it any longer at my own expense, as I have done for tlie last year, I placed it in their 
hands according to the terms you will find in the agreement I made with them, and which I 
send you, marked letter D. 

If you grant them the privileges they ask, and which, costing the King nothing, will in no 
wise prejudice the country, they will continue the undertaking, unless you absolutely desire 
that post to be abandoned. I shall go next year and pull down the Fort, if necessary, with as 
much alacrity as I had pleasure in seeing it constructed. 
Grants of land in No person is morc persuaded than I that the good of this Colony demands 

Canada nn longer r r n j 

TO^Iifn "n\be exi *'^'^'- d^ants ( CoTicessions ) be not extended except in the cases you point out to 
anuEngiuh.''"'"'' ™^* I*- '^ ^ gospel I have preached ever since I came to this Country, where I 
have not made any new grants of land, except in the vicinity of the old ones, to the increase 
of which they may contribute. For it is certain that the Country will never be thoroughly 
formed until it will have towns and villages. 

This, however, will never be accomplished unless by following the example the English and 
Dutch have set in their country; which is, to designate the place where the Indian trade will 
be carried on, with a prohibition to pursue it in private settlements, or to take possession of 
Rapids and carrying places, as persons of all sorts of professions are in the habit of doing here, 
by virtue of grants they formerly obtained, and which ought to be revoked, so as to force them 
to settle in the towns, where the Indians would be obliged to come, as there would be nobody to 
stop them on the way. 

It is thus our neighbors have built up Manatte and Orange; and we, too, would have towns 
in this Country had we observed the same strictness. But to effect that, the people must 
be accustomed to less license; more authority must be given, or larger means to chastise 
them afforded. 

Capture of Penta- HI- Though I bc Overwhelmed with despair in having to speak to you of all 
by"ihe'"Buccaneera thcse coutcsts, and to have nothing but disagreeable news to communicate, I 

of Saint Domingo. r i o o 

The English of Bo9- canuot forbear advising you of the misfortune that has overtaken M. deChambly; 

ton co-operate in ° J J ' 

?8\yTilppr>fhg a ^^ '^'^ wound and of the capture of Pentagouet, and of Gemseq on the River Saint 
Pilot to the Pirates. JqJ^^^ jjjjJ ^f gigur dc Marsou, who commanded there. What I know of it, from 
a letter Sieur de Chambly wrote me, is, that he was attacked on the lO"" August by a 
Buccaneering Vessel which came from Saint Domingo and had touched at Boston ; that she 
bad one hundred and ten men on board, who, after landing, kept up their attack for an hour; 
that he received a musket shot through the body, which put him hors de combat, whereupon 
his Ensign and the remainder of the Garrison, consisting, with the settlers, of only thirty 
ill affected and badly armed men, immediately surrendered at discretion ; that the pirates 
plundered the Fort, removed all the cannon, and were to carry Sieur de Chambly to Boston 
( with Sieur de Marson, to capture whom they sent a detachment into the river Saint John), 
having demanded from him a ransom of a thousand Beavers. As I did not receive this news 
until the close of September, by Indians whom Sieur de Chambly dispatched to me with 
his Ensign to conjure me to give orders for his ransom, and as only one month of navigation 
remained, I was unable to send help to Acadia, even had I the articles necessary for that 
purpose. I contented myself with sending some persons with Canoes to endeavor to obtain 



120 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

information as to the condition tlie fort was left in, and whether any attempt was made against 
Port Royal, with orders to bring back Miss de Marson and those who remain on the River 
Saint John; and to send bills of Exchange lo a correspondent at Boston, that Sieur Formont 
furnished me, for the ransom of M. de Chambly, which I am obliged to instruct my Agent at 
Rochelle to pay, considering that it is not for the honor of the King, for which I shall always 
sacrifice whatever little property I possess, to abandon a Governor, in presence of our neighbors, 
to the mercy of pirates, who would have taken him along with them and perhaps killed him ; 
this poor gentleman, moreover, assuredly deserving, by his merits and long service, a better fate. 
I also wrote a letter to the Governor of Boston to express my astonishment at seeing him, 
whilst Peace existed betvfeen his Majesty and the King of England, furnishing a retreat to 
Pirates and Ruffians without a commission, after liaving so gravely insulted us; and that for 
mine own part, had I acted so, I should deem myself failing in the orders I received to cultivate 
a good correspondence with them. I am persuaded those of Boston have employed these 
people to perpetrate this outrage on us, having supplied them even with an English Pilot to 
conduct them, bearing with impatience our vicinity and the constraint which this places upon 
them in their fisheries and trade. 

Frontenac, IV. I havc Conformed to the orders you gave me to continue to encourage the 
icra he has re- Jesuits, the Seminary of Montreal, and the RecoUets to take vounar Indians for 

ved, inviles the ■' ' J O- 

feuto^rea^upfJuMg ^^^ purposc of instructing them in the faith and civilizing them. The last ask 
ludians. nothing better, and exert themselves in that way at tlie Cataracouy Mission, 

where they assuredly will succeed. As for the others, I have shown them an example, and 
demonstrated to them that, whenever they are disposed to make use of the credit and influence 
which they have with the Indians, they will civilize them, and have, like me, some of their 
children. 

hi"e"pi'riencr8*'''il! ^^^ '^Js a thing they never will do, unless absolutely constrained thereto by 
Jesuu F"ihe*l!" ""* reasons I have already stated to you, and which it is useless to repeat. 

They will act in like manner respecting the extent of their missions, on which subject I 
have spoken to them in the manner you ordered, but in vain, they having declared to me they 
were here only to endeavor to instruct the Indians, or rather, to get Beavers, and not to be 
Parish priests to the French. 

They have affirmed the same within eight days, and withdrew two Fathers whom they 
always kept at their settlement at Cape de la Madelaine, one of the most populous in this 
country, because a sufficient number of Indians do not resort there at this moment; and when 
I wished to represent mildly to the Father Superior the inconvenience the people were subjected 
to for want of spiritual aid, he did not hesitate to give to me the same reasons that I have 
already stated to you. 

Nevertheless, after having resolved not to leave any of their Fathers there, the charitable 
admonitions 1 addressed to them have obliged them, within a few days, to alter their 
determination, and the Superior has since come to inform me that they would leave one there, 
but I believe that will be only for this winter, and to permit the great noise it has made to 
blow over. 
Demands Recoiiet If the RecoUet Fathers were more numerous, and were employed, they would 

Fathers to oppose ji i i .^ ./ 

the Jesuits; that assurcdly do wonders in the missions; but the two whom you did me the honor 

order already excites ^ '^ "^ 

theirenvy. {q inform me that you demanded last year did not come, nor the four this year. 

I presume they were retarded by some mysterious means, as there begins to be great jealousy 
of them, however fair a face be shown them. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : I. 121 

They require active members, and to be more numerous, and that you should tejl the 
Bishop that you desire him not to allow them to remain idle, but that he send them into 
adjoining and distant missions. The Superior who came last year is a very great Preaciier; 
he has cast into the shade and given some chagrin to those in this country, who certainly are 
not so able. 

V. I would mention a great many other matters to you were I not ashamed of the length of 
this despatch, and were not my Secretary in a position to give you the information in case you 
desire it. I shall merely say, that we have not a single gunner here. This is a very necessary 
person, whenever the King will be pleased to incur this expense. Two Interpreters, one for 
the Huron, another for the Algonquin language, are not less necessary, in order that we may 
• Jesuits, no doubt, not pass through the hands of the 212* when treating with the Indians, 
especially as we can have faithful persons who are attached to the King's interests and service, 
to tell them what is proper for them to hear; and to know, also, exactly their answers 
and sentiments. 



South sea!"™"^ ° to dispatch for the discovery of the South Sea, has returned three months ago, 
and discovered some very fine Countries, and a navigation so easy through tiie beautiful rivers 
he has found, that a person can go from Lake Ontario and Fort Frontenac in a bark to the 
Gulf of Mexico, there being only one carrying place, half a league in length, where Lake 
Ontario communicates with Lake Erie. A settlement could be made at this point and another 
bark built on Lake Erie. 

These are projects which it will be possible to effect when Peace will be firmly established, 
and whenever it will please the King to prosecute these discoveries. 

He has been within ten days' journey of the Gulf of Mexico, and believes that water 
communications could be found leading to the Vermilion' and California seas, by means of the 
river that flows from the West into the Grand River that he discovered, which runs from North 
to South, and is as large as the Saint Lawrence opposite Quebec. 

I send you by my Secretary the Map he has made of it, and the observations he has been 
able to recollect, as he has lost all his minutes and journals in the shipwreck he suffered 
within sight of Montreal, where, after having completed a voyage of twelve hundred leagues, 
he was near being drowned, and lost all his papers and a little Indian whom he brought from 
those Countries. These accidents have caused me great regret. 

He left with -the Fathers at the Sault S'= Marie, in Lake Superior, copies of his journals; 
these we cannot get before next year. You will glean from them additional particulars of 
this discovery, in which he has very well acquitted himself. 

Quebec, this 14 November, 1674. Frontenac. 

' The Gulf of California was calLid by the Spaniards Mar de Cortes, or more commonly Mar Bermejo, from its reseitiblance 
in shape and color to the Red Sea. In ignorance of this fact, the French translated Bermejo by the word " Vermeille." Shea'» 
Discovery of the Mississippi, 4. — Ed. 



Vol. IX. 



122 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Sieur de la /Salle's Petition for a grant of Fort Frontenac. 1674. 

Memoir for the maintenance of Fort Frontenac. 

The proposer, aware of the importance to the Colony qf Canada of the establishment of 
Fort Frontenac, of which he was some time in command, and desiring to employ his means 
and his life in the King's service and for the augmentation of the Country, offers to support it 
at his expense, and to reimburse its cost on the following conditions, to wit: 

That his Majesty be pleased to grant in Seigniory to the Proposer the said Fort, four 
leagues of country along the border of Lake Frontenac, the two Islands in front named 
Ganounkouenot and Kaouenesgo and the interjacent Islets, with the same Rights and 
Privileges obtained hitherto by those who hold lands in the country in Seigniory, with the 
right of fishing in Lake Frontenac and the adjoining Rivers, to facilitate the support of 
the people of said Fort, together with the command of said place and of said Lake, under 
the orders and authority of His Majesty's Governor, Lieutenant General in the Country; on 
which condition the proposer will be bound: 

1". To maintain the said fort; to place it in a better state of defence ; to keep a garrison 
there at least as numerous as that of Montreal, and as many as fifteen to twenty laborers 
during the two first years to clear and till the land ; to provide it with necessary artillery, 
arms and ammunition, and that so long as the proposer will command there in his Majesty's 
name, and until some other persons be authorized to settle above the Long Saut of the River 
Saint Lawrence, through which people pass to said fort; without being charged with similar 
expense, or to contribute to that which the Proposer will be obliged to incur for the 
preservation of said Fort. 

2*. To repay Count de Frontenac, His Majesty's Governor and Lieutenant General in 
Canada, the expense he incurred for the establishment of said Fort, amounting to the sum of 
twelve to thirteen thousand livres, as proved by the statements thereof prepared. 

S"". To make grants of land to all those willing to settle there in the manner usual in said 
Country; to allow them the trade (la trake), when their settlements will be in the condition 
required by the edicts and regulations of the Sovereign Council of said Country. 

4"". To attract thither the greatest number possible of Indians ; to grant them land for 
villages and tillage ; to teach them trades, and to induce them to lead lives more conformable 
to ours, as the proposer had begun to do with some success when he commanded there. 

S"-. To build a Church when there will be one hundred persons; meanwlTile, to entertain 
from this moment one or two Recollet Friars to perform divine service and administer the 
Sacraments there. 

6"". His Majesty, accepting these proposals, is very humbly supplicated to grant to the 
Proposer Letters of Noblesse, in consideration of the voyages and discoveries which he made 
in the Country at his expense during the seven years he continually lived there, the services 
he rendered in the Country and those he will continue to render ; and all the other letters 
necessary to serve him as titles possessory to said Seigniory. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 123 

M. Colbert to Count de Frontenac. 

St Germain en Laye, 15 March, 1675. 
Sir, 

I shall commence answering the letter you wrote me on the 14"" Nov'' last by notifying you 
that you will have to write, for the future, directly to the King, and not to me, as you now 
do; and that you will be required to render his Majesty an exact and detailed account, not 
only of every thing that passes in New France, but of every thing you think, necessary to be 
done there for the good of his service, in whatever may relate to war, justice, police, and the 
increase of the Colony, and you will receive in return letters and orders from his Majesty. 

I shall say further, that you who are Lieutenant General of the King's Armies and 
Commander-in-Chief of a Country, ought not to style me My Lord, but, simply. Sir. This I 
omitted to communicate to you until now. #*##*• 

You cannot do any thing more agreeable to his Majesty than to labor continually to increase 
settlers. You can easily effect this by keeping them at peace with the Iroquois and other 
Indian Nations of said Country. The post you have occupied at Lake Ontario will, doubtless, 
accomplish this; and his Majesty has been much pleased to learn that the Iroquois have given 
you eight of their Children as hostages of the Peace they are to observe, and that more than 
eight hundred Indians came down to Montreal last year. He is fully persuaded that by 
treating them well, and giving them to understand that he will cause those to be severely 
punished who violate the Peace which has been conceded to them, they will not only be 
disposed to associate with his subjects, but will even increase the fur trade which is the sole 
means to strengthen and enrich the Colony. *#»*** 

His Majesty is also confident that the example you have given the Jesuits and the Montreal 
Seminary, by assuming the charge of some little Indians, will induce them also to rear and 
instruct some others in our customs and the principles of Christianity ; and his Majesty orders 
me to mention to you on this point the propriety of exciting those Ecclesiastics to take charge, 
voluntarily, of those little Indians, but that it is not feasible to constrain them to do so. 



Grant of Fort Frontenac to- Sieur de la Salle. 

Decree accepting the Proposals to Robert Cavelier, Sieur de la Salle. 

Compeigne, 13 May, 1675. 
The King having caused to be examined, in his Council, the proposals made by Robert 
Cavelier, S' de la Salle, setting forth that if it should please his Majesty to grant him, his 
heirs, successors and assigns, the Fort called Frontenac, situate in New France, with four 
leagues of adjacent Country, the Islands named Ganounkouesnot and Kaouonesgo, and the 
adjoining Islets, with the right of hunting and fishing on said lands, and in the Lake called 
Ontario or Frontenac, and circumjacent Rivers, the whole by title of Fief, Seigniory and 
justice, appeals from the judges of which will lie to the Lieutenant General of Quebec^with 



124 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

the Government of said Fort Frontanac, and letters of Noblesse, he would cause considerable 
property he possesses in this Kingdom to be transported to the said country of New France, 
for the erection and establishment there of settlements which may, in the lapse of time, 
contribute greatly to the augmentation of Colonies in said country; said de la Salle offers to 
reimburse the sum of ten thousand livres, the amount expended for the construction of said 
Fort Frontenac, to keep in good order the said Fort, and the garrison necessary for the defence 
thereof, which cannot be less than that of the Fort of Montreal ; to maintain twenty men 
during nine years' for clearing the land which shall be conceded to him; and, until he shall 
have a church built, to keep a Priest or Friar to perform Divine Service and administer the 
Sacraments ; which expenses, &c., the said de la Salle will defray at his sole cost and charges, 
until there be established above the Long sault, called Garonouoy. some individuals with 
similar Grants to that he demands, in which case those who will have obtained said grants 
shall be bound to contribute to the said expenses in proportion to the lands which will be 
granted to them. And having heard the Report of Sieur Colbert, Councillor of the King in 
his Royal Council, and Comptroller General of Finances, his Majesty in Council hath accepted 
and doth accept the said de la Salle's offers, hath in consequence granted to him the propriety 
of said Fort called Frontenac, and four leagues of adjacent country, computing at two thousand 
toises each league, along the lakes and rivers above and below said Fort, and half a league, or 
one thousand toises, inland; the Islands named Ganounkouesnot and Kaouonesgo, and the 
adjacent Islands, with the right of hunting and fishing on said Lake Ontario and circumjacent 
rivers; the whole by title of Fief, and in full seigniory and justice, on condition that he cause 
to be conveyed immediately to Canada all the effects he possesses in this Kingdom, which 
cannot be less than the sum of ten thousand livres in money or movables; that he produce a 
certificate from Count de Frontenac, his Majesty's Lieutenant General in said country; 
reimburse the sum of ten thousand livres expended in the construction of said Fort; put 
and maintain it in a good state of defence; pay and support the garrison necessary to guard and 
defend it, which is to be equal at least to that of Montreal ; likewise maintain tvpenty men 
during two years to clear the land, who shall not be otherwise employed during that time ; 
cause a church to be erected within the six first years of his grant, and meanwhile to support a 
Priest or Friar for the administration of the Sacraments; also, induce the Indians to repair 
thither, give them settlements and form Villages there in society with the French, to whom he 
shall give part of said land to be cleared, all which shall be cleared and improved within the 
time and space of twenty years, to be computed from the next 1676 ; otherwise his Majesty 
shall be at liberty, at the expiration of said time, to dispose of the lands which will not have 
been cleared or improved. His Majesty wills that appeals from the judges (to be appointed 
by the said de la Salle within the limits of the said Country conceded by his Majesty) lie to the 
Lieutenant General of Quebec; and to that end his Majesty wills that all Donatory and 
Concessionary Letters hereunto necessary be issued to the said de la Salle, together with 
those for the government of said Fort Frontenac, and letters of Noblesse for him and 
his posterity. 

' Further down tlie text is Iwo years. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. 125 

Patent of Nolnlity for Sieur Cavelier de la Salle. 

Louis, by the Grace of God King of France and of Navarre, to all present and to come. 
Greeting. The Kings, our predecessors, having always esteemed honor to be the most 
powerful motive to stimulate their subjects to generous actions, have been careful to 
distinguish by marks of dignity those whose extraordinary virtue hath rendered them deserving 
thereof; and as We are informed of the worthy deeds daily performed by the people of 
Canada, either in reducing or civilizing the savages, or in defending themselves against their 
frequent insults and those of the Iroquois, and, finally, in despising the greatest dangers, 
in order to extend Our name and Our empire to the extremity of that new world; We 
have considered it but just on our part to distinguish by honorable rewards those who have 
rendered themselves most eminent, in order to excite others to deserve like favors. 
Wherefore, being desirous to treat favorably Our dear and well beloved Robert Cavelier, 
Sieur de la Salle, on account of the good and laudable report that has been rendered of 
the worthy actions he has performed in the country of Canada, where he has been some 
years settled, and for other considerations Us moving hereunto, and of Our special grace, 
full power, and royal authority, We have ennobled, and by these presents, signed by Our 
hand, do ennoble and decorate with the title and quality of Nobility, the said Cavelier, 
together with his wife and children, posterity and issue, both male and female, born and to 
be born in lawful wedlock. We will, and it is Our pleasure, that in all acts, as well inclusive 
as exclusive of judgment, they be taken, deemed and reputed noble, bearing the rank of 
Esquire, with power to reach all ranks of knighthood and gendarmerie;' to acquire, hold and 
possess all sorts of fief and seigniory and hereditaments noble, of what title and quality soever 
they may be, and enjoy all honors, authorities, prerogatives, preeminences, privileges, 
franchises, -exemptions and immunities which the other Nobles of Our kingdom enjoy and 
are wont to enjoy and use, and to bear such arms as are affixed thereunto, without the said 
Robert Cavelier paying Us or Our successors, kings, herefor any fee or indemnity, be the 
amount thereof what it may; We have discharged and do discharge him, and have donated and 
do hereby donate him the whole, for causes and reasons entered in the arret of Our Council, 
issued this date in Our Presence, copy whereof shall remain annexed hereunto under the 
counterseal of Our Chancery. Therefore We command our loving and faithful Councillors, 
those composing Our Court of Parliament at Paris, Chamber of Accounts, Court of Aids at 
the same place, that they do Enregister this present Patent of Nobility, and allow and 
permit the said Robert Cavelier, his children and posterity, born and to be born in lawful 
wedlock, to use and enjoy the contents thereof, fully, peaceably and perpetually, determining 
and putting an end to all troubles and obstructions, all edicts and declarations, arrets, 
regulations and other things to the contrary notwithstanding, which we have derogated, and 
by these presents do derogate. For such is Our Pleasure. And in order that this be firm, 
stable and everlasting. We have hereunto affixed Our Seal. Given at Compeigne, the 13"" of 
May, in the year of grace One thousand six hundred and seventy-five, and of Our Reign 
the thirty-third. 

' Gendarmerie; a sort of royal cavalry, consisting of the king's, queen's and dauphin's companies, &c. They were com- 
manded by the king, queen and princes, whose names they bore. Their arms were a sabre, musquetoon and stone pistols; 
their uniform a scarlet jacket with velvet facings. Diet, de Richelet. — Ed. 



12-6 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Louis XIV. to Count de Frontenac. 

S' Germain, 15 April, 1676. 
Monsieur le Comte de Frontenac. 

You ouglit to attend to the punctual execution of the order I gave Sieur Duchesneau to 
have a general Census of all the Inhabitants, of ail ages and sexes, prepared, as I cannot 
persuade myself that there are only 7,832 persons, men, women, boys and girls, in the entire 
Country, having caused a much greater number to be sent over within the fifteen or sixteen 
years that I have had charge of it. A considerable portion of the Inhabitants must of necessity 
have been omitted. I wish, therefore, that a more exact enumeration be made, and that I be 
carefully informed, every year, of the number of children which will be born in the course of 
each year, and of the boys and giris, natives of the Country, who will have been married. 

In regard to new discoveries, you ought not to turn your attention thereunto without urgent 
necessity and very great advantage, and you ought to hold it as a maxim, that it is much better 
to occupy less territory and to people it thoroughly, than to spread one self out more, and to 
have feeble colonies which can be easily. destroyed by any sort of accident. 

On the subject of Commerce and the Indian trade, I am very happy to tell you that you 
must not suffer any person, invested with Ecclesiastical or Secular dignity, or any Religious 
Community, to follow it in any wise, under any pretext whatsoever, nor even to trade in any 
peltries ; and I consider it unnecessary to tell you that, for the sake of example, you ought not 
to allow any of your domestics, nor any other person, in your name or by your authority, to 
do so ; and I even forbid you ever to issue any license or permit for the (Indian) trade. 



Louis XIV. to Count de Frontenac. 

Dunkirk, 28 April, 1677. 
Monsieur le Comte de Frontenac. 

I cannot but approve what you have done in your voyage to Fort Frontenac to reconcile 
the minds of the Five Iroquois Nations, and to clear yourself from the suspicions they had 
entertained, and from the motives that might induce them to wage war. You must exert 
yourself to maintain peace and good understanding between those people and my subjects; 
without, however, so far relying on the precautions you adopt for that purpose as not to be, 
and not to place the said Inhabitants, in a position vigorously to oppose and effectually to 
repel all incursions those people may make. 

Moreover, I wish you to cultivate a good understanding with the English, and to be careful 
not to give them any cause of complaint — without, however, permitting any thing contrary to 
the Treaties I have concluded with the King, their Master. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : 11. 127 

It only remains for me to repeat to you the orders I have issued, each preceding year, 
continually to encourage the Inhabitants to Maritime Commerce, to the establishment of 
Manufactures and fisheries, being certain that these three points are very easy means to 
produce abundance in the country, and the consequent multiplication of the Inhabitants. 
Doubting not your exact conformity hereunto, I pray God to have you, Monsieur le Comte 
de Frontenac, in His holy keeping. Written at Dunkirk, the 2S"' day of April, 1677. 

( Signed ) Louis. 



and lower down, 



Colbert. 



License to Slew de la Salle to Discover the Western part of Neto France. 

Louis, by the grace of God King of France and of Navarre, To Our dear and well beloved 
Robert Cavalier, Sieur de la Salle, Greeting: We have favorably received the most humble 
petition presented to Us in your name, to permit you to endeavor to discover the Western part 
of New France; and We have the more willingly assented to that proposal as there is nothing 
We have more at heart than the Discovery of that Country, where there is a prospect of 
finding a way to penetrate as far as Mexico, the success of which, to Our satisfaction and the 
advantage of Our subjects in that Country, We have every reason to expect from the application 
you have exhibited in clearing the lands We granted you by the Arret of Our Council of the 
IS"" May, 1675, and Letters Patent of the same date, in forming Settlements on said lands, 
and in placing Fort Frontenac, whereof We have granted you the Seigniory and government, 
in a good state of defence. These and other causes Us moving hereunto. We have permitted, 
and by these Presents, signed by Our hand, do permit you to labor in the Discovery of the 
Western part of New France ; and for the execution of this undertaking, to construct forts in 
the places you may think necessary, whereof We will that you enjoy the same clauses and 
conditions as of Fort Frontenac, according and conformably to Our said Letters Patent of the 
13"" May, 1675, which We have, as far as necessary, confirmed, and by these Presents do 
confirm. We Will that they be executed according to their form and tenor; on condition, 
nevertheless, that you complete this enterprise within five years, in default whereof, these 
presents shall be null and void ; and that you do not carry on any Trade with the Savages 
called Outaouacs and others who carry their Beavers and other p.eltries to Montreal ; that you 
perform the whole at your expense and that of your associates, to whom We have granted, as 
a privilege, the trade in Cibola skins. We command Count de Frontenac, Our Governor 
and Lieutenant-General, and Sieur Duchesneau, Intendant of Justice, Police and Finance, and 
the Officers composing the Sovereign Council in said Country, to aid in the execution of these 
Presents, For such is Our pleasure. Given at S' Germain en laye, the twelfth day of May, 
1678, and of our reign the 35"'. 

^ Louis. 

Colbert. 



128 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Louis XIV. to Count de Frontenac. 

S' Germain en Laye, 12 May, 1678. 
Monsieur le Comte de Frontenac. 

I am well pleased to learn that you have always maintained my authority in the different 
treaties you have entered into with the Iroquois and other Indian tribes, and in regard to the 
pretension of the General Major Anglois;' my intention is that you always contribute whatever 
lies in your power to maintain peace between the two Nations, without, however, allowing 
any encroachment on the countries under my domination. 

I am equally well pleased that the education of the Indian children continues. Endeavor 
to increase their number; and though it be proper to give their parents to understand that 
they are not restalned by force, it is well to retain the greatest number possible of them. 

I highly approve your having given orders to Sieur de Marson, commandant of Acadia, to 
keep on good terms with the English, in order that no rupture may occur. 



Louis XIV. to Count de Frontenac. 
Monsieur le Comte de Frontenac, 

Do not fall to advise me frequently of what transpires between the Indians and the 
European nations established near New France, and the success of the war that exists 
between them. 

I desire, morever, that you constantly maintain peace, friendship and good correspondence 
with the English and Dutch, without, however, foregoing any of the rights and advantages 
appertaining either to my Crown or my subjects in that country; wherefore, I rely on your 
observing the prudence necessary for my service and that of my subjects. 

I recommend you likewise to keep my subjects always in peace and union among themselves 
as much as lies In your power, and in any difficulty you may experience there, exert yourself 
to preserve them safe from dangers without, and always to take care that justice be well 
administered within; you will effect this end more easily than you imagine, particularly if you 
take care that crime be certainly punished, and if you break up Coureurs des bois and 
hunters who contribute only to the destruction of the Colonies and not to their prosperity, and 
thereby oblige every person to apply himself to Agriculture, the clearing of land and the 
establishment of Manufactures and Trade. 

Written at S' Germain en Laye, the SS"" day of April, 1679. 

Louis. 
« 
' " Le General Major Angloia." I presume this last word ought to have been Androa ; but I have followed the text. — Ed. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. 129 

Count de Frontenac to the King. 

Extracts of a Memoir addressed to the King by M. de Frontenac. 

Quebec, 6 November, 1679. 
Sire 

I. All tbe wonders that constantly attended your Majesty's arms, from the commencement of 
this War, could be surpassed only by a prodigy as surprising as that of the glorious Peace' 
which you have just given to all Europe. 

This grand work fills your subjects of New France with universal joy, in the hope they 
entertain of soon experiencing the effects of that goodness with wiiicii your Majesty is pleased 
to promise them that he will think of the preservation and increase of this Colony. 

I shall not omit, Sire, whatever depends on my care to encourage those composing it to 
labor with still greater ardor in tlie cultivation of their lands, in Trade and the establishment 
of Manufactures, and principally in maintaining them in that peace and union among 
themselves which your Majesty inculcates in all your despatches. 

If hitherto I have been fortunate enough to prevent what might disturb this tranquillity 
without, I hope I may not be less so within, and that with your Majesty's aid every thing 
shall be peaceable there as well as on the part of the Indians. 

I have received divers advices from the Jesuit Fathers and other Missionaries, that General 
Andros was soliciting the Iroqouis, underhand, to break with us, and was about convoking a 
Meeting of the Five Nations, to propose, it was reported, strange matters there, of a nature to 
disturb our Trade with them and also that of the Outawas and the Nations to the North 
and West. 

Nevertheless I learn, from the last letters I have seen, that this meeting did not take place, 
and that the Small Pox, which is the Indian plague, desolates them to such a degree that they 
think no longer of Meeting nor of Wars, but only of bewailing the dead, of whom there is 
already an immense number. 

As they have brought this disease from Orange and Manatte, it will be a reason to dissuade 
them as much as possible from continuing their trade there, [and to invite them to pursue it 
much more with us. 

The same letters. Sire, state that General Andros has issued orders at Orange to remove the 
Frenchmen who retire thither to Manatte, whence he afterwards sends them to the Island of 
Barbadoes ; but that he has retained there and even well treated a man named Pere, and 
others who have been debauched from Sieur de la Salle, with the design to employ and send 
them among the Outawas, to open a Trade with them. 

It is to be desired that the dread of transportation to those Islands, and the prohibition this 
same General has, as is reported, issued against trading with the French, may deter the latter 
from going to that quarter, as some have lately done ; and even that the Indians who are 
amongst us, and especially those of the Mission of La Prairie de la Madelaine, who are very 
numerous and on the road, may not carry their peltries thither as they ordinarily do. 

But what precautions soever I use, and though I sent Sieur de Saint Ours, one of the Captains 
in the troops your Majesty formerly had in this Country, and a relative of Marshal d'Estrades, 

'The peace of Nimeguen, July SI, 1678. 

Vol. IX. 17 



130 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

to Chambly, which is the principal pass, to keep watch there, he cannot q/fect any thing 
unless he have some men. May it, therefore, please your Majesty to maintain a garrison at 
that place, which is one of the most considerable in the country, through which almost the 
whole communication with New England is carried on. 

It is not less difficult, Sire, to put in execution, as punctually as I should wish, your Majesty's 
reiterated orders against those who trade with the Outawas. Their number increases every 
year, and the country is so open, and the difficulty so great to ascertain precisely when they 
depart or when they return, in consequence of the secret correspondence they keep up with 
the Inhabitants, and even with the principal Merchants, that unless men are stationed at all 
the passes to await them there in the Summer, when they go up and come down, the Provost- 
marshal's aids, the soldiers and guards that I give him when he requires them, are insufficient 
to check the course of this disorder. 

II. If your Majesty do not think proper to send hither some regular troops, who, while 
securing the country against all mariner of insults, would likewise, being well employed, 
contribute to its increase, and to the clearance of the land, the number of men proposed. to be 
sent out will be a very great advantage, provided they be good workmen. The scarcity of 
these and high wages cause the planting and the harvest to be deferred so long, that continual 
miracles of fine weather are necessary to complete the one and the other. 

III. Since I came to this country there is nothing I have labored at more zealously than to 
induce every body, whether ecclesiastic or secular, to rear and maintain some Indian children, 
and to attract their fathers and mothers to our settlements, the better to instruct them in the 
Christian Religion and French manners. I have joined example to my exhortations, having 
always brought up some in my own family and elsewhere, at my own expense, and impressed 
incessantly on the Ursuline Nuns and Jesuit Fathers not to inculcate any other sentiments in 
those under their control. 

Nevertheless, the latter having pretended that the communication with the French corrupted 
the Indians and was an obstacle to the Instruction they were giving them. Father Fremin,'_ 
Superior of La Prairie de la Madelaine, f\ir from conforming to what I told him was your 
Majesty's Intentions, has since three years removed all the Indians who were intermingled 
there with the French to a distance of two leagues further off, on the lands obtained from M. 
Du Chesneau on his arrival in this country, the title to which I did not think proper to give 
them until I should learn your Majesty's pleasure, for reasons I had the honor to submit which 
are of importance for his" service, and for the advantage and safety of the country. 

I hope the Mission established by the Ecclesiastics of the Montreal Seminary within half a 
league of their town, will be an example to all others, and induce those to visit it who have 
been most opposed to it, either from interest or otherwise. 

Frontenac. 

' Rev. Jacques Fremin is said to have arrived in Canada in 1655. He accompanied Dablou the year following, to Onondaga, 
where he remained until 1658, after whicli, his labors were confined to Canada until 1667, when he was sent Missionary to 
the Mohawks. In October, 16G8, he went to the Sonecas, which tribe he attended until 1671, when he was recalled to take 
ehar^'e of the Indians iit Lapniirie. Charlevoix, L, 323, 398, 402, 452. This Mission was removed to the Sault St. Louis in 1676, 
and in 1679 Father Fj 6min visited France to procure some aid for it Faillon; Vie de S. Bourgeoy), I., 256. He was again 
in Canada in 1682, and died at Quebec on the 2d July, 1691. — Ed. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 131 

M. Dii CJiisneau to M. de Seignelay. 

[ Archives du Minisl&re de la Marine. ] 

Extracts of the Memoir addressed by M' Duchesneau to the Minister, dated 
10 Nov''" 1679. 

( V- Extract. ) 

I recur, My Lord, to what relates to the disobedience of the Coureurs de bois, and I must 
not conceal from you that it has at length reached such a point tiiat every body boldly 
contravenes tiie King's interdictions ; that there is no longer any concealment, and tiiat even 
parties are collected with astonishing insolence to go and trade in the Indian country. 

I have done all in my power to prevent tliis misfortune, which may be productive of the ruin 
of the Colony. I have enacted ordinances against the Coureurs de bois; against tlie merchants 
who furnish them with goods ; against the gentlemen and others who harbor them, and even 
agaiast those who have any knowledge of them and will not inform the justices nearest the 
spot. All that has been in vain, inasmuch as several of the most considerable families in this 
country are interested therein, so that the Governor lets them go on, and even shares iu 
their profits. 

You might have understood it. My Lord, from all that T have taken the liberty to write to 
you these late years; from the information of the Bailiff of Montreal; from that I continued 
to transmit; from the interrogatories of those arrested by an association under color of 
making peace with the Sioux, and from the extracts of the letters of tliose who furnished 
me information. 

Those which reached me this year confirm it; they state particulars which merit attention. 
These are — 

That the Coureurs de bois not only act openly, but that they carry their peltries to the 
English, and endeavor to drive the Indian trade thither. 

That Du Lut, the leader of the refractory, and who has ever been the Governor's 
correspondent, keeps up an epistolary intercourse, and shares whatever profits he makes with 
him and Sieur Barrois, his secretary, who has a canoe among his. Whereupon, it is apropos 
to advise your Lordship that this Du Lut has for three years past a brother-in-law near the 
Governor and an officer in his guards. 

That the Governor takes the precaution to pass his Beaver in the name of merchants in his 
interest; and that if Du Lut experiences difficulty in bringing them along, he will take 
advantage of the agency of foreigners. 

That he applies to the Governor for Tobacco and beads for presents, and desires that a 
quantity of Indian goods be imported next spring, even though they be dear. 

That he guarantees to forward then a quantity of Beaver, and will send down some canoes 
towards the end of September. Several have, in fact, come down loaded with peltries, and 
returned freighted with merchandise. 

And it is one of the causes of the Governor's sojourn at Montreal from the month of July 
to the beginning of October, though he made the news he pretended to have received — that 
the English General, Audros, wished to debauch the Iroquois — the pretext of his stay. 

That the Indians complained to the Governor, in the Council held at Montreal, that the 
French were in too great numbers at the trading posts, and that he had curtly rebulTed them. 



132 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

The man named La Taupine,' a famous Coureur de bois, who set out in the month of 
September of last year, 1678, to go to the Outawacs with goods, and who has been always 
interested with the Governor, having returned this year, and I being advised that he had traded 
in two days 150 beaver robes in one single village of this tribe, amounting to nearly nine 
hundred beavers, which is a matter of public notoriety, and that he left with Du Lut two men 
whom he had with him, considered myself bound to liave him arrested, and to interrogate 
him; but having presented me with a license from the Governor, permitting him and his 
comrades, named Lamonde and Dupuy, to repair to the Outawac nation to execute his 
secret orders, I had him set at liberty; and immediately on his going out, Sieur Prevost, 
Town major of Quebec, came at the head of some soldiers to force the prison, in case he were 
still there, pursuant to written orders he had received from the Governor, couched in 
these terms : 

"Count de Fbontenao, Councillor of the King in his Council, GoTcrnor and Lieutenant General for his Majesty in 
" New France. 

"Sieur Prevost, Major of Quebec, is ordered, in case the Intendant arrest Pierre Moreau, alias La Taupine, whom TVe hare 
"sent to Quebec as bearer of our despatches, upon pretext of his having been in the bush, to set him forthwith at liberty, 
"and to employ every means for this purpose, at his peril. Done at Montreal, the 5th September, 1679. 

"Signed 

" Frontenac. 
" and lower down, by my Lord, 

"Baerois." 

It is certain, My Lord, that the said La Taupine carried goods to the Outawas; that his 
two comrades remained in the Indian country, apparently near Du Lut, and that he traded 
tiiere; that he saw so many Coureurs de bois that he could tell me neither their number nor 
their names. 

Sieur Bizard, Major of Montreal, to whom the King has even this year given a gratuity of 
300", and who has only within a year ceased to be the Governor's servant, so far from punishing 
those who have disobeyed the King, and attending to the execution of his orders, himself sets 
the example of violating them and sends people into the bush. 

You will learn all I wish to tell you, My Lord, from the extracts of the letters I have 
received and signed, the originals of which I reserve to exhibit to you whenever you so order; 
from the interrogatories of the said La Taupine, which he refused to sign, declaring that he 
did not know how to do it, though he writes well ; from the ingenious answers of the 
constable named Genaple, from the said Bisard's letters, and from the answers of a merchant 
named Garos. 

M. De Siss^,' a man of rank. Priest of the Seminary of Saint Sulpice, established in the 
Island of Montreal, whose private affairs take him to France, will tell you, if you will please 
to give him the honor of an audience * 

That the man named P6re having resolved to range the Woods, went to Orange to confer 
with the English and to carry his beavers there, in order to obtain some Wampum beads to 
return and trade with the Outawacs; that he was arrested by the Governor of that place and 
sent to Major Andros, Governor General, whose residence is at Manatte; that his plan was to 
propose to him to bring him all the Coureurs de bois with their peltries, if he would receive 
them, and it is even supposed that he undertook to join Du Lut, and that they should 

' The Tawuy. 

' Rev. AuGUSTE Meulande de Cic£ came to Canada, it is said, in 1668, and was some time Missionary among the Indians at 
Kentfe. Faillon; Vie de Mde. Baurgeoyt, I., il i. — 'Ed. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. 133 

head all the Coureurs de bois; that it is even suspected that the said Pere gave hopes of 
turning all the trade of the Outawas over to the English, which would bring about the ruin 
of the Colony, and that the said Perre, as is understood, has returned to the Outawacs, after 
having been well received and greatly caressed by Major Andros, and brought with him the 
man named Poupart, a settler of this country, and one Turcot, a long time a French refugee 
among the English in order to escape the punishment of the crimes he had committed. 

It is therefore evident. My Lord, and every one agrees in the opinion, that there is an 
almost general disobedience throughout this Country. The number of those in the Woods is 
estimated at nearly five or six hundred, exclusive of those who set out every day. They are 
the best qualified to improve and defend the Colony; they have Du Lut as their leader, well 
adapted to act treacherously, and to engage them not only to carry their peltries to the 
English, as they have already begun to do, but even to divert thither the Indian trade ; and 
all this evil arises from the neglect of the Governor, who has the power in his hands to 
prevent it, and who, on the contrary, clandestinely encourages it. This is so true. My Lord, 
that when he acted in good faith every body obeyed him. 

Be pleased to bear in mind. My Lord, that there was a general complaint, the year previous 
to my arrival in this country, that the great quantity of people who went to trade for peltries to 
the Indian country ruined the colony, because those who alone could improve it, being young 
and strong for work, abandoned their wives and children, the cultivation of their lands and the 
care of rearing their cattle; that they became dissipated; that their absence gave rise to 
licentiousness among their wives, as has often been the case, and is still of daily occurrence; 
that they accustomed themselves to a loafing and vagabond lile, which it was beyond their 
power to quit; that they derived but little benefit from their labors, because they were induced 
to waste in drunkenness and fine clothes the little they earned, which was very trifling, those 
who gave them licenses having the larger part, besides the price of the goods, which they 
sold them very dear, and that the Indians would no longer bring their peltries in such 
abundance to sell to the honest people, if so great a number of young men went in search of 
them to those very barbarians, who despised us on account of the great cupidity we manifested. 

The following year, when the King first farmed out the trade, the farmers complained that 
this great license in ranging the woods was ruinous to them, because the peltries were taken 
to foreigners; that those which were brought in did not fall into their hands in discharge of 
the debts they contracted for the advancement of the colony, because the Runners hid 
themselves from them and took their merchandise elsewhere; that they therefore were 
overwhelmed with letters of exchange and defrauded of their rights. 

In 1676 his Majesty interdicted the Governor, by his Ordinance, from giving Licenses to 
trade in the Interior, and in the Indian country. 

The Sovereign Council, before whom I laid the King's Ordinance, issued an Edict by which 
it was set forth that by the diligence of the King's Farmers the Ordinance would be made 
known to the French Traders among the Indians of the farther nations, enjoining them to 
return to their settlements by the month of August of the following year, under the penalties 
contained in the said Ordinance, which would be affixed in the villages of the Nipissingues, 
S' Mary of the Falls, S' Ignace of Lake Huron, and S' Francis Xavier of the Bay des Puants.' 

'The Mission of St. Maryw&s at the foot of the Falls of that name, between Lakes Huron and Superior; that of St. Ignace 
was originally on the North shore of the Straits of Michilimakinao, but was afterwards moved to the South side, or extreme 
point of the peninsula of Michigan; and that of St. Francis Xavier on Fox river, between Green Bay and Lake 
Winnebago. The earlier Missionaries gave the name of " St. Francis" both to the river and to the lake. — Ed. 



.134 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

The Governor, though he made a great clamor because this Edict was rendered — in 
consequence of the urgency of the affair, in his absence and when he was at Montreal — could 
not dispense with issuing orders, conjointly with the Council, for the return of the Coureurs 
de bois, almost all of whom did return in fact, with the exception of three or four. 

Meanwhile, the Governor, in order to elude the prohibitions laid down in the King's 
Ordinance, and yet not to appear in contravention thereunto, issued licenses to hunt, which 
served as a pretext to nullify those orders; his Majesty, as was just, again remedied this by 
his last Ordinances. 

Since that time, the Governor has done nothing to oppose the Coureurs de bois, and he has 
contented himself with saying that the evil was so great as to be irreparable; that it was only 
the consequence of his being deprived of the privilege of issuing licenses, and that its 
continuance could only be obviated by granting an amnesty. In expectation of this, every 
body licensed himself, and thus disobedience has become almost universal. 

The Provost, who is a very worthy man, and who desires much to do his duty, has labored 
in vain; and though he has frequently received good information, the delinquents have always 
received better than he. 

For my part, my Lord, who can only order, I have done every thing consistent with my 
duty, but without any success ; and all the trouble I have taken has served but to increase the 
aversion the Governor entertains to me, and to cause my ordinances to be contemned. 

Such, my Lord, is the true state of the disobedience of the Coureurs de bois, concerning 
which 1 had the honor of twice speaking to the Governor. I could not avoid telling him, with 
all possible deference, that it was a disgrace to us and the Colony that our Master, who is so 
redoubtable to the whole world, who had just dictated the law to the whole of Europe, whom 
all his subjects adored, should have the affliction to learn that his orders were despised and 
violated in a country which had received so many proofs of his bounty gnd paternal tenderness, 
and that a Governor and Intendant sate, with folded arms, and contented themselves with 
saying that the evil was irremediable, and did not make use of the garrisons maintained by his 
Majesty, nor of a provost, nor his aids, nor guards, nor of the assistance which could be 
drawn from the settlers, to crush the rebellion and to make a memorable example which would 
remain on the minds of the people, in order to keep them in the respect, fidelity and obedience 
they owed to so good and so great a Prince. 

In return for this representation, I drew down on myself words so full of contempt and 
insult that I was forced to quit his study- to allay his wrath. I returned, however, the next 
day, and I there found the King's farmers, with whom we continued to speak on this subject. 
I, notwithstanding, had the ordinance published anew, copy of which I sent you, and 
shall do all in my power towards its strict execution ; but as the Governor is interested with 
several of the Coureurs de bois, all that we shall do will be done in vain. 

The Trade that is carried on at Montreal is sufficiently important to advise you of its 
disorders. 

The Governor has imperceptibly rendered himself master of it, and so soon as the Indians 
have arrived he furnishes them guards, which would be well enough if these did their duty 
and saved them from being tormented and plundered by the French, instead of being employed 
for the purpose of learning the amount of. their peltries, in order to take more assured steps 
on the strength of that information. 

The Governor obliged the Indians, afterwards, to pay his guards for the trouble they took 
to protect them, and he never granted those Indians the privilege of trading with the Inhabitants 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. I35 

until they had given him a certain number of bundles of beaver, which he has always exacted 
of them, and which he calls his presents. 

His guards have traded openly in the public Fair, their belts on their shoulders, after having 
persuaded the Indians, whom they guarded, to come and meet them in their barracks. 

The common report is, that the Governor had goods sent up to Montreal, which private 
persons disposed of for his account, and that he allowed foreign Merchants to trade contrary 
to the prohibitions laid down in the regulations and Edicts of Council. 

So that, if we compute the beaver received by the Governor from the Indians as his presents; 
that which is given to his guards; that which these same guards trade voluntary or by force; 
what he trades on his private account through individuals, and finally, what the foreign 
merchants obtain in barter or get underhand by intermediary settlers, it will be seen that the 
greater part of the Beaver brought by the Outawas does not turn to the profit of the Colony, 
and all this is notorious. 

But not to occupy myself save with what has taken place this year in the said Trade, every 
one has seen that a small portion of Indians only having come down, and in separate parties, 
they were constrained to make as many presents as there were parties, though they had 
sometimes but four or five canoes together. 

The Indians having included in their presents to the Governor some old Moose hides and a 
belt of Wampum, which they appreciate highly, and which the French do not value as much 
as they do Beaver, he caused his Interpreter to tell them, according to their mode of 
speaking, that such did not open his ears, and that he did not hear them except when they 
spoke with Beaver. This the Indians were obliged to do in order to have the liberty to trade. 

A Rochelle Merchant, named Chanjon, who is under the protection of and employed by 
the Governor, having carried to Montreal a great many goods recently received from France, 
and of which there was but few in the Country, has himself traded and carried on traific 
through the medium of the Governor's Interpreter, named Vieuxpout, and of other persons, 
to whom he made a pretended sale of his goods, and he got more than 1-5,000'' worth of 
Beaver, to the knowledge of all the Inhabitants, who dared not complain of him. 

And as it was out of my power to go up to Montreal, in consequence of the affairs of the 
Council which detained me in this city, to calm the minds and terminate whatever diflerences 
might occur, I sent my ordinance to Sieur Migeon, the bailifi" there, to prevent this violation. 
But he dare not have it executed, and the matter having been laid before the Governor he 
laughed at it. 

During the continuance of the Trade, a little Savage having got into difficulties with a 
Frenchman's boy, some disorder had nigh occurred, as each took sides with his Nation. But 
the Governor having called the people to arms, the affair was settled by means of seven 
packages of Beaver which the Outawacs were obliged to give him. 

When there was a question about paying his guards, the Indians offered him forty-five 
Beavers; this did not satisfy him, though the present was considerable enough, and all sorts 
of artifices were made use of, even threats, to oblige them to add to the number. Sieur de 
Lusigny, Du Lut's brother in law, an officer of the guards, had half of it; the other they 
divided between them. 

I most humbly beg of you. My Lord, to permit me to assure you anew, that everything I have 
now had the honor of writing to you is the pure truth, which I have not told with any design 
to injure the Governor ; but considered myself obliged thereunto, because none but myself 



136 NE\Y-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

dare acquaint you with the state of the country, and I am bound in honor and conscience, and 
by the fidelity I owe you, to let you see that it is time to remedy it. 

I had rather die a thousand deaths than deceive you, and render myself unworthy, through 
fraud, of the confidence you have been pleased to repose in me for more than 18 years, that 
I have devoted myself to you; and whatever is done to discredit me in your estimation, I hope 
you will find, at the end, that I am obedient, faithful and sincere in all that you command me. 

(2d Extract.) 

I send you, my Lord, the General Census, with the number of Marriages and Baptisms. 
There are nine thousand four hundred persons. 
Five hundred and fifteen in Acadia. 

Twenty-one thousand nine hundred arpens of land under cultivation. 
Six thousand nine hundred and eighty-three horned cattle. 
One hundred and forty-five horses. 
Seven hundred and nineteen sheep, ewes and wethers. 
Thirty-three goats. 
Twelve asses. 

Eighteen hundred and forty guns, and 
One hundred and fifty nine pistols. 
I have separated the Census of the Indians who have quitted the villages and settled among 
us, with the remarks you have ordered. 

Exclusive of what I send you of tliose who have formed villages, there are still some others 
who resort to the French in Spring and Summer; but as they are vagrant, and do not come 
steadily, I have not been able to procure their names after the receipt of your letters, because 
they had already left for the chase. I shall go myself in Spring to all the places where there 
are any, and punctually perform whatever you ask. of me in this regard. 

I communicated to the Religious communities, both male and female, and even to private 
persons, the King's and your intentions regarding the Frenchification of the Indians. They 
all promised me to use their best eflTorts to execute them, and I hope to let you have some 
news thereof next year. I shall begin by setting the example, and will take some young 
Indians to have them instructed. 

(S** Extract.) 

I can assure you, My Lord, that the gratuity is very well employed by the Ursuline nuns, 
who instruct French and Indian girls; by the Grey nuns (hospi(aliercs), whose houses are a 
refuge for all the sick French and Indians ; and by the Congregational nuns of Montreal, who 
have devoted it to the construction of a building they are erecting at the Montreal Mountain, 
where there is an Indian mission, so as to be nearer to it, and better enabled to instruct the 
little girls there. 

My Lord, 

Your most humble, most obedient and 

most faithful servant 
Quebec, this 10'" Nov""-- 1G79. Dv Chesneau. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 13 7 

M. Du Chesneau to M. de Seignelay. 

My Lord, 

The Goveruoi- and I are just advised -that it is reported at Orange, a town of New 
England, and which is the nearest to us, that war has heen declared between France and 
Old England; that they are alarmed there, and are taking precautions at that place 
to prevent us attacking them. 

I had the honor to confer with the Governor on this subject, and it has been deemed prudent 
to content ourselves, until the receipt of more certain intelligence, with merely giving orders to 
the people to be on their guard, and dispatching, at the opening of the spring, a bark to Isle 
Percee, in order to obtain early and assured information. 

I thought. My Lord, to give you in this communication a brief detail of the condition 
of the English in this Country, and that you would permit me the liberty to inform you that 
they have three pretty considerable posts on the seaboard at the South. 

The first is the town of Boston, distant twenty leagues from Peintagoiiet which belongs to 
the French. 

The second, Manatte, a city situate at the mouth of a river, distant nearly one hundred 
leagues from Boston. 

And the third. Orange, on the same river, fifty or sixty leagues from Manatte. 

Towards the North Sea, they have some forts at Hudson's bay. 

Boston is a pretty large town, filled only with merchants, where, it is said, some of the 
accomplices in the death of the late King of England have retired. Their government is 
democratic; and it is a Republic, under the protection of England, faintly recognizing his 
Britannic Majesty. It has a Sovereign Council, which it elects, as well as the Governor, who 
is chosen annually, yet can be continued for as long a period as they are satisfied with him. 
General Lebret filled this office for many years past. He is an old man, ill qualified for war.^ 

Its harbor is ordinarily filled with a number of merchant vessels. A disastrous fire broke 
out there two or three months ago ; it consumed nearly two hundred houses, and even several 
ships. This loss is estimated at Three Millions. 

The town is indifferently fortified. Its Inhabitants apply themselves altogether to commerce, 
and are so ill trained to arms that a handful of savages, of late years, committed such serious 
devastation among them that they were obliged to purchase peace. It would not be difficult 
for the French of this country to make themselves masters of that town, aided by the 
Indians, who are still greatly inclined to recommence the war, were vessels sent from France 
to burn those found in its harbor. 

Manatte is entirely independent of Boston. It acknowledges the King of England, and the 
Governor who acts there on behalf of the Duke of York. This place is pretty regularly 
fortified, and Major Andros, Governor of the country, has some reputation. It has likewise 
a few vessels in its harbor. 

Orange — which is a small town nearer to us, and adjoining the Iroquois, by means of whom 
the English attract to themselves the trade of the Indians in that direction, to our prejudice — 
has a local governor, who is subject to Major Andros. It is not capable of much resistance, 
which circumstance causes them already to seek out means to prevent us attacking them. 

' Mr. Leveret continued governor, by annual election, from 1673 until his death, March 16, 1678. Hutchinson, I., 323. — Ed. 

Vol. IX. 18 



138 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Towards Hudson's bay, as I already have had the honor to inform your Lordship, the 
English have some forts for trading only, in which, as we are informed, there are sixty men to 
carry goods to the Indians and to receive their peltries. This will eventually ruin our trade 
with the Outawacs, which is the most considerable, and constitutes the subsistence and wealth 
of the Colony. 

You perceive clearly, My Lord, from all I have the honor to write you, that the English 
cannot do us much hurt, and that war with them would be for our advantage, because we 
could assuredly drive them from the places in which they are established to our injury, and 
which they have usurped from us. 

The inhabitants of this country are hardy, intrepid, and naturally warriors, and, moreover, 
very alert of limb, and capable of enduring great fatigue. 

It were very desirable, in that event, that the Coureurs de bois should return home, they 
being, without contradiction, the best qualified for enterprizes. I do not think. My Lord, that 
we have anything to fear by land from the English on this continent. What we would have 
to dread would be only from the ships of Old England cruising at the mouth of the River 
Saint Lawrence, to capture those coming to Canada or returning to France. 

I doubt not. My Lord, but the Governor requires of you the necessary articles for the 
preservation of this country. I shall do all in my power to discharge well my duty, and will 
sacrifice therein even my life. 

I considered it my duty. My Lord, to send you the copy of the letter that has been written 
to me, which will show you the alarm of the English, and entirely satisfy you that the Coureurs 
de bois were conveying their peltries to Orange, to the prejudice of the Colony and the 
complete ruin of the Revenue of the King's farm. 

I am, with most profound respect, 
My Lord, 

Your most humble, most obedient 

and most faithful Servant, 

Quebec, this 14"" Nov', 1679. Duchesneau. 



M. de Saurel to M. Du 

Letter written to Intendant Duchesneau, of New France, by Sieur de Saurel, 
and which he received the 14"" Novemb'', 1679. 
Sir, 

The news arrived from Orange are curious enough to be communicated to you. They are 
quite recent, for Lafleur, an Inhabitant of Saint Louis, brought them. He was on his way from 
Montreal, where M'' Perrot and M' d'Ollier' advised him to be the bearer himself of them to the 

' Eev. FRAN9013 DoLLiEtt DE Casson was born about the year 1620, and came to Canada about 1668. In 1670 he explored 
Lalce Ontario, iu company with Father Gallince. Supra, p. 66. He succeeded M. de Queylus ( Supra, 62 ), as Superior of the 
Seminary of St. Sulpice, at Montreal, but resigned that office in 1676, when he was obliged, by ill health, to go bacli to 
France. After his return to Canada he resumed the oflfice, and died 26th September, 1701, aged 80 years. He left behind 
him a History of Montreal, including the first thirty years of that settlement. It was written about the year 1673, and is 
preserved among the Manuscripts of the Mazarine Library ( H, 2706, folio). Faillon ; Vie de Mdt. Baurgeoys. — Ed. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. I39 

Count, notwithstanding they •would, themselves, write to him; and this he was doing, hut a 
pain in the side having seized him here, he begged of me to send the letters to the Count, 
and gave me the particulars of his Journey, which are: Having gone to Lake Champlain to 
hunt for Ranontons, he met Guillaume David, who resided about two years ago in these 
parts, and who went with a big boy, his son-in-law, his wife and several small children to 
New Netherland, where he lives at present. Lafleur inquired the news from his country; to 
which David answered him that Mde. the Governess of Manatte dining at one Mainvielle, a 
French Merchant's, told him that news had come of a French fleet having entered the Thames 
and captured the English Admiral, and sunk a number of ships in sight of London ; that 
the French have no longer freedom to trade at Orange, and that as soon as they arrive there 
they are sent to Manatte and thence to Barbadoes. Lafleur was at Orange to learn the 
confirmation of this news, which he found to be true. They wanted to send him to Manatte, 
but he escaped in the night and came back. He says it is whispered about, that war is 
proclaimed between France and England. The English, at Orange, are alarmed, for they 
have sent a certain M"" Philippes to examine the roads leading towards them. He had two 
Savages for guides. It is expected that they will throw trees into a little stream by which 
people go to their country, and by that means obstruct our road. This is all the news, 
Sir. There is a good deal of other unfavorable intelligence come into these parts. M"' 
de Boivinet's information will have made you acquainted with it. You will permit me to 
assure you that I shall be, all my Ufe, Sir, your most humble and most obedient Servant, 

Desaurel. 

Compared with the original remaining in our hands at Quebec, the 14"' November, 1679. 

DUCHESNEAU. 



Louis XIV. to Count de Frontenac. 

S' Germain, the 29 April, 16S0. 
Mons' le Comte de Frontenac, 

You have learned, since your letters were written, that the news you received of the rupture 
between me and the King of England had no foundation. Therefore you have no precautions 
to take on that subject ; and you ought to be assured that, on all occasions of this importance, 
I shall have you punctually advised of what you will have to do. 

It is very important that you always keep ray subjects, throughout the whole extent of 
country where you command for me, in a proper state of military discipline, so that, being 
divided into regular Companies, they may be in a position to defend themselves and secure 
that freedom and repose which they need. But, particularly, banish from your mind all the 
difficulties which you but too easily and too lightly allowed to arise there. Consider well the 
post in which I placed you, and the honor you have of representing my person in that country, 
which must elevate you infinitely above all those difficulties, and oblige you to^ear with 
many things, on the part of the public and of individual settlers, which are of no account in 



140 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

comparison to the submissive obedience they render to my orders, with which I have every 
reason to be satisfied ; and when this principal point of obedience and submission is so well 
established as it is, you ought to act with all moderation, and rather suffer errors of trifling 
consequence, in order to reach the object which must be your principal aim — to increase 
and strengthen that Colony, and draw thither numbers of inhabitants by the protection 
and good treatment you afford the old settlers. And you perceive, clearly, that your 
maxims are far from those which you have hitherto observed, driving away the principal 
inhabitants, and obliging many other persons, through special discontent, to return to France. 
But reflect more particularly, that to accomplish these ends neither interest nor favor, for any 
one, is necessary. To afford an extensive freedom to all merchants and all ships that carry 
any trade thither; to excite, continually, all the inhabitants to agriculture, commerce, 
manufactures, fisheries, and other profitable enterprises whereby they may be confined to 
their work and settlements, and prevented wandering through the woods in search of an 
advantage which tends to the entire ruin of the Colony, and of the little commerce it may 
have ; in these few words consist the burthen and end of your entire duty, and of what you 
can do to render your services agreeable to me. 



M. Du Chesneatb to M. de Seignelay. 

[ Arobives de la Marine et des Colonies en France. ] 

Extracts of the Memoir addressed by M. Duchesneau to the Minister, 13 Nov''", 
1680. 
(1" Extract.) 

As his Majesty and you. My Lord, are convinced of the great injury the Coureurs de bois 
inflict on the Country, there is no further question except to discover the best means to oblige 
them to return without prejudice to the absolute obedience due to the King's will. 

It would appear there are no other than to notify them to return home, and that if they make 
a sincere and frank declaration in court of the time they have been absent, for what persons 
they have been trading in the Indian Country, who has furnished them goods, how many 
peltries they have had, and how they disposed of them, such grace shall be granted them as 
shall be pleasing to his Majesty, who will be very humbly supplicated to send orders on this 
point by the first vessels coming from France next year ; and if they be found guilty of 
deception, or if they refuse obedience, they shall be punished with all the rigor set forth in his 
Majesty's ordinances, which assign corporal punishment in case of repetition of the offence. 

This proceeding appears the most natural and most proper, because it preserves the King's 
authority, and does not destroy those who have disobeyed ; who, through despair, and the 
facility of escape in the woods, and the difficulty of being taken, may be driven to pass over 
to the English, which would be a general loss to the Country, since there is not a family of 
any condition and quality soever that has not children, brothers, uncles and nephews 
among thiin. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 141 

I have conferred with the Governor on this plan, and put it in writing, for his perusual, as 
he desired. 

I cannot refrain from adding, My Lord, that it appears to me important that it should not be 
wholly neglected, because it is an assured means of your becoming acquainted with the manners 
of this Country, and of thoroughly informing yourself of the causes of the rebellion and of what 
has so long fomented it. 

I never can agree. My Lord, to the pardon of the leaders, such as Dulut and Perrde, who 
ought to be made an example of, for those who will experience the effects of the King's mercy, 
as they gave them the example of revolt and disobedience. 

Count de Frontenac and I have already commenced together the prosecution of the Coureurs 
de bois, of those who outfit or protect them. In concert with him I renewed my ordinances 
on this subject, and 1 issued one to oblige the Justices to inform against those disobeying the 
King's wishes, copies whereof I furnished. On this head. My Lord, I think it would be 
necessary, in order to secure better obedience to his Majesty, that his Ordinance were extended 
to those who fit out and harbor the Coureurs de bois. 

Sieur Perrot, Governor of Montreal, was the first who (on the complaint of a Merchant 
whom he had caned) had the misfortune to be • prosecuted for infraction of the King's 
Ordinances and of those I issued in consequence, which have been transmitted to you, 
and are now sent again with the rest. Pursuant to the order you gave me respecting local 
Governors, I waited on Count de Frontenac to notify him of it, so that justice may be done. 

He was of opinion that I should order, at the foot of the petition presented to me, that the 
said Merchant should make his complaint to him, which I did ; and by the Ordinance he issued 
afterwards, he reserved to himself what regarded the violence that had been committed by the 
said Sieur Perrot, and referred to me what appertained to the disobedience of his Majesty's 
Ordinances. This affair is presently under investigation, and the Council has not yet 
terminated the proceeding. 

There are great complaints against said Sieur Perrot, as well on account of his violent conduct 
as for his open trading. He is accused of having excited a sedition at Montreal, with a view 
to obtain the repeal of the King's Ordinance forbidding subordinate Governors imprisoning 
people. This sedition I allayed. But as all these complaints have likewise been made to 
Count de Frontenac, 1 shall not speak further of them to you, but content myself with sending 
the pieces I have concerning them to Monsieur Tronson, Seignior of the Island of Montreal, 
who will not fail to communicate with you thereupon. 

A similar accusation of violating his Majesty's Ordinances has been brought within eight 
days against Sieur Migeon, Judge at Montreal. The Governor, on the petition presented to 
him by Sieur Boisseau, agent for the Farmers, has likewise referred this affair to me; it 
is entered. 

The said Agent has also been accused of like violation, of which information has been 
taken, and seven Coureurs de bois have been arrested, who are under Interrogatories, and will 
be judged at the earliest day. 

I think, My Lord, after all the pieces which I have sent you in support of my belief that the 
Governor protected several Coureurs de bois, you will not blame me for having strong suspicions 
thereupon; and although the formal promise he made me to prosecute them persuades me that 
he is no longer so disposed, yet I believe my fidelity towards you requires me to advise you 
that it is generally stated that he keeps up a written correspondence with Du Lut, and that it 
is true he receives presents from him, and has been unwilling that I should imprison the man 



142 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

named Patron, uncle to the said Du Lut, who receives his peltries, and who knows the object 
of his enterprise, to which, I am assured, Monsieur Dollier, Superior of the Montreal Seminary, 
who is a very honest man, is not altogether a stranger ; he will not fail, perhaps, to advise 
Monsieur Tronson of it. 

I shall further tell you, My Lord, that the Governor has forbidden Interpreters to let me 
know, without his permission, what the Indians, belonging to foreign tribes, would wish to 
have communicated to me ; that he has commaYided the Provost, who is a very worthy man, 
and who is very anxious to acquit himself of his duty properly, not to arrest any Coureur de bois 
pursuant to my Ordinances, without sending him word; and that he has dispatched again that 
famous Coureur de bois, La Toupine, whom I had arrested last year, and whose Interrogatory 
I sent you. It is he whom he employs to carry his orders and to trade among the Outawas 
Nations, and also to bring down the peltries left there by one Randin, who was that pretended 
Ambassador with wiiom, and his associates, the Governor had made a Convention respecting 
the Trade; copy of which, compared with the Original, I send you. 

You can. My Lord, have the pieces in corroboration of everything I have just written to 
you. I send them to Monsieur de Bellinzany. 

In all things I have observed silence and obeyed the Governor even with greater deference. 
I laid before him the declaration of the Montreal Judge, which is one of the pieces I make use 
of to prove what I advance, because I received it on the information he had furnished me, and 
because mention was made therein, among other things, of the embassy of the said La Toupine. 
This declaration has afforded the Governor occasion to illtreat that Judge, and he writes that 
the prosecution against him is an effect of his vindictiveness. 

(Second Extract.) 

In respect to the King's orders to inquire, with great care, into the increase or diminution 
of the Inhabitants, and to reproach myself by comparing the five or six last years, I can truly 
say. My Lord, if there be any decrease because I have not executed the King's orders, that 
I have done all in my power for the advantage and advancement of the Colony. 

Permit me, if you please, to repeat to you what I had already taken the liberty to state to 
you, that all the pains which His Majesty and you. My Lord, will take for this Country, will 
be unattended by the success expected from them, if not directed by honest and disinterested 
persons. You can not conceive the injury done by the bad example and trafficking of 
those who ought to be regarded only as the fathers of the people, and studying solely to 
promote their happiness. 

I have not been able to make up my mind to send you the census of this year, because I 
dare not certify it to be correct. There are eight hundred persons or more in the bush, 
whatever may be stated to you to the contrary, and I have not been able to obtain the 
precise number, inasmuch as all those who are interested with them conceal it. 

The country suffers so seriously from the scarcity of people, that many farms lie uncultivated. 
This induces me to supplicate you. My Lord, if you still entertain any commisseration for this 
wretched country, to send hither two hundred work people. 

Permit me. My Lord, to communicate to you the increase of the Colony, by the statement 
of Baptisms and Burials, to which I have annexed that of the Marriages. By last year's 
census, it would appear that there were nine hundred and forty persons in Canada,' exclusive 

'So in the MS., but evidently an error for 9,400. See previoua dispatch of M. Du Chesneau, dated 10th November, 1679. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. I43 

of 515 others at Acadia, of whom I have not received any enumeration this year; 21,900 
arpens of land under cultivation, 6,983 horned cattle, 145 horses, 319 sheep,' 33 goats, 12 
asses; 1,840 fusils and 159 pistols. 

On account of the absence of the Coureurs de bois, it is not to be expected that the 
cultivation of the soil should be increased, nor that the cattle should multiply, ovcing to 
the unfavorableness of the seasons, and the want of people to take care of them; and as it is 
to be presumed that each Coureur de bois will have carried a gun, there will be a decrease of 
at least eight hundred fusils. 

404 children, to wit, 193 boys and 211 girls, have been baptized; and 85 persons of all ages 
have died. There ought to be, consequently, an increase of 319 in the population. Therefore 
the colony ought to reckon nine thousand seven hundred and nineteen souls, exclusive of the 
515 of Acadia. 

There have been sixty-six marriages. 

(Third Extract.) 

I shall not repeat to you, my Lord, all the abuses that are committed, because I did not 
omit any last year. I shall merely say that they are renewed this year. 

Among others, that of the trade prosecuted within the camp and confines of the Indians, 
and even in their Wigwams, by the Governor's guards, his domestics, the soldiers belonging 
to the garrisons of Quebec and Montreal, by several privileged persons, even the local 
Governor of said place. 

This disorder has reached such a point that the inhabitants presented their complaints to 
me against it, which I proposed laying before the Governor, but he did not approve of it. 
This obliged me to withdraw without doing anything further. 1 drew up my statement 
thereof, in order to advise you of the truth, and to protect myself against representations to 
the contrary that may be made to you, and had it certified by some gentlemen or Seigniors of 
Fiefs, who were of the Governor's suite, when I spoke to him, all of whom are in the interest 
of the Coureurs de bois. 

It again happened that the Guards and soldiers, in their lust for gain, ill treated all those who 
were opposed to their designs. One of the Guard intended to kill an Indian, whom he seriously 
wounded, and a soldier beat a settler, even in my presence. All this excited fresh tumult. I 
repaired anew to the Governor, who contented himself with surrendering the soldier into my 
hands, to have justice done him. 

I have not drawn up a minute of this last action, because a Priest belonging to the Montreal 
Seminary was present^ who gave me notice of this disorder. He informed his superior, M. 
Dollier, thereof, who will be able to give the facts in his report to Monsieur Tronson, and the 
latter will tell you the truth, if you ask him. 

After I had examined the afiair of the soldier, I condemned him to some reparation, and 
to the costs appertaining therein to the witnesses and bailiffs. After his condemnation, the 
Governor sent the Town Major of Montreal to demand him of me, as he had something for 
him to do; I prayed him solely to make the application in writing, in order to my own 
justification. The next day the said Major went to release him, and left with the Gaoler an 
order, which, with my judgment, I send to M"' Bellinzany. 

' In previous dispatch, 719 sheep. — Ed. 



144 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

If you have the goodness, My Lord, to listen to me touching the remedy applicable to what 
I have pointed out to you, I shall observe, if you please, that on the arrival at Montreal of the 
Indians, they are placed on a little Island separated by a small creek from the houses of 
the citizens, against whose advances it is necessary to set some Guards, to prevent insult or 
violence by the French. Three or four men, at most, suffice for that purpose. 

This being the case. My Lord, it seems that if the Governor's Guards, his servants, and the 
soldiers are permitted to trade, they ought to erect their booths with the other citizens in 
the Common, which is the site for the fair, and not have the liberty to offer violence themselves 
to the Indians, since they ought to prevent it. 

His Majesty orders me, a second time, to pay an entire deference to the Governor's will, and 
to inculcate tiiis conduct on the Sovereign Council, except in the administration of justice 
between Individuals. 

I reiterate to you. My Lord, all the assurances I have already given that I shall absolutely 
and with a good heart do all that is commanded me, and avoid every thing that may embroil 
us. I assure you, My Lord, you will be satisfied with my conduct and with that of the Officers 
of the Council, for whom, as well as for all the officers of Justice and myself, I ask again of 
you entire freedom to perform our duties without being insulted, intimidated or menaced by 
the Governor and his people. 

(Fourth Extract.) 

The farmers ( of the Revenue ) have much more reason to complain than the Coureurs de bois ; 
and the trifling police in Canada is the cause that the peltries go to the Countries inhabited 
by the English. This is so true, that persons not only get the French to carry them thither, 
under the pretext of hunting Moose (Chevreuils Sauvages), to be sent to the King, but even 
employ Indians to carry their Beaver there; and this is what induced me, three months ago, 
to issue the ordinance I send you. What will increase the disorder is, that the English pay 
for the Beaver double what is paid at the Farmers' store, and that in Cash or Wampum, on 
which they have a profit; and what is worse, those in the highest authority pursue this trade. 
You will learn the truth from the declaration of the Montreal judge whom I have mentioned 
to you. Pardon me. My Lord, if I presume to say to you that it is important that even the 
King express himself strongly on this matter. 

In answer to his Majesty's orders to me, to examine with the Farmers whether, besides 
the dispersion of the Coureurs de bois, there be not some expedient to attract the peltries to 
this Country and to increase the revenue. 

After having conferred several times on this subject with Sieur de hS. Chesnaye, one of the 
interested, who has spent over twenty-six years in this Country, we are agreed on two points — 

First. That the King and you, My Lord, have the goodness to recommend to the Governor- 
General and to private persons not to evince so much anxiety to obtain peltries, and not 
to constrain the Indians, as they have done frequently, and even this year, to make 
considerable presents, giving them almost nothing in return. This discourages them, and 
forces them to repair to Foreigners, by whom they are better received and treated. 

Secondly. When the Coureurs de bois are extirpated, and no further trouble, that it may 
please the King and you to issue twelve, fifteen, or at most twenty licenses per annum, for as 
many canoes, each manned by two or three men; to be distributed, not through favoritism 
but in turn, to those families who may have need of them, and to be granted like the 
concessions (of land), in order that they be bestowed only on those deserving them ; and this 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 145 

would be beneficial to the Country, because we should be informed of every thing transpiring 
among tiie most distant Indian tribes, who would be invited to bring their peltries by a small 
number of Frenchmen, who will neither harrass nor alarm tiiem. 

The third, to which I cannot consent, is, that it please the King and you. My Lord, to 
permit the Farmers to establish 'magazines at some frontier posts. This appears too prejudicial 
to the Country for me to sanction it, because the greater part of tlie peltries would fail into 
the Farmers' hands, to the exclusion of the Inhabitants. 

(Fifth Extract.) 

I send you the Census of the Indians settled among us. I have designated the Christians 
and those who still continue heathens; by whom they are instructed, and in what government 
their Villages are situated. I have been among them every where myself, and can therefore 
assure you, My Lord, that it is correct. They amount to nine hundred and sixty persons, 
men, women and children. 

Your most humble, most obedient 

and most faithful Servant, 
Quebec, this 13"" Nov"" 1680. Duchesneau. 



Count de Frontenac to the King. 
Sire, 

The Amnesty which your Majesty has been pleased to grant to the Coureurs de bois, and the 
goodness you have had at the same time to permit licenses to be issued annually for twenty-five 
Canoes, will reestablish order and restore every one to his duty. But to avoid the recurrence 
of fresh confusion, I have considered it prudent to postpone the issue of these licenses until 
next spring, when the majority of those still in the woods will be collected together, and those 
at the greatest distance can be informed of Your Majesty's will that they return to the French 
settlements within the time fixed by the law which the Sovereign Council iias promulgated. 
Therefore I contented myself with sending an Officer, or one of my guards, to three different 
villages of the most distant Nations, to carry thither and cause to be published Your Majesty's 
Orders, and, whilst recalling the French, to note the sentiments the Indians entertain towards 
us, either for peace or war, and to invite them to come down next year to Montreal with the 
greatest quantity of peltries possible, by offers even of escorting them hither, in order to 
assure them against all attacks evil disposed Savages may this year meditate against them, and 
which have prevented them coming as usual, and greatly injured the trade of the majority 
of the Inhabitants. 

The practice for some time past of certain individuals, who resort among the Indians, of 
conveying Beaver to Orange by a place called Chambly, and bringing back money and 
merchandise, would cause serious injury to Your Majesty's treasury, if not promptly remedied. 
I have made most strenuous efforts against it this summer, but they have been badly 
seconded by M. du Chesneau and the Council, who, in my absence, have discharged those 

Vol. IX. 19 



146 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

whom I caused to be arrested, though they admitted their guilt, and declined deciding whether 
this trade was lawful or not; as if there could be a doubt whether it was~ allowable to go 
trading without license beyond the settlements, and to cheat your Majesty's treasury of the 
fourth of the Beaver, by conveying it elsewhere than to the Farmers' Magazine, and even 
preventing iis entrance into Your Majesty's kingdom when in the hands of Foreigners. 

The sole difficulty, Sire, to be encountered was to know, previous to your Majesty being 
pleased to prescribe, the course we should observe towards the Indians, and especially towards 
the Mohegan^ [Lotq)s'\ and the Iroquois of the Five Nations, who have pursued this trade 
for a long time by means of those of their tribe who have settled at Saut S' Louis, near 
Montreal, which is, as it were, their entrepot for this traffic, as I have had already the honor 
of advising Your Majesty; but to this I did not consider it my duty to oppose hitherto 
any thing but remonstrances, through fear that the seizure either of them or their merchandise 
would cause some rupture, which the Country is not in a condition to sustain. 

Nevertheless, this tacit tolerance towards the French, observed by the Council, having 
encouraged others to imitate those who, it was remarked, were allowed to go unpunished, and 
being advised that some were preparing to follow this example, I communicated the matter to 
the new agent of the Revenue. He having thought.proper to establish an office, with some 
guards, at Chambly, I immediately dispatched orders to the settlers to receive them ; and to 
Sieur de St. Ours, whom I had some two years ago appointed commandant, to observe what 
occurred, to support them in all things, and to endeavor to execute, with tl>em, my 
recommendations to him for tlie interruption of this trade, until Your Majesty should consider 
whether it be not necessary that a Governor and some sort of garrison be stationed at that 
post; it being the frontier of the country, and on a river through which the Mohawks can 
with the greatest facility visit us, and by which Mess" de Tracy and de Courcelle proceeded to 
wage war against them. 

Sliould Your Majesty adopt this resolution, Sieur de St. Ours, who is married and settled 
iu the neighborhood, and who caine to this country Captain in the troops which were sent 
hither, would be very well adapted for this office. He is a relative of Marshal d'Estrades. 

Tlie profit derived. Sire, from this trade may cause it to be continued, if not opposed; for 
though it does not become me to object to anything your Majesty does me the honor to order 
nie, I cannot forbear representing to you, as it is the truth, and I consider it my duty not to 
conceal it from you, that the English rate the Beaver carried to Orange and elsewhere one- 
third higher than it is rated at the office of Your Majesty's revenue (Ferme), and that they pay 
ordinarily in dollars, without making any of the 'distinctions customary here, and when 
merchandise is preferred, they furnish it at a lower rate, by half, than our merchants do. 

This is a matter of public notoriety, whatever may iiave been represented to your Majesty 
to the contrary; and all those who reside and trade in this country will confirm the same thing. 

Had the representations made regarding the occurrences last year at the Montreal fair been 
thus sincere, your Majesty would have understood that the obstacles I was represented as having 
created, by that tolerance of soldiers' booths, are imaginary, and that those Savages who, it is 
pretended, were ill-treated there, had been so only because they endeavored to force the 
sentries, and to go and pillage the Outaouaos in their wigwams, or trade with them Wampum 
beads for Beaver to be carried to Orange; as the whole could have been easily proved by the 
information I caused the Provost to collect, and which I sent. 

Those are calumnies. Sire, that my enemies impute to me in the endeavor to blacken my 
conduct in your Majesty's estimation at the time I apply greater care and application to the 



PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. ]47 

execution of Your orders; but I shall never appreliend any effect from their nialiee, provided 
Your Majesty be so good as to desire to probe tlie matter, as 1 am contident that t4ie investigation 
will always revert to their cc^jlfusion and to my advantage. 

The Mohawks have done nothing in violation of the promises of the ambassadors whom they 
sent last Autumn; but the Onondagas and the Senecas have not appeared, by their conduct, to 
be similarly minded and disposed. 

The artifices of certain persons, to which the English, perhaps, have united theirs, have 
induced them to continue the war against the Ilinois, notwithstanding every representation 1 
had made to theui. They burnt one of their villages, and took six or seven hundred prisoners, 
though mostly children and old women. What is more vexatious is, that they wounded, with 
a knife, Sieur de Tonty, who was endeavoring to bring about some arrangement between 
them, and who had been left by Sieur de la Salle in this same village, with some Frenciimen, 
to protect the post he had constructed there. A Recollet Friar, aged seventy years, was also 
found to have been killed whilst retiring. So that, having waited the entire of this year, to 
see whether I should have any news of them, and whether they would not send to offer me 
some satisfaction, I resolved to invite them to repair next year to Fort Frontenac, to explain 
their conduct to me. 

Though of no consideration, they have become. Sire, so insolent since this expedition 
against the Ilinois, and are so strongly encouraged in these sentiments, in order that they may 
be induced to continue the War, under the impression that it will embarrass Sieur de la Salle's 
discoveries, that it is to be feared they will push their insolence farther, and on perceiving that 
we do not afford any succor to our allies, attribute this to a want of power that may create 
in them a desire to come and attack us. 

Although persons who pass here as the most sensible would wish to engage me to anticipate 
them, I considered that I ought not to do so before previously receiving the orders of Your 
Majesty, whose great prudence can foresee the consequences of such a step, and who can 
prescribe to me what I shall have to do, after receiving the advices I take the liberty 
to communicate. 

I most humbly supplicate you to consider that I have, for ten years, maintained all those 
Savages in an obedient, quiet and peaceful temper only by a little address and management; 
that when one is deprived of every means, it is difficult to do any more, and to anticipate 
things which would be easily remedied had there been any aid; that the Savages become more 
experienced as to what I can say to them to retain them within their duty; that all the 
Voyages they see me make almost every year, to Fort Frontenac, afford them no longer 
the same cause for astonishment as at the beginning; that it is constantly whispered in their 
ears that they perceive no effect from what those among them, who are in our interest, caused 
them to fear, nor the arrival of any troops from France, with which they were sometimes 
menaced when exulting over their prowess and pointing at the weakness of our Colony; that 
therefore they may recommence the war against us with as much advantage as ever; and a 
hundred other discourses of this kind, which excite the passions of the turbulent and of tiieir 
young men, and prevent these listening to the Counsels of those who are older and wiser. 

Five or six hundred soldiers would very soon dispel all these different ideas, and it would 
be necessary only to show them, and promenade them through their lakes, without any other 
hostile act, to insure ten years' peace. 

They would afford the means, also, of occupying posts on Lakes Frontenac and Erie, and, 
with vessels there, prevent the Iroquois openly carrying their Beaver to New Netherland; 



148 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

and the increase which would accrue to your Majesty's Revenue would exceed the expense of 
the troops, independent of the security they would afford to the Nations under your Majesty's 
protection, and of the other advantages to be derived from op^ng roads and clearing lands. 
The war waged by the Indians called Cannibas,' who dwell in the neighborhood of Pemekuit 
and Pentagouet in Acadia, against those of Boston, has been terminated by the address of the 
English in detaching against them some Iroquois, to whom they gave a passage across their 
Country. This obliged the former to come to an arrangement. The Governor of Pemekuit 
always claims the River S' Croix as his limits, and sends vessels to fish and trade along the 
coasts appertaining to your Majesty. 

It will be difficult to prevent them doing so, and those of Port Royal from continuing their 
inclination towards them, in consequence of the privation they experience of all sorts of 
aid from France, and of the assistance they derive from the English, unless your Majesty 
have the goodness to provide therefor, by establishing a Governor there, and giving him the 
means of subsistance and of applying a remedy to many disorders. 

Sieur de la Valliere does every thing he can in the case; but that Province being vast in 
extent, he cannot go to every point at his own expense, nor do every thing that is necessary 
in order to restrain those people entirely within what is right. 

The last intelligence I had. Sire, from Sieur de la Salle, was to the effect that, despite of all 
the obstacles thrown in his way and the misfortunes he had encountered, he still was in a 
position to accomplish his discovery, and that if he were a living man he would proceed next 
spring to the South Sea, and return with the news thereof the ensuing autumn. I communicated 
to him your Majesty's orders regarding those licenses which it was reported he had issued; 
that matter was represented as much more criminal than it really was, inasmuch as he did 
not issue but two or three to persons who aided in the carriage of things he required, and 
only in the places where your Majesty granted him the privilege of sending to trade. 

Had the complaints. Sire, made against me to your Majesty respecting Sieurs Chartier, de 
Lobiniere, de Vitre Councillor and the Clerk (Griffier) of the Council, been explained, you would 
have been aware of their injustice, and of the malice of those who invented them; and I most 
humbly supplicate you to be pleased, if they are repeated, not to condemn me without 
allowing my wife and friends the favor to prove by incontestable evidence the blackness and 
wickedness of those who bring forward such unfounded accusations. 

Your Majesty will clearly conceive that I never suffered more than when represented as 
violent and as a man who disturbed the Officers of Justice in the performance of their duties, 
as I always was particular in the observance of what was prescribed to me, which was to 
exhort them to do their duty when I observed them negligent. This drew down on me such 
atrocious insults, as well on their part as on that of M. du Chesnau, that, when they will 
have been investigated, your Majesty will find it difficult to believe them, and will be pleased 
do me justice in that regard. 

I should not be doing justice to the gentlemen of the Seminary of Montreal if I did not 
assure your Majesty of the pains they continue to take to increase their Indian Mission, and 
to induce the Savages to abandon their barbarous customs and adopt ours. The Memoir I 
send, according to your orders, will more fully explain their success. 

' The Kennebec Indians were so called by the French. — Ed. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 149 

This progress begins to produce good effects in the other Missions, at which the Indians, 
after the example of the former, already have fowls, hogs and French grain. This is what I 
always expected. 

The favor which your Majesty, Sire, has bestowed on the Recollet Fathers, by granting 
them the Seneschal's lot, would be very useful to the citizens of Quebec, if our Bishop were 
not advised to nullify it, by restricting them to the privilege solely of erecting a house 
thereupon for the sick members of their order, and celebrating mass for tiiese in private, 
without allowing them to build a Chapel there and performing Divine Service according to the 
wishes of the people for their consolation. And as they lost by the shipwreck of the S' Joseph, 
last year, the masons and carpenters who were coming to build their establishment, with 
your Majesty's donations of several years, and divers other things necessary for the 
construction of their churches and buildings; the pension allowed them for the support of 
their Friars will scarcely suffice to repair their losses, if your Majesty will not have the 
goodness to add to it some new charity, the rather as they are obliged to bring over four 
Priests and two lay brothers to sustain their Missions and attend on the people. 

It only remains for me. Sire, to supplicate you most humbly to be persuaded, that I do not 
presume to represent all these things, save only in consequence of the extreme zeal I have for 
the preservation and support of this Colony; that I shall always feel great interest for every 
thing that regards your Majesty's service; and that I shall cause all my glory to consist in 
searching out occasions of evincing the very profound respect and entire submission with 
which, I am, 

Sire, 

Your Majesty's 

Most humble, most obedient 

and most faithful subject and servant, 
Quebec, this 2^ November, 16S1. Frontenac. 



M. Du Chesneaii to M. de Stignelay. 
(Extracts.) 
My Lord. 

I received, with all the respect of which I was capable, the King's orders and the letter you 
were pleased to do me the honor to write me on the 2"* May last. New France has great 
reason to hope favorably for repose and happiness, since your Father has been pleased to 
devolve on you. My Lord, the care — full of tenderness — which he has always taken of her, 
and since you have the power and inclination to assist her. 

I must also deem myself fortunate in being able to evince to you my fidelity and obedience 
to your commands, and to renew to you the most respectful assurances of my most humble 
services, which you had the goodness to accept the first time I had the happiness to offer them 
to you, as a creature of your illustrious house. 

I shall endeavor, My Lord, to respond, exactly, to every thing the King and you order me, and 
to inform you, afterwards, of the state of this Country, and of what occurred in it after the 



150 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

departure of last year's ships. I shall, assuredly, do so with all the fidelity I owe you, and in 
pure truth, without the occurrences that have taken place causing any other emotion in me 
than the desire of performing my duty and of acquitting myself of obligations which his 
Majesty's service and the good of the Country impose on my conscience. 

You will perceive. My Lord, by the census of the Indians that I have taken this year, that 
their number is increased by two hundred and seven persons. I make bold to state to you 
that, amidst all the plans presented to me to attract the Indians among us and to accustom 
them to our manners, that from which most success may be anticipated, without fearing the 
inconveniences common to all the others, is to establish Villages of those people in our midst. 

It appears even that 'tis the best, since at the Mission of the Mountain of Montreal, governed 
by the gentlemen of the Seminary of Saint Sulpice, and in that of the Saut of la Prairie, 
de la Madelaine, in its vicinity; in those of Sillery and Loretto in the neighborhood 
of Quebec, all three under the direction of the Jesuit Fathers, the youth are all brought up 
a la Francaise, except in the matter of their food and dress, which it is necessary to make 
them retain in order that they be not effeminate, and that they may be more at liberty and less 
impeded whilst hunting, which constitutes their wealth and ours. 

A commencement has been made in all these Missions to instruct the young boys in reading 
and writing; at that of the Montreal Mountain, the Ladies of the Congregation devote 
themselves to the instruction of the little girls, and employ them in needle-work ; the Ursulines 
■ at Quebec act in the same way towards those given to them, whom they receive indifferently 
from all the Missions, whether established among us or in the Indian Country under the 
direction of the Jesuit Fathers. 

On this point. My Lord, you will permit me, if you please, to state two things to you: First, 
those Missions cannot be too much encouraged, nor too much countenance be given to the 
gentlemen of Saint Sulpice and the Jesuit Fathers among the Indians, inasmuch as they not 
only place the Country in security and bring peltries hither, but greatly glorify God, and 
the King, as eldest son of the Church, by reason of the large number of good Christians 
formed there. 

Secondly, his Majesty may, perhaps, have it in his power to increase, essentially, this great 
good, were he to order me to make, in his name, a few presents to the Indians of the Villages 
established among us, so as to attract a greater number of them ; and were he to destine a small 
fund for the Indian girls who quit the Ursulines, on being educated, to fit them out and 
marry them, and establish Christian families through their means. 

I shall not fail, My Lord, to exhort the Inhabitants to rear Indians, and shall not be 
discouraged giving them the example, notwithstanding three have already left me, after I had 
incurred considerable expense on them, because I would oblige them to learn something. The 
Jesuit Fathers have been more fortunate than I, and have some belonging to the most distant 
tribes, such as Illinois and Mohegans (Loups), who know how to read, write, speak French 
and play on Instriiments. 

You will perceive, My Lord, by the letter I have written to the proprietors of lands injustice 
and in fief, as well for themselves as for their settlers, that after having conferred with the 
Bishop, as you ordered me to do in every thing regarding the spiritualities of this Country, 
and in obedience to the King's intentions and to yours, the tythe alone is to constitute the 
support of a Parish Priest (Cure,) who has been furnished with a district supposed to be large 



PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. " 151 

enough for that purpose, and even the extent of this has been submitted to the decision of the 
proprietors and settlers, in order that if by them considered too large it should be curtailed, 
and likewise, if not sufficiently large, it should be increased. 

Nevertheless, My Lord, the proprietors of fiefs and Seigniories, and the settlers have 
represented that by increasing the extent of the Parish the people would be rendered more 
destitute, because, as heretofore laid out for each Cun', the settlers constituting it had mass 
usually but one Sunday in a month or six weeks; that the tythe even would not increase in 
consequence of adding to the Mission, because the settlers, being visited more rarely, would 
declare against paying tythe .except in proportion to the attendance they might receive. 
Their good faith must also be depended on, as it was impossible to rent the tythe out in 
consequence of the difficulty of collection, unless at a great expense, owing to the situation of 
the localities. 

The Parish priests have, on the other hand, represented that they are already surcharged 
with work, being obliged to be incessantly traveling, now on snow shoes over the snows in 
winter, and anon during the summer in a canoe, which they paddle the whole daylong; 
and that if their Missions, already too extensive, be enlarged, they would not be able to 
stand such excessive fatigue. , 

Nevertheless, My Lord, all those difficulties have not prevented me making known his 
Majesty's intention and yours ; and the Bishop has sent back the priests to the place's they 
have been in the habit of attending, and ordered them to be content with the simplest living 
and the merest necessaries for their support. Some of the proprietors of fiefs and seigniories 
have offijred to board them in their families, and they are to provide for their entertainment. 
But as this is merely voluntary, and independent of the tythes, there is no certainty that it 
will continue. 

You will permit me. My Lord, to represent that what is done in France cannot form any 
certain rule, since, assuredly, the expense is very different in this country. Did I not fear 
fatiguing you, I should lay before you a statement which would convince you of this truth. 
I shall content myself by merely remarking to you that wine, which costs only X"" the cask 
in France, sells here for fifty, sixty and seventy Uvres ; o^her liquors in proportion. Clothes 
cost double; Clergymen wear out a good deal of these, in consequence of their frequent 
journeys and the length of the winter. Shoes sell for a hundred sous and six Uvres. A servant 
who earns only ten, twelve, and fifteen ecus wages, has fifty here; and, finally, firewood, 
which scarcely ever enters into the expenses of a clergyman in France, costs in the 
settlements at least three Uvres, and in Qwebec a hundred sous, or six francs the cord ; 
and the consumption of it is very large, in consequence of the severity and length of the 
winter. The King and you, my Lord, shall, notwithstanding, be obeyed, and I shall do 
everything to confine the support of the Cures to the tythe alone, as has been commanded me. 

As I ought not deceive you. My Lord, I must inform you that there is not a single person 
in this country who is capable of endowing a Church with iiilb., but is able even to build it 
substantially at his own private expense. Everybody here is puffed up with the greatest 
vanity ; there is not one but pretends to be a patron, and wants a Cure on his farm ; and all 
these persons are steeped in debt, and in the extremest poverty, with one exception, and 
he is the poorer because he is a sordid miser. 

Exclusive of that of Quebec, there are, throughout the entire Country, but seven parochial 
Churches with stone walls. These are in the Seigniories of the Bishop, of the , of 



152 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

the gentlemen of Saint Sulpice, and in two private Seigniories. They were built partly from 
the funds which his Majesty appropriated for that purpose ; partly from heavy contributions 
of those gentlemen, and the charities of Individuals. The rest are constructed of timber and 
plank at the expense of the proprietors of the fiefs, and of the settlers; the Bishop refuses to 
consecrate them, because, as he says, it is his duty and obligation not to consecrate any 
buildings except such as are solid and durable. 

Thus, My Lord, if the tythes be sufficient for the Cure's subsistence, there will not be any 
necessity that the patrons contribute thereunto, which they are not in a condition to do, since, 
except the persons I have just named to you, there is not an individual in this country in a 
condition to begin to build Churches of any sort whatsoever. They will say readily enough 
that they'll do it; but it is not within their means to perform it. Some told me they would 
build the chancel of strong pieces of timber, and that they would oblige their settlers 
to build the nave in the same style ; and they hoped that therefore they would obtain the 
advowson. I think that by the King's edict they ought to build the church altogether; and 
it would be an inconvenience, if a wooden building sufficed, unless the Patron bound himself 
to keep it in repair. You will oblige me, my Lord, by letting me know your pleasure on 
these two points. 

I have received the statement of the gratuities it has pleased his Majesty to allow to 
Converts (Communautcs), Churches and to individuals in this country. I continue to assure 
you, My Lord, that a good use is made of them, and such as I communicated in former years. 
I expended only 3,000 livrcs for marriages this year. I account for what I expended last 
year, and for fifteen hundred livrcs for the Church at Montreal. 

H. Coureurs de hois. 

In regard to the Coureurs de bois, and the protection which I last year stated had been 
given them by M. de Frontenac, and the interest he had in common with them, I could 
not help reporting it, since what I stated on this point was not advanced without reflection, 
and I had transmitted the proofs thereof; and the Governor's conduct again this year, which 
I shall explain to you in course, will convince you that the affair of the Coureurs de bois 
was his. 

I assure you, My Lord, that I caused to be punished as many of the violators of the King's 
orders as I could catch. They are sixteen in number. The Provost has likewise done his 
duty, whatever may be said to the contrary. But what could I do without aid and force, and 
what could the Provost effect when he had the Governor's order to give him notice every time 
he went to make a search by my command? In this way he was always anticipated and 
labored much without success. 

I think I can hardly be mistaken in the number of Coureurs de bois ; and assuredly, My 
Lord, whoever reported that they were not absent from their families five or six months in 
the year, and that there is nothing more easy than to ascertain the fact, and to arrest them on 
their return, has not reflected on the matter, for the Coureurs de bois are at least two and 
sometimes three years and over on their voyages, and it is very difficult to arrest them. 

And in order. My Lord, that you may be convinced of it, permit me to inform you that 
there are two sorts of Coureurs de bois. The first go to the original haunts of the Beaver, 



PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. • 153 

among the Indian tribes of the AssinibouetsS NadoussieuxS Miamis, Illinois and others, and 
these cannot make the trip in less than two or three years. The second, who are not so 
numerous, merely go as far as the Long Sault, Petite Nation, and sometimes to Michilimakinac, 
to meet the Indians and French who come down, in order to obtain, exclusively, their peltries, 
for which they carry goods to them, and sometimes nothing but Brandy, contrary to the King's 
prohibition, with which they intoxicate and ruin them. The latter can make tlieir trips in the 
time indicated to you, nearly, and even in a much shorter period. It is not easy to catch 
either the one or the other, unless we are assisted by disinterested persons ; and if favored 
but ever so little, they easily receive intelligence, and the woods and the rivers aflbrd them 
great facilities to escape justice. This has occurred within four years. 

The foregoing has given me the idea, My Lord, of informing you exactly of all the nations 
from whom we obtain peltries ; of tlieir interests, and how to attract ail this trade. But as 
this subject is too extensive to be disposed of in one letter, I shall prepare a special Memoir 
thereupon to be presented to you. I shall take occasion to speak in it of Acadia, which is 
neglected ; of the advantages to be derived from that and the country inhabited by the English, 
and shall annex to that Memoir the Map, divided into four parts, of all the places I shall 
mention. I pray you, My Lord, to accept it as a present, indicative to you of my most humble 
service. 

May God grant that the orders issued by the King and by yourself. My Lord, to the 
Governor, to employ his guards and the soldiers of the garrisons in detaining the Coureurs de 
bois, may be executed better than those given to prevent the Runners, who had come down on 
the news of the Amnesty, returning before its publication into the distant Indian Settlements, 
as they have done in very great numbers. It is the opinion at present that more than sixty 
canoes have started. 

All the means employed by the King and yourself, my Lord, to keep these vagabonds within 
their duty, and the orders transmitted on this subject, are not only the best, but they are even 
full of goodness and indulgence for those wretches, did not people take upon themselves the 
liberty to explain them away, to amplify them, and not to follow them, only insomuch as their 
application accords with the private interest of those who explain them. This is what you 

'Otherwise called Assiniboins, or Sioux of the Rocks; the name being derived from Assine, "stones," and Bwan, the 
Indian name for the Sioux or Dahcotahs, from whom they revolted, probably in the sixteenth century. They originally 
inhabited the country around Lake Winnepeg and the head waters of the Mississippi, and are by some autliors called Hohays, 
from the Dahcotah words Ho he, fishermen. A continual war exists between them and the parent tribe, in consequence of 
which they have removed, a part to near the mouth of the Yellow-Stone, and others to the head of the Assiniboin 
river. Though many of them died in 1847, of starvation, they are reported to number still about 7,000 souls. By some 
authors they are called "The Weepers," from the custom of constantly bewailing their dead. 

' The proper name of these is Dahcotahs, or Sioux. When the French visited the Falls of St. Marj^ in 1G41, they met 
the Poutawatamies, who were flying from their Nadawessi, or "enemies." The French took this to be the name of the tribe, 
and applied it to distinguish the Dahcotahs, or the "Confederates," who, they were told, lived to the west or northwest of 
the Falls, about 18 days' journey, the first nine across a large lake (Superior); the other nine up a river (St. Louis) 
which leads inland. Their villages were larger and better fortified than those of the Hurons, in consequence of tlieir 
wars with the Killistiuons, Irinions and other populous tribes. Their language was different from the Algonquin and Huron. 
This nation, called by Father AUoiiez "the Iroquois of the West," is the most powerful Indian tribe in North America. It 
consists of seven bands, each independent, under a separate chief, but united in a confederacy for the protection of their 
territories; which send deputies to a general council, whenever the concerns of the nation or the safety of any particular 
Bub-tril)e require it. It originally possessed the country around the head of the Mississippi and neighboring lakes; was 
peaceable and little used to war before the Hurons and Ottawas, flying from the fury of the Iroquois, took refuge in their 
country. Those derided their simplicity, and made them warriors to their own cost. Governor Ramsay, of Minnesota, 
made a very interesting Report to the Indian Department, in 1849, on this and the other Western tribes. — Ed. 
Vol. IX. 20 



54 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

will acknowledge, My Lord, when I shall give you an account of the enregistration and 
execution of the letters of Amnesty, and of the Edict for the punishment of those who will 
contravene the King's orders. 

What I have written on the subject of the number and long absence of the Coureurs 
de hois, My Lord, justifies sufficiently my representation that this country was diminishing in 
population and that the farms were uncultivated. Two years' absence of five hundred persons 
(according to the lowest calculation), the best adapted to farm work, cannot increase 
agriculture; and this is confirmed by the complaints I have received from proprietors of 
Seigniories, who do not participate in the profits of the Coureurs de bois, that they cannot find 
men to do their work. 

As regards my representation that the French themselves sell our peltries to the English, and 
that the latter buy them at an advance of almost one-half more than we do, and sell their 
wares much cheaper, you will be- too clearly convinced of it if you will take the trouble, 
My Lord, to examine the proofs in support thereof, which will expose those who encourage 
that trade; and they will demonstrate also to you that, if the importation of Beaver into the 
Kingdom has not fallen off within five or six years, it would have increased, had this trade 
been prevented. This letter. My Lord, would be too long, did I not reserve, for special 
Memoirs, the detail of what I have submitted to you in gross. 

As Count de Frontenac has declared that he would not grant any licenses to trade with the 
Indians in their settlements until next year, and that the King's and your intention is that I 
should vise them, I pray you, my Lord, to have the goodness to inform me wliether it be 
not his Majesty's and your intention that those who obeyed the King's orders have the first 
licenses in preference to others. 

My Lord, as to what regards the representation I transmitted relative to the conduct of 
Sieur Perrot, Governor of Montreal, of which His Majesty informs me I did not send any 
proofs, you will admit. My Lord, by those I send you this year, that I have not written 
anything but the truth. 

I always have performed. My Lord, whatever was in my power for the King's service and 
the good of the Colony, so far as preventing any violence being done to his Majesty's native 
subjects, and to the Savages under his dominion, in order to render this country happy by 
the union of the one and the abundance caused by the vast number of the others whom I have 
endeavored to attract hither. But the authority which his Majesty is desirous I should 
employ for such purpose, in the execution of the duties of my office, as well as that of the other 
officers of Justice, lias been taken away from us, inasmuch as the Governor does not permit 
the execution of our orders except so far as pleases him. This is one of the points, the 
explanation of which I reserve for a separate Memoir. 

The orders his Majesty and you. My Lord, give to Governors, not to exact any present from 
the Indians, are highly advantageous to the Colony. There have not been any great complaints 
this year, on this score, nor of the irregularities that have for some years prevailed in the 
Montreal trade, because we have forbidden the coming down of ninety Canoes belonging to 
Outawas, heavily laden witii peltries, through apprehensions of the small pox (peste), which 
was introduced among that people by well-known vagabonds (libertins), against whom the 
Governor was unwilling that informations should be lodged. 

Had not the Coureurs de bois, who, for three or four years did not dare to come down, 
arrived and brought large quantities of beaver, it would have been impossible to supply the 



PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. I55 

farmers of the Revenue what was necessary for them to send to France. But what is to be 
deplored is, that ahnost the whole of the peltries has fallen into the hands of three or four, 
and the trade is ruined; this I hope to demonstrate clearly to you in a special Memoir. 

I issued an Ordinance, conformably to the King's and your orders. My Lord, relative to the 
poor, dry beaver, which must be taken at its weight. But a difficulty has arisen through what 
I consider a misconception in this passage of the King's letter: "It must be enforced without 
hesitation, and the farmers must take the beaver at the full weight, deducting 20 sous from the 
price of 4''"' 10 sous, at which the half-green (demi-gras) beaver ordinarily sells." 

As I entertain profound respect for whatever is contained in the King's letter, and dare 
not permit myself the liberty to explain it, and as I, notwithstanding, clearly perceived that 
his Majesty's intention was, not to confound the poor, dry beaver, which sells for only iii" 
X. sous, with the good, dry and smooth beaver, which sells at iiii" x. sous, and that there was 
no question about the half-green beaver which does not sell for iiii'' x. sous, as the said letter 
states, but for CX. sous,' I ordered that the said dry beaver should be taken at its full weight, 
@^ iii "''x.^ subject, nevertheless, to the condition that the settlers and Merchants who might 
bring half-green beaver to the bureau of the King's collector should submit, if so ordered 
by his Majesty, to restore what overplus they may have received per pound weight previous 
to its appearing to be affected by the King's orders contained in the said letter, as the Agent of 
the Farmers (of the Revenue) claimed. 

Nevertheless, My Lord, permit me to tell you that it would not be fair to allow them any thing 
on this pretension, because the profits realized by the said Farmers off the settlers, by allowing 
them only a pound and a half for their dry beaver, though it often weighed two, amounted, at 
most, to five or six thousand livres a year, and were the half-green beaver reduced 20 sous, in 
addition to the embarrassment which this reduction would create, and the continual differences 
which would arise relative to green and half-green beaver, it would cause a loss to the settlers 
of more than sixty thousand livres, contrary to my advice of the 20 S^", 1636,^ to the effect 
that the poor, dry beaver should be diminished 20 sous per pound on 4.10 sous, at which 
price all the beaver was then indifferently selling, and then taken at its full weight; that 
the good, dry and smooth beaver should continue at the said 4 francs ten sous, and that, in 
order to obviate any difference that might arise, the fat and half-fat beaver, without distinction, 
should be increased to CX sous; which advice was confirmed by a Decree of the King's 
Council of State of the 16 May, 1677. 

A year ago I received the King's orders not to obligate, for the future, the Farmers [of the 
Revenue] to purchase Ashes, and I have not done so since. I assure you. My Lord, that 1 
endeavor, with all my might, to induce the settlers to manufacture potashes, and I promise 
you, anew, that I will again endeavor to persuade them, and shall myself aid, according to my 
poor ability, tl^ose who will undertake it. 

In reference to the reproach which his Majesty and you, My Lord, make respecting the 
trade from this Country to the American Islands, I will tell you truly that there never went as 
many vessels from this Country as since I came here. There has been as many as four in one 
year, and at least two in the others, except this year, in which only one went, and last year, 
when one of the two that were going thither was wrecked. 

' Cent dix sous — 110 sous. ' This must be a mistake ; probably 1 67 6. — Ed. 



156 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

III. Differences between the Governor-General and the Intendant. 

I would have finished this letter, My Lord, had I not reserved, for the close, what is the 
most important, and, were I not very unwillingly obliged, in duty and in my own despite, to 
give you a short account of the present condition of this Country, and to tell you that the 
occurrences since the month of November of last year, when the vessels left for France, are 
the disastrous consequences of what I had the honor to communicate to My Lord, your Father, 
six years ago. 

Matters have at length arrived at the extremity I always anticipated. Disorder is introduced 
every where ; universal confusion prevails througliout every department of business ; the 
King's pleasure, the orders of the Sovereign Council, and my Ordinances continue unexecuted ; 
justice is openly violated, and trade is entirely destroyed. 

Monsieur De Villeray, first Councillor in the Sovereign Council, has been stripped of the 
privileges of his birth and forbidden to assume the rank of Esquire, though he is entitled 
to it by a decision of the King's Council of State, rendered at the time of the last investigation 
of the Noblesse. 

Sieur de la Martiniere, another member of the Council, and the Attorney-General, have 
been ill-treated and insulted in the discharge of their duties. 

Sieur d'Amours, another Councillor, 63 years of age, burdened with twelve children, and 
greatly embarrassed in his affairs and health ; for thirty years a resident in the Country, where 
he lived exempt from reproach, and seventeen years in the Council, where he discharged his 
duty like a good judge, has been imprisoned for the space of three days. The Bailiff of 
Montreal has been arrested, and soldiers have been placed in his house, where they have lived 
at discretion. The same thing was done to a Merchant. In fine, the other officers of Justice 
are treated no better than mere Jiabltans, whose destruction is determined on, and the guilty 
go unpunished. 

Violence, upheld by authority, decides everything; and nought could console the people, 
who groan without daring to complain through fear of destroying themselves irreparably, but 
the hope. My Lord, that you will have the goodness to deign to be moved by their misfortunes, 
in spite of all the precautions the authors take to conceal them from you. 

Be pleased. My Lord, to judge, from all that I have just laid before you, whether there can 
be a more distressing position than that to which I find myself reduced; since, if I conceal 
the truth from you, I fail in the obedience I owe the King, and in the fidelity that I vowed 
so long since to My Lord, your father, and which I swear anew at your hands; and, if I pay 
attention, as I must, to his Majesty's and your orders, I cannot avoid giving displeasure, 
because it is not possible for me to render you any account of such serious disorder, without 
informing you, at the same time, that M. de Frontenac's conduct is the sole cause thereof. 

God is my witness. My Lord, that nothing afflicts me so truly as the necessity under which 
I find myself of writing to you upon disagreeable subjects. I entreat you, with all the respect 
of which I am capable, to be so kind as to believe that I should not have done it, were 
anything less at issue than the ruin of a country which has cost the King so much, and to save 
from oppression a great number of families almost buried in despair, and who intend to 
withdraw to France. 

I always assured My Lord, your father, that I was ever incapable of concealing any tiling 
from him; that I always told him the truth without disguise, and that I modified rather than 
colored the reports I have rendered him. I have already several times taken the liberty in 
this letter to assure you of the same sincerity. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. 157 

I now repeat it, My Lord, since the animosity of which I am accused has no part in what I 
have written on the subject of the Count de Frontenac; though I might feel some emotion in 
consequence of a month's imprisonment to wliich lie subjected my son, a student of between 
sixteen and seventeen years of age, without his being able to obtain leave to take the air in 
the yard of the fort wherein he was confined — a severity and injustice which astonished the 
entire country to the last degree — as well as that which he made my servant undergo, whom 
he caused to be removed from the prison of this town, where I had him confined on the 
accusation made against him with very little foundation, and whom he had locked up in a 
dungeon of the fort, deprived of the consolation of speaking to any person. 

The severity with which the Governor treated the one and the other was with a view to 
oblige my son to disavow the complaint he had made to me, that his Excellency had struck 
and ill-treated him in his study, when he went to pay his respects and to demand justice; and 
to constrain my servant, who waited on my sou, to say that the latter had not told tlie truth 
and that his complaint was unfounded. 

The moderation which I have invariably observed might possibly have experienced some 
alteration, My Lord, in consequence of the insults, reproaches and rudeness the Governor is 
daily guilty of towards me in the Council, where he charges me with rashness and insolence; of 
the prison with which he frequently threatens me; and of the defamatory libels against me by 
his authority, and the inconceivable insults which Sieur Boisseau perpetrates against me, both 
verbally and in writing, as well at Quebec as in the other parts of the country, whither he has 
always followed the Governor, by whom he is protected from justice. But all this has not 
affected me; I regarded it with indifference, and have not failed to cooperate [with him] in 
the King's affairs, and to visit him as usual, and shall continue so to do, although quite recently 
he abused me very much in his study, because I had refused to autliorize the payment of a 
somewhat large sum of money to Sieur de La Valliere, on whom he conferred the government 
of Acadia, and justified myself on the precise commands of the King and of his Lordship, your 
father, not to direct the payment of any more before it be entered on his Majesty's estimate, 
unless he should absolutely order me so to do. 

Finding myself in so disagreeable a position, after all that I have just narrated to you. My 
Lord, I resolved to lay before you with all possible sincerity the deplorable condition of this 
country; the intrigues resorted to for the purpose of maintaining disorder in it, and the 
artifices made use of to prevent complaints reaching you. 

The authority with which the Governor is invested is an easy means of success herein, 
because, in the administration of justice and in what regards trade, he does only what he 
pleases, and in one and the other favors only those whose business has relation to his 
speculations, or who are interested with him. The force he has at hand sustains his interests, 
and he employs it only to intimidate the people, so as to prevent them complaining, or to gloze 
over his violences by exacting from individuals false statements, which he can use to weaken 
what may be said against him, and to turn whatever he does to his own advantage 

And inasmuch as the detail of matters, so important as those which I have just laid 
before you. My Lord, cannot be embraced in one letter, I have, in order to avoid being too 
importunate, thought proper to submit them in special Memoirs, supported by proper proofs. 

The first will show you that the King's commands are not executed, that justice is 
overpowered, that its officers are persecuted and the guilty remain unpunished. 

The second will lay before you the disorders created by the Coureurs de bois; what has 
encouraged the disobedience to the King's orders, and still sustains it; and the fact that 



158 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

an open trade is carried on with the English ; to whom our peltries are conveyed to the 
prejudice of the King's farm, who purchase those peltries much dearer, and sell their 
merchandise much cheaper, than we do. 

The third will convince you. My Lord, of all that I communicated last year relative to 
Sieur Perrot, Governor of Montreal. You will therein notice the continuance of his ill conduct, 
as well as that of Sieur de la Salle, Governor of Fort Frontenac, and of Sieur Du Lut, 
Captain of the Coureurs de hois, and discover some private associations very prejudicial to 
the country. 

The fourth will convince you that, though trade can be carried on advantageously in 
Canada and Acadia, it is, nevertheless, diminishing. 

By the fifth you will understand the extravagant and impious conduct of Sieur Boisseau, 
which I communicate to you, My Lord, only because he is preparing to return here next year, 
and his return would be prejudicial to the country. 

The sixth, in fine, will lay before you the state of the King's farm, at its establishment, its 
progress and present condition. 

My Secretary, whom I send to you, has in his possession those Memoirs, and all the pieces 
to support them. He has, besides, whatever relates to the imprisonment of my son and 
of my servant. I have not given him these to present to you, My Lord, for the purpose of 
obtaining satisfaction. On the contrary, I entreat you, with all possible earnestness, not to 
make any reflections upon them. It is merely to justify me against what the Governor has 
publicly stated within these few days — that be should complain to you of my having wished 
on that occasion to stir up a rebellion against him. 

I hope, My Lord, that you will acknowledge that my conduct has been conformable to the 
commands I received last year from his Majesty and your Lordship's father. I have endured 
everything; I have remonstrated; and, in fine, I advise the King and you. My Lord, thereof. I 
shall observe, during the whole of this year, the same reserve as heretofore. I send home my 
two children, in order not to expose them again to fresh insults. I shall apply myself, 
exclusively, to the performance of my duty, as far as I shall be permitted, and I shall suffer 
everything with patience, according to my orders, resolved to inform you, as is my duty, of all 
that has occurred. 

These are the sentiments, My Lord, in which I remain, and hope you will be satisfied with 
my conduct. I conclude. My Lord, by demanding, with an earnestness full of respect for you, 
and of affection for this poor country, that you will be pleased to take compassion on it, 
assuring you that I would willingly sacrifice my life to its repose, and to testify to you that it 
is impossible to be, with greater fidelity, obedience and submission than I am, 

My Lord, 

Your most humble, 

most obedient and 

13 November, 16S1. most faithful Servant. 



Extracts from IT 
Duohesneau'a Mem, 
16T9, 1680. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. I59 

Memoir of M. Du Ohesneau on Irregular Trade in Canada. 

Extract of the Memoir [N" 2.] to make known to my Lord the disorders created 
by the Coureurs de bois ; the cause of the disobedience to the King's orders ; 
what still encourages it, and the fact that trade is openly carried on with 
the English, to whom our peltries are conveyed to the prejudice of the 
King's farm; that they buy [peltries] at much higher prices than we, and 
sell their goods cheaper. Annexed to Sieur Duchesneau's letter of IS"" 
Nov', 1681. 

f The King having been informed that all the families in Canada were engaged 
with the Coureurs de bois; that it was to be feared that the latter will become 
refugees among the English, which would be an irreparable loss to the Colony, inasmuch as 
they might convey their peltries thither, they being the best qualified to defend the country ; 
and as it is for the advantage of Canada that a certain number of Frenchmen should go to the 
Far Indians, in order to prepare and attract them to us; oblige them to bring us their beaver; 
discover, ourselves, their designs, and finally to support, by these voyages, such families as 
may be in need : 

His Majesty was graciously pleased to grant an amnesty to the disobedient, with authority 
to issue twenty-five licences, yearly, to twenty-five canoes, having each three men, to trade 
among the Savages ; and in order that the favor might not be abused, his Majesty, by his edict, 
enacted punishments against those who should go trading without license. 

Orders, proving so strongly the King's goodness and paternal affection for the inhabitants 
of this Colony ought to have been received, not only with profound respect, but with extreme 
gratitude, which could not be evinced except by perfect submission. Nevertheless, they have 
been despised ; the amnesty served only as a pretext to fall back into disobedience, which has 
been encouraged by the Governor and by the Major of Montreal. The first to abuse his 
Majesty's favor have been the friends and one of the servants of the Governor-General. He 
has been notified of it, and has not even signified any displeasure at that presumption. 

The Intendant, after the council had been forbidden by the Governor to take cognizance of 
what regarded Sieur Perrot, Governor of Montreal, contented himself with taking information 
on such strange conduct, in order to communicate it to his Majesty. 

Intelligence has also been received that Sieur de La Valliere, who commands at Acadia by" 
commission from the Governor, has, with some others, commenced pillaging the inhabitants of 
that place, and the Intendant has received complaint thereof. ' 

But not content with the profit to be derived within the countries under the King's dominion, 
the desire of making money every where has led the Governor, Sieurs Perrot, Boisseau, and 
Du Lut, and Patron his uncle, to send canoes, loaded with peltries, to the English. It is said 
that sixty thousand livres' worth has been sent thither ; and though proof of this assertion cannot 
be adduced, it is a notorious report, and what gives it a color of truth is, that the agent of the 
gentlemen interested in the King's farm presented a petition to the Intendant, on the 12"" 
September last, to prohibit trade with, and the carrying of peltries to, the English, and to 
permit him, in order to put an end to the continuance of said commerce, to establish a bureau 

' Petition of the man named Saint Aubin, and the ordinance of the Intendant thereupon, justify this article. They are 
annexed, marked P. Q. 



160 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

wherever he should think most proper. This was granted him by the Intendant; hut the 
Governor did not allow the persons he had selected to depart until the twenty-fourth of 
October following, after all business had been transacted'. 

Trade with the English is justified every day; and all those who have prosecuted it agree 
that Beaver carried to them sells for double what it costs here ; for that worth 52 som 6 
deniers the pound, duty paid, brings eight livres there, and the beaver for Russia sells there 
at ten Uvres the pound, in goods.^ 

Sieur Lebert, a merchant, told the Intendant that those who returned from New England 
brought cloths, which sell in this country for nine livres, and cost there only one hundred and 
ten sous ; also other things in proportion. 

Done at Quebec, the ISi"" November, 1681. 

By us, the undersigned, Intendant of New France. 

Du Chesneau. 

'The Intendant'8 ordinance of the 12th September last, and the delay in its execution, render the truth of this article 
probable ; and though conclusive pieces on this Iiead cannot be furnished, yet it is a very general report, and a man of honor, 
whose name the Intendant's Secretary will furnish to My lord, if he desire, has informed the said Intendant that within five 
or six days the Governor, Sieurs Perrot, Boisseau and Du Lut have divided the money they derived from the Beavers 
they had sent to New England. The said petition and ordinance are annexed, marked R. 

' The trial of Favre, David and Salvage, with his certificate as to the price of Beaver, justify this article. 



M. Du Che-sneau's Memoir on the Western Indians, &c. 

Memoir to make known to my Lord the Indian Nations from whom we derive 
our peltries; their and our interests; the present condition of those Tribes; 
together with a brief description of the Country inhabited by the English, 
and of Acadia, adjoining thereunto. 

The Outawas Indians, who are divided into several tribes, and are nearest to us, are those 
of the greatest use to us, because through them we obtain Beaver; and although they, for the 
most part, do not hunt, and have but a small portion of peltry in their Country, they go in 
search of it. to the most distant places, and exchange for it our Merchandise which they 
procure at Montreal. They are the Themistamens,' Nepisseriens,^ Missisakis,^ Amicoiies,* 

' Temiscaiaings. They resided on the Lake Temiscaming, one of the sources of the Ottawa river. — Ed. 

' Or Nipissings, from Nippi water, and ing the suffix for locality. They were visited by Champlain in 1615, and by Sagurt 
in 1624. The latter says their proper name is Squekan-eronons. Coronelli, in his map of 1688, calls their lake Skekouen. 
It lies to the Northeast of Lake Huron. 

' This Algonquin tribe was settled originally to the north of lakes Ontario and Erie ; but in 1755 they are laid down on 
Mitchell's map on the north of Lake Huron and east of Lake Nippissirien, or Nipissing. La Potherie derives the name from 
Mind, several, and Sakis, mouths of rivers, because they lived on a river of the same name, which discharged itself into 
Lake Huron by " several mouths." Histoire de I'Ameriqae Sepc II., 60. Others, however, derive it from Miasi and Sakieguti, 
a lake. 

* This nation, which derived its name from Ahmik or Amikoa, a Beaver, in the Algonquin tongue, was esteemed among 
the most noble of those of Canada. They were supposed to be descended from the Great Beaver, which was, next to the 
Great Hare, their principal divinity, and inhabited the beaver islands in Lake Michigan. They passed over afterwards to 
Manitoualin Island. Charlevoix. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 161 

Sa^teu^s^ Kiscakons,^ and Tliionontatorons.'' They get their peltries, in the North, from the 
people of the interior, from the Kislistinons, Assinibouets and Nadouessioux, and in the south, 
from the Sakis, Poutouatamis,'' Puaiits,'* Oiunaominiecs or La Folle Avoine," Outagamis or 
Foxes,' Maskoutins, Miamis and Illinois. 

Some of these tribes occasionally come down to Montreal, but usually they do not do so in 
very great numbers, because they are too far distant, are not expert at managing canoes, and 
because the other Indians intimidate them, in order to be the carriers of their Merchandise 
and to profit thereby. 

'Tis the interest of these people to be at peace with each other, to enjoy great freedom in 
their trade, to be treated kindly when at Montreal, not to be deceived in the sale of 
merchandise to them, and to respond liberally to the presents they make, without exacting 
any, since 'tis certain that they are well content if they get only half the value of what is 
received from them. 

It is their interest, likewise, to be afforded great security and facility in the carriage of goods 
to those who do not come down to Montreal, and not to be obstructed nor harrassed by a 
crowd of Frenchmen who disturb their trade; and wiien differences and wars break out 
between all those nations, that the Governor-General endeavor to appease them and to procure 
them peace. 

As these tribes never transact any business without making presents to illustrate and confirm 
their words, should their voluntary offerings not be kindly received, and should they be forced 
to give more than they are inclined, they endeavor to enter into arrangements among 

' The Indians of the Falls of St. Mary. In the Relation of 1642, they are called " Pauoitig-oueieuhak," or inhabitants of 
the Falls; in that of 16'71, "Pahouitingdachirini," or the Men of the Shallow Cataract, and were estimated at 150 souls; 
they then united witli the Xoquets, Marameg and Outchibous. The two latter claimed the north side of Lake Supeiior as 
their country. The Outchibous are known as Ojibways, or Chippeways, and are called Raratwans, or people of the Kalis, 
by the Dahcotahs. They now are settled in the north part of Minnesota. A grammar of their language has been composed 
and published by the Rev. Mr. Belcourt, who has also compiled a Sauteux Dictionary. — Ed. 

" The Kiskakons, called also Queues coupees by the French, are first mentioned in the Rflalion of 1606, 67. They had 
formerly lived on Lake Huron ; in 1672 were found at the Falls of St. Mary and along Lake Superior (SAfo's ilarquetie, I, 61); 
and in the beginning of the last century were settled, according to La Potherie [Uistoire de I'Amerique, Sept., I., 64), 
at Michilimakinac. 

= See IIL, 443, Note 2. 

' This tribe abandoned their country, and took refuge among the Chippeways in 1641, so as to be secure from their enemiei, 
the Siou.x. In 1670 they returned to Green Bay and the borders of Lake Machihigan; were located in 1701 at the River St 
Joseph, where a portion of them were in 1830. They have since removed to Kansas. 

" Winnebagoes. They are mentioned by Sagard, in 1632, as Puans, and in the Relation of 1669, under the name of 
Ouinibigoutz. Champlain, on his map, calls Lake Michigan "Lac des Puan?'." This nam», Puans, says La Potherie, IL, C8, 
copying Marquette, has not so bad a meaning in Indian as in French ; for with them it means Salt, rather than Fetid. The 
Winnebagoes are of the Sioux or Dahcotah stock. They were nearly destroyed in 1640, by the Illinois; were allies of 
Pontiac in 1763 ; were defeated by Wayne in 1795, and adhered to the British in 1812. 

" Menomonies. This tribe was seated, in 1669, on the north part of Green Bay. The name is derived from Monomonick, 
"Wild rice" (Zizania aqualica, of Linnaeus); hence the French appellation. Tlie progress of immigration into Wisconsin has 
forced them from their ancient grounds to the head waters of the Mississippi. They numbered, in 1849, about 2,500 souls; 
some of whom are in an advanced state of civilization. 

' The Sacs and Foxes are identically the same nation. They are of the Algonquin family, and are supposed to have been 
originally located on the north shores of Lake Ontario, whence they emigrated to Lake Huron, giving their name to Saginaw ; 
thence they went to the Fox river of Green Bay, where they were found in 1666. The Menomonies, Chippeways and French 
drove them thence to the Wisconsin river, where Carver met them in 1766. Schoolcraft derives th» name of the Sacs from 
Osaukee, signifying those who went out of the land. Outagami, the name of the other, is the Algonquin word for a Fox, 
which epithet they obtained, 'tis said, on account of their gr«,it cunning ; but their real name is Musquakies, from Moskwah, 
red, and Aki, land or country. 

Vol. IX. 21 



162 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

themselves ; they entertain a profound contempt for the selfish, and do not, unless by great 
necessity, avail themselves of negotiations that people wish to make a traffic of. 

This is what occurred a year ago when the Iroquois made an irruption into the country of 
the Illinois, in which the Miamis were engaged. I shall speak of this by and by. The latter 
being in great dread of the Iroquois, induced the former to seek an accommodation ; sent them 
presents, and besouglit them to enter into an amicable arrangement without the intervention of 
the Governor of the French, because this cost them too much. 

'Tis our interest to keep these people united ; to take cognizance of all their differences, 
however trifling these be; to watch carefully that not one of them terminate without our 
mediation, and to constitute ourselves, in all things, their arbiters and protectors; to bring 
them into total dependence by these means, by gentle' treatment, a few presents, and 
embassies; by not allowing a great many of the French, who are always very insolent, to go 
into their country, and by enforcing his Majesty's last ordinance regarding the licenses to be 
granted for these trading voyages. 

They ought also to be made to understand that all their happiness consists in being attached 
to the French, which they cannot better evince than by establishing a perpetual trade with 
them, as this affords the means of maintaining mutual friendship and obliging us to provide 
for all their wants. 

But our principal interest, and what will alone crown all our designs with success, is, 
according to the dictates of our duty, to establish Religion on a solid basis among those people 
who have any disposition thereunto. This would succeed, were those in authority in this 
country to chastise such as set the Indians bad example, and to forbid, in accordance with 
the prohibition contained in the King's ordinance of the year 1679, the conveying of Brandy 
to the Natives, inasmuch us drunkenness is, among them, the greatest obstacle to religion; 
destroys both their health and substance, and gives rise among them to quarrels, batteries and 
murders, that cannot be remedied on account of the distance; and these poor creatures have 
such an inveterate passion for brandy, which they use only for the purpose of inebriation, that 
nothing is too valuable to procure it. This produces, in addition to the disorders I have just 
mentioned, the waste, in debauchery, of all their beaver; then they must run into debt to 
obtain their necessary supplies; having no means to pay for these, they return no more, and 
thus cheat the French who have advanced them their substance. 

To convey a correct idea of the present state of all those Indian Nations, it is necessary to 
explain the cause of the cruel war waged by the Iroquois for these three years past against the 
Illinois. The former, who are great warriors, who cannot remain idle, and who pretend to 
subject all other nations to themselves, though they compose only five villages, and can muster, 
under arms, no more than two thousand men at most, never want a pretext for commencing 
hostilities. 

The following was their assumed excuse for the present war: Going, about twenty years ago, 
to attack the Outagamis, they met the Illinois and killed a considerable number of them. 
This continued during the succeeding years, and finally, having destroyed a great many, they 
forced them to abandon their country and to seek for refuge in very distant parts. 

The Iroquois having got quit of the Illinois, took no more trouble with them, and went to 
war against another nation called Andostagues, who were very numerous, and whom they 
entirely destroyed. Pending this war, the Illinois returned to their country, and the Iroquois 
complained that they had killed nearly forty of their people who were on their way to hunt 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 1(33 

beaver in the Illinois country. To obtain satisfaction, the Iroquois resolved to make war on 
them. Their true motive, however, was to gratify the English at .Manatte and Orange, of 
wliom tliey are too near neighbors, and who, by means of presents, engaged tiie Iroquois in 
this expedition, the object of which was to force the Illinois to bring their beaver to them, so 
that they may go and trade it afterwards with the English ; also, to intimidate the other 
nations and constrain them to do the same thing. 

The improper conduct of Sieur de la Salle, Governor of Fort Frontenac, in the neighborhood 
of the Iroquois, has contributed considerably to cause the latter to adopt this proceeding; 
for after he had obtained permission to discover the Great River of Mississippi, and had, as 
he alleged, the grant of the Illinois, he no longer observed any terms with the Iroquois. He 
ill-treated them, and avowed that he would convey arms and ammunition to the Illinois, and 
would die assisting them. 

They did, in fact, remark that he carried quantities thereof thither, and that after having 
traded with them he returned without prosecuting his discovery, which was the pretext for 
his journey to the country of the said Savages as it was to that of the French. 

The Iroquois dispatched, in the month of April of last year, 1680, an. army, consisting of 
between five and six hundred men, who approached an Illinois village where Sieur de Tonty, 
one of Sieur de la Salle's men, happened to be with some Frenchmen, and two Recollet fathers 
whom the Iroquois left unharmed. One of these, a most holy man, has since been killed by 
the Indians. But they would not listen to the terms of peace proposed to them by Sieur de 
Tonty, who was slightly wounded at the commencement of the attack ; the Illinois having 
fled a hundred leagues thence, were pursued by the Iroquois, who killed and captured as many 
as twelve hundred of them, including women and children, having lost only thirty men. 

The Iroquois, returning home loaded with beaver and some goods, passed by the Minmis, 
and deliberated whether they should attack them. They did not do so, however, and some of 
their followers having, whilst hunting, killed a child and captured some women belonging to 
that nation, the chiefs of their village went to the Iroquois with presents to demand their 
prisoners, saying they were friends. Their request was granted, and an Illinois child was 
given them in the place of the one that had been killed. 

Another detachment of the Iroquois army, met some hunters belonging to the Bay des 
Puants,^ whom they captured and brought into their country, without, however, subjecting 
them to the ill-treatment they inflict on prisoners. 

The victory achieved by the Iroquois rendered them so insolent that they have continued 
ever since that time to send out divers war parties. The success of these is not yet known, 
but it is not doubted that they have been successful, because those tribes are very warlike 
and the Illinois are but indifferently so. 

They were, however, somewhat apprehensive that the French Governor was dissatisfied 
with them, and expected that he would repair this summer to Fort Frontenac and invite them 
thither; they were prepared for this, and he might possibly have arranged matters, but he has 
neglected this' voyage. 

Another unfortunate circumstance occurred on the nineteenth of last September. Some 
Indians of the Bay des Puants, going hunting, met a Seneca Iroquois, a man of influence in Ins 
village; they made him prisoner, to serve as an hostage in case the Iroquois should not send 
back some of their people whom they captured as above stated, and brought him near the 

' Grf en Bay, Wisoonain. — Ed. 



164 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

quarters of the Kiskakons at the village of Michilimakinak, and invariably treated him very 
well for some days previous to the arrival at the said village of Sieur de Tonty, on his return 
from Fort Frontenac, after his interview with Sieur de la Salle, and who was on his way to 
the Miamis, among whom the said Sieur de la Salle proposed to winter. Meantime some 
Tiohontates having met a little Illinois girl, the Seneca's slave, who had gone astray four days 
before her capture, brought her likewise to the said place of Michilimakinak, into a cabin near 
the Kiskakons' village, whence some Illinois on their departure had carried her off, and 
brought her into the cabin where Sieur de Tonty was then regaling some Indians, in return 
for some good oiBces he had received from them in his necessity. He had given his knife to 
an Illinois to cut up the tobacco he had presented to them at the time. The Tionontates 
came into the said cabin and brought thither the Iroquois Seneca prisoner, who on seeing the 
Illinois girl recognized her as his slave. The Tionontates would fain induce the Illinois to 
give her up to him, and passed some jokes on them, which so irritated them that one of the 
Illinois arose quite angry and said the Illinois slave could be removed and he would master 
the Iroquois; and on the renewal of some rude jokes, he snatched from his comrade's hands 
the knife Sieur de Tonty had lent him, and with it struck the Iroquois, and even those who 
would prevent him repeating the blow, and finished by killing him, notwithstanding all the 
efforts that were made to prevent him. 

Immediately the Tionontates thought only of sending off to the Iroquois to advise them 
that one of their chiefs had been killed by the Illinois in the cabin of the Kiskakons with the 
Frenclnnen's knife. At the same time all the Outawa nations, on hearing of this murder, took 
to flight, dreading the anger of the Iroquois; and, doubting not but they would ere long have war 
in their Country, sent word to the Governor of the French, who spoke on the subject to the 
lutendant, and they concluded that nothing was to be done for tlie moment but to send to 
the Iroquois, to lay before them a true statement of the occurrence; to invite them to come next 
spring to Fort Frontenac, whither the Governor would repair; to notify them, meanwhile, not 
to get up any expedition; and, in order to dispel the alarm of the Outawas, to advise these, 
also, of the measures about to be adopted with the Iroquois. 

The lutendant is persuaded, and dares to answer for it, that we shall reestablish peace and 
quietness throughout the country, and secure our trade, if attention be paid to the Iroquois; 
if some presents, which cost nothing, be made them ; if those they make be well employed, 
and reserved to be returned to them when occasion requires, as was the practice with 
Mess" de Tracy and de Courcelles ; if the impression be removed from their minds that 
we wish to furnish arms and ammunition to the Illinois, and, if they be assured, on the contrary, 
that we wish nothing else than to preserve peace among all those nations, whose Fathers we 
are, and to chastise those who infringe it. For this purpose the Jesuit fathers will be of great 
use, as well those who are among them, as those of the Mission of La Prairie de la Madelaine, 
which is filled, in our midst, with the most considerable of that nation; also, the gentlemen of 
Saint Sulpice, who have charge of the Mission at the Mountain of Montreal, where there are 
some Iroquois who are much esteemed. Not but that we always have the English, as well 
towards Manatte and Orange as towards Hudson's Br^y, as impediments. 

From all that has just been stated, respecting the tribes from whom we derive beaver, we 
can form an opinion of their present condition, and may conclude that nothing disturbs their 
repose but the Iroquois. For, although they are infinitely more numerous, the Iroquois is so 



PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. 165 

terrible, in their estimation, that when he makes war on them they will all scatter, and trade 
will cease because they will be dispersed and no longer at liberty to bring their peltries. 

There is no doubt, and it is the universal opinion, that if the Iroquois are allowed to proceed 
they will subdue the Illinois, and in a short time render themselves masters of all the Outawa 
tribes, and divert the trade to the English, so that it is absolutely necessary to make them our 
friends or to destroy them. 

To make them our friends, the best means, in addition to what has been already stated, 
would be, in the opinion of those who have been most frequently among those Indians, to send 
among them every two years some intelligent Frenchmen, who possess the tact, which some 
have, to arrange whatever unfortunate occurrences might take place, such as unforeseen 
murders, or even to bewail, after their fashion, the deaths of the most considerable of their 
tribes, or even to gain over in an underground way, as they term it, or, as we say, underhand, 
those who have the management of their affairs, and for this expense fifteen hundred livres 
well employed would suffice. 

If it should be thought proper to destroy them, or to place ourselves in a position to resist 
them in case they should desire to make war on us, as is apparent from the disposition in 
which things are and the state of their tempers, the expense would be much greater, as at 
least twelve hundred men would be required to be maintained by his Majesty, as in the year 
1665, for no mercy should be shown them, and this war should be concluded in a short time, 
after which the French would be masters absolutely of all the tribes. 

There is yet another mode, which would be more advantageous, not only by rendering 
us masters of the Iroquois and of all the other nations, but also by establishing and preserving, 
in a solid and profitable manner, the trade with the islands of South America ; that is, for 
the King to purchase, or cause tlie fanners, or some other company which may be formed, to 
purchase Manatte and Orange from the Duke of York, with the country belonging to him. 
And though this might require a considerable sum it would be soon reimbursed, for, 
independent of our entire possession of the fur trade to the exclusion of the English, who take 
off a great portion of it, and of the Iroquois being unable any longer to injure us, we should 
moreover form, in the country possessed by the English, a considerable establishment. 

The consideration that the English inhabit the most fertile and the finest country of our 
America, and we the least fruitful and the most disagreeable, will, perhaps, be deemed 
conclusive. 

Their territory extends from the River Pentagouet, which is in Acadia, to beyond that 
called the South river,' which adjoins, and rises in, the country of the Iroquois. Maryland 
and Virginia, with which the aforesaid territory is confounded, are not comprehended in it. 
It is true that Boston, an English town which acknowledges the Duke of Fork not at all, and 
the authority of the King of England but slightly, is included therein, with its territory, which 
may amount to eighty leagues. 

All who have been in that country agree that it is very temperate ; that the navigation there 
is always open; that ships arrive and depart at all seasons; that grain and fruit grow there in 
profusion ; and especially that the fisheries of cod, salmon and mackerel, as well as of all other 
fish that are cured and exported, are equally easy and abundant there, and the fish so excellent 
that all the inhabitants of that country are in most comfortable circumstances in consequence 
of that trade, which they carry on. 

'Delaware river. — Ed. 



166 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

'Tis certain that in Boston there are several merchants worth 3, 4, 5, 6 and even 700,000 
Uvres, and that the fisheries are the principal source of their wealth. 

Acadia, which belongs to us and lies adjoining to those countries, is in almost a similar 
position, and has the same advantages; and navigation is open there throughout the year, with 
the exception of only two months in certain places. Yet nothing is done there; and although 
'tis inhabited by about five hundred French, including both sexes and all ages, they depend 
altogether for support on the English, and, to obtain their necessaries, carry to the latter a few 
furs, for which they are content to trade with the Indians. 

Their poverty is not the only misfortune of these French ; their discords are a much 
greater. Among them there is neither order nor justice; and those who are sent hence 
to command them, pillage them, and, notwithstanding, continue themselves in the most 
abject misery. 

The English do much more than enhance the value of their own property ; they carry off 
what we neglect ; and have, already, three considerable establishments on the Island of 
Newfoundland, which belongs to us, and extend their boundaries as much as possible 
towards Acadia. 

They are still at Hudson's Bay, on the north, and do great damage to our fur trade. The 
farmers (of the revenue) suffer in consequence by the diminution of the trade at Tadoussac 
and throughout that entire country, because the English draw off the Outawa nations; for the 
one and the other design, they have two forts in the said bay — the one towards Tadoussac, 
and the other at Cape Henrietta Marie, on the side of the Assinibouetz. 

The sole means to prevent them succeeding in what is prejudicial to us in this regard, 
would be to drive them by main force from that bay, which belongs to us ; or, if there would 
be an objection to coming to that extremity, to construct forts on the rivers falling into the 
lakes, in order to stop the Indians at these points. 

Should the King adopt the resolution to arrange with the Duke of York for his possessions 
in this quarter, in which case Boston could not resist, the only thing to fear would be that this 
country might "go to ruin, the French being naturally Inconstant and fond of novelty. 

But as this could be remedied by rigorous proiiibitlons, that consideration ought not to 
prevail over the great benefit which would accrue, and the great advantages his Majesty and 
his subjects must eventually derive from the transaction. 

Done at Quebec by us, Intendant of New France, the 13"" Q""" 1681. 

Du Chesneau. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 167 

Extract of the Instnictions to M. de la Bar re} 

Instruction which the King desires to-be placed in the hands of Sieur 
de la Barre, chosen by his Majesty as his Governor and Lieutenant in 
New France. 

Versailles, the lO"" May, 1GS2. 

After having explained to him his Majesty's intentions on all that relates to religion, he 
must be advised of whatever regards the defence of the country by arms, which must be his 
principal function. 

And, first, his Majesty doubts not but he is sufficiently informed of the situation of the ' 
said country inhabited by the French, which commences at the mouth of the River Saint 
Lawrence, and continues along the banks of that river as far as the mouth of the lake 
called Frontenac. 

He is equally informed that the Savages, nearest adjoining the French settlements, are 
the Algonquins and the Iroquois; that the latter had repeatedly troubled the peace and 
tranquillity of the Colonies of New France, until, his Majesty having waged a vigorous wfir 
against them, they were finally constrained to submit and to live in peace and quiettiess, 
without making any incursions on the territories inhabited by the French. But as these 
restless and warlike tribes cannot be kept down except by terror, and as His Majesty has even 
been informed by the last despatches that the Onnontagues and Senecas — Iroquois tribes — 
have killed a Recollet and committed many other violences, and that it is to be feared that 
they will push their audacity even further, it is very important that the said Sieur de la 
Barre put himself in a condition to proceed, as early as possible, with 5 or GOO of the militia 
most favorably situated for this expedition, along the shores of Lake Frontenac to the mouth 
of Lake Conty, to exhibit himself to these Iroquois settlements in a condition to restrain 
them within their duty, and even to attack them should they do anything against the French; 
wherein he must observe that he is not to break with them without a very pressing necessity, 
and an entire certitude to promptly and advantageously finish the war that he will liave 
undertaken against them. 

He must not only apply himself to prevent the violences of the Iroquois against the French. 
He must also endeavor to keep the Savages at peace among themselves, and by all means 
prevent the Iroquois making war on the Illinois and other tribes, neighbors to them, it being 
very certain that if these Nations, whose furs constitute the principal trade of Canada, see 
themselves secure against the violence of the Iroquois by the protection they would receive 

' This gentleman, who had been Maitre de Requetes ( an officer in the Court of Chancery ) and Intendant of Bourbonnais, 
was appointed governor of Cayenne, when that island was reduced by the French in 1664. He returned soon after to 
France, and war being declared against England in 1666, was sent with a fleet to the West Indies. He reduced Antigua and 
Montserrat in the following February, and recovered Cayenne, which had fallen into the hands of the English. As a reward 
of these successes, he was created Lieutenant-General. He next defeated an English fleet near the Island of Nevis, after an 
engagement of three hours. Bojan's Voyage to Cayenne; Sacy's L'Hmineur Francois. He continued Governor of Canada 
until 1685. He was a decided enemy of La Salle, and is accused of having converted his oSicial authority to the corrupt 
purpose of increasing his own fortune. There is no doubt but he did much to lower the reputation of the French among 
the Five Nations. Charlevoix says of him, that his advanced age made him credulous when he ought to be distrustful, timid 
when he ought to be bold, dark and cautious towards those who deserved his confidence, and deprived him of the energy 
necessary to act as the critical condition of the colony demanded when he administered its affairs. — En. 



168 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

from the French, they will be so much the more encouraged to buy their merchandises, 
and thereby increase trade. 

But to arrive at these so advantageous results, great exertion must be made to discipline the 
Colonists, by dividing them into companies in each settlement, exercising them in the use of 
arms, subjecting them to frequent revievps, and to observe that they all have by them the arms 
necessary for service in case of need; and finally, to keep them constantly drilled, in order to 
render them capable of effectually defending themselves in case they are attacked, for which 
purpose he will be able to make use, with advantage, of the officers of the troops which went 
thither some years ago under the command of Sieur de Tracy. 

His Majesty desires that he cause to be prepared, shortly after his arrival, an exact roll of 
all the inhabitants, divided into settlements, in which he will distinguish those who are fit to 
bear arms from aged persons and children, record the number of women and girls of all ages, 
and endeavor to furnish his Majesty with complete and correct information of the state of the 
Colony. His Majesty again particularly enjoins on him to place himself in a condition to 
defend himself by his own resources, it being neither the convenience nor the intention of his 
Majesty to send regular troops to those parts. 

• Independent of the establishment which the French have along the bank of the river S' 
Lawrence, a part of Acadia is still occupied by them; and as advices have been received 
that the English were seizing several posts which have been always occupied by the French, 
his Majesty desires that he inform himself of this particular, and.send also to the Governor of 
Boston to explain to him the points to which the bounds of the French domination extend, 
and to request of him to confine himself within the limits of the Country belonging to the 
English. And as there has been no Governor for a long time in .that quarter, and as Sieur de 
la Valiere has for two years performed such duties without commission, his Majesty desires 
that he inquire if the said Sieur de la Valiere is capable therefor, or if there be any other 
officer who could properly fill the place, in order to inform his Majesty by the return of the 
first Vessels. 

» # # # *# « # * * * 

Several private inhabitants of Canada, excited by the hope of the profit to be realized from 
the trade with the Indians for furs, have undertaken, at different periods, discoveries in the 
countries of the Nadoussioux, the river Mississipy, and other parts of North America ; but 
as his Majesty does not think that these discoveries can be of any utility, and that attention to 
Agriculture in the cleared settlements would be much more advantageous, his Majesty is not 
willing that he continue granting those licenses, but merely permit Sieur de la Salle to complete 
the discovery he has commenced, as far as the mouth of the said Mississipy river, in case he 
consider, after having examined into it with the Intendant, that such Discovery can be of 
any utility. 



Conference on the Intelligence received from tlie Iroquois. 

Extracts of the Opinions rendered at the Conference held at the House of the 
Jesuit Father's on the subject of the news received from the Iroquois. 

This day, 23'' March, M.VI. eighty-two, on the receipt by us. Count de Frontenac, Governor 
and Lieutenant-General for the King in New France, of intelligence from Sieur de la Forest, 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 169 

Major of Fort Frontenac, touching Sieur Lamarque's voyage to the Iroquois, undertaken by 
our orders, in consequence of the news we received last Autumn of the death of one of 
the Seneca Chiefs, killed by an Illinois, at Missilimakinac among the Kiskakons, and of letters 
written by the Reverend Jesuit Fathers who are Missionaries among the Iroquois, wherein 
they note the dispositions of the Savages, having deemed it proper to confer thereupon with 
M'' DuCliesneau, Intendant, we had him invited to attend, for this purpose, at the house of the 
Reverend Jesuit Fathers of this city, where we thought it our duty to summon Sieur Provost, 
Major of Quebec, and to invite the Reverend Father Bechefer, Superior of the said house, and 
the Rev. Fathers d'Ablon and Fremin to assist thereat, they being persons well versed in the 
manners and customs of the Indians by several years' experience, acquired as Missionaries 
among them, in order to consider all at once the most proper expedients to avert the war 
which there is reason to believe the Iroquois wish to continue against the Illinois, over whom 
they have already gained great advantages ; a contest that would involve the Outaouacs and 
other Indian tribes under his Majesty's protection, and possibly might, if not remedied, draw, 
in a little while, another war into the heart of the Country. 

And the Intendant being arrived at the house of the Rev. Jesuit Fathers, at three o'clock in 
the afternoon, we requested him and the persons above named to have the goodfless to give 
in writing their opinions on the following points, which were extracted from said letters after 
the same had been read : 

1". As to the place at which it is best to give a rendezvous to the deputies of the Five 
Nations for a conference with them. 

2"*. The time to be fixed for that purpose. 

3*. About what number of Indians is it supposed, from those letters of advice, will be 
hunting in the neighborhood of Fort Frontenac, so as to be able to fix what escort we ought to 
have to accompany us. 

4"'. As to the means to defray the expense necessarily attendant on the march of the troops 
to compose that escort, and for presents which it will be proper to give, according to the 
custom of the Five Iroquois tribes, in confirmation of the speeches and^proposals to be made 
to them in order to avert the war, and support them pending their sojourn and on their 
return home. 

On which points the Very Reverend Father Bechefer* stated, in the name of the aforesaid 
Fathers: My Lord, the Governor having done us the honor to ask our opinions, we have 
stated what follows, entirely submitting our thoughts to his, as he has infinitely more 
knowledge and information than we : 

1". That it would be better that My Lord should convoke the Iroquois deputies at the Fort 
which bears his name, rather than any where else, it comporting more with the dignity 
belonging to a person of his quality to cause the said Deputies to come to a fort of his 
government than for him to go on their territory. 

2^. In consideration of the request which (as appears from the letters above mentioned) the 
Indians of the different Iroquois tribes have made to My Lord, that he would be pleased to 

' Rev. Thferry Bechefee arrived in Canada in 1663, was sent as early as 1666 to invite the Mohawks and Oneidas to a 
Council at Quebec, and was a missionary in their couDtry in 1670-1. Shea. In 1680 he became Superior, and filled that 
office several years. He was in France in 1690, and sailed from Rochelle, on the 28th July, 1691, to return to Canada ; but 
on the 10th of August was obliged, by ill health, to put back to the port from which he had sailed a few weeks before. 
Voyagea de La Hontan, ed. \fi%, L, 352. He died Boon after. — En. ' 

Vol. IX. • 22 



170 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

assemble them before the young men of their tribe, being returned from hunting, could form 
war parties ; that the 15"" of June would be the proper time for said meeting. 

3*. It is not expected that many Indians would be in the neighborhood of Fort Frontenac at 
the time of meeting, the season for hunting the Beaver and the Moose (Orignal) being over, 
and those returning from winter hunting being for the most part home in their villages at the 
time appointed for the meeting. As to the force by which it is proper that My said Lord 
ought to be accompanied to secure him against insult from the Savages, should they entertain 
any bad design, though that belongs not to our profession, and we are not qualified to judge 
correctly of it, yet, as our opinion therein is requested, we think that it would not be proper 
for My said Lord to take with him a much larger force than in the different voyages he 
made to the said fort, the first time excepted, when he went to build it ; and therefore twelve 
or fifteen canoes, of four men each, would suffice. The reason of this is the fear that a 
numerous escort would give umbrage to the Indians, of which they are very susceptible, as 
happened on divers occasions; the consequence whereof would be, that the Iroquois deputies 
(on notice thereof from their people, who are always accustomed to exaggerate in their 
reports) would either not attend the meeting, or perhaps, on arriving at it, take to flight in 
dread of being seized, and thereby break off the negotiation, the necessity for which is 
sufficiently palpable. Moreover, should they entertain any bad design against the French, 
they are loo politic and adroit to execute it at present, being desirous to terminate the war 
which they have commenced with great success against the llinois and the Oumiamies, allies 
of the French with whom it is to be presumed they desire to live at peace, at least until they 
have completed the war they have begun, provided their design be not disturbed, and they be 
allowed to destroy our allies. 

l"". As to what relates to the support of the Deputies during their sojourn and return to their 
villages, it must be expected that there will not be less than fifty persons, as well men as 
women, and the expense ought to be calculated accordingly. The presents ought to be 
considerable ; and some must be given not only to the chiefs, but also to the warriors, because 
the affair is to prevent them continuing a war to which they are greatly inclined, and which 
they are certain of waging with success. 

The above are the sentiments of Fathers D'Ablon, Fremin, and of me the undersigned, 
signed : Thierry Bechefer, of the Society of Jesus. 

The said Major said: As My Lord the Governor is pleased to ask my opinion as to what 
ought to be done regarding the war which the Iroquois wish to continue against the Illinois 
and Outaouacs respecting a Savage who has been killed ; I think My Lord the Governor 
must order the Five nations to send him Deputies to Fort Frontenac, that he may speak to 
them through those he shall send on his behalf, if he do not think proper to go up there 
himself, and make them presents, in accordance with the speech that will be communicated to 
appease them; and this can be done in the beginning of June, when they shall repair thither 
according to orders. 

That he does not believe, though it may be stated in all the letters communicated to us, 
that there can be, at this season, any number of Indians in the neighborhood of Fort Frontenac 
considerable enough to render it necessary to go there with a large force, which may do more 
harm than good. 

As for the means to subsist the Indians whom the Governor will invite to come to speak 
to him, he and the Intendant will agree about that, if they please. 

Signed, Provost. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 171 

The Intendant said: The Governor having desired him to write his opinion and announce 
it immediately preceding him, he begs pardon for any errors it may possibly contain, by the 
repetition, perhaps, of the same things that may have been expressed by those who have 
already given their opinions, each having retired by himself, as was requested, to prepare 
his ideas in writing. 

After having attentively examined the letters sent to the Governor, by Fathers de Lamberville ' 
and Garnier,^ Jesuits, and by Sieur De la Forest, Major of Fort Frontenac, of the 17th 
December of last year, 3 January, 7, 15, 16, 18, and 2S February of the present year, he 
proceeded to say: That it is quite evident that the Iroquois, inflated by the victories they have 
obtained over the Ilinois, propose to destroy that Nation, which is in alliance with us, and one 
of those from whom we obtain a great many peltries. 

That in consequence of the accident which occurred last autumn, in the Village of the 
Kiskakous and near that of the Tionontatez of the Outaouais nation, our ancient friends, from 
whom we receive all the peltries that come into the country, and which they bring to Montreal, 
after having traded for them with the Far nations, the Iroquois are seeking an opportunity to 
destroy both these tribes, and thus gratify their resentment against the French, saying that one 
of their Chiefs having been killed by an Ilinois in the village of the said Kiskakons, in 
presence of Tionontatez and of Frenchmen, they must, according to their custom on like 
occasions, avenge that murder on them as accomplices, for not having killed the murderer. 

The continuance of this war is, doubtless, prejudicial to the country, and its consequences 
dangerous; because, if we suffer our allies to be destroyed, the Iroquois, stimulated by the 
success they probably will obtain over those tribes, who are but imperfectly disciplined, will 
almost inevitably turn on us, when they will have no other enemies. 

But as it is impossible to effect what appears to be necessary to avert the war without 
considerable expense, and as he, the Intendant, has express orders not to authorize any, unless 
War be declared, he entreats the Governor to have the goodness to authorize, on his part, the 
smallest possible expenditure, unless he judge such indispensable, as it appears to be ; for 
though the War be not declared against us, it is against our allies, who are a part of ourselves 

' Rev. Jban de Lamberville is supposed to have immigrated to Canada in 1668; he was sent Missionary in 1671 toOnondnga, 
where he founded the cliurch of St. John the Baptist He continued at this Mission until 1687, and by his zeal and high 
character exercised a great influence among the Onondagas, with whose language he was intimately conversant. In the 
last mentioned year he fell, unfortunately, into a snare set for him by De Deuouville, Governor of Canada, wliereby he was 
the innocent cause of leading a number of the Iroquois into the hands of their enemy, who sent them to the French galleys. 
The Onondagas acquitted him of all participation in this perfidious act, but represented that he could not reiuiiin among 
them any longer with safety, as their young men were highly incensed at the seizure of their brethren. They gave him an 
escort with which he set out for Catarakouy. In September of the same year he was Chaplain at Fort Niagara, where he was 
attacked by scurvy, and removed to Catarakouy in a very low condition. Was he Superior in 1690? See supra. III., 7 IS. La 
Potherie represents him as being at Saut St. Louis in 1691. Histoire de I'Atnerique, IIL, 131. He returned to France in the 
fall of 1698 ; but was so greatly regarded by the Onondagas, that in the course of the next year they requested M. de CHllieres 
to recall him, with a view to his residing among them. It does not appear that he came again to America. He was known 
among the Iroquois by the name of Teiorhensere. See III., 453. 

'Rev. JuLiEN Gaenier, brother of the celebrated Benedictine, was born at Connerai, in the diocese of Mans, about the 
year 1643. He came in 1662 to Canada, where he completed his studies, and received Holy Orders, April 1666, having been 
the first Jesuit ordained in that country. He was sent to Oneida in 1667, whence he visited Onondaga, and went to Cayuga 
in 1668. In 1671 he was ordered to the Senecas, where Hennepin found him in 1679, whence he retired in 1683. He acted 
as interpreter to the Hurons at the peace of 1701, and is said to have returned to the Senecas in 1702. Lafitau, who was hia 
pupil, and learned from him all he knew of the Indians, says that Father G. had spent more than sixty years on the Mission, 
and that he was well acquainted with the Algonquin, Huron and Iroquois languages. Mr. Shea 8a}-s that he was still 
alive in 1722. — Ed. 



172 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

(qui sont d'autres nous mSmes). This, then, being granted, and, moreover, all the letters 
indicating that it is impossible to prevent the continuance of that war, unless the Governor, as 
they say he promised, convoke the Indians in the month of June, at the nearest place to them ; 
and unless he be escorted, for fear of surprise, and unless he support, by presents, the proposals 
he shall make : 

On the first proposition, he, the Intendant, said: It would be desirable that the Governor 
convoke the Indians at Montreal, which is a populous place, and the second city in the 
country; this could be done at little expense and with great safety,' as his household alone 
would be sufficient. However, as all the letters insinuate the necessity of the Governor's 
being near the Iroquois, and even propose to him to fix the meeting at places forty leagues 
from their village, he would not presume to insist absolutely on Montreal; yet he cannot 
avoid entreating him not to advance so near the Iroquois, but to select Fort Frontenac, 
which is a fortified place, should it not be considered more expedient to invite them 
to Montreal. 

On the 2'': All the letters agreeing that the Iroquois are preparing to start in the spring 
for the war, and that it is not possible to prevent this unless they be assembled in the month 
of June, before they depart, it would seem that the Governor ought to be requested to fix the 
IS""" of the same month as the time for them to meet him at the place he will select. 

On the 3'''' point: It is impossible to state precisely the number of Indians that will attend 
the meeting; the Governor having considerable experience in all these matters, in consequence 
of the frequent assemblies he has held,^would be better qualified than any other person to 
determine this point. Yet, since he absolutely desires an opinion hereupon, he would submit, 
with due deference, in case he should determine to proceed as far as Fort Frontenac, whether 
by taking some young men of the country to double his guards, with the soldiers of the 
garrison of Quebec, which he may increase by 15 or 20 persons, he would not be in a position 
not only to check, but even to chastise the Iroquois, should they fail in the respect they 
owe him. 

On the 4"': As there are no funds, it appears absolutely necessary that an advance be made 
by the King's collectors, in whose hands will be deposited, in part payment of the advance, 
all the presents, whether of wampum or furs, which will be made by the nations for whom 
peace shall be secured. 

Signed : Duchesnau. 

We, Count de Frontenac, Governor for the King in this Country, in observance of the 
order which We requested should be preserved in this Conference, and without having any 
knowledge of the sentiments above written, 

Say, that We are not of opinion that a rendezvous should be given to the five Iroquois 
Nations at the locality near la Famine,^ designated in the letters we have received, because 
we could not go thither in a state to be protected against the insults and designs of the 
Iroquois without a large number of men and canoes, that could not be ready by the time 
indicated in those letters, and without an excessive outlay, which the Court would hardly 
approve of, after all the prohibitions his Majesty has given us, especially in his despatch of 
31 March, 1680, not to draw any sums of money from the said farmers (of the Revenue) 
of Canada, under any pretext whatsoever, without advising him thereof; and this expense 
may, with greater difficulty, be allowed on an occasion when its necessity does not appear 

to be Salmon creek or river, Oswego county. See IIL, 431, note 1. — Ed. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 173 

indispensable, since, whatever representation maybe made, his Majesty could scarcely persuade 
himself that this was of such a nature, seeing that it would be incurred only as a precaution 
and to prevent the Iroquois continuing a war against tribes five hundred leagues distant 
from Montreal. 

Though the preparations for going to Fort Frontenac be less expensive, as less precaution 
would be necessary for the safety and dignity of our character, yet we could not, were we to 
avoid affectation, have the Iroquois come thither without making our escort much larger than 
usually accompanies us in our ordinary journeys (when it consists merely of fifteen or 20 canoes 
and fifty or sixty men), especially when we take into consideration the large number of Savages 
we understand by those despatches have gone to hunt in the neighborhood of said fort. Again, 
this could not be done witliout incurring an expense which, though less, could not fail to be 
considerable, and be subject to the same censures of the court. Moreover, the Savages, 
understanding that we were going to the fort with a larger number of men and canoes than 
we are accustomed to have, would be confirmed in their suspicions, which we perceive by 
those same letters were being impressed on them by efforts to persuade them that we would 
not take a journey of this sort thither unless we had some design against them; a trick 
already resorted to, as we have experienced, by ill-disposed Indians, who would fain make 
things worse. 

Therefore, to avoid these embarrassments, all of which are equally to be feared, we think 
the best expedient is to invite them to come to Montreal by Deputies, to the number of two or 
three from each nation, about the 15"' or ao"' of June, alleging, if it be deemed proper, that 
we cannot go sooner by reason of important business in which we are engaged; or, if thought 
better, by some indisposition which would prevent our going even so far, were it not for the 
extreme desire we have to see them and to discover means to arrange all matters — acquaintmg 
them at the same time that, to facilitate their voyage to Montreal, provisions would be 
furnished them at the time they will appoint, either at Fort Frontenac or at any other place on 
their route that they will designate. 

What has still more strongly determined us to adopt this opinion is, that by conferring with 
them on the l-S"" June, agreeably to their alleged desire, this conference will be almost useless, 
and require another in autumn, as it will not be in our power to say anything positive to them, 
before that time, regarding the satisfaction the Kiskakons and Tionontates propose to make to 
them; for we would not know from these the resolutions they will adopt thereon nor what they 
■will desire us to submit — matters we cannot be informed of until the coming down of the 
Outaouaes, which will not be before the end of July and commencement of August. We 
shall then be better advised, by some vessel arriving from France, of the policy the Court 
expects us to observe on similar occasions, as we have fully informed his Majesty and the 
Marquis of Seignelay of the death of that influential Seneca, who was killed among the 
Kiskakons at Michilimakinac, by an Ilinois, and of all the dispositions of the Iroquois, as 
well as of their insolences, presumptions, threats and evil designs, both against the Ilinois 
and the Outaouaes, and even against the French ; also of the need we stand in both of troops 
and money, either to anticipate them, or to protect ourselves against the expeditions they 
might undertake against our allies and this colony. This will also serve us for a guide as 
to the policy we shall have to observe in our speeches to them, and acquaint us in what 
manner we shall prepare them ; that is to say, with more or less mildness. 

Signed : Frontenac. 



174 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 



M. jDu Cliesneau to Count de Frontenac. 



Copy of Monsieur Duchesneau's letter to Monsieur de Frontenac of the 28"' 
July, 16S2. 

Sir, 

On the intelligence we are continually receiving, from all parts, of the evil disposition of the 
Iroquois tovpards us, and on learning that no aid is to be expected tliis year from France, I 
considered that I could not, without failing in my duty and in the zeal I have always felt for 
the King's service, omit communicating my opinions to you, in order to avert a war which 
would be the utter ruin of this country at this time, when it is wholly defenceless. You will 
pay such attention thereto as will please you ; for I am persuaded that in these and all other 
matters you have more knowledge than I, and that I must not interfere therein any further 
than is agreeable to you. 

Since you did not deem it proper to repair to Fort Frontenac in the month of June last, as 
the Iroquois requested, to prevent the departure of their warriors against the Illinois, and to 
render them the justice against the Kiskakons you had promised them, it would appear to me 
of the greatest importance that you visit them in the month of August, causing them to be 
convoked for that time, because, should you not do so, they would doubt not but you would 
be abandoning the Illinois to them, and would be well pleased that they should do themselves 
justice on the Kiskakons; since they would have some reason to think that you would give 
yourself no more trouble about a matter, the consequences of which you perceive better 
than I. 

However, as the Iroquois sent you a request not to assemble them at the Fort, but at 
Teehoueguen,' or at la Famine — and as it appears to me difficult for you to refuse them at the 
present conjuncture, when, having no hope from France, we are obliged to manage them more 
than we should do at another time; and, besides, as you ought not to do anything unworthy 
your character, and it is but prudent not to expose yourself to their rashness, but, on the 
contrary, to preserve your dignity and your authority intact, and to speak to them in 
security — I have bethought me to propose to you whether you do not think you could preserve 
all that is due your rank and go as far as the fort ; proceed thence in the bark, well armed, 
and manned by a resolute body of men, none of whom would make their appearance 
except those you wish, followed by the brigantine in the same condition, and have yourself 
conducted to one of those two places, and there, without landing, send for the Iroquois to 
come and speak to you, observing the precaution not to allow them to come on board in 
great numbers. 

I submit all this to your pleasure, and beg of you to approve my laying my opinions before 
you, which I do only for the King's service and the preservation of this country. I am, 
Sir, 

Your most humble and most obedient Servant, 

DUCHESNAU. 

' Oswego. — Ed 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. I75 

Count de Frontenac to M. Du Chesneau. 

Copy of Count de Frontenac's Answer to M. Duchesneau's letter of the 
28'" July, 1682. 

Sir, 

I was on the point of dispatching a canoe to you, with advice of what Sieur De la Forest 
has just told me touching the insult the Iroquois have perpetrated on the bark, by forcibly 
taking merchandise out of it, when I received your letter of the 28"" July. What caused nie 
to defer sending it to you was that I was expecting further news from Fort' Frontenac, which 
might inform me with more certainty of the consequences of that act, in order the better to 
concert with you the measures proper to be adopted. 

What you state to me is well considered, and may, I think, be executed with surety and 
dignity by putting the brigantine in order, which it is not, as a part of its rigging has been 
taken to equip the bark; it only remains to be examined, after the insolent manner in which the 
Iroquois have answered my last summons, evincing a disposition to oblige me to go and seek 
them, whether it would flatter their arrogance too much to take a step which would appear in 
some sort to degrade the dignity of my character, and give them reason to believe that we 
fear them dreadfully, and that it is in their power to dictate the law to us. 

But wherever and however this interview take place, on which I am resolved when I shall 
have seen the Kiskakons, we must previously consider the means of making the necessary 
preparations for this voyage, and of placing, this winter, the fort and bark beyond insult. 
This is one of the principal precautions to be taken to arrest the bad designs of the Iroquois 
and to preserve the country. 

As all this cannot be done without expense and early attention, and as I know you 
have not funds, I considered it my duty to propose to you to defray it between us, and, in case 
the King should not allow this expense, to engage ourselves in our name to the merchant 
whom you will please to select for this purpose, to pay him equally for whatever he might 
furnish of flour, pork and brandy, which compose the indispensable supplies. 

Whereunto ought be added whatever may be proper for presents, since you know as well as 
I that speeches, unless they are seconded, have no eflect on Savages. 

Though the news, which M. Dollier informs me you communicated to him, indicate your 
and my appeal, we ought to have sufficient zeal for the King's service and the preservation of 
the country, whilst we are intrusted with that charge, to do all that depends on us for its 
security against the attacks of the Iroquois, and to leave everything in a good condition for 
those who will come to relieve us, and who, perhaps, will not arrive in sufficient season to 
have flour manufactured and conveyed to the Fort, which is the most urgent matter. 

You will please let me know at the earliest moment if you approve this expedient; awaiting 
which, I shall remain. 

Sir, 

Your most humble and mos.t obedient 
servant, 

Montreal, this 5"" August, 1682. Frontenac. 



176 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 



Conference helween Count de Frontenac and the Ottawas. 

Montreal the 13"" August, 1682. 
The Kiskakons, OutaoSesinagos, those du Sable^ and some Miamis, composing a part 
of the Indians called Outaoues, who arrived at Montreal on the eleventh day of August, 1682, 
to the number of 26 canoes, had an audience with my Lord Count de Frontenac, on the 13"" 
of said month, and Nonchekkiskakon being spokesman, and M' de Vieupont, who came down 
with them from Missilimakina, acting as Interpreter, they stated in their first word : 
First Word. That they have not a great many tilings to say to their father Onontio, except 

that they consider themselves dead, and pray him to have pity on them ; for the Iroquois kill 
them. That they would not have come down had not Onontio sent them word to do so ; 
that they come to see him and to hear his voice, and have no other word than what they 
brought him last fall, and request him not to abandon, but to have pity on them. 
Second Word. They recounted the affair of the Seneca killed in their country last Summer 

by an Ilinois at Missilimakinac, where they were celebrating the festival of the Dead, 
suspecting nothing, when they learned that some Hurons, their neighbors, returning from 
hunting, had met in the bush a little Ilinois girl, about seven years old, who had escaped 
from among those of her nation taken prisoner by the Iroquois. Those men would 
have brought her to their feast of Indian corn, beyond the Village of the Kiskakons; hearing of 
which, some of the Ilinois, who are married at Missilimakinac, were there to see her, and 
having found only some little children in the cabin where she was, they questioned her, and 
discovering by the names of her parents, which she communicated to them, that she was an 
Ilinoise, they brought her to the village of the Kiskakons. Having been informed that 
Annanhac, one of the Seneca Chiefs, had left the main body of the victorious Iroquois 
army to come to Missilimakina, they visited him ; having stated on his arrival there that a 
little Ilinoise had left him on his march to Detroit, he went with the Hurons to the village of 
the Kiskakons, to see if it were she, and having recognized her, said that he had even adopted 
her, and insisted on having her. One of the Ilinois opposing it, both became so heated that the 
Seneca, insulted by the Ilinois, was killed by him before any of those who were in the cabin had 
the power to prevent it. They immediately came down to advise Onontio thereof; to testify 
their displeasure to him, and to request him to interpose in order to settle this affair ; but not 
finding him at Montreal, they applied to M" Perrot to communicate the matter to him. On 
their return they gave belts to the Hurons, to be presented in their name to the Senecas whom 
they were going to see ; and in place of appeasing their minds and acquitting them of this 
death, the Hurons attributed to them all the blame, without speaking of the belts which they 
were entrusted to present, on their behalf, as a token of their regret that this accident had 
occurred among them. The Hurons, therefore, were the authors of the unfortunate affairs, 
having an understanding with the Iroquois, to whom they went frequently in secret. 
Third Word. That they are come to hear the voice of Onontio, and to learn what he will say to 

them to restore their spirits; that they entreat him to be pleased to always protect them; 
to take pity on their condition and permit them to trade the few peltries they have brought. 

'The Outawas of the Talon and Sable (Sand ) tribes formerly inhabited Manitoualin Island, but the dread of the Iroquois 
drove them to Michilimakinac. La Hontau's Voyage, ed. 1706, II., 20. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 177 

Count de Frontenac answered that he was very glad to see tliem, but what they told him 
of the Seneca killed last year among them being of consequence, it was necessary that they 
endeavor to arrange that matter. On this subject he had to tell them that, as soon as M' Perrot 
had given him notice of the arrival last autumn of their deputies at Montreal, he had sent to 
Ononlague and to Seneca to exhort the Iroquois to suspend their resentment on account of this 
death until he should confer next summer with them at Fort Frontenac, where he invited 
them to repair, and where he would not fail to attend after he had seen the Kiskakons, and 
learned from them the satisfaction they proposed making for the death of Annehac, which 
could be regarded only as a private quarrel, with which the tribe had nothing to do, since it had 
sent deputies to inform him what share it had in that accident. That the Iroquois had 
requested him, by their answer, to come in the month of June as far as the South shore of 
Lake Frontenac, to hear their voice thereupon, as it was difficult to believe that the murder 
of Annanhac had not been committed with the participation of all the Kiskakons, they not 
having broken the head of the murderer, nor arrested him. That he had postponed answering 
the Iroquois until they had come down, in order that he may learn what reparation they 
proposed to make' for the death of Annenhac. 

That they must not imagine themselves dead on that account, but consider what they 
intended to offer the Iroquois to restore their spirits ; on making proper proposals on their 
side, he would on his part, as the common father of the one and the other, endeavor to satisfy 
them. That it would be necessary for them to select, for this purpose, three or four of their 
Chiefs to confer with him in private, so that the resolutions they would adopt, being secret, 
may be the more effectual. 

The Kiskakons made no reply to that; they merely urged Onontio to permit them to 
commence trading, as, they said, they distrusted the Iroquois, and feared they might in their 
absence sack their villages, take away their old men, their women and children ; therefore 
they requested that they might trade and return as soon as possible. 

But Count De Frontenac having told them that it was necessary that the Hurons, of whom 
they complained, and who were hourly expected, should be heard in their presence, that they 
may be afterwards reconciled and made friends, they consented to tarry. 

Meanwhile one of the Miamis, having taken up the word, stated that they likewise were 
daily slaughtered by the Iroquois. 

The Count having answered that this was the first news he had of it, and having afterwards 
inquired how many of his men the Iroquois had killed, and at what place, the Miami replied 
that he came not to complain nor to demand satisfaction. The Count rejoined. Were there not 
Frenchmen in his country— did not M'' De la Salle, who had made an establishment there, 
exhort them to build a fort to defend themselves against those who should attack them, and 
even to unite themselves with the Ilinois? The Miami, concurring therein, also confessed that 
the Iroquois had told him to retire from their war path, as they had nothing to say 
against him, but against the Ilinois; nevertheless they failed not, on four occasions, to kill him, 
and to seize some of his people, for which he was not asking satisfaction of Onontio. But his 
air and tone indicated that he intended to obtain it and to avenge himself. 

The Count told him that when he would see the Iroquois he should reprove them, and point 
out their error, in order that they may repair it and that a similar recurrence be prevented; 
and then gave the whole party wherewith to smoke and eat, and to drink his health. 

Vol. IX. 23 



178 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

The 15"> August, 1682. 

Some Hurons, or Tionnontatez comprised under the name of their chief Sataretsi,' arrived at 
Montreal on the IS"" of August, to the number of ten canoes, communicated their first word 
to the Count, in the audience given them on the IS"" of said month, 1682, through their Orator, 
Soiioias, in French The Rat, M' Le Moine acting as their interpreter, and M"' de S' Paul for the 
Kiskakons, who were invited to the same audience: 

First Word. Speaking in the singular number under the name of Sateretsi — they had come 

down at the request of Onontio their father, who had told them by the Frenchmen to descend 
to Montreal, where they had come to hear his voice; that he saw them poor and miserable, 
because their young men amused themselves drinking; that they did not neglect coming at the 
command of their father, to learn his will and to request him to inform them of what was 
occurring; that they hear many rumors, and that the earth is turned upside down; that this 
causes them trouble, and they have recourse to Onontio to restore them their senses and to 
give them good advice. 

Second Word. The samc Souoi'as, after a pause, said : Onontio, thy son Sataretsi hath just 

stated that he made an alliance with Ouiatanon,^ which means the Selugme tribe, who are 
Miamis and another tribe included in them. He intreats Onontio to receive and to protect 
them, as he does Sataretsi, who is no longer but one body and one spirit with Oiiiatanon. 

M. de Saint Paul explained this matter at the same time to the Kiskakons and to the 
Miamis in their tongue, who declared that they also made this alliance, and requested that it 
be approved and protected. 

Third Word. Ououtio, thy son Saretsi styled himself formerly thy brother; but he has 

ceased to be such, for he is now thy son ; and thou hast begotten him by the protection thou 
hast afforded him against his enemies. Thou art his Father, and he acknowledgeth thee as such ; 
he obeys thee as a child obeyeth his father; he listeneth to thy voice; and doth only what is 
pleasing to thee, because he hath respect for his father and is obedient unto him. 

M. de Saint Paul interpreted this to the Kiskakons and to the Miamis, who said it was so 
with them also. 

Fouriii Word. Onontio, thy son Sataretsi hath an upright mind ; he is proud, and defies 

any one to disgrace or reproach him with having acted ill, and with having failed in anything 
towards his father. There are, notwithstanding, some among his brothers — both French and 
Indian — wiio have spoken evil of him, and accused him of creating disturbance; adding, he 
must be distrusted ; he has been taken by the arm, to induce him to commit bad acts. But 
Sateretsi walks upright, and is subject to his father's will, who alone hath the power to pull 
him by the arm, and to make him go wheresoever he listeth, because he is the master of the 
whole earth. 

Fifth Word. Sataretsi stands before the eyes of Onontio, his father, who beholds him poor 

and miserable. Wherefore he beseeches his father to have pity on him, to protect him, as he 

' Sflsteratsi, whom our French call the King of the Hurons, is in fact hereditary Chief of the Tionnontatez, wlio are the 
true Hurons. Charlevoix, Journal Hislorique, Leitre XVH. See fui'theron this subject, La Houtan's Voyage, ed. 1705, H., 142. 

' Fifty years ago ( says Charlevoix, writing in 1721 ), the Miamis were settled at the south end of Lake Michigan, in a place 
called Chicagou, from the name of a small river which runs into the lake, and which has its source not far from the river 
of the Illinois. They are divided into three villages, one on the river St. Joseph; the second on another river which 
bears their name and runs into Lake Erie; and the third upon the Ouabache, which runs into the Mississippi. These last are 
more known by the name of the Oayatonons. Journal Hislorique, Letlre XI. They were alio called the Weat. Gallalin.— 'ED. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. . J~Q 

has always done, against his enemies ; to permit him to buy arms to defend, and clothes to 
cover himself; in a word, to permit him to trade off the peltries he has brought with him. 

The Count answered them, that if he had been rejoiced to see them in other years, he was 
more so this, finding them obedient, and disposed, in the midst of ail the different rumors 
which are current, to follow his advice by endeavoring to arrange affairs which are 
in confusion. 

That he lauds their having concluded a new alliance with the Miamis, in order to strengthen 
themselves against their enemies; that they may be assured, the one and the other, that he 
will always protect them whilst remaining united and in the good sentiments which children 
ought to entertain towards their father. 

That, however, notwithstanding the tokens of respect and submission in which the Hurons 
wish to induce him to confide, he has cause to complain of their conduct, understanding that 
they have gone and carried belts into suspected places, without giving him notice tlien-of, or 
stating what their intention was, nor what had been said to them; and that it was not well to 
have concealed these sorts of things from him. 

Souaia replied, that it was true that Sataretsi had been to .Seneca ; but he thought there 
was no harm in that, as the Kiskal^ons were aware of it, and that he went there only to 
arrange their unfortunate affairs, of which the Seneca accused them with Sataretsi. 

M. de Saint Paul having interpreted this to the Kiskakons, they murmured against the 
Hurons, by whom, they said, they had not been well treated. Many reproaches were 
interchanged, the Kiskakons saying that the Hurons conceal from them what they do, betray 
them, and have an understanding with the Iroquois, to whom — they complain — the Hurons 
had given, solely in their own names, the belts they carried, without having made any mention 
of them, nor offered those presents on the behalf of both nations, though they had equally 
contributed thereto. The Hurons, having defended themselves, complained that the Kiskakons 
only did mischief by their rashness and violent conduct, from which they (the Hurons) have 
daily much to suffer, especially when absent from home, at which time their old men, women 
and children are insulted by the Kiskakons, who ill treat them on all occasions without reason 
or cause. 

The Count remonstrated with them that neighbors, as they are, ought to be more united 
and agree better together, and that they ought never be so irritated or incensed as they appear 
to be, the one against the other; and, addressing the Hurons, that they ought avoid all 
occasions of exciting distrust by their conduct; and, speaking to the Kiskakons, they ought 
not to take umbrage without cause, but have respect for their neighbors, nor go to their 
cabins to insult and ill-treat people there; that, being brethren and his children, he was sorry 
to see them quarreling and living unfriendly together; that he desired they should forget the 
past, and be again so united that their enemies, who were seeking to divide them in order to 
oppress them more easily, might not profit by their misunderstanding; that they ought to find 
out means of satisfying the Senecas for the murder of Annehac, which occurred last fall in the 
village of the Kiskakons, in order that the Iroquois may have less cause to evince his resentment 
against them. 

And having afterwards asked the Kiskakons if they had considered and reflected on the 
matter, they spread a small mat in the middle of the room, and placed thereon a little boy 
between S and 9 years of age, with a belt of Wampum before him and a robe of beaver on his 
body; and (addressing Onontio) said that, being innocent of Annehac's death, inasmuch as he 



180 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

wns killed by an Ilinois, they did not pretend to owe other satisfaction to the Senecas than the 
belts they placed in the hands of the Hurons to be given them, to mark thereby the displeasure 
they felt at the occurrence of that accident in their cabin. However, they presented Onontio, 
moreover, with this Slave,' to do with him as he saw fit. 

The Count, rejecting this present, replied : It was not to him they ought to make satisfaction, 
but to the Senecas, who would justly reject, as he had done, this little Slave were he offered 
to them as an equivalent for the loss of so great a Captain as Annehac, and that they would 
not fail to throw him into the war-kettle, the better to season it ; that they had come very late, 
and with very little, and that they ought to have gone early in the spring to the Seneca to 
settle this matter; that they must bethink themselves now of greater satisfaction, and 
deliberate on it among themselves, and that he would send for them in the course of two or 
three days to learn their resolution; that, nevertheless, he would permit them to trade 
after dinner, to-morrow, for arms and clothing they were in need of, after they had, as was 
the custom, paid in the forenoon their debts. 

The IS"" August, 1682. 

The Count having caused notice to be given to the Chiefs of the Kiskakons, Hurons and 
the two Miamis to attend on Tuesday morning, the IS"" August, in Sieur Patron's room, he 
inquired, through M. de Saint Paul, of the Kiskakons whether, according to what had been 
told them the last time, they had conferred together and agreed as to what they had to offer to 
the Senecas for the death of Annehac. 

After remaining some time without speaking, and looking at each other, the Kiskakons 
answered No ; and the Hurons, being interrogated wherefore they had not done so, replied 
that they expected the Kiskakons would have spoken first to them about it ; the matter 
regarding these more than it did them. The Kiskakons having afterwards avowed that 
they had done wrong, added, that they had nothing more to offer than the belts which the 
Hurons had carried to the Senecas, to whom they ought to have been given in behalf of 
both nations. 

The Count, surprised at this answer, represented that they had not well reflected thereon, 
and that he should be sorry were affairs to become embroiled and in a worse condition 
through want of forethought, and exhorted and pressed them to confer forthwith the one with 
the other. And some time after Noncheka had conferred in private with those of his nation, 
he resumed speaking, and said that the position in which they found themselves was worse 
than war ; inasmuch as, believing themselves to be at peace, and entertaining no suspicion, they 
were daily exposed to the hostilities of the Iroquois, who was raising the hatchet over them, 
without their daring to repel the blows, out of respect to their father Onontio, who had 
forbidden them to do anything to him because he was his child. But being a disobedient and 
an evil disposed child, they could not believe that Onontio, their father, had given him the 
power to kill his brothers, the Outauaes, who are equally his children ; that they requested 
him not to hold their arm any longer, and to permit them to repel force by force. 

The Count having replied tiiat they must first begin by consulting about healing and 
staunching the wound of Annehac, killed in their own cabin; he should then look to 
restraining the hatchet of the Iroquois. 

' The Indian captives were thus called. — Ed. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. 181 

Noncheka replied, that the Kiskakons had not committed this murder; that it was the 
Ilinois, and it would not be just that Onontio should oblige them to give new satisfaction to 
the Iroquois, who fiad never given any to the Miamis, their brethren, whom he had killed on 
divers occasions. 

Whereupon, Alimahoue, Captain of the Miamis, having risen and left his place, spoke with 
vehemence in the centre of the assembly, and said that so much talk was unnecessary ; 
that he was brother to the Kiskakons and the Hurons ; that he carried them both in his 
heart, and held each of them by the hand, without wishing to abandon them ; that the 
Iroquois was a traitor, who had killed them whilst pretending to be their friend ; that he who 
was speaking had also been bit by him, and had suffered up to the present moment without 
saying a word ; but he was weary of this, and wished not only to bite them in his turn but 
also to eat them, and to go in quest of them, begging Onontio to hinder him not. 

The Hurons, evincing more reserve, or daring not to explain themselves in such a large 
assembly, said they would speak another time. 

And the Count, continuing always to exhort them to adopt mild means, insisted that it was 
not necessary to come to the last extremity before he had seen the Iroquois, whom, as he had 
already stated, he had appointed to meet at Fort Frontenac, to propose to them the satisfaction 
they were willing to give for the death of Annehac ; that he would not desist from urging 
them to reflect on it ; to consider the benefits accruing from peace, and the evils to result from 
war, if once enkindled ; and took leave of them until after dinner, when he would confer with 
them more particularly. 

The ig"" August, 1682. 

The chiefs of the Kiskakons, to the number of three, to wit, Noncheka, Oneske and 
Assongo'isa, the Hurons, to the same number, to wit, Soiia'ili, called tiie Rat, Ondahiastechen, 
Burnt tongue (la langue brusUc), and Oskoiiendeti, the Runner, and the two iMiamis, who 
were to attend the preceding afternoon at the underground and secret conference in the 
Count's chamber, having come only the next morning, IQ"" August, the Count gave the first 
and the last to understand, through M. de St. Paul, and the remainder, through M. Lemoine, 
that they were in a place where whatever might be said would be kept secret, so that each 
could express his opinion with confidence and freely discuss the present business, by agreeing 
as to what reparation they proposed making for the murder of Annenhac. After these eight 
Deputies had conferred in private together for some time, Noncheka declared anew that 
they could not do any more than they had done ; that the Hurons had carried belts from 
them to the Senecas to bury this afiliir; that the Iroquois had not given any satisfaction 
for the Miamis whom they had killed on four different occasions ; that it would not be in 
accordance with the justice and goodness that Onontio had always entertained for his 
children to allow them to be choked without defending themselves; that they were 
determined to let the Iroquois see that their insults were endured solely out of respect, they 
always entertained, for Onontio; they therefore requested him to keep their arms bound no 
longer, and to consider that an open war would be less prejudicial to them, because it would 
oblige them to keep themselves on their guard, as their present position did not allow them to 
adopt any precautions. 

Alimahoue, a Miami Captain, supported the same opinion with still more energy; and the 
Hurons, though they did not explain themselves so forcibly, nevertheless declared, through 



182 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Soua'iae, that they would not separate themselves, either from the one or from the other, and 
would remain united to the Kiskakons against the attacks of the Iroquois. 

The Count, seeing by these unanimous opinions that affairs were not in a fair train of 
arrangement, expressed the pain he felt in conseqence, and, as the common father of the 
Outauois and Iroquois, that he must be greatly grieved to behold his children set against one 
another; that he should have wished much they had patience, and had resolved to offer some 
satisfaction to the Iroquois, with which he should have endeavored to induce the latter to be 
satisfied at the interview he had appointed for them at Fort Frontenac, only with that view ; 
and that the great Onontio of France, who believed all his children here to be at peace, would 
not be content should they wish to break it. 

Nonteka and Alimahoue replied that their nations ought not to be accused of that; that the 
Iroquois had made them suffer too long a time, and that they must avenge themselves; 
reiterating to Onontio their entreaties to grant them permission, as they were determined 
on war. 

But the Count declared to them that he could not give them that permission except on 
condition that they should confine operations to their own country — to repelling those who might 
come thither as enemies to attack them; that he would not consent to their going in quest of 
these to their own territory and villages; so that if the Iroquois, continuing to have an evil 
disposed spirit, were desirous to attack and molest them, he did not prevent them defending 
themselves, and he should also order the French who are in their country to unite with them 
to repel and drive him off; but he should forbid them following him, to fire into his cabin or 
elsewhere, until the Count should have advised the great Onontio of France, who would send 
his orders next year, and acquaint him what meaus he should use to chastise the Iroquois. 

Meanwhile, the best advice he could give them at present was, to live together in good 
union and correspondence, especially the Kiskakons and the Hurons, who were neighbors, 
and each of them to fortify their villages, in order to defend themselves and mutually aid each 
other against those who should undertake to come and attack them ; that they ought to send 
the Belt around to all the Outaouais tribes; to the Nippsingues, the people du Sable, the 
Outaouae Sinagos, the Malomenis, the Poux,' the Puans, the Sakis, the Nokets,^ the Outagamis, 
the Kikapoux, the Ilinois, the Miamis, the Maskoutens, to warn them to be on their guard, 
and to advise them of their resolution to resist the insults and hostilities of the Iroquois, and 
of the alliance they had entered into for that purpose with the Miamis. 

That he had to warn them of one thing, namely, that the great Onontio of France, esteeming 
frankness and valor, had a mortal aversion to those who would use deception and bad faith 
towards their allies, and never pardoned traitors, so that if any nation among them were so 
dastardly as to betray its brethren, and, under pretext of alliance and friendship, deliver them 
to the common enemy, as the great Onontio was the master of the entire earth, he would send 
orders to hunt them in every country in the world, as much as was possible, to seize them 
there and punish them more vigorously than their most cruel enemies could do. 

Therefore, to oblige them to remain well united and to live in good intelligence, the Count 
made some presents to those three nations, telling the Miami to remember his alliance, and to 
be the bond of union between the Hurons and the Kiskakons. 

' Poutawataraies. 

"A small tribe which came originally from the shores of Lake Superior and settled to the N. W. of Lake Michigan, on what 
is still called, after them, Nocguet Bay. — Ed. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 



18a 



The 20"' August, 1682. 

Thursday, the 20"" August, the Chiefs of these three nations, being ready to embark, came 
in the morning to talie the letters with which tiie Count told them the evening before he 
should entrust them to be delivered to the Jesuit fathers who are Missionaries in their 
country, to whom he communicated the resolutions adopted in the Conferences, and transmitted 
orders as to what the French were to do in case of rupture. And after the Chiefs had again 
testified their joy at being at liberty to defend themselves, and had promised to continue always 
well united, they requested Onontio to give them the plan of the forts they were to erect in 
their villages immediately on their return ; these having been drawn up on the spot and 
delivered to them, he recommended, and made them promise that, even if they met any Iroquois 
on their route, they would not commit any hostility; whereupon they departed better satisfied 
than they had appeared to be in the voyages of former years, and assured Onontio that they 
would request the Fathers not to open their letters to make known the secret except in presence 
of the Deputies of all the Outaouais Nations, whom they would invite to attend at the reading 
thereof, in order to be better informed of Onoutio's intentions, and to be better able to conform 
themselves thereto. 



Conference hetween Count de Frontenac and a Deputy from the Five Nation's. 

Speech of the Delegate from the Five Iroquois Nations to Count de Frontenac, 
on the ll"- September, 16S2. 

Tegannisoren, an Onondaga Chief, who four years ago assumed the imnie of Niregouentaron, 
which the late prince his grandfather bore, stated to the Count, in the audience at Montreal 
on the ll"" September, 1682, Mr. Le Moyne acting as Interpreter, and said that he was 
deputed by the Whole House, that is, the Five Iroquois Nations, and had been sent to Fort 
Frontenac, thinking to find Onontio there, but not meeting him he had resolved to come to 
Montreal, where he had been assured by M. De la Forest, with whom he came down, that he 
should find him. 

That it was to say that Sieur Delamarque having come in the winter to Onontague on 
behalf of Onontio, who was aware that they were sharpening their hatchet, had stopped them 
and held their arm until the spring, when he told them to come to Fort Frontenac to hear 
his voice. 

The Count replied, and caused to be said, that he had appointed a rendezvous for the 
Deputies of all the Iroquois nations, not for the Spring but for the Summer, at the end of 
August, and at the time when Niregouentaron had come to the fort. 

Niregouentaron, without insisting any more on the difference of the time, continued his 
Speech, and said, that his children, the Iroquois, entertaining respect for the will of Onontio, 
their father, had resolved to hear his voice, and without paying attention to all the idle rumors 
which circulated, had remained at home and would have requested him to advance in his big 
canoe to Ochoueguen.' 

' Oswego. 



184 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

That the Ambassadors sent on horseback by the English to invite them to Albany had 
returned without accomplishing any thing, as they were told that the Iroquois had to listen 
to the voice of their father, Onontio. 

That he is sent to learn and to know his word, in order to bear it to the Wiiole House, which 
is uneasy because it had not seen him. 

That they all knew that Onontio, their father, had lighted the Council fire; that they all had 
brought their sticks to it; that they were desirous to keep it alive there in order that it may 
never die, and that the people who will come under ground might always see this fire which 
has been lighted by their father, its author and parent ; that the reason for his coming here is 
that he wishes for peace, and that the children, in growing up and becoming big, may believe 
that this fire will burn forever, and he requests Onontio that it endure. 

That the big canoe which Onontio keeps at the fort — that is, the bark which he has caused 
to be built there — is to right the other canoes in case they upset. 

That they cannot move and paddle their canoes, because all the trees, being in sap, are unfit 
to be stripped of their bark to make canoes. 

This is the reason he has been sent to the fort to request Onontio to have his big -canoe 
moved to their side. 

And he asked if the letters he had brought from Father de Lamberville did not say the 
same thing that he did. 

The Count answered that this father referred to what he should say, and advised generally 
that he was the bearer of good tidings; and he expected to be told what these are. 

Whereupon he said that he would give Onontio a good remedy to cure him of all his pains; 
that is to say, all the suspicions which Onontio might entertain of their conduct, and that it 
was prepared by the Whole House. 

And he drew forth a Belt of Wampum, which he held some time between his hands, saying 
that it was to fetch his big canoe and to draw Onontio into the river of Ochoueguen. 
That though the bark come, it will not prevent the fire burning always at the fort. 
That, to prevent the bark being agitated when it will arrive at Ochoueguen, they will prop 
it with strong trees. 

That they do not wish to make war on the Kiskakons nor on the Hurons, neither on the 
Miamis, but will defend themselves if they strike first. 

And having drawn forth a fathom or two of white stringed wampum, he said, that it was 
to inform all the French chiefs to remember what Onontio had recommended, not to place 
any confidence in the evil reports circulated by ill-disposed spirits, and to kick them from 
them, as he did. 

That he was authorized, by the Whole House, to say what he had stated to Onontio, and 
to know and carry back his answer, and that he is very happy to speak here at Montreal 
to Onontio, whom he expected to find at the fort. 

That he pays no attention to what evil-disposed minds, in different cabins, may say, but 
will rely solely. on what Onontio will tell him. 

That 'tis true they are ready to depart — and not explaining against whom they would march, 
the Count asked him against whom were they going? To which he answered, that it was 
against the llinois. 

The Count regretted hearing him to-day name the llinois, since, when at la Chine, at 
Culerier's, who acted as interpreter, he had told them that their hatchet was indeed raised, 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 185 

but that he was coming to advise Onontio thereof, and would not let it fall without his 
permission. 

And having replied that he had not said so, and that the interpreter must not have correctly 
understood him ; he, however, added afterwards that, being a man with two arms and two 
hands, one for peace and another for war, he had run through the Whole House to persuade 
them not to undertake any thing without first having heard Onontio's word, and to reject all 
evil reports ; and concluded by saying, that was all he had to state. 

The Count answered he had a two-fold joy at seeing him come. First, because he had 
brought news which could not fail to be very pleasing, since it made known to him the feelings 
of respect and gratitude his children continued to entertain towards Onontio, their father. 

Secondly, because of the choice the Chiefs had made of a person so well qualified as he was 
for affairs of peace as well as for war. 

That he might add a third, which was that he bore the name of Niregouentarou, who, as 
well as his wife, and his niece whom Onontio had adopted as his daughter, had been his 
particular friend; and as he had resuscitated that name, he resuscitated also in him the 
affection he cherished for the deceased. 

1 The Count made That he could pcrccive by the treatment he experienced that his visit was 
table. agreeable.' Let him then take courage and rejoice, and he should be always 

well entertained. 

That Onontio would, to-morrow, give him his answer to carry to all his children, the Iroquois. 

That he would send for the Indians of the Mountain, and those of the Saut who may 
be at Montreal, to inform them of the Message he had brought from the Five Nations, and to 
learn also the answer which Onontio would send by him. 

Count de Frontenac's Answer to the Speech of the Deputy from the Five 
Iroquois Nations. 12 September, 1682. 

In the audience Count de Frontenac granted Niregouentarou, Captain of Onontague and 
deputy of the five Iroquois Nations, on the said day, the 12"' 7ber, 16S2, at Montreal, in Sieur 
Patron's room, he gave him to understand through ftr Lemoine, who acted as interpreter and 
spoke in the name of Onontio, as follows: 

Son Niregouentarou! I shall not repeat to-day the joy I feel at thy coming, and on 
perceiving that the whole house hath deputed to me a member of a family for whom I 
entertained a special friendship, and who likewise ever entertained a strong aflection for me; 
who is no less qualified for Council than for War, and with whom I can securely treat on 
business, because he will hearken attentively to my words, will understand my reasons, and 
be able to report them with exactness to the entire house. 

But before telling thee those things I wish to entrust to thee, I shall be glad that all the 
Indians from the Montreal Mountain and the Saut S' Louis, who are here present, were made 
acquainted with the words you addressed to me yesterday, and that they might hear likewise 
what I have to answer thereunto. 

L^moine: **'" Acossen,^ tcll them, then, what passed yesterday, which I caused to be written 

down in thy presence, so that nothing may be altered. Listen attentively. My Son, and thou 
shalt see that they are the same words. 

Vol. IX. 24 



186 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

What Niregouentaron said yesterday was read. 

You perceive, My Son, tliat Acossen has stated all you said yesterday. He must also 
explain all the efforts I used, since the occurrence of the unfortunate death of Annenhac which 
happened last fall among the Kiskakons, in order that the Five Nations may hear my voice 
and be exhorted to suspend their resentment, and to take no step to avenge that death 
before we have conferred together thereupon. 
The Narrative of It was Stated that Onontio sent Sieur de Lamarque to all the tribes, though 

Lamarqne's Mis- 

•ion was read. the season was very far advanced, and it was no longer possible to reach their 
villages in canoes, but only by land, which he could not effect without a great deal of labor 
and fatigue, having been three months on his journey. This proves that Onontio takes pains, 
like a good father, to put to rights and to clean the hearth whenever it begins to be dirty. 

It was afterwards impressed on Niregouantaron's recollection that the said Lamarque never, 
on the part of Onontio, authorized the expectation that he would repair to Fort Frontenac at 
the first running of the sap, but only at the second ; and that it was they who had made that 
request of him, and also that Onontio should go up then as far as Techoueguen ; but that he 
had always given them to understand that he could not do so by those who have carried them 
the second message.' 

That he had many objections to granting them the request they had made, the principal of 
which are : 

1". Because the council fire had been always lighted at the fort; that all the Nations had 
brought their wood thither to keep it alive, and that he could not have it kindled elsewhere 
without giving them reason to believe that he wished to extinguish it at that place. 

S"". Because he wished first to see the Kiskakons and Tionontates, in order to be better 
informed of the manner in which the accident had occurred, and to be able to acquaint them 
also of the circumstances. 

S"*. Because he foresaw that, by complying with their request, it would be impossible for 
him to do what he intended, which was to speak to the Whole House — that is, the Five 
Nations — since the Senecas, who were the most interested in the affair, could not come to the 
fort at the first running of the sap, being engaged hunting too far in the interior of the country. 

That if Onontio did not go to the fort in the month of August, as he had told them, it was 
owing to themselves and the diversity of opinions which prevailed among them; one party, 
such as the Ontagues, wishing him to go to Techoueguen, near their village, and the 
Senecas insisting that they should meet at the fort, as he appointed, that being the place 
where the fire was lighted. 

The House ought not be surprised at not having seen Onontio, nor find it strange that 
you come again and bring him a belt to serve for a cable to draw him alongside your village. 
He tells you anew that the fire being lighted at the fort, and you, yourself, having yesterday 
so urgently requested him, by your last speech, to keep it burning always there, he could not 
light it elsewhere without it running the risk of being extinguished. 

That in addition to this reason, which ought to suffice, the House must recollect that it is 
not for children to designate the place where they desire to see their father, but for the father 
to assign to the children the place at which he wishes to speak to them. 

' qu'il leur a toujours fait entendre qu'il ne le pouvait que parceux qui leur out port6 les secondes paroles. The text is 
somewhat obscure. — Ed. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 187 

That this is what Onontio has done for ten years, without their failing to obey his voice. 

That it would not be just that he should now change the custom, or that they should be 
less obedient. 

That they ought to be obliged to him, and acknowledge his consideration for them in 
wishing to have his fire lighted at the fort, in taking the trouble to go thither almost every 
year, without making them come down to Quebec or Montreal, as was their custom when 
business was to be transacted with them, and in exposing himself to the fatigue and danger 
of ascending and descending the rapids, in order to spare them that trouble, of which 
Niregouentaron is now aware by his own experience. 

That Onontio cannot, then, believe, if the Wliole House entertain for him the consideration 
and friendship you assure him of, that the proposal you make to him to go to Techoueguen 
can be intended for this year, the season heing so far advanced, the length of the voyage so 
uncertain, the squalls of wind so frequent, and the cold so near that the shores of the lake 
might be frozen, and the return of the bark into the harbor of the fort thereby prevented. 

First word. A Belt of Wampum. 

That, therefore, all that Onontio can at present tell you to say to the House by this belt, 
which he places in your hands to carry to it, is, that he is much rejoiced tiiat you assure him 
of the continuation of its friendship towards the French and of its obedience to its father, as 
well as of its disposition to live at peace with the Kiskakons, the Tionontates, and the Miamls, 
regarding them as its brothers and the children of Onontio, their common father. This he 
will again lay before the Whole House more fully next spring and at the first flowing of the 
sap, when he promises to repair to the fort; regretting deeply that the interview cannot take 
place now, in consequence of the great difficulties which, at- this season, prevent him going to 
the other side of the lake, or his children coming to meet him at the fort in sufficient time 
to allow them to return to their villages. 

Nevertheless he exhorts them by this Belt to remain always at peace, and not to soil nor 
dirty the earth any more ; to wait with patience until they confer together, when they may be 
able finally to eject whatever bad stuff might have remained in the stomach. 

Second word. Another Belt of Wampum. 

That Onontio is already half cured of whatever pain he might have felt, by the assurance 
you give him of your willingness to entertain good intelligence hereafter with your Brothers, 
the Kiskakons, the Tionontatez and the Miamis; but he does not know why you will not 
completely relieve his mind by promising him to cease the war against the Ilinois. 

That you must recollect that they, being likewise of the number of his Children, are 
consequently your brothers, and that it will give him great pain, he being the common father, 
to see them killing each other, without preventing them or being able to make peace 
between them. 

That it is a part of the prudence and care of a father for his children to warn the Whole 
House that it is very difficult to observe that friendship and good understanding wiiich it says 
it is desirous of preserving with the Kiskakons, Tionontates and Miamis, whilst continuing the 
war against the Ilinois with whom the former have such intimate bonds of relatiouship, 
alliance and friendship, as they have promised themselves for a long time. 

That as Onontio has given permission to several Frenchmen to go trading to those parts, it 
will be difficult for the House to distinguish and separate them from those other nations among 



188 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

■whom they would be found intermingled; this will expose affairs to further embarrassment 
and give Onontio new and more acute pain. 

He therefore cannot sufficiently impress on his children, the Iroquois, not to undertake 
anything without considering well all the inconveniences and evil consequences which may 
follow on the one side and on the other. 

That they ought to be satisfied with their success last year against the Ilinois, as it is a 
proof of their valor and courage. 

That war does not bring success always to those who commence it; that it has its reverses 
as well as other things, and that it often happens to him who was the conqueror to be 
afterwards conquered. 

That if, notwithstanding the advice and warnings Onontio gives them, they persist in their 
original resolve and continue the war without obtaining favorable success, let them remember, 
at least, that having foreseen all the accidents to result therefrom, he has never given his 
consent to it; on the contrary, that he has always recommended them not to undertake 
anything, but to have patience; that when they shall meet next spring they may mutually 
consider a remedy Onontio will prepare for them on his side, as you assure him his children, 
the Iroquois, will do on their part also. 

Third Word. Third Belt of Wampum in form of a Chain. 

But in order that you may be the better able to stay this hatchet, which you say is raised 
and suspended in the air, here is a Chain to bind it, and to prevent the arms of the warriors 
letting it fall. 

You will accomplish this with greater ease if you remember what you said to Onontio 
respecting the Chain on the day before yesterday, though it was only at a private 
entertainment; that was, that this hatchet would never fall without his permission. 

That the death of Annenhac must be regarded simply as an accident of which the 
Kiskakon was guiltless, inasmuch as he did not strike the blow; that moreover, though 
it was an Ilinois struck it, this ought only be considered a private quarrel between two 
individuals, in which the whole nation ought not to interest itself. Take yourself for an 
example : suppose that, being to-day among the French, it should happen that you might have 
a quarrel with some one and kill him, or be killed ; it would not follow that the entire nation 
ought to assume a part in that quarrel. 

Make use, then, if necessary, of these arguments when you will have returned to the House ; 
these are the same that Onontio used last fall on the first news of the accident at 
Missilimakinac; and as you have always assured him that, though a great Chief, you would 
not fail to direct your mind to peace, when you could obtain it, employ your care and 
influence to procure for Onontio the satisfaction of beholding all his children at peace, and 
abstaining from War. 

Fourth Word. A jacket with gold facings, a shirt, a pair of stockings, a hat, 

a pair of shoes, a black silk cravat with gold edgings, a scarlet ribbon, a 

gun, some powder and ball. 

And to increase the desire which you said you felt to come down to Montreal to see Onontio, 

as your overcoat might have been torn in the Rapids, your shirt, shoes and stockings worn out, 

and your gun broken, here are others your father gives you to wear for love of him. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. 189 

assuring you he will always love you as long as you will have a mind as upright as you 
manifest to him. 

Fifth word. Two packages of glass beads. 
Here also are some beads, which Onontio gives you for the wife of the deceased prince, and 
for your sister who is at the fort, and whom, you know, Onontio adopted as his daughter, in 
order that they may remember liim until he shall see the former at the meeting next spring at 
the fort, whither he invites her, when he will have it in his power to give her greater evidence 
of his friendship, and also bewail there the death and cover the grave of Oniacony, the father 
of the latter. 

A scarlet cloth (une hrmjes), trimmed with gold, and a shift were likewise given 
to Niregouentaron for his daughter, for whom he evinces great love. 



Major de la Forest to Count de Frontenac. 

Letter of Sieur Delaforest, Major of Fort Frontenac, to My Lord Count de 
Frontenac, on the departure of Niregouataron, the Iroquois deputy, of 
the le"- 7ber, 16S2. 

My Lord, 

I cannot sufficiently express to you the sentiment of gratitude felt by Teganesseren who is 
so well satisfied with the cordial reception you have given him, so surprised at tiie good 
cheer and valuable present with which you have honored him, that he is very impatient to 
arrive at his village to convey the news thereof to his whole house. He has requested me to 
inform you that he will not omit any circumstance that you have stated to him, and that he 
will acquaint father de Lamberville of what consequence it is that the Whole House have a 
knowledge of your sentiments, and that nothing be omitted of what you ordered him to tell 
them. Though it blows strong from the Southwest, we embark in order to be prepared 
to cross over at the moment the wind abates ever so little. I have three Frenchmen in 
my canoe, who promise to convey me to the fort in five days, if we have fine weather. By these 
I shall send the Indian to his village. He speaks continually of you, my Lord ; that your 
speeches are pleasing, and that he was fortunate in being selected to convey the message to 
you, and that he shall remember Onontio as long as he lives. As we are five in my canoe, I 
can carry only six minots of flour. The canoe which follows me brings more. This will be 
sufficient, and furnish enough until some more be ground. If I learn any new§ of M. Delasalle, 
I shall communicate them to you. I request you, my Lord, to be fully persuaded of the 
execution of what you have recommended to me at parting, and that I am, with profound 
respect. My Lord, your most humble and most obedient Servant, 

(Signed) Delaforest. 



190 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

State of Indian Affairs on the departure of Count de Frontenac. 1682. 

Memoir, to illustrate the situation in which Count de Frontenac left Canada, in 
regard to the Indians, and principally the Iroquois. 

No artifices have been left unemployed by Foreigners to attract to themselves the Beaver 
trade which the French pursue in Canada. Being preserved for the last ten years solely by 
the establishment of Fort Frontenac, situate at the northern extremity of Lake Ontario, every 
effort has been made to destroy that post, by continually exciting the jealousies of the Iroquois 
in its vicinity, and fain persuading them that it was a barrier which too closely confined them. 

This nation, moreover very warlike, also aims at the subjugation of all the others, and at 
making itself feared by them, so that there *s no difficulty in persuading it to go to war and 
to avenge itself when it has any cause therefor. This obliged Count de Frontenac, at the close 
of October, 1G81, when he heard of the murder of a Seneca Chief, killed in the preceding 
month at Missilimakinac, in a private quarrel with an Illinois, to send forthwith to the Iroquois 
to make them suspend whatever resentment they might feel at this death until he should speak 
with them, desiring them, with this view, to repair at the end of August to Fort Frontenac, 
giving them to hope for satisfiiction on the part of the Kiskakons, amongst whom the 
occurrence happened, and whom he would by that time have seen at Montreal, where they 
are in the habit of coming annually at that season. He advised the court thereof in his 
despatches of the month of November of the same year, 1681, after having conferred 
thereupon with Mr. Duchesneau and the Jesuit fathers. 

Meanwhile, though the rendezvous for the Iroquois had been designated at Fort 
Frontenac for the end of August, it was represented to them that it was for the Spring, and 
they were persuaded to request Mr. de Frontenac to visit them at the first running of the sap, 
not at Fort Frontenac, but at Techoiiegen, at the mouth of the Onondaga river, where their 
principal Village lies, or at some other place on the south side of the Lake, in the supposition 
that, were the invitation not accepted, they would become angry on account of his refusal, 
which was anticipated, and take occasion to resent it, either on the French who had given it, 
or, at least, on the Illinois. 

Monsieur de Frontenac, advised of their demand by letters from Father de Lamberville, 
the Superior of the Iroquois missions, did not think proper to alter his original resolution, 
inasmuch as his consent, appearing to him contrary to the dignity of his character, would 
have rendered them more haughty, and caused them to imagine that he was afraid of them ; 
since it would be going to seek them in their country instead of their coming to find him, as 
they had, up to that time, always done at the places he had designated for them. That it 
would, moreover, be far more expensive to make that journey in safety and in a becoming 
style ; and it would, also, have been useless at that season, not having been able to see the 
Kiskakons, nor to ascertain what satisfaction these were willing to make the Iroquois for 
the death of their chief. Therefore, when informing that Father of a few of those reasons, he 
requested him to endeavor to remove from their minds the idea that he would repair to any 
other place than Fort Frontenac. But before sending him that answer, he communicated his 
letter and all the opinions he had received from other quarters to Mr. Duchesneau, whose 
sentiments he was very happy to obtain in writing, as well as those of the principal of the 
Jesuit Fathers, who are best informed of the manners of these Savages. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 191 

It can be ascertained, by the opinions of the one and the other, whether what was proposed 
was more suitable than what was concluded. 

Father de Lamberville wrote anew that some of the principal Chiefs of the Iroquois, the 
most attached to the French, insisted continually that Mr. de Frontenac should repair to the 
south shore of the lake, at the end of May, and that, otherwise, they could not answer for 
their young braves not undertaking some aggression, or going, at least, against the Illinois, 
which would be very prejudicial to Sieur de Lasalle's discovery. As this second advice came 
with the others he had received, to the effect that he ought to take more precaution than in 
the other voyages, so as not to be exposed to any insult on the part of the Iroquois, some of 
whom, contrary to their custom, spoke very insolently, he advised Father de Lamberville that 
the time was too short to assemble the deputies of the Five Nations at Fort Frontenac in the 
spring; but if any of their chiefs were willing to come to see him at Montreal, he would go 
thither in the month of June, to speak to them and to await the Kiskakons, in order to go up 
to Fort Frontenac after he should have seen them and ascertained what satisfaction they were 
disposed to make. 

Meanwhile, he caused more frequent reviews to be made in the neighborhood of Quebec and 
Montreal, where he sent arms and munitions of war, doubting not but the Iroquois and our 
neighbors would forthwith hear of it, and know thereby that the French would be on 
their guard, and prepared to receive those who would come to attack them. 

He went afterwards to Montreal, had grain collected in order constantly to make manifest 
his intention to go to the fort, and with a larger escort than usual. 

Notwithstanding these preparations, which might give the Indians reason to reflect, as those 
who were urging them to break with us were mainly seeking but to embroil affairs one way 
or the other, in the hope, if they could not oblige the Iroquois to be the first to declare war 
against us or our allies, that M. de Frontenac would commence hostilities, they caused some 
Iroquois to pillage on the North shore of the Lake some merchandise the French of the fort 
were conveying in a canoe to trade, as was their custom, at Seneca; the Indians seized some, 
also, on board the bark of the fort. Sieur de Laforet, who is Major of that place, having 
gone afterwards to complain thereof to the Senecas, could not obtain any satisfaction, and 
returned without any one being willing to trade beaver for his goods. Two Indians were 
forced to avow publicly in their Council that they would not only go against the Illinois, but 
would attack even the French and likewise Sieur de Lasalle, should they meet him, adding 
insulting remarks against the person of M. de Frontenac, under the impression, created by 
those who urged them on, that the affair being reported to him he would feel piqued at it, and 
would resent and chastise them accordingly. 

But instead of being affected hereby, concluding that it was a mere artifice of persons who 
by underground presents were influenced to make such speeches, and that they attacked the 
property of the people belonging to the fort, and were inimical to Sieur de Lasalle only on 
account of the protection M. de Frontenac extended to him in his discoveries, he resolved 
to continue his preparations and to take some precautions against the expeditions of the 
Iroquois; though, in truth, he did not believe that they entertained all the evil designs which 
were reported, inasmuch as for the last ten years they had invariably testifled towards him 
both friendship and great submission. 

And in order to do something which might come to their ears, he did not keep secret the 
new protection he had granted to all the Outaouais Nations of the West, and the permission 
he had given them to construct new forts for their defence against all who might attack 



192 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. • 

them. He even proposed to M' Dollier, Superior of the Seminary, to which the Island of 
Montreal belongs, to accompany him and M' Perrot, Governor of that Island, the Major and 
others, in a tour around it to examine and mark the places where it would be proper to 
construct redoubts, for the concentration of the inhabitants, the better to protect them against 
the hostilities of the Iroquois. ' 

But in commencing the tour of the Island of Montreal, he met Sieur de Laforest, Major 
of fort Frontenac, who was coming to see him [with] one of the principal war chiefs of 
Onondaga, whom the five Iroquois Nations had deputed, with four others, to the said fort, 
under the impression that M. de Frontenac would be found there, to assure him that they were 
desirous to live always in good understanding and friendship, not only with the French, but 
also with all the Outaoiiacs, Kiskakons, Tionnontates and others. 

By the report of what transpired in the conferences with that deputy, and in those 
previously held with the Kiskakons and the Tionnontates, these things will be more fully 
seen ; also, whether M. de Frontenac was not borne out in declining to proceed on the 
repeated applications made to him by Mr. Duchesneau in several letters, as may be seen 
principally by that of the 28"" July, 1682 ; and in observing the conduct he had followed at 
that interview, in which another, less respected among the Savages and less conversant with 
their manners and the intrigues of the country, might have committed himself to much useless 
expense, and adopted measures prejudicial to the Colony. 



jReverend Father de Lamberville to Count de Frontenac. 

Onondaga, this 20"" September, 1682. 
My Lord, 

I received by Boquet the letters you were at the trouble to write me. I found therein a 
duplicate of the one I received a month ago, and which I had the honor to answer by 
Tegannissoren, who went with a Belt of Wampum to you, to draw your Canoe to the South 
shore of lake Frontenac. Had you been able to come here, assuredly your voyage would not 
have been without advantage; you could, at least, have saved the Oumiamis, one of whom, a 
prisoner, had been reserved for you. They will, most probably, be all destroyed, for though 
the brunt of the war must fall on the Illinois, the Oumiamis will be swept away, in passing 
along, and perhaps some other tribe of the bay des Puans ; for, under the name of Illinois, 
the mischief-makers comprise the Oumiamis, the Pouteatimies, the Ousakis, etc. The Iroquois 
only wait for your Word. Though you could not have stayed the lightning that is about to 
strike the Illinois, some, nevertheless, entertained opinions conformable to yours, and told me 
that every thing would depend on what you would say; you would have been the preserver 
of the Oumiamis, whom I consider lost for want of a word from Onontio, who might have 
spoken to them, and whom they still expect. 

Whatever Tegannissoren will relate here on his return will be attentively listened to, and 
that will be the crisis of affairs this year. It is he that 1 believe I named Niregouentaron to 
you in my last. He loves the French ; but neither he nor any other of the Upper Iroquois 



PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. I93 

fears them in the least, and they are all ready to pounce upon Canada on the first provocation 
they will receive. 

Several insults which they have offered to the French, without any satisfaction heing forced 
from them, persuade them that they are feared. They profit every year by our losses. They 
annihilate our allies, whom they convert into Iroquois, and hesitate not to avow that after 
they shall have enriched themselves by our plunder, and strengthened themselves by those 
who might have aided us, they will pounce all at once on Canada, and overwhelm it in a 
single campaign. They have reinforced themselves during this and the preceding year by 
more than Nine hundred warriors (fusiliers). 

Indians who have come from the fort have publicly stated here that you, the tntendant and 
M. Perrot, were recalled to France by the King. I answered, if that were so, you would, 
perhaps, make it known by Niregouentaron, who will bring your answer to their belt, and 
your orders. Though I had learned from another source that such a rumor prevailed, I did not 
wish to confirm it until I should have received your final orders in the capacity of Governor, 
if it be true that we are about to lose you. 

In any case, My Lord, permit me to tell you that assuredly some person has belied us to 
you on two or three occasions, and that I have been sufficiently unfortunate as to have been 
included by him among the number of those who, as well as myself, have never entertained 
a thought except to second, by our very feeble power, all the good intentions you have had 
and do still entertain towards Canada. What I did very recently, in order that a Oumiamis 
may be presented and sold to you, is a signal instance thereof; but the past is past, and I do 
not believe that you ever placed much reliance on the various representations which were 
made to you without sufficient foundation. 

Permit me, if you please, My Lord, to renew here all the respect which I owe you, and all 
the thanks I have tendered to you and still must present for the various civilities you have 
been so good as to honor me with up to the present time, praying God, if the sea separates 
us, that I may at least have the happiness to be united eternally with you near the King of 
Kings. 

This is the most substantial good that I can wish you as well as myself, who am, in truth 
and with much submission, 

My Lord, 

Your very humble and very 

obedient servant, 
(Signed) de Lamberville. 

Allow me. My Lord, if you please, to present here my most humble respects to Madame the 
Countess. My brother sends you, once more, his duty, which he begs you, most humbly, to 
accept. 

' "your enemies. I beg to assure you, My Lord, that the gentlemen thus misrepresented are among the number of" 
A line such as this seems to have been omitted in the text. — Ed. 



Vol. IX. 



194 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Conference on the State of Affairs with the Iroquois. 

At the Meeting held the tenth October, 1685, composed of the Governor, the Intendant, 
the Bishop of Quebec, M. Dollier, Superior of the Seminary of Saint Sulpice, at 
Montreal, the Rev. Fathers Beschefer, Superior, D'Abion and Fremin, Jesuits, the 
Major of the City, Mess", de Varenne, Governor of Three Rivers, de Brussy, Dalibout, 
Duguet, Lemoine, Ladurantais, Bizard, Chailly, Vieuxpont, Duluth, de Sorel, 
Derpentigny, Berthier and Boucher. 

It is proposed by the Governor that it is easy to infer, from the records Count de Frotenac 
was pleased to deposit in his hands of what had passed at Montreal on the 12 Sept. last 
between him and the Iroquois Deputy from Onontague, that these people are inclined to follow 
the object of their enterprize, wliich is to destroy all the Nations in alliance with us, one after 
the other, whilst they keep us in uncertainty and with folded arras; so that, after having 
deprived us of the entire fur trade, which they wish to carry on alone with the English and 
Dutch established at Manate and Orange, they may attack us isolated, and ruin the Colony in 
obliging it to contract itself and abandon all the detached settlements, and thus arrest the 
cultivation of the soil, which cannot bear grain nor hay except in quarters where it is of 
good quality. 

As he is not informed in the short time since his arrival from France of the state of 
these tribes and of the Colony, he requests the gentlemen to acquaint him with all they know 
of these things, that he may inform his Majesty thereof, and represent the necessities of this 
Colony, for the purpose as well of averting this war as of terminating and finishing it 
advantageously, should it be necessary to wage it. Whereupon the Meeting, after being 
informed by the Rev"* Jesuit fathers of what had passed during five years among the Iroquois 
Nations, whence they had recently arrived, and by M. Dollier of what had occurred for some 
years at Montreal, remained unanimously and all of one accord, that the English have omitted 
nothing for four years to induce the Iroquois, either by a great number of presents or by the 
cheapness of provisions, and especially of guns, powder and lead, to declare war against us, 
and that the Iroquois have been two or three times ready to commence hostilities ; but that 
having reflected that, should they attack us before they had ruined in fact the allied nations 
and their neighbors, those would rally, and, uniting together, fall on and destroy their villages 
whilst they were occupied against us, they judged it wiser to defer, and to amuse us whilst 
they were attacking those Nations; and having commenced operations, with that view, against 
the Ilinois last year, they had so great an advantage over them that, besides three or four 
hundred killed, they took nine hundred prisoners ; therefore, should they march this year with 
a corps of twelve hundred well armed and good warriors, there was no doubt but they would 
exterminate the Illinois altogether, and attack, on their return, the Miamis and theKiskakons, 
and by their defeat render themselves masters of Missilimackina and the Lakes Herie and 
Huron, the Bay des Puans, and thereby deprive us of all the trade drawn from that country, by 
destroying at the same time all the Christian Missions established among those Nations; 
and therefore it became necessary to make a last effort to prevent them ruining those Nations, 
as they had formerly the Algonquins, the Andastez, the Loups (Mohegans), the Abenaquis and 
others, whose remains are dispered among us at the settlements of Sillery, Laurette, Lake 
Champlain and elsewhere. That to accomplish this object, the state of the Colony was to 



PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. 195 

be considered, as well as the means to be most usefully adopted against the enemy; as to the 
Colony, that we could bring together a thousand good men, bearing arms and accustomed to 
manage canoes like tlie Iroquois ; but when drawn from their settlements, it must be 
considered that the cultivation of the soil would be arrested during the whole period of their 
absence, and that it is necessary, before making them march, to have supplies of provisions 
in places distant from the settlements, so as to support the men in the enemy's country 
for a length of time sufficient to effectually destroy that Nation, and that we should act 
no more by them as had been done seventeen years ago, partially frightening, without 
weakening them. That we have advantages now which we had not then ; the French, 
accustomed to the Woods, acquainted with all the roads through them, and the route to Fort 
Frontenac open, so that we can fall in forty hours on the Senecas, the strongest of the five 
Iroquois Nations, who alone can furnish fifteen hundred warriors, well armed ; that there must 
be provisions at Fort Frontenac, three or four vessels to load tiiem and receive five hundred 
men on Lake Ontario, whilst five hundred others would go in Canoes and post tiiemselves on 
the Seneca shore; but this expedition cannot succeed unless His Majesty aid with a small 
body of two or three hundred soldiers, to garrison Forts Frontenac and La Galette,' to escort 
provisions and keep the frontiers guarded and protected, whilst the interior would be deprived 
of its good soldiers; that a hundred or a hundred and fifty hired men, must be distributed 
among the settlements, to help those who will remain at home to cultivate the ground, 
in order that famine may not get into the land_; and that funds are necessary to collect supplies 
and build two or three barks, without which, and Sieur de Lasalle's vessel, it is impossible 
to undertake anything of utility. That it is a war which is not to be commenced to be left 
unfinished, because knowing each other better than seventeen years ago, if it were to be 
undertaken without completing it, the conservation of the Colony is not to be expected, the 
Iroquois not being apt to retreat. That the failure of all aid from France had begun to create 
contempt for us among the said Iroquois, who believed that we were abandoned by the great 
Onontio, our Master; and if they saw us assisted by him, they would probably change their 
minds and let our allies be in peace, and consent not to hunt on their grounds, nor bring to the 
French all the peltries they trade at present with the English at Orange ; and thus, by a small 
aid from his Majesty, we could prevent war and subjugate these fierce and hot spirits, which 
would be the greatest advantage that could be procured for the Country. That, meanwhile, 
it was important to arm the militia, and in this year of abundant harvest to oblige them to 
furnish themselves with guns, in order to be put to a good use when occasion required. 

Done in the house of the Reverend Jesuit Fathers at Quebec, the day and year above stated. 

Compared with the original remaining in my hands. 

Le Fe Bure de Labarre. 

' Now, Presoott, C. W. See p. 77. — Ed. 



196 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Abstract of Letters received from Canada. 

M. de la Barre : 4th. Sber, 1682. Order for arms — power of Governors — Troops 
and Fortifications. 

He thinks that the Iroquois wait only the opportunity to attack the French after they shall 
have defeated our allies, against whom they are marching. 

He believes that with a little assistance he can defeat them; is employed laying up 
provisions, and when reinforced by the assistance he requires, will march into their country 
with twelve hundred militia in the spring of 1684, and bring thither all the Indians who are 
at war with, to destroy, the enemy. 

They are 2,600 brave and disciplined men, but a few cannon will give him a great advantage. 

If they perceive that a reinforcement is to be sent him, he is of opinion they will make 
peace. The Nepiseriniens have asked him for aid and shelter against the fury of the 
Iroquois, who are marching against the Hurons, which he has granted them; three hundred 
of them had afterwards arrived at Montreal. 

Some funds are required for the construction of a small storehouse at the landing, to receive 
munitions of war which are to be conveyed farther on. 

12 November. 

When he arrived, as will be seen by the Memoirs he sends with the duplicate of the 
deliberation of the principal persons of the country, Sieur de Frontenac was engaged 
preventing the war with the Iroquois. 

The Dutch have furnished these with guns at half the price of ours, and also with powder 
and lead. 

They number at present over 2,500 excellent warriors. 

They must be estimated at 1,400 in the field (en marche.) 

He cannot proceed against them with a small nor with a large force, without stores 
of provisions. 

He has ordered one of wheat at Quebec and at Montreal, which will not cost the King 
anything. 

He has caused pork to be salted, on which there will be some loss. 

Will have 150 guns drawn from the store to pay in part for the salting of these provisions. 

Cannot withdraw 600 or 1,000 men from the country without diminishing the cultivation of 
the land one-half and causing a famine, but is thinking of collecting the grain. 

Urgently asks for 200 hired men to repair this evil ; 4 companies of marines, with blank 
commissions, to lead the van and escort the convoys ; funds for a magazine of provisions, and 
for building two barges and two boats. 

Proposes to fit out a vessel or barge (flute) to convey the men, and to give the command of 
it to Sieur de Hombourg, son of the late Attorney-General, a good seaman, to whom a 
commission might be given of Captain of a fire-ketch or frigate, with 200 men and three barks 
on the lakes Frontenac and Erie, the Iroquois will be kept so close that all their hunting 
will be broken up, or they will be obliged to abandon their posts, and to fear the allies. This 
reinforcement must arrive at the end of August. 

Demands likewise the arms and ammunition contained in the Memoir which he sends, 
without which the country is lost. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 



197 



Has sent a canoe express to the Iroquois to inform them of his arrival, with presents to 
induce them to come to see him at Montreal. That canoe will cost 400 francs. 
Has no doubt but the said Iroquois will attacii the French in the Spring. 
Begs that all possible succor be sent promptly. 
Has need of an Indian Interpreter. 
Proposes Vieux Pont, who is in Canada, and that he have the pay of a Reduced Captain. 

30'" May. 

Has dispatched a bark expressly to give notice that he cannot avoid going to war with the 
Iroquois, and that he must attack them next season, in case they do not themselves begin 
this year. 

The Onnontagues had promised to give notice to the four other nations to lay aside the 
hatchet against our allies, but he had advices by an express messenger that they had changed 
their minds, and seven to eight hundred had marched against the Kiskakons, Hurons, 
Outawacs and Miamis. 

The Onnontagues, who had promised to come with the Deputies of the five nations to see 
him in the month of June, seemed to think no more of their word, saying they would try to 
come in the middle of July with the Deputies from the Mohawks and Oneidas, believing they 
could not bring those of the Senecas and Cayugas. 

Has had advice that the Senecas were preparing, with the Cayugas, to attack the French 
at the end of Summer, being urged by the English, who are desirous to cut off completely 
the trade of the Outawas. But Sieur Le Moyne was going, on his part, to them, to endeavor 
to avert this storm. 

The English have debauched a large body of French deserters, whom they hire to find out 
for them the route of the canoes, and to open a trade with those people. 

If these deserters fall into his hands he will have them tried by the Council of War. 

He had just visited all the frontier posts to place them in a state of defence, and to 
encourage the country which is greatly alarmed. 

He was sending Sieur D'Orvilliers to fort Frontenac with some soldiers, in addition to those 
he had already sent thither. 

If the Senecas be the first to attack the French they will place the country on the verge 
of ruin. 

He will incur some expense insending up flour, cannon and powder for the supply of the posts. 

It is absolutely necessary to attack the said Senecas, who number about 2,000, or abandon 
the country. 

In addition to the 200 men aforesaid, he demands four hundred more, and some experienced, 
brave and prudent officers. 

The bark which he has ordered built at Fort Frontenac is on the stocks. 

He is getting bark canoes made in every direction. 

Requests that there be sent with the troops pork, clothing for the soldiers and blankets 
for each of them. 

Demands funds also. 

The country up the river is good, and, if it be preserved, people will be satisfied with 
this Colony. 

Proposes to write to the Duke of York on the subject of Manatte and Orange further 
aiding and stimulating the Iroquois against the French. 



198 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Proposes that some title be conferred on Sieur D'Orvilliers. 

Sieur de Barillon' 

Sends the extract of a letter from Sieur de la Barre, complaining that tlie English supply 
arms to the Iroquois, the enemies of the French, and tlie answer of Sieur Jankuni ^ thereunto. 

Finances and Trade. 

The Colony [is] bounded by the English, who seek only to carry off the Trade, and the 
post of Orange affords tliem the means. 

They have sold a quantity of merchandise to the Iroquois at a loss. 

The place and fort at Manatte, under the dominion of the English, are peopled by the Dutch, 
who afford the Indians whatever they require, clieaper than we, and take their beaver at its 
full value. 

They say that the French did not trade with, but robbed them. 

The first design of the Iroquois has been to seize the Trade by destroying our allies and 
those who sell us the Beaver. 

They commenced last year with the Illinois, against whom they proceed again this season, 
and wish to destroy all the tribes inhabiting the bay des Puans. 

To seize the Kiskakons, who occupy Missilimakinac, stop all communication with the 
South Western countries, and deprive the French of more than half their trade. 

The Outawacs, seized with terror, have united with the Miamis in a deputation to Sieur 
de Frontenac, as may be seen by the documents wiiich he sends. 

No beaver has been obtained except by those licensed, and the Kiskakons only have brought 
any tliis year. 

As for Hudson's Bay, the company of Old England has pushed some small posts along 
a river that communicates with Lake Superior. 

Will prevent the continuance of this disorder. 

Licenses to that quarter must be given to reliable persons. 

Perrot has pursued some trade which has excited jealousy. 

Those licenses will prevent the English diverting the beaver from French hands. 

Does not think much of the discovery of tiie mouth of the Mississippi by la Salle, and the 
representations concerning it do not appear to be of much utility, and are accompanied by a 
great deal of falsehood. 

Has no inclination for discovery, but to render valuable what has been explored; to prevent 
the English ruining the trade and to subdue the Iroquois. 

Sieur de Meulles: 12 November. Order for Arms — Power of Governors — 
Troops and Fortifications. 

The Iroquois wish to make war on the Illinois, and have sent an ambassador to Sieur de 
Frontenac to assure him that they were desirous of preserving peace with the French, but he 
is nothing better than a spy. 

' Ambassador from the Court of France to England. — Ed. ' Sir Lionel Jenkins. See III., 1, 8. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. igg 

Tt will be easy for the first named to destroy, in detail, ail those who will oppose the design 
they entertain to become masters of North America, and, assisted by the English and Dutch, 
to oblige the French to quit the colony. 

Is necessitated to make preparations to resist them and to prevent them attacking the 
Iroquois,' witliout which the revenue Irom the beaver would be destroyeci. 

By erecting some small fort in the direction of the Iroquois, the Indians might be prevented 
carrying their Beaver to Boston and Orange. 

2 June. 

Agreeably to M. de la Barre's [plan] for the war to be made against the Iroquois, demands 
1,000 cheap muskets and as many swords, to be distributed among the colonists at the same 
price as in France. 

Finances and Trade. 

The House named des Ilets may he made use of as a manufactory, where the Indian girls 
may learn to live after the fashion of the French peasants, whereas at the Ursuliues they learn 
only to say prayers and to speak French. 

They would lead their husbands to such mode of life as might bring them to support and 
maintain themselves. 

At their marriage might be given them a cow, a hog, some corn, and a little flax seed, 
whereby they might subsist. 

Instruction in reading, writing, and in their faith, would not be omitted. 

Wishes to know what will be done for those who have more than 12 children. 



The Bishop of Quebec : 12 November. 

It is of importance not to impair the edict prohibiting Huguenots settling in Canada, and 
especially not to sufier them in Acadia. 



Captain Brochholls to Governor de la Barre. 

[ Entries, Sec: Office, Albany; 16S2, 1683; XXXUL, 59.] 

A letter from Captain Brockholls to the Governour of Canada. 

Yours of the 1" and IS"" Aprill past by the hand of Monsier Salvoy Received the 25"' 
Instant and Congratulate your safe arrivail to your Governm' of Cannada under the most 
Christian King. Your Amicable Proposalls for Good understanding and Friend Shipp between 
us to maintaine and Supporte Gen" Peace and Tranquility is most Gladly Imbraced and shall 
in all points as hitherto on our Partes be readyly Complyed with in the Accomplishm' wherecf 



200 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

shall use all Endeauour that Love may Rather be the luducem' then Armes and that all things 
Impedeing the same may be Remoued And to that end By the Correspondency that was 
between your Predecessor Mouns" le'Comte De ffrontenac and Sir Edmund Andross the late 
Goveruour here Complaining of many Runawayes from your Parts Orders were made and 
Published that if any of your nation Came to any of our Parts without a Passe they were to 
be taken up and Sent of to some of the flrench Islands pursuant to which one man and one 
Woman were soe sent, but none Sold their Passage and Charge of Transportacon being 
Sattisfied here and being Consented to by your Predecessor Can be no Vyolacon or Breach of 
the Law of Nations soe that wee Doe not tollerate or Encourage any of your People to Come 
to us nor any of ours to goe to you unlesse by Speciall Lycense on Extraordinary Occasions 
which Shall Still be Observed. 

Wee have hitherto by Gods Blessing on our Endeauo''s Lived Peaceable and quiett with all 
our Neighbouring Indians without Effussion of Xtian Blood nor Doe finde Any Ground for 
your Apprehensions of Warr with Maryland the Peace between them and our Indians 
Northward being Lately Ratified and Confirmed and SattisSaccon Given to Content for 
Injuryes Done. 

The Rest Conteined in your Letters must ReflTer till the Arrival of Coll. Dungen our 
Governour who hath had the honour to Command a Regim' in the Service of the King of 
ffrance all the time of the Late warrs who have Advise of and Dayly Expect to whom they 
Shall be Communicated And need not Doubt of Suitable Answers And Resolves Accordingly 
In the meane tinie be assured that as it hath Alwayes been the Care of this Governm' to 
Preserve Peace Prevent and hinder the Spilling of Xtian Blood and to hold and Mainteine A 
Civill Correspondency with our Neighbours So the Same Endeavours and Practice shall be 
Continued Perticulerly towards your Selfe and Remaine. 

S' 

Your Verry humble Serv' 

May 31'" 1683. A: B: 



Monsieur de la Barre, 



Louis XIV. to M. de la Barre. 

Fontainebleau, 5"" August, 16S3. 



I recommend you to prevent the English, as much as possible, establishing themselves in 
Hudson's bay, possession whereof was taken in my name several years ago ; and as Colonel 
d'Unguent,' appointed Governor of New-York by the King of England, has had precise orders 
on the part of the said King to maintain good correspondence with us, and carefully to avoid 
whatever may interrupt it, I doubt not the difficulties you have experienced on the side of the 
English will cease for the future. 



Dongau. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : II 201 

I am persuaded, with you, that Sieur de la Salle's discovery is very useless, and such 
enterprises must be prevented hereafter, as they tend only to debauch the inhabitants by the 
hope of gain, and to diminish the revenue from the Beaver. 

I recommend you to labor continually, in conjunction with the Intendant, for the establishment 
of trade between the Islands and Canada, and I refer, on this point, to what is more fully 
contained in your Instruction. Whereupon I pray God, &c. 



M. de la Barre to M. de Seignelay. 

My Lord, 

As soon as I had dispatched my letters of the 30"" May from Montreal by the vessel which 
the Intendant and I had sent you express, I received news from Paris of the S"" March, by 
which I learn that Count de Frontenac had confidently assured you that he had left this 
country at peace as far as regarded the Iroquois, and that all appearances rendered it probable 
that the King would incline rather to that opinion than to placing entire reliance on what I 
might write to the contrary on this subject, inasmuch as there was reason for supposing that 
this Count, having remained ten years in the country, was much better acquainted with the 
true state of things than I could be after a sojourn of merely six weeks; and that there was 
no probability of my receiving any assistance to sustain this unfortunate war. This induced 
me to adopt two resolutions, one to endeavor by all means to gain over and pacify the 
Iroquois, and the other to fortify the place exposed to their attack, with some Frenchmen and 
munitions of war, so as to be able to resist them and save this post this year, in order to aftbrd 
you time to persuade his Majesty to adopt some positive resolutions on this subject. But 
as you are not informed of the cause which urges the Iroquois to declare war against us, it is 
necessary that I should, first of all, explain it to you according to the truth I myself have this 
year learned respecting it. 

That nation, the bravest, strongest and shrewdest in all North America, having twenty years 
ago subjugated all their neighbors, turned their attention to the trade with the English of 
New York, Orange and Manatte ; and finding this much more profitable than ours, because 
the Beaver (exempt from the duty of one-fourth which it pays here) is much higher there 
than with us, they sought every means to increase it; and as they perceived that they could 
not succeed better in that than by destroying the Outaouax, for thirty years our allies, and 
who alone supply us with two-thirds of the Beaver that is sent to France, they made a great 
outcry, among themselves, about the death of a Seneca Captain, who had been killed four 
years ago by an Illinois at Missilimakinack, in the fort of the Outaouax called Kiskakons ; and 
after having excited all the five Cabins, declared war against those people, doubting not but 
they would easily master them. This done, they would absolutely intersect the path to the 
South, by which our French go trading with licenses, and prevent the Farther Indjans bringing 
any beaver to Montreal, and, having mastered the post of Missilimakinack, establish a new 
one there of themselves alone and the English. And as the Union of all the Cabins was not 
extremely decided on this point, the three of Seneca, Onontague and Cayuga, despatched five 

Vol. IX. 26 



202 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

hundred warriors in the month of May to attack the Ouatouax and seize Missilimakinak, 
giving orders at the same time to two parties of 150 each, whom they had sent against the 
Meamis, to come and join, on the return of their expedition, this party of 500 and 
reinforce it. 

You perceive hereby, my Lord, that the subject which we have discussed is to determine 
who will be master of the Beaver trade to the south and southwest; and that the Iroquois, who 
alone supply the English with considerable beaver, have a deep interest in despoiling us of 
that advantage by applying it to their own benefit ; and that, therefore, no matter what treaty 
we make with them, the cause always continuing, they will not fail to seize on the most 
trifling occasions to endeavor to render themselves masters of those people and those posts, 
and, by robbing us, destroy the Colony of the King of France in Canada. 

I believe the English have a finger in this design of the Iroquois, because the latter refused 
coming to meet me in June, according to the promise they gave me to send a delegation as to 
one of the other Cabins, calling that of Orange the sixth. 

In consequence, then, of the two resolutions I- had adopted, I determined to send Sieur Le 
Moyne, a Montreal Captain, who is well known to the Iroquois, among whom he had been 
a prisoner, and thoroughly conversant with the language, to the said Nations to ascertain from 
them the reason why they had refused to come to see their new Father, after having promised 
me in the month of December to do so. And as I was well informed of the detach ments 
that were on the march against our allies, I gave him orders to propose, first, that whatever 
might occur during the trading season among the Ouatouax, should not disturb the peace ; that 
if any were killed on the one side or on the other, they should be bewailed ; and if there were 
prisoners, they should be restored without being tortured. 

Having observed much good-will among the Christian Iroquois, established among the 
Rev"* Jesuit fathers at La Prairie de la Magdelaine, I resolved to select four of the principal 
Chiefs of that Nation to accompany Sieur Le Moyne, to whom I entrusted a number of 
private presents, to gain over the most influential, having made, at the same time, some 
reasonable ones to those Christian Chiefs. 

When I despatched this envoy, I sent from Montreal in six canoes thirty good men, with 
powder and lead, for Missilimakinack, to occupy the two forts, and wrote to the French who 
had licenses, to despatch one man from each canoe to join and reinforce those I was sending. 
Sieur Du L'hut, who had the honor to see you at Versailles last year, happening to be at that 
post when my people arrived, placed himself at their head, and issued such good orders that I 
do not think it can be seized, as he has employed his forces and some Savages in fortifying and 
placing himself in a condition of determined defence. 

By despatches I recently received from that place I learn that he has not been attacked, 
because the Iroquois were aware that the French were well armed ; byt that one of the 
Cayuga parties had captured five Hurons of Tinontate, whose lives they had spared, contenting 
themselves with bringing them to reside with them. They were some that Du L'hut had 
sent out to reconnoitre. The Senecas have demanded them back, to send them to me, as 
they say. This appears to me rather an excuse than a truth. Du L'hut, having been advised 
of the retreat of those Iroquois parties, proceeded towards the North to execute his design, 
which becomes more important every day. I hope he will press it to a successful issue. 
These are the news to the end of August. Advices from the head of the Bay des Puans inform 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 203 

me that the Chevalier Baugyi was going to Sieur de la Salle's fort,* from which he was at a 
distance of only 4 to 5 days. His and Sieur de la Durantaye's^ arrival in those parts calmed 
the movement of the Poutouatamis against the French, and all was peace. 

Sieur le Moyne, after having at first run some risks, has managed his negotiation witli so 
much address and spirit that he brought me, on the 20"" July, 13 deputies from the Seufca 
Indians, who remained six weeks witli me at Montreal, and brought word that tlie four otiier 
Nations would send their deputies in the fore part of August. He confirmed to me, at 
the same time, the news I had received of the march of the Iroquois war party against 
Missilimakinack and the Outaoiias; and that, had it not been for the proposition he had made, 
that this war should make no change in the state of affairs, the Senecas, Cayugas, and those 
of Onontague had never hazarded coming to Montreal. 

He likewise reported to me that it was not in vain that I had issued orders to cut in pieces 
the French deserters, who were disposed to point out and open to the English and Dutch the 
road to the Outaoiias, as he had met, near Seneca, two of those canoes, manned by eigiit 
Frenchmen, who took to flight, and flung themselves ashore at the first place they reached, 
and put themselves on their defence in the territory of those people ; that he dared not attack 
them for fear of preventing the success of his negotiation, and that, tlierefore, having been the 
first to arrive at Seneca, they spread the alarm, saying that I was about to attack their 
villages, and that they had fallen in with my vanguard. So that, had it not been for an 
Onontague deputy, whom he had sent on in advance, he would have been cut to pieces by the 
warriors of that nation, who were coming well armed to defend themselves. The occurrence 
at Orange, which I shall communicate to you, will show you the necessity of preventing the 
consequences of that desertion, which will not be difliicult if the King will please to authorize 
me trying them by court martial; punishment being necessary to subdue people who recognize 
neither obedience nor authority. There are at present over 60 of those miserable French 
deserters at Orange, Manatte and other Dutch places under English command, more than half 
of whom deserve hanging, who occupy themselves all spring and summer only in seeking out 
ways to destroy this Colony. If strenuous eftbrts be not made to cut oft' this road, and to 
chastise those wretches, they will be the cause of the ruin of this country before the expiration 
of four years. On this head you will please to inform me whether the King will not allow me 
to judge them summarily by a Council of War. Otherwise, they will never receive exemplary 
punishment. 

On the 14 August the Deputies of the other four Iroquois Nations arrived at Montreal. I 
had them entertained and gave them all possible good treatment. They were about 30, who, 
with the 13 Senecas, made 43 men and some women. They appeared to me quite tractable ; and 
as my chief business was to bury the remembrance of the death of the Seneca Captain killed 
by an Illinois in the fort in which the Outawas, Kiskakons of Missilimakinack, were, I made 
considerable presents with that view, which they readily received, and then gave some to 
each of the Ambassadors individually. The Christian Iroquois of La Prairie de la Magdalene 
and the Mountain were present at all the Councils, and acquitted themselves very well. I 
also had some Algonquins and Hurons there. During the entire sojourn of those people 

' Lieutenant of De la Barre's guards. ^ St. Louis, in Illinois 

' OuviEE Morel de la Dukantate was a native of Brittany, and had been captain in the Carignan Sali^re's regiment He 
commanded at Michilimakinae at this time. He was very popular among the Indians, and commanded those that 
subsequently seized McGregory and his party on their way from New-York to Michilimakinae. — Ed. 



204 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

at Montreal, the greatest order prevailed and there was no drunkenness. The conclusion 
of our Council was, to report to their nations and approve what I demanded, namely, 
friendship for the Outaouas, Algonquins and Hurons, and they promised to send me their 
warriors in the spring. This will be additional expense, but I must be certain of them until I 
receive your orders and his Majesty's intentions. Thus, here we are in some sort of repose, 
all these Iroquois having left on the 30"" of August well satisfied and content, provided the 
warriors come this spring to confirm what the Chiefs have promised me. 

You have herewith the statement of the expense I authorized for the Iroquois, both for 
their support at Montreal and for presents; the funds therefor being advanced by me or 
borrowed from divers individuals, I request you will be pleased to authorize repayment to me 
at the earliest, in order that I may be discharged. 

Sieur de la Salle having abandoned Fort Frontenac last fall, some Montreal rascals wished 
to seize it in the beginning of spring. This obliged me to detach the 1" Serjeant of the 
garrison of this fort, with twelve soldiers, to keep guard there, and as it was absolutely 
necessary to furnish them with provisions, Sieur de Ber of Montreal had conveyed thither the 
contents of the annexed statement, the repayment of which you will have the goodness to order. 
Some flour will remain, which will supply food for the people during this winter, and as I hope 
to receive your orders in the beginning of spring by the first vessels which are to leave in 
March, you will communicate to me your wishes as to what is to be done with that fort, since 
you will perceive by the copies of Sieur de la Salle's letters that his head is turned, that he 
has been bold enough to give you intelligence of a fiilse discovery, and that instead of 
returning here, to learn the King's wishes as to what he should do, he keeps away from me, 
with the design of attracting some colonists into the depths of the forest, more than 500 
leagues from here, in order to try and build up an imaginary kingdom for himself by 
debauching all the Bankrupts and idlers of this country. At the commencement of May, I 
sent Chevalier de Baugy to communicate to him his Majesty's intentions, but he is at such a 
vast distance that I cannot have any answer from him. 

You have herewith copy of the two letters I received from him of a pretty old date; if /ou 
will please order an extract to be made from them, and examine it, you will judge of the 
character of the personage better than I, and will order, with more correct knowledge, what 
you wish me to do with him. The state of affairs with the Iroquois does not permit me to 
suffer him to assemble all their enemies, that he may put himself at their head, for no other 
use to Canada than to draw those Iroquois down against us from that quarter. All the people 
who bring me news of him abandon him and do not speak of returning, and dispose of the 
peltries they bring as their own property. Therefore, he will not be able to maintain himself 
any longer at that post, which is over five hundred leagues from here. 

As I am deprived of the honor of your orders this year, I request you to write to me next 
season by the vessels which will leave in March, in order that I may take advantage of the 
summer to prepare for their execution. This year we have had vessels here on the 20"' May, 
and thus I would have time to proceed according to your intention ; for it is certain that if you 
think it necessary to humble the Iroquois, as I consider the good and preservation of the country 
require, and if the King be pleased to send me whatever is necessary therefor, I must determine 
on a plan; and if you desire that I conclude a peace already commenced, an entirely different 
course must be adopted, and the Iroquois warriors attracted in June and presents made them. 
Wherefore, I beseech you that I may know in time what course I must take, otherwise I shall 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 205 

find myself greatly embarrassed. I shall say nothing to you of the poverty to which I am 
reduced, as well because I do not receive my ordinary salary, as- by reason of the advance I have 
been obliged to make for the Iroquois business and for the various journeys I was obliged to 
authorize, hoping you will have the goodness to assist me by your orders to the treasurer of 
the marine to send me funds in good season. 

I have sent an express to New-York, to Manatte and Orange, and have written to Boston. 
My messenger has done nothing, because Sieur Dunken,' the new Catholic Governor, that the 
Duke of York sends thither, had not yet arrived, and my man had waited for him two months 
at considerable expense, from which I have relieved the King in the easiest manner. I have 
written to him recently by some trusty Indians, from whom I have not yet had any answer. 
The English of Hudson's Bay have this year attracted many of our northern Indians, who 
for this reason have not come to trade to Montreal. When they learned by expresses, sent 
them by Du L'hut on his arrival at Missilimakinak, that he was coming, they sent him word 
to come quickly and they would unite with him to prevent all the others going thither any 
more. If I stop that pass as I hope, and as it is necessary to do, as the English of that Bay 
excite against us the savages, whom Sieur De L'hut alone can quieten, 1 shall enter into 
arrangements with those of New-York, for the surrender to me of my guilty fugitives ; they 
appeared well satisfied with me, but were desirous to obtain an order to that effect from the 
Duke of York. I judge, from the state of European affairs, that it is important to manage 
that nation, and I shall assiduously apply myself thereto. 

What I have recently received from that quarter deserves a full explanation, and for that 
purpose send you a relation apart from my despatch, which, with the Map of the country that I 
have had prepared for you, will give you perfect knowledge of every thing, and the means of 
interesting his Majesty therein. The young man who made these maps is named Franquelin ; 
he is as skilful as any in France, but extremely poor, and in need of a little aid from his 
Majesty as an Engineer; he is at work on a very correct Map of the country which I shall 
send you next year in his name; meanwhile I shall support him with some little assistance. 

During the four months that I sojourned at Montreal, and visited the upper part of the Island 
and a portion of the River Iroauois at its rapids, to construct some forts there to warn us of the 
approach of the Iroquois in case of war, I found that all the people of those parts were 
indifferently inclined to obedience and little acquainted with justice, and no royal officers being 
in those places, that nobody thinks himself bound to obey the Bailiff of the Gentlemen of the 
Seminary; and as the jurisdiction of the latter ceases on crossing the river, all crimes, 
drunkenness, all sorts of excesses, robbery, concealing stolen goods, and desertion, are the 
ordinary practices followed by 200 lawless men (libcrlins) who reside on that Island and in its 
vicinity, so that to restrain them the court of the Provost marshal^ ought to be transferred to 
this place from Quebec, where obedience is very well established. 

But in doing this, it is necessary to increase the salaries of the policemen, in order that they 
may be in a condition to serve and to live on their wages. Here they have only twenty 
crowns (ecus), which are equal to only 15 French currency, per annum. It were better to 
diminish the number and to reduce it to four, with a salary of fifty crowns French currency to 
each, than to leave the men on their ordinary wages, whereby they are rendered utterly useless. 

'Dongan. — Ed. 

" Prevot det Marechaux was a royal judge established in the provinces, who had jurisdiction over vagabonds, highway 
robbere, mnrderera and counterfeiters He judged without appeal. Bichelet. 



206 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

During the whole of my sojourn in those parts, I received no complaint against Mr. Perrot, 
the Governor, and having closely investigated his conduct, I discovered only one charge to be 
well founded of those made to me at Quebec against him; wherefore I cannot refrain from 
telling you that M. Trongon's probity must have been imposed upon by some false representations 
written to him by M. Doliier, Superior of the Seminary of Montreal, who is a worthy man, of 
middling talent, and easily suffers himself to be misled by an envious and ill qualified judge, 
and by a thousand other good for nothing people, as I have experienced in more than 
twenty instances in which he came to me with complaints against this man and that. I 
communicate my opinion on this subject to Mr. Tron^on,' whose virtue and merit appear to me 
to be such that he will be very glad to know every thing correctly. Therefore, if you order 
me or the Intendant to do so, we would send you a report quite contrary to that made by 
M. du Chesneau against the said Perrot; for the most part of the witnesses told me, without 
being so required, that they were put under oath on that occasion, and afterwards whatever 
was thought proper was written down without any questions being asked them, and that they 
signed in the same manner, which is a strange mode [of destroying] a young gentleman's fortune. 

Sieur Sorel, whom you have named as deserving that government, died in the month of 
November last; I believe you will do a favor to his widow to continue to her his allowance 
of 1683, if the estimate has not been already made, and it would be a very great advantage to 
the service if you would permit Sieur le Moyne to be put in the said Sorel's place; he has 
rendered considerable services in this country, but that which he has performed this month of 
July is so great, that it is proper, for his future encouragement when he may be able to do us 
better service, that you grant him that appointment. He is Captain of the town of Montreal, 
and has done more fighting against the Iroquois than any officer in Canada. I send you his 
son as bearer of my despatches; he is a young man very conversant with the sea, admirably 
well acquainted with this river, has already carried and brought several ships to and from 
France, and I request you to appoint him ensign in the marine. He is capable of doing good 
service, and it is of importance that you have in that line persons who are thoroughly 
acquainted with this country. Moreover, his father feeling deeply indebted to you, will be so 
much the more obliged to do the King good service on all the occasions that daily present 
themselves in regard to the Iroquois. I beg of you to have the goodness to grant or refuse 
this to him promptly, so that he may return to Rochelle without loss of time. 

I have just received a report from M. Perrot, Governor of Montreal, that, on receiving 
information that the Captain of la prairie de la Magd"^ had been seduced by one of those 
wretches arrested last year for deserting to the Dutch or English at Orange (whom the 
gentlemen of Montreal caused to escape from gaol), and had left for New York with all 
his family, consisting of his wife and six children, he, in accordance with his zeal for the 
King's service, sent for his Major, the Sieur Bizard, to give him orders to pursue them with 
a sergeant and some soldiers. Sieur Bizard, imbued with the spirit of disobedience which 
reigns in that place, refused to wait on him, as you will see by the said report. 

This act is of such grave consequence in the present state of the country, that if the King 
do not please to punish it, he must not expect his intentions to be any longer executed. This 
Bizard is a Swiss, steeped in wine and drunkenness, totally useless by his corpulency. Should 
the King please to put another in his stead, as I think requisite, I would propose to his 
Majesty the Sieur de Longueuil, a young man of 27 years of age, who, having been brought 

' This gentlemau was Superior of the Seminary of St. Sulpiee at Paris, which owned the Island of Montreal. — En. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 207 

up near Marshal d'Humieres, and afterwards appointed Lieutenant of Infantry, is acquainted 
with the profession and qualified to do good service. He is the son of M'' le Moyne, of whom 
I have written to you already. 

'Tis necessary, after these things, that I speak to you of the Church. The Bishop and I 
have labored assiduously to establish parishes in the country. I send you the statement we 
have concluded on. We are under obligation for it to the Bishop, who is very well disposed 
towards the country, and who is deserving of all credit. What he demands for Acadia is just, 
but I did not wish to interfere in it until it pleased the King to regulate the affairs of that 
Colony. ' Tis best that you have the goodness to terminate them and to decide whether the 
P'armers (of the Revenue) of Canada are masters to regulate its fate without orders from his 
Majesty or you. I shall write fully to My Lord Colbert hereupon, as he spoke to me on the 
matter before leaving. 

The subject of the Hospitals obliges me to trouble you on that point. No establishment is 
so advantageous to the country; and the zeal of the Nuns who manage them, especially 
that of this town, constitutes the refuge of the wretched, the succor of the sick, and the 
consolation of the afflicted. These Ladies are very poor, and require an additional number 
of Nuns ; if it please the King to endow some for them, it would be a great advantage to the 
public and would not cost him any thing. You placed 3,000 livres at my disposal, in the 
list of gratuities in 1682, for the marriage of Indian girls. This has been a mistake, none of 
them marrying; and this fund having been always employed for the marriage of French girls, 
it is necessary, if you think well, to correct its destination in the estimate we have made, and 
to apply it to the endowment of two Grey nuns {hosjntaliercs). If the King be disposed to grant 
some alms, these poor ladies are well worthy of it, being in debt and also in extreme poverty. 
I most humbly crave charity on that account. 

I have brought here a skilful Physician and Surgeon, najned Bourdon, who has been eight 
years with me at sea. He applies himself altogether to the care of the poor. If you will 
please allow him some gratuity it would serve as a good example and stimulate his zeal. You 
are master. 

The Grey nuns of Montreal are reduced to poverty by the loss of their revenue in France. 
All their buildings are in ruin, as they demonstrated to me in the visit I paid them. They 
demand help from you, which is very necessary, and M"' Tron§on is to speak to you about it. 

It would be very proper, when you send the estimates of 1(383 of the officers maintained 
in this country, that you would notify them that the King desires them to second my intentions, 
with all their power, in those matters which will regard the war and whatever appertains to it. 
I am informed that Sieur Du Gue is to be proposed to you to be Governor of Montreal in the 
place of M. Perrot. I am obliged to inform you that he is dull, both of body and mind, and 
badly capable of the activity necessary in that government; that Sieur Bernier is better 
capable of filling it, should Sieur Prevost, Major of that town, not suit you. ( This I say in case 
of a change.) 

The fort of this town continuing in ruins, I caused the Masons, whom the Company sent to 
this country, to work at it, the expense whereof I send you, with the plan and condition in 
which 'twas found. 

The Bishop, appearing to me resolved to have a Chapel built in the Lower Town, I made 
him a grant of the King's old Store, according to the orders contained in my instructions, so 
that that part of Quebec may have spiritual aid, like the Upper town, during the rigors of 



208 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

winter. It has recovered from its fire; and the great assistance Sieur de laChesnayes afforded 
to the inhabitants who were burnt out will soon reestablish it. This man, to whom Canada 
is under such vast obligations, has need to be sustained by his Majesty. He owes the Farmers 
large sums, for which all the Country people are his debtors. It would be quite just that his 
Majesty grant him some terms, in order that he be not obliged to drive to extremities, at the 
same time, all his debtors throughout the colony, which would create great disorder. You 
will have the goodness, if you please, to have him reimbursed the freight of his bark that 
we sent you, the Intendant and I having promised him the payment thereof in our names. 

The obligation I have been under to have powder sent to Missilimakinack and the Outaouax, 
has greatly reduced our supply. I therefore request you to send us, by the first vessels which 
will sail in March, two thousand weight fit for muskets or guns. 1 have been under the 
necessity of establishing a King's store at Montreal, where it is needed much more than 
here. I have hired it for 150"^ French currency; 100"' additional will be required for him 
who is to have charge of it, and is to clean the arms. 1 have caused a bark to be built at Fort 
Frontenac, which will be launched in April. 

If the King make war on the Iroquois I shall be obliged to defray the expense of this 
vessel ; if not, Sieur Le Ber will make use of it for trade and pay for it, when the sails 
and rigging that I demanded in my Memoir, and which are absolutely necessary, will be 
reimbursed. 

Sieur de la Marque, who went to reconduct the Iroquois embassy home, has just arrived, 
and his report proves to me that those people are smarter and more cunning than folks are 
aware of. The Senecas have answered, with sufficient frankness, the propositions which were 
made them. But it is easy to perceive that the rest wish only to temporize with us, and to 
gain time; they have reinforced themselves again this year with 150 prisoners, and expect 
to acquire a much larger additioj:i by the war they are about to wage in Virginia. They 
pretend to continually weaken the Illinois and Memis; and in order that I might better 
understand their intentions, sent me word that they would not go any more to Niagara, under 
pretence of avoiding occasions of quarrel, but in reality to let me know that they did not wish 
to have any more trade with us nor with Fort Frontenac. Thus, My Lord, in order to profit 
by the delay, there is no more time to lose, and the opportunity for attacking them is "more 
favorable now than it ever will be. If the King conclude thereupon, have the goodness to 
send the five hundred men and munitions I ask for, and the funds for the provisions, in the 
month of April at the latest, and to advise me previously, in March, of his Majesty's intentions, 
in order that I arrange matters and use diligence in sending up the flour to fort Frontenac by 
canoe. A deputy from the English at Orange has visited the Iroquois ; his negotiations I have 
not yet been able to learn, but they cause me considerable suspicion. To keep this country at 
peace it is necessary to extract this thorn from the foot. It will cause me the most trouble, 
but I shall willingly sacrifice my life for the King's service and for the safety of the whole of 
this Colony. 

The words of the Senecas, which the said Sieur de la Marque reported to me on his return 
from them, are more frank than those the Iroquois are generally accustomed to use, but they 
are not the less suspicious. They appear to me to act like people who do not wish to wage 
war foolishly, but who are quite determined on waging it. 

28. The men whom I sent to Missilimakinak and those who were detached from the licensed 
canoes, having done good service and saved that very important post at their own expense, 



PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. 209 

I was obliged to make them some recompense, and accordingly gave them permission to 
continue their trade during the year 16S4. Tiiis will prevent me granting any licenses during 
that year, through fear of ruining the trade by the quantity of goods which would be 
introduced into the country, and derange prices among the Indians. Such favors as tliese 
from his Majesty could save him a good deal in time of war, were he pleased to place them 
absolutely at my disposal according to the terms of the order in Council of the S"* May, 
16SI. What I am about doing will not please all, but as 'tis^ for the best, I prefer the public 
good to every thing. 

We live on friendly terms, the Intendant and I; but as there are spirits here who do nothing 
but make trouble, I beg you to reply to the Memoir of the differences and difficulties I 
send you. Your decisions will prevent the disorder which might arise, and you will be 
punctually obeyed. I write coticerning these busy-bodies to My Lord Colbert, because the 
difficulty proceeds from the Farmers and from their ill conduct. They have refused to pay me 
my salary since the 1" May, I6S2. I send you a petition on the subject, which you will be 
so good as to answer. 

The Rev"* Jesuit Fathers at the Mission of Sault S' Louis, adjoining La Prairie de la 
Magdelaine, who have gained for the King 200 good Iroquois soldiers, have experienced a sad 
accident — their church having been prostrated from top to bottom, by a squall of wind. A 
charitable donation from his Majesty would be wel-1 applied to repair this accident, and the 
maintenance of this Mission is of very great importance. These Fathers, whose conduct is 
highly edifying in this country, have been further afflicted this year, in the same manner that 
they had been the last, by fire, which burnt a part of their building in this city. 

Should the King not resolve on war, it would be very necessary for me to make a short 
voyage next fall to Court, to return here early in the spring, in order to make you acquainted 
with the true state of the country and its interests, whereupon you will cause liis nnijesty to 
adopt a final conclusion, after having been thoroughly informed thereon; all that has been 
written to you heretofore being distorted and little in harmony with the truth. I shall await 
your orders in this regard, without which I am unable to adopt any resolution. 

A small vessel has just arrived from Hudson's gulf, 200 leagues further north than the 
bay. She brings back those who were sent there last year by order of Count de Frontenac. 
You will receive herewith an exact Map of the .place. But divers little rencontres have occurred 
between our Frenchmen and the English, of which I send you a particular relation, in order, 
should any complaint be made to the King of England, and he speak of it to M. Barillon, the 
latter may be able to inform him of the truth. It is proper that you let me know early whether 
the King desire to retain that post, so that it may be done, or the withdrawal of the 
French, for whic'h purpose 1 shall dispose matters in order to aid them overland beyond Lake 
Superior, through Sieur Du L'hut, and to send to them by sea Jo bring back the merchandise 
and peltries. 

I send you two letters I have just received from the Bay des Puants and Missilimakinack, 
which it is proper you should read, since they will make you acquainted with the secret springs 
that move the Iroquois. Should the King determine that I wage war against these, as is 
necessary, it is time to think of sending some good officers with the troops; also a commission 
of Adjutant-General (Mureschal de hataiUe) for Sieur Doruilliers, whose knowledge of the places 
where he has been this' summer, joined to his long experience, highly qualifies him therefor. 
Of those Officers maintained by the King, we have here but five fit to serve as Captains in 
Vol. IX. 27 



210 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

this war. Advanced years, or corpuleficy, render the others incapable of supporting fatigue of 
that sort. Do not neglect sending, at the same time, a blanket for each soldier; a kettle for 
every four; pork and brandy for their subsistence; all the remainder will be found in the 
country. I have deducted several things from the estimate which I sent your last year, and 
restrict myself to what is necessary, begging yoli to order the two thousand weiglit of 
powder for muskets by the first vessel at the beginning of March. 

Internal peace would reign Complete heie were it not for the Recollets; having obtained 
from his Majesty, on the SS"" May, 16SI, a lot in a very inconvenient place, being in front of 
the Bishop's door and the parish church, and quite near the Jesuits' house, they have 
undertaken to build a regular Convent (hosjnce) on it, though that is not expressed in the King's 
patents. The Bishop wished to prevent it, and those fathers have resolutely determined 
(se sont cahrez) to persist, which places them at loggerheads with our Prelate. I shall 
say nothing to you of this matter, which is not within my attributes, save only that this place 
is not suitable for the purpose for which they pretend it is destined ; and multiplying mendicant 
establishments in this country is not of advantage to a people so poor as that throughout the 
entire of this Colony. 

Having been obliged to direct a census to be taken of the people of this country, I found 
that we have in all 2,248 men capable of bearing arms, and about souls. This is the 

actual truth, however people may write you to the contrary. The population will increase 
with time, women breeding considerably in this country and few children dying. Do not, if 
you please, neglect renewing the allowance for the marriages of French women. 

We experienced serious embarrassment in the month of January last in regard to Dollars. 
They were here in some number, and a quantity of them being light caused considerable 
disorder among the lower classes. It not being customary in this country to weigh them, 
induced the Intendant and me to assemble an extraordinary session of the Council, at which it 
was resolved, subject to his Majesty's pleasure, to have the dollars of weight marked with a 
jleur de lys, and those which were light with some cypher fixing their .value. This was done> 
and is now in operation without any noise or difficulty. 

You are pleased to permit me to remind you that you have granted me your protection for 
my son. I beg you to allow some trifle of the merit of the services I have rendered the King to 
fall on him ; and having served eight years as Captain, which rank he reached through all the 
grades, to do him the favor to distinguish him among those of his [rank], and to consider that, 
as 1 am not near you to beg this of you at a fitting time, your goodness must make up all 
deficiencies. From it, also, I solicit the allowance of the salary of 1500"" as State Councillor, 
which it pleased the King to grant me, when I shall act as chief. As I cannot expect favors, 
except through you, I flatter myself you will not refuse me what I ask you — to communicate to 
me his Majesty's opinion of my conduct, and to direct this in all things, certain that you will 
be perfectly and willingly obeyed by 

Your most humble, most obedient 

and most obliged servant 

Quebec, the 4"" November, 1G83. Le febure de la Barre. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. 211 

Representation on the Revenue ami Trade of Canada. 

Extract of the Memoir addressed to Mess", the Partners of the Society en 
Commandite of the Farm and Trade of Canada, On the means of preventijig 
the smuggling of beaver. 

The Beavers can be prevented falling into the hands of tlie said Mess", the Farmers by 
various routes ; the first of which is 

Cataracouv, or Fort Frontenac. 

Tills post is situate on the border of Lake Ontario. It was erected in the year 1673 by 
Count de Frontenac, apparently for the security of the country, but, in fact, for the purpose 
of trading with the Iroquois; to serve as a place of refuge and entrepot for the Coureurs de 
bois scattered among ail the Outawas nations, and to carry on thence a trade in beavers with 
the Dutch and the English of Orange and Manatte. 

Some years afterwards. Monsieur De I^a Salle went to France and induced his Majesty to 
concede to him the property of this fort, of which he was at the same time Lord and 
Governor, on condition of reimbursing the cost of its establisiiment, and keeping up a number 
of men for three years, which he fulfilled, and for which he has had his release from Monsieur 
Duchesneau, then Intendant of that Country. 

Said Sieur De La Salle, who has not observed in his affairs all the management necessary, 
allowed himself to be since led away into useless discoveries, which have absorbed all the 
advances made by his creditors to maintain this establishment. 

Monsieur de la Barre, who has succeeded the said Count de Frontenac in the government 
of Canada, having judged this post necessary to tiie success of the continual speculations of 
Sieur de la Chesnaye, who sent thither a great quantity of merchandise under the charge 
of Serjeant Champagne, on pretence of fortifying and guarding the said fort, which, 'tis said, 
is abandoned by Sieur de la Salle. 

Information has already been received that the said Champagne had sent Beavers to the 
English. If this be not remedied, not only will all the beaver which the said Champagne 
will procure, go to them, but also a large amount, exceeding Thirty canoes, that said Sieur de 
la Barre has in the woods, in partnership with Sieur de la Chesnaye, under the charge of 
Du Lut, so notorious for his pernicious enterprizes. 

The first thing which seems capable of arresting this disorder is, not to conceal anything 
from the Minister, whose intentions are opposed to such speculations. 

The second is, that the said Mess". Partners enter into association with the said Sieur 
De la Salle, who, in the unfortunate state of his affairs, will consider himself happy in 
obtaining this support; in that case, the company would have at that post a faithful and 
diligent clerk, who would see what is passing, and prosecute at the same time a somewhat 
considerable trade. 

These" are the only two means of remedying it ; otherwise, the projects of the said M. de 
La Barre and the said Sieur De la Chesnaye will be quite as successful as they desire. 

Fort Chambly 
is the second place by which quantities of Beaver are diverted to foreigners ; that is to say, to 
Orange, Manatte, and even to Boston. That post is erected on Lake Champlain, since the 



212 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

last wars with the Iroquois, and belongs to Monsieur de Chambly, formerly captain in the troops 
sent to Canada, at present Governor of Martinique. 

It is a Seigniory, very pleasantly situated on said Lake, from which rises the little river 
Richelieu, that discharges itself at Saurel into the River Saint Lawrence, after a course of 
about twenty leagues. There was formerly a pretty considerable number of settlers there, the 
greater portion of whom have removed, or are reduced to poverty because they have not been 
sustained; so that it is become the refuge of people who pay attention only to the Orange 
and Manatte trade. 

It is over fifty leagues from Quebec, going up tlie River (Saint Lawrence) as far as Saurel, 
[and] the said River Richelieu. But it is only five leagues from Montreal, to which it has a 
pretty easy communication over a road made across the woods. The climate there is much 
more mild than at Quebec. The soil is fertile, and produces all sorts of good grain. It has 
a mill for the convenience of the inhabitants. Hunting and fishing are very abundant, so 
that a sober and intelligent man could easily settle himself there, more especially, as he 
could drive quite a considerable trade with the Indians were he to keep always on hand an 
assortment of suitable goods. 

The said Sieur de la Chesnay, to whom Sieur de Chambly owes about 4,000 livres, 
sold the above Fort to Sieur de Saint Ours, Captain in the said troops, for the sum of 6,000'\ 
The said Sieur de Saint Ours is poor and cannot even pay what he owes the [King's] Domain 
for that purchase; so that the said Sieur de la Chesnaye pretends to reenter in possession. 

The said Sieur de la Chesnaye has a bad foundation for his claim. His sale is invalid, 
having no special power to make it; and, moreover, the said Sieur de Chambly donated the 
said Seigniory to Miss Tavenet, known to Monsieur de Puymoren (according to M. Boivenet's 
account), on condition, however, that she will not be at liberty dispose of it until after Sieur 
de Chambly's death, unless she agree to come to Canada and settle on the said Seigniory. 

So that, should Mess", the partners desire to prevent the Beaver trade which is carried 
on with the Indians in that direction, they cannot do better than to induce the said Sieur 
de Chambly for a certain sum [to prevail] on Miss Tavenet to sell them the Seigniory 
of Chambly; it can be had without any difficulty, under such circumstances, for the sum of 
3,000 francs at most. 

It is of so mnch the more importance that they should make this purchase, as the English of 
Orange and Manatte begin themselves to come to trade with the French ; this has been the 
case not over fifteen days since, whe.n the said Sieur de Saint Ours arrested three of them, who, 
M'. De La Barre gave orders, should have liberty and permission to sell their merchandise. 
If the commencement of the trade be not prevented, it will cause much damage to 
the Revenue. 

The arrival of the said English in our settlements is a consequence of the embassy of the 
Sieur Salvaye, who was sent last spring by M. de.la Barre to the Governors of Manatte and 
Orange, with orders to adopt, with them, measures for the advantage of the Colony. Here 
the Governor's secret is not inquired into; but it is averred that the said Salvaye conveyed 
in this voyage more than eight hundred Beavers on the said Sieur de laChesnaye's account, in 
return for which he brought back Dollars and Wampum. This is another disorder which 
cannot be remedied except by making the Minister thoroughly understand the importance 
of removing it. 

If Mess", the Partners cannot purchase the said post of Chambly, another expedient can 
be had recourse to in order to prevent trade in that direction ; namely, to obtain from his 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : 11. 213 

Majesty autliority for the Collectors to dispatch a canoe every month from Quebec or some 
other part of the Colony, with two or three men, who will themselves go to Orange, which is 
the frontier post, with some furs, in order to avoid suspicion. 

These men would act as spies and would ascertain every thing that might pass, and on their 
reports those could be prosecuted who might be discovered contravening the King's order, 
which it is absolutely necessary that the said Mess", the Farmers should obtain and send to this 
country for publication. Otherwise, the want of it will always be felt. 



Itemonstrance of Sieur de la Salle against 31. de la Barrels Seizure of Fort Frontenac. 

Memoir to render My Lord, the Marquis de Seignelay, an Account of the condition 
in which Sieur de Lasalle had left fort Frontenac during the time he was 
engaged on his Discovery. 1GS4. 

Count de Frontenac, being invested with the government of New France, found there a 
general breaking up of the French, who were scouring the woods with impunity, and going to 
the English to sell the peltries of our allies, on whom the Iroquois threatened to make war 
unless they would carry the Beaver to them by Lake Ontario and afterwards to New-York. 

The irregularity of the former was repressed and the designs of the latter defeated by the 
construction of the Fort which M"" de Frontenac caused to be erected in the way of the one 
and the other. The advantage the country derived therefrom at first caused this fort and the 
lake to be called, in token of acknowledgment, by the name of Frontenac. 

The late Lord Colbert gave the property and government of it to Sieur de Lasalle, on 
condition of paying on account of the King the cost thereof, which amounted to eleven 
thousand livres, for which he has a receipt, and nine thousand livres on account of individuals, 
whom he has likewise satisfied. 

He sent thither from France, and supported there at his own expense, as many as fifty men, 
among whom there have ordinarily been two or three Recollets, as appears by the extract of 
the audit. 

Sieur de Lasalle then directed liis attention to the increase of the buildings and clearances; 
encircling the place with a strong wall on the land side, and strengthening the palisades 
towards the water. He erected French and Indian houses there, had cattle conveyed thither, 
and barks constructed which navigate every part of the lake, keep the Iroquois in check, 
deprive the English, without violence, of a part of the trade, and close the passage to the 
deserters, agreeably to the express orders M'" de Frontenac had received. 

Things were in this state in the year 1679, when Sieur de Lasalle departed on the design 
which he executed by order of the late Lord Colbert; and although he has since suffered a 
loss exceeding Fifty thousand ecus, he has always carefully preserved this post, the 
importance of which he understood, and in command whereof he left Sieur de Laforet, who 
was its Major. 

He was unable to return to Quebec, in the month of October, 16S2, after having completed 
his discovery, having been prevented by severe illness, which delayed him nearly four 



214 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

months. He sent a petition to M'' de Frontenac, whom he still supposed to be Governor, and 
whose protection was more important to him, inasmuch as the Iroquois entertained great 
respect for his Excellency; begging him to attend to the safety of this fort, and should the 
garrison he had left there not be sufficient, to place such a one there as he might consider 
adequate, the pay of which would be furnished him by Francois Noir, merchant of Montreal. 

M'' de Frontenac handed this petition to M"" de Labarre, his successor in the government, 
who promised to attend to it; but instead of doing so, he, after M'' de Frontenac's departure, 
recalled the garrison from that fort, which would have been abandoned had not the said 
Francois Noir, empowered by Sieur de Lasalle, absent, reconducted thither a sufficient number 
of men and articles necessary for their support and the preservation of the post. He took, 
before leaving, all necessary precautions, and executed all the regulations laid down to prevent 
the Coureurs de bois having any excuse to go up there to pursue their trade elsewhere. 
The proofs hereof, as well as of the good condition in which he left this post when about 
to return to Montreal, exist in due form. 

M'' de Labarre, who entertained views which have since become manifest, ordered him to 
Quebec, and having frightened him with threats, forced him to surrender the property he had 
conveyed to Sieur de Lasalle's fort into the hands of the men named Lachesnaie and le Bert, at 
the first cost thereof in Montreal, without regard to the expense incurred for transportation 
nor to the risk run of losing the whole in the rapids to be passed to get there; he even 
wished that the profit derived by the said Francois Noir, in the name of Sieur de Lasalle, the 
proprietor of the place, should be paid to the said Lebert and Lachesnaye, saying that his 
Majesty had given him power to take away the lands and to grant them to whomsoever he 
thought proper, and that he took them from Sieur de Lasalle, and that therefore no more 
remained. 

Every one was surprised at this proceeding, the reason for which could not be divined, unless 
that he had the same interest in the affair as Lachesnaye and Lebert ; that it is publicly known 
that they have between them more than one hundred canoes trading on their account in the 
woods, over and above the twenty-five which his Majesty permits to be sent thither for the 
advantage of individuals. Sieur de Lasalle met as many as sixty-six of them on his way, of 
which not one belonged to the twenty-five he had power to license, and the passports for which 
were talked of with so much ostentation, that eight, conducted by Desloriers, Gibaut, Lacroix, 
Sainte-gemrae, the Auvergnats, Turpin, Couture and their comrades, being sent under pretence 
of carrying provisions to Sieur Chevalier de Baugy, were encountered by Sieur de Lasalle 
about one-third of the way, so loaded with trading goods that, being unable to take in provisions 
for themselves, they had perished of hunger had he not succored them. These are independent 
of the other canoes which had preceded him, and which were already dispersed in every direction. 

As soon as Lachesnaye and Lebert were authorized by M. de Labarre, they drove from 
Fort Frontenac whatever soldiers had been placed there by Sieur de Lasalle, and prevented 
M<ajor de Laforet to return in command there unless he became their partner. Not being 
willing to consent to this, in consequence of the knowledge he possessed of the injustice 
committing towards Sieur de Lasalle and his creditors, he has been obliged to return to France. 
Two clerks have been put into his place there to trade; into his fields, in which crops were 
planted, the cattle were put to pasture; some of these have since been killed. His grain and 
other provisions have been consumed, although M'' de Labarre caused flour to be sent up there 
in the King's name, the return of which has been signed by M' de Meulle, Intendant, and sent 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 215 

to my Lord as having been employed in liis Majesty's service, notwithstanding a part of that 
flour had been traded for M'' de Labarre's profit, and the remainder paid for by Sieur de Lasalle 
and his company. 

His houses, barks, rigging, sails, boats, canoes, furniture and utensils have been made use 
of without any sort of indemnification. The fort has been left exposed to the insults of the 
Iroquois, without any other defence than that of a kitchen boy and another person to take care 
of the cattle, at a time when people were writing to my Lord that they were on the eve of war. 

This was to justify the dispatch of all those canoes, and more than four hundred men, the 
best qualified to repel thi3 Iroquois, and who ought not to have been sent to a distance, had 
any reliance been placed on the information whicii had been given, as veritable as it was 
specious. But such confidence was placed in the friendly disposition of the Iroquois, after the 
confirmation of the peace in 1682, and the hostages left by them with M" de Frontenac, that 
at this very time the people who ought to guard the fort were sent to carry beaver to 
New England, and returned with dollars and with goods adapted to the trade. The men named 
Dulignon, Gilles, Meneret, Lehoux, Salvaie, and several others who have been employed in 
those journeys, have in going and returning passed through the country of the Iroquois, where 
M' de Labarre would not have risked his property had he thought there had been any 
disposition to a rupture. 

Sieur de Lasalle's creditors, who lent him, after his losses, wherewithal to sustain his 
enterprize, in vain represented the injury they suffered in dispossessing him of that fort and 
leaving a property he had made over to them, in payment, to be enjoyed by persons who had 
no right to it. 

But in order to prove more clearly that the pretended abandonment, by which M"" de Labarre 
excuses the wrong he has inflicted on Sieur de Lasalle in seizing fort Frontenac, is a mere 
pretext, and that the true motive was to get all the profit of it, he acted in the same manner 
in regard to fort Saint Louis, to which he sent, in the spring of 1683, more than thirty canoes 
loaded with goods, conducted by Chevalier de Baugy, Ladurantaye, and the man named 
Duiuth, well known as chief of the Coureurs de bois, to carry off the peltries of the Indians 
assembled there by Sieur de Lasalle, and to deprive him of the means of getting paid for his 
advances, and that under pretext of orders which Sieur de Lasalle would have received as he 
ought, had any other than a simple letter been brought him wherein M' De Labarre informed 
him that he considered his discovery useless, for reasons which show, plainly enough, how 
little he knew about it. He afterwards caused all those, whom he (La Salle) had sent for 
assistance, to be arrested, preventing them to return and find him, causing the property 
entrusted to them to be seized, accusing them of desertion, notwithstanding they carried letters 
from the said Sieur de Lasalle, who on arriving at Quebec, found it to be out of his power to 
make use of the goods he had laid aside for a voyage to France, inasmuch as they still lie 
abandoned in the places where M. de Labarre's people had them forcibly put. 

It was a cause of no less surprise to see M' de Labarre, who was aware that Sieur de Lasalle 
held a commission from the King to make an establishment at the Illinois, abandon him of 
his own motion to the Iroquois, to whom he declared at Montreal in full council, without 
any complaint on their part, that they might kill hjm and the people who had collected near 
his fort, without that being of any consequence. He ought, it appears to me, at least have 
warned Sieur de Lasalle and his people to retire, rather than deliver them to the Iroquois, 
whose different parties, that had gone in search of him after that permission, had undoubtedly 



216 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

murdered him, had he not escaped in consequence of the fortunate defeat one of them 
had experienced. 

On returning from his discovery and arriving at Quebec, all that Sieur de Lasalle could 
obtain from M'' de Labarre vras the restitution simply of his fort, v^ithout any indemnity for 
what had been taken from him and for the wrongs inflicted on him and his creditors. 

And although he had all the vouchers in support of the foregoing, he dare not importune 
my Lord about the matter, had he not had the goodness to demand a Memoir from him of it, 
the truth of which cannot be denied, whatever M^ de Labarre may say to the contrary. 

Wherefore, my Lord is most humbly supplicated to be pleased to have the proofs examined, 
which Sieur de Lasalle is ready to present, and after having ascertained the vast losses 
inflicted on him, his creditors and M' de Laforet by such violences, to grant the indemnity 
therefor on the profits of the canoes which are in the wilderness contrary to the King's orders, 
and particularly on those that are at fort Saint Louis and in the neighborhood of Fort Frontenac, 
the revenue 'from which belongs to Sieur de Lasalle, according to His Majesty's concessions, 
and in case my Lord considers it necessary to have the affair investigated on the spot, to send 
the order and power for that purpose to the Intendaut, who can have entire cognizance of it. 



JRejpresentation of Sieur de la Salle of his outlay on Fort Frontenac, and of the 
Trade of that iwst. 

Memoir touching the expenses incurred by Sieur de Lasalle at Fort 
Frontenac. 1684. 

Sieur de Lasalle purchased fort Frontenac, in 1675, on the following conditions: 

1. To repay the sum of ten thousand francs expended on the construction, of the little 
stockade fort which Count de Frontenac had caused to be built there, receipt whereof he has 
from M'' Duchesneau, then Intendant of New France. 

2. Inasmuch as Sieurs Lebert and Lachesnaye had the use of it two years after that, and 
expended on it about nine thousand livres whilst Sieur de Lasalle was in France, he was 
obliged to pay them ; that appears by an account of the late Sieur Bazire, partner of Sieur 
Lachesnaye, whom Sieur de Lasalle left in New France. 

3. The late Lord Colbert, moreover, obliged Sieur de Lasalle to keep twenty men there at 
his expense for the term of two years, and a permanent garrison equal to that of Montreal ; 
which he did, as appears by the extract of Count de Frontenac's reports, and the expense 
thereof has been very great, and exceeded eighteen thousand livres a year, as well for men's 
wages as for the flour which cost eleven livres the minot, delivered at said fort, whither it was 
necessary to have it conveyed from Montreal, no grain having been got in during the first four 
years, through divers accidents which prevented advantage being taken of the fertility of the 
soil that has since proved very productive. 

4. As the Iroquois who dwell around Lake Frontenac, which is one hundred leagues long 
and twenty wide, carry their peltries to New York, he, with a view to deprive the English of 
some of them, caused decked vessels to be built, in order that the Iroquois, finding at their 



PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. 217 

door and on their road the things they required, might prefer this accommodation to the low 
prices of the English. Considerable advantage would have been derived from this, had not the 
various shipwrecks which occurred in the years 1678 and 1679, and domestic robberies, 
•destroyed the means thereunto. No time has been lost in building two new vessels since, one 
of 35 @ 40 and the other of 25 tons. 

The expense of these amounts to nearly nine thousand livres; and this is not surprising, 
inasmuch as the freight from Montreal to fort Frontenac, of iron, rigging, tow, sails, tar, pitch, 
anchors and other naval stores, is two sous per pound weight, because the difficulty of the 
rapids, in addition to the distance of the places, requires an increase in the wages of the hands. 

5. More than one hundred arpens of land have been cleared, which are now under tillage, 
and produce very good grain. Each arpent, it is known, is worth one hundred and ten livres in 
the remaining part of Canada, and it has cost more at Fort Frontenac for reasons already stated. 

6. A considerable number of cattle had been conveyed from Montreal. This expense is 
easily calculated by the distance of seventy leagues, and the difficulty of the roads, which had 
not been opened and it was necessary to construct in very difficult places. The cattle have 
been reduced to twenty, through the disorder caused by M' de Labarre at Fort Frontenac 
since he seized it. 

7. Sieur de Lasalle has likewise settled several inhabitants, whom he had conveyed at his 
own expense, with their families, and fed and provided with every necessary during two 
entire years. 

8. He has greatly increased the accommodations, built very fine barns and stables, with a 
Mill, which is ready to be raised. 

9. He had it inclosed by a strong wall on the land side, which he should have finished on 
that of the water had he not been prevented by the business of his discovery. It is 
ninety-three toises in length,' three feet thick, and fifteen feet high. 

10. He has been, moreover, obliged to pay for the flour Mr. de Labarre sent thither at the 
King's expense, and which is entered in the statements. 

11. There is a house at the mouth of the Niagara river, the most important on the whole 
lake, to cut off the trade of the English, and which the barks of the fort can reach in two 
days ; it costs about two thousand livres. It is all that remains from the fire which happened 
at the little fort that had been constructed there. 

The situation of this fort is very advantageous, both on account of the fertility of the land, 
the abundance of game and fishing, and the mildness of the climate, which is much more 
temperate than in the other parts of New France. Winter is shorter there by half, and much 
milder, insomuch that sowing there is done at leisure, and sufficient time would still remain 
for the cultivation of hemp and flax. Near there are some very fine pastures, capable of 
feeding considerable herds of cattle, the hides and tallow of which would be of very 
great advantage. 

Around the lake are to be found wild apple trees, chestnuts, and nuts from which the 
Indians extract very good Oil; also, divers sorts of grains, mulberry, plum and cherry trees, 
and all sorts of building timber, stone and other necessary materials. 

Its harbor is very fine, the mouth safe, the bottom excellent, sheltered from all winds ; the 
navigation very good throughout the entire lake, in various parts of which convenient harbors 
are to be found. 

» 93X6=558 feet— Ed. 

Vol. IX. 28 



218 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS, 

Almost all the peltries of the English pass by this lake, except those which come from the 
direction of the Illinois, whence the Iroquois bring them by the River Ohio ; so that were 
Fort Frontenac and the establishment at Niagara supplied with -provisions, they could be 
turned aside and made to go down to Quebec, and, by that means, all the Beaver placed at the* 
disposal of the French, from whom the other nations would be obliged to purchase it. 
The barks are highly necessary there, as well to facilitate freight as to head off those Indians 
who may take other routes. 

There are likewise, all round this lake, numbers of elk, bears, otters, martins, wild cats 
(pecans), wolverines (Imips-cerviers), large and small deer, the grey moose, etc., whose skins can 
be had at a low price in consequence of their being little valued by the English, and difficult 
to be transported to them, as the Iroquois go thither most frequently by land. 

This post being preserved, there is nothing to be feared from the expeditions of the Iroquois 
against our Colony, because, by means of the barks, their settlements can be surprised whilst 
unprepared ; they not having any knowledge of our approach across the lake, and consequently 
no leisure to retreat, or to profit by the advantages they possess in their way of making war, 
to which they will never have recourse as long as they see themselves menaced by danger so 
imminent, and which would be to them inevitable. 

It is still of great importance to arrest in that direction the pretensions of the English, who 
have approached there through Pennsylvania, the extremity of which abuts almost on the 
Iroquois country. 

It has already prevented, and will hereafter, prevent, the accomplishment of the designs 
of the English, who have attempted by means of the Iroquois to attract the Outaouacs 
to themselves. They were to go to them by the route leading from Lake Huron to the village 
called Teia'iagon;^ and would have effected it had not Mr. de Frontenac interposed this fort, 
whose usefulness is acknowledged by the whole country, as well in preserving the trade and 
peace as in arresting the lawlessness of our deserters, who had in that direction a very easy 
way through which to withdraw to the foreigners. 

It is the part of New France from which most can be expected for the establishment of 
various leather and woolen manufactures, as cattle can be raised there at much less cost than 
in colder places, where the length of the winter causes great expense in feeding and housing 
them during that season. That which was required to be incurred for the conveyance of 
necessaries from Montreal to Fort Frontenac is much diminished, now that provisions are to 
be had on the spot, and since vessels there can go down twenty-five leagues to meet the 
canoes bringing supplies thither, and which must still be used on account of the rapids that 
interrupt the navigation in four or five places. It could easily be reduced still further, because, 
each intermission being short, were settlements granted to persons who would keep wagons for 
facilitating transport at places which are not navigable, and bateaux to go from one rapid to 
the other, the expense would be much diminished, and the products of Lake Frontenac and 
its environs easily brought down. 

The canoe men now get eight francs the hundred weight in place of twelve, the price paid 
before the barks were constructed. Two men carry, at each voyage, twelve or thirteen 
hundred weight, and employ, ordinarily, twelve to fifteen days in going up, and four or five in 

' In Coronellis' map of 1688, this Indian village is laid down about the present site of Port Hope, Canada West; but in 
Charlevoix' and later maps, it occupies what is now Toronto. Possibly, the village was moved from the former to tho 
latter point. — Ed. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. 219 

coming down ; so tliat tlipy can make ten to twelve voyages, and, consequently, transport 
from twelve to thirteen thousand weight from the opening of navigation in the month of April 
to the end of November, when it is closed by the ice at Montreal. 

They are obliged, when returning, to bring back, gratuitously, as much peltry as the canoes 
can hold, so that the return voyage does not increase the expense. 

This consists, then, precisely: 

V. In the freight and risk of the cargo from France to Montreal. The freight is fifty livres 
the ton, which amounts to six deniers^ the pound ; the insurance six to seven per cent. 

S**. In the minor expenses of loading and unloading, packing and carting, which are 
inconsiderable, and common to every thing brought to New France. 

S"*. In paying the carriers i'rom Montreal to fort Frontenac at the rate of eight livres the 
hundred weight, as already stated. 

4"'. lu the maintenance of the garrison, the food for which may be had on the spot. This 
garrison may be also of great service in securing the trade. Twenty men are suificient for it; 
these should be permanent, with as many others as would be coming and going in the barks 
and canoes, and would attend to sowing and the harvest without any expense, because they 
would willingly engage themselves to do so, provided they were promised to be employed, in 
preference to others, at trading, at which they could make considerable gains witiiout injuring 
those at whose disposal they were, inasmuch as it is customary to send them out on iialf the 
profits they can realize over and above the price of the goods. This interest obliges them to 
be more attentive, and they expend on their return whatever they have made in necessaries, 
which they purchase at the store. So that the expense of the garrison, of a commandant and 
a Serjeant, will not exceed four thousand livres which will be easily made out of the profits 
realized by the traders at the places not accessible by barks. 

S"". In the refitting of the barks and wages of six sailors and a pilot; for the repair of the 
barks one ship carpenter only is necessary, who could act as seaman and pilot. His wages 
will amount to three hundred livres, and the rigging as much more, yearly; the wages of six 
sailors to twelve hundred livres a year. 

Those two posts will be furnished with sufficient merchandise by sending thither to the 
value of twenty thousand livres per annum, expended in France on goods suitable to the trade; 
and sixty voyages of the canoes will be necessary to convey them there, at the rate of forty 
livres per voyage, increasing the price of the merchandise two thousand five hundred livres 
or thereabouts. 

The freight from France to Montreal at the rate of thirty tons, at 50"- the ton, will amount 
to fifteen hundred livres. 

The insurance on the principal at 7 per cent comes to fourteen hundred livres. 

The minor expenses to one hundred crowns (ecvs). 

The expense of barks, pilots, carpenters and seamen to four thousand livres, so that the 
advances and expenses will amount to the sum of thirty-three thousand five hundred livres. 

But it is to be remarked that the payments to the canoe men, sailors, soldiers, and for the 
repair of the barks, are made in goods at this country's rate, which is ordinarily double 
that of France, and therefore such expense will be less than is noted, provided care be taken 
to have constantly on hand sufficient bread to be sold to the Indians. The grain which will 
be raised will pay a great portion of this expense, as it is certain there can be distributed, 

' A dejiier was the twelfth part of a sous. — Ed. 



220 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. . 

yearly, as much as two hundred minots of it at the rate of forty pounds per minot; a beaver 
worth four francs being easily given for a four or five pound loaf. In addition to this, an 
armorer and a smith at each post, by repairing the arjns and axes of the Indians, may make 
at their trade over one thousand francs each per annum, clear of all expenses. 

To drive a profitable trade, twenty thousand livres must be expended in France in the 
purchase of the following assortment: 

Five pipes (tonneaux) of brandy at the rate of two hundred livres the pipe. Five pipes 
(tonneaux) of Wine at 40" the pipe; 2,000 ells of blue Poitou Serge at 2'' the ell; 1,000 
ells of Iroquois blanketing at 2" 10' the ell; l,SOO white shirts (chemises) at 30 sous; five 
hundred pairs of stockings at 1"'' 5»the pair; 2,000 pounds of small kettles at 1"" 5' the pound; 
two hundred pounds of large black glass beads at 10' the pound ; a thousand axes for the 
trade at 7 and 8 sous the pound ; 4,000 pounds of powder at 10 and 12 sous the pound ; 7,000 
pounds of ball and 3,000 pounds of lead at 120"^ the thousand; 1,200 guns at 10'" each; 
2,i00 flauins at 30 sous the dozen; 100 dozen steels (Balles-feu) at 1"" 5' the dozen ; 50 dozen 
of large tinned looking-glasses (miroirs fer-hlanc) at 1"" 10' the dozen ; 50 pounds of vermilion 
at 3' the pound ; 250 ells of scarlet stuff (ccarlatinc) at 4"" the ell ; and 400"" of tobacco at 
17 sous. 

These things, carried to the Indians, will produce as follows: 

They get a pint of brandy for a beaver; and consequently, were only two and a half pipes 
(tonneaux) of it sold, allowing the remainder for the expense of the fort and the pay of the 
soldiers and sailors, to whom it is sold at one hundred sous the quart, the ten barrels, retailed 
to the Indians at the rate of one hundred quarts to the barrel and of four beavers per quart, 
would produce four thousand beavers, at four livres a piece, or an equivalent in other peltry, 
which would amount to sixteen thousand livres, and leave, consequently, fifteen thousand 
livres profit. 

The wine would also serve to pay the expenses of freight and wages, at the rate of 40 sous 
the quart. 

The ell of Poitou serge sells for six francs to the Indians, and that of Iroquois blanketing 
for eight livres, and consequently on these two articles there would be a profit of thirteen 
thousand livres. 

The shirts sell for at least one hundred sous, and the stockings for eight livres, so that on 
these two articles there is more than four thousand livres gain. 

Kettles sell at four francs the pounds, and consequently there would be 5,500"" profit on 
that article. 

Glass beads sell at eight francs the pound, and axes at thirty sous a piece, so that these 
two articles would leave a profit of two thousand livres. 

Powder sells at 40 sous the pound, and lead at twenty sous, which would make on these 
two articles over thirteen thousand livres. 

Guns sell 24"' each, and therefore would produce 2,400"'' more than their cost. 

Tobacco sells at eight francs per pound; it would therefore give over 2,000"' profit. 

On the scarlet stuff (ecarlatine) one-half would be gained, which would be worth one 
thousand livres. 

The profit is proportionably greater on the other small articles, such as knives, vermilion, 
steel, etc., so that with 20,000"' properly employed, twenty thousand ecus^ profit could 

' An old coin, valued at sixty sous. — Ed. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. 22^ 

be made a year, clear of all expenses, now that all that was necessary to be incurred for 
buildings, barks, clearances, conveyance of provisions and such lii^e, has been expended by 
Sieur de Lasalie, who would not have failed to realize great profits, though he might have 
been obliged to labor for them, were it not for the heavy losses he has suffered rather through 
the envy of those who were jealous of him than in consequence of his own ill fortune or by 
reason of tempests. 



M. de Seignelay to M. de la Barre. 

Extract of the Minister's letter to Monsieur de la Barre, dated Versailles, the 
10'" April, 1684. 

"Maladministration of this Governor, covetous of authority; still more so 
of gain — reproaches of the King and the Minister." 

I cannot sufficiently express to you how much his Majesty has been surprised at the conduct 
you have observed towards a habitant who wished to remove to the English, whom you wanted to 
hang of your own authority, and who, having escaped, was hung in effigy at Montreal. His 
Majesty could not comprehend how a man like you, who are acquainted with the laws of the 
Kingdom, could have desired to assume unto himself a power of life and death in cases not 
military, and on which his Majesty has not yet pronounced. And although he sends you an 
Ordinance to the effijct that inhabitants not domiciled, who will desert, shall be judged by the 
Council of war, at which the Intendant shall always be bound to assist, his Majesty wishes you 
to examine this matter again with him, because it is to be feared that constraint only augments 
among the people the desire to remove to the English and Dutch, where they will enjoy 
more freedom. 

IT. It is impossible to imagine what you meant, when of your own authority, without 
calling on the Intendant, and without carrying the affiiir before the Sovereign Council, you 
caused to be given up to one Guillin a vessel captured by the men named Radisson and des 
Grozeliers; and, in truth, you ought to prevent the appearance before his Majesty's eyes of 
this kind of proceeding, in which there is not a shadow of reason, and whereby you have 
furnished the English with matter of which they will take advantage ; for, by your Ordinance 
you have caused a vessel to be restored, that according to law ought to be considered a 
Pirate, having no commission ; and the English will not fail to say that you had so fully 
acknowledged the vessel to have been provided with requisite papers, that you had it 
surrendered to the owners, and will thence pretend to establish their legitimate possession 
of Nelson river, before the said Radisson and des Grozeliers' had been there. 

•For particulars regarding these two men, consult Charlevoix' Sistoire Nouvelle France, I., 476, et seg. — Ed. 



222 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

M. de Seignelay to M. de Mexdes. 
Extracts of the Minister's letter to Monsieur de Meules, latendant of Canada. 

Versailles, the lO"" April, 16S4. 

I. You cannot too much encourage the Gentlemen of the Montreal Seminary to increase 
the establishment of the Indian villages in the neighborhood of their settlements. His 
Majesty continues to allow them the grant of 6" liv., which he gives them every year. 

He has also granted 500 liv. for the Indian women of Montreal at the Mountain. He does 
not wish them to be placed with the Ursulines, and has given orders to send over three women 
to teach them to knit, and three others to teach them to spin and to make lace, so as to be 
able to introduce these manufactures into the country, which will be an advantage to 
the Colony. 

The Colony of New France having need of strengthening and increasing itself by peace 
and the facilities and advantages which the inhabitants will derive from their commerce and 
agriculture, his Majesty writes to Monsieur de la Barre that his intention is not to make war 
if he can avoid it. Yet, as circumstances may arise in a country so distant as Canada which 
would oblige it to be proclaimed, he empowers the said Sieur de la Barre to begin it, 
provided he certainly finds himself in a condition to terminate it advantageously in a 
year's time. 

In regard to the expense to be incurred for this war, his Majesty's intention is that it be most 
carefully economized; and he has discovered even that the expenditure incurred last year by 
the said Sieur de la Barre was made entirely contrary to form, since those expenses ought to be 
incurred on the authority of your orders, in regard to which, however, you ought not to interpose 
any difficulty, when the Governor demands it, in the interest of his Majesty's service. 

He is pleased to grant for the expenses to be incurred during this year, and until the dispatch 
of next year's vessels, a sum of 15 thousand''. Apply yourself sedulously to economize it, 
and send me an exact account of the expenses you will incur, and all the vouchers in 
support of them. 

II. He has granted the government of Montreal to Sieur de Callieres; and as he has served 
a long time in the Infantry, and is intelligent, he can assist Monsieur de la Barre in case he 
find it necessary to wage war against the Iroquois. 

III. I recommend you to pay strict attention to the care of said soldiers, to review them 
frequently, to observe that the Captains frequently exercise them, and to inform me punctually 
as well of their conduct as of that of their lieutenants. 

His Majesty is not willing that either the one or the other have any servant on the 
Company's roll. 

IV. You are not justified in the pretension to enact ordinances to oblige the inhabitants to 
keep arms in their houses; and when the said Sieur de la Barre was pleased that you sign 
with him the ordinance he issued in this regard, he felt a deference for you that he was 
not obliged to have, since that ordinance is an attribute of his principal function, which regards 
the defence of the country and the military command, and your duty in this matter ought to 
be, to have his ordinances executed, and to fine those who would fail therein. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. 223 

V. His Majesty has been informed that the said Sieur de la Barre has taken possession of 
Fort Frontenac, which is the private property of Sieur de la Salle, and that the men and cattle 
belonging to the latter have been driven off, so that the lands attached thereto have remained 
uncultivated ; and though it is scarcely probable that this information is well founded, should 
there be any truth in it I write to Sieur de La Barre that his Majesty wishes he should attend 
to the reparation of the wrong he might have done to Sieur de la Salle, and with that view 
that he restore all the property belonging to him to Sieur de La Forest, who returns to the said 
country by his Majesty's order. Do not fail to render him all the assistance he may require to 
maintain the establishment which the said de la Salle has made at the said fort. In regard 
to the walls you propose ibr the bastion (pour fair bailr la tour), his Majesty does not consider 
that expense necessary. 

VI. You will find three ordinances annexed hereunto. 

The first prohibiting merchants and inhabitants of New France from exporting to foreign 
countries any beaver and other peltries. 

The second prohibiting foreigners carrying on with said country any trade in said peltries, 
and obliging the French who will go trading, to take out licenses, and to give security that they 
will return to the ports of the Kingdom. 

And the third to oblige those who will trade in peltries at Hudson's Bay, Isle Percee and 
other parts of New France, except Acadia, to carry them to Quebec to receive payment for 
them, and the fourth [to be] retained by the Farmers [of the revenue], as is customary. It is 
highly important that you carefully attend also to the execution hereof. 

You will find appended hereunto an edict for the punishment of the French who will 
remove to Manatte, Orange and the places belonging to the English [and] Dutch, which you 
will cause to be enregistered in the Sovereign Council after having communicated it to Monsieur 
de la Barre. 



M. de Seignelay to M. de Meules. 
Extract of a letter from the Minister to M. de Meules. 

Versailles, the 10'" April, 1684. 

I write also to him (M. de la Barre) that his Majesty has not approved of his conduct in 
regard to a Colonist who was desirous of removing to the English, and whom he would have 
hanged of his own authority, and who, having escaped, has been hanged in effigy at Montreal, 
he not possessing the power of life and death in cases not Military, and on which his Majesty 
has not yet given an opinion. And, although his Majesty sends you an ordinance purporting 
that the inhabitants, not domiciliated, who will desert shall be judged by the Council of war, 
at which you will always assist, he desires you will again examine into that affair with Sieur 
de la Barre, because he believes that constraint only stimulates the desire among the 
Inhabitants of removing to the English and Dutch, where they will experience more freedom. 



224 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

You will find, also hereunto annexed, an Edict for the punishment of the French who will 
remove to Manatte, Orange and other places belonging to the English and Dutch, which you 
will cause to be enregistered in the Sovereign Council, after having communicated it to 
M"" de la Barre. 



Ordinances against Emigration from Canada to the British Colonies. 

Ordinance prohibiting all Frenchmen removing to Manhatte, Orange and other 
places belonging to the English and Dutch, on pain of death against those 
who will not be domiciliated. Versailles, the 10"' April, 1684. 

By the King. 

His Majesty being informed that several vagabond and loafing Frenchmen, who had 
immigrated to New France, have removed to Orange, Manatte and other places belonging to 
the English and Dutch, and that under divers pretexts they incite settlers there to leave their 
residences and to desert, for the purpose of settling in the said places of Orange and Manatte, 
which would prevent the tillage and clearance of the lands, and cause eventually the entire ruin 
of the Colony ; it being necessary to remedy the same, his Majesty hath forbidden and doth 
expressly prohibit all Frenchmen who have immigrated to New France quitting the country 
and removing to Manatte and Orange and other places belonging to the English and Dutch, on 
pain of Death against those who will not be domiciliated ; his Majesty wills that their trial be 
had and perfected before the Council of War, which shall, to this end, be composed of the 
number of 7 Judges, Captains or Lieutenants of the troops he maintains in said country, 
or other militia officers who are there, whereat shall assist the Governor and Lieutenant- 
General, and the Intendant of Justice, Police and Finance in the said country ; and in regard 
to the Frenchmen settled and domiciliated in New France, who will be convicted of the same 
desertion, his Majesty wills and orders that their trial be had and perfected by the Sovereign 
Council of Quebec, and that they be punished according to the rigor of this day's Edict. His 
Majesty Orders and Ordains, &c., &c. 

Edict for the punishment of Frenchmen who will remove to Manatte, Orange 
and other places belonging to the English and Dutch. Versailles, 10"" 
April, 1684. 

Louis, &c.. To all present and to come. Greeting: Being informed that divers of our 
subjects settled in our Country of New France, and who have lands there to them belonging, 
keep up an intercourse with vagabond and loafing Frenchmen who have deserted to settle at 
Manatte, Orange and other places under the dominion of the English and Dutch, and that 
they have been led, by this example o{ feucantise and licentiousness, to abandon the cultivation 
and clearing of their lands, which would inevitably bring ruin on the Colony, were it not 
promptly remedied; Wherefore we have, by these presents signed by our hand, expressly 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 225 

forbidden and prohibited all Frenchmen, inhabiting New France, removing to Orange, 
Manatte and other places belonging to the English and Dutch, without our permission or tlint 
of those who have authority from us to grant it ; We Will that those of our subjects who shall 
become ringleaders, and who, as Chiefs, will have undertaken to desert and remove to the 
said English and Dutch, be condemned to Death ; and in regard to those who shall be taken 
deserting individually, or who shall have followed the said leaders, that they be condemned to 
the galleys for life. We enjoin our Judges to condemn them to the said penalties agreeably 
to these presents. W& give in Command, to our beloved and faithful Councillors, the persons 
holding our Sovereign Council of Quebec, that they cause these presents to be read, published, 
enregistered and executed according to their form and tenor. For such is Our Pleasure. 
And in order that it be a thing forever firm and Stable, we liave caused our seal to be affixed 
to these presents, without at all in other respects Our right and that of Others 
[infringing], &c. 



Commission for Sieur de la Salle. 
Commission for Sieur de la Salle: Versailles, 14"" of April, 16S4. 

Louis, by the Grace of God King of France and of Navarre, Greeting: Having resolved 
to cause some expeditions to be undertaken in North America, to subject to our dominion 
divers savage tribes, and to convey to them the light of the Faith and of the Gospel, We have 
been of opinion that We could not make a better choice than of Sieur de la Salle to command 
in our name all the Frenchmen and Indians whom he will employ for the execution of the 
orders We have entrusted unto him. For these and other reasons Us moving, and being 
moreover well informed of his affection and fidelity for Our service, We have by these 
presents, signed by Our hand, constituted and ordained, commission and ordain, the said Sieur 
de la Salle to command under Our authority, as well in the Country which will be subject anew 
to Our dominion in North America, from Fort St. Louis on the River of the Illinois, unto New 
Biscay, as well among the French and Indians, whom he will employ in the expeditions 
We have entrusted to his care, cause them to live in union and concord, the one with 
the other, keep the soldiers in good order and police according to Our rules, appoint Governors 
and special Commanders in the places he shall think proper, until it shall by Us be otherwise 
ordered, maintain trade and traffic, and generally to do and exercise for Us in the said country 
all that shall appertain to the Office of Commandant, and enjoy its powers, honors, authorities, 
prerogatives, preeminences, franchises, liberties, wages, rights, fruits, profits, revenues and 
emoluments during Our pleasure. To execute which, [We] have given and do give unto you 
power, by these presents, whereby We Command all Our said Subjects and Soldiers to 
acknowledge, obey and hear you in things relating to the present power. For such is 
Our Pleasure. 

In Witness whereof. We have caused Our privy seal to be affixed to these presents. Given 
at Versailles, the 14«* April, 1684, &c. 

Vol. IX. 29 



NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 



M. de la JBarre to M. de Seignelay. 
My Lord, 

«'* * * * * * « * * * 

An amdassador from the Senecas arrived here at the time I received the news of their 
attack. He manifests every kind disposition at the moment those people destroy us. This 
obliged me to secure his person and suite without his being aware of it as yet, treating him 
in other respects very well, in order to try and be able to withdraw, by means of him, the 
Rev"" Jesuit Fathers, who are in great peril in the Iroquois Missions. I have had no 
negotiation with him as yet, so as to gain time to be able to have troops and provisions 
conveyed to Fort Frontenac for its security above all things. 

Were his Majesty to please to write to M. Barillon, that he may obtain an order from the 
King of England, prohibiting Colonel Dunkuen to assist, with arms and ammunition, the 
Iroquois who attack us, I believe it would be of very great utility in this war. He has 
written me a very civil general letter, and I have sent a man expressly to compliment him, 
him, and to ask of him the same thing which he doubtless would grant me if he had an 
express order on this subject from the King his Master, 

Your most humble and 

Most obedient servant, 
Quebec, the S'*" June, 1684. (signed) Le Febur de la Barkb. 



Reverend Father de Lamherville to M. de la Barre. 
My Lord, 

I come at the beginning of the year to renew to you my respects, and to testify to you the 
joy I feel that your arrival in Canada has averte'd the scourge of war from the Colony. The 
three Burgomasters who visited you have acted here agreeably to your intentions. They 
again held, eight days since, great Councils with the Captains and warriors, at which they have 
resolved to give you satisfaction on the proposals you made them; they say they must not 
contravene the orders of their father, who has spoken to them so authoritatively and with so 
many proofs of benevolence, and who has uttered no menace or angry expression. 

The man named Garanontie has spoken by a Wampum belt to the Chief of the warriors, 
and has turned the musket towards the Chaouennons. Our father Onontio, he said, merits 
obedience; he desires that his allies should not be hereafter insulted. He told me that if you 
wished to protect the Oumiamis, they will be enumerated among your allies, and that there is 
a strong disposition to satisfy you. Presents conjoined with kindness and courtesy are arms 
which the Iroquois scarcely ever resist; on the other hand, threats or even war would have 
been equally fatal to the Colony. You know better than I that a few bandits in Italy 
have disabled troops six times more numerous than theirs, and that the Burgundy dairymen 
formerly gave considerable trouble to the Prince. Soldiers who would prove good in the 
centre of a plain would be thrown into disorder in such forests as these here, and besides 
that, the Iroquois, daring and well armed, and who makes war like a thief, would have inflicted 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 227 

considerable injury on the French. The prudence of a Chief goes hand in hand with his 
valor and intrepidity. The country is indebted to your prudence for its preservation; a 
premature war would have indubitably reduced it to extremities. 

Sieur de la grand Guele, who has been entirely won over by your liberality and the kind 
bearing with which you received him, is become your creature. He appears to be your man 
of business with Garakontie. He panegyrized you a few days ago when addressing the 
warriors, and exhorted the one and the other to act in a friendly manner to all your allies whom 
they will meet in the hunting grounds to which they are about to proceed; to assemble here 
again in the spring, and to form a numerous war party, the cliief of which is called Hannatakta, 
to whom I gave a present in your name. He it was who last year opposed the Cayugas and 
Senecas, in order to keep the promise he caused to be made to you that he should not go to 
war that year against the Illinois and Ouniiamis, which he faithfully observed. I say that he 
will possibly go to Montreal to pay his respects to you, and to observe nigher than here what 
sort of a man you are (comme vous avez I' esprit fait). (These are his words.) 

As Sieur de la grande Gueule says he will go to see you this summer to speak of divers 
matters in answer to the message you entrusted to him, and particularly about the affair of the 
armorer, I have not inquired of him, for you, what he desired this year, which is the first of 
the pension you are so good as to allow him. 

The man named Oreouahe, of Cayuga, told me also he intended to visit you at Montreal. 
It is he who made Father de CarheiU to withdraw from Cayuga, and who treacherously brought 
the six Tionnontates there. He is exceedingly proud. Sorrennoa and he are the two greatest 
Chiefs in Cayuga. It is of this Oreouahe that the English of Albany (formerly Orange) made 
use to prevent Sieur Penn purchasing the land of the Andastogues,^ who were conquered by the 
Iroquois and the English of Maryland. 

I believe he will be better pleased with you than with the English, after he shall have the 
honor of an interview with you. I told him that if he should wish lo see Father de Carheil 
again where he was going to, you will send for him to Montreal. He has great influence among 
the Cayugas; has conceived profound esteem for you as a great Captain, which he also 
piques himself to be. Your dexterity and experience in winning over all those various 
characters will attach him to you, as I believe, most intimately, and he will be convinced that 

'Reverend EiiKiraE de Caeheo. arrived at Quebec on the 6th of August, 1666; went in 1667 to Onondaga, whence he 
removed, in November of the following year, to Cayuga ; he left that place in 1671 on account of sickness, but on recovering 
his health returned thither. The obduracy of this tribe rendered his situation here particularly discouraging, and he was 
obliged to leave altogether, as above related. He was at Detroit in 1087 or 8. In 1690, we find him at Michilimakinac, where 
he gave information to the authorities of Canada, of some secret negotiations between the Otiawas and Senecas, for which 
see his letter in Charlevoix' Hisloire Nouvelle France, I., 568. He it was who converted to Christianity the great Huron Chief 
Kondiaront, or the Rat, who used to say that there were but two men of talent in Canada — Count de Fronteoac and Father 
de Carheil. He spent sixty years on the mission, and spoke the Huron and Iroquois languages with as much ease as French. 
Though the Indians looked up to him with great respect, his labors as a missionary were not crowned with all the success 
he desired. He resided at Quebec in 1721, where he died, in July, 1726. 

" This tribe, called also Andastes by the French, occupied the Upper part of the Susquehanna river, from seven to ten days' 
journey from Western New -York. New -York Documentary History, I., 393. The precise date of the subjugation of the 
Susquehannas by the Five Nations is still undetermined. Mr. Gallatin thinks it occurred between 1664 and 1680. In Deed 
Book, \l., 23, in Secretary's office, Albany, is a Commission to Col. Coursey, from the Governor of Maryland, dated 3nth Ai>ril, 
1677, in which it is stated that •' the said Susqueliannos have lately desired to come to a Treaty of Peace with his said Lord- 
ship [Baltimore], and have ( as I am informed ) Since ye said Overture submitted themselves to, and putt themselves under 
the prottection of the Cinnigos [Senecas] or some other natyon of ludyans residing to ye Northward of this Province." It 
■would hence appear that their conquest occurred about 1676. — Ed. 



228 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

the Onontio of Canada is quite a different thing from the Burgomasters of Orange, whose 
civilities in his regard are the never-ending subject of his praise. 

It is reported that the chief's of Mohawk, having been to visit the Governor of New England, 
he has exhorted them not to kill nor burn people any more, and to become Christians; and on 
their asking him to continue the sale of powder to them, that he replied, it should be 
continued so long as they would not wage war against Christians. 

An Iroquois of the village where I reside killed another Englishman at the end of Autumn, 
towards Virginia. Six or seven houses were pillaged at the same time by the Mohawks, 
Oneidas, Onondages and Cayugas. The English of New York, with whom they trade, dare 
not even censure them for the many insults they repeatedly inflict on their brethren; so much 
so that the Iroquois are astonished at it. The apprehension of losing the trade, for some years, 
has condemned them to a cowardly silence. 

Next summer the Governor of New York is, as 'tis reported, to come to Mohawk, and to 
speak there to the Iroquois. We'll see what he'll say. He has sent a ragged ship's flag to the 
Mohawks, to be hoisted there. These are the armorial bearings of England. That flag is still 
in the public chest of the Mohawks; I know not when it will see the light. 

I pray God, My Lord, long to preserve your person, and to heap his blessings on it. I am 
always with profound submission, 

My Lord, 

Your most humble and most obedient 
Servant, 

February 10"", 1684. Jean de Lamberville. 

The most influential Captains here, who decide affairs of war with the Ancients, had intended 
to go and pay you their respects, and to agree with you on the boundaries of the territory of 
your allies; but as you named only two of them to me, and they apprehended that the 
jealousy of some who might not have been invited would excite murmurs against them, they 
have postponed until next year the deliberation on this matter. 'Tis certain that the Iroquois 
are extremely sensitive to any mark of esteem and friendship evinced towards them, and any 
little underhand present is to them a preservative against all the bad impressions sought to be 
made on them. 



M. de Meulles to M. i 

Quebec, S"- July, 16S4. 
My Lord, 

You will please permit me to give you an account, by every opportunity, of what occurs 
in this country, principally on the subject of the war which we are obliged to wage against 
the Iroquois, the sworn enemies of this Colony. We are making all sorts of preparations 
here to enable us to transport conveniently, as far as Lake Ontario, a body of people sufficient 
to form a small army. We have purchased the greatest number of canoes possible; but not 
finding enough of them, we have been obliged to have pine bateaux made, 25 feet in length, 
which will assuredly create some trouble about thirty leagues above Montreal, where, there 
being extraordinary rapids, the greatest number of men possible will be employed in towing 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : II 229 

each bateau. We expect to be able to have twenty to twenty-five hands there; and after the 
bateaux shall have passed those rapids, we are assured that they can proceed without difficulty 
the remainder of the way as far as the Senecas. 

A fortnight or three weeks since, the General sent to Fort Frontenac a fleet of twenty-five 
canoes, containing nothing but flour and pork. We expect to send up, within eight or ten 
days, a larger one, with everything requisite for the munition and subsistence of troops. 
Everybody proceeds willingly to this war. There was some sort of noise at the beginning, 
but I easily appeased it by my presence and an ordinance that I was obliged to have 
published, which has had a very good effect; being certain that since that time no one has 
murmured. Every one was beginning to complain publicly; I believe had they had less 
confidence in me, that it might have caused a sedition in the country. They openly stated 
that they were going to War only to preserve the Beaver of five or six merchants of the Lower 
town of Quebec, who monopolize all the trade; and that it was very vexatious that four or 
five hundred persons should have been sent into the woods, and to witness the departure of 
two barks in time of war, each containing thirty-five to forty young men, without families, and 
among the strongest and most robust, on a trading voyage to Hudson's Bay, whilst fathers of 
families, who have nothing but their hands wherewith to support their wives and children, are 
obliged to abandon and leave them in the greatest necessity. Though all this reasoning be 
true, it is still of the greatest consequence not to allow the people the liberty of expressing 
their opinion. 

I consider myself bound in conscience to inform you that never has anything so extraordinary 
been heard as we see daily practised in this country. This empire may be said to be divided 
between the King and the Governor; and were this to last long, the Governor's share would 
be far greater than that of his Majesty. Those who were sent this year by the General to 
Fort Frontenac to trade, have already divided with him ten to twelve thousand crowns. Last 
year he had a bark constructed, which he made his Majesty pay for and which cost considerable, 
in the design of going to trade in Lake Ontario with the Senecas, the Indians of Niagara, and all 
the other Indians around that lake; which is so true that Father Gamier,* a Jesuit, who was 
a Missionary to the said Senecas, after being informed secretly of our intention to make war, 
escaped in the said bark, which was anchored in a little River seven leagues from their village, 
and where all the Iroquois used to come to trade. Had not two barks, at present at Fort 
Frontenac, been trading, they would have saved us half the expense that we are obliged to incur 
for the conveyance of munitions and provisions to the said fort, because they would have come 
to the head of the rapids, which is within thirty leagues of Montreal, and in place of the 
Canoes being obliged to go to said Fort, they would have discharged their freight into the said 
barks, and have made two voyages instead of one ; and what costs ten to twelve livres per 
hundred weight freight, would have cost at most only four francs, or one hundred sous. But 
this presumed necessity, since two years, for barks at Fort Frontenac, which obliges 
Carpenters to be hired, and a great quantity of iron, cordage, sails, and many other things to 
be transported thither at a vast expense to his Majesty, was merely with the design of 
prosecuting trade, as clearly appears on this occasion, inasmuch as, at the time we are 
under the necessity of waging war, not a bark nor a soul was at the said Fort, although last 
year very great provision had been made there, so much so that, in addition to the bark, there 
were seven or eight Canoes trading at the Falls of Niagara for the interested of the said Fort, 

' Supra, p. lYl.'note 2. 



230 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

-which is the place where the savages pass on their return from hunting. The said Fort 
was so destitute that several Senecas, going there in the month of May, after having traded 
their peUries there, demanded some brandy from the man named Champagne, who is the 
store keeper and warden. But, apprehending some disorder on the part of the said Iroquois, 
through drunkenness, he refused them any, which obliged them to force the said Fort, to make 
themselves masters of it, and even to pillage it; but knowing nothing of the insult offered 
the fourteen Frenchmen in the Illinois country, and supposing we were at profound peace, they 
restored all the merchandise, after having given Champagne and the handful of people there 
a sound drubbing, and drank as much brandy as they pleased ; which clearly proves that the 
General uses this Fort only as a store for the trade throughout Lake Ontario. 

Another very considerable trade is also carried on in the direction of [New] England, and 
under pretence of sending letters to Colonel Dongan, Governor of the said country, two 
persons, on the part of the General, divert, to the prejudice of his Majesty's Revenue, as many 
peltries as they can, in that direction, to get dollars in return. This is done so publicly, that 
there are at the present moment in Quebec two English or Dutch men in daily intercourse with 
the General and Sieur de la Chesnaye, a merchant of this town, for the purpose of adopting 
effectual measures. It has appeared extraordinary to me that, having the honor to be 
Intendant in this country, those two strangers had all this time been without visiting me ; but 
that occurring with the General's approbation, and not wishing to excite any difficulty, I 
considered it my duty to suffer everything. In a word. My Lord, this war has been 
determined on in the General's Cabinet, with six of the richest merchants of the country. 
Had it not been of advantage to their designs, he would have found means to accommodate 
every thing ; but the merchants having given him to understand that they were exposed to 
continual pillage ; and having an extraordinary amount of merchandise in the woods, in 
nearly two hundred canoes, equipped since last year, that it was more advantageous to make 
use of every means, and to employ the people of the country to wage war against the Senecas, 
after which, he hopes to realize in safety extraordinary profits. For of two things, one will 
happen ; either we shall have a considerable advantage over the said Indians, as there is 
reason to hope, if the General march to their village with the troops we have levied, being 
almost assured that they will not stand before us ; or a peace, which will secure all things for 
a season. These are, assuredly, the sole motives of the war; having for its object and 
principle nothing but self-interest, and to surprise the Court by specious reasons, in giving a 
very fine coloring to all his actions. He has said himself, there was good fishing in troubled 
waters; which, undoubtedly, gives us to suppose that he will make use of this war for some 
extraordinary stroke for his own advantage. Perhaps, My Lord, you will have reason to 
complain of my silence ; but I thought my duty obliged me to express my opinion to the 
General and then remain silent. I shall speak when you please ; but until then, you will 
permit me to obey and submit to the orders you prescribed, and his Majesty laid down for 
me in my Instructions, which is to suffer everything, and to acquaint the Court thereof. I had 
rather that you should reproach me with having suffered too much than with having excited 
quarrels and wars in the country, and, by my intrigues, divided the Colony as it has hitherto 
been. I shall take the liberty of remarking, My Lord, to you in passing, that it had been 
better for the country that we both should have been at logger-heads, than to sufier what is 
occurring every day to the ruin of the people ; but I believed I could never err in adhering so 
closely as I have done to my orders, which I always regarded as an absolute command 



PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. 231 

from his Majesty, since my instructions direct me, in positive terms, to suffer even what 
the Governor might do contrary to the King's service. The law I have prescribed to myself. 
My Lord, so as to give the country peace, has obliged me to observe silence before the 
whole world regarding what I take the liberty of mentioning to you, and not to confer with 
any person about it, except in so far as I am obliged to do to acquaint myself of everything, 
in order to give you private information thereof. Be persuaded, My Lord, that I take the 
liberty of communicating to you only facts incontestable and known to all the world. This 
is the third or fourth letter which I have the honor to address you on this subject. I await 
your resolution with much impatience, in order to conform myself entirely thereunto. If you 
condemn my proceeding, impose silence on me, and you will never hear me speak on the 
subject; but his Majesty having invested me with my present office, and entertaining, as I do, 
the feeling of honor I have professed all my life, and being under so many obligations to you, 
I considered I ought not to conceal anything from you. 

Though I had the honor, My Lord, to entertain you with the preparations we are making 
for the war, and the great expenses to which the General subjects his Majesty, I shall, 
without being a prophet, take the liberty to tell you, my Lord, that I do not perceive any 
disposition in the Governor to make war on those Savages. I believe he will content himself 
with paddling as far as Cataracouy or Fort Frontenac, and then send for the Senecas to 
negotiate peace with them, and make a fool of the people, of the Intendant, and of his Majesty 
(were it allowable so to speak with all due respect), which proves that he sacrifices everything 
to his interests. He takes with him Sieur de la Chesnaye, who is the richest merchant of this 
city, and his sole counsellor. The first time we spoke of this war, and when it was determined 
on, he promised me to write to Michilimakinak to send down at least two hundred of those 
Frenchmen who are by his orders trading in the woods, who were to bring with them four or 
five hundred of our Indian allies. He lately said that the letters have been lost on the way, 
which shows that it is a game that will cost his Majesty, in my opinion, thirty thousand crowns 
(ecus). I could not refuse to grant him whatever he asked of me for the expenses of this war, 
otherwise he would have held me responsible for everything; but I so conducted myself, and 
exerted myself so particularly to furnish him whatever he required, that he has no reason to 
make me the least reproach. 

Sieur Perrot, Governor of Montreal, who has been interdicted by his Majesty, and one Sainte 
Helene, son of Sieur Lemoyne, after searching for each other, fought fifteen days ago at Montreal, 
in the public square, on account of some reports which had reached their ears, and were both 
wounded. Tiie general took cognizance of this affair as judge of the point of honor. I 
willingly permitted it, and contented myself with telling him that insults, blows and cudgellings 
among gentlemen appertained to the Marshals of France and Governors-General, inasmuch as 
they were punished by fine, imprisonment and reparation of honor, but that his Majesty had 
referred to the Sovereign Courts duels and even all single combats, whether accidental or 
otherwise ; and lest they should design in this instance to fight, which has already formerly 
happened, you will have the goodness, if you please. My Lord, to advise me of your intention 
in the premises, and to take the trouble to send me his Majesty's last declaration relative to 
duels, and to be so good as to inform me if it concern the Sovereign Council or the Intendant. 
I believe that it is the Sovereign courts in France; but if it be the same thing here, be 
assured that no person will ever be punished, it being certain that the Council is connected 
with, or closely related to, all the gentlemen and the most prominent persons of the country. 



232 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

I shall finish this letter, My Lord, by telling you that the General departed yesterday, the 
tenth of July, with a detachment of two hundred men. All Quebec was grieved to see him 
embark on a war expedition tUte a tete with the man named La Chesnaye, which appeared 
very extraordinary to the Bishop, to all the Jesuits, and to every honest man in the country, 
and causes all to say that it is a mere deception, and that both of them are going to arrange 
everything, and, in a word, to do and conclude what shall be to the advantage of their own 
trade. The General has undertaken the war without consulting any one in the country but the 
merchants, as I have had the honor to inform you. He will also conclude peace by the same 
council. Were all his actions as manifest in Paris as they are here, he would run considerable 
risk of his person ; and nobody has ever heard of a subject undertaking war and peace 
without consulting Military men and those of most influence in the colony. The King 
himself, [who] has his Council, does not do so except by the ministry of his ambassadors. 
The whole country is in despair on beholding this mode of proceeding, and the greater 
portion complain that I do not say more than I do; but as I only possess the privilege of 
remonstrating with the General, they are not aware how far I am restricted. This will 
oblige me to observe constant regularity in the performance of my duty. Had I contradicted 
him in the least tittle, he would not fail to impute to me all the evil that might happen, for I 
am certain that there are no bounds either to his words or to his actions. I am, 

My Lord, 

Your most humble and most obedient 
Servant 

This 12 July, 1684. De Meulles. 



Louis XIV. to M. de la Barre. 

Extracts of a letter addressed by the King to Monsieur de la Barre, from 
Versailles, the 31" July, 1684. 

Monsieur De la Barre, 

By your letters of the 5"" June last, I have seen the resolution you have adopted of attacking 
the Iroquois, and the reasons which impelled you thereunto ; and though this be a grave 
misfortune for the colony of New France, as it will interrupt the trade of my subjects, 
divert them from agriculture, and expose them to frequent insults on the part of the 
Iroquois Savages, who can often surprise them in distant settlements, without it being in your 
power to afford them any assistance, yet I fail not to approve your adopting this resolution, 
inasmuch as by the insult they offered to the fifteen Frenchmen whom they plundered, and by 
the attack on Fort Saint Louis, you have reason to believe that they seriously meditated a 
declaration of war. And as I wish to put you in a position to sustain and terminate hostilities 
with diligence, I issue orders for equipping the ship UEmerillon, on board of which I cause to 
embark three hundred soldiers, quartered in the ports of Brest and Rochefort, with the 
number of Officers and Marines contained in the rolls you will find annexed ; and this aid, 
with that sent you by the last vessels from Rochelle, and of which you have been advised by 
my former letters, will afford you the means to fight at an advantage, and to utterly destroy 



PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. 2SS 

those people, or at least to place them in a condition, after having been punished, to accept 
peace on the terms you will impose on them. 

In regard to this war, you must observe t!iat, even should you prosecute it with advantage, 
if you do not find means to do so promptly, it will no less cause the ruin of the colony, 
the people of which cannot subsist in the continual alarm they will be of an attack 
from the savages, and in the impossibility of attending to their trade and agriculture. 
Therefore, whatever advantage you may be enabled to reap for the glory of my arms and 
the total destruction of the Indians by the continuance of this war, you ought to prefer a peace 
which, restoring quiet to my subjects, will place you in a position to increase the Colony by 
the means pointed out to you in mj' preceding letters. 

I write to my Ambassador in England to obtain orders from the Duke of York, forbidding 
his Commander at Boston to assist the Indians with troops, arms or ammunition ; and I have 
reason to believe that [these] orders will be dispatched as soon as application shall be made 
for them on my part. 

I am [by no means] well pleased to inform you that, from all I learn of occurrences in Canada, 
the fault you have committed in not punctually executing my orders in regard to the 
number of twenty-five licenses to be granted to my subjects, and the vast quantities of them 
you have issued in every direction, in favor of your own people, appear to me to have been 
the principal cause of what has happened on the part of the Iroquois. I hope you will repair 
this fault by putting a prompt and glorious termination to this war. 

You have incurred expenses for the reestablishment of the Fort of Quebec, and for divers 
other things, without the participation of Sieur de Meulles, which I have not approved, as 
that was not within your attributes, but in those of the Intendant, to whom you ought 
to communicate the necessity for this kind of expense, which ought to be ordered and 
authorized by him. 

It also appears to me that one of the principal causes of the war proceeds from the man 
named Du L hut having two Iroquois killed, who had assassinated two Frenchmen on Lake 
Superior; and you perceive how much this man's voyage, which could not be of any 
advantage to the country, and has not been permitted except for some private persons' 
interest, has contributed to disturb the repose of that Colony. 

As it tends to the good of my service to diminish, as much as possible, the number of the 
Iroquois, and moreover, as these savages, who are very strong and robust, will serve usefully 
in my galleys, I will that you do every thing in your power to make a great number of them 
prisoners of war and have them embarked by every opportunity that will offer, in order that 
they be conveyed to France. 

II. I stated to you, in my letter of the 14"" April last, that I wished you to afford every 
protection to Sieur de La Forest, and that you interpose no obstacle to his voyage. I again 
repeat, that my intention is that you allow him to execute the orders he has received, and that 
you afford him the necessary means to proceed in safety to the place of his destination. 

I will, also, that you leave the possession of Fort Frontenac to Sieur de la Salle, or to those 
people who will be there on his behalf, and that you do nothing adverse to the interest of 
that man whom I take under my particular protection. 



Vol. IX. 



234 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

M. de Seignelay to M. Barillon. 

Versailles, 31" July, 1684. 
Sir, 

The King has been informed that M'. de la Barre, Governor and Lieutenant-General for his 
Majesty in New France, has been obliged to declare war against the Iroquois ; and as there is 
nothing to prevent the prompt termination of that war to the advantage of the French Colony, 
if aid in men, arms and munitions be not furnished to those savages by the English Commander 
at Boston, the King orders me to write to you that his intention is that you apply to the Duke 
of York, for precise instructions to that governor, prohibiting him from giving any aid to those 
savages, but, on the contrary, that he act in concert and entire correspondence with the 
said de La Barre in all that will be to the common advantage of both Nations. 

It will be well that you procure a duplicate of those orders, so that I may send it by a 
vessel about to sail immediately from Rochelle. 

I am, &c. 



Return of the Troops at Fort Frontenac. 

Review made at the head of our little Army, composed of tbe King's Troops, 
of the Militia of the Country, and Indians that have joined us, in presence 
of all the Officers, Volunteer Noblesse who have been so good as to 
accompany us, and of the Serjeants-Major commanding the Brigades 
of Militia. 

In the bark La Generate, gone down to La Galette, the G"- of August, 1684, to unload the 
hundred (cent) of the Canoes. 

Monsieur de Saint-Michel, commander of said bark. 

The Pilot, La Fontaine. 

Messier. 

Blondeau. 

Ren^, King's carpenter. 

Boisjolly, La Montague, la Fleur, Arnault, Labrie, Soldiers. 

General Return of the King's troops, according to the review made thereof in presence of the 
General, the 14 August, 1684. 

Monsieur Du Tast, First Captain. 

Sieur de La Groye, Lieutenant. 

In said Company — 2 Serjeants, 41 Soldiers, 1 Drum. 

Monsieur de Cahouet, second Captain, present. 

Monsieur de Saint-Basile, Lieutenant, left sick at Montreal. 

In the Second Company — 1 Serjeant, 43 Soldiers, 1 Drum. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. 

Chevalier Aiibry, 3"' Captain, present. 

Sieur de La Rouarie, Lieutenant, present. 

In said Company — 1 Serjeant, 41 Soldiers. 

Five soldiers in the bark, as above, 5. 

Total, 4 Serjeants, 130 Soldiers, 2 Drums. 

Return of the Soldiers of the Vanguard, commanded by Monsieur Dugu6. 
Monsieur de Longueil, Major, ^ 
The Captain of Montreal, > present. 
Sieur Mantet, Lieutenant, } 

In said Company — 2 Serjeants, 34 Soldiers, 1 Drum. 
Monsieur D'Aumeny, Captain of the lower end of the Island, present. 
Sieur de la Fleur, Lieutenant. 
In said Company — 12 Serjeants, 39 Soldiers. 
Monsieur de Chailly, Captain of the upper end of the Island. 
Sieur de Saint Missel, Lieutenant, absent on duty. 
In said Company — 2 Serjeants, 35 Soldiers, 1 Drum. 
A man from the Convoy, 1. 

Monsieur de Sueves, Captain of the Cotes de Sorel, etc. 
Sieur du Verne, Lieutenant. 
In said Company — 2 Serjeants, 45 Soldiers. 

Total, 10 Serjeants, 193 Soldiers, 2 Drums. 

Return of the Corps of reserve. 

Monsieur de Villebon, Brigade-Major. 

Monsieur de Godefroy de Saint Paul, Captain of Three Rivers, present. 

Sieur de la Bretonniere, Lieutenant, present. 

In said Company — 1 Serjeant, 24 Soldiers, 1 Drum. 

Five Soldiers from the Convoy, 5. 

Monsieur du Tilly, Captain of the Cote de Beauprg. 

Sieur Lieutenant. 

In said Company — 2 Serjeants, 56 Soldiers. 

Monsieur de Beauvais, Captain of the Cote de Batiskan, present. 

Sieur de Montplaisir, Lieutenant, present. 

In said Company — 2 Serjeants, 37 Soldiers. 

Monsieur Duchesnay, Captain of Beauport, present. 

Sieur Traversy, Lieutenant, present. 

In said Company — 2 Soldiers,^ 35 Soldiers. 

Monsieur de la Ferte, Captain of the Cote du Cap-Rouge, present. 

Sieur de Mezeray, Lieutenant, present. 

In said Company — 2 Serjeants, 49 Soldiers, 1 Drum. 

Total, 9 Serjeants, 216 Soldiers, 1 [2] Drum, 

Return of the Rear-guard, commanded by Monsieur D'Orvilliers. 

Monsieur de Lotbiniere, Colonel, commanding the Quebec regiment. 
Monsieur Dupuy, Major. 

' Sic. for Serjeants. — Ed. 



236 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Sieur Desambaux, Aid-Major. 

Monsieur de Beaulieu, Lieutenant of the Colonel's company, present. 

In said Company — 2 Serjeants, 75 Soldiers. 

Monsieur de Beaumont, Captain of the Island of Orleans, present. 

Sieur Thibierge, Lieutenant, present. 

In said Company — 4 Serjeants, 70 Soldiers, 1 Drum. 

Monsieur Dumont, Captain of the Cote de Lauzon, present. 

Sieur Vincelot, Lieutenant. 

In said Company — 3 Serjeants, 59 Soldiers. 

Total, 9 Serjeants, 204 Soldiers, 1 Drum. 

In the Fort. 

The Reverend Father Francois,' a RecolletFriar, Colin, Interpreter, 

Sieur Bertet, La Fleur, 

Sieur Prenouveau, Le Vasser, 

Pertuy, locksmith, Baptist, servant. 

Carpenters. 
M'". Moyse, Petitit Trein, Montroux, Pelletier, Bastien, Le Petit Breton, Caulker, 

LAnglois, Mesnier Cassan, Cassan, Jean de Quebec, Marmande, 
Soldiers of Monsieur Dutast's Company omitted therein. 
La Grenade, Soldier of M. Cahouet's Company omitted therein. 
Jean Bardineau, Gregoire, farmer of the fort, his wife, 

Pierre Pruneau, and five children, for three persons. 

Jean Dubois, 
Bisestre, Mechanic, 

Making, in all, tvpenty-nine persons. 

Done and concluded at Fort Frontenac, the Fourteenth August, 16S4. 

Le Febure delabarre. 



Presents of the Onondagas to Onontio at La Famine, the 5th Her, 1684. 

^"mZfer^ '** 'T'^® Onnontagues, whose mediation between the French and the Senecas the 
•^ecreC"""'"''"''" General accepted, having repaired to a place called La Famine, about 25 leagues 
from their country, Hateouati, who is Orator of that Nation, spoke by fifteen presents, 
not only on behalf of the Senecas, but of the other four Iroquois Nations also. After having 
taken God to witness the sincerity of his heart, and having assured Onontio of the truth of his 
words, he spoke in this wise: 

' Rev. FE*Npoi8 Wasson. He came to Canada in 1681, and was six years among the Iroquois at this post. Le Clercq : Gaspesie, 
661, 670. He was succeeded by Father Luke Buiaset. — Kd. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. 



237 



Answer of Onontio to the words of Hoteouat^. 
As I have placed in your hands the media- 
tion with the Senecas, I wish truly to do 
what you ask me. I therefore lay down my 
Hatchet and refer to you to obtain a reasonable 
satisfaction. 



1" Word of the Iroquois. 
I give you a beverage devoid of bitterness, 
to purify whatever inconvenience you may have 
experienced during the voyage, and to dispel 
what bad air soever you may have breathed 
between Montreal and this place, 

2^ Word. 
I take from you the hatchet with which you 
threaten to strike the Senecas. Remember he 
is your child, and that you are his father. 

3^ Word. Answer. 

M. Lemoine, your ordinary envoy, having That ditch is well cut, but as your young 

come last year, and speaking to us in your men have no sense, and as they make this a 

name, cut a deep ditch, into which he told us pretext for committing acts of hostility anew, 

you and we should cast all the unkind things after having cast the Seneca robbery into that 

that might occur; I have not forgotten this ditch, as you desire. Stop your young men, 

word, and in obedience to it request you to as 1 shall restrain mine. I cover it up forever, 
throw into that ditch the Seneca robbery, 
that it may disturb neither our Country nor 
yours. 



4"' Word. 
I again set up the tree of peace, which we 
planted at Montreal in the conference we had 
the honor to have with you last summer. 

5"> Word. 
I exhort you. Father, to sustain it strongly, 
in order that nothing may shake it. 

6'" Word. 
I again tie up (je rattache) the Sun,' which 
was altogether obscured: I dispel all the 
clouds and mists that concealed it from our 
sight. 

7"= Word. 
The robbery committed by the Senecas on 
your nephews is not a sufficient motive to 
make war against them. Where has blood 
been shed? I promise you that satisfaction 
shall be afforded you for the loss the French 
have experienced by the pillage of their 
merchandise. 



Answer. 
It is not I who think of throwing it down: 
it is your nephews who have seriously shaken 
it. I strengthen it. 



Answer. 
'Tis well that you promise me satisfaction: 
deceive me not. The first thing that I expect 
of you is, that you restore me the two 
Etionnontate prisoners who are with the 
Seneca, and a third who remains at Cayuga. 



A figurative expression, meaning to renew a firm Peace. La Potherie. — Ed, 



NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 



gth Word. Answer of Onontio. 

Onontio, my father, I am always uneasy and I depart to-morrow and quit this country, 
cannot pluck up courage, whatever kindnesses to show you what deference I pay to your 
you have the goodness to show me. What dis- demands, 
quiets me is to behold soldiers, hear these 
drums, etc. I pray you return to Quebec, so 
that your children may sleep in peace. 



S"" Word. 
The fire of peace and the halls of our 
Councils were at Frontenac or at Montreal. 
The former is a poor country, where the 
Grasshoppers prevent me sleeping, and the 
second is very far away for our old men. I 
kindle the fire of peace on this spot, which is 
the most agreeable that we can select, where 
there is good fishing, hunting, &c. 

10"' Word. 
Our warriors as well as our other chiefs 
have accepted the peace. I bear their words 
by this belt. 



Eleventh Word. 
You told us, last summer, to strike the 
enemy no more. We heard your voice. We 
shall go no more to war in that quarter. 

]2"' Word. 
He has killed some of my people this spring, 
in divers rencounters; but as you bound my 
arms I allowed myself to be struck, without 
defending myself. 

13'" Word. 
Regarding the Illinois, I am at war with 
him; we shall both of us die fighting. 

14"' Word. 
Restore to us the Missionaries whom you 
have withdrawn from our villages. 



Answer. 
I accept the selection you have made of this 
place for our conferences, without, however, 
extinguishing the fire which I have lighted at 
Montreal. 



Answer. 
You need not doubt the obedience of my 
soldiers ; endeavor to make yourselves obeyed 
by your own. To prove to you that I firmly 
uphold the tree of peace, I sent to Niagara to 
cause the army to return which was coming 
from that direction. 

Answer. 
Remember that the Maskoutenek is brother 
to the Oumeami. Therefore strike neither 
the one nor the other. 

Answer. 
That's well; you need not pursue the 
Oumeami who struck you; I shall send him 
word not to commit any more acts of hostility. 

Answer. 
Take heed, in firing at the Illinois, not to 
strike the French whom you meet on your 
path and in the neighborhood of Fort S'. Louis. 

Answer. 
They shall not be taken from you who are 
my mediators ; and when the Senecas will 
have commenced to give me satisfaction, they 
shall be restored to them as well as to the 
other Nations. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : 11. 239 

15* and last Word. Answer of Onontio. 

Prevent the Christians of the Saut and of It is not my children of the Saut nor of the 

the Mountain coming any more among us to Mountain who dismember your country ; it is 

seduce our people to Montreal; let them cease yourselves who dismember it by your drunk- 

to dismember our Country as they do every enness and your superstitions. Besides, there 

year. is full liberty to come and reside among us. 

The General has added two presents to the above. 

By the first he said : You see the consideration which I have for the request you have made 
me. I ask you in return, if the Seneca, Cayuga, or any other commit a similar insult against 
me, that you first give him some sense, and if he will not hear you, that you abandon him as 
one disaffected. 

By the last belt he exhorted [them to listen not to evil counsels, and told them to conduct 
Tegannehout back to Seneca, and to report the above conclusions. 



M. de la Barris proceedings with the Five Nations. 

Memoir of M. de Labarre as to what had occurred and had been done regarding 
the War against the Senecas. 

Having been obliged to leave early in June, agreeably to the resolution adopted by the 
Intendant, the Bishop, the heads of the country and myself, to wage war against the Senecas 
for having, in cold blood, pillaged seven hundred canoes belonging to Frenchmen ; arrested 
and detained the latter, to the number of fourteen, as prisoners for nine days ; and afterwards 
attacked Fort Saint Louis of the Illinois, where Chevalier de Baugy gallantly defended 
himself; and having also resolved, at tlie same time, to seize Teganeout, one of their chiefs, and 
his twelve companions who had come to ratify the peace made last year, and had left their 
country before they heard of this attack; a circumstance that would have obliged me not to 
treat them ill, but merely to secure their persons ; we considered three things proper and 
necessary to be done : First, to endeavor to divide the Iroquois among themselves, and for this 
purpose to send some persons expressly to communicate my sentiments to the Reverend Jesuit 
Fathers, who are Missionaries there, and to request them to act; secondly, to send to the 
Outaouacs to engage our French to come to my assistance by the South, by Lake Erie, and to 
bring as many as they could of the savages, our allies; and thirdly, to advise Colonel Dongnn, 
Governor of New York, of what we were obliged to do, whilst at the same time I should tiirow 
a considerable reinforcement of men into Fort Frontenac to secure it. Being arrived at 
Montreal the tenth of the said month, we sent for M'' DoUier, Superior of the Seminary of 
said town and of the Indian Mission at the Mountain, and the Reverend Father Brias, 
Superior of the Mission of the Sault Saint Louis, who, after having concurred with us, 
furnished seven Christian Iroquois, friendly to the French and pretty shrewd, two of whom 
we sent with some Belts of Wampum to the Mohawks, and two to the Oueidas, to say to 
them that we were resolved to observe peace made with them — that we were very 



240 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

willing to live there as with friends — and that we requested them not to interfere in the war 
we were about to wage against the Senecas, who had cruelly insulted us in the instance of 
the Frenchmen whom they had plundered and seized, and of Fort Saint Louis which they 
had attacked since, and in violation of the peace made last year at Montreal ; we sent the 
three others to Onontague to explain the same things, and finally I dispatched Sieurs Guillet 
and Hebert to the Outaouacs to advise Sieurs Ladurantaye and Dulhut of my design and 
of the need I had of their assistance, and sent my orders to the Reverend Father Enjalran, 
Superior of said Missions, to operate there and to send instructions to different quarters 
according to his usual zeal and capacity, whilst I dispatched Sieur Bourbon to Orange or 
Manatte to notify Colonel Dongau of the insult the French had received from the Senecas, 
which obliged me to inarch against him, whereof I gave him notice, assuring him that if he 
wished to revenge the twenty-six Englishmen of Meriiande, whom they had killed last winter, 
I would promise him to unite my forces to his, that he may obtain satisfaction for it or 
avenge them. 

On the twentieth of the same month I dispatched Sieur Dutast, first Captain of the King's 
troops, with five or six picked soldiers and six mechanics, carpenters and masons, with 
provisions and munitions of war, to throw themselves into Fort Frontenac, and put it, in all 
haste, beyond insult; after which, having caused all to embark at la Chine, I proceeded from 
Montreal, on Saint John's day, to return to Quebec, where I had requested the Intendant to 
make out the detachment of Militia which could follow me to the war, without inconvenience 
to the country. I arrived there on the twenty-sixth, having used great diligence on the route, 
and found the people ordered and some canoes purchased, but as they were not sufficient 
for the embarcation of all, we caused fifteen flat (bottomed) pine bateaux, each capable of 
conveying fourteen or fifteen men, to be constructed in a hurry. 

I divided all my small force into three divisions; placed myself at the head of the first, 
or vanguard, which I commanded. I left the management of the second to M'. D'orvilliers, 
ancient Captain of Infantry; the third, composed of troops from the Island of Montreal and 
environs, was commanded by Sieur Dugue, ancient Captain of Carignan. Sieur D'orvilliers 
bad been, since the fore part of Spring, reconnoitring Lake Ontario and the Seneca Country, 
to see where the descent should be made, and in what direction we should march to their two 
principal villages, of which he had made a faithful and exact plan. I selected Sieur de 
Villebon-Beccancourt,' formerly Captain of the King's Dragoons, as Major of the Brigade I 
commanded, so that, acting in my place, as I was obliged to have an eye to all, I could confide 
in him ; he succeeded therein with all possible diligence and experience. I left Quebec the 
ninth of July, at the head of Three hundred militiamen, accompanied by the said Sieur de 

' Chevalier de Villkbon was son of the Baron de Bekaneourt. After this expedition he returned to France, and was sent 
iu 1690 to Port Royal and proceeded thence to the River St. John, where his vessel was captured whilst he was absent up the 
river. He went to Quebec, whence he repaired again to France, and, in consequence of his representations at Court, came out 
in the following year with a commission of Governor of Acadia, with which he arrived at Quebec in the beginning of July, 
1691, where he was detained until September, and did not reach Port Royal until 26th November following. After taking 
possession of that place, he removed to the River St. John. In 1692, Governor Pliipps sent three armed vessels and 400 
men to seize hira, but the attempt failed In 1696, he assisted at the reduction of Fort Pemaquid by Iberville, and, on his 
return to Fort Naxoat, on the River St. John, with his Indians, was taken prisoner by the English, but was i-eleased shortly 
after; be then proceeded to his fort, where the English, under Colonel Hawthorn, followed and attacked him on the 18th 
of October; but his defence was so gallant as to oblige the enemy to retire. He continued on the River St. John until 1700, 
in the month of July of which year he died. Charlevoix. — Ep. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 241 

Villebon, and arrived at Montreal the sixteenth, where I was joined by Sieur D'orvilHers on 
the twenty-first, who brought me, in addition to Two hundred and fifty militia, some bateaux 
to embark the King's troops. Thus, after having issued every possible order for the conveyance 
of provisions, in which 1 had much difficulty in consequence of the scarcity of canoes and of 
experienced persons to conduct them in the portages of the rapids, I detached Sieur de Villebon 
to lead the van with my brigade and the two Companies of King's troops, and ordered tiieni to 
pass the first and second portages, where I should join them, so that on the thirtieth I passed 
their encampment, beyond the said second portage, and we proceeded next day, both brigades 
together, Sieur D'orvilHers bringing up the rear with the third, one day behind us. On the 
first of August, being in Lake St. Francis with about two hundred canoes and our fifteen bateaux, 
I was joined by the Reverend Father Lamberville, Junior, coming on behalf of his brother, 
from Onontague, and by the Reverend Father Millet from Oneida. By the annexed letters 
from Onontague you will learn that these people, having been joined by the Oneidas and 
Cayugas, had obliged the Senecas to appoint them mediators as to the reparation they should 
agree to make me for the insult which had unfortunately been committed against the French 
in the month of March, and prayed me to send M". le Moine to them, with whom they could 
terminate this aWan. This obliged me immediately to dispatch a canoe to Fort Frontenac in 
all haste, to send me from there the new bark I had built in the winter, in order to freight her 
with the provisions I brought, and to send the Canoes in which they were loaded to fetch others 
from la Chine. 

On the second we arrived at the Portage of the Long Sault, which I found very difficult, 
notwithstanding the care I had taken to send fifty men ahead, to cut the trees on the bank 
of the river which prevented those passing who were to drag the Canoes and bateaux ; 
because the stream being voluminous and the bank precipitous, the people were beyond their 
depth the moment they abandoned the shore, and were not strong enough to draw said 
bateaux; this necessitated 7ny sojourn at that place, where, having been joined by the 
Christian Iroquois of the Sault and of Montreal, they undertook, for a few presents of 
Brandy and Tobacco, to pass the said bateaux and the largest Canoes, which they fortunately 
accomplished in two days without any accident. 

On the morning of the fifth, 1 found the new bark arrived at La Galette where I had all 
the provisions discharged from the canoes before eight o'clock in the morning; and these 
dispatched at the same, on their return, to la Chine to be reloaded. The strong winds from 
the South West, which constantly prevailed all this time, and obstinately continued during 
the remainder of the month, were the cause of the great diligence that the bark had made, 
and likewise delayed our march so much that I could not arrive at the Fort with my 
canoe alone until the ninth. I was joined there by Father de Lamberville, whom I 
dispatched next day to his brother at Onontague, whom 1 instructed to assure that Nation 
that I had so much respect for their request and for that of the other two, that 1 should 
prefer their mediation to war, provided they procured me reasonable satisfaction. Three 
things obliged me to adopt this resolution : the first, because it appeared by letters I had 
received from Colonel Dongan, in answer to the message by the man named Bourbon, that he 
was very far from the good understanding of which his Majesty had assured me ; but much 
disposed to interfere as our enemy in this matter. The second, because I had few provisions, 
and I did not see that any effort was made to forward flour to me with any diligence from 
Montreal ; and the third, because the wind prevailed so strong from the South west that my 

Vol. IX. 31 



242 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

bark did not return from La Galette, and I could not dispatch another to Lake Ontario to 
notify the army of the South, wliich was to arrive forthwith from Niagara, of my arrival at 
Fort Frontenac with that of the North. I afterwards reviewed all our troops, as annexed,' 
and Sieur le Moine having overtaken me on the same day with the remainder of the Christian 
Iroquois who had not previously arrived, I dispatched them on the sixteenth to Onontague, 
and placed in his hands Tegancourt, the Ambassador from the Senecas, whom I had arrested 
at Quebec. Seeing the wind always contrary, 1 sent, on the preceding day, eight of the 
largest Canoes that I had, to the bark at La Galette, to bring me ten thousand weight of flour, 
bread beginning to fail, which caused me a good deal of uneasiness, and created considerable 
murmurs among the troops and the militia. 

Finally, on the twenty-first, my canoes arrived with what I sent them for. I set to work 
immediately, with all possible diligence, to have bread and biscuit baked; and sent off 
forthwith the King's troops, D'orvilliers' and Dugue's two brigades, and two hundred 
Christian Savages to encamp at La Famine, a post favorable for fishing and hunting, and four 
leagues from the river of Onontague, so as to be nearer the enemy, and able to refresh our 
troops by fishing and the chase, as we were short of provisions, intending to join them 
myself with about three hundred Frenchmen, whom I had remaining. 

On the twenty-fifth, the Canoes 1 had detached from La Galette to Montreal arrived, but in 
far less number than I had looked for, and b*-ought me only eight or nine thousand weight 
of flour, instead of twenty thousand, I expected, and which I left ready for loading when 
I departed. I caused bread and biscuit to be immediately made for the support of our 
troops, who were at the aforesaid place called La Famine. On the twenty-seventh, at four 
o'clock in the afternoon, a canoe of i\K Lemoine's children arrived from Onontague with 
Tegancourt, who reported to me that the Onontagues had received orders from Colonel Dongan, 
which he sent by one Arnaud, forbidding them to enter into any treaty with me without his 
express permission, considering them the Duke of York's subjects, and that he had caused the 
Arms of the said Duke to be raised three days before in their village; that the Council had 
been convened at the said place of Onontague, to which Sieur Lemoine had been invited, 
and the matter having been debated, these Savages got into a furious rage, with some 
danger to the English delegate; said they were free, and that God, who had created the 
Earth, had granted them their country without subjecting them to any person, and requested 
Father Lamberville the elder to write to Colonel Dongan the annexed letter; and, the said 
Sieur Lemoine having well sustained the French interests, they unanimously resolved to start 
in two days to conclude affairs with me at La Famine. On the receipt of this news I 
immediately called out my canoes in order to depart, and was accompanied by a dozen of 
others, having caused six of the largest to be loaded with bread and biscuit for the army. 

After having been buffeted by bad weather and high winds, we arrived in two days at La 
Famine. I found there tertian and double tertian fever, which broke out among our people, so 
that more than one hundred and fifty men were attacked by it ; I had also left some sick 
at the Fort, which caused me to dispatch, on arriving, a Christian Savage to Onontague to 
M'. Lemoine, to request him to cause the instant departure of those who were to come to 
meet me. This he accomplished with so much diligence, though he and his children were sick, 
that he arrived on the third of September with fourteen Deputies; nine from Onontague, three 
from Oneida, and two Cayugas, who paid me their respects, and I entertained them in the 

' For this paper see p. 2S4 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 248 

best manner I was able, postponing the talk about business until tlie morrow morning, when 
matters were fully discussed and peace concluded after six hours' deliberation, three in the 
morning and as many after dinner; Father Brias speaking for us, and Hotrehouati' and 
Garagonkier forthe Iroquois; Tegancout, the Seneca, was present, the other Senecas not daring 
to come in order not to displease Colonel Dongan, who sent to promise them a reinforcement of 
four hundred horse and four hundred foot, if we attacked them. The treaty was concluded in 
the evening on the conditions annexed,^ and I promised to decamp the next day and witiulraw 
my troops from their vicinity; which indeed I was obliged to do by the number of sick, that 
had augmented to such a degree that it was with difficulty I found enough of persons in 
health to remove the sick on board the canoes; also by the scarcity of provisions, as there 
was no more than the trifle of bread I had brought tiiem. I allov^^ed the Onontagues to light 
the Council fire at this place without extinguishing that at Montreal, in order to be entitled to 
take possession of it by their consent when the King should desire it, and thereby exclude the 
English and Colonel Dongan from their pretensions. 

On leaving the Fort, I had ordered one of the barks to go to Niagara to notify the army of 
the South to return by Lake Erie to Missilimakinack ; she had a favorable passage; found 
it had arrived, only six hours previously, to the number of seven hundred men, viz., one hundred 
and fifty French, and the remainder Indians. I departed on the sixth, having had all 
the sick of my troops embarked before day (so as not to be seen by the Indians) to the 
number of one hundred and fifty Canoes, and twelve flat bateaux, and arrived in the evening 
of the same day at Fort Frontenac, where I found one hundred and ten men, of the number I 
had left there, already departed, all sick, for Montreal. Having given the necessary orders 
as to the number of soldiers to be left there for the security of that post, until the arrival 
from France of Sieur de Laforest, its Major, I started, about nine or ten o'clock in the 
morning, on my return. Shortly after my departure, the bark arrived from Niagara with 
some French oflScers of the army, who brought me news from it at night, and assured me 
that the chiefs of all the savages had accompanied them to the Fort, desirous to see me, 
and would visit me at Montreal, where I was to wait for them. The Reverend Father de 
Lamberville, the elder, came likewise with these Gentlemen on account of some difficulties 
he was very glad to arrange for Onontague, whither he returned. 

We worked some hours together; I then sent him back to the Fort with some of the 
arrived French ; the others being desirous to leave and come down again into the Country. 

After having waited some time for Mess", du Tast and de Cahouet, to whom I gave one 
of my canoes and two of my guards, well acquainted with the navigation, to pilot their 
bateaux and troops in safety through the rapids, I resumed my journey down the river. 
I likewise took on board one of my canoes the Sieur Le Moine, whose fever had seriously 
augmented, and who had served the King in this affair with so much zeal and affection, aided 
by the intimate knowledge he had of the Iroquois language, that it may be said the entire 
Colony owe him a debt of eternal gratitude. 

Finally, in my return of three days, I accomplished what cost us thirteen in ascending, and 
found in the stores at Montreal and la Chine, forty-five thousand weight of flour, which, had 
we received it, would have enabled us to have made a longer sojourn in the Upper country. 

Done at Quebec the 1*' day of October, 16S4. 

Le Febure de la barre. 

'Outr^ouati, otherwise called Grande Gaeule (Big Mouth). Belmont. This is La Hontaa'a famous Orator, Orangula, whosa 
name he manufactures by merely Latinizing the French. — Ed. 
» See p. 236. 



244 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Abstract of the preceding Memoir of M. de la Barre. \st October^ 1684. 

[ Omitted, the Memoir being already printed in full. ] 



M. de la Barre to M. de Seignelay. 

My Lord, 

I address, you these lines in advance, deferring an account of all my conduct, the receipt 
of his Majesty's orders, and the answer to those you were pleased to honor me with, until the 
return of the ships by which I shall take leave to send you the Captain of my guards to report 
to you, verbally, what, in writing, would be too long, and to enable me to reply to all the 
impostures by which it is sought to blacken me in his Majesty's and your estimation. I 
write now to inform you that our war has not been bloody, and that I concluded with the 
Senecas a peace, which apparently will be of some durability, and as honorable as possibly 
can be with Savages. 

That Colonel Dongan, Governor of New York, has forgotten the orders he had received 
from the King, his Master, and has pushed matters against us to such an extremity, that the 
consideration of the affairs of Europe alone retained and prevented me marching against him 
who fain would assume to be sovereign lord of the whole of North America, south of 
(au dessous) the river Saint Lawrence, and has caused the arms of the Duke of York to be raised 
in the Iroquois villages (in which they were not every where similarly respected) at a moment 
when I was only six leagues distant, having traveled nearly two hundred to get there. 

As 1 am arranging all the proofs of these things, to be transmitted, I refer the details to my 
Captain of the guards, and content myself with informing you that the four companies of 
marines have safely arrived, and in good condition; that Monsieur de la Salle's people are 
departing for the Fort of the Illinois where I furnish them the aid you have ordered; and that, 
until I can send you an exact answer, you may rely on a perfect obedience to all the orders 
I shall receive from you, which will doubtless insure me, against the falsehoods and calumnies 
retailed to you to my prejudice, a protection in favor of your most humble and most 
obedient servant 

(S"*) Le febure de la Barre. 

Quebec, the 7"' October, 16S4. 



M. de Meulles to M. de Seignelay. 

My Lord, 

I thought you would be somewhat impatient to learn the success and result of the war the 
General had undertaken against the Iroquois, which rendered it necessary for him to call a 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 245 

part of the peoplt? of this Country together and make all necessary preparation, at his Majesty's 
expense, for that expedition. The troops have been as far as a place called La Famine, thirty 
leagues beyond Fort Frontenac. The army consisted of nine hundred French aud three 
hundred Savages, and from the Niagara side there was an army of six hundred men, one 
third of whom were French, and the remainder Outawacs and Hurons, amounting in all to 
eighteen hundred men. 

What Indians there were, evinced the best disposition to fight the Iroquois to the death. 
Sieur de la Durantaye, who brought the last six hundred men from INlissiiimakinak, has 
informed us that he learned from a Miami Chief that more than a thousand Illinois were 
coming to our aid, on learning that we were about to fight the Iroquois; to such a degree are 
they their irreconcilable foes. Certainly, never was there remarked a better disposition 
to fight and conquer them, and purge the country of that nation which will be eternally our 
enemy. All the French breathed nothing but war, and, though they saw themselves obliged to 
abandon their families, they consoled tiiemselves with the hope of liberating themselves by 
one victory from a Nation so odious as the Iroquois, at whose hands they constantly dread 
ambushes and destruction. But the General did not think proper to push matters any further, 
and, without any necessity, sent Sieur Leraoyne to the said Iroquois to treat of peace at a 
time when every one was in good health, and when all necessary provision was made of food, 
&c., to dare every enterprize; and finally, after various comings and goings on one side and 
the other, the General concluded peace, such as you will see by the articles I take the liberty 
to send you, as written by the hand of his Secretary. 

This peace. My Lord, has astonished all the officers who had any command in that army, 
and all who composed it, who have testified so deep a displeasure and so sovereign a 
contempt for the General's person that they could not prevent themselves evincing it to him. 
I assure you. My Lord, that had I strayed ever so little from my duty, and not exhibited 
exteriorly, since his return, the respect I owe his character, the whole world would have risen 
against him, and would have been guilty of some excess. 

The said General excuses himself because of the sick, and even says that the troops lacked 
food; to which I feel obliged to answer, being certain that he seeks every pretext and has 
recourse to every expedient to exculpate himself and perhaps to put the blame on me. 

'Tis certain that there was a great number of sick among the Militia he took with 
him to Fort Frontenac, who were in perfect good health on arriving there ; but having 
encamped for a fortnight in Prairies between the woods and a pond, it is not surprising that 
some fell sick. Again, he made them stay at La Famine in places that were never iniiabited, 
entirely surrounded by swamps, which aggravated the sickness in his army; and had 
he remained there longer, he would not have saved a man. This has caused all to remark 
that he did not care; that he had not the least desire to make war; that he made no use of 
these long sojourns, except to employ them in his negotiations. Had he seriously wished 
to attack the said Iroquois, he would not have wasted ten or twelve days at Montreal, 
fourteen or fifteen at Fort Frontenac, and as many at La Famine; he would have remained 
merely a day or two, and have used the greatest dispatch possible to fight the Iroquois, and not 
uselessly consumed all his provisions; he would have, indubitably, surprised the said Iroquois, 
who were not expecting this attack, especially as the greater number of their young men had 
been at war in the beginning of the spring. 

He says he lacked provisions ; though that were true, he would be the cause and could not 
but accuse himself of imprudence, as I had supplied him, generally, with whatever he required 



246 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

of me, of which the whole Country is a witness ; and with a little precaution, or, rather good 
faith, he would liave had everything in abundance. He had determined not to leave until the 
15"" of August ; he departed on the 15"" July. That did not prevent me furnishing all 
he required of me ; such as bateaux, canoes, arms, ammunition, and all the provisions he 
desired. This is so true, that there yet remained at the end of the Island of Montreal, at a 
place called la Chine, thirty-five thousand weight of flour and five of biscuit, which he found 
on his return, and which he had requested me to retain for him at Montreal. Had he not 
halted, and had he been disposed to push into the Iroquois Country, the first convoy of 
provisions which accompanied him had sufficed; for the greater number of the Militia, 
unwilling to wait for the King's supplies, had laid in their own private stock, the most part of 
which they brought back with them, as all the Captains in command will certify. This 
convoy consisted of eighteen canoes full of biscuit, pork, brandy, and, apparently, other things 
which I do not precisely know, having been loaded at Montreal whilst I was at Quebec, where 
I was issuing orders for the provisions that the General had demanded of me, and for saving 
the harvest of those who had gone on the expedition. 

If it had been the General's design to make war, he should not have caused the cargoes of 
the eighteen canoes I have mentioned to be put into barks thirty leagues from Montreal, 
above the Rapids, instead of letting the voyage be continued by the canoe men who were paid 
to go Fort Frontenac, and who had already accomplished the roughest part of the road, and 
who, without a doubt, would have arrived in three days at the Fort. This was represented 
to him by all the officers, who stated to him that the barks required wind, which, being 
contrary, would keep them more than three weeks from arriving, which turned out to be true. 
Notwithstanding all these reasons, he absolutely insisted that all the said provisions should be 
put in the barks. Some have assured me that the canoes of said convoy were partly laden 
with merchandise, and, not being very desirous to let the circumstance be known, that he 
had caused the barks to precede the canoes, to put the goods secretly into them, and keep the 
knowledge of the fact from every body. In this way he made use of these canoes to convey 
that merchandise to the Fort at the King's expense, which has always been his practice for two 
years, ever pretending certain necessity to transport munitions of war, and making use, by 
this means, of these conveyances for which the King is made to pay under pretext of keeping 
the Fort in good order. It is impossible to conceive the quantity of Brandy that he has caused 
to be conveyed thither during eighteen months, whereof I have had most positive information, 
and of which I had the honor to advise you in my last. 

Others supposed that he had the said provisions put on board those barks in order to obtain 
time, and, by this address, to negotiate a peace with the Iroquois, as he had sent Sieur 
Lemoyne to them, who is a very brave man, and who was in despair at all this negotiation, 
stating openly that they ought to be whipt. All the delays at Montreal, the Fort, and at La 
Famine, caused the useless consumption of a portion of the supplies, which however did not 
fail, other convoys having been received from time to time; but they were always wasted, 
without anything having been done. 

After the said General had determined in his own mind on this war, he sent the man named 
Bourbon, an inhabitant of this country, to Colonel Dongan to advise him that he was 
obliged to wage war against the Iroquois, requesting him not to afford them any aid; which 
he confided to me eigiit days after the departure of the said Bourbon. This obliged me to 
tell him that I was astonislied that lie should have tims proceeded ; that the Iroquois having 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 247 

insulted us, and did I intend to fight with and destroy them, I should not have deemed it proper 
to inform neighbors tliereof who have an interest in our destruction, as he afforded thereby an 
opportunity to Colonel Dongan, who is an Englishman, and consequently our born enemy, to 
give underhand information of our designs to the Iroquois, and convey secretly to them all 
that may be necessary for their defence against us. I asked him if lie did not perceive that 
the English would never desire our advantage, and that they would contribute all in their 
power to destroy us, though at peace as regards France; that they would always be jealous 
of the Fur trade prosecuted by us in this country, which would make them protect the 
Iroquois always against us. 

This Bourbon negotiation gave Colonel Dongan occasion to use some rhodomontade, as the 
General has informed me ; and assuredly it was that obliged him, having this information, 
to send an Englishman, who was in the habit of negotiating with the said Indians, to raise the 
Duke of York's arms among the Onnontagues, which is an Iroquois village, wishing by that 
act to take the first poss,ession of the country. We have not heard talk of any other 
movement on the English side, and it is even certain that they will never cause us any 
apprehension in that quarter, and that they could not prevent us achieving that conquest 
this year, had the General been willing to fight. 

You can hardly believe, My Lord, that the General has alone undertaken the war without 
having consulted any person, neither officers of the army, nor gentlemen, nor the people of the 
country who are the most interested, nor any individual whomsoever, except Sieur de 
la Chesnaye, with whom he acts in concert for the entire destruction and ruin of the 
country. He has again made peace in this manner without any communication with any of 
the officers or others of those who were near his person. What seemed a wonder in the 
country is that one individual, a subject of his Majesty like others, should of his own will make 
war and peace, without having consulted, or demanded the opinion of any person. His Majesty 
never acted thus. He has his Council of War, and when he is about to commence hostilities 
he demands advice of his Council, communicating to them the reasons which he may have to 
do so, and even causes the publication of manifests throughout the Kingdom, wishing 
to lay before his people the justice of his undertakings. But the General has treated 
of peace like a sovereign with the said Iroquois, having employed none of those who were 
nigh him, and who were acquainted with the Iroquois tongue, except as Interpreters. He 
dared not consult the officers, being certain that they would all have concluded on war, 
and but little was necessary to make them select a Chief from among themselves to attack 
the enemy. 

The said general proceeds at the head of a small force to make war against the Iroquois, 
and far from doing that, he grants them all they ask. His principal design was to attack the 
Senecas, who instead of showing him any civility, did not even condescend to come and 
meet him, and gave an insolent answer to those who proposed it to them — if people had 
any thing to say to them, let them take the trouble to come and see them. There came 
altogether on this embassy only a certain sycophant who seeks merely a good dinner, and a 
real buffoon, called among the French la Grande Gueule, accompanied by eight or ten miserable 
fellows, who fooled the General in a most shameful manner, as you will perceive by the 
articles of peace I have the honor to send you, and which I doubt not he also will send you. 
They will assuredly excite your pity. You will see he abandons the Illinois, among whom 
M. de La Salle is about to establish himself, and who are the occasion of this war, inasmuch as 



248 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

the Iroquois went to attack them even in Fort Saint Louis, which Sieur de la Salle had 
erected among them, and of which the General took possession, having ousted and driven 
away those whom Sieur de La Salle had left in command there, and sent hither de Baugy, 
his lieutenant of the guards, who is still there. 

When he concluded this peace he already had his Majesty's letter eight days in his 
possession, but so far from conforming to its intentions, he consents to the slaughter of the 
Illinois, who are our allies, and among whom His Majesty designed to plant a new Colony or 
some powerful establishment under M. de la Salle's direction. 

I consider it also my duty to inform your Lordship that the General left La Famine the 
moment peace was concluded, without taking the least care of the troops, abandoning them 
altogether to their own guidance, forbidding them on pain of death to leave the place until 
a long time after him, fearing to be surprised by the Iroquois, and having (so to say) lost his 
wits, caring little what became of the army. Certain it is that he went up to the Fort without 
taking information about any thing, and returned in the same manner. 

The worst of this affair is the loss of the trade, which I find inevitable, because the Outawas 
and other Savages who came to our aid, will hereafter entertain no respect for us, and will 
regard us as a people without courage and without resolution. 

I doubt not, my Lord, but the General sends you a letter which he received from Father 
Lamberville, the Jesuit, who is a Missionary in an Iroquois village at Onnontague, whence 
those Ambassadors came with whom peace was negotiated. The Father, who had learned the 
General's intentions from Sieur Le Moyne, has been wise and sufficiently discreet, anticipating 
his design, to write to him in accordance with his views, and to ingeniously solicit that which 
must flatter and highly please him. But one thing is certain, that all the Jesuits at Quebec, and 
particularly Father Bechefer, have openly stated there for six weeks that the Country was 
destroyed if peace were concluded; which is so true that, having communicated to him the two 
letters I wrote to the General, he highly approved of them and advised me to send them to the 
Fort. I shall take leave to send you copies of them, requesting you, most humbly, to be 
persuaded that I speak to you without passion, and that I state nothing to you but what is most 
true and reliable, and this only because I feel obliged to let you know the truth as regards all 
things, without which you will never have the least confidence in me. 

I should wish. My Lord, to avoid explaining myself in this manner, fearing you might infer 
that the General and I were greatly disunited, which is quite contrary to the manner in 
which we live together; since it is certain that we never had, personally, the least difference, 
wishing in that to conform myself to your desires and his Majesty's orders, aware that it is the 
most assured means that I can take to be agreeable to you. This is the sole ambition I have 
in the world, and to prove to you that no person can be, with more profound respect and 
greater devotedness than I, 

My Lord, 

Your most humble and 

most ob: Servant. 

This, My Lord, is only incidentally. I defer informing you of what has occurred in this 
Country during this year, until the departure of the vessels. 

Quebec, the 10'" 8"", 18G4. De meulles. 



PARIS DOC QMENTS: II. 249 

M. lie Callieres to M. de Seignelay. 

My Lord, 

My first duty on arriving in this government, vfhich I derive from you, is to tender you my 
most humble thanks for it. Please, My Lord, to permit that I make satisfaction therein by 
this letter, since I was not sufficiently fortunate to be able to do so viva voce before my 
departure from France, which occurred whilst you were so gloriously occupied in the King's 
service before Genoa. 

I have been perfectly well received here. My Lord, under your auspices, and with great 
demonstration of joy by all the inhabitants, particularly by the gentlemen of the Seminary, 
and by M. Dollier, their Superior, who is a man of great merit and exemplary virtue, as are 
all the other Clergy of that Seminary, with whom I hope to live in perfect union, and to 
satisfy all the inhabitants of the Island by causing the King's orders to he punctually executed. 

\ found the troubles of Canada appeased by the arrangement which M. de la Barre entered 
into with the Onnontagues, who form a part of the Iroquois, on their promise to oblige the 
Senecas (another tribe, the principal and bravest of the Iroquois nation) to repair the damage 
they had done the French by the pillage of seven canoes, freighted with merchandise. But 
as the said Senecas have not been a party to this treaty, and the Onnontagues have declared 
to M. de la Barre that the entire Iroquois nation reserved unto itself the power of waging war 
against the Illinois as long as a single one of them would remain on earth ; and inasmuch as 
the Illinois are under his Majesty's dominion since M. de la Salle's discovery and the 
construction of Fort Saint Louis, which he built in their country ; the most intelligent in these 
parts believe this peace between us and the Iroquois uncertain, until they be obliged to leave 
the Illinois undisturbed. 

It is reported here that these Iroquois have already departed to attack the Illinois, and to 
endeavor to exterminate them before the arrival of M. de la Salle, who, they learned, was on 
his way to their relief by the Grand River. It would be a serious loss to us should they 
succeed in this design, as the best allies we have among the Indians are the Illinois, who, on 
hearing of the war between us and the Iroquois, were coming to our aid with a thousand 
picked Warriors, the bravest that they had. Mons'. de Tonty, who commanded them in M. 
de la Salle's absence, having returned to this country by M. de la Barre's orders, had started 
on his way to Fort Saint Louis, but the ice forced him to come back and wait until the spring. 

In addition to this bad disposition of the Iroquois, we have further to apprehend that it is 
fomented by the English, who evince a willingness to protect them as if dependants on 
their Colonies. Nevertheless, it is not to be doubted that they have always been subject to 
France since the first discoveries made by Sieur de Champlain and other French Captains, 
who took possession thereof in the name of our Kings, which has never been disturbed or 
contested up to this time by the English. 

These considerations. My Lord, oblige us to be on the alert, and cause me to take the liberty 
of representing to you that, in case of war, it will be necessary to give some one in the country 
a commission to command the troops and militia here, under the orders of the Governor 
General, who cannot be every where in so vast an extent of country as that of New France ; and 
that, finding myself here on the frontiers of the French Colonies bordering on the Iroquois, 
and of the English of New England and New York, who are the only enemies to be feared, I 
consider it my duty to offer you my most humble services on this occasion, and to request you 
Vol. IX. 32 



250 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

to employ me in this War,^by doing me the honor of granting me some title to command 
the troops and militia, under the Governor General's orders, beyond the limits of my 
government, as the Major wU\ suffice for the guard of the Island vt^hilst we shall be in the 
field ; beseeching you to believe that I shall endeavor to give you a good account of this War, 
and of what shall be intrusted to me. The services I have rendered for 20 years, without 
intermission, in his Majesty's glorious campaigns, entitle me to some experience in war superior 
to that of the officers of this country, who have not been employed for a long time. 

I learn. My Lord, by a letter I received from M. de la Barre, the arrival of the 
reinforcements you sent him, with some Naval Captains to command them ; but as these 
gentlemen are not apparently destined to remain long in this country, their profession 
qualifying them rather for sea than for land service, without mentioning the expense they 
will thereby entail on his Majesty, I am not prevented hoping that you will have the 
goodness to consider me on this occasion as being one of your most devoted creatures, and 
one who desires nothing, with greater passion, than to signalize himself under your orders, so as 
to deserve the honor you have conferred on me by selecting me. I leave to my brother to 
communicate to you a fuller detail of what I write to him of the affairs of this country, and 
am, with all due zeal and gratitude, 

My lord, 

Your most humble, most obedient 
Montreal, in Canada, and most obliged Servant, 

this 9"' Novemb'-, 16S4. The Chev' De Calliekes. 



31. de la Barre to the King, 

Memoir to the King in answer to his despatch of the lO"" April last. 
*********** 
Your Majesty will have seen, by the despatches I have sent you by the Express bark on the 
S"" June, what necessitated me to wage war against the Iroquois, and to march against them 
for that purpose, to which the general clamor of all the people of this country, as well great 
as small, very much contributed. Your Majesty will perceive, by the proces verbal annexed, that 
I did not wish to engage in the matter except on a certainty ; and that, learning as well from 
the despatches as from the Messengers of Colonel Dongan, Governor of New York, the 
declaration of the English, I took advantage of my march to conclude a peace, which I think 
will be of some durability ; those people being undeceived in the belief they had entertained 
that the French could not reach them in the Southern countries, in consequence of the greatness 
of the distance and of the vast number of portages to be passed to go there. This has caused 
an expense to your Majesty which appears to me pretty considerable, but, in my opinion, it 
will save a much greater for the future, and will impress on your Majesty the necessity of the 
King of England sending precise orders to his Governors of New York, or of your Majesty's 
authorizing the carrying the war into his territory; without this it is, at present, impossible 
to reduce the Iroquois, who will have a door open for their retreat into the country occupied 
by the English, and a reinforcement of their troops almost hard by them, whilst we shall be 
obliged to travel 200 leagues in order to attack them. I perceived the difficulty attendant on 



PARIS DOCUMENTS: II. 251 

this war to be so great, especially as regards tbe transportation of supplies, arms and 
munitions of war, that I do not comprehend how all the inhabitants of the country have 
evinced so impatient a desire for it ; because, when once commenced by them, it cannot so 
soon' be terminated, and the Iroquois cannot be reduced, except after many years, possessing, 
as they do, so convenient a retreat among the English ; also, because operations cannot 
be carried on except with a large body of Regulars and of Indians, and not of Militia ; and 
because it is certain the Colony will be exposed to daily incursions, which will altogether 
endanger the safety of the country. 

As I send Sieur Doruilliers, Captain of my guards, expressly to Your Majesty to render 
an account of what has happened at our pretended War expedition, and of the quality of the 
Seneca Country, to which he had been purposely to reconnoitre early in the Spring, he will 
also inform you of the conduct of Colonel Dongan (Governor of New- York) towards us, and of 
the difference that exists between his professions and his conduct in regard to the Iroquois, 
and especially the Senecas, to whom he sent an offer of 400 horses and an aid of as many 
infantry, at the same time that he had the Duke of York's arms planted in their villages, and 
dispatched Sieur Arnault,' his ambassador to the Onontagues, Oneidas and Cayugas, to forbid 
them in express terms, as subjects of the Duke of York depending on him and his 
government, from entering into any treaty or conference with me without his special orders. 
This having caused a great noise among the said Savages, hastened them to conclude their 
treaty with me, as Your Majesty will be able to see by my proces verbal, and the Rev. F. de 
Lamberville's letter of the 29"' August last ; so that nothing more remains for me to do than 
to await Your Majesty's decision how I must act with the said Colonel; whereunto you will 
please send me your orders, without which I shall suffer everything, and with which I shall 
be able, without much expense or risk, to have this Colonel spoken to in another language. 

It remains for me to request your Majesty's orders in regard to the English, as well those 
of New- York as those settled on Hudson's Bay. I fear they have attacked the French posts 
last year in Nelson's gulf, and that Katisson,^ who I learn is at their head, has opposed 
force and violence to the justice of their cause, of which Your Majesty shall be informed. 
Whether I must oppose force to force, and venture by land against those who might have 
committed some outrage against your subjects by sea, is a matter on which Your Majesty will 
please furnish me with some precise and decisive orders, whereunto I shall conform my conduct 
and my actions. 

Quebec, the 13 Novem'', 16S4. Le Febur de la Baree. 

' Arnold Coenelissen Viele, a citizen of Albany, and a well known Indian interpreter. For his serviceg in the latter 
capacity, he obtained a grant of land from the Mohawks, September, 1683, a little above Schenectady. Tlie tract was called 
Wachkeerhoha, and was on the north bank of the lloliawk river. — Eu. 

- Radisson. 



252 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Reverend Jean de Lamberville to M. de la Barre. 

July lO"- 16S4. 
Sir, 

A general Assembly of all the Iroquois will be held here, at which it is intended to unite 
against you, and to inform the Senecas that you wish to persuade the four Iroquois Nations not 
to aid them in case of war. I am surprised that M. le Moyne or some other persons have 
not told you that all these villages were confederated, and that one could not be attacked 
without becoming embroiled with the others. 

Did affairs permit, I should have much wished to tell you my thoughts on a great many things. 
My brother will inform you of all when he will have the honor to see you. The Ontagues 
who have been spoken to, would like much to settle matters; this is the reason my brother 
goes to you, whilst I still keep them disposed to give you satisfaction, in order to avoid, if 
possible, an infinitude of evils which will overtake Canada ; and as I know not whether you 
desire war without listening to proposals for peace, I wish to understand whether it is not 
fitter that I withdraw, if possible, rather than give occasion to the Iroquois to say that I 
deceived them, by propositions for peace. The Onontagues and other nations say that it 
grieves them to take up arms against you who are their neighbor, and who form almost one 
country with them. 

They acknowledge that the Senecas are proud and insolent on account of their great number 
of warriors; but that if you desire to maintain peace by some satisfaction which they will 
induce the Senecas to make you, it will be very acceptable, so as not to be obliged to come to 
extremities that will be very disastrous. If war occur. Sir, all those who have houses apart 
from fortified places must at once abandon their dwellings, for the grain and the houses 
will be burned, and otherwise many will be brought away prisoners to be cruelly tortured 
and insulted. I always think that peace ought to be most precious to you, and that all the 
advantages that can be held out, ought to cause you to shrink from war. A delay in order to 
arrange every thing more leisurely, and after having received assistance from France, would 
extricate you from much embarrassment vrhich will follow from all sides. Pardon me if I 
give free expression to my thoughts; you will not disapprove at least of the zeal with which 
I am, with much respect and submission. 

Your most humble and 

Most obedient servant, 
(Signed) De Lamberville. 



Reverend Jean de Lamherville to M. de la Barre. 

ll'hJuly, 1684. 
Sir, 

A troop of Senecas, on their way to buy their supplies and munitions of powder, lead and 
arms, are two days [distance] froin iiere. They are expected in order to talk fully of affairs, 
and to endeavor to preserve peace by inducing them to give you satisfaction. I believe, if you 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 253 

are really desirous to come to an arrangement by which an effort will be made to satisfy 
you, and wherein will be prescribed the boundaries of the war and of trade, you would 
have leisure to provide with less trouble and embarrassment for the security of Canada, either 
by erecting Forts at La Famine or towards the Senecas under the pretext of establishing a 
blacksmith or at La Galette, according as you may tiiink proper. 

I do not believe that you will derive any advantage this year from the war, if you wage it ; 
for not only will almost the whole of the Iroquois prosecute it in Canada, but you will not 
find the Senecas in their villages, in which, they give out, they will not shut themselves up, 
but conceal themselves in the grass and prepare ambuscades every where for you. On 
your declaration to the Iroquois that you had no ill-will except against the Senecas, they 
convoked a general Diet here at which they will conclude on a league against you, if you 
will not accept the propositions of peace to which the Onontague wishes to obtain the consent 
of the Seneca who has already placed in security the old grain, and constructed a retreat 
in the woods for the childrae, women and old men, of which you will be ignorant. 

The Warriors are to prowl every where, killing without, if possible, being killed. If their 
Indian corn be cut, it will cost much blood and many men. You must also resolve to lose the 
harvest of the French grain to which the Iroquois will set fire. As for the French settlements, 
the Iroquois suppose that they are all abandoned, and that the people have retired within the 
forts ; otherwise they would be a prey to the enemy. 

It is the opinion that if you begin the war, it will be of long duration, and that to feed 
those in Canada you will have to bring provisions from France. The Iroquois believes that 
he will destroy the Colony in case of war, for he will never fight by rule against us, and will 
not shut himself up in any fort in which he might be stormed. Thus they are under the 
impression that, no person daring to come into unknown forests to pursue them, they can 
neither be destroyed nor captured, having a vast hunting ground in their rear, towards 
Merilande and Viginia, as well as places adjoining their villages, wholly unknown to the 
French. If winter were not so cold in this Country, that would be the time to wage war, for 
one can, then see all around, and the trail cannot be concealed, but every thing must be 
carried — provisions, arms, powder and lead. You cannot believe. Sir, with what joy the 
Senecas learned that you would, possibly, determine on war; and, on the report the savages 
bring them of the preparations apparent at Kataroskouy, they say, that the French have a great 
desire to be stript, roasted and eaten; and that they will see if their fiesh, which, according to 
them is saltish on account of the salt the French make use of, be as good as that of their other 
enemies whom they devour. 

The envoy of the Governor of New-York, who is here, promises the Iroquois goods at a 
considerable reduction ; 7 @ 8 lbs. of powder for a Beaver; as much lead as a man can carry 
for a Beaver, and so with the rest. 

Everything considered. Sir, if you will be content with a satisfaction we shall endeavor 
to obtain for you from the Senecas, you will prevent great evils which must fall on Canada 
in case of war ; you will divert from it famine and many misfortunes ; especially will much 
confusion and great suffering be spared the French who will fall into the hands of the 
Iroquois, who, as you are aware, exercise the direst and most brutal cruelties on their captives. 
There is, besides, no profit in fighting with this sort of banditti, whom you assuredly will 
not catch, and who will catch many of your people that will be surprised in every quarter. 

The man called Hannatakta and some others of influence told me they pitied you. These 
are their words ; they besought you not to force them to wage war against you ; that the five 



254 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Nations would be obliged to unite against you; that the French and the Iroquois being so 
near the one to the other, the war would be too disastrous to you, because, say they, our 
mode of fighting, of harrassing, of living, of surprising and flying to the woods, will be the 
ruin of the French, who are accustomed to fight against towns capable of defence, or against 
armies who appear in the plains ; if there be misunderstanding it ought to be settled. All 
the Iroquois are persuaded that before going to war you will try the ways of mildness, and 
tell the Senecas to appease your anger for what they have plundered ; that if you begin by a 
desire to wage war, and will not act as a father towards your children, they have already 
declared beforehand that they will all unite against you. 



Reverend Jean de Lamlerville to M. de la Barre. 

July 13, 16S4. 
My Lord, 

I have the honor to write to you by Father Millet, who passes here in retiring from among 
the Iroquois. They cannot be persuaded that you have determined on waging war against 
them, not having demanded any satisfaction of them for the merchandise of the Frenchmen 
whom the Senecas plundered. To turn away the scourge of war and the miseries which 
must follow it, especially among the French, who will find themselves attacked by all 
the Iroquois, if any hostile act is committed against the Senecas, I have strongly urged the 
Onnontagues to give you satisfaction, according to the Instructions the Christian Iroquois, 
your deputies here, had. To-morrow a great number of Senecas are expected, with several 
Cayugas and the Ambassadors from the two Lower nations, to talk, about business. 

The Senecas, consequent on the declaration you made to them that you would proceed to 
their country, have concealed their old grain, prepared a distant retreat in the depths of the 
forest for the security of their old men, their women and children, and conveyed whatever they 
have of value out of their villages. The Warriors, in great number, have heard this news with 
much joy ; they are determined to fight, not in their forts, for they have none, and will not shut 
themselves up anywhere, but under cover behind trees and in the grass, where they will try to 
do you considerable injury, if you want war. The Onnontaguez — men of business — wish 
to arrange matters, especially having lost none of their men ; only some goods. Must the father 
and children, they ask, cut each others' throats for a few clothes? The children must satisfy 
the father, to whom they owe iionor and respect. 

Further: last year I guaranteed by two belts of Wampum — one presented to the Senecas and 
the other here — that if the Iroquois army should meet the French, who were towards Illinois, 
and any acts of hostility follow on one side or the other, they should mutually arrange the 
difficulty without it leading to any consequences; and is what we are endeavoring to persuade 
the Senecas to do. Father Millet, to whom I communicated all, and who has just passed, 
will tell you everything, and how apropos it would be that M. Le Moine should come here to 
fetch those chiefs and warriors under the pass you will give them through him. He 
can come here in all surety and without any fear, and conduct them to your rendezvous near 
Seneca or to the Fort, in order to settle matters in a friendly manner. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 255 

Tlie Iroquois say, they will not commit any act of hostility against you, unless 3'ou commence 
either by attacking the Senecas or by refusing to accept all satisfaction , for, they remark, it 
is painful to come to blows with their Father. They all say that their mode of warfare will be 
disastrous to you, but that the respect they entertain towards you, and which we also insinuate 
among them, withholds them until they are forced, they add, to wage a sorrowful war, 
despite themselves, against you. They wish, first of all, they say, to avoid the reproach of 
not having ||ept their word which they gave. I told the above to M. le Moine. 

My brother ' expects to leave with your deputies to carry to you the result of the Iroquois 
Diet, where the Onontague, who assumes to be a moderator, pretends to force the Senecas to 
disavow what two of their Captains caused their warriors to do, and to quieten again your 
mind; that is, they say, by some satisfaction which may afford you an honorable pretext to 
pay a friendly visit to Kaniatarontagouat^ and not to appear there as an enemy. 

I forgot to inform you, that the Iroquois say they have accepted the satisfaction they 
received for the death of their captain, Hannhenhax, killed by the Kiskakons, and that it would 
seem very strange to them that you should refuse the satisfaction they wish to induce the 
Senecas to give you for the pillaged merchandise which, in their estimation, is next to nothing 
compared with that important [council] fire in your children's cabin. I pray God that He 
conduct matters for His glory and the country's good, and that He preserve you as long as is 
the wish, My Lord, of 

Your very humble and most obedient 
Servant, 

J. De Lamberville. 



Reverend Jean de Lamljerville to M. de la Barre. 

IS"- July, 16S4. 
Sir, 

The Council convoked atOnnontague was, at length, held on the IG"" and 17"" of July. You 
will see by the Memoir I inclose in this letter what you said to the Onontagues and what 
they reply by three Belts. Since you spoke, or I have made you speak, to the Senecas 
assembled here in a body, Chiefs and Warriors, and their answer, we have spoken to them by 
three Belts, and they have answered you by nine. 

These are twelve Belts which your ambassadors take to you. I know not if you will 
accept the trifling pains we have taken to cause satisfaction to be given you, and to extricate 
you from the fatigues, the embarrassments and consequences of a disastrous war, and procure 
at the same time freedom of trade; for the Senecas informed me at night, by express, that 
they would give you more satisfaction than you expected, because they wished, through fespect 
for you, not to wage war any more against the Oumiamis, if you so wish it, and even against 
any other nation if you insist on it. In fine, they do not wage war save to secure a good peace. 
They return without striking a blow, without shedding blood, etc. 

' Eev. Jacques de Lamberyille. — Ed. ' Now Irondequoit Bay, Monroe Co., N. Y. 



256 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

The Seneca Iroquois offer you more than you would have believed. The Onontagues 
considered their honor 'engaged to this meeting, and have put all sorts of machinery in motion 
to induce the Senecas to condescend to place their affairs in their hands. 

On the first day of the Council every thing was almost despaired of, and the plenipotentiaries, 
all excited, came to see me, saying they gained nothing on the Senecas, and that up to that 
time they too willingly accepted war; that they rejected the presents which you and they 
had made them. They sent back to me for more belts, only to combat the obs#nacy of the 
Senecas ; the chiefs and warriors acted with great zeal, so that having gained the Oneidas and 
Cayugas over to their side, they came to high words. Meanwhile, the Deputies succeeded 
one another to sound me on the state of affairs and to learn the true cause of the withdrawal 
of our Missionaries. Finally, I told them that the real cause was — that the displeasure 
they perceived you felt at being disparaged by the Senecas, and in which they also participated, 
had caused their withdrawal until the Senecas should satisfy you. At length the Onontagues 
have persuaded these to confide in them and to place their affairs in their hands — that if 
you did not accept their mediation, they would unite, according to their policy, with all 
the other Iroquois against you. La Grande Gueule' and his truimvirate have assuredly 
signalized themselves in this rencounter. My brother, who will inform you of every thing, 
will relate matters more in detail. Meanwhile we await your orders which you will please 
convey to us by M. le Moine, whom the Onontagues request you to send instantly to them at 
Choueguen in all security and without the least fear. 



Reverend Jean de Lamberville to M. de la JBarre. 

Onnontague this 17"' August, 16S4. 
My Lord, 

Your people have brought my brother back here with the greatest possible diligence, having 
been wind bound three days at one island. In order not to cause you any delay, which could 
only produce a useless consumption of provisions by your army, they arrived here with 
Sieur le Due at midnight, and having passed the rest of the night in conferring together, we 
had the Chiefs and Warriors assembled at daylight, after having obtained information from 
La Grand Gueule and Garakontie. 

We declared our intentions in the presence of several Senecas who departed the same day 
to return to their country, where they will communicate your approach. They carry one of 
your belts to reassure those who are alarmed by your armament. 

The Onnontaguez have dispatched some of theirs to notify the Oneida, the Mohawk and 
the Cayuga to repair to Ochouegen^ to salute you and to reply to your proposals. They wish 
so much to see M. Le Moine here, whom you promised them would come, that it appears that 
nothing could be done had he not arrived. Also, as you advised them not to be troubled at 
the sight of your barks and Gendarmes, they likewise give you notice, not to be surprised 
when you will see faces painted red and black at Ochouegen. 

' See note supra, p. 243. " Oswego. — Ed. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 257 

I gave a Cayuga some letters for you 8 or 10 days ago. I do not know if lie will have 
delivered them. I helieve I advised you that Colonel Dongan had the Duke of York's 
placards of protection (des sauvrgardcs) affixed to the three Upper Iroquois villages, and that 
he styled himself Lord of the Iroquois. Here, a drunken man tore these proclamations down 
and nothing remains but the post to which the Duke of York's escutcheon was attached. 

I gave La Grande Gueule your belt underhand, and have remarked to him the things you 
wish him to effect. He calls himself your best friend, and you have done well to have attached 
to you this hoc, who has the strongest head and loudest voice among the Iroquois. 

The overcoats {capots) and shirts which you have been so good as to send to be used orv 
occasions, are a most ethcacious means to gain over, or to preserve public opinion. An 
honorable peace will be more advantageous to Canada than a war very uncertain as to its 
success. I am of opinion, whatever Mess" the Merchants may say, that the war would be 
very prejudicial to them, and that you do them a -good turn by inducing tlie Iroquois to give 
you satisfaction. 

I am, with all sort of respect and submission. 
My Lord, 

Your most humble and most obedient servant, 

J. DE Lamberville, Jesuit. 



Reverend Jean de Lamberville to M. de la Barre. 

Onnontague, this 28"" of August, 1684. 
My Lord, 

_M. le Moine's arrival has much pleased our burgomasters, who have exhibited towards him 
many attentions, and have promised to terminate matters with you in the manner you desire. 
The Onnontaguez have called the Deputies of each Nation together, as I have advised you. 
The Cayugas came here the first, with 2 young Tionnontates to restore them to you; we 
expect the Senecas, and as we were hoping that the Oneidas would arrive to-day, one 
Arnaud, whom Father Bruyas is well acquainted with, came here on horseback from Mr. 
Dongan to tell the Iroquois that he did not wish them to talk to you without his permission, 
being complete master of their country and of their conduct towards you ; that they belonged 
to the King of England and the Duke of York; that their Council fires were lighted at Albany, 
and that he absolutely forbade them talking with you. 

Two words which we whispered in the ears of your pensioner. La Grande Gueule,' caused 
us to see at once how unreasonable, in his opinion, was so strange a proceeding as that of M. 
Dongan, after having himself exhorted the Iroquois to give you satisfaction, in order to avoid a 
disastrous war which would have very bad [consequences]. When M. le Moine and I will 
have the honor to see you, we shall give you the particulars of these things, and how, we 
being two or three days' journey from here. La Grande Gueule made use of high words against 

' See note, supra, p. 243. 

Vol. IX. 33 



258 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

this messenger, exhorting all the warriors and chiefs not to listen to the proposals of a man 
who seemed to be drunk, so opposed to all reason was what he uttered. 

The said Messenger has produced three strings of Wampum. The P' and 2"'» are from the 
Mohawks and the Oneidas, who have promised M^ Dongan that they would not go to meet 
us ; and the 3'' was for the Onnontaguez, to exhort them to give their string of Wampum also 
as assurance of the same thing. The latter have answered, by La Grande Gueule, that they 
esteemed themselves too highly honored by your having granted them the embassy of M. le 
Moine, and by your having placed the affairs of the peace in their hands, to commit so cowardly 
'^an action and so grave a fault as that which seemed to be desired they should perpetrate. 
After many disputes the Onnontagues counseled among themselves, and concluded to inquire 
of M. le Moine if he would not wait the permission M. Dongan wished the Iroquois to have 
from him to talk with you, and if he would not tarry, and you remain at the Lake, ten days 
more, so as to learn M. Dongan's fioal will. This is a piece of Iroquois cunning, not to embroil 
themselves with M. Dongan, and to follow entirely what M. Le Moine should say, whom they 
well knew would not wait so long, matters having advanced to the point at which they are, 
and knowing, moreover, that delay was directly contrary to your instructions. Thelfoquois 
requested M. le Moine himself to communicate their opinion to the Cavalier, which he 
certainly did in an excellent manner, as you will be glad to learn when he vpill give an 
account of his negotiation. 

He has thought proper to send you one of his canoes at once to inform you hereof, and to 
assure you that as soon as the Seneca deputies shall have arrived here, he will endeavor to 
to have them dispatched hence at the earliest moment to be conducted to you. If not, he will 
leave with the Senecas who are here. 

Tegannehout has acted his part very well and harangued strongly against Mr. Dongan's 
Messenger and in favor of Onontio. Good cheer and the way you regaled him were a 
strengthening medicine which has sustained his voice, when it might perhaps have failed in 
any other who had not experienced proofs of your friendship such as you did him the honor 
to give him. He will return with M. Lemoine. 

The Cavalier says that, before returning to his Master, he wishes to speak to the Senecas 
who are expected here. I caress Tegannehout somewhat, in order that he may win those of 
his Nation over to his opinion, and not suffer them to yield to the solicitations of Sieur 
Arnaud, to whom the Onnontaguez have given two wretched belts to tell M. Dongan that 
they could not do otherwise than as he himself had urged them to do ; to wit, to settle matters 
peaceably with you; and to soothe his spirit if he were dissatisfied with them for not going to 
Albany whence they had returned very recently. A letter which he has given to M. le Moine 
is sent you. 

Whatever Sieur Arnaud may say, we have not neglected to send for the Oneida deputies 
whom we expect to-morrow. Monsieur le Moine will use the greatest possible diligence to 
return to you, inasmuch as his delay is not very agreeable to himself.' 
I am always, My Lord, 

Your most humble and most 
obedient servant, 

J. DE L AMBER VI LLE. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : II 259 

Reverend Jean de Lamherville to M. de la JBarre. 

Onnontae, this 27"' Sept., 1684. 
My Lord, 

I return here after having been delayed ten days in the Lake by very strong head winds. A 
day before the Iroquois deputies met here, the Senecas sent belts to the 4 Iroquois villages, to 
declare to them that, should you disembark in their Country,' they would attack you. Six or 
seven hundred Mohegans (Loups) were preparing to go to the assistance of the Iroquois, as the 
Outaoutes were aiding the French. Some Seneca scouts have been as far as Kaionhouague.i 
where you have concluded the peace, to be certain of the place at which your army had 
encamped. The Onnontagues were, for several days, under the impression that they had killed 
me. Tegannehout's arrival in his country will have calmed the minds in communicating the 
peace to them from you. No news have as yet been received from Seneca. Some say they will 
shortly come here to confer on important matters. If any one come here from the Fort I shall 
inform you of whatever I shall have learned. 

Sieur Arnaud, M"' Dongan's deputy, has not reappeared here since my departure from 
Onnontae, though he had assured me that he should return in ten days. 'Tis said that his 
delay is caused by his not having found his master at Orange, and that he has gone to Manath 
to inform him of the proceedings of the Onnontagues and of your arrival at Gainhouague." 

I had the honor of writing to you from the Fort, whence I sent you a Wampum belt from 
the Tionnontates. I have given Sieur Hannataksa the belt of Wampum and the red Calumet 
in your name, and told him that you would be ever obliged to him if he would turn his arms 
to the left of Fort Saint Louis,^ where the Illinois are mingled with the Oumiamis, in order to 
give no cause of complaint. 

Uncertain as I was regarding matters on the side of the Senecas, and fearful that they 
would create confusion on arriving here, I made some presents, in your name, to some captains 
who could best curb their insolence, so as to prevent the brewing of the storm. 

Your man of business, I mean La Grande Gueule, is not astonished at any thing ; he is a 
venal being, whom you do well to keep in pay. I assured him that you would send him the 
jerkin you promised. 

The Cayugas who are gone to the borders of Merilande and Virginia to fight, have sent home 
some of their warriors to say that the English had killed three of their men, and that, having 
taken five Englishmen alive, they had cut their throats after subjecting them to some bad 
treatment, and that their little army is still in the English Country. 

After having spoken to you of others, I must acquit myself of a part of my duty, by thanking 
you very humbly for all the kindness you have been pleased to shower on me. I should have 
wished you, in addition to the good health in which it pleased God to preserve you in the 
midst of an army weakened by diseases, greater satisfaction for the trouble you have taken for 
the public good. Many individuals assuredly know that, if you had not accepted what was 
considered a very favorable peace since no one had been killed on either side, the Colony would 
have been exposed to the mercy of the Iroquois, who would pounce, in different directions, on 
defenceless settlements, the people of which they would carry off" in order to pitilessly burn 

' See Note 1, HI., 431. — Ed. ■ Penria, 111. 



260 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

them. I pray God, who knows the sincerity of your intentions, to be your reward and to heap 
His blessings on you to the extent of the wishes of him who is entirely, 

My Lord, 

Your most humble and most obedient 
Servant, 

J. DE LaMBERVILLE. 

I told Colin that you would remember him and his comrade. 

The Tionnontates have sent to thank the Onnontaguez for having, by their obliging 
disposition, gained you over to treat for peace, and thus preserved the lives of many, and [to 
say] that they were attached to Onnonthio. Sieur de la Grande [Gueule] has pronounced your 
panegyric here, and professes to keep the promise he made you, to cause the articles of peace to 
be observed. Some furs are to be collected this fall. He is treating on this subject with 
Hanagoge and Garakontie. There is no news yet from the Senecas. 



Reverend Jean de Lamberville to M. de la Barre. 

Onnontague, this Q"- OctoV, 1684. 
My Lord, 

Your sending three canoemen here, from Montreal, shows you to be in reality a man of your 
word. Sieur de la Grande Gueule has been informed by an express, who is gone to find him at 
his fishery, eight leagues from here, that you have written. I shall cause him, when he returns, 
particularly to recollect his promise to you, to have satisfaction given you. I have spoken, in 
his absence, both privately and publicly, to influential persons, and obtained promises from the 
chiefs and warriors that they would send two strings of wampum to the Senecas, in three days, 
to remind them of the word which the leader of those who pillaged the French canoes 
had himself brought here from those of his own nation, that they had accepted all you had 
concluded at La Famine. I told them what you had concluded and had ordered me to acquaint 
them with. The report about the thousand Illinois is a mere rumor, without any foundation, 
and M. du Lut told me at Katarokoui that he did not believe the truth of this news; besides, 
there was not any apprehension that they had dared to undertake anything, having met 
neither Frenchmen nor Outaouas ; all of whom could make a demonstration of more fuziieers 
than they. 

A party of 40 warriors will leave here in six days to attack the Illinois whom they may find 
among the Chaouennons. I have presented the Captain a shirt in your name, to exhort the 
Senecas, through whom he will pass, to keep their word with you. He has assured me that 
he will not lead his troops towards the quarter you forbade him. I notified him, as well as 
the others, that you had dispatched a canoe to inform the Oumiamis and the Maskeutens that 
you had included them in the peace, and that they could remain secure at the place where 
they had been before they were at war with the Iroquois. The Senecas shall be equally 
notified of this in a few days. You may rest assured. My Lord, that I shall spare no pains to 
have that satisfaction given you which you expect from the Iroquois. The Frenchmen who 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 261 

came here told me that, whilst you were at La Famine, a false alarm that the Iroquois were 
coming, had reached Montreal, where there was nothing but horror, and flight and weeping. 
What would so many poor people have done in their settlements, if merely six hundred 
Iroquois had made an irruption into the country in its present condition? You form a 
better opinion than one hundred manufacturers of rhodomontades who are unacquainted 
with the Iroquois, and reflect not that the country, such as it is, is not in a condition to defend 
itself. Had I the honor to converse with you somewhat longer than your little leisure allowed 
me, I should have convinced you that you could not have advanced to Kaniatorontogouat^ 
without having been utterly defeated in the then state of your army, which was rather an 
hospital than a camp. To attack people within their intrenchments and to fight banditti in the 
bush, required one thousand men more than you had. Then you could accomplish nothing 
without having a number of disciplined savages. I gave you already my thoughts, and I 
believe I told you the truth, and that you deserved the title of "Liberator of the Country," by 
making peace at a conjuncture when you might have beheld the ruin of the Colony without being 
able to prevent it. The Senecas had double palisades, stronger than the pickets of the Fort, 
and the former could not have been forced without great loss. Their plan was to keep only 
300 men inside, and with 1,200 others perpetually to harrass you. All the Iroquois were to 
collect together and fire only at the legs of your people, to master them and to burn them at 
their leisure ; and, after having decimated them by a hundred ambuscades among the foliage and 
grass, pursue you in your retreat even to Montreal, to spread desolation throughout its vicinity 
also; and they had prepared for that purpose a quantity of canoes of eighteen men each, 
which they kept concealed. But let us all speak of this war to thank God that He hath 
preserved our Governor in the midst of so much sickness, and hath had compassion on 
Canada, from which he hath averted the scourge of war which would have laid it entirely 
desolate. The English of Merinlande who have killed three Iroquois, and of which 
English the Iroquois had killed five, are about to have difiBculties with that belligerent 
nation, wiiich has already killed more than 29 of their men, and has been threatened with 
war should it continue to insult them. We shall see what the English of that quarter 
will do. 

Garakontie returned to-day from Orange, where he told by a belt of Wampum how you 
had given peace to the public ; also, how Colonel Dongan had urged the Iroquois to secure it 
by the satisfaction which he advised them to give you. Mr. Dongan left Orange when those 
who brought the Duke of York's safeguards came to this place; it is supposed that Arnaud's 
visit here, to prevent the Iroquois going to see you and to get them to hold a Council at 
Orange, was an intrigue of the Orange merchants, who feared that their trade would be 
diminished by a conference held with you with arms in your hands ; for Mr. Dongan had 
probably departed from Orange when Arnaud left to come here. After having heard Mr. 
Dongan exhort them to an arrangement with you, the Iroquo'isknow it was in nowise probable 
that he had forbidden them, on the eve of a negotiation, to visit you without his permission. 

A man named La Croix, in Indian Tegaiatannhara,^ who answered Garakontie on behalf of 
the Dutch, said that had you not made peace, knowing that the safeguards of England were 
on the Iroquois, 800 Englishmen and 1,200 Loups, who are between Merinland and New-York, 

' Literally, An opening into, or from, a Late ; an inlet or Bay, from KanUitare, a Lake, and hutontogouan, to open. 
' The literal Mohawk translation of the word Cross. — Ed. 



262 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

entirely distinct from tlie Cannongagehronnons' whom you had with you, were all ready to 
march at the first word to aid the Iroquois. This man, La Croix, who passes with the Iroquois 
for a great liar, might possibly have advanced this of his own accord, as well as many other 
things he has stated, of which M. Dongan perhaps would not approve were he acquainted 
with them. 

I thank you most humbly for having furnished an opportunity for the transportation to us 
of a part of our necessaries. It is a continuance of your kindness towards us, and towards 
me in particular, who am sincerely and with much respect. 
My Lord, 

Your very humble and most obedient servant, 

De Lamberville. 

I shall give La Grand Gueule your jerkin as soon as he returns here. I had the honor to 
write to you by Colin ten days since. 



M. de la Barre to Governor Dongan. 

[ Already printed in III-i HI. ] 



Governor Dongan to M. de la Barre. 

[ Already printed in III., 448. ] 



M. de la Barre to Governor Dongan. 

[ Already printed in III., 450. ] 



Instructions from M. de la Barre to M. i 

[ Already printed in III., 460. ] 

' Quere. The Mohawks of Sault St. Ijouis. They called themselves Canniungaes, from cannialt, a steel, the emblem of their 
tribe. Metc-TorJc Documentary History, 8vo., IV., 432. — Ed. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : II. 263 

Governor Dongan to the French at Pemaquid. 

New York the S"* August, 1683. 
Gentlemen, 

I have learned from Pemaquid that you dwell among the Indians there, which is injurious. 
I have to request you, on receipt hereof, to withdraw into the English plantations belonging 
to his Royal Highness My Lord the Duke of York, between the Rivers of Quebec and S' Croix, 
otherwise to quit that place before the month of May next, and by way of encouragement 
if you wish to remove to us, you shall have lands, and all such others as will remove under our 
government will be treated with all kindness, like ourselves. 
This is what I offer, and am, 

Gentlemen, 

Your very humble Servant, 

(Signed) Dongan. 
(Endorsed) 

" Messieurs, Messieurs Les fran5ois 
qui abitent parmy les Indiens a Pemaquid." 



M. de la Barre to M. de Seignelay. 

Extract of a letter dated Quebec, 14 Nov., 1684, from M. de la Barre to the 
Minister (Marquis de Seignelay.) 

It will be important that the King explain to me the manner in which he desires me to act 
with Colonel Dongan, who is filled with chimerical pretensions, and who [claims that] all the 
country extending from the River Saint Lawrence to the South and South West belongs to 
the King of England, including therein all the country of the Iroquois, and all the vast extent 
of territory they have depopulated along Lakes Ontario, Erie, Huron, Michigan, as far as the 
Illinois, of all which countries the said Colonel has no knowledge nor Map. It will be absolutely 
necessary that his Majesty write to the King of England in order to produce a change in the 
said opinions, or that his Majesty permit me to apply force by land. This I would do without 
much trouble or expense. 

I have just received a letter from Onontague, among the Iroquois, of the O?"" September, 
which I believe you will be very glad to see, as I send a great many other documents from the 
same person, who is a very capable and a very zealous man. I expect another, which I hope 
to receive in sufficient time to have it take the same direction. These representations, the 
truth of which cannot be suspected, will give you a better idea of the state of the country 
than any thing else. 



264 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Extract of the Summary of Letters from Canada. 
M. de la Barre. 13 and 14 9ber 

Sends a statement of what occurred in the voyage against the Iroquois. 

Did not wish to compromise matters except on a certainty. 

Took advantage of his march to conclude a peace which he considers permanent. 

It is impossible to reduce the Iroquois unless the King of England send specific orders to his 
Governors of New York not to succor nor receive them ; or unless the King order the war to be 
carried into his country. 

This war cannot terminate for several years, the English having a very large force of 
regulars and Indians and not of militia.' 

The English Governor offered the Senecas 400 horses and 400 infantry. 

Has had the Duke of York's arms raised in the Villages. 

Has forbidden the entering into any conference with him, La Barre. 

That tended to make the Indians negotiate. 

Pretends, also, that the entire country South West of the River Saint Lawrence belongs to 
his master. 

Includes thereby the entire Iroquois country, that of Lakes Ontario, Erie, Huron and Michigan. 

The Colony has need of repose to get out the furs detained among the Outawas by the war. 

To undertake the war, considerable supplies will be required at Fort Frontenac, and a great 
deal of time to convey them thither. 

Does not imagine that it can be thought of for the year 1685. Has resolved to go up this 
spring to the said fort, to proceed by Lake Ontario to reconnoitre the Iroquois and to arrange 
every thing for the execution of the orders which the King will send. 

In order to prosecute the war with success, what regards the English must be decided, and 
good soldiers and experienced officers sent. 

Regarding the Iroquois presents: They have been purchased and distributed in presence of 
the Intendant, and therein he followed the custom, which is, that he who passes tor Chief give 
these presents with his own hands. 

Is but little satisfied with the levies made at Rochefort. 

n. Fort Frontenac. 

Did not despoil de la Salle of Fort Frontenac. By his permission, and at his request he put 
there a sergeant of the garrison of Quebec, who took an inventory of every thing. 

Said Fort was then all open and was restored to la Foret in good order, with two redoubts 
faced and three curtains, two barks which cost 12"", and a large number of cattle. 

Sends, as proof, a certificate written by a Jesuit of the Sault Mission. 

Should La Salle's discovery succeed, Canada and the customs from the beaver will be 
ruined before three years. 

Chevalier de Baugy bravely defended Fort Saint Louis of the Illinois;^ is to give it up to 
Tonty, and return to Quebec without trading. 

The Iroquois have raised the siege after having lost a great many men. 

' This is a literal translation of the text, from which something is evidently omitted, as the above ia contrary to the passage 
in Mr. de la Barre's despatch, of 13th November, 1684, of which it pretends to convey the substance. B^ee supra, p. 251. — Ed. 
" Peoria, ni. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : III. 265 

M. de Callieres to M. de Seignelay. 

Memoir of Sieur de Callieres for My Lord, the Marquis of Seignelay, On tlie 
encroachments of the English on the French Colonies in America. 

It is a custom established, and a right recognized, among all Christian Nations, that the first 
who discover an unknown country, not inhabited by other Europeans, and who plant in it the 
arms of their Prince, secure the propriety thereof to that Prince in whose name they have 
taken possession of it. 

On this principle, it is easy to prove that the English, not satisfied with their ancient 
usurpations on the French in New France, are unauthorized in the unjust encroachments 
they are disposed, particularly within the past year, to make on that country. 

The pretensions of the English, now under consideration, are classed under three heads. 

The first is, that Colonel Dongan, governor of New-York formerly called New Netherland, 
taking advantage of the breaking out of the war declared by M. de la Barre last year against 
the Iroquois, had sent a Messenger to these Indians to inform them that he had taken them 
under his protection, and had transmitted the Arms of the King of England to be set up in 
their villages, and to take possession of the latter in his name, as dependencies of his 
government, notwithstanding M. de la Barre besought him not to meddle in that war, and the 
English Governor could not be ignorant that the Country of the Iroquois always constituted 
a part of New France, as will hereafter be established; yet, instead of responding to 
M. de la Barre's civility as he ought to have done, he had the boldness to tell his delegate 
that not only the country of the Iroquois belonged to his government, but that even the entire 
Rivers S' Lawrence and Ottawa, and the lakes Frontenac, Champlain and others adjoining, 
which form almost the whole of New France, were the property of the English. 

The second is, that Sieur Dongan wrote last May 16S4, to Sieur de S' Castin, commandant 
of Fort Pentagouet in Acadia, and to the other posts occupied by the French as far as the 
River Kennebeck which separates Acadia from New England, in which letter this English 
governor claims that his government extends to the River St. Croix, which is forty leagues 
further in Acadia, and orders said Sieur de St. Castin' and the French who inhabit that district, 
embracing, between those two Rivers, forty or fifty leagues of the finest Country in all Acadia, 
to quit it immediately, threatening, in case of refusal, to have them driven off, unless they 

' Baron Vincent Satnt Castin was a gentleman of Oleron, in Beam. Originally a Colonel in the King's guards, he came 
to Canada in 1665, as Captain, some say in command, of the Carignau regiment Supra, p. 32. On the surrender of Acadia 
for the fourth time to the French {Charlevoix, I., 462), the government of that province was conferred again on Chevalier do 
Grandfontaine {supra, 87 ), who appointed Baron St Castin his lieutenant, by whom Fort Penobscot, Maine, was re-occupied 
about 1680-1 {Par. Bocumenlt, VII., 214), where a town at present bears his name. He married the daughter of Madocka- 
wando. Sachem of the Penobscots, by which tribe he was adopted and elevated to the rank of Chief. Here he drove a 
considerable and profitable trade. On receipt of the letter above referred to, he communicated with the Governor of 
Canada, which, however, did not save his premises from being pillaged in 1687, during his absence, by a force sent to that 
quarter by Governor Andros. In 1690, he led a party of Indians to the assistance of M. de Portneuf, third son of the Baron 
de Bekancourt, in the attack on Falmouth (Portland), and in 1696 brought 200 of his followers to the aid of Iberville, 
against Fort William Henry, or Pemaquid. He served at the successful defence of Port Royal ( Annapolis ) with such 
bravery, in 1707, as to call forth the special approbation of his superior otficer. In the course of these operations he was 
wounded. Having amassed a property of 300,000 crowns, he retired eventually to France, where he had an estate. He was 
succeeded by his son, in the government of Penobscot, in 1710. Charlevoix, I., 538; IL, 316, 316, 320, 349; Williamton't 
Maine, 1, 471, 589, 619, 648; La Eontan, ed. 1728, IL, 29.— Ed. 

Vol. IX. 34 



2G6 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

consent to take the oath of allegiance at his hands to the King of England. In this case, he 
makes advantageous offers to said Sieur de St. Castin, and the other French who will consent 
to recognize him, and does not wish to make any change in regard to Religion, the English 
governor being a Catholic, and having a Jesuit and Priests along with him, which 
circumstances render his efforts much the more dangerous. 

The third pretension of the English is, to drive the French from Hudson's Bay, the whole of 
which country tiiey claim as their property. And, in consequence of this pretension, they 
dispatched some vessels last year to that Bay, which carried off several Frenchmen, whom 
a company, formed at Quebec, settled in that quarter at a place called the River Bourbon, 
and conveyed them to London, with the Beaver and other peltries belonging to the said 
French Company, to the value of nearly two hundred thousand livres. 

Previous to examining these three new pretensions of the English in detail, it is necessary 
to show, by an historical Abstract of our Discoveries, how we are in incontestable possession 
of what they desire, improperly, to contest with us. 

The Normans and Bretons were the first who commenced to sail towards these countries, 
and discovered, in 1504, the Island of Newfoundland, and, subsequently, the coasts of New 
France. King Francis I. being informed thereof, and being stimulated by the successful 
discoveries made by the Spaniards in North America' from the 34"" to the 50"" degree of 
Latitude, that is to say, from that part of Florida which bounds Virginia to the mouth of the 
River S' Lawrence. He landed at divers of the principal points along those coasts, traded 
with the Savages, who having never seen ships nor Europeans were vastly surprised at this 
novelty, and took possession of those countries in the name of King Francis I. ; returned by 
the Island of Newfoundland, and arrived in France in the month of July, 1524. This is proved 
by the letters written by the said Verrazzano to the King, and mentioned by Jean de Laet.^ 

Subsequently the same King, at the solicitation of Philip Cabot, Admiral of France, sent 
Jacques Cartier of the town of S' Malo, to discover new countries, who made two voyages, 
one in 1534, the otiier in 1535. He was' the first European who with two large King's ships, 
each 800 tons burthen, entered the River S' Lawrence, and ascended it 120 leagues as far 
as the Island of Orleans, near the present site of Quebec, and went to winter, and planted the 
first French Colony ten leagues farther up, at a place which he named S' Croix,^ and 
afterwards proceeded 60 leagues higher up that river, as far as the Saut S' Louis. 

In 1540 King Francis I. appointed Sieur De Roberval Viceroy of New France, who went 
thither in 1542 and built a fort there which he called France Roy,^ four leagues above the Island 
of Orleans, remained there many years, and made several voyages along the rivers into the 
country. This possession was continued by the Commissions granted by Henry IV., in 1598, 
to the Marquis de la Roche,|in 1599 to Sieur Chauvin,Ship Captain, and in 1602 to Commander 
de Chaste Governor of Dieppe, to go command in New France; and it was renewed, in 1603, 
by the Commission to Pierre de Qua, Marquis de Mons, as Viceroy of all the Provinces of 
New France, which possession has been since uninterruptedly continued. 

In 1562, in the reign of Charles IX., Admiral de Chastillon fitted out two ships under 
the command of Jean Ribaut who planted a French Colony on the coast of Florida, in a river 

' "sent oat Jean Verrazzanni, who discovered the country," seems to be omitted in the text. — Ed. 
' Histoire du Nouveau Monde, Leyde, 1640., Liv. III., Ch. i., 68. 

' Now the River Cap Rouge, about eleven miles above Quebec. Collectiont, of the Literary and Hitlorical Societies of Quebec, 
1843, p. 74. 
* Called, in Ilaokluyt, Charlesbourg Royal, now Cap Rouge. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS: III. 267 

which he called the River May, where he built a fort named by him Fort Charles. In 1564, 
Captain Laudonniere brought other vessels thither to reinforce that Colony and Fort Charles, 
whence the country was called Carolina, after Charles IX., which name it still retains up to 
the present time. 

In 1565, the French were expelled thence by the Spaniards, and reinstated in 1567 by 
Chevalier de Gourgues, who served the Spaniards in the same manner that they had treated 
the French prisoners. 

That beautiful Colony, so favorably situated in the 32"'' degree of latitude, at the mouth 
of the Bahama channel, through which all the Spanish fleets must pass on their homeward 
voyage from the Indies, was taken from us, during the civil wars, by the English who still hold 
it at the present time, contrary to every sort of right. 

They have no better title to New England, which constituted a part of New France; for 
that country, it is well known, has been discovered by the French, who took possession of it at 
divers periods, in the name of our Kings, before the English had dreamt of going thither, and 
Sieur de Mons, among the rest, by virtue of his Commission of Viceroy of all the Provinces 
of New France, granted him by King Henry IV., in 1603, accompanied by Sieurs de 
Potrincourt and de Champlain who established themselves in Acadia, which then extended to 
the Coasts since called by the English, New England ; of all the harbors whereof which he 
discovered the said Sieur de Champlain made an exact description, and took possession of 
said harbors in his Majesty's name in 1605, whereas the English did not begin to settle there 
before 1620, when a number of Puritans sailed from Plymouth, who, having made that coast 
near Cape Cod, planted a Colony consisting of 19 families there which they call New 
England, and the spot New Plymouth. This was afterwards increased by other Puritans 
and Non-conformists, particularly after the death of Cromwell, which caused several Rebels, 
Pirates and Sea robbers through dread of punishment to emigrate to that new Colony, which 
is yet not very submissive to the orders of the Court of England, and sets up asort of Republic. 

The English, however, not satisfied with being left to the peaceable enjoyment of the countries 
they have usurped from us, will still fain extend their boundaries over countries they have 
never claimed up to this time. 

As regards their first pretension to the Country of the Iroquois, it is untenable. The French 
are not only the first discoverers of that country, but even the first Europeans who penetrated 
into it. After Jacques Cartier had taken possession in 1535 of the River S' Lawrence, and of 
its several tributaries and such had been continued by the other French commanders, Sieur 
de Champlain, penetrating further into the interior, discovered the country of the Iroquois who 
adjoin a Lake that still bears the name of Lake Champlain, and subdued that nation with arms 
in 1609 and the following years in divers expeditions he made against them. Since that time 
they have invariably recognized the authority of all the other Governors of New France, down 
to 1665 and 1666, when being reinforced, Sieur de Tracy, the Governor General, completed 
their reduction, without the English having ever made any pretension to them. The French, 
alone, keep Missionaries there to instruct them, and when difficulties arise between them and 
other tribes,the Iroquois always have recourse to the Governor-General of New France, whom 
they style their Father, and whom they recognize, to this day, as their sole protector. 

The second pretence of the English to extend the limits of their territory as far as the 
River St. Croix, in Acadia, has no better foundation than the first. True it is, they seized on 
Port Royal, the principal settlement of Acadia, and on every place beyond the coast of 



268 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

New England during the last war which we had with them in 1765 [1665]; but as we took 
from them, in the course of the same war, half the Island of S'. Christopher which belonged 
to them, it was concluded by the Treaty of Breda, in 1667, that all they took from us in 
Acadia was our property; and, in execution of that treaty. Chevalier Temple surrendered to 
the French whatever was in the occupancy of the English as far the River Quinibequi, including 
Fort Pentagouet and the other posts which they now unjustifiably claim, the King's subjects 
having undisturbed possession thereof since the ratification of the Treaty of Breda. 

As regards Hudson's Bay, the French settled there in 1656, by virtue of an Order larret'\ 
of the Sovereign Council of Quebec, authorizing Sieur Bourdon, its Attorney-General, to make 
the discovery thereof, who went to the north of said Bay, and took possession thereof in his 
Majesty's name. 

In 1661, Father Dablon, a Jesuit, was ordered by Sieur d'Argenson, at the time Governor of 
Canada, to proceed to said country ; he went thither accordingly, and the Indians, who then 
came from thence to Quebec, declared that they had never seen any Europeans there. 

In 1663, Sieur D'Avaugour, Governor of Canada, sent Sieur Couture, Seneschal of the 
Cote du Beaupre, to the North of said Hudson's Bay, in company with a number of Indians 
of that country, with whom he went to take possession thereof, and he set up the King's 
arms there. 

In the same year, 1663, Sieur Duquet, King's attorney to the PrevSte of Quebec, and 
Jean I'Anglois, a Canadian colonist, went thither again by order of said Sieur d'Argenson, 
and renewed the act of taking possession by setting up his Majesty's arms there a second 
time. This is proved by the arret of the said Sovereign Council of Quebec, and by the orders 
in writing of said Sieurs d'Argenson and d'Aveugour. 

The English allege that the North coast of Hudson's Bay, where the French established 
themselves, has been discovered by Chevalier Button, an Englishman, as early as 1621. But 
we answer, that he made no record there of taking possession, and that they did not have 
any settlement there before the year 1667, when the Frenchmen named des Grozelliers and 
Radisson conducted the English thither to a place they called Nelson's river; and in 1676, the 
said Desgrozelliers and Radisson, having returned from England, and having obtained pardon 
for their defection, a Company was formed at Quebec who sent them to Hudson's Bay, where 
they founded a settlement north of said bay on the River Bourbon, which is the one the 
English seized last year in consequence of a new treachery on the part of said Radisson, who 
reentered their service and conducted them thither. Meanwhile the Company formed at 
Quebec sent two ships last year to said Bay, under the impression that they would find 
their people, with a quantity of Peltries, at the settlement on the River Bourbon, of right 
belonging to them, where the Company is in a condition to maintain itself if protected by 
his Majesty. 

These expeditions and usurpations of the English are by so much the more dangerous as, 
if a remedy be not applied thereto, by vigorously opposing their ill founded pretensions, they 
will eventually cause the ruin of our Colonies of New France, the destruction of which 
they threaten from three different points. To obviate this, troops are required in Canada to 
guard the frontier posts, and to chastise and subdue the Iroquois whom the English uphold 
against us. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : III. 269 

Louis XIV. to Monsieur de la Barre. 

Versailles, lO"" March, 1686. 
Mods' De la Barre, 

Having been informed that your years do not permit you to support the fatigues inseparable 
from the duties of your office of Governor and Lieutenant-General in Canada, I send you this 
letter to advise you that I have selected Sieur de Denonville to serve in your place ; and my 
intention is that on his arrival, and on your having resigned to him the Command and 
Instructions of all that concerns it, you embark for the purpose of returning to France. 
Whereupon, &c. 



Louis XIV. to M. de Meulles. 
Extract of a letter from the King to M. de Meules, Tntendant, &c. 

Versailles, lO'" March, 1685. 

• * * * * I have reason to be dissatisfied with the treaty concluded between 
Sieur de la Barre and the Iroquois. His abandonment of the Illinois has seriously displeased 
me, and has determined me to recall him. I have chosen, as his successor, Sieur de Denonville, 
who will, of himself, understand the state of affairs ; and I have empowered him to continue 
the peace, or to declare war, according as he shall consider it necessary for my service and the 
good of the country. 

You are to make it your principal study to inform him thoroughly of what may be of use, 
and of all the views you may entertain for the benefit of the colony, and the correction of the 
disorders which have crept into it. 



M. de Seignelay to M''. Barillon. 

Versailles, lO'" March, 1685. 
Sir, 

The King has been given to understand that the Governor of New- York, instead of keeping 
up good correspondence with Sieur de la Barre, Governor of Canada, agreeably to the orders 
of the late King of England, has done all in his power to prevent the" Iroquois treating with 
him — that he, has offered them troops to act against the French, and has had flags (etendarts) 
hoisted in their villages, notwithstanding those Nations have always been subject to France, 
since their country was discovered by the French, without any objection on the part of the 
English, His Majesty desires you to complain of it to the King of England, and to demand 
from him precise orders obliging that governor to confine himself within the limits of his 
government, and to observe a different line of conduct toward Sieur de Dennoville, whom 
his Majesty has chosen to succeed said Sieur de la Barre. 



270 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Extracts of the Summary of the Ansioers sent to the letters received from Canada. 

Versailles, 18th February, 1685. 
To M. de la Barre. 

The King having named M. de Denonville in his stead, his Majesty wishes that he embark 
to return to France. 

To Sieur de Meules. 

I advise him of the selection of M. de Denonville, who is a highly esteemed officer. 

That his Majesty has great confidence in him. 

Entertains great hopes that he will repair matters which Sieur de la Barre has, as it were, 
abandoned in the disgraceful peace he lately concluded. 

That the abandonment of the Illinois has seriously displeased his Majesty, and determined 
him to recall Sieur de la Barre. 

Said de Denonville will understand, of himself, the state of affairs, and will be empowered 
to ratify the peace or to declare war, according as he will consider it for the advantage of his 
Majesty's service, and for the good of the country. 

He wishes said de Meules to make it his principal study to advise him exactly of all that 
may be for the interest of the Colony. 

I remark to him the error he committed in not following Sieur de la Barre in his expedition. 

That he must not fail to go himself, on like occasions, and give orders in whatever regards the 
subsistence of the troops, and facilitates expeditions. 

That he places in Sieur de Denonville's hands a Memoir of all the disorders of Canada, and 
of the means to remedy them. 

Sieur de Denonville will communicate to the King his sentiments on the merits of the officers. 

[Alio.] 

His Majesty desires that he will do justice to Sieur de La Salle, in regard to Fort Frontenac, 
and whatever will be found to be his property, in case it be taken for his Majesty's service. 

The presents to the Indians, when occasion requires, must be made by orders from the 
Commandant, and with the Intendant's participation. 

[Alii.] 

I refer to him the petition of the inhabitants of Montreal, and write him to issue an ordinance 
to prevent the trade that is carried on at the end of the Island (Bout de VIsle) and to 
reestablish the fair at Montreal. 

I ask him for a list of Canadian Gentlemen and the Memoir on which they assert 
their Noblesse. 

I send him an Arret permitting them to carry on trade even by retail without derogating 
from their rank. 

His Majesty is very desirous to have two sons of said Gentlemen received annually into 
the Gardes de la Marine} 

[Alio.] 
His Majesty accords 1000"' to the women who will teach the Indian girls how to work. 

' A corps of gentlemen liolding brevet commissions or serving in the French navy. James! Military Dictionary ; Verbo. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : III. 271 

I urge him to complete that establishment and to act in such a manner as to make marriages 
customary between these girls and the French. 

[Alio.] 

To Sieur Barillon. 

[Omitted. See letter in full, Bupra, p. 269. ] 



Instructions to M. de Denonville} 

Instruction which the King desires to be placed in the hands of the Marquis de 
Denonville, chosen, by his Majesty, Governor and his Lieutenant-General 
in New France. 

Versailles, 10"" March, 16S5. 
Sieur de Denonville must be informed that the continual differences between preceding 
Governors and Intendants have been so prejudicial to his Majesty's service and to the interests 
of the Colony established in Canada, that his Majesty considers it necessary to recall those 
officers, and to replace them by persons whose wiser and more moderate Government accords 
more closely with his Majesty's intentions. Sieur de la Barre had been selected for the office 
of Governor, which he filled during three years ; but his very advanced age putting it beyond 
his power to act with the vigor necessary for the execution of his Orders, his Majesty has 
fixed upon the Sieur de Denonville to fill his place, assured, by his past services and the 
prudent course he has pursued in his armies, that he will continue to serve him faithfully, and 
exert himself to reestablish tranquillity and repose among those of the Colony whom the 
examples and partiality of Superiors have, up to this time, distracted. 

His Majesty has explained to him his intentions regarding the conduct to be observed on 
arriving in said country, where his principal object, he is aware, will be to secure the quiet 
of Canada by a firm and solid peace; but in order that such a peace be permanent, the 
pride of the Iroquois must be humbled, the Illinois and other allies who have been abandoned 
by Sieur de la Barre must be sustained, and the Iroquois must from the outset be given, by a 
firm and vigorous policy, to understand that they will have everything to dread if they do not 
submit to the conditions it will be his pleasure to impose on them. 

He must, then, at once declare to them that it is his desire to protect with all his power 
the allies of the French ; communicate the same intelligence to the Illinois, Outaouacs, 
Miamis, &c.; and if he think proper to support this declaration by force and an expedition 
against the Senecas, his Majesty refers it to him to adopt, in this regard, such resolutions as 

' This nobleman, after a long service in the French army, became colonel of the Queen's Regiment of Dragoons, and sold hia 
commission on being appointed Governor of Canada. He was superseded in 1689, when he was appointed Under-Governor, 
at the solicitation of the Duke de Beauvilliers, of the Princes of the Blood Royal. La Ilontan, 1728, 1., 303 ; La Potherie, 
III., 59 ; Charlevoix, I., 562. Hia administration is regarded as one of the most unfortunate. Oarneau Histoire du Canada, 
I., 277. — Ed. 



272 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

shall be deemed most suitable, being fully persuaded that he will pursue the wisest course, and 
that his military experience will enable him to put a speedy termination to the war, if obliged 
to declare it. 

He must be aware that the Governor of New-York has undertaken to assist the Iroquois, 
and to extend British dominion up to the banks of the River S' Lawrence, and over the 
entire territory inhabited by these Indians. And although his Majesty does not doubt but 
the King of England, to whom he has ordered his Ambassador to address himself, will 
direct that Governor to cease his unjust pretensions. He, meanwhile,^onsiders it necessary to 
explain that everything must be done to maintain good understanding between the French 
and English. But if the latter, contrary to all appearances, excite and aid the Indians, they 
must be treated as enemies when found on Indian territory, without, at the same time, 
attempting anything on territory under the obedience of the King of England. 

Independent of the establishment the French have made along the bank of the River 
S' Lawrence, a part of Acadia is still occupied by them ; and as advices have been received 
that the English were seizing several posts which have been always occupied by the French, 
his Majesty desires that he inform himself of this particular, and send also to the Governor 
of Boston to explain the points to which the bounds of the French domination extend, and 
to request of him to confine himself within the limits belonging to the English, according 
to the orders given him by the late King of England, the renewal of which his Majesty will 
request from the reigning Monarch. 

He is aware that the government of the country of Acadia has been committed to Sieur Perrot,' 
whom his Majesty will, cause to be notified to proceed thither immediately after having 
received Sieur de Denonville's orders as to what he has to do in his government, whereof his 
Majesty requires that he render him an account as often as possible, and that he keep up a 
correspondence with the said Sieur de Denonville, which there is reason to hope, will be greatly 
facilitated by the visit M. de Meules is to make to said country, agreeably to the instructions 
he will receive from his Majesty by the first vessels proceeding to Canada. 

He must not only endeavor to prevent the attacks of the Iroquois on the French ; he must 
also take particular care to keep the Indians at peace among themselves, and to prevent the 
Iroquois, by all moans, waging war against the Illinois and other tribes, their neighbors, 
it being very certain that if those nations who supply the peltries that constitute the 
principal trade of Canada perceive that they are shielded from the violence of the Iroquois 
by the protection of the French, they will be the more encouraged to bring in their 
merchandize, and will, by that means, increase trade. 

' See III.. 720, note 2. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : 111. 



273 



M. de Denonville to M. de Seignelay^ and the letter's Answer. 



Extract of the Summary of Monsieur de 
Denonville's letters of the 20"'August, 
3 September, and 12 November, 
16S5. 



Has made a voyage to Cataracouy. Sieur 
de la Forest, who commands there on behalf of 
Sieur de la Salle, having requested permission 
to go to the Illinois on said Sieur de la Salle's 
business, he (de D.) has put Sieur Dorvilliers 
in his place with his company, that post 
appearing to him of great consequence. 



By the inclosed plan will be seen the bad 
condition of the Fort ; how it will be more 
favorably located, and what will be necessary 
to be done to protect from the enemy's fire the 
vessels which are sent there. 



He is assured that I'lle de la For^t in Lake 
Ontario, about a league distant from that fort, 
is more fertile, and possesses a cove where the 



Notes of the Minister. 



I shall commence my letter in answer to his, 
by assurances of the extreme satisfaction tiie 
King entertains of his conduct on his entrance 
into his government (etaUissement). I exiiort him 
to persevere and am persuaded that, by con- 
tinuing to act with such good intentions and so 
much wisdom, he will place that colony on a 
very different footing from the past, and 
perform a service which will be pleasing to the 
King and most beneficial to the State. — Good> 

It is highly important to preserve that post, 
which would be of very great consideration in 
case of war with the Iroquois, but he must 
take care not to do any thing adverse to the 
interests of Sieur de la Salle, its proprietor 
and governor, who, besides, is employed in the 
King's service discovering countries towards 
Mexico, to whom, therefore, he is to afford 
every protection, obliging him, however, to 
conform to orders the same as other governors. 

I have seen this plan and what he writes me 
about this Fort. I cannot sufficiently express 
my astonishment at the ignorance of those 
who burned it, since by retiring a few toises 
they could occupy the entire interval between 
both parts of the Lake, make a branch of that 
Lake front them, and prevent an attack on 
their rear which appears to me not to be 
protected from insult. It will be very proper, 
in time, to fortify that post, without, however, 
doing any thing more than placing it beyond 
insult, and in a position to protect the anchor- 
age-ground of the vessels, having nothing to 
fear from the Iroquois when protected against 
a cowp de main. 

He will be able to visit that Island at 
another time; the difficulty of landing there 
in consequence of the wind, must, however, 



Vol. IX. 



36 



274 



NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 



barks can be sheltered from the winds, which 
are very tempestuous. He was unable to visit 
that island in consequence of the gale which 
agitated the lake, but will do so at the first 
opportunity. 

The post of Cataracouy is of very great 
importance, as is to be seen in the Memoir 
on the Present State of Canada, which he 
transmits. 

Three Iroquois villages pass within reach 
of this fort going and returning from their 
hunting. 



War with the Iroquois is inevitable, and if 
we do not make it against them, they will 
declare it after they will have done all in their 
power to rid themselves of the Indians who 
are friends of the French. 

Though they are highly insolent he will 
temporize with them until a favorable oppor- 
tunity present to declare himself. 

A man named Acoutache, who is among the 
Outawas, has told them that he, Denonvilie, 
was preparing to attack them, which has 
alarmed them. 

The Onnontagues have promised to visit 
him in the month of July, when he will 
endeavor to draw this Acoutache thither in 
order to arrest, and make an example of him. 

He was in receipt of letters from Father 
Lamberville, Missionary, to the eflFect that 
the Iroquois are quiet, so that he does not 
believe that they intend to be first to declare 
themselves. 

This father informs him that they have sent 
a war party against the Illinois and other tribes, 
allies of the French. 



make Cataracouy preferable, notwithstanding 
the soil is less fertile than that on the island. 



In case war against the Iroquois cannot be 
avoided, it will probably commence at this 
post, which will afford great facilities for its 
speedy termination, as the greater portion of 
the Iroquois pass, he says, within reach of 
this fort on their return from hunting, for it 
will be easy to seize a favorable opportunity 
to attack them unawares, in the same manner 
as they have frequently surprised the French. 
However, his Majesty refers it to him to act 
in this case as he shall judge most proper, 
observing, always, the principle which has 
been laid down for him, that he must, for the 
good of the colony, avoid war as much as he 
possibly can with safety and due maintenance 
of the fear the Iroquois ought to entertain of 
the French. But if it be inevitable, efficient 
measures should be adopted promptly to 
exterminate the Iroquois and to avoid prolong- 
ing the war. 



Good. The King refers to his prudence 
the conduct he is to observe in this regard. 



Nothing is of more importance than to 
uphold the allies of the French, and to prevent 
the Iroquois insulting these tribes; and if the 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : III 



275 



Reasons will not be wanting to break with 
them when desirable, and it is even impossible 
to avoid attacking them as they are too 
haughty, and do not perform what they pro- 
mised in their last Treaty. 

They are to come to see him this summer. 

Transmits a list of articles required to carry 
on the War, and another of what is in store. 

Sieur d'Orvilliers has written to him that one 
of his soldiers, returning from accompanying a 
Jesuit to Onondaga, saw eleven English canoes, 
loaded with goods for the Seneca' trade, 
conducted by French deserters. 

As it is necessary to prevent this trade, he 
is to send to said Sieur Dorvilliers some canoes, 
which he will employ with his barks in cruising 
on the Lake and endeavoring to seize those 
French and English. 

If this were not promptly remedied, the 
Canada trade would be lost. 

After having defeated the Senecas, it will 
be necessary to establish a good post at 
Niagara, and another Fort on Lake Erie, for 
the security of the barks that will have to be 
built there ; and thus the English and the 
Iroquois will be kept in check. 



He has found the old troops in a bad enough 
condition, but he will remedy it. 

The greater portion of the companies are 
without arms. He has distributed among them 
the 600 muskets he carried out. 

The 300 that are yet to be sent this year 
will be distributed among the settlers. 

He requests their immediate dispatch. 

It would be well to furnish the Illinois with 
arms. Sieur Tonty would pay for them ; the 
King would thus only make an advance of 
them. 



defence of the latter require war against the 
Iroquois, it were better to commence it than 
to suffer the destruction of the Nations with 
whom trade can be carried on. 



It is very important to prevent this trade, as 
it is certain that the Colony of Canada will 
wholly perish if we cannot prevent the bad 
designs of the English and Dutch who crowd 
it on all sides and whose continual aim is to 
engross its commerce. 

He acted very properly in dispatching 
those canoes to cut off the passage of the 
English ; but if he could seize some of those 
French deserters, it would be very important 
to execute prompt and exemplary justice on 
them. 

The King leaves it to him to do whatever 
he will think most proper, but let him take 
care not to engage in excessive expenses, and 
to send, as often as he can, the description of 
the country, and plans of the places. He will 
design to establish posts hereafter; let him 
observe also that there must not be too many 
posts to be garrisoned in a new country, as 
that divides its forces and, therefore, it will 
be absolutely necessary to confine himself to 
what is requisite for the support and increase 
of Trade and the safety of the inhabitants. 



Good. 



I issue the order for the dispatch of these 
three hundred. 

I order the payment, but, as he remarks 
that it is only an advance, they will be issued 
on account of the money which is to be sent 



NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 



Has contracted with the man named Azur 
to supply said musliets. 

He binds himself to deliver them at Quebec 
@ 10" eacii, French currency, according to the 
sample he has on hand. 

As it is only an advance, requests that 
payment thereof be ordered at Rochelle to 
Sieur Grognon, merchant. 

He has been advised that Sieur De la Salle 
pretends that the Commandant of his fort is 
not to receive orders from him, Denonville. 
Inquires what are the intentions thereupon. 

Whatever the decision may be, it is necessary 
to order said Sieur de Tonty to march with 
Sieur de la Forest at the head of the Indians 
whithersoever ordered. 

Will endeavor to get the Frenchmen to 
come back, who say they have M^ de la Barre's 
order to go to the Outawas. 

Said Sieur de Tonty will not permit the 
French to trade in the direction of the Illinois. 

Asks if the King has granted the whole of 
that country to said Sieur De la Salle. 

He is highly pleased with the conduct of 
Chevalier de Calliere. 

He has endeavored with said Sieur de 
Calliere to find some mode of diminishing 
the expense .of the freight of the provisions 
to Cataracouy, but there is no way to do it 
except to impress the people, which would 
fatigue them excessively and ruin them. 

He has increased Sieur de Calliere's powers, 
( Gouvernemeni) and has given him an order to 
command the Regulars and militia according 
to the Memoir he transmits. 

Proposes to appoint said Sieur de Calliere 
to the general command, immediately under 
him, of the country, inasmuch as, should 
he happen to die, great disorder and confusion 
■would ensue before the arrival of another 
governor. 

Another Extract. 
The Youth of Canada are so badly trained, 
that, from the moment they are able to 



this year to Canada, subject to the repayment 
of the advances, in order that the funds be 
employed as intended according to the esti- 
mate. 



Answered. 



To write formally to 
subject. 



I. de Tonty on the 



It is a ridiculous pretence on the part of 
Tonty, and I shall write sharply to him on the 
subject, as it is his Majesty's intention to 
preserve to the French the liberty of going 
to the Illinois to trade. 



He must not think of forcing the people by 
means of corvees to do that transportation, and 
it is better that it should cost the King a little 
more than to fatigue and disgust the country 
people by taking them away from their labor 
and trade. 



The King does not wish to confer the 
general command of the country on him, and 
besides, it is necessary that M. de Callieres 
deserve that distinction by a longer service. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS: III. 



277 



shoulder a gun, their fathers dare not say a 
word to them. 

As they are not trained to labor and are 
poor, they have no other means of gaining a 
livelihood than to range the forests (courir le 
hois), where they are guilty of an infinitude 
of disorders. 

He will make use of all his authority to 
chastise them, and will exercise no other than 
military justice in this regard. 

He will also endeavor to suppress a 
prevailing abuse in these debaucheries, namely, 
going entirely nude, after the Indian fashion. 

This savage life has great attractions for 
those young men, who imitate all the move- 
ments of the Indians. 

He has observed that the latter, far from 
instructing themselves in Religion and good 
morals, acquire only what is bad among the 
French, and it is impossible to subject them 
to order unless by collecting them into villages. 

He is greatly edified by those who are 
established in the villages of Sillery, Lorette, 
the Sault, La Prairie, and at the Montreal 
Mountain. 

He will inquire into the means of employing 
the Youth of said country in their early years. 

The noblesse of Canada is of the most ras- 
cally description (ce qui'l y a de plus gueuxj and 
to increase their body is to multiply the number 
of loafers (fainta/is.) 

The sons of Councillors are not more 
industrious than other young men. 

3"^ Extract. 

The Canadians are all tall, well made, robust 
and active, and accustomed to live on little. 

The women and girls there are pretty lazy, 
for want of petty occupations. 



4"' Extract. 

He will afford his entire' protection to the 
agent of the Farmers (of the Revenue.) 

That agent pretends to oblige all the traders 
and canoemen to deposit their peltries at the 



It is his duty to introduce order there, and 
this is one of the circumstances in which his 
wisdom and application will be most useful to 
that colony. 



Nothing is more important than to induce 
Indians to live among the French, but this 
must be for the purpose of Religious instruc- 
tion, to lead them to adopt our manners, and 
not for the corruption of the French Youth 
and to make these live like Indians. I am 
persuaded that he who entertains such correct 
principles on the subject of Religion, will do 
all in his power to prevent that disorder. 



They must not be increased. 



Nothing is of greater consequence than to 
accustom them to industry, and means must 
be adopted to establish manufactures suitable 
to the country. 



278 



NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 



Custom House (Bureau) on their arrival 
and not to keep tliera at home in order to 
prevent people sending them to France or 
to the English. 

The merchants say if that be done trade 
will be ruined, inasmuch as their peltries going 
to the Bureau pass through a number of hands, 
and are subject to be purloined. 

The English sell their powder much cheaper 
than the French, which causes the Indians to 
resort for it to the English and to carry their 
peltries to them. 

Were M. Brunet to be more accommodating 
as respects this article, it would be a benefit to 
the country. 



He found, on his return from Cataracouy, 
English Merchants at Montreal, who thought 
to carry off the beaver as in times past; but 
they returned as they came. 

Communicated to all the merchants the 
King's intentions on that subject, and they 
went away as they came. 

Some English merchants have proposed to 
him to come to Quebec in search of grain, and 
though the country requires the sale of it to 
increase its value, he did not consider it his 
duty to grant this permission without orders. 

It would be a source of considerable profit, 
for English goods are cheaper than those of 
France. 



5"" Extract: drawn from the letters of 
M. de S' Valuer. 

Inquires if the Parish priest (Cure) is to give 
the Governor and the Intendant the title of — 
My Lord — at the prone, and if the Clergy are 
to so style them in letters they address them. 

Represents, in like manner as Monsieur 
de Denonville, that the Canadian Youth are 
for the most part wholly demoralized; that 
there are married men who, in addition to their 



I shall have M. Brunet spoken to, but it will 
be necessary that I know at what price the 
English sell their powder in order to examine 
with Sieur Brunet if he could furnish it at the 
same price — to write to him to come and see 
me on the subject. 



Good. 

Let him pay attention to it. 



There is no inconvenience in permitting 
this trade except what might arise from 
intercourse with foreigners, which possibly 
would afford the latter an opportunity to 
carry away Beaver and other peltries under 
the pretence of trading in grain, but by paying 
strict attention to prevent that, the King is 
pleased to allow this trade in grain for one 
year, subject to its being eventually interdicted 
if it be found not beneficial to the colony. 



It is proper as regards the Governor, not 
the Intendant. 



PARIS DOCUMENTS : III. 



279 



To agree to what he and Monsieur de 
Denonville will deem necessary to prevent 
the disorders and to assure him therein of the 
King's protection. 



own wives, keep Squaws whom they publicly 
deceive; and that the most frightful crimes 
are perpetrated by the Young men and the 
French who resort the woods. 

Were he persuaded that his letters would 
not be seen by others, he would describe 
matters more at length. 

To remedy this evil it would be necessary 
to place all the Indians in regular missions. 

That is his business, but he must be assisted 
in the execution of such an undertaking. 

The Indians, whatever crimes they commit, 
remain unpunished, and as they live among 
the French they ought to be subject to the 
same laws. 

'Tis easy to place them on that footing, 
and they would not destroy one another were 
they to see crime punished. 

They would even come among the French 
in greater numbers. 

Five or six Squaws have, since a few years, 
ceased boarding with the Ursulines as they have 
no marriage portion. A fund of a thousand 
ecus was formerly appropriated for marriages. 
If its direction has been changed in the case of 
French women, he does not believe that it has 
been retained for the Indian girls. 

He could also found an Establishment for 
School teachers the expense of bringing them 
from France is too great. 

Alio. 

The poor overwhelm him, and ask of him 
wherewith to clothe themselves. 

The consequences of this poverty are mel- 
ancholy. The children being obliged to lie 
together, frightf