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Full text of "Documents relative to the colonial history of the state of New-York : procured in Holland, England, and France"

«BTII«9«M« UPMT 



; 6' 



DOCUMENTS 



RELATIVE TO THE 



COLONIAL HISTORY 



OF THE 



^tJJ 



STATE OF NEW- YORK; 



PROCURED IN 



HOLLAND, ENGLAND AND FRANCE, 



JOHN llOMEYiX BUODHEAD, ESQ., 

AOENT, 

UNDER AND BY VIRTUE OF AN ACT OF THE LEOISLATUEE ENTITLED "AN ACT TO APPOINT AN AGEKT TO 

I'EOCUUE AND TKANSCKIBE DOCUMENTS IN EUUOPE UELATIVE TO THE COLONIAL IIISTOIST 

OF THE STATE," PASSED MAY 2, 1839. 




EDITED BY 

E. B. O'CALLAGIIAN, M. D. 



VOL. VII. 



ALBANY: 

WEED, PARSONS AND COMPANY, PKINTERS. 
1856. 



These Documents have been published under the direction of the Governor, Secretary of State 
and Comptroller of the State of New- York, in virtue of an Act of the Legislature of the said State, 
entitled " An Act to Provide for the Publishing of certain Documents relating to the Colonial History 
of the State," passed March 30th, 1849. 

The Documents in Dutch and French were translated by E. B. O'Callaghan, M. D., v?ho was 
employed by the State Officers above named for that purpose, and to superintend the publication 
generally. 



Fl -L-u 



TRANSCRIPTS OF DOCUMENTS 



QUEEN'S STATE PAPER OFFICE; IN THE OFFICE OF THE PRIVY COUNCIL; IX THE BRITISH MUSEUM; 
AND IN THE LIBRARY OF THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY AT LAMBETH, IN LONDON. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS : XXXIII - XL. 



1756-1767. 



CONTENTS. 



Page 

,2Z 16. Letter oTthe Lords of Trade to Secretary Fox. about a Parliamcn.ary grant of „>o„eys for ^1- rrovin-. 1 

ilnuarj 16. Letter of Governor UarJy to the Lords of Trade-defence of the front.ers-mao.ge^ent of Ind.nn ^ 

nlfairs, Ac., ■ J '. " . " " 7 

January 17. Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Lords of Trade-Ind.an affairs, ic. 

1755. 10 

December 28. Indian speeches at General Johnson's house • • ^^ 

December U. General Shirley's additional instructions to Sir William Johnson 

January 3. Letter of Sir William Johnson to General Shirley, ^ ^ 

January 4. Letter of General Shi. loy to Sir William Johnson ^^ 

January 5. Letter of Sir William Johnson to General Shirley .••■ 

January 9. Letter of Peter Wraxall. Secretary for Indian affairs, to Sir William . Johnson, .vith ^^ 

•■ Some thoughts on the British Indian interest in Korth America, i-c. . . ..... ... • •_ • 

..„.„ „. U.U, ., --7^— r^rrr r:::.™ut ;'r.r •;■"».■ ■.™:v;;i 

„ s r .ii..r of SscrMaPT iI«rJinge t« the Urds of traao-ParliameoUrj gr^n^ ■■•:."""; ". 

F,t::;; .= Ku, :, zlj. ., t j. u. ».. l.,-. .< .... T™..or„ ». ... ...).,. .f ... p.,.,......'. s-.. ^^ 

p..„„j „. L,t:':fT.'r^;-Vf-T;;.v;;-wu;rF»^.v ™»-«-;'p'^^^^^^^ - ■^»' - ,. 

commander-in-chief of America-Indian affairs, Ac ^ ^ 

Agent, and Superintendent of Indian affairs, itc ■ • ■■ „rantin" 

March 19. Letter of the Lords of Trade to Governor Hardy-Indian gnevances in respect t. the graatin, ^^ 

M,rcu 19. LelL!":? t,:;"io;d;;yT;ad:;och;;/j;;.;;-i>;L;«:;yr;^^^^ tJS^:^ 

obtain the annulUng of the Patents of Kayaderosaeraa. One.da carrying place and Canajohane by ^^ 
law, as in 1699, 



vi CONTENTS. 

1756. ?■*««. 
April 13. Letter of the Lords of Trade to Governor Hardy — observations upon the proceedings of the Assembly, 7a 

May 10. Letter of Governor Hardy to the Lords of Trade — Indian aftuirs 80 

April 21. Report of a deputation of the Ononda!/;a3 to Sir William Johnson, 82 

April 2.3. Report of .Mohawk delegates to Sir William Johnson, 85 

May 28. Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Lords of Trade — Indian affairs 86 

May 26 Journal of Sir William Johnson's transactions with the Indians in March, April and May 91 

June 19. Letter of Governor Hardy to the Lords of Trade — non-exportation of provisions to the French 

Colonies, ic, 117 

July 17. Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Lords of Trade — French intrigues among the Indians — conference 

with the Delawares, &c 117 

July 29. Letter of the Lords of Trade to Governor Hardy — barbarities of the Indians — Sir William Johnson's 

good conduct, <&c. 120 

August 2. Letter of Governor Hardy to the Lords of Trade — proceedings of the Assembly on the Quota bill — 

Military affairs, &c 121 

August 2. Letter of Governor Hardy to the Lords of Trade, praying His Majesty's leave to resign his government 

in New- York, in order to re-enter the naval service, .T 122 

September 5. Letter of Governor Hardy to the Lords of Trade — surrender of Oswego — defection of the-Indians 

apprehended, 123 

August 21. Declaration of some soldiers in Shirley's regiment, about the capture of Oswego 126 

September 10. Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Lords of Trade — loss of Oswego — his views of Indian affairs — 

hostilities on the Susqiiehannah, 127 

September 10. Journal of Sir William Johnson's proceedings with the Indians at Onondaga, in Jane and July, Ac.,.. 130 

October 9. Letter of the Lords of Trade to the Governors in America, directing an Embargo to be laid, <fec 162 

October 13. Letter of Governor Hardy to the Lords of Trade — Assembly of New-York — clandestine supplies to the 

French, <tc., 163 

October 27. Letter of Governor Hardy to the Lords of Trade — Fort George repaired — fortification of the 

Harbor, <tc * I54 

November 1. Letter of Reverend William Smith to the Bishop of Oxford, (Dr. Seeker, ) upon Provincial affairs, 165 

November 10 Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Lords of Trade — Indian affairs — French influence, <tc 169 

September 17. Journal of Sir William Johnson's proceedings with the Indians, from 21st July to 17th September, 171 

December 2. Letter of Governor Hardy to the Lords of Trade — Acta of the Assembly, &c 200 

December 2. Letter of Governor Hardy to the Lords of Trade — review of the proceedings of the Assembly, &e., . . 202 

December 3. Letter of Governor Hardy to the Lords of Trade— state of the Council in New-York 205 

December 22. Letter of Governor Hardy to the Lords of Trade— Massachusetts boundary line— troubles among the 

neighboring inhabitants — Stookbridge Indians, Ac 206 

December 27. Letter of Edmund Atkin, Esq. to the Lords of Trade— Indian affairs, 208 

November 23. Conf.irence between Edmund Atkin, Esq., and the Six Nations at Johnson Hall, in November, 211 

December 28. Letter of Governor Hardy to the Lords of Trade— Embargo— necessity of small cruixera to act against 

the French, Ac ,,- 

1757. ^^^ 

February 4. Letter of Secretary Pitt to the Governors, <tc., in North America— the King has resolved to act with 

the greatest vigor in the ensuing campaign- the Provinces urged to raise forces, &c., 216 

February 28. Letter of Governor Hardy to the Lords of Trade— acts of the Assembly, Ac. , 217 

March 4. Letter of Governor Hardy to the Lords of Trade— Assembly— military preparations— French upon the 

Mississippi, ic, oja 

1766. 

December 29. E-xtract of letter of R. Haddon, commander of the privateer Peggy, about the negotiations of the 

French with the Indians on the Mississippi, Ac 219 

Match 10. Letter of the Lords of Trade to Governor Hardy— His Majesty's permission for him to resign his 

government — his conduct in administration commended, <to., 2''0 

March 10. Letter of the Lords of Trade to Sir William Johnson-his conduct commended, and views approved, 221 

May 24. Letter of Governor Hardy to the Lords of Trade— is about to embark for Halifax, and will leave the 

government in the hands of the Lieutenant-Governor, 222 

M»y 25. Representation of the Lords of Trade to the King, upon the Massachusetts boundary, troubles in New- 

Ywk.**- 223 



CONTENTS. vil 

1157. Ta.,!. 

June 3. Letter of Lientennnt-novcrnor Dc Lftncey to Lords of Trade — Governor Hardy has embarked for 

Halifax — lie has qunlitied himself as Lieutenant-Governor, <tc, — trade of the Cohjnies, <tc , 224 

June 14. Letter of Sir Charles Hordy to the Lords of Trode — illicit trode with the French Inlands, 226 

June 25. Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Lords of Trade — his views on Indian offaire, Ac., 227 

1756. 
November 23. Joursal of Sir William Johnson's proceedings with the Indians, from 20lh September to 23d November, 

1766 229 

1767. 

April 23. Journal of Sir William Johnson's proceedings with the Indiana, from 14th to 23d April, 1757, 244 

June 20. Journal of Sir William Johnson's proceedings with the Indians, from 10th to 20lh June, 1757 254 

March 14. Letter of Captain Croghan to Sir William Johnson upon Indian atfiiirs, 266 

1765. 

Kxtracts from Captain Crogban's Journals of transactions with the Indians on the Ohio, from 1748 to 

the defeat of General Braddock 267 

1757. 
July 15. Letter of Sir Charles Hardy to the Lords of Trade— his arrival at Halifax — illicit trade with the French 

Islands, <S:c, 27 1 

July 30. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor De Lancey to the Lords of Trade — secret trade with the French— riots 

on the Massachusetts frontier, &c 273 

August 24. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor De Lancey to the Lords of Trade — surrender of Fort William Henry, Ac, 274 
September 6. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor De Lancey to the Lords of Trade — proceedings of the Assembly, <fcc.,. . 275 

September 28. Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Lords of Trade upon Indian affairs, <te, 276 

August Journal of Captain Crogban's proceedings and treaty with Tediuscung and other Indians, at £a£ton, 

Pennsylvania, in July and August, 1757 280 

September Letter of Captain Croghan to Sir William Johnson, reporting the behavior of the Quakers, Ac. 321 

September 20. Journal of Sir William Johnson's proceedings with the Six Nations relative to the Cherokees, Jul}- — 

September 824 

September 22. Remarks of Sir William Johnsan upon the observations of the Proprietors of Pennsylvania respecting 

Indian land purchases 329 

October 15. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor De Lancey to the Lords of Trade — difference of opinion between himself 

and Governor Pownall respecting the boundary 333 

November 11. Letter of the Lords of Trade to Lieutenant-Governor De Lancey — illicit trade — boundary troubles, Ac, 334 
December 1. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor De Lancey to the Lords of Trade — iron manufactories in New-York,. . . 335 

An account of iron made at Ancram, in the manor of Livingston, from 1750 to 1757 336 

December 9. Letter of the Lords of Trade to Lieutenant-Governor De Lancey — Massachusetts boundary, <fcc, 336 

Dec'her21, 22. Minutes of the Lords of Trade, upon Mr. Charles, the agent of New-York, attending for the purpose of 

procuring copies of papers, Ac in their records — Mr. Franklin agent of Pennsylvania, and Mr. 

Wedderburne being also present in attendance, with letter of the Secretary to Mr. Charles in regard 

to his application for papers, • 337 

December 30. Letter of Secretary Pitt to the Governor of New-York, Ac — forces to be raised — His M.njesty's views 

as to the prosecution of the next campaign, Ac 339 

1758. 
January 6. Letter of Lieutenant Governor De Lancey to the Lords of Trade — destruction of German Flatts — fire in 

Fort George — Assembly's proceedings, Ac, 341 

March 17. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor De Lancey to Secretary Pitt — military preparations, Ac, 343 

June 10. Letter of Secretary Pitt to General Abercrombie — Colonel Schuyler's exchange — prisoners in 

Canada, Ac. 344 , 

S«ptemberl8. Letter of Secretary Pitt to the Ameriian Governors— General Amherst appointed to succeed General 

Abercrnmbie — his orders to be obeyed, Ac, 346 

September 27. Letter of Archbishop Seeker to Reverend Doctor Johnson — disasters in America— Ecclesiastical 

establishmenta, Ac, *" 

September 30. Letter of Governor Pownall to Under-Secretary Wood — prosperity of the British arms in America — 

assistance needed by the Colonies to defray the expenses of the war 349 

December 9. Letter of Secretary Pitt to the Governors in North America— troops to be raised by the Provinces- 
Commissions in the army to be issued by the Governors — expense to be borne by the King 350 

December 13. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor De Lancey to the Lords of Trade— Fort Duquisne burnt and abandoned 

by the French, ^^^ 



Vlll 



CONTENTS. 



1758. 




December 


17. 


December 


19. 


December 


29. 


December 29. 


1759. 




February 


19. 


March 


16. 


March 


20. 


April 


15. 


May 


n. 


April 


22. 


July 


19. 



July 



24. 



July 


25. 


July 


31. 


July 


8. 


July 


27. 


August 


10. 


July 


25. 


August 


6. 


October 


20. 


October 


28. 


November li. 


Kovember 27. 


December 


11. 


December 


14. 


1760. 




January 


4. 


January 


7. 


January 


7. 


February 


15. 


February 


16. 


February 


21. 


May 


21. 



June 



June 


6. 


February 


25. 


February 


26. 


March 


20. 


April 


8. 


June 


13. 


July 


13. 


August 


7. 


August 


30. 


iJvpleuibei 


;• 20. 


Kovember 


4. 


Novcmbci 


■ 11, 



Page. 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor De Lancey to the Lords of Trade— writs issued for a new Assembly, ... 353 

Letter of the Lords of Trade to Lieutenant-Governor De Lancey— King's quit-rents in New-York 353 

Letter of Secretary Pitt to the Governors in America— zealous measures to be adopted against the 

French in the ensuing campaign, °^* 

Letter of Secretary Pitt to Major-General Amherst— Major General Wolfe appointed to conduct the 

expedition against Quebec— Canada to be invaded by Crown Point, and Montreal to be attacked, &c., 355 

Report of the Right Reverend Dr. Sherlock, Bishop of London, on the state of the Church in the Colonies, 360 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor De Lancey to the Lords of Trade— quit-rents in New- York, 369 

Letter of Reverend Doctor Johnson to Archbishop Seeker — dissenters 370 

Letter of Reverend Doctor Johnson to Archbishop Seeker— mission to New England 374 

Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Lords of Trade— favorable understanding with the Indians- 
reduction of Niagara, "'^ 

Journal of Sir William Johnson's proceedings with the Indians, 378 

Letter of Archbishop Seeker to Reverend Doctor Johnson— mission to be established at Cambridge, in 

New England, ^^* 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor De Lancey to the Lords of Trade- advance of the troops upon 

Niagara ^^^ 

Letter from Reverend Doctor Johnson to Archbishop Seeker- quarrels among the dissenters 396 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor De Laneey to the Lords of Trade- Ticonderoga taken, <tc., 399 

Letter of Major-General Amherst to Lieutenant-Governor De Lancey 399 

Letter of Major General Amherst to Lieutenant-Governor De Lancey 400 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor De Lancey to the Lords of Trade— surrender of Fort Niagara, <tc., 401 

Letter of Captain De Lancey to Lieutenant-Governor De Lancey, 402 

Letter of JIajor-General Amherst to Lieutenant-Governor De Lancey 403 

Letter of Reverend Doctor Johnson to Archbishop Seeker— afifaiis of the Church, 404 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor De Lancey to the Lords of Trade— engagement upon Lake Champlain, 405 

Letter of the Lords of Trade to Lieutenant-Governor Delancey — ^jurisdiction of Justices of the Peace, 406 

Letter of Reverend Dr. W. Smith to Archbishop Seeker — condition of the church in America 406 

Letter of Secretary Pitt to Major-General Amherst — affairs in Canada, <6c. 417 

Letter of the Lords of Trade to Lieutenant-Governor De Laneey — escheated lands, Ac 419 

Letter of Secretary Pownall to Lieutenant-Governor De Lancey — directions not to detain the packet 

shi|« between New-York and England ^'^ 

Letter of Secretary Pitt to the Governors in America — troops to be raised by the Colonies 420 

Letter of Secretary Pitt to Major-General Amherst — Montreal to be reduced, &c 422 

Letter of Reverend Dr. Johnson to the Archbishop of Canterbury — condition of King's college, 425 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor De Laucey to the Lords of Trade — thanksgiving for the success of the 

King's arms — justices' courts, Ac ^-® 

Letter of the Lords of Trade to Secretary Pilt — settling lands adjacent to the lakes in New- York 428 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor De Lancey to the Lords of Trade — Monsieur Levy on his march towards 

Quebec, -129 

Petition of the Earl of Stirling to the King, praying for £7,000 in satisfaction of Long Island, which 

ha) been granted to his ancestors, 430 

Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Lords of Trade — negotiations with the Indians, Ac 432 

Address of the Canajoharie Indians to Sir William Johnson, 434 

Reply of Sir William Johnson to the address of the Canajoharie Indians, *3* 

Proceedings of Sir William Johnson with the Lower Mohawk Indians 4^5 

Letter of Tedyescung, a Delaware Indian, to Sir William Johnson 436 

Letter of the Lords of Trade to Lieutenant-Governor De Lancey — settlement of frontier lands, &c.,. . . 437 

Letter of Reverend Dr. Johnson to Archbishop Seeker — condition of the church, 4"^8 

" Questions relating to the Union and Government of the Plantations," 441 

. Letter of President Coldeu to the Lords of Ti ade — death of Lieutenant-Governor De Dancey 444 

. Letter of President Coldeu to the Lords of Trade — iuipressment in tlie Colonies, <fcc 444 

. Letter of I'resideut Coldeii to the Ltirds of Trade — entire i eduction of Canada 447 

Letter of Aiehbialiop Seeker to the Reverend Dr. Johnson — affairs of King's college 4-17 

. Leticr I'f President Gulden to the Lords of Trade— seeks to obiain the Lieutenant-Governorsliip 460 



CONTENTS. ix 

1760. Piot 
NoTember 22. Letter of Arclibibhop Seeker to Dr. Browne, vice-chancellor of Oxford — degrees for clergymen in 

New-York 451 

December 17. Inciters of Secretary Pitt to tlic Govcriiora iu America — troops to be UvieJ in tbc Provinces, 452 

17111. 
January 10. Letter of President Col Jen to Ibe Lords of Trade — dissolution of the Assembly of New-York by reason 

of the King's death 453 

January 20. Letter of Archbishop Seeker to Rev. Dr. Johnson — degree of D. D. to Mr. Barclay, <tc 454 

February 18. Letter of President Golden to the Lords of Trade — affair of the ships Sampson and Winchester, 454 

February 28. Letter of President Golden to the Lords of Trade — Crown lands in the Province — disputes as to 

jiirisdietion, i!:c 455 

March 11. Draft of Commission for Sir William Johnson to be Superintendent of Indian affairs 458 

March 15. Order in Council respecting correspondence of the Governors of the Provinces with the Lords of 

IVade, <tc. 459 

March 17. Representation of the Lords of Trade to the King — oppointments to the vacant offices in New- York, . . 460 

March 20. Order in Council appointing Robert Monckton, Esq., Governor of New-York, Ac 460 

March 20. Order in Council appointing Cadwallader Golden Lieutonant-Governor of New-York, Ac 461 

April .5. Letter of President Golden to the Lords of Trade — a new Assemblj' convened 461 

April 14. Secretary Pownall to Mr. Golden — petition of Mr. John de Noyelles, ifec 462 

May C. Representation of the Lords of Trade, upon the instructions for Governor Monckton, 463 

May 15. Letter of President Golden to the Lords of Trade — acts passed by the Assembly, ic, 465 

June 2. Letter of Presideot Golden to the Lords of Trade — remarks upon certain acts, <tc 466 

August 12. Letter of LJeutenant-Governor Golden to the Lords of Trade — colonial affairs 467 

September 25. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Lords of Trade — levies of troops in the Province — Judges' 

commissions held during good behavior, &c 469 

October 6. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Lords of Trade — proceedings of the Judges, 4c 470 

November 10. Letter of Governor Monckton to the I^rds of Trade — Provincial Council, Ac, 471 

November 18. Representation of the Lords of Trade upon the commissions of Judges in the Province, 471 

November 23. Order in Council — instructions to be prepared by the Lords of Trade for the Governors in America, 

with regard to the granting of lands, 47 2 

November 25. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Lords of Trade — salaries of government officers in 

New-York 476 

December 2. Representation of the Lords of Trade to the King 477 

Draft of an Instruction for the Governors in America — grants of land 478 

Draft of an Instruction for the Governors in America — commissions of Judges in the Provinces, 479 

December 11. Letter of the Lords of Trade to Lieutenant-Governor Golden — bill continuing Assembly six months 

after the King's death, 480 

December 12. Letter of the Earl of Egremont to Lieutenant-Governor Golden — troops to be levied in the Provinces, . 481 
December 12. Letter of the Earl of Egremont to the Governors in America — deficiencies in the Provincial regiments 

to be filled by the Colonies, Ac. 482 

1762. 

January 1 1. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Lords of Trade — salaries of the Judges in New- York, Ac., 483 

January 20. Letter of the Lords of Trade to Lieutenant-Governor Golden — salary of Lieutenant-Governor,7Ac., 485 

January 25. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Lords of Trade — King's quit-rents — grants of land, Ac , . . . 486 
January 28. Petition of merchants of Albany to the Lords of Trade, praying that certain grants of land in Western 

New-York be annulled 4S8 

February 11. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Lords of Trade — intrusions from the Colony of 

Massachusetts, Ac 489 

March 1. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Lords of Trade — grants of land in the Provinces, 490 

April 10. Letter of Reverend Doctor Johnson to Archbishop Seeker — King's College, Ac., 49-1 

May 1 1. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Lords of Trade — trade between the Colonies and French 

settlements in Hispaniola, Ac., 498 

Moy 24. Letter of Chief Justice Prat to the Lords of Trade — inadequate salary 600 

June 3. Representation of the Lords of Trade on the memorial of the Albany merchants — grants in Western 

New-York to be annulled, 602 

June 11. Letterof the Lords of Trade to Lieutenant-Governor Golden — salaries of officers in New-York, Ac. 603 

June 1 1. Representation of the Lords of Trade respecting the Assembly of New-Tork, 605 



Vol. VII. 



B 






CONTENTS. 



1762. 




October 


6. 


October 


20. 


December 


18. 


December 


8. 


December 26. 


1763. 




January 


6. 


March 


30 


Slay 


6. 


June 


6. 


June 


19. 


Jnly 


1. 


July 


8. 


July 


23. 


July 


1. 


July 


8. 


July 


11. 


July 


30. 


August 


4. 


August 


6. 


August 


10. 


August 


13. 


August 


20. 


August 


25. 


August 


27. 


September 


9. 


September 


14. 


September 


14. 


September 


12. 


September 


23. 


September 


26. 


September 


28. 


September 


29. 


September 


30. 


October 


18. 


October 


19. 


November !.•?. 


November 18. 


December 


7. 


December 


7. 


December 


8. 


December 


9. 


December 19. 


December 


20. 


December 


22. 


1764. 




January 


20. 



Page. 

Leiter of Arclibishop Seeker to Reverend Doctor Johnson — dissenters, 507 

Letter of Sir Jeffrey Amherst to Mr. Sharpe, (Clerk of the P. C)— grants in Western New-York, 508 

Letter of Sir William Johnson to Sir Jeffrey Amherst — Indian affairs 510 

Proceeding? of Lieutenant Guy Johnson -with the Indians at Onondaga, 511 

Letter of Sir Jeffrey Amherst to Sir William Johnson — Indian affairs, 515 

Letter of the Reverend Doctor Johnson to Archbishop Seeker — affairs of the Church, Ac, 616 

Letter of Archbishop Seeker to Reverend Doctor Johnson — Missions in the Colonies, &c. 617 

Letter of the Earl of Egremont to the Lords of Trade — cession of Canada, by the French, to Great 

Britain, Ac 51^ 

Letter of Sir William Johnson to Sir Jeffrey Amherst — Indian affairs 522 

Lei ter of Sir William Johnson to Sir Jeffrey Amherst — Detroit invested by the Indians, 524 

Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Lords of Trade — Indian hostilities 525 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Lords of Trade — death of Chief Justice Prat, itc 627 

Letter of Sir Jeffrey Amherst to the Earl of Egremont — ravages of the Indians within the Provinces, . . . 529 

Letter of Sir William Johnson to Sir Jeffrey Amherst, 630 

Letter of Sir William Johnson to Sir Jeffrey Amherst, 631 

Letter from Sir William Johnson to Sir Jeffrey Amherst 632 

Letter from Sir William Johnson to Sir Jeffrey Amherst 533 

Letter from Sir William Johnson to Sir Jeffrey Amherst, 534 

Letter of the Lords of Trade to Sir William Johnson — no grants to be made of land occupied 

by Indians, 635 

Letter of Reverend Doctor Johnson to Archbishop Seeker — dissenters — King's College, <fec., B36 

Letter of the Earl of Egremont to Sir Jeffrey Amherst — designs of the French in Canada, 4o 538 

Letter of Sir William Johnson to Sir Jeffrey Amherst — Indian affairs 541 

Letter of Sir William Johnson to Sir Jeffrey Amhejst, 542 

Messages sent by the Canadian Indians to the Western tribes, 644 

Letter of Sir Jeffrey Amherst to Sir William Johnson — engagement with the Indians at Bushy run 545 

Letter of Sir Jeffrey Amherst to Sir William Johnson — Indian affairs, 646 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Egremont — King's quit-rents, <fcc 548 

Letter of Sir William Johnson to Sir Jeffrey Amherst — Indian affairs 650 

Proceedings of Sir William Johnson with the Indians, 553 

Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Lords of Trade — state of Indian affairs 559 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Lords of Trade — disputes concerning boundaries, &c., .... 562 

Letter of Archbishop Seeker to the Reverend Dr. Johnson — missions to America, ifec, 5»>6 

Letter of the Lords of Trade to Sir William Johnson — Indian affairs x 667 

Letter of Sir Jeffrey Amherst to Sir William Johnson — defection of the Sanecas— jealousy of the traders 

of the French, Ac 668 

Letter of the Earl of Halifax, Secretary of state, to Sir Jeffrey Amherst — troops to be raised among the 

Colonies against the Indians, 570 

Letter of the Earl of Halifax to Sir Jeffrey Amherst — trade with the Indians, Ac 671 

Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Lords of Trade — state of affairs with the Indians, 672 

Statement of the names, numbers and situation of the various tribes of Indians, 682 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Lords of Trade— illicit trade between Holland and the 

Colonies, Ac., 684 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Lords of Trade — petition of the Lutherans in New- York 

for an act of incorporation, Ac, 685 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Halifax — troops raised by the Assembly against 

the Indians, 686 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Lords of Trade — grants of land, Ac. 687 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Lords of Trade — Indians sue for peace 689 

Letter of Reverend Dr Johnson to Arclibishop Seeker — state of the churoh, Ac, 691 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to Lord Halifax — condition of Indian affairs, 593 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Lords of Trade — boundary disputes with other Colonies,. . 596 



CONTENTS. 



XI 



1764. 




January 


20. 


Janunry 


21. 


February 


8. 


February 


13. 


February 


28. 


>Iarch 


2. 


JIarch 


9. 


March 




March 


12. 


April 


12. 


April 


13. 


April 


U. 


April 


14. 


April 


3. 


May 


8. 


May 


11. 


May 


12. 


May 


12. 


April 


23. 


May 


16. 


May 


22. 


July 


10. 


July 


10. 


July 


IS. 


July 


17. 


July 


23. 



August 11. 

Au^uat 30. 
August 30. 
July 18. 

Au^just 6. 
September 20. 
September 21. 
October 8. 
October 8. 

October 9. 
October li 
October 30. 
Koveiiiber o. 

November 7. 

December 11. 



PAOt 

Letter of Sir William Joiinson to I lie Lords of Trade — massacre uf friendly Indians in Penney Ivnnia, Ac, 699 

Letter of Colonel Cmglian to the Lords of Trade — snggcalionK as to llie futun> trentnicnt of the Indians, Ci'i2 

Letter of l.ii-utenant-tiovcrnor Ci>Kien to the Lords of linde — boundary ipieslion. Ac C07 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Culden to the Lords of Traile — grants by New Ilaiupshire of lands on 

the west side of the Connecticut, Ac, COS 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Jiail of Halifax, containing copy of a letter from Sir 

^ illiiini Johnson upon Indian affairs, 609 

Extract of a letter of Sir William Johnson to Lieutenaut-Goveruor Coldcn — expedition against hostile 

ludianji, 611 

Letter of Sir WilliaTu Johnson to Lieutenant-Governor Colden — defeat of a part}' of hostile Indians,. ... 611 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Coldcn to the Lords of Trade — trade with foreign Colonies, 612 

Petition of .-Albany merchants — that certidii places for trade with the Incharis shall be stipulated, Ac,. . 613 

Letter of Major Phillip Skeene to Secretary Pownall — referring to a grant of land near LakcChamplain, 61fi 
Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Coldeu to the Lords of Trade — grants by the Governor of New 

Uam|>shire, 616 

Letter of General Gage to the Earl of Halifax — military affairs in New-York 617 

Letter of General Gage to the Earl of Halifax — expedition up the Mir^sissippi — Pondiac, the Detroit 

Chief, 619 

Letter of General Gage to the Earl of Halifax — peace concluded with the Indians, 620 

Articles of peace with the Seneca Indians, 621 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Coldcn to the Earl of Halifux — troops on the frontiers supported by the 

Assembly, Ac 623 

Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Lords of Trade — Indian affairs, 624 

Letter of the Earl of Halifax to Lieutenant-Governor Colden — colonial affair?,! 627 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor ColJen to the Lords of Trade — mandamus to Mr. Apthorp, Ac 627 

Letter of Sir William Johnson to Lieutenant Governor Coldcn — Indians defeated, 628 

Memorial of Lieutenant Campbell to the Lor>ls of Trade — praying for a grant of land, 629 

Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Halifax — Indian affairs, 632 

Letter of the Lords of Trade to Lieutonant-Governor Colden — treatment of the Indiana, 633 

Letter of the I-ords of Trade to Sir William Johnson — Indian affairs 634 

Plan for the future managt-mcnl of Indian affairs, 637 

Letter of the I/>rds of Trade to Lieutenant Governor Colden — boundary disputes, Ac. 642 

Petition of Sir James Jay to the King — praying for a grant of Land 643 

Representation of the Lords of Trade to the Committee of the Privy Council concerning a grant to 

King's college 645 

Letter of the Earl of Halifax to the Governors in America, requiring a list of instruments in writing, 

law papers, grants, Ac, for the purpose of laying a stamp duty 646 

Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Enrl of Halifax — cession by the Indians of lands at Niagara, 647 

Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Lords of Trade — Indian affairs, 648 

Articles of peace concluded with the Huron Indians, 650 

Articles of peace concluded with the Genesee Indians 652 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Lords of Trade — King's address — large granta of land, . . 653 

Letter of General Gage to the Earl of Halifax — Indian Congress at Niagara 665 

Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Lords of Trade — Indian affairs, 657 

Sir William Johnson's sentiments upon the "Plan of the Lords of Trade for the future management of 

Indian affairs," 661 

Letter of Lieutenant Governor Colden to the Earl of Halifax — smuggling, Ac 666 

Letter of Lieutenant Governor Colden to the Lords of Trade — trade with the Indians, 667 

Letter of Sir William Johnson to tlie Lords of Trade— grants of land from the Indians, Ac 670 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Halifa.x — want of officers to transact public 

business in tlie Province, Ac, 67S 

Letter of Lieulenant.,Governor Colden to the Lords of Trade— first appeal from Common Law Courts 

in the Province, Ac 676 

Representation of the Lords of Trade to the King, upon certain proceedings of Massachusetts and 

New-York, 678 



jjj CONTENTS. 

1761. ^^""^ 
December 13. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor ColJcn to the Lords of Trade— dissatisfaction in the Province upon the 

subject of appeals to the King in Council 679 

December 13. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Halifax— disputes with the Crown concerning 

appeals, 6^1 

December 26. Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Lords of Trade — importance of possessing the Illinois 685 

December 4. Colonel Bradstreel's thoughts upon Indian affairs — certain military posts to be established, <tc., 690 

1766. 
January 16. Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Lords of Trade — Delaware and Shawanese Indians — officers in his 

bureau, &c "94 

January 22. Letter of LientenantGovernor Golden to the Lords of Trade — appeals to the King in Council, Ac,. . . 695 
January 23. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Halifax— suggestions respecting appeals to the 

Privy Council ''00 

January 27. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Lords of Trade — Indian trade— appeals — Mr. Livingston's 

removal from his Judgeship recommended, 702 

February 7. Letter of Secretary Ellis to the Earl of Halifax, explaining the King's intentions respecting the 

powers, authority, <fec., of the commander-in-chief, brigadier-generals and governors of the Provinces 

in America, '04 

February 22. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Halifax — influence of the lawyers in New- York, 706 

February 22. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Lords of Trade— appeals to the Privy Council 706 

March 6. Letter of the Lords of Trade to Lieutenant-Governor Golden— Lord Ilchester's and others' plan of a 

settlement in New-York, recommended, itc '07 

March 16. Letter of the Lords of Trade to Lieutenant-Governor Golden, respecting two Mohawk Indians exhibited 

as a show in a tavern in London, <fec '08 

March 16. Letter of the Lords of Trade to Sir William Johnson, respecting the two Mohawks exhibited in London, 709 
April 14. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Lords of Trade— clamors against him on the appeal 

question, <tc. '09 

April 27. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Halifax — tranquility in New- York notwitstanding 

the faction, <fec., "^0 

May 24. Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Lords of Trade— temper of the Western Indians — review of Indian 

affairs previous to his appointment — news from the frontiers, <fec., "Jll 

May 22. Proceedings of Sir William Johnson with the Indians in April and May, 718 

May 8. Treaty of peace with the Delaware Nation, entered into by their deputies, before Sir William Johnson, 738 

May 31. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Lords of Trade— lands on the Mohawk all patented — Sir 

William Johnson's claim — Rensselaer's, Ac, 741 

Jane 8. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Lords of Trade — Sir William Johnson's land claim, Ac, . . 744 

Jane 20. Representation of the Lords of Trade, to the King, upon the draft of Sir Henry Moore's commission as 

Governor, Ac, of New- York 746 

Jnly. Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Lords of Trade — Shawanese Indians — conduct of the Pennsylvania 

borderers likely to excite the resentment of the Indians — French intrigues — Pondiac, Ac, 746 

July 14. Proceedings of Sir William Johnson with the Ohio Indians, 4-14 July, 750 

September 2. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to General Gage — necessity of a military force in New-York, so 

as effectually to discourage all opposition — temper of the people, Ac,, 768 

September 23. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to Secretary Conway — present state of New-York — virulent 

publications against the stamp net — secret correspondence throughout the Colonies — prosecutions not 

expedient in the present temper of the people and state of the courts, Ac, 769 

Letter of Mr. James MeEvers to Lieutenant-Governor Golden — he cannot undertake the distribution of 

stamps, Ac, 761 

September 24. Representation of the Lords of Trade to the King npon_ appeals from the courts of New- York 762 

Extract of Sir Henry Moore's instructions for the government of New-York (dated Nov. 2), relating to 

appeals, Ac, 7 63 

September 28. Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Lords of Trade — Mr. Croghan has obtained possession of the 

Illinois — his treaty at Detroit — violent conduct of the Colonists — litigious spirit amongst the 

" Common Americans," Ac 766 

October 12. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to Secretary Gonway — inflammatory publications in New-York — 

inqiiiry delayed, for fear of raising the mob, Ac, 767 

October 26. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to Secretaiy Couway — account of the stamp act troubles in New- 
York — scurrilous publications, Ac, 768 



CONTENTS. 



Xlll 



Fac siniilo of a plncard pasted upon the doore of the public offices in New- York, <tc 770 

Korember 6. Letter of LieutenantGovernor Colden to Secretary Conway — account of the mob at New-York, on 

the 1st of November — his carriage, itc, burnt, and hinoself liung and burnt in effiiiy, Ac 771 

November 8. L«tter of the Lords of Trade to Sir Henry Moore— directing an account of the grants of land on the 

Connecticut river, Ac 772 

NoTember 9. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to Secretary! Con way — conduct of the people in New-York 

indignities offered to His Majesty's authority — the lawyers believed to be the promoters of the sedition 
— recommendation that judges be sent from England to make examples of some few, in which case 

the Colony will remain for many years quiet, 773 

November 1. Anonymous letter addressed to Lieutenant-Governor Colden, signed "New York," 774 

November 16. Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Lords of Trade — Mr. Croghan's transactions with the Indians — 

conduct of the French in the west and south, Ac 775 

November. Journal of Colonel Croghnn's transactions with the Western Indians, from May to September 779 

November 21. Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Dartmouth — state of the Province of New-York on his 
arrival — power of Government too weak to protect its officers — present tranquility owing to the 

suspension of Executive powers Ac, 789 

KoTember 21. Letter of Governor Moore to Secretary Conway — stamp act troubles — weakness of Government — 

outrages in difterent parts of the Continent — their effects, Ac, 789 

November 22. Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Lords of Trade — " Furious and audacious behavior of the New- 
Yorkers" — spirit of Libertinism and Inde[)endence daily growing, Ac, 790 

December 6. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Lords of Trade — review of the stamp act troubles — cause 

of tlie malice displayed against him, his conduct respecting appeals, Ac, 791 

December IS. Letter of Lieutenant Governor Colden to Secretary Conway — Governor Moore's arrival, and his giving 
up the Government — importance of New-York — whatever happens there, has the greatest influence 

on the other Colonies — their dependency or independency seems now to be at the crisis, Ac, 793 

December 6. Lieutenant-Governor Colden's account of the state of the Province of New- York 796 

December 16. Letter of Secretary Conway to Lieutenant-Governor Colden — the King is sensible of the delicacy of his 
situation, but does not approve his declaration to take no step till Governor Moore's arrival — views 

of the Government upon New-York affairs, Ac 800 

December 21. Letter of Governor Moore to Secretary Conway — his proceedings since his arrival — hopes that the face 

of affairs will soon change for the better, Ac, 802 

December 21. Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Dartmouth — inconveniences the people of New-York have 

brought on themselves by their late rash proceedings, Ao , 802 

1766. 
January 13. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Lords of Trade — proceedings of the Assembly — appeals to 

the Privy Council, Ac, 803 

January 14. Letter of LieutenantrGovernor Colden to Secretary Conway — factions in New-York — appeals, Ac 804 

January 16. Letter of Governor Moore to Secretary Conway — troubles on account of the stamp act, Ac 805 

January 16. Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Dartmouth — suspension of the stamp act, Ac 807 

January 16. Letter of Governor Moore to the Lords of Trade — New Hampshire grants, Ac, 807 

January 31. Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Lords of Trade — possession taken of Illinois — best means of 

improving it, Ac, 808 

February 20. Letter of Governor Moore to Secretary Conway — has applied to General Gage for a military force — 

Mr.Colden's conduct, Ac , 810 

February 21. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to Secretary Conway — explanation of his conduct in regard to 

the stamped paper, Ac 811 

February 22. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to Secretary Conway — Governor Moore's conduct towards him, 818 

February 22. Letter of Governor Moore to the Lords of Trade — appeals, Ac, 814 

1765.^ 

November 2. Report of the Attorney and Solicitor Generals on appeals in New-York, 815 

1766. 
March 22. Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Lords of Trade — French movements in Illinois, Ac, Canada 

grants, Ac, 816 

March 26. Letter of Governor Moore to Secretary Conway, 818 

March 11. Letter from Governor Fitch, of Connecticut, to Governor Moore, respecting the command-in-chief of 

the militia, Ac, 819 



XIV 



CONTENTS. 



1766. 




Marcli 


28. 


March 


28. 


March 


SI. 


April 


30. 


April 


30. 


May 


16. 


May 


26. 


May 


27. 


June 


12. 


June 


20. 



June 



June 



July 



August 



24. 



28. 



2S. 



July 


11. 


July 


11. 


July 


14. 


July 


29. 


August 


1. 


August 


9. 



August 


12. 


August 


20. 


July 


31. 


August 


23. 


August 


30. 


October 


8. 


October 


11. 


November 


7. 


November 


8. 


Noveinber 


11. 


November 


15. 


December 


11. 


December 11. 


December 16. 


December 


19. 


December 19. 


December 


22. 


December 


26. 



Page. 

Letter of Governor Moore to the Lords of Trade — want of ft currency, <tc., 820 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to Secretary Conway — Capt.ain Kennedy — the affair of the 

stamped paper, <tc 821 

Letter of Secretary Conway to the Governors in America — repeal of the stamp act — magnanimity of 

the British Government — duty of the Colonies, <tc, 823 

Letter of Governor Moore to Secretary Conway — spirit of opposition spreading into the country — 

disorders in Dutchess and Westchester, i'c, 825 

Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Dartmouth — quit-rents, <fec., 826 

Representation of the Lords of Trade to the King against repealing the act forbidding making bills 

of credit a legal tender in the Colonies, and in favor of revoking the instruction to Governor Moore 

not to assent to any act for issuing bills of credit, Ac, 827 

Letter of Governor Moore to the Lords of Trade — debtors on recognizance, <te 828 

Letter of Governor Moore to Secretary Conway — repeal of the stamp act 829 

Letter of Governor Moore to the Lords of Trade — piobate of Wills. <fec 830 

Letter of Governor Moore to Secretary Conway — conduct of the General Assembly respecting provisions 

for the troops, itc 831 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to Secretary Conway — Assembly has declined to make him 

compensation for his losses, Ac 832 

Letter of Sir William Johnson to Secretary Conway — discontents among the Indians — intrigues of the 

French, &c 8S4 

Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Lords of Trade — necessity of some fixed plan for the regulation of 

Indian affairs, <tc 837 

Memorial of Sir William Johnson to the King in Council for a Royal grant of a tract of land near 

Canajoharie, Ac, 839 

Letter of the Lords of Trade to Sir William Johnson — French grants, Ac, 842 

Letter of the Lords of Trade to Governor Moore — general subjects 843 

Letter of Governor Moore to Secretary Conway — troubles in Dutchess county 845 

Letter of the Lords of Trade to Governor Moore — petition of the Presbyterian church, Ac, 846 

Letter of the Lords of Trade to the Governors in America 847 

Letter of the Earl of Shelburne to Governor Moore — the King expects the Province of New- York to 

carry into effect the intention of Parliament respecting the quartering of troops, Ac, 847 

Additional Instruction to the Governors in North America, directing them to correspond with the 

Secretaries of State, as well as the Lords of Trade, Ac. 848 

Letter of Governor Moore to the Lords of Trade — Stockbridge Indians — troubles, Ac, 849 

Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Lords of Trade, . 851 

Proceedings of Sir William Johnson at a Congress with Pondiac and other Chiefs, at Ontario, in July 

1766 854 

Letter of Governor Moore to the Duke of Richmond — dislike of the people to the troops, Ac, 867 

Representation of the Lords of Trade to the King, upon the case of the Wappinger Indians, Ac 868 

Letter of Sir Win. Johnson to the Lords of Trade — re>;uIations of the Indian trade at Michilimakinak 871 

Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Shelburne — Canada claims, Ac §73 

Letter of Governor Moore to the Lords of Trade — boundary line between New-York and Canada 

grants, Ac, c'73 

Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Shelburne— Canadian grants — Mohawk Indians 

Kayaderosseraa patent, Ac 875 

Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Shelburne — Indian troub!e8,,Ac 877 

Letter of Governor Moore to the Lords of Trade — bills of credit, Ac, 878 

Letter of the Earl of Shelburne to Governor Moore — disturbances on the Massachusetts frontier, Ac, . 879 

Letter from the Earl of Shelburne to the Governors in America, 880 

Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Shelburne — unpromising prospect of Indian affairs, Ac, . . 880 

Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Shelburne — Assembly's proceedings 883 

Letter of Governor Moore to the Lords of Trade — proceedings of the Assembly, Ac, 884 

Letter of Governor Moore to the Eurl of Shelburne — Stockbridge Indians, Ac, 886 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Shtlburne — Assembly has again refused to make 

compensation for his losses in the riots, Ac 886 



CONTENTS. XV 

ini. P*"- 

January 12. Letter of Governor Moore to ilio I.onls of TniJc — mRnufaotoriea in New- York, 888 

Jiinuary 13. Letter of the Enrl of Sliulburiic to tlio (!overnoi-« in America, 889 

January 13. Letter of Governor Moore to tlie Earl of Stu'lburne 690 

January 14. Letter of Governor Moore to the Lords of Trade — ehip»' clearances, 890 

Jn nuary 15. Letter of Sir William' Johnaon to the Karl of Shelburne— Indian affair*, 891 

January 15. Letter of Sir Williafn Johnson to the Lords of Trade — Mr. Croghan's proceedings in Illinois, Ac, 894 

February 10. Uepresentation of the Lords of Trade to the Privy Council, on Sir William Johnson's memorial, ... 896 

February 20. Letter of Governor Moore to tlie Earl of Shelburne — quit-rents 900 

Account of receipts from, and e.xpendituro of, the revenue nooruing from quit-rcntf, 901 

Docket of lands granted from 1765 to 1767 902 

February 21. Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Shelburne — establishment of New-York 906 

General statement of the public revenue of New-York, and the uses to which the same is applied, 907 

February 23. Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Shelburne— Mr. Smith recommended as a member of council, . . 909 
February 24. Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Shelburne — causes of the frontier troubles — misrepresentation of 

Massachusetts, <tc , 910 

March 14. Letter of the Earl of Shelburne to Governor Moore — Colonel Bradstreet, 912 

April 1. Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Shelburne — Wapinger Indians — regulations for trade,.. 9IS 

April S. Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Shelburne — Wapinger Indians 915 

April 7. Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Shelburne — enlargement of the council, 916 

April 1 1. Letter of the Earl of Shelburne to Governor Moore — New Hampshire grants, 917 

April 16. Representation of the Lords of Trade to the King, upon New-York acts, <tc 918 

April 20. Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Shelburne .__. 920 

April 25. Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Shelburne — return of fees, ic 921 

April 21. Report of the fees received by the Secretary of the Province 923 

April 21. Report of the fees received by the Attorney-General of New-York on land patents 924 

Report of the fees received by the Surveyor-General of New-York, 920 

May 17. Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Shelburne — probate of wills, <fec., 927 

May 22. Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Shelburne — Colonel Bradstreet, etc 928 

May 30. Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl oT Shelburne — congress of the Six Nations— Indian 

troders, Ac 928 

June 9. Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Shelburne — answer to the statements respecting the New 

Hampshire grants, in the Earl of Shelburne's despatch of the 11th April 930 

June 10. Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Shelburne — New Hampshire grants, 938 

June 10. Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Shelburne — border difficulties, Ac 940 

Juna 10. Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Shelburne — provisions for the troops, 942 

June 26. Representation of the Lords of Trade to the Privy Council — Sir William Johnson's grant, Ac. 942 

July 10. Report of the Lords of Trade to the committee of Privy Council against petition of the Presbyterian 

church in New-York, 948 

July 18. Letter of the Earl of Shelburne to Governor Moore — act of Parliament restraining the passage of any 

law in New-York, until provision be made for the troops, Ac 945 

July 24. Draft of additional instructions to the Governors in Amercia, forbidding them to assent to any law 

altering the number, Ac, of the Assemblies 946 

August 14. Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Shelburne — state of Indian affairs, 946 

August 21. Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Shelburne — quartering of the troops, Ac, 948 

August 22. Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Shelburne — laud patents, Ac , 950 

September 22. Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Shelburne, 951 

September 22. Review of the progressive state of trade, Ac, of the Indiana in the Northern District, with hinta for ita 

future regulation, Ac 953 

October 1. Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Shelburne— judiciary of New- York 978 

October 6. Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Shelburne — military supply bill, Ac , 980 

October 6. Letter of the Earl of Shelburne to the Lords of Trade— respecting the Indian trade in North America, 981 
February 15. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Carleton to Major General Gage — condition of the forU on Lakes 

George and Champlain 984 

May 27. Letter of Major-General Gage to the Earl of Shelburne— Fort Stanwix to be abandoned, 985 

October. Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Shelburne— Indian affairs, 985 

October 20. Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Lords of Trade — Indian traders, Ac, 987 



Xvi CONTENTS. 

1767. Page. 

October 26. Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Shelburne, about Major Rogers' affair, 988 

September 29. Deposition of Nathaniel Potter, against Major Rogers 990 

1766. 
April 9. Letter of Colonel Hopkins to Major Rogers, prejudicing him against the British GoFernment — no 

obstacle to Americans being a free and independent people, 993 

1767. 

November 14. Letter of the Earl of Shelburne to Governor Moore — mutiny act, <fec., 994 

November 23. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Shelburne — situation in which he is placed — 

factions, <te 994 

December 3. Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Shelburne — Indian trade, Ac, 997 

December 7. Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Shelburne — uneasiness among the Indian Nations, <fec.,- 1003 

December 23. Letter of the Lords of Trade to the Earl of Shelburne — boundary lines with the Indians, ifec. 1004 

December 29. Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Shelburne — satisfactory state of Provincial affairs, 1006 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: 



XXXIII-XL. 



Lords of Trade to Secretary Fox. 

[Plantations General, (B, T.) XLIII., I. 430.] 

To the Right Hon''"' Henry Fox Esq' one of His Majesty's Principal Secretaries of State. 

Sir 

We have had under our consideration the subject of your letter of the 2^ instant, signifying 
to us His Majesty's commands that we should forthwith acquaint you what sum it may be 
proper to ask of Parliament for the assistance of His Majesty's subjects in North America. 

As we apprehend that the money proposed to be given to the Colonies is meant as a bounty 
& encouragement to them, in consideration of the expences which they have been at on 
account of the three expeditions which have been carried on in the last year for the reduction 
of the French Forts at Crown Point Niagara and on the Oliio ; it would have been a great 
satisfaction to us to have been able to obtain a precise knowledge of the actual expence 
incurred by each Colony, on account of the services abovemenlioned, and to have made such 
expence the foundation and guide of our judgment in the consideration of this affair. But the 
Agents of the several Colonies concerned, by whom we have been frequently attended upon this 
occasion, are far from being able to give us such information as may lead to any degree of 
precision or exactness. They cannot ascertain the number of men which have been raised, 
the time they liave continued in actual service, or the sums wiiich have been really issued and 
expended on account of their pay cloathing or subsistnnce. We have been obliged therefore, 
in order to obey His Majesty's commands in the best manner we are able, to proceed upon 
such informations as could be collected from the letters we have received from the several 
Governors, and from such acts as have been passed in the respective Colonies for raising men 
or granting money on account of the abovemenlioned expeditions. 
Vol. VII. 1 



2 



NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 



From these imperfect materials and on the supposition that the Acts which appear to have 
been passed for the purposes aforesaid have been duly & completely executed, we have made a 
calculation by which it appears that the amount of the expence incurred by each Colony may 
be as follows, viz' 



£ sterling. 

New York 18900 

New Jersey 6900 

New Hampshire 9000 

Massachusets Bay 60000 

Connecticut 29000 



j£ sterling. 

Rhode Island 8000 

Virginia 22000 

North Carolina SOOO 

Pennsylvania 3S00 

Maryland 4500 



.£170,100. 



It is possible that some of these Colonies may not have expended so large a sum as we have 
put down to them in the foregoing calculation; but it is also probable on the other hand that 
others of them may have incurred a much greater expence for the charge of sundry articles, 
such as the transportation of stores and provisions which are not included in this calculation, 
because no probable estimate of them can be formed. 

Upon the whole therefore we submit it, whether one hundred and twenty thousand pounds 
may not be a sum proper to be asked of Parliament, to be given to the said Colonies in 
consideration of the expences they have been at for the abovementioned services, and as an 
encouragement to exert themselves for the future in their mutual & common defence & to repel 
any invasion or encroachment on His Majestys Dominions, We are &"= 

Dunk Halifax 
Andrew Stone 
SoAME Jenyns 

Whitehall James Oswald 

Jans' 16, 1756 Rich"* Rigbt. 



^ H » »i » 



Governor Hardy to the Lords of Trade. 

[ New-Tork Papers, Bundle LI., No. 11. ] 

, Fort George N York 16 Jan 1766 

My Lords 

Inclosed are returns of the Cannon now in and belonging to this Province, also what number 
of Cannon the works of this City and others to be raised will require, together with a return 
of Warlike Stores in the Magazine of this Fort. Most of the small Cannon from 6 to 3 
Pounders are unfit for Service, it was with some difficulty I could furnish Fort Edward with 
the few now there from the Fort at Albany, and those left in it are not safe in Firing ; Mortars, 
or Hobits we have none ; and only two Royals, that of Iron split in Service at the battle on 
Lake George the S"" of September last. 

I must beg your Ldps will please to observe how deficient we shall be in Ordnance, when 
the works in and about this city are finished the greater part of which I hope to have compleated 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 3 

tliis Summer; we shall also want a good many Cannon of tiie smaller size for the out Forts, 
Block Houses, and I hope for Forts in the Indian Castles, as they seem inclined to have such 
built for their Security. Small arms we have none in the publick Magazine but six chests that 
belong to the four independant companys; this city has a stand of 1000 muskets, they provided 
last year; and what is in the possession of private People are cheilly for Indian Trade The 
Militia are by law to furnish themselves each man one good muskett, with a due proportion of 
Ammunition, some of tiiem are so indigent that they cannot purchase their proper arms. The 
iMilitia Law in Force in this Province, which I beleive is not only the best, but the only one 
on the Continent that can etrectuaily answer the good purposes of such a Law, will fully inform 
your Lordships of their mustering and training 

I have not been able to collect the number of Inhabitants both White and Black, or the 
numbers of which the Militia are composed to transmit your Lordships by this conveyance, 
tho' I have repeatedly ordered them to be taken and sent me, but hope soon to be able to 

effect it 

Your Lordships having been further pleased to direct me by M' Pownalls letter of the IG"" 
July last to give you my opinion, what may be a proper and general System to be laid down 
for the defence of the Frontiers for the Management of Indian affairs under our general direction, 
and what Forts should be built, where situated what number of Troops it will be necessary to 
keep up in America, where they should be stationed, and what will be a proper Fund for makeing 
a permanent Provision for this Service I shall now endeavor to comply with your Lordships 
directions; two of the Cheif heads are in a great measure blended together and have a close 
connection (Vizt) the General System for the Defence of the Frontiers against all future 
encroachments, or Invasions, and for the management of Indian Affairs ; I shall begin with the 
latter but must herein confine myself to the six Nations and their Allies, as I can not take upon 
me to say any thing of the Southern British Indians whose cheif connexion has been with 
Carolina of whose management I am a stranger 

With respect to the six Nations, I must beg leave to offer it as my opinion that the Governor 
of this Province should have the cheif direction of their affairs, and that no steps should be 
taken with them without consulting him; he has always directed the transactions with them, 
has and should have the greatest weight and influence with them it is through him that His 
Majestys commands have always been conveyed to them, and in his Government they live, 
some proper person under this direction should have the management and conduct of Indian 
affairs, with such assistance as shall be found necessary from time to time, for the more 
particular execution of the measures, that may be thought needful to be taken with the Indians, 
to cultivate the British Interest with them, and to counterwork the Artifices of the French, 
and no other person should intermeddle in these matters, he should have the choice of such as 
he may judge necessary to iniploy under him that the minds of tiie Indians may not be 
distracted by different and contradictory relations and measures But be made sensible that 
the pleasure of the Great King, their Father, is only to be received through this Channel. 
The person proper for this service is Major General Johnson, he has a commission for this 
purpose from the late General Braddock, the Indians have a high opinion of his Courage and 
Integrity, and have often experienced his liberality and Kindness. And I make no doubt but 
he will execute this Commission for the Publick utility if he be not obstructed, by agents 
employed by the Commander in Cheif or from otheT Governments, who by such means may 
be tempted to create an influence to themselves by endeavoring to lessen M' Johnson's 



4 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

reputation among the Indians, which I fear must be productive of very evill consequences to 
the General Interest. I should judge it necessary the better to enable M'' Johnson, or any 
future Superintendant, to execute a service of so great consequence to the Northern Colonies, 
that he have His Majestys Commission, and a salary adequate to the Fatigue and Importance 
of his Duty to be by him drawn for quarterly, and that he or the Governor of New York be 
empowered to draw for such money as may be necessary for defraying the incidental expences 
which will arise in performing this Service, of which true accounts upon oath, should be sent 
to the Governor of New York to be transmitted to England, and that in case of the death of 
M' Johnson, the Governor of New York be impowered, with the advice of His Majestys 
Council, to appoint another in his stead till the Kings pleasure shall be known. This, my 
Lords I apprehend to be the best system for the management of Indian affairs with respect to 
the six Nations and their Allies, and if well executed, I trust will not fail of producing good 
effects, especially if to this be added what falls more naturally under the Head, of a defence 
of the Frontiers, against all future incroachmeuts or Invasions by erecting Forts in proper 
places. I should be of opinion that three Forts should be erected on the Northern Frontiers 
towards Canada, One Fort on Hudsons River, at the great carrying place, another at the south 
end of Lake George (by the French called Lake St Sacramend) These are done by Fort 
Edward and Fort William Henry. The third Fort 1 would propose should be on the Wood 
Creeck which emptys itself into the drowned lands. The best situation for this Fort, 1 
suppose to be at or about the Falls near where the Wood Creeck and the South Bay 
mix their waters, whether a proper situation for erecting a Fort can be found there, or there 
abouts will depend upon a view and Examination of the Ground, and whether it be practicable 
and in what manner to support a Garrison there with Provisions and other necessarys ; I was 
in hopes of coming at this Knowledge when at Albany, byimploying proper people to explore 
and survey the country between the Great carrying place, and the falls of the Wood Creeck 
but was disappointed. 

The advantages resulting from these Forts are very considerable Fort Edward stands at the 
Great Carrying place on Hudsons River near 50 miles above Albany, and is the common 
passage from Canada to Albany, whether they come by Lake George, the South Bay or Wood 
Creeck. Fort William Henry secures the pass by Lake George to Hudsons River, Schenectady 
and the Mohawks Country. This as it is a cover to their Country, I dare say is very pleasing 
to them, as the French can not while we hold it, pass with any great body undiscovered 
towards them. By Fort William Henry and the other to be erected on Wood Creeck we shall 
be masters of the Waters that lead to Crown Point and may facilitate any enterprize on that 
Place, or further up Lake Champlain should such be thought adviseable, and I am persuaded 
had these Forts been erected early last year, the Provincial Forces raised for this expedition, 
might have been able to have proceeded much further than they did ; I can not on this occasion 
omit observing to your Lordships that the French Generals expedition demonstrates the 
usefulness of these Forts, to prevent such an other quick march against us without any 
discovery, as was his. For had he not been repulsed by the Forces under Major Gen" 
Johnson but had beat him and taken Post at Fort Edward then unfinished he would have 
thrown the Country into the Utmost Consternation, and have laid us under inexpressible 
difficultys: from the great body of Indians he had with him, he might have sent detachments 
into the Mohawks Country, and have cut off all communication between Schenectady and 
General Shirleys Forces at Oswego, at least for some time, whereby a total stop would have 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 5 

been put to the supply of Trovisions for those Troops, wlio I beleive had not at that time great 
plenty. The other Forts I would recommend to be erected besides the two built at the 
Expence of this Province and by the dirt'Ctions of the Lieuten' Governor last year, at 
the Mohawks and Conajoliarie for the protection of tiie Wives and Children of the Mohawks 
while they were out with General Johnson. Are one in the Onondaga Country, being the 
place where the General Councils of the six Nations are held, a discreet oflicer posted in such 
n Fort and made a Sachem by the (ioveriior of this Province, would be entitled to a seat in 
their Councils, and with prudent conduct might have a considerable influence in their 
deliberations Here a good and prudent missionary might be of great Service — The other 
Fort I would propose to be erected should be at Tierondequat, a place on the Lake Ontario, 
in the Senekas Country, at about eighty miles distance Westward from Oswego, and nearly 
the same distance from Niagara. The soil at Tierondequat I am informed is very good, 
a valuable settlement might be made here under the Protection of this Fort (if the Lauds 
were granted out in small parcels, without Fees to persons that would reside on them, at first 
without Kent for a Term of years, anri afterwards at a small Quit Rent to the Crown; if this 
should meet with your Lordships approbation, I shall be extreemly glad to receive your 
directions upon it, & I am the more induced to make this recommendation, from the advantages 
that would necessarily arise from such a Settlement, Here the Sennekas River emptys itself 
into the Lake Ontario. By means of this Fort and settlement we should soon be able to supply 
the Garrison of Oswego at a cheap Rate and by the Trade which would in consequence be 
carried on, with the Sennekas, so near their own habitations we might soon gain an ascendant 
over them, as numbers of them would draw near this Fort for security by which means we 
might be able to fix the affections of these Indians who are the most numerous of the Six 
Nations to the British Interest 

These are the Forts I judge most expedient to recommend to yonr Lordships for the 
general defence of the Frontiers against future encroachments or Invasions. I have not 
mentioned Oswego, as I presume General Shirley has strengthened that Post by additional 
Works. Oswego is a Post of the Greatest consequence and at all events should be made 
strong and kept well garrisoned. As to the size and Strength of the Forts I have now 
recommended to your Lordships I can not so particularly describe, as that will more fully 
appear upon a view of the Situation of the Ground. I shall take leave so far to observe to 
your Lordships that the Fort at Onondaga need not be so very strong, a Picketted one with a 
proper number of Block Houses to lodge the Garrison may be sufficient, for I apprehend no 
enemy can bring cannon there or will attempt to attack it while we hold Oswego 

What I have now observ"* with respect to the Forts proper to be erected, is upon our 
present state for securing what we are now in possession of from future incroachments 
or Invasions 

But should His Majestys forces get possession of Crown Point and Niagara, these Posts 
ought to be well secured, that of Crown Point, because it commands the South end of the 
Lake Champlain, and is a proper place to build such vessells as may give us an uninterrupted 
Navigation on that Lake, and thereby put an effectual stop to the incursions of the French and 
their Indians on the back parts of this Province, New Hampshire and the Massachusetts Bay, 
and prevent the French from marching an army, to attempt a conquest of this Country as 
they can not bring artillery but by the Waters of Lake Champlain 



6 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Niagara is most certainly a Post of the utmost consequence and I must beg leave to offer it 
as my opinion that this Fort should without loss of time be secured to His Majesty it is the 
great pass from the Lake Ontario, to the Lake Erie, and opens a very extensive communication 
with many Tribes of Indians, who might soon be drawn into Friendship with the English 
by the advantages of their Trade with us, who are able to undersell the French and might give 
the Indians a better Price for their Beaver than they can do; owing to the French Traders 
being obliged to deliver their Beaver to the Agents of the French company at a much lower 
rate than our Traders can sell it for at Albany. An other advantage arising from our possession 
of Niagara is, that the French from Montreal will be put under very great difficultys in 
supporting their Forts and settlements to the Westward especially those on the Peninsula on 
Lake Erie, at the head of Bave River and on the Ohio, I am further of opinion if we make 
the best use of the advantages which this pass will put into our hands, we may soon oblige the 
French to abandon their incroachments as it will be scarce possible for them to support those 
Forts with Garrisons or supply them with Provisions. I must likewise observe to your 
Lordships that the Indians of the Six Nations will be altogether covered from any insults of 
the French, if we possess Oswego, Tiorondequat and Niagara, their fears & apprehensions of the 
French will wear out when the find themselves and their country so powerfully protected. 
And other Tribes of Indians upon any misunderstanding with the French, may more readily 
be prevailed upon to take shelter there and draw thither as to a place of great security, and 
when their Fears are removed, and we have cemented a Friendship with them they will more 
readily join with us against the French upon any proper occasion. 

Thus, my Lords, I have endeavored to offer for your consideration what is in my opinion 
the best general System for the defence of the Frontiers and for the management of Indian 
affairs under one General Direction 

The other Points of your Lordships commands to me are in what manner his Majesty may 
further contribute to the security and defence of this Colony, what number of regular Troops 
will be necessary to keep up in North America, where to be stationed and what will be a 
proper Fund to be established for making a constant & permanent Provision for these Services 

This task is hard for me from the little knowledge I have of the other Colonys, to give your 
Lordships any opinion upon, but I will to the best of my knowledge offer to your Lordships 
what occurs to me under these heads. In the first place I must beg leave to offer it as my 
opinion, that one, or more able and experienced General Officers is greatly wanted for the 
conducting of his Majestys Forces imployed and to be imployed on this Continent ; I shall 
suppose (but I say it with diffidence, and with submission to the opinion of men more 
experienced in Military Matters) that near two thousand men will be necessary to secure, and 
hold the Posts I have mentioned, and that at those they should be stationed in such proportions, 
as the importance and the distance from relief of the several Posts may require. This with 
such a number of Troops in Nova Scotia, as the safety of that country may demand, which the 
Governor, a much better judge than I can pretend to be, will be better able to inform your 
Lordships together with the number of Forces thought proper for the Eastern Colonies as also 
a sufficient number in South Carolina, to enable the Governor of that Province, to secure such 
advanced Posts in that Country, as may keep up their credit and Influence, among the numerous 
tribes of Indians in a more immediate connexion with that Government, This I say, my Lords 
I should be of opinion will put these Colonies upon such a respectable footing as may in the 
course of a few years, render them an over match for the French. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIIl. 7 

As to the article of a proper Fund to be establised for these services, is a point of such 
difficulty, that I i^now not how to recommend to your Lordsliips. The Colonys to the 
Eastward of Deleware River have hitherto bore the burthen of raising men for the removal 
of the French encroachments. Your Lordships know the dillicultys that have at all times 
arose at every meeting or Congress that has been held for the determining the just Quotas of 
Men and Money to be furnished by the respective Provinces, in so much, that they never yet 
have agreed to this point, and I should be of opinion if your Lordships will please to take 
this matter into your own immediate consideration you will be much more able to settle it for 
us, than we can ourselves. 

I have now to the best of my Judgement given your Lordships my opinion on the several 
heads recommended to me. And as my residence in this Country has been of too short 
duration to enable me to make myself master of these several points, I have collected the 
sentiments of the most impartial judging men upon them. I should do the Lieutenant 
Governor great injustice in not naming him principally, witii whom I have advised with on this 
occasion, as a Person whose knowledge & sincerity I can depend upon 

If these thoughts should meet with your Lordships approbation I hope I shall have your 

excuse in not laying them before you with more distinctness and precision, but I can with the 

strictest impartiallity offer this general system for Indian affairs as such in my opinion, and 

such only as will enable this Government to support and maintain their credit, and influence 

with the Six Nations, and if any objections should arise to your Lordships upon it, I trust they 

may be easily removed, however such as it is, I submit it to your Lordships, and hope you 

will be pleased to accept of it, as an eruest of my readiness to comply with your commands. 

I have the honor to be 

Your Ldps most obedient Serv* 

Chas Hardy 



/Sir William Johnson to the Lorch of Trade. 

[New Vork Papers, LI., No. 20.] 

New York Jan. 17. 1756 
My Lords 

I did myself the honor of writing to your Lordships the 18"" past from Fort Johnson, to 
which I beg leave to refer 

By the inclosed Copies of Gen" Shirleys letters and mine, your Lordships will see, what 
past between his Excellency and me relative to his New Commission & Instructions 

M' Shirley hath at length thought proper, to agree to my cont[in]uing to act under General 
Braddocks commission and upon my talking matters over with him that I shall meet the 
Indians at Oswego this Spring, and endeavour to dispose them to second such operations as he 
may determine for His Majestys Service 

In one Point and it is a material one. General Shirley will not be so explicit as I would wish, 
it is in regard to Agents among the Indians employed and paid by him. 1 can not pretend to 
carry on this service in a proper manner, whilst I have reason to suspect my measures may 



8 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

possibly be opposed and probably confused by persons not employed by me nor under my 
directions. I have told M"' Shirley these measures I apprehend are not agreeable to the Tenor 
of my Commission and represented to him the ill consequence, his answers leave me in doubt 
and suspicions, I shall however thus circumstanced do the best lean for the publick service, and 
fulfill my duty to His Majesty, to the utmost of my power and Abilities 

My Lords 

Since I have been at New York, I received M"' Secretary Pownals letter to me, bearing date 
the 9"" of October which your Ldps directed him to write 

I think myself extremely happy, that my endeavours for His Matys service in Indian affairs, 
have met with your Lordships approbation, to receive the assurances thereof in M' Pownalls 
letter before me, by directions from your Lordships, is an honor, which I not only highly prize, 
but animates me with the Ambition of retaining and improving your Lordships favorable 
Dispositions towards me 

I have read & considered the copy of the Instructions given to Sir Chas Hardy our present 
Governor upon the complaints of the Indians relative to their Lands, tho I am fully assured of 
that Gentlemans sincere and disinterested Inclinations to exert the Powers intrusted with him, 
in executing these Instructions to the full extent of his authority, yet I conceive that it will be 
ineffectual, without an act of the Legislature of this Province to destroy the Patents complained 
of Whether such an act can or will be obtained I very much doubt 

But on this point in general as well as to my sentiments upon the important subject of the 
British Indian Interest, and that more particularly, as it relates to the Northern confederacy, 
I beg leave to refer your Lordships to the Papers I herewith transmitt you 

As my administration of Indian affairs, makes one whole Section in those Papers, and is put 
in light of a justification, your Lordships will permit me to give you the reasons, for my name 
being so frequently mentioned therein 

I am considerable enough to have enemies, and to be envyed. I have been informed, that 
General Shirley and some other persons have censured my conduct, since I have had the honor 
to superintend Indian affairs, The unfavorable Terms I have been on with that Gentleman, his 
causeless jealousies, and his unmerited Resentment, with some other grounds give me reason 
to suspect my management has been or may be misrepresented to your Lordships, or perhaps to 
some in His Majesties Administration, hence it came that some parts of the second Section 
take more notice of me, than perhaps might otherwise be needful! 

That of a fixed fund I must beg to press upon your Lordps. as a point absolutely necessary 
for carrying on Indian affairs, so as to put them upon a solid footing, and extend them to those 
beneficial purposes without a steady and connected view to which, I should neither chuse to 
dispose of the public money, nor continue in the administration of these affairs, a precarious 
Fund may not only fail at a critical juncture but be attended with obstructions almost equally 
fatal ; I am willing to be under the severest Checks and Ties, with regard to my uprightness 
in money matters, which even mistrust itself can suggest, for my motives in pressing this point 
are the nature of the Service, and the good of the Publick 

As to my own appointni' Prudence and justice to myself make it necessary that I should 
be explicit to your Lordships, every thing of this kind is yet unsettled ; while I had no public 
Character in Indian affairs, I sustained very considerable expences, and these I will be bold to 
say happily applied 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXlll. 9 

From the time I engaged under my present commission to this day I wholy gave up all 
Trade ; my attention to my estate and every other improvement of my private Fortune, have 
been and must be if I continue, lay'd aside, as far as they relate to my personal application 

1 am if I continue in the administration of them, determined to devote my time and labors 
wholly to Indian affairs. 

At all publick meeetings either at my house or elsewhere, not only the ofRcers belonging to 
this Service, but many other Persons, who generally attend on these occasions are entertained 
at my expence and when the meeting is at Onondago or Oswego, the expences are increased, 
the journey is long and very fatigueing 

My Lords 

A Thousand Pound Sterling ?■■ Annum, I do assure your Lordships will not be an equivalent 
for the advantages I give up and the additional expences this employment will put me to 
however I will undertake it for that allowance And here my Lords I crave the honor to introduce 
the secretary for Indian aflairs, he hath applied himself for some years, with great diligence 
and with answerable success ; to make himself master of the Department, to which His Matys 
Commission appointed him ; I am fully convinced from my experience of his assistance and 
behaviour, that no person I know of, is more equal to or worthy of this employment, his 
abilities, the importance and fatigues of this office do if I may presume to judge deserve two 
hundred pounds sterling per annum with an allowance for a clerk and other charges. Upon 
these points, both with regard to M' Wraxall and myself I do not chuse to apply to General 
Shirley, for as M' Wraxalls sign manual is in the form of it, not adapted to my administration of 
Indian affairs 1 hope your Lordships will judge it proper, that both of us will be honored with 
especial Commissions from His Majesty provided Indian affairs continue in the channel which is 
at presentfavored with your Ldps Approbation, when I hope our Salaries may be determinately 
fixed. I return my Lords to the papers before referred to and to the important affair of the 
Indian Lands ; to lay before your Ldps all the particular circumstances, of the Grants and 
Patents in the several Provinces, is beyond my power, and for effectual expedients I apprehend 
His Majestys Servants learned in the Law, may fall on better methods, than any which are 
within the Compass of my abilities to propose. 

My Lords, having had my time so entirely engaged, since I received the honor of Your 

Lordships commands to lay before you my sentiments on Indian affairs, and being obliged to 

return with the best expedition I can to mount Johnson permit me to refer your Lordships to 

my former letters, and to the Papers herewith. And for all such particulars as may be omitted 

or not sufficiently explained in them, to M"' Pownall, who I fmd is going to England, as he 

knows my sentiments, and is also acquainted with Indian affairs, as they stand connected with 

these Colonies in General 

I have the honor to be 

with the utmost respect 

My Lords 

your Lordships mo 

obedient & mo humble S' 

W" Johnson 

Vol. VIL 2 



10 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Indian Speeches at Major General JohnsovUs House. Dec. 28. 1755. 

[ New-York Papers, LI., Ko. 21 . ] 
f Omitted, being a Duplicate of post. p. 45. ] 



Additional Instrxictions to Major General Johnson. 

[New-Tork Papers, Ll., No. 23. ] 

Additional Instructions to Major Gen" William Johnson relative to the Indians 
of the six Nations under his command 

That a party of the Six Nations to consist of a few Sachems the rest to be Warriors be 
engaged by private applications and the offer of rewards to take up the Hatchett against the 
French and their Indians who have fallen upon the Provinces of Virginia, Maryland and 
Pensilvania 

That they be requested immediately to proceed to Pensilvania where the[y] will find a large 
force actually in readiness, and there concert the best measures for carrying on the War 

That they should go by the way of Susquehanna and call upon all the Indians settled upon 
both the Branches of that River and engage as many Indians as they have any Influence with 
to [join and] accompany them 

That Assurances be given them of their being supplied with Arms Accoutrements, Cloaths, 
Provisions, and pay. That they shall have besides these, a reward for every prisoner or scalp 
taken from the enemy and every other reasonable encouragement, all which to be ascertained 
to their satisfaction by Treaty as soon as they arrive in Pensilvania 

That as in all Indian Towns, some may be for the French and some for the English, they 
should be advised to use prudence in their applications to particular Indians, lest the French be 
too soon informed of their Intentions. 

That they be instructed to look out for fit and proper persons to get intelligence and to 
engage them to go to the French Fort on the Ohio and to the Towns in that neighbourhood, 
and when they have made themselves masters of their future designs, and operations then to 
proceed to the Governor of Pensilvania with their information for which they shall be 
well paid 

That if any of the Indians are afraid to leave their wives & children they be desired to 
bring them along with them and care shall be taken to assign them a strong and well fortified 
place to live in where they shall be supplied with necessarys 

New York Dec 24 1755 W Shirley 

By His Excellencys command 

W" Alexander Secry 

Note. — The words within brackets are added from the document in Johnson Manuscriplt, IV. — Ed. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS ! XXXIII. 11 

Sir William Johnson to Governor Shirley. 

( New-Tork Pap«r», LI., No. !4. ] 

New York Janes' 3. 175G 
Sir 

When I waited upon your excellency the next day after my arrival here, I was so much 
out of order that I was not in a condition, either to confer with your Excellency or distinctly 
to remember what you said to me on the subject of your packet sent me by express 

On the receipt of your Packet I immediately wrote your E.xcellency an answer, but when 1 
called for the express, I found he went away without giving me tiie least notice; I sent it to 
Albany to be forwarded to you to Boston where I apprehended you would be, on my arrival 
at Albany I found it still there and this morning I received it from thence, and send it to 
you herewith 

With relation to the New Commission, which your Excellency has thought proper to send me, 
and desire my answer whether 1 will accept an[d] act under it. I must beg leave to observe 
to your E.xcellency that I apprehend the late General Braddocks Commission to me for the 
sole management of the affairs of the Indians of the 6 Nations, and their Allies was granted in 
consequece of the Royal Instructions, and with the concurrence of the Council of Alexandria 
of which your Excellency was a member, and that it remains still in Force 

Under this opinion I do not conceive the necessity of your issuing another Commission to 
me or that I can consistently accept it. 

I am willing to continue acting under M"' Braddocks Commission and as far as my abilities, 
and the nature of the service will permitt, to follow such Instructions, as I may receive from 
your Excellency as commander in Cheif of His Majestys Forces in North America. 

If your Excellency concurs herewith, I will lay before you my sentiments on the conduct 
which appears to me most for His Majestys Service relative to Indian affairs at this 
important conjuncture 

I beg the favor of your Excellencys answer as soon as you conveniently can that I may 

govern myself accordingly 

I am most respectfully, Sir 

Y' Excell'J" 



» « • ♦ ^*-»^ 



Governor Shirhy to Major General Jbhiison. 

[New- York Papers, U., No. 25.] 

New York Jan^* 4. 175G 
Sir 

Last night I was favored with your letter of the third instant, inclosing another of the IG"" 
inst: of December 

In the latter you say you have been this long time told, " that there was a commission from 
" His Majesty for you and that it was sent by the late General Braddock" but I can't persuade 



12 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

myself that the late General was capable of so wrong a thing as to sink a Commission from 
the King which was sent by His Majesty to be delivered to you 

For my own part I don't believe, however that may have happened, that any Commission 
Appointm' or Order was ever sent you from the Crown other than what is contained in His 
Matys S"" Instruction to the late General, wherein it is expressed " that His Majesty had 
" ordered you to repair to the Northerji Indians as the person thought to be most acceptable 
" to them, to endeavor to engage them to take part, and act with his Forces in such operations 
" as the late General should think most expedient. By Tenor of which it is clear, that you 
must from the duty of your office, be subject to the Instructions of His Majestys General 
of His Forces in America for the time being and as to the Commission which Gen" Braddock 
gave you, as general of His Matys Forces, it is part of it that you should follow his 
Instructions ; And I presume you will allow that whilest you act under that Commission, you 
are equally obliged to follow those you shall receive from me whom His Matys has appointed 
to succeed him in his command 

At all events therefore it is clear, that you are bound to follow my Instructions as much as 
you was those of General Braddock 

With regard to the operation of General Braddocks Commission to you, I think so far as it 
is founded upon Plis Majestys Instructions to him it is doubtless good so far as it is not 
founded upon them and is incompatible with the Directions which the Crown hath formerly 
given in its Charters to several of the Colonies and constantly to this day, in its Instructions to 
the Governors appointed by the King concerning the Indians to be clearly void 

You observe to me in your last letter " that you apprehend the late General Braddocks 
" Commission to you for the Sole Management of the affairs of the Indians of the Six Nations 
" and their Allies was granted 171 Consequence of His Royal Instructions, and with the concurrence 
" of the Council of Alexandria ofiohich I was a memher and that it still remains in Force ; so far as 
the Commission is warranted by His Majestys Instructions I have already allowed it to be in 
force ; but as to its being granted with the Concurrence of the Council of Alexandria, I must 
observe to you that it seems clear from the Minutes of that Council, that the members of it in 
giving their opinion upon your fitness to receive full Powers from General Braddock to treat 
with the Indians of the five Nations, and secure them and their allies to the British Interest, 
had not any view of advising the general to give you further Powers, than what appear to be 
intended by His Majesty, in his royal Instructions to him, which were upon that occasion 
produced to them in Council, that this is the whole of what passed there; as to the 
Commission which the General gave you it was never produced in Council, nor came under its 
consideration, and I am persuaded from Part of the late Generals Correspondence with Sir 
Thomas Robinson, as one of His Majestys principal Secretaries of State, Copies of all which 
were sent me with my Commission, that the Gen" had no extraordinary [design in that] part 
of His Commission to you, than to prohibit some persons he was jealous had been endeavoring 
to engage the Indians of the Six Nations to stand neuter between the English and French in 
their present state of Hostilities from intermeddling in the management of their affairs, and not 
in the least to obstruct me in procuring some Indians to go with myself in the Expedition 
against Niagara 

Tho I can very ill spare the time, I have entered so deeply into [the] Origin and effect of 
General Braddocks Commission to you that you may consider it in its just light 



LONDON DOCUMENTS : XXXIII. 18 

Upon the whole, Sir, it appears to nie tliat a suflicient appointm' of you by His Majesty to 
the Trust of engaging the Indians of the Six Nations and their Northern allies to act with 
His Forces in such operations as his General in North America for the time being shall 
think expedient, is contained in his Royal Instructions, without any further Commission or 
Instrument, that it was an Impropriety in the late Gen" to ask the advice of the Governors 
upon a point which His Majesty himself had determined, and that he needed to have done 
nothing more than give you his Instructions As to myself I should not have thought of 
sending you any new commission, if it had not been that I had before experienced some 
inconveniencies to his Majestys Service arising from your construction of General Braddocks 
to you which I therefore designed to put an end to. But as you are desirous of continuing to 
act under it, and halh given me an assurance in your ktter that you will follow such Instructions as 
you may receive from me as Commander in Cheifof His Majestys Forces in America, I shall be satisfied 
with your doing that, and not urge your acting under a commission from me, but leave you to 
act under General Braddocks Commission or His Majestys Appointment of you contained in 
His Royal Instructions as you shall [think] most adviseable yourself 

As my stay will be very short here, I must desire you to let me see you on Tuesday at Two 
oclock, in order to settle the business I have to do with you, and that you will favor me with 
your company afterwards at Dinner 

I am 

Sir 

Your most humble Serv' 

W" Shirley 



Sir William Johnson to Governor Shirley. 

[New York Papers, U. No. 26.] 

New York Jan'^ 5"* 1756 
Sir 

This afternoon I receiv'd your Excellencys favor of yesterday 

Your letter of the 7"' past which I had the honor to receive the 16"" Dec. together with the 
new proposed Commission, your Excellency was pleased to send me, desiring to kno"w whether 
I had a Commission from His Majeslyor not for the Sole management of Indian affairs. I 
wrote your Excellency that I had no other but that, given to me by General Braddock, yet 
your Excellencys manner of asking me that question, and I having heard by letter from 
England, as also by a friend just come from thence, that such a Commission was or would be 
sent me, led me to suppose it might have come out, tho' as I did not receive such, I answer'd 
you as the fact was, which answer I am sorry your Excellency so misconstrues as to conceive 
that I could entertain even a thought of charging General Braddock, whom I looked upon to 
have been a man void of all Chicanery of so bad a thing as sinking a Commission, I always 
did and I do still apprehend, that the Power by which General Braddock gave me my 
Commission, was upon the same authority by which his excellency gave away any other 
Commission, I am therefore extreamly happy, your Excellency has thought it adviseable that I 
may not act under that Commission, as otherwise I could not possibly have executed the Trust 
thereby reposed in me, nor do that service, which the public cause requires which hitherto i 



14 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

have done without any appointment Salary or reward whatever, and which I am still willing to 
do without any consideration to my own benefit or Interest to the utmost of my abilities to the 
extent even of my own Fortune which has already greatly suffered by my being obliged to 
neglect that in giving my attention to these matters. I repeat sir I am still willing to do it 
(even under this discouragem') rather than His Majestys Service and the Countrys Interest 
should suffer, which I will take upon me to say would inevitably be the case did I decline it. 
These, Sir, and no interested mercenary or ambitious views are my motives; and upon such I 
will always act 

Your Excellency as Commander in Cheif has an undoubted Right to direct the measures, of 
this His Majestys service, and to send me your Instructions accordingly which I shall think it 
my duty to obey, but how far at each particular juncture, and upon each particular occasion 
and in what peculiar manner I may be able to manage, and persuade the Six confederate 
Nations (who tho' Allies to the British Crown are very jealous of being thought dependant 
upon us) to engage in this or that measure, must I conceive while I have the management of 
their affairs, be left to my Conduct and discretion, without which, unless your Excellency 
conceives them as vassals, you must know that no one can manage their affairs properly, and 
here I must beg leave to represent to your Excellency, that there are now agents acting among 
the confederate Indians, without any knowledge or advise, and what they are about and what 
may be the consequences of their measures, I can not answer for, I must therefore beg that 
your Excellency give orders that they be withdrawn, & that none hereafter be sent there, but 
by my direction or Recommendation 

I shall do myself the honor to attend your Excellencys to morrow according to your 
appointment 

I am, 



« ■ ■ > ■■ » 



Secretary Wraxall to Sir William Johnson. 

[ New-Tork Papers, LI., No. 27. ] 

To Major Generall William Johnson His Majestys sole superintendant of the affairs of the 
Northern Indians &c . • 

Sir 

In consequence of your Request and upon the plan I received from you, I herewith offer 
you Some Thoughts on the British Indian Interest &c. 

I have endeavored to be as concise as the various subjects and the importance of them would 
permit and at the same time so explicit as to answer the design 

The short warning given and the limitation of time I was under, will I hope plead my 
apology where it may be wanting if I know my own heart, good will towards to the Public 
Interest and a scrupulous attachment to truth have guided my Pen 

I am very respectfully. Sir, 

Your most obed' & humble Servant 

9 Jan'" 1751 Peter Wraxall Sec" for Ind" Aff'airs 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 15 

SOME THOUGHTS 

tTON 

THE BRITISH INDIAN INTP:RE8T 

IN 

NORTHAMERICA, 

MORE rAnTICLLAELT AS IT BELATES TO 

THE NORTHERN CONFEDERACY 

OOJIUONLV CALLED 

THE SIX NATIONS. 



SECTION 1. 
Primary and Capital Causes of the Declension of the British Indian Interest 

The Management of Indian Affairs, from the vicinity of the City of Albany to the Indian 
Country, and from the Indian Trade centering there, fell naturally into the hands of the 
Inhabitants of that City, and in the more early times, was wholly submitted to them 
• for the limo and • After the French had procured a Peace with the 5 Nations, [they] saw & felt 

particQlAra hereof, ' i i i • 

%-ide .n ab«iraoiof jj^gj^ Interest in cultivating a Friendship with them; the began to push their 

the Indian Kecorus o » w » 

p7i"Mm'%Mf'y 'for ambitious schemes upon this continent 

bdnlS'""^ The People of Albany attentive only to the benefit of their Trade, suffered the 
French to lay the foundation of their system without any interruptions ; had they been equal to 
a foresight of consequences and under the influence of Generous Patriotism, they might with 
great ease have destroyed the ambitious schemes of the French in their infancy 

Our Indians on the contrary penetrated the designs of the French, their good sense saw 
consequences, and their Virtue for some time resisted the bribery and cajollments of the French 

They endeavored to awaken the commissioners and to stir up an active jealousie, upon the 
French first building Cadaracqui Fort, and afterwards a house or Fort, on the North side of 
tKenihe Lake Ontario t 

Our Indians warmly represented the fatal consequences of these encroachments to the Albany 

Commissioners but in vain 

The 5 Nations obliged the French to abandon Cadaracqui Fort however they returned and 

strengthened it 

The French debauched many of our 5 Nations to their Religion and Interest actually drew 
several off to go and live in Canada, and laid the foundation of that formidable and fatal 
seduction which now forms the Cagnawaga nation 



16 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

» vide abeirsct * ^^'^^ Records liave preserved many remonstrances from our Indians upon 
above noted j.|^g Growing Powers & ambitious designs of the French among which there is a 

prophetick speech, of an ancient wise and brave Seneca Sachem, which does him immortal 
honor and loads our then Indian management with indelible shame 
tAs Hie indn Ke- The five nations finding tiieir representations & admonitions ineffectual and 

cords are at Mount . t c^ • ^ i-xiii 

Johnson & I took the Frcnch mailing uninterrupted Strides upon their Lands and hunting Grounds 

no copy of the before o i i o 

Snnt^be'poMiive ^.t a pubilc meeting (I think) with Lt Gov''t Nanfan at Albany, They put all 
^e 'particuiars^o^f their Patrimonial Lands and those obtained by conquest under the Protection of 
taind* in"^ ?he '^Ib' the King of Great Britain, to be by liim secured for the use of them and their heirs 

strict Thp Dccti is 

mentd in the Ee- agaiust the eucroachments and ambitious designs of the French 

cords but not re- ° °^ 

obtaind ^b" ^Gov S*"'" pfofitting by our supineness and presuming on the weakness of our Indian 
which' AavT* seen' management, the French push"* a point not less insolent than alarming with the 
to''iheTe'rmaof'ihei? conscnt of souic Onoudaga Indians whom they had debauched to their Interest 

speech at this pe- i -t n i i-ii* , i i j-\ i /-ii 

riod. & if I remem- Thev built a t ort and were building a chapel at the Onondaga Castle — Our 

ber rieht is confln- •' □ r o 

ni'ai''and''^d^rth"not Albany Couimissioners awoke Coll Schuyler went up there with a party of men, 
qu^rdLands'"""' dcstroycd both the Fort & Chapel, drove the French away and strengthened our 
Indian Interest however we relapsed into our former Indolence, and the French tho not so 
boldly, yet steadily pursued their measures 

To sum up and conclude this article; the 5 nations gave us repeated warning of the designs 
of the French, they represented the fatal consequences both to themselves & us of their 
encroachments at Cadaracqui & Niagara, and of their management and alliances with regard to 
the far or Western Indians, with whom Trade produced them alliances & enabled the French 
to support Niagara and their settlement at Detroit, and that the Trade was cheifly carried on 
with Goods purchas"* by the French at Albany 

This leads to the second cause of the Declension of our Indian Interests namely 

The Trade between Albany and Canada 

Without the Goods which they purchased at Albany the French could not have rivalled us 
in the Western Trade 

Without Trade that way they could not have obtained & extended their alliances & influence 
with the western Indians 

Without these Alliances the could not have supported Niagara & Detroit and obstructed our 
Trade with the Western Indians by which the French not only deprived us of the Profits of 
this Trade, but of those advantages with regard to our Indian Interest which are the natural 
concomitants of such a Trade and at the same time the Western Alliances of the French 
overawed our 6 Nations & encreased their consequence among them 

This Canada Trade was an easy one, very profitable & hath always continued such to those 
individuals at Albany who were and have been concerned in it. Great Fortunes were obtained 
by it which obtained that party Provincial Power and influence. I say that party for two 
Partys sprang up in Albany — The Traders with the six Nations & Western Indians, and the 
Canada Traders 

The Majority of the Commissioners for Indian affairs, were frequently these French Traders, 
some part at least of them always were 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 17 

Our 5 iXalions wore displeased at this trade and often declared liotli tlieir reasons & 
resentments against it 

(Jovernor Burnet a Wise & lioncst man, and wlio had looked more into Indian Affairs & 
understood tliem belter than any of his Predecessors, saw how detrimental this French Trade 
was to the true British interest & how serviceable to the extension of the French. He 
opposed it — got an act of Assembly past against it, and some vigorous measures were put on 
foot to destroy it: Ills removal and the Power of I'arty prevented tiie destruction of this 
pernicious Trade. It revived, it continued and liourisiieil weakened our own Indian interest, 
extended and strengthened the French 

In return for this advantgeous Trade to the French Indian Politicks, the gave a neutrality 
to Albany in War lime and whilst New FLngland was harassed and bleeding at every vein, the 
Albanians and with them the Frontiers of New York, enjoyed profound Peace and reaped 
tiie uninterrupted Profits of the Canadian Trade 

The third cause by which our interest & Inlluence amongst the Indians hath been greatly 
injured, their esteem for and confiilence in us fatally weakened, hath been from the 
exorbitances and Impositions of our Albanian Traders: This not only with the six Nations 
but with the Western or far Indians 

For their complaints on this head frequently and pathetically made, or for several Instances 
of craft & Fraud on this subject I refer to the abstract of the Records afore mentioned 

The ill consequences to our true interest of this reproachful and impolitic conduct, are too 
obvious to require my expatiating on — 

An other and one of the most fatal Causes of the decrease of our Indian Interest & influence, 
and which hath not only weakened their good opinion and affection towards us, but has made 
numbers of them our enemies, sown a gloomy discontent and suspicion of our Intentions 
amongst the whole confederacy hath been very near loosing us their Alliance, and will in all 
probability wholly do it, if proper measures are not fallen on to give them satisfaction & 
security. This Cause is relating to their Lands 

An unaccountable thirst for large Tracts of Land without the design of cultivation, hath 
prevailed over the inhabitants of this and the neighbouring Provinces with a singular rage 
Patents have been lavishly granted (to give it no worse term) upon the pretence of fair Indian 
purchases, some of which the Indians have alledged were never made but forged — Others 
bought of Indians who were no Proprietors some by making two or three Indians Drunk and 
giving them a trivial consideration — They say also the Surveyors have frequently run Patents 
vastly beyond even the pretended conditions or limits of sale 

• vwc Ai«.irari nf Thcrc has certainly been a great deal of unrighteous conduct in these matters^ 
moDypiacc Many years ago the Indians requested of our Governors, & inoeert nave 

ernestly repeated it to almost every Governor, that no Patents might be granted, but for Land 
sold at their General and public meetings — this hath been as often promised 

The cheif Patents in this I'rovince which gave them uneasiness and until they are remedied, 
will throw insuperable difliculties upon tlie management of Indian affairs are 



Vol. VII. 



18 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Keyderosseras Connojohary and the Oneida Carrying Place 

Tiie vast Grant of Land to the Ohio company is an other and one of the most material 
articles of discontent & Jealousy to the confederate Nations and their allies, aggravated by 
many other I'atents granted by the Governors of Virginia and Maryland 

There is reason to beleive the last Pensilvania Purchase, tho' agreed to at a publick meeting, 
is a matter of no small Grievance to many of the six Nations, and so disgusting to the 
Delaware & Sliawanese Indians, as hath probably occasioned those Indians now ravageing our 

back Settlements 

That memorable and important act by which the Indians put their Patrimonial and 
conquered Lands under tiie Protection of the King of Great Britain their Father against the 
incroachments or Invasions of the French is not understood by them as a cession or Surrender 
as it seems to have been ignorantly or willfully supposed by some, they intended and look upon 
it as reserving the Property and Possession of the Soil to themselves and their Heirs. This 
Property the Si.\ Nations are by no means willing to part with and are equally averse and 
jealous that any Forts or Settlements should be made thereon either by us or the French 

These are their hunting Grounds, by the profits of which they are to maintain themselves 
and their Families, they are therefore against any settlements there because the consequence 
would be the driving away Game & destroying their Livelyhood and Riches. Besides, part of 
these Lands, they have appointed fortheir allies and Dependents, these they want to congregate 
near them & by that means increase their strength, Power and consequence, for in these the 
Six Nations have been and are dayly decreasing 

Our Six Nations and their Allies at least the Polititians amongst them look upon the present 
disputes betw" the English and French in this part of the world notwithstanding our plausible 
pretences of rescuing their Lands, and some such pretences the French plead on their side, as 
a point of selfish Ambition in us both and are apprehensive that which ever Nation gains their 
Point will become their Masters not their deliverers — They dread the success of either and 
their ablest Politicians would very probably rather wish us to continue destroying each 
other than that either should be absolute conquerors, could the various nations of Indians 
form a cenfederacy equal to the Attempt there is reason to suppose they would unite and drive 
us and the French to a greater distance from their Hunting Grounds. Could they depend upon 
our destroying the French Forts & Settlements and erecting none of our own in their room but 
leave those Lands quite free to them, I am inclined to beleive, that not only the Six Nations, 
but most nations of Indians in those parts might be brought to join us upon this plan, very 
soon would the French be then either totally demolished or reduced to the necessity of 
abandoning their various encroachments. But the Indians suspect we have diflerent views ; 
that to restore their Lands to their natural state and deliver 'em over to them as Proprietors of 
• The Indians hint the soil are not the ends we aim at. * That the disputes between the French and 

their sense of the ... , /. rr»- i ii t» u 

di.p.iiea between us US are ou both Sides ambition and profit Tis true they see the b rench more 

&ye Freneh in Iheir * 

»n,wer to Mr jobn- powerful in tliese points than we are, and therefore their wisest Patriots may 
VuZ^'lPr'nll'ii wish US succcss and their Policy might lead them to join us at present, but they 
mtr'/fa"t.'ifw are timorous to do this thinking the French to be a more military, united and 

Jtnaean yet •*=<*<;.,,, 

*" active People than we are 

And therefore I suspect the fifth Cause of the Declension of our Indian Interest and influence 
to be our ill conduct & bad success in our several expeditions against Canada 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 19 

We have attempted four several expeditions against Canada tiu-y were all ushered in wiiii 
great I'omp in each we hoasted to liie Indians of no less than driving all Canada into the Sea; 
at great expences &c. with great dilliculty, we persuaded the confederacy to join us, the event 
ol each disgraced us and rendered us more & more contemptihle ia the eyes of the Indians. 
The last expedition in the year 174G the' introduced with formidahle appearances and swelling 
hoasts made us loose all credit for Military Virtue among the Indians and proportionately raised 
their opinion in favor of our enemies, It must he owned our operations last year towards 
Crown Point was a happy & retrieving stroke in our favour 

When the warlike Genius & disposition of the Indians are considered this scource of the 
Declension of our Interest and inHiieuce among them will appear to have weight. But I 
choose to leave this mortifying p.irlicular rather to otiiers Retleclions, than to make any further 
animadversions thereon 

Thus I have attempted to trace the principal sources which occur to me from whence may 
be derived the Declensions of the British Interest with and influence over the Indians, 
particularly as it relates to those of the six confederate Nations 

SECTION 2'"'. 

All these Causes combining our Indian Interest had been for many years decaying and 
was approaching very fast to its Dissolution when the Royal Instructions led General 
Braddock to appoint Col. William Johnson of Mount Johnson in the Province of New York, 
sole superinlendant of the affairs of the Six Nations and their allies and to furnish him with 
money & Credit to enable him by his skill in Indian affiiirs & his influence amongst the 
Indians to endeavor to retreive the British Interest at this interesting period 

That he did speedily bring our Indian Affairs into a restoritive condition, may I think be 
safely asserted from the Records of his Proceedings. But at the same time it appeared 

First Tiiat the confederate Nations at their meeting with Coll Johnson did with great 
Reluctancy take up the Hatchet against the French and their Indians 

Secondly That they declined sending any of their people to join Geu" Braddock 

Thirdly That they were not inclined to join General Shirley 

I shall consider these three particulars and then in the 

Fourth place assign the reasons why no more Indians joined Generall Johnson 

In the detail I will to the best of my knowledge adhere to Facts, and to the extent of my 

Capacity discover the Causes. 

1 Their Reluctancy to take up the Ilalchett — 

What hath been already noted upon the Declension of our Indian Interest will in a great 
measure account for this reluctance but some other parlars conspired — These I shall 
touch upon 

Some time after the Declaration of the last French War, Gov' Clinton was advised to take 
the managem' of Indian affairs out of the hands of the Dutch Commissioners at Albany who 
together with (I have been informed) some others in this Province, were for striking up a 
Neutrality and carrying on the Canada Trade with the Cagnawaga Indians 

M-- Clinton followed this advice and put the management of Indian Affairs into the hands of 
Coll Johnson The uprightness of his dealings, his friendly and humane behaviour towards 



20 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

the Indians, with whom he had for many years traded, & near whose country he lived had 
given him great sway & influence over them. To him it was owing that great numbers met 
M' Clinton at Albany and that the six Nations took up the Hatchett against tlie f'rench and 
actually went to Canada & brought M' Johnson several Prisoners & scalps 

Coll Johnson during his administration of their affiiirs, encreased his Indian Interest and so 
much endear'd himself to them by going out to War with them and by the rest of his conduct 
that after the Peace took place, and Gov' Clinton was just under the necessity of recommitting 
Indian Affiirs to the Albanian Commissioners the Indians were extreemly dissatisfied and 
uneasy and the last time Governor Clinton met them, they earnestly requested he would speak 
to the King their Father that Coll Johnson might manage all their affairs, and enforced this 
request with a large Belt of Wampum 

Their dislike and contempt of the Albany Commissioners grew stronger and stronger — 
Indian affairs were unskilifully managed and the cultivation of their friendship grossly neglected. 

Coll Johnson, tho the assembly of New York declined to refund him the monies he had by 
M' Clintons orders and with his assurances of being repaid, advanced for the public Service, 
and the sum of £ New York Currency is to this day unpaid, M' Johnson still continued 

with a considerable e.xpence to himself, to exert his Indian Interest and influence for the 
public Good — he kept many of them from going over to the French and supported those who 
were well affected with the hopes of better times 

During this period the Canada Trade throve mightily at Albany, and whilst the Six Nations 
were treated with a cold respect, the Cognawagas, were honored, courted and humoured* 
*h^6 Natonfio ye This curagcd our Six Nations, and there is abundant reason to beleive if it 
Tork'.fe\'he°pro^m^ had not been for INP Johnsons good offices, we should have severely felt the 
Ike '2d July 1704 consequeuccs 01 our mistaken rolitics 

While our Indian affairs lay in this illjudged & unhappy Situation, the French were taking 
the advantage of our bad management. They had their agents in most if not all the Castles 
of the Six Nations, fomenting their discontents, aluring them by presents & Promises, and 
using every art to debauch them from our Alliance, some went off to Canada, many to the 
New French Settlement at Sweegochie 

In June 1754. A meeting was appointed at Albany by the L' Gov' of New York, at which 
the Indians were informed that Commissioners from most of the Colonies would be present 
and that very considerable Presents would be given. Yet such was the discontented cold 
disposition of the Indians towards us, that tho' they were very uneasy & much alarmed at the 
Proceedings of the French upon the Ohio & well knew how important a Crisis it was. Yet 
maugre all these temptations & motives, never were so few Indians seen at any public 
taiI"'oV ui?'Ta"e meeting t Those who did come appeared to be very much out of humor, and 
i'T,.«.,..iin(,'^o'rc..tr- before they would proceed to the public Conferences remonstrated to the Leit' 

er.Ms bul.l alAlh:iny ,, r IVT i- i 

iQjunc-AJuiyi7;4 Gov of New 1 ork upon the injustice done them with regard to their Lands, 
tfor further par- Complained bitterly, that tho a Deputation had gone down to New York the year 

liculars relating to "^ r o J 

to'aTroaaii 'vZ ^efore to Gov Clinton with these complaints, yet no redress had been granted! 
ccc uigs. p^^ j.||jg jyieeting they (the Indians) accused the Albany Commissioners in their 

public speech to their Faces, of the neglect & contempt with which the had treated the six 
Nations, told them the Cognawagas & the Bever from Canada, took np their whole attention, 
bid them take notice that the fire of friendship between the six Nations & Albany was burnt 
Indian Name""™' ""t, the prcssed it in tiie warmest manner that their brother Warrighayaghe ^ 
might agam have the management of their affairs ; but they continued in the same channel 



LONDON DOCinvnSNTS: XXXIII. 21 

Under the Declension observed in the first Section and in this wretched state of our Indian 
afliiirs. Coil: Johnson l)egan his administration. Tlie hepjinning of May 17-30 he returned 
from Virginia, immediately acquaint'' tiie confederate Nations witli his appointment and 
summoned a meeting of all their Saciiems & Warriors at iiis house without loss of time 

Their universal satisfaction upon receiving this News was evident from the numbers which 
assembled at Mount Johnson at tiiis short warning, for upon receiving the summons, they 
immediately set out with the Interi)reters, and near 1200 of nine different Nations were at 
Mount Johnson by the Middle of June, some of which came near 300 miles distance, among 
this were more men than were ever before known at any public meeting 

They came with this readiness and in such numbers, cheilly from their personal Love ol & 
confidence in their brother Coll Johnson, but they brought with them their late mentioned 
discontents and Greivances; many amongst them were more disposed towards the French 
than us, and in general but cold to the British Interest 

M'' Johnson had an arduous task upon his hands 

First 

To retreive their lost confidence in & respect towards their Brethren the English 

Secondly 

To bring over from their attachments those who were at the head of the French party 

Thirdly 

Not only to remove the General [preference], of the French management, but to raise a 
jealousy of their ambition, a dread of their Power, and a spirit of hatred and Revenge for 
the former injuries they had received and for the blood of their Forefathers which had been 
spilt by the French 

Fourthly 

To possess them with a respectful opinion of the Prowess, Resolution and abilities of the 
En"lish, and that we were at present both able & willing to crush the Power & put to siiame 
the boastings of the French 

Fifthly & lastly 

To prevail on them to take up the Hatchett against the French and their Indians and to 
join our Arms 

The four first of these points were so fully obtained, that tho' for a few months before this 
meeting, it was feared and there were reasons for beleiving, that numbers of the upper nations, 
several of the Oneidas and some of the Mohocks were on the point of quitting our Alliance 
& going over to the French. Yet when this meeting broke up, both the inclinations and 
Resolutions of the whole Confederacy, were sincerely favorable to our alliance and averse to 
the French 

Upon the fifth and last point General Johnson was somewhat doubtful, and both at Alexandria 
and in his letters to Gen' Braddock and the several Governors he mentioned it with 
suitable uncertainty 

Let it be here recollected that our Indian Interest had many years ago been wounded : it 
had been long on the decay had been recently under a very lax injudicious management — Our 



22 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Power by the Inclians, was little respected — Our Intentions greatly suspected — they were 
exiisperated by the avarice and dishonesty of our Indian Traders The claims on their Lands 
and the unrighteous methods (in many instances) made use of to obtain them, enraged and 
allarmed them in the highest degree and gauled them in the tenderest part, add to these the 
artful insinuating conduct, the uniforme, spirited Indian Policy of y* French 

When these circumstances are maturely considered, and these were the circumstances at the 
Period Gen" Johnson was to attempt prevailing on the confederacy to take up the Hatchett 
against the French and their Indians and join our arras; This to be done at a sudden 
unexpected call, at one meeting without time for any previous measures which in matters of 
importance are very necessary with Indians, who are slow in tiieir deliberations and take much 
time & form in determining upon any affairs of moment — I say will it then appear extraordinary 
that the accepted the Hatchett with reluctancy and that it was with some uneasiness on their 
side and great difficulty on ours, that they were brought to a unanimous Resolution that they 
would join our arms 

I apprehend, it falls in with the subject and leads to the remaining particulars and therefore 
I shall sum up what the Indians said in private and public conferences upon taking up 
the Hatchett 

They complained of the shortness of the warning and the peremptoriness of the Demand 

They pleaded the want of time to call in their scattered people 

They insinuate the Disgrace of our former expeditions that they had strengthened instead 
of weakening the power of the French, and when they had engaged on our side, we made 
Peace and left them in the Lurch exposed to the resentment of the French and to the revenge 
of their enemy Indians 

They told us, the Cognawagas who were absolutely in the French Interest, were permitted 
to trade openly at Albany, and insinuated that this gave the French numberless advantages over 
us, enabled them to traverse our designs, strengthen their Indian alliances, and to distress and 
weaken the connexions & Power of the six Nations 

They said the had brothers Sisters &c in Canada & among the French whom they wanted 
to draw from thence but that so sudden a declaring themselves on our side might involve their 
Relations in dangers & difficulties, which if proper warning had been given there would have 
been time for expedients &; remedies 

These objections had not only plausibility but reason on their side 

The matter was a subject of very warm debates for upwards of two days in their Councils, 
it required all the address & influence which Coll Johnson was master of to produce unanimity 
in their resolves in this he was assisted by the great Hendricks Political Talents seconded by 
the Zeal and influence of several other Indians of each Nation 

From hence and from M"" Johnsons having the cheif command of the Forces destined towards 
Crown Point ((or upon that expedition they only had their eyes in their Declaration) it was 
owing more than either to their Inclinations or judgement, that the confederacy consented to 
take up the Hatchet in our favor and therefore 

Secondly 

This does in some measure account for their declining to send any of their people to join 
Gen' Braddock. other Reasons there were I sh;dl mention them. 

1 Their jealousies & uneasiness at the claim made by the English upon the Ohio — that of 
the Ohio company in particular 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 23 

2 The six Nations are not in good terms with the Government of Virginia and tliey looked 
upon General Braddock as the Gov' of Virginia and his army as the people of that I'rovincc — 
They know there are large I'atents in Virginia for Lands on the Ohio and the circumjacent 
Country, that some settlements have heen made and others attempted 

They claim these Lands and deny their ever having either sold or given away their Property 
in them. They look npon these matters as acts of injustice & usurpation ; they have resented 
them, they will do it, and if in their Tower will by Force hinder tiiose Grants from heing 
settled — They looked therefore upon M' Braddocka enterprize, as one encroachment making 
War upon another, and which ever got the day the Si.\ Nations judged their Property would 
he their Prize, and tho' of the two, they might be more inclined to wish us the victory, as 
thinking we were least to be dreaded, yet were on the whole disposed to leave us and the 
French to worry each other 

These, tho' not openly confessed, there is great reason to beleive, were the sentiments of 
their cheif men and ablest Politicians, and one of their most prevailing reasons for not 
sending their People to assist General Braddock 

3 Another Reason was that as some of the Six Nations were at War with the Southern 
Indians, and the Governor of Virginia was in friendship with them, they said if their people 
should go to join M' Braddock they might meet their enemies instead of their F'riends and 
spill one anothers blood in his Camp; and that the Governor of Virginia had some time ago 
told them he had a great many Indians at his command, and had sent the si.K Nations a Belt 
of Wampum to desire tiiem to sit still & be spectators while he destroyed the French so that 
they did not doubt but he would have Indians enough without their assistance These 
arguments favored their Neutral System. 

4 At the very time Gen" Johnson had this affair on the Carpet and was pressing them to 
send some of their Warriors to General Braddocks assistance and was not without hojies of 
gaining 20 or 30. An Indian returned from Wills Creek who had gone with two more & two 
white men to Gen" Braddock with despatches from M' Johnson. This Indian also brought 
the new that six young warriors of the upper Mohock Castle, who went out to War against 
the Creeks or Catabaw Indians were slain by them. This had been for some time suspected 
and was now unluckily conlirmed ; The Six Nations look upon these Indians to be the 
Governor of Virginia's people; this unfortunate affair totally defeated M'' Johnsons measures 
in favor of Gen" Braddock Besides the same Indian told the others, that the great man in 
Virginia (meaning Gen" Braddock, did not seem to love Indians & made but little account 
of them, and that another great man there, meaning Coll Innis to whom M' Dinwiddle 
committed the management of Indian aflairs & M' Braddock contiimed, treated them ill and 
would not give them the presents which General Braddock ordered for them, this the white 
men who went with the Indians conlirmed, and by M' Johnsons Intelligence Coll Innis was 
very little skilled and very unfit to manage Indian affairs 

I come now to the third particular that the confederate Nations did not seem inclined to join 

Gen" Shirley 
• p.geiM What I have above noted • as their chief inducements in consenting to take 

up the Hatchet, and which way they only proposed to use it. seems plainly suggested in the 
reply of the confederacy to M' Johnson on his calling upon them to join and assist General 



24 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

. o J , ^, Shirley, their answer hereon is as follows* " In answer to your third Belt (for 

Record of Cnl ^ J ' J \ 

fniil°prge6u™-"t them to join General Shirley) " we say you are not' our Tree of shelter, and why 
** " will you desire us to take siielter under any other tree? wiiere you go we are 

" ready to follow. They add " However there will be many of our people round about Oswego 
" and near to Niagara who will join and be ready to assist Gov' Shirley 

The first part of this answer, shows their prevailing motives for taking up the Hatchett and 
that they were not inclined to lay themselves under an engagement of joining Gen" Shirley 
they left this matter to future contingences and did not choose to give any positive promise 
+ r.tcnrd page '*' Their public declaration in our favor is conceived in such Terms and 

^^**^' expressed in such a manner as bespeaks their intention was only to join Gen" 

Joiinson's command and go with him — Tliey were told they ought not and seemed convinced 
they could not prudently or consistently remain neuter in the then conjuncture they were in 
general sorry for it, and since it was proper they should declare on one side of other, they 
determined in our favor; affection, gratitude and confidence, led them to carry the assistance 
they proposed to give us to their friends and brother Warriglieyaghy from the Spirit and style 
of all their speeches on this subject it is deducible, they did not then incline to enter 
unreservedly into our views & measures. Their Policy produced this caution jointly witii 
their inclinations: They intended the French and their Indians, with whom they had no 
quarrel, should consider their joining our arms, partly as a matter of Political Necessity and 
partly as a point of Honor & obligation towards their brother & avowed friend, hence in case 
the event of Afl'airs should make it necessary, they reserved to themselves Pleas of accomodation 
with the French and their Indians 

When the state of our Indian Interest and the foregoing account are duly considered, I 
apprehend this Policy of the Indians will appear not only natural but consistent: And 
I presume all circumstances taken into the view, it will not be thought strange, that the Indians 
declined joining General Braddock, and were not inclined to join General Shirley, but that it 
is a convincing Proof of M"" Johnson's good management and singular influence over them, 
that they consented to join our arms on any Terms 

In the private conferences, when Gen" Johnson was pressing them to aid the Ohio & Niagara 
expeditions, they told him they were but a handful, and asked him with some warmth, why 
he wanted to divide them in three parts, that seperated they could be of little Service, but 
united might be formidable and useful 

Had not the unfortunate Difference in opinion between Gen" Shirley and M' Johnson defeated 
his measures, he proposed and was taking such steps, that Gen" Shirley might have found a 
number of Indians disposed & ready to join him at Oswego 

I shall proceed Fourthly 

To assign the reasons why no more Indians joined Gen" Johnson 

It hath already been observed that it was all circumstances considered an important Point 
gained to prevail on the Indians to declare in our favor, let me here add, that to have pressed 
upon them to have joined either General Braddock or General Shirley, in a stronger manner 
than M' Johnson or to have insisted upon these points with any greater warmth, would have 
been illjudged, at this conjuncture it was requisite that they should be humored and these 
matters treated with the utmost Caution & tenderness 

' ai-c yon not. SuprafYl., 083. — Ed. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXX 111. 25 

When the public meeting at Mount Jolinson broke up every nation seemed to pique 
themselves on sending their Quotas to join General Johnson and this spirit was so prevailing 
• Record. p»Re T5 that the Sachems told him,* they were afraid too many of their Warriours 
would be inclined to join him, and were so apprehensive that by the zeal of their young men 
to go to War under his command their habitations would be left too defenceless, and upon 
that account desired he would take measures for their security. General Braddocks defeat did 
in some measure certainly cool their ardor, but had it not been for (^en: Shirleys proceedings 
upon his difference with M'' Johnson, & the confusion thereby occasioned amongst the Indians, 
there is great reason to beleive near GOO would have joined Gen' Johnson, which was about 
double the number he had with him. To this cause they assigned it, that no more Indians 
tKocor.is page 89 joiucd Gcu' Jolitison, in their speech delivered by the great Hendrick at the camp 

A to & appendix t i /~i 

No. 102 at Lake George t 

The want of a greater number of Indians with Gen' Johnson and Gen' Shirleys interfering, 
iiad the following ill consequences 

1 It kept the Six Nations from being more deeply engaged in our Interest & prevented their 
connections with the French and the Indians on their side, from being so much broke in upon 
as would have been if more of the six Nations had joined M' Johnson. 

2 Gen' Shirleys interfering, tended to weaken Gen' Johnsons Indian consequence & influence, 
the support and increase of which, was more particularly at this time of the utmost consequence 
to His Matys service as to Indian affairs 

3 It tended to divide that uniform Channel thro' which all our Indian Politics ought to flow 
and in which they were wisely placed by His Majesty 

4 It occasioned additional expences increased the mercenary temper, of the Indians and 
•Tides endix perplexed that system which M'' Johnson had framed for his own conduct in the 
H0.1&2. j.g establishment and Extension of our Indian Interest J 

This subject might be pursued, but tis an ungrateful and a tender one ; to have been wholly 
silent would have been betraying the design of these papers 

I shall now recapitulate the substance of the foregoing sheets 

I began with an attempt to trace out and assign the original & subsequent Causes of the 
declension of the British Interest & influence over the Northern Indian Confederacy : from 
whence I conceive it appears 

1 That the Albanian Commissioners had neither Heads to comprehend nor Hearts to execute 
a judicious and upright system of Policy. That other Causes have concurred to continue and 
aid their Declension for near .50 years last past namely 

2 The Trade between Albany & Canada 

3 The impositions and dishonesty of most of the Traders who dealt with our Six Nations 
& Western Indians 

4 The large Grants of Land belonging to the Indians & Purchases in the several Colonies, 
which they alledge were never fairly made, or honestly paid for, or do not intend to part with 

5 The reproachful Figure we made in our military capacity and our ill conduct in the several 
expeditions against Canada 

I have in the next place sketched out. General Johnsons administration of Indian affairs, 
from the time he received Gen' Braddocks Commission for the sole superintendency, to his 
entering upon the command of the Provincial Forces 

Vol. VII. • 4 



26 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

I have also endeavored to account, for our Six Nations declining to join General Braddock, 
and for their not inclining to join General Shirley, and lastly why no more Indians joined 
Gen' Jolinson 

It is apprehended, tliat the attentive consideration of these matters will to those who are a 
little acquainted with Indian ati'airs, point out the Remedies for those defects which have 
wounded this essential part of His Matys Service in North America 

SECTION 3. 

1 will beg leave to ofler some Hints in the shape of a Plan for such an administration 
of Indian affairs and the execution of such measures, as I humbly apprehend may best tend 
to secure, extend and apply the British Indian Interest for the welfare of these His 
Majestys Colonies 

Permit me first to premise That from the History of Indian Affairs from the nature of this 
peculiar Specie of Politics — from the Temper & Character of Indians, and from the Political 
circumstances of these Colonies, it appears to me an incontestable and fundamental Truth that 
to render the administration of Indian affairs effective to the above Purposes, It must be 
constituted a distinct Service immcdiatclij from His Maty and supported by a fixed Fund 

Let there be two persons of approved abilites, known integrity and agreeable to the Indians 
appointed by Commissions from His Maty, with adequate Salaries, as superintendants for 
Indian affairs in North America, one for the Six Nations & their Allies, and one for the 
Southern district 

2 One of these to reside in the Province of New York & generally near the country of the 
Six Nations, the other in the Province of South Carolina 

3 To transmitt regularly authentic copies of their proceedings to the Board of Trade; and 
to receive their General orders thro' that department of His Matys service 

4 Each of them liable to be suspended by 

5 To communicate to the Commander in Cheif of His Majesty's Forces in North America, 
from time to time, all such matters relative to Indian affairs which may affect His Matys 
service in general on this continent, and to the Governors of New York & South Carolina 
respectively what may more immediately affect those Provinces 

6 To receive Instructions from the Commander in Cheif relative to His Matys Service in 
general, and from the Governors of New York and South Carolina, on such particulars as more 
immediately relate to the Provinces under their adminjstration The Superintendants to be 
members of His Matys council in their respective Provinces 

7 The superintendants being neither directly or indirectly concerned in the Indian Trade 

8 To hold all public meetings with the Indians — to issue the presents to appoint Interpreters 
& Agents and the execution of all Indian Transactions to be in them. 

9 To give each other regular advices of their Proceedings and to conduct their administration 
upon such a uniform System as may be most conducive to the General Interest of the 
British Colonies 

Particular measures relative to the Northern Division 
1 To obtain from the Six Nations their consent to build wooden Forts at each of their Cheif 



Towns or Castles where they are not already built and some Cannon to be mounted in each 



be 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII, 27 

2 That a Regiment be appointed for Garrisoning liiese Forts, those of Albany, Schenectady, 
Forts Edward, Wiiliiini-lli-iiry and at Oswego 

In time of War tiiis Regiment to be a thousand in Peace reduced to COO 

3 The Soldiers to be encouraged by some gratuitys & advantages to marry such Indian 
Women as will embrace Protestant Christianity 

That a Store House be built near each Indian Fort supplied with a proper quantity & 
assortment of Goods by the Crown, a sworn Factor appointed with a proper Salary to dispose 
of the same to the soldiers & Indians, at prices regulated by the superintendant, and the profits 
thereon to be appropriated to the maintenance & support of these Garrisons : The traitors' may 
be also agents amongst the Indians of those Townships where they reside. No Rum permitted 
to be sold, but what may be thought necessary for the use of the Garrison, and that to be in 
the custody & issued under the direction of the commanding officer, who is to be 

• if Beer cnn bo ■' , .„ , , i r ■ • • « iv' t" J 

brewwiihcroorcy- nnswcrable Under a Severe Article if he exceeds tlie Limitations* INo irade 

diT mnJt* Knra to 

be totally excluded ^j^j^ ^^^^ Indians can be carried on by any officer or soldier, if an officer to 
be if a soldier 

4 A Law to be passed, with sufficient Pains & Penalties against tiie Canada or any French 

Indian Trade 

5 That the important Trade at Oswego be free and open to all adventurers being British 
Protestant subjects an intendant of Trade to reside at Oswego, with a proper Salary, sworn 
not to be directly or indirectly concerned in any Indian Trade, diligently and faitiifuUy to 
discharge the Trust reposed in him that he endeavour to discover all Frauds & impositions 
on the Indians to inspect all weights & measures, that they are fair and of an equal standard, 
and to bring all offenders against the regulations of this Trade, to trial before the Commission 
officer of the Garrison, who shall have power to try offences & finding them of such a nature, 
as may deserve it, to send them down in Irons to New York with a copy of ther Trial, from 
whence an appeal may be made to the Governor in Council 

The Intendant liable to be suspended by the superintendant of Indian affairs 
The Trade to be free of all duties or Imposts unless it may be thought proper to raise some 
thing of the kind as a Salary for the Intendant 

No Trader to presume to sell any Goods before he hath a licence from the intendant who 
shall receive consideration for the same, and he shall not without justifiable reasons refuse a 
t In caso of for- Hcence. every Traders name to be register'd in the intendant's book, and to give 
fomerttol^iu'. Boiid before he obtains his Licence in ^500 New York Currency Penalty + that 
paldT me^sVr- he observes the Laws & Regulations of this Trade. Every Trader to give in the 

InlfDilant to be by , - , , i • /r * I **«■ r^.. 

hira applied to the quantity and sorts of h urrs which he sends or carries oil to liave a permitt lor 

pabllr Service un- ^ •' 

der Ills Departmt ^J^g game. 

The intendant to receive and obey occasional Instructions from the Superintendant & to 
be paid by him. 

Under some such Regulations this important Trade is proposed to be put, and if they 
are effectual, we shall not only be able to undersell the French and deprive them of their 
valuable Western Trade, but extend and secure our Alliances with and influence over the 
Western Indians 

' Sie. factors. — Ed. 



28 - NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS, 

6 That the utmost endeavors & every method prudently practicable, be pursued, to draw 
the Cagnawagas ofl" from the French & prevail on them to return & live amongst the 
six Nations. 

7 That the Indians be remedied and satisfied with regard to their complaints about their 
Lands particularly those Grants & Patents mentioned in the former part of these Papers, 
and that no Patents for Lands be hereafter Granted but for such as shall be bouglit in the 
presence of the superintendant at public meetings & the sale recorded by His Matys Secry for 
Indian affairs 

No one point will be of more beneficial consequence than this and unless it be put upon 
some satisfactory footing, it will be utteVly impossible to establish the confidence of the 
Indians, to defeat the measures of tiie French and to secure these colonies from the ravages 
to which they are and will be subjected. If this is not done, we shall vainly project 
Expedients, waste our Treasure and the Indians will infallibly quit our Alliance 

By relinquishing these claims, assuring them that we would in no manner invade their 
Hunting Grounds but secure them to them and their use, to the beleif of such a resignation 
would in a great measure contribute, and by Indian affairs being put under the management 
of a capable person, in whose favor tiiey were prejudiced upon whose Integrity they could 
depend and who would be able to inspire them not only with confidence in him, but bring 
them to beleive, he had more than their Interest at Heart, than an opposition to the French 
founded on equally ambitious Views for the English — by these measures it might be a 
practicable scheme, not only to stir up all the Six Nations, but to engage the whole Western 
confederacy against the French encroachments, when they would, even without any assistance 
from us cut off all resources of Provisions & so harrass the French, that they would be obliged 
to abandon their Forts [to] save themselves as well as they could. The Indians might also be 
brought to assist us in demolishing Niagara & Cadaraqui, which compassed would give us a 
great superiority of Indian Interest, most of the Trade in our favor and confine the French to 
their proper bounds of Canada — when we had gained the ascendency in our Indian Interest, 
then by a prudent & politic management we might obtain the liberty of building Forts and 
gradually possess ourselves of the valuable country on the South side of Lake Erie 

Till we act upon some such System as this the Indians will never heartily enter into our 
measures against the French we shall never be able to recover our ancient superiority of 
Interest & Trade, nor I fear remove the French from their present encroachments on His Matys 
Dominions in North America and which I suspect meer force will never effect but am pretty 
confident good Policy may 

Measures such as I have now touched on, will I conceive save a vast (and perhaps fruitless) 
expence of Blood and Treasure and perhaps fix the British empire in America on a permanent 
bottom 

Let the observations which have been made upon the fourth Cause of the Declension of our 
Indian Interest and their ideas of the present disputes between us & the French contained in 
Section the first be duly attended to and judiciously improved upon, and it will I think appear, 
that tiiis scheme of gaining the confidence of the Indians, and thereby turning their jealousies 
wholly upon the French will be one of the most eligible measures we can pursue with respect 
to the Indians in the present conjuncture of the American affairs 

Let a similar conduct be observed in the Southern District and at the same time methods 
put on foot to obtain a firm and sincere Alliance between the Northern and Southern Indians 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 29 

I am aware of the difficultys attending a presumption' of Grants & breaking of Patents, a 
commission under tiie great Seal to try their validity, would be probably too tedious a method 
If the good of the community and that in a most essential Article, is the prima ratio legum, 
can not an act of Parliament, reinvest these Lands in the Crown and give such proprietors as 
shall fairly prove their Rights an equitable alternative 



APPENDIX. 

N»l 

Albany 8 Aug. 1755 

Tiie Warriors of the lower Mohawk Castle were sent to Gen" Johnson by the Sachems & 
Warriors of said Castle witii the followng Memorandum of Canadagaia the Cheif Sachem of 
said Castle and also to inform Gen' Johnson of the proceedings of General Shirley & his agents 

Memorandum taken from Canadagaia who desired that his Depositions should 
immediately be sent to Warragheyaghy which was the following &commenced 
Yohakowano (General Shirley) he spoke in the presence of several of the 
Lower Castle at Mount Johnson Aug 6 — 1755 and said, 

"That when Gen' Shirley came to the Castle he applied to him to be his speaker to which 
he hardly would agree, and told Lydius who spoke to him for it that he would serve him that 
day but not the next 

Governor Shirley then with a Belt of Wampum condoled the losses of their people and 
passed some other ceremonies according to Custom — he then gave the Belt 

Then with another large Belt he told them that when he parted from Gen' Johnson he asked 
him how many Indians of the lower Mohock Castle was to join him, when he answered that 
twenty men were ready for him at a whistle wherefore he should be glad these 20 men were 
to set off with him immediately — and laid down the Belt 

Whereupon the Mohocks said they knew nothing about it after which he took a Paper out 
of his Pocket and told them that these doings of Gen' Johnsons seemed very strange to him 
as it was him raised Gen' Johnson to the post he was in now 

Then Gov' Shirley further asked them whether Gen' Johnson did not allow them 10 shillings 
a day for going upon the outscout and also if he had not told them that those Indians who 
would serve the Crown in this expedition were to have ^£5 a piece after their return if successful 
and that it should not be lost upon them that might happen to be killed as their family was to 
receive the said sum. 

The Indians said it had not been told them (when John Fisher and the rest looked atone an 
other and smiled 

Then Gen' Shirley further acquainted the Indians that he lodged now ^5000 sterling in 
Gen' Johnsons hands for the use of the Indians. At parting he told them that he must lake 
the people along that was working at the Fort as he wanted hands in the Battoes as they were 
in his employ — Canadagaia also said that they heard Gov' Shirley stopped all the Waggons 
that was pressed for Gen' Johnson on the River — 

' iSir. rominption. — Ki>. 



30 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

All these doing he said appeared strange to them & should be very glad to hear their Brother 
Warrigheyahy answer to it, especially concerning the Fort as no body was working at the Fort 
and they soon leaving their Families 
• ProTince Inter Deposcd in the presence of 
f''"" Arent Stevens* 



General Johnsons answer to the Three Warriors who brought the forgoing 
memorandum 

Brethren 

I told Gov' Shirley according to what you agreed on when I saw you last at my house — 
that there were six of your people who were ready to attend him; I promised him no more I 
wrote no such lelter to him as 1 am informed he showed you, nor sent any Belt of Wampum 
by him. Brethren, it was not Gen' Shirley who raised me up, it was as I told you at our 
public meeting, by the King your Fathers directions to Gen' Braddock — Gov' Shirley has 
lodged no money in my hands; the money I received for managing your affairs was put into 
my hands by Gen" Braddock he having a power from the King your Father for so doing. If 
Gov' Shirley told you I had orders to allow you 10 Shill^' per day or to give you 5 pounds per 
man after your return he imposed on you for I never had any such orders. All my promises I 
will faithfully fulfill to you as 1 have always done and you may depend upon it that those who 
remain true to their engagements & go with me, I will always remember and do every thing for 
them in my power, and I am sorry to hear that the workmen were taken away from building 
your Fort. 1 will write to Justice Fry to press men to finish it as soon as possible t 
A true Extract from the Records 

Peter Wraxall, Secretary. 

No. 2 

Camp at Lake George 4 Sept' 1755. 

Present — Gen' Johnson IMaj"" Gen' Lyman 

Lt Coll Whiting Col Ruggles 

Lt Col Pitkin Peter Wraxall Secretary for Indian Affairs 

Interpreters 

Capf Butler 

Lt Claesse 

W" Printup 
Hendrick Speaker 
The last speech Whcu the foregoing speech was ended Hendrick desired the General & the 

Ibis great man ever "-" o i 

d^uvered rest of the Company would set a little longer because they had somewhat to say 

upon another subject, he then spoke as follows 

Brother, some time ago we of the two Mohock Castles were greatly alarmed and much 
concerned and we take the opportunity of speaking our minds now before so many Gentlemen 

t This fort was building by directions of the Lt Gov of N York ( upon Geal Johnsons application ) with a Fund raised by 
the Governor of New York 



LONDON DOCUMENTS : XXXIIT. 31 

present concerning our brother Gen' Shirley who is gone to Oswego, he told us that though 
we thought you, our brother Warrnghnjnghy, had the sole management of Indian affairs, yet 
that he was over all that he could pull down and set up; and he further told us that he had 
always been this great man and that you our brotiier Warrigajaghy was but an upstart of 
yesterday. These kind of discourses from him caused great uneasiness & confusion amongst 
us, and he confirmed these things by a large Belt of Wampum 

Brother I just now said these matters made our hearts ache and caused a great deal ol 
confusion in our castles, by Gov^ Shirleys telling us — "you think your brother Warrighajaghy 
" has his commission for managing your affairs from the King your father, but you are mistaken 
" he has His commission and all the monies for carrying on your affairs from me, and when I 
" please 1 can take all his power from him, and it was 1, gave him all the Presents and goods 
"to fit out the Indians with" 

Brother He further told us when he came to our Fort " This is my Fort it was built by 
.™.FortwMhaiu "my order and direction I am Ruler and Master here* and now Brethren I 
rnd'u'nS«™hcL"me " desirc tweuty of your young Warriors from this Castle to join me as your 
iJiwerMobock ForL " brothcr Warrighajaghy promised me you would do & be ready at a Whistle" 

" Brethren, you may see I have the cheif command, here is money for you, my Pocketts 
" are full, you shant want, besides I have good[s] and arms ready for all that will go with me" 

He said a great deal more of the like kind which time will not allow us to repeat at present 

He was two days pressing and working upon my brother Abraham to go with him as a 
minister for the Indians he said to my brother, " Warraghajaghy gives you no wages, why 
" should vou go to Crown Point, you can do nothing there but crack Lice, with me there will 
•' be something to do worth while." 

These speeches of Gov' Shirley made us quite ashamed, and the five Nations hung down 
their heads & would make no answer 

But Brother notwithstanding all these temptations we that are come and now here, were 
determined to remain stedfast to you and had it not been for Governor Shirleys money or 
speeches you would have seen all the six Nations here 

Brother 

We have taken this opportunity of giving you this Relation, that the Gentlemen here present 
may know and testifie what we have said and hear the Reasons why no more Indians have 
joined this army. 

A true Copy from the Records 

Peter Wkaxall 

Secry 



Chief Judice Be Lancey to the Lords of Trade. 

[ Xevr-Tork Papers, LI., No. 10. ] 

New York 21 Jan'' 1756 
My Lords 

I must beg your Ldps excuse for not sending the Acts of the Assembly under the Great Seal 
sooner, when the ships sailed from this place to Loudon, by whom they were to be sent, I was 



32 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

at Albany attending Sir Chas: Hardy our Governor, who determined to go thitlier, upon 
receipt of the express which gave an account of a Battle at Lake George, the event not known, 
as no person had come from tiie Lake to Fort Edward, when the express was sent from thence 
I had offered myself to Sir Charles to go up as L' Governor to take upon me the command of 
the Militia, above the Highlands, but Sir Charles thought it a matter of such consequence that 
he determined to go in person, & I accompanied him to Albany, where his behaviour merits 
great applause and as I had before sent printed Copies of these to your Lordships, there did 
not seem to be a necessity of sending them earlier 

I latelie had the honor of your Lordships of the S"" of October for which I return my thanks 
and am happy that my conduct meets with your Lordsiiips approbation 

I am now returned to the exercise of my office as Cheif Justice, which I shall execute with 
much less anxiety, than I could administer the Government in these difficult times 

Let me become a suitor to your Lordships to recommend me to his Majesty, that leave be 
given to Sir Charles Hardy, to pass a Bill for paying the debts due to me & the other officers 
of the Government, who have received no Salaries : I am greatly indebted by the expences I 
was at during my administration 

I am my Lords 

Your Lordships 

most obedient & most 

humble Servant 

James De Lancet 



Representation of the Lords of Trade to the King. 

[ New-York Enlries, B. P., p. 48. ] 

To the King's most Excellent Majesty. 

May it please Your Majesty. 

Having lately received a letter from Sir Cha' Hardy, Gov' of Your Maj'J'" province of New 
York, dated the IS"" day of December 1755. in which he acquaints us, that the Assembly of 
that Prov" have declared their Resolution not to comply with the 17"" Article of your Maj'^'' 
Instructions to Your Gov'', in which it is recommended to them to establish a permanent 
Revenue for the support of Govern', and are determined not to depart from the Custom, which 
has of late years prevailed there, of making annual provision for this service ; We think it our 
duty to lay before your Maj'^ an extract of this letter, so far as relates to this matter, and also 
copys of the Gov" speech to the Assembly, and their address in answer thereto. 

The principal reason urged by the Assembly of New York for not complying with Your 
Majesty's reasonable demand is : that they can not, in justice to their constituents, depart from 
a custom or priviledge they have so long enjoyed, and which other Colonies in the same 
circumstances with them are permitted to enjoy. 

We shall not enter at present into a consideration of the motives, which have been the 
foundation of your Maj'J'» indulgence to other Colonies in this particular ; but shall only observe 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 38 

in general, that the late conduct of the Assembly of New York, in making u^e of this indulgence, 
US an Instninient to wrest out of the luinds of Your Maj'*"' (Jov'' aluiost all the executive parts 
of Govern', by an annual nomination o( Ullicers, and hy their own authority disposing of the 
public money granted to your Majesty without a Warrant from the Gov' and Council, made it 
necessary, that your Maj''' should take this proper method of checking such unwarrantable 
proceedings, and restoring the Constitution to its true principles. 

We are sorry to lind that this Instruction has not iiad all the good effects, which might have 
been hoped for from it ; it is however a great satisfaction to us to observe, that the present 
Assembly does not appear, to be desirious of reviving the unwarrantable and illegal claims and 
pretentions of former Assemblys, and have declared, that they do not mean to take upon them 
the Kxecutive part of Govern'; and as Your Maj'-"' Gov' has represented that they are well 
inclined to concur in every other measure which may be proposed for your Maj'>' service. We 
should humbly submit, whether it may not be adviseble, in the present situation of affairs, 
when peace, unanimity and a good understanding between Your Maj'>'» Gov' and the I'eople 
are so absolutely necessary for the good of the province, that the Gov' should be directed, not 
to press this establishment of a perpetual Revenue for the present, but to assent to such 
temporary Bills as the Assembly shall from time to time frame and pass for the support of 
Govern'; provided, they be in all other respects conformable to your Maj'J''» Instructions with 
regard to the granting and disposing of public money. 

If your Maj''' should be graciously pleased to approve this. We should further humbly 

propose, that We might receive your iMaj'''"' commands to signify your directions to your Gov' 

upon this head by a letter, which appears to us to be a more proper method of doing it than 

by public Instructions. 

All which is most humbly submitted. 

Dunk Halifax 

J. Talbot 

SoAME Je.VVXS 

4 Feb'5' 175G, T. Pelha.m. 



Secretary Hardinge to the Lords of Trade. 

[ Now-Toric Papers, X V. ( O ), No. 134. ] 

My Lords 

The house of Commons having resolved that the sum of one hundred and fifteen thousand 
pounds be granted to his Majesty upon account to be distributed in such proportions as his 
Majesty shall in his wisdom think fit, to his Majesty's Colonies of New England, New York 
and Jersey in America, as a Free gift and reward for their past services, and an 
encouragement to them to continue to exert themselves with Vigour in Defence of His Mnj" 
just Rights and Pretensions, the Lords Commissioners of his Majesty's Treasury desire that 
Your Lordships will be pleased to consider what part of the said sum of one Hundred and 
Fifteen thousand pounds may be properly allotted to each of the said Colonies, and favour 
them with Your opinion thereupon, and also that Your Lordships will report Your opinion to 
"Vol. VII. 6 



34 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

what persons the same should be consigned ; that tlie respective Colonies may have the full 

benefit thereof. I am, My Lords, 

Your Lordships most Faithful humble Servant 

N. Hardinge 
Whitehall Treasury 

Chambers, S"- ffeb^^ 1756 



Lor da of Trade to the Lords of the Treasury. 

[ Plantations General, ( B. T. ) XLIII., 443. ] 

To the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners of His Majesty's Treasury. 

My Lords. 

We have taken into our consideration the subject matter of M'' Hardinge's letter dated the 
5"" instant, signifying that the House of Commons having resolved that the sum of one hundred 
and fifteen thousand pounds be granted to His Majesty upon account, to be distributed to the 
Colonies of Neve England, New York, and New Jersey, as a free gift and reward for their past 
services and an encouragement to tliem to continue to exert themselves with vigor in defence 
of His Majesty's just rights and pretensions. Your Lordships are desirous of our opinion as 
to what part of the said sum may be properly allotted, and to what persons the same should 
be consigned, that the respective Colonies may have the full benefit thereof, and we beg leave 
to acquaint Your Lordships: — 

That from the best information we have been able to obtain from the Agents of the said 
Colonies and from the letters and papers which we have received from His Majesty's Governors 
with regard to the expences which the said Colonies may have incurred in carrying on the 
expeditions for the reduction of the French Forts at Crown Point and on the Lake Ontario, 
the amount of which is the only measure for our judgment upon this matter; we are of opinion 
that the said sum of one hundred & fifteen thousand Pounds may be properly allotted to the 
said Colonies in the following proportions viz' 



* 



Massachusets Bay , ^54000 

New Hampshire 8000 

Connecticut 26000 

Rhode Island 7000 

New York 15000 

New Jersey 6000 

.£115.000. 



With respect to the consignment of the said money, we are of opinion that the sums allotted 
to the Colonies of the Massachusets Bay, New Hampshire New York and New Jersey, should 
be consigned to the Governor of each of those Colonies, to be delivered into his i)ands in the 
presence of the Council, & to be by him forthwith paid over into the hands of the Treasurer 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 35 

of the Province, taking a proper discliarge for the saine iiiid siiflicient security for the snfe 
custody of such sum untill it shall be disposed of for the pul)lick service by an Act of the 
Legishiture; and that the sums destined for the Charter (iovernments of C/'onnecticut and 
lihode Island should be consigned to llie Governor and Company of each Colony, who shall 
give a joint receipt for the same under the pnblick seal of the Colony. 

We are, My Lords 

Your Lordships most obedient 

and most humble Servants 

Dunk Halifax 
J. Talbot 
Rich"* Rig by 
Whitehall " Soame Jenvxs 

Feb' VJ. 1756 T. Pelham. 



Lords of Trade to Secretary Mix. 

[New- York Entries, B. P. M.] 

To the Right Honble Henry Fox Esq" one of His Maj''"' principal Secretaries of State. 

Sir, 

It appearing to us to be of great consequence in the present Situation, that proper persons 

should be appointed by His Maj"'' to manage and conduct the affairs of the several Nations of 

Indians, subject to, or in friendship and alliance with His Maj'i' in North America, by which 

means His Maj*^'" Interest among the said Nations may be better cultivated & improved, and 

the said Indians engaged to join His Maj'>'' Troops in such operations as may be undertaken 

for the defence and security of His Majesty's Colonys against the common Enemy; We beg 

leave to desire you will move His Maj"', that Sir William Johnson Baronet, who last year 

received a Commission from Gen' Braddock to be sole Agent for, and Superintendant of the 

Affairs of the Six United Nations of Indians and their confederates, may now be appointed to 

that trust by a Commission from His Maj''', with such salary and allowance to be paid by the 

Commander in Chief of His Maj"-'' forces in America, as to His Maj'^ shall appear most just 

and reasonable ; and we herewith inclose a Commission in the form which appears to L's to be 

most proper for this purpose, in case His Majesty shall be pleased to approve of tliis our 

humble recommendation. We are 

Sir 

Vour most obedient and most humble 

servants. 

Dunk Halu-ai 
Fran : Fane 
James Oswald 
17 Febr"' 1756. J- Talbot. 



36 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Lords of Trade to Governor Hardy. 

[ New-Toitt Papers, B. P. B". ] 

To Sir Charles Hardy, Knight. G«V of N. Y. * 

Sir, 

Since our letter to you dated the 7"" of Nov' last, we have received yours of the 27"' of Nov' 
acquainting us with your return to New Yorli from Albany, and of the IS"" of December, 
inclosing your speeches to the Council and Assembly, and their addresses in answer thereto. 

The Great zeal you shew'd for the good of His Maj'^'' service in going up to Albany so soon 
after your arrival in your Govern', and in the vigorous measures you pursued, whilst you 
resided there, to promote tiie expedition under the Command of Generals Shirley and Johnson, 
and enable the latter to pursue tiie advantage he had gained, could not fail of meeting with 
His Majesty's approbation ; and tho' your endeavours have not been crowned with all the 
success we expected from them, yet they had apparently the good effect to enable both Armies 
to keep the Field, and to prevent their retreat to Albany, which we apprehend must otherways 
have unavoidably happened. 

The Sense, which the Council and Assembly express of this measure in their addresses, 
gives us the greatest satisfaction. We have no doubt but that you will by your future conduct 
continue to deserve their good opinion, and that they will chearfuUy, concur with you in every 
measure for the good of the service. 

His Maj'-' having been pleased to appoint the Earl of Loudon' to be Commander in Chief of 
His Forces in America and Gov' of Virginia, and to order two Battallions of His Troops to be 
sent from hence, and four others to be raised in America ; We doubt not of your Zeal to aid and 
asssist his Lord^ to the utmost of your power, in all such measures as shall be taken for the 
defence of America, and the annoyance of the Enemy ; and we have tiie fullest confidence, 
t'lat His Majesty's bounty, in freely giving so large a sum of money to His subjects in New 
York in consideration of their past services, will animate them to exert themselves with Zeal 
and spirit for His Maj's^ service in the present situation of affairs. 

' John Campbell, 4th Earl of Lovijoun, Baron Mauehlane. one of tlie sixteen Peers of Scotland, and F. R. S., was born in 
the year 1705, and succeeded to the title on the death of his father, lluijh, the 3d Earl, in N'overalier, 1731. On the landing of 
the Pretender in Scotland, in 1745, the Earl of Loudoun repaired to Inverness, where he raised for the Crown a regimerit 
of Highlanders, of which he was appointed Colonel in April. On the approach of the enemy, however, he abandoned his 
position, and retired to the Isle of Skye, without making scarcely any show of resistance. Smollett. This regiment having^ 
been broke in 1748, his Lordship became Colonel of the 30th of foot, 1 November, 1749 ; Major-General on the 17th February, 
1755, and on the 25lh of December, 1755, was appointed Colonel of the 60th, or Royal American Regiment, which was to be 
raised in Virginia, of which province he was appointed (Governor in February, 1756, when he also became Commander-in- 
Chief of all His Majistv's Forces in North America. He sailed in the latter end of May for tliis country, where he arrived 
in the latter part of .luly, 1756. His career in America was distinguished mainly by arrogance and inefficiency, and his 
military operations confined [principally to the celebrated "Cabbage planting expedition" at Halifax, in 1757; so that, though 
promoted to the rank of Lieutenant-General in January, 1758, not only his military skill, but his courage and iutegiity were 
questioned. It is, therefore, not surprizing to learn that "the multitude exulted at the news of his being recalled to England" 
in the course of the latler year. Euluk'n History of the War, 11., 3113 ; Smtth'x New-York, U., 25S, 261. In 1763 or 1764, he was 
appointed Governor of Edinburgh Castle at a salary of £300 a year, and on 30th April, 1770, became Colonel of the 3d 
regmient of Foot Gnards ( Scotch ) and a General in the Army. His Lordship died, unmarried, at Loudoun Castle, Ayrshire, 
on the 27lh of April, 1782, aged 77 years. London Magazine, LI., 251. —Ed. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXI 11. 37 

We have likewise the pleiisiin- to acquaint you, that His Maj"' lias appointed General 

Johnson, to be agent for Indian AiVairs, a Copy of his Commission is herewith inclosed for 

your Information; and wc do earnestly recommend to you to be aiding and assisting him to 

the utmost of your power in the execution of this important branch of the service, and 

particularly, that you will furnish him with copys of such parts of your Instruct" as relate to 

Indian affairs, and the measures recommended to you, for redressing the grievances they 

complain of, and for preventing the like for the future. We are. 

Sir 

Your most obedient and most humble servants. 

Dunk Halifax 
Fran: Fane. 
James Oswald 
17. Feb"' 1756. J- Talbot 



Governor Hardy to the Ijords of Trade. 

[Now- York Papers, LI., No. 80.] 

Fort George New York 

23'' Feb^ 175G 

My Lords 

I have the honor of your Lordships Letter by the Packet of the and have great 

satisfaction in receiving your Lordshi|)s approbation of my conduct in the early part of my 
administration on my Landing in this Government. 

I have now the honor to inclose your Lordships a copy of my message to the General 
Assembly of the S?"" of last month, in consequence of the Council of War held in this city to 
concert operations for this year also a copy of their immediate resolves upon it which 1 
forwarded by express the SO"" to Gov' Shirley and the Eastern Governments and by the post 
to those Westward but have not yet received advice from any of them, that their assemblys 
have come to any Resolutions to take the part assigned them by the Council of War. for the 
Crown point Expedition 

This liheral Grant of the Assembly, I trust, will sufficiently testify theirzeal and resolutions, 
vigorously to pursue all proper measures for defending His Matys Rights and Possessions in 
this country and to remove the French from their unjust encroachments 

Your Lordsiiips will observe that the Provision in the inclosed Resolves for sinking this sum 
of Forty thousand Pounds for this service, exceeds the limited time of His Majestys Instructions 
for the emission of Bills of credit; I have endeavored to prevail on the Assembly, to conform 
to his .Majestys directions in this particular, and have laid this matter before His Majestys 
Council, who have unanimously advised me to accept the supply on those terms and are of 
opinion this Province can not furnish Funds for sinking the Emission proposed in a 
shorter time 

The Bill for raising and subsisting 1000 Men has gone through a second reading and I hope 
the present emergency which calls for large supplys for carrying on his Matys Service will 
justify me to your Lordships in giving my assent to it, when it comes before me, for I doubt 
ray insisting on the term of 5 years might have been the means of looseing the Bill, and the 



38 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

want of a proper Force on the Northern Frontiers have exposed this country to the open 
incursions of the French 

Inclosed is a copy of tiie last Intelligence of the French at Crown Point from two Prisoners 
taken by a scouting party from Fort William Henry ; 1 am of opinion we have no reason to 
doubt the preperations making in Canada, for the defence of their present encroachments and 
for the attacking our Forts, if we have not a sufficient strength there to maintain & 
defend them. 

I have some time ago laid before the Assembly his Majestys Instructions for making a 
provision for defraying the charges of His Matys Commission for determining the Line between 
this & the Province of New Jersey They express to me great difficultys they are under to make 
the Provision directed and urged the great expence it would draw on this Province (as other 
Lines are equally disputed but more particularly between us & the Massachusetts) and at this 
time when they are at such heavy expences for the public Service ; I have argued and urged 
the Point strongly with the Speaker, and many of the Members but at present nothing has 
been done in it 

I have endeavored to inform myself of the merits of this dispute, between the two Provinces, 
and find all partys agree the determination of the Line depends alltogether upon the 
construction of the Duke of Yorks Grant I beg leave to refer it to your Lordships opinion if this 
Point may not be better discussed, and more equitably determined by persons under his Matys 
Commission in England than by Commissioners appointed abroad. On the side of this Province 
His Matys Interest is greatly concerned should the determination be made in favor of and 
confirmed [according] to the Claim of New York by which His Maty would have a great 
acquisition of ungranted Lands that would be readily taken up, agreeable to His Majestys 
Instructions, and I am informed might produce Quit Rents to the Crowu of near .£2000 Sterling 
per annum ; on the other hand should the Claim of New Jersey be confirmed, the acquisition of 
this ungranted Land would fall to the proprietors of East New Jersey, As His Matys Interest is 
so principally conceri>ed in this Dispute, I thought it my duty thus briefly to lay it before your 
Lordships With regard to the dispute between this and the Massachusets Government it is and 
may be, attended with Great evils, the Inhabitants of that Province indiscriminately dispossess 
the Tenants of the Proprietors of the Manors of Levingston and Ransaleer, and have violently 
and by Force seized and committed all who opposed them in their outrages, I have transmitted 
M' Shirley complaints against the People of his Province on this acconnt; frequent demands 
has been made to that Government to sett forth their claim, but ever unanswered. In short my 
Lords we shall be obliged to defend the Rights of His Majestys subjects of this Province, by 
such means as must inevitably create a dissension between the two Colonys, I have hitherto 
avoided entering upon such measures in hopes the Government of the Massachusets would put 
an end to the outrages of their people; I must therefore beg your Lordships will please to take 
such measures as you shall judge proper to oblige the Inhabitants of the Massachusets 
Government to keep within their respective Limits, till His Majesty sliall please to determine 
the Line of jurisdiction between the two Provinces 

I have the honor to be 
Your Lordships 

most obedient & most 
humble Servant 

Chas: Hardv. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIIT. 30 

IJeutenant-Colonel Burton and Captain Bradntrett to Mo jor -General Shirley. 

[ New- York riip<r», LI., No. 81. ] 

Copy of a letter from Lt Coll Burton & Ccipt" Br<idstreet to his Excellency Maj' 
Gen" Shirley dated at Albany Jan''' SiJ"* 1756 

Sir 

We think it our duty to dispatch a Messenger to your Kxcellency to inform you we have 
just examined two Frenchmen taken prisoners seven days since by a party from Lake George 
between Crown Point and Tenonderoque, who say a few days before they were taken two 
men came by Land from Montreal and reported that they saw two hundred men mustered who 
were ready to follow them in two days and that thirty Battoes, with Pork Flour and ten men 
in each was actually set out from St Johns, and would if the weather permitted be there in 
three days the whole of which was intended for the defence and security of the above 
mentioned places 

And they further said, that five thousand men (exclusive of Indians which was very 
considerable) were actually fi.xed upon and would certainly set out to join them in seven 
weeks, and were intended for to attack our Forts or defend theirs as occasion might require ; 
and that upon the whole all people at Canada were imployed in making military preparations 

Kob' Burton, Jn" Bbadstkeet 

A true Copy examined by 

Benjamin Barons 

Secretary. 



<■■♦■■» 



Lords of Trade to Governor Hardy. 

[ Kew-Tork Entries, B. P. 62. ] 

To Sir Cha' Hardy Knight, Gov' of N. Y. 

Sir, 

We have attentively considered that part of your speech to the Assembly and their address 
in answer thereto, which relates to the establishment of a perpetual Revenue, and having 
laid it before His Maj'', with our sentiments at large thereupon. We have received His Maj'-''' 
Commands to signify to you, that the arguments urged by the Assembly for not complying 
with His Maj''" reasonable demands in a matter of the highest importance to the security and 
welfare, and to the peace and good order of Govern', are not to be supported upon any 
principles either of reason or Justice ; and whatever motive His Maj'' may have for allowing 
of a temporary supply for the support of Govern' in other Colonys, the conduct of former 
Assemblys of New York, in making use of this indulgence as an instrument to wrest out of 
the hands of His Gov' almost all the executive powers of Govern', by an annual nomination 
of Officers and by their own authority disposing of public money granted to His Majesty 



40 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

without a Warrant from the GoV and Council, made it necessary, that His Maj'J' should take 
this proper method of checking sucli unwarrantable proceedings, and restoring the Constitution 
to its true principles; and it is with great concern His Majesty finds, tiiat his (aithrul subjects 
in New York have not shewn a proper obedience to His Royal will and pleasure herein. It is 
however a satisfaction to His Maj"" to observe, that the present Assembly do not appear to be 
desirious of reviving the unwarrantable & illegal claims and pretensions of former Assemblys, 
and have declared that they do not mean to take upon them the executive power of Govern' 
belont^inf of right to His Gov"; and as you have represented, that they are well inclined to 
concurr in every other measure, which may be proposed for His Majesty's service, His Maj'^ is 
pleased, in consideration thereof, and of the present situation of Affairs, when peace and 
unanimity and a good understanding between his Gov"' and the people, are so absolutely 
necessary for the good of the service, to direct that you should not press the Establishment of 
a perpetual Revenue for the present, and to allow and permit you to assent to such temporrary 
Bills as the Assembly shall, from time to time frame and pass for the support of Govern' ; 
provided they are in all other respects conformable to His Instructions to you, with regard to 
the granting and disposing of public money. We are- 
Sir 

Your most obedient and 

most humble servants. 

DuxK Halifax 
James Oswald 
J. Talbot 

SOAME JeNYNS 

4. March 1756. Rich'' Rigbv. 



Secretary PownaU to Major -General Johnson. 

[New-York Entries, B. P., 6T.] 

Whitehall, March S"- 1756. 
To Sir William Johnson Bart: 

Sir, 

Since my letter to you dated the 2^ of Decern' last, His Maj''' has been pleased to appoint 
the Earl of Loudoun, an Officer of experience, ability and Integrity, to be commander in Chief 
of his forces in America, and to direct, that two Battalions of his Troops should be sent from 
hence, and four others raised in America for the defence and protection of the Colonies against 
the Hostilities & invasions of the French; and as the success of such measures as His Lordship 
sliall think proper to pursue upon His arrival, for the general interest and security of the 
Colonies, and the annoyance of the Enemy, will in a great measure depend upon his having 
a large body of our Indian allies to Act in conjunction with the King's Forces, and such as 
shall be raised in the Colonies; the Lords Commiss" for Trade and Plantations have thought 
it their duty upon tiiis great occasion to propose to His Maj'^', that you should be appointed 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 41 

Agent and the sole Superintendant of the Ad'airs of the Confederate Indians to the Northward, 
by an express Commission from His Maj''', being well assured from the experience they have 
had of your luHuence amongst them and great abilities in conducting their affairs, that nothing 
can so eftectually answer the great end proposed of fixing them steadily in our Interest, and 
engaging them in the service; and that you may be the better enabled to answer His Majestys 
expectations, the whole management of this branch of the service, will be left entirely to your 
discretion, and the Commander in Cliief will be empowered to furnish you with whatever 
sums of money you shall have occasion for, either for building Forts for the protection of their 
Wives and Children, whilst they are engaged in the service, establishing Smiths and other 
Artificers amongst them, or for making such other regulations as may remove those difficulties 
and doubts in their minds which have hitherto operated as an obstruction to their heartily 
engaging with us, and have induced some to enter into engagement with the French; and 
that nothing may be wanting on the part of His Maj'^ to manifest His regard for them; Lord 
Loudoun will carry out with him a very large present to be delivered to them. 

The redressing the grievances complained of by the Indians, with respect to the Lands which 
have been fradulently taken from them, is a matter to which a very serious attention and 
regard have been paid, and every measure which His Maj'>' could legally and properly take to 
redress their complaints, and prevent the like abuses for the future, has been pursued, as will 
more fully appear to you from the inclosed copys of the Instructions given to Sir Charles Hardy, 
with respect to this important point; and as a further proof of His Majesty's resolution to 
protect and defend them, in iheir rights, I am directed by their LordPP* to inclose to you a 
copy of a Report they have lately made to His Maj'^ upon an application from the proprietors 
of Pennsylvania, with a proposal for making settlements to the Westward of the mountains, 
upon the Lands purchased by the said proprietors of the Indians, at the meeting at Albany. 
All which papers you will communicate to the Indians, in such manner and in such times as 
you shall think most proper. 

As to the other measures which you propose in your letter of the ^1" of July last as 
advisable to be pursued for putting Indian Affairs upon a proper foot, their LordPP* entirely 
approve them, and have no doubt but that those measures, as well as any other necessary to 
be taken, will be carried into execution under the authority of the Commission, which you 
will receive from His Maj''', and the directions which will be given to the Earl of Loudoun, 
to aid and support you to the utmost of his power. 

I am. 

Sir. 

Your most obedient humble servant 

John Pownall. Secr^ 



Sir William Johnson to the Lords of Trade. 

[Hew-Tork P»per», LI., No. 87. ] 

My Lords 

Since I did myself the honor of writing to your Lordships the l?'" of January from New 
York. I have had a general meeting of the Sachems and Warriours of the six Nations and 
Vol. VII. 6 



42 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

some of their allies, particiilnily a more considerable number of tlie most remote Nation of 
the confederacy than has appeared at any publick meeting for many years past 

It gives me the most solid pleasure that I can with the greatest truth assure your Lordships 
that the six united Nations at this time give us the strongest intimations of sincerity & Fidelity 
and that they are at length higlily sensible of the treacherous and extensive designs of the 
French, and from what I have more particularly observed at this meeting. I am convinc'd 
there is nothing wanting to cement & enlarge the British Indian alliance but unanimous and 
vigorous efforts against the common enemy to convince them we are in good ernest to put a 
stop to their encroachments and at the same time that we are determined to protect and stand 
to them as our Friends and Allies. 

I herewith transmit to your Lordships a copy of my proceedings since I came from Lake 
George as also of this public conference, from which your Lordships will be better able to 
form an Idea of the present disposition of the confederate Indians, and from the facts contained 
therein, wliat future expectations we may entertain from our Indian Allies. They seem 
solicitous now to enlarge this' confederacy by bringing in the Western Indians, which I have 
been advising them to these several years as a point of the utmost consequence and I flatter 
myself it may now (if we are successful next Campagn) be accomplisht. In order the better 
to bring about, and continue such an important Alliance, the Indian Trade should I think (with 
humble submission to your Lordships) be seriously attended to, and put upon such a Basis, 
and under such regulations, and restrictions that it may prove the greatest means of bringing 
in the most remote Nations in a little time — Your Lordships will observe from the treaty what 
their sentiments are upon this important Point 

The intended congress at Oswego is highly pleasing to the six Nations in general, who are 
now very sensible of the necessity of enlargeing & stengthening the Covenant Chain by a more 
extensive Alliance, and of maintaining that superiority which their forefathers by conquest 
obtained over so many and Powerfull Nations. How far they interest themselves in this, and 
the many other weighty matters I have proposed to them at this meeting, will appear by their 
answers to which I beg leave to refer your Lordships, from the measures I have taken to give 
notice to the several Nations of my intention of meeting them at Oswego, and the Persons 
i.nployed for that purpose, I have reason to expect a numerous and I hope a successful Congress 

The high opinion I have of the present good temper of the six Nations, is entirely grounded 
on Facts, which are more conclusive than the most sanguine professions. The Onondages, 
Tuscaroras, Oneidas, & Oghquajas your Lordships will observe have ernestly desired Forts in 
their countrys, and that they might be properly garrisoned, this can proceed from nothing but 
a firm resolution of abideing by our Interest and I look upon it a singular proof of their 
Fidelity. By this method the French have been so successful in their Indian Interest. The 
Grand Monarch has employed his Troops to good purpose in that way. and I make no doubt 
all the expence the Court of France has been at in garrisoning the Indian Towns in their 
Alliance has been sufficiently compensated, I am fully satisfied this would be a measure of the 
utmost moment at this important conjuncture the service I confess would be pretty extensive, 
and require a Regiment but the Good effects which such a step would produce would abundantly 
make up the expence 

It would be very necessary to provide every Castle (especially where there is a garrison) 
with a wortiiy person in the character of minister of the Gospel, I need not repeat how much 

* their. Jvhmon J/antiacripUflY. — Ed. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 43 



tlie French have done by tlicir I'reists even among the Indians in our Alliance that we ought 
to counteract them in all their measures I think quite obvious tlierefore humbly beg leave to 
recommend tliis measure to your Lordships consideration particularly with regard to Onondaga 
& Oneida, tliat, two proper persons of unblemished Character might be sent as Chaplains for 
those Garrisons, and at the same time serve as Missionaries to the Indians, how much may be 
done in that way, may be easily gathered from the success the Gospel has had among the 
Mohawks, who are our most hearty friends. 

I beg the liberty to mention to your Lordships the Rev** M"' Ogilvie missionary to the Mohawk 
Indians who has upon all occasions done every thing in his I'ower for the promotion of true 
Religion, this Geiitlenians Salary both for this place and the City of Albany is very 
inconsiderable, some further encouragement to him by some addition to his Sallary would be 
of service to the' common Interest, as it would enable him to proceed in his mission with 
greater spirit, & to support the expences that must attend the keeping u|) common hospitality 
among so mercenary a people 

At this critical and interesting conjuncture I am sensible the utmost attention should be paid 
to our Indian Alliance and no measures left untried that may have the least tendancy to 
strengthen and increase it. Wherefore I would humbly propose a steady and uniform method 
of conduct, a religious regard to our engagements with them a more unanimous and vigorous 
exertion of our strength than hitherto, and a tender care to protect them and their Lands 
against the insults and encroachments of the Common enemy as the most and only effectual 
method to attach them firmly to the British Interest, and engage them to act heartily in our 
favor at this or any other time. 1 have the honor to be 

My Lords 

Your Lordps mo ob' Serv' 

Fort Johnson Mar S'" 1756 W™ Johnson 

P S. 

Alter I finished my letter the Cheifs of the Seneca Nation desired they might have a Fort 
built in their Country, which I promised them, well knowing it will be the means of keeping 
out French emissaries from among them and of securing them and settleing their former 
wavering disposition 

This moment two Indians arrived here with the inclosed letters the one from Onondaga, is 
•wrote by one of our Interpreters left there on purpose for intelligence, the other is from an 
officer of Gen' Shirleys posted about half way between this & Oswego I greatly fear we shall 
lose that very important Garrison unless other measures are immediately taken I dispatched 
an express with the account I received both to Gen' Shirley and Sir Charles Hardy, I hope the 
former will send immediate releif thither — if not we shall certainly loose that place and 
with it all our Indians 

Your Lordships will pardon my taking up so lyucli of your time and excuse the inaccuracy of 
this and the many Blunders committed in copying the Transactions of the meeting. Occasioned 
by the number of Indians still about me, which leaves me no time to think or write 

I am 

Your Lordships 
Mo &c 

W'" .Johnson 



44 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Conferences between Sir William Johnson and the Indians. 

[ New-Tork Papers, LI., 8S. ] 

Fort Johnson Dec 7. 1756.' 
The Speech of the Honble Major Gen' Johnson at n. Meeting of the Mohawks, 
Oneidas, Tuscaroras, and Senecas 

Arent Stephens Interpreter 

Bretheren of the Mohawks, Senecas, Oneidas & Tuscaroras. 

I am glad to see you here at this meeting Place of all the Nations after the dangers & 
Fatigues of the Campaign, the reason of my sending for you immediately on my return is 
very pressing 

Your Brother the Gov' of New York wrote me a letter dated nine days ago, which overtook 
me at Schenectady, acquainting me that the Shawanese, Delawares and River Indians were 
committing Hostilities in the Southern Parts of this Province, as well as in jersey, and 
Pensilvania, that they had burned several out settlements in those Provinces, and killed many 
of our People who never offended them, as those Indians are looked upon by us, as allies 
and Dependants of you the six Nations and living within the Limits of your Country. 
I must [desire] that you will without loss of time, reprimand them for what they have 
alreayd done, prevent their doing any more Mischeif, and insist on their turning their Arms 
with us against the French, and their Indians both you [r] and our common enemy, and that 
without loss of time, this is what you engaged to do at the General Meeting last June at 
my house, I am surprized you have not done it before, and I expect you will now do it 
without loss of time if not we will endeavor to put a stop to their barbarities and do 
ourselves that justice the Law of Nature allows A large Belt 

Bretheren of the Confederate Nations 

I desire you will send me from time to time what news you receive from your Allies 
to the Southward and Westward as at all times it is very necessary for me to know it, and 
more particularly so at this time. In return you may depend on my giving you all the news 
among us which may be useful to you. A large Belt. 

Their Answer 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We are obliged to you for the welcome you give us and assure you we are equally rejoiced 
to meet you here at our fire, after your great fatigue and danger, and congratulate you on your 
success over our common enemy It gives us the greatest concern to hear of the Behaviour of 
our cowzens the Delawares to our Bretheren the English, and we assure you we shall without 
loss of time forward your Message through all their Nations and use all arguments in our 
Power for their exerting themselves on this important occasion A Belt 

' Sie. 1756. Johnson's ManvncripU. IV. — Ed. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 45 

Brother Warragliiyagey 

We will also recommend it to them to keep up a constant correspondence with you as we 
are sensible it is of the utmost consequence at all times, but more so at I'resent A Belt 

Ended. 



At a meeting of tlie Mohawks Oneidas and Tuscaroras Dec 28 175G ' 

Segwarusara, Cheif of the Tuskarora spoke 
Brother Warragliiyagey 

We return you our hearty thanks for the care you take of us, in supplying us witli 
Ammunition large Guns and Paint, as we do not know how soon the enemy will come upon 
• meaning iheoocijas. us. We liave been speaking to our eldest brothers* these four years about having 
a place of defence made against the French, but could never bring them to a conclusion untill 
now having promised to join and assist our Brethren the English against any attempts which 
the French shall make against them 

Kanquiesa spoke (cheif of the Oneidas). 
Brother Warraghiyagey 

We join with our Brothers the Tuscaroras in returning you our hearty thanks, for adviseing 
us to be upon our guard against the malicious designs of the French and that you would 
supply us with Ammunition large Guns Paint &c 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We own we have been lost or drunk these several years past in not listening to you and our 
youngest brothers in joining the two Castles together but we have now opened our ears, 
which have been stopped and are determined to live and die with you A Belt. 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

You acquainted us some time ago of the Designs of the French in incroaching upon our 
hunting Grounds and desired^ us to be on our guard, against them, or otherwise they would come 
and dispossess and destroy us all. It seems to us now that they had blinded our eyes and is 
as plain to us as the sun that rises in the morning, that they had it in view. No doubt but you 
have heard that the French had invited us to meet them at Swegatsy, but we have taken a 
firm resolution never to listen to any but yourself. We dont speak this from our Lips, but it 
comes from the bottom of our hearts A Belt 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

You blame us for not taking care of our Allies to the Southward but we assure you we 
have some time ago sent four large Belts to them desiring that they would not join 
wjth any but whom the five Nations joined. And since we are informed that the Belts & 
Messnges we sent were directly made known to the French. Now brother we have sent an 
other Message desiring that they would come and speak with us, and be assured we shall do 
our utmost endeavors to put a stop to any more Bloodshed that way and we hope that you 

'Sic. ' aHvioefl. JohnJion ifamiKript: IV. — En. 



46 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

will desire the Governors to do their utmost in bringing thein over to us, as we are sure there 
is nothing draws them from us but the large Presents wiiich the French make them 

A Belt 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We iiave sent to the River Indians and Shawanese to come to our Castle, to hear from their 
own mouths, what they have to say for their killing so many of our brothers, and if they should 
not come upon our Message We the Oneida and Tuscarora Sachems are determined to go to 
them and know the reason of it 

Governor .Shirley promised to have a Fort built for us and men to garrison it, and not hearing 
any thing about it since. We think he will refer it till Spring but we hope' )'ou will have 
a Fort built iin:nediately, and men to Garrison it as we are certain the French only wait a 
favorable opportunity to fall upon us A String — ended. 

My answer made [to them] Feb 17"' 175C 

Arent Stevens Interpreter 

Bretheren of Tuscarora 

I received the friendly speech you made at my House when I was at New York, together 
with your acknowledgements for the arms, ammunition &c. I gave your Nation, I heartily 
wish they may answer the end they were designed for, which was to enable you to secure 
yourselves' against any attempts of the French, or any other enemy. I highly approve of your 
wisdom, and timely advice to your elder brothers the Oneidas, and am extreamly glad that 
you and they have at last agreed to build a place of defence, and to join your Brethren the 
English, against any attempts, of your and our common enemy the French A Belt. 

Bretheren of Oneida. 

It highly pleases me to find you so gratefuU for the advice I have given you, and the assistance 
I promised you should have, as well as your Bretheren the Tuscaroras, and I expect you and 
they together with the Skaniodaraghroonas, will live so compact and have your Castle fortified 
in such a manner, as may enable you to make a bold defence, should any attempts be made 
against you. If you do this, and have a good officer with a party of men, there can nothing 
hurt you A Belt. 

Bretheren 

Nothing can give me greater satisfaction than to find that you have at last come to your 
senses, and to the use of your hearing of which you acknowledge to have been bereft some 
time. As I have a great regard for you, I most sincerely wish you may continue in your 
senses, that you may follow the wholesome advice, which your brother the Tuscarora alltho' 
younger has given you, and that which I shall from time to time give you 

Brethren 

Had you been in your [ right] senses, and your eyes open, when I timely acquainted you with 
the designs of the French encroaching on your hunting Grounds, and destroying you, and had 

' so hope that. Johnson Mnnnacriptu, IV. — En. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 47 

followed my advice, tlie Frencli would not have been now in possession of the best part of 
your country, and \m\[«] you delinnce as they now do. Siiake away then that infatuation which 
has so long had the better of you, & exert yourselves now in conjunction with your Father 
the Kings Troops, and you may still recover your Lands, and be a happy People, which is the 
sincere wish of your Father, and all your Brethren — Your not complying with the Governor 
of Canadas Invitation to meet liim at Oswegatsy, was quite right, and am glad you have taken 
so firm a Resolution of adhering to your engagements, had you acted otherwise it would have 
been a breach of the many solemn promises you have made to me on that head A Belt. 

Bretheren of Oneida & Tuscarora 

I am heartily pleased to hear from you, that you have not been so remiss as I imagined, with 
resard to the Delawares, and Shawanese and that you are determined to have a conference 
with them, I must press you in the most strenuous manner to exert your authority at said 
meeting and let me know the result thereof as soon as possible A Belt 

Bretheren 

I heard General Shirley say he had ordered a Fort to be built for you some time ago, wliy 
his orders have not been complyed with I can not say, but this I may venture to affirm it was 
not his fault, however as you now desire it may be built, I will order proper Persons to go 
about it as soon as possible ^ "^'^ 

Ended 

Copy of a letter from the Rev"* M' Hawley at Aughquagey to the Honble W" 
Johnson dated Dec. 27. — 1755 

Very honored Sir 

The Sachems who went from hence with your Message to the Delawares just now leturn 
from Trizaoga' and desire me to pen the following letter to your honor, in which you have a 
brief account, how the Quarrel between the English and Delawares began, and what has 
happened since, according to the account which we have from Trizaoga' in which also your 
honor has the answer of the Delawares to the Message you sent them by the Bearer hereof 
and a short speech which those Indians desired me to pen relative to the affair Your Honor 
will pardon me if I am not so particular in my Narration as the Indians are in telling a story 
the letter I am desired to write [except abreviation] is as follows 

Brother Johnson 

We have been to Trijaoga' upon your affairs — In the first place we relate what news we 
hear, The Indians there inform us that about two months ago, there was a party of English 
at Tsnasogh^ alias Shamokin upon a scouting Design, and that while they were there news 
came that there was a party of French and Indians from Ohio about there, and that Scarouyady 
advised the English Party to return back and by all means to keep on the East Side of the 
River, they took his advice, tis said, and returned, but went the West side of the River, and 
that before they had gone far, a french party came upon them, fired and drove them into the 
River, where four of the English were drowned. Not long after this that an Englishman came 

■ Su. Tiyaoga. Johnson ^fanu^cripts, IV. ' TainagUse. ;4«t— Ed. 



48 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

to Scahandowana alias Wioming, and as he used to trade upon this River the Indians asked 
him, whether he had brought any Goods with him. He said, no, but I have brought my body, 
my Flesh, and you may do what you please witii me its you said he and the six Nations who 
killed our people t'other day. 1 was there, I know your Language, it was certainly you that 
did the Mischeif and now said he you and the English will fight, may be you think that you 
and your uncles the Six iNations are able to stand the English I tell you said he that we can 
pinch you between our fingers. I shan't cheat you and act in the dark and underhanded as 
you do, but tell you plainly that the English are going to fight you. In six days more the 
English will set out from all parts against you. The Englishman returned to the white People 
and informed them that a great multitude of Indians of all Nations were gathered at Wioming 
&c &c., then the English that way made it their business, to take as many of the Delawares 
who lived among or near the White People, and make them Prisoners, as they could lay hands 
* this u false on. the number they took its said is* 232 in all. One old man they took [who] 

heard the account which the Englishman brought from Wioming, and made his escape with 
much difficulty and carried the news back to Wioming and gave an account of the English taking 
the Delawares who lived near the white People &c. The Indians at Wioming its said were 
fully concerned after the Englishman had been there, and kept scouts out to see if any English 
were coming against them, at last they saw a single man coming, the Indians went to the 
white man, and asked him whether he was alone, he told them that three more who were 
gentlemen were coming to have a treaty with them, they soon arrived and called the Indians 
together, and informed them that they were sent to treat with them about building a Fort 
there that their Squaws and Children might be protected from the French. The Indians 
desired to see their Commission, they produced a certificate of it in writing, the Indians 
objected against their not having Wampum, with that they produced another Paper Now the 
old man who had been taken by the English and made his escape, said to the Indians, dont 
you beleive these men they only mean to deceive you, and make you prisoners or put you to 
the sword. At that the Indians took their Hatchets and knocked them all in the head except 
the Indian Trader who came there before and was now with these gentlemen that made his 
escape. Thus Brother Johnson we have given you an account how the Quarrel began, 
between the English and Delawares, and what has happened since, and if they have told us a 
pack of lies we can't help it. 

Now my brother we give you the answer of the Delawares to the Message you sent by the 
Bearer this is the answer our Nephew gives 

Brother Johnson 

You desire to know what is the reason of the Quarrel between us and our Brethren the 
English, you say you are ignorant of it so are we, we don't know the cause of this Quarrel, 
tis true Brother as you say we are not at our own Command but under the direction of the 
Six Nations We are women, our uncle must say what we must do, he has the Hatchett and 
we must do as he says, tis true Brother we have not the Hatchet — We are poor Women 
and have got out of temper. We are much obliged to you brother that you tell us to stop, and 
leave off that which we have begun to do. We hear you we stop & repent. But Brother 
Johnson some of our young men a few days ago went out against the English, we cant help 
it, tho we have sent after them as soon as we heard from you Brother to stop them and call 
them back Now Brother, you must take care of your side too, many of our people are 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 49 

now cupiives, anions; tlie Kiif;lish — We must see every one of them returned again, or else it 
will not be well. We shall wait two months to see whether our captives are given up, and 
if we dont see them then we dont know what we shall do. — When we see our people again, 
then we shall contrive to make up the matter and settle atiiiirs and not till then — Tlius 
Brother Johnson you have the answer olniy Nephew to your Message. Now brother we that 
are young ones here, and say a few words, by and b)', you shall hear from our Heads. We 
ask leave for once according to the English Custom to use paper instead of Wampum 

Brother Johnson 

Be strong, do all you can on your part, and we will do all we can on ours let both of us be 
engaged to pursue the things that make for Peace and Harmony. You'l not doubt Brother, 
but that the six Nations will make it their bu.siness to set things to rights again, and make up 
the unhappy quarrel between our Brethren the English, and the Delawares our .Nejjhew. Be 
strong Brother, be engaged and we will assist you and we need not doubt but we shall gain 
the point 

We would inform you Brother, that the Delawares tell us that two companies of their men 
set out not long ago against the English, but they have now sent after them to bring them 
back, they say that there was SO in one and 40 in totiier company, And that a number from 
Ohio set out lately against the English Frontiers 

Thus honoured Sir, I have wrote all that the Indians desired I have wrote in hast, and 
not correct as I might, had I leisure, 'tiie Indians from Tiyaoga arrived just at sun set, 
and the bearer designing to set out early in the morning, I must send this rough account just 
as it is 1 rely on your Honors Candor — If 1 can serve your Honor in any thing in your 
public AHairs I am yours at Command 

GiD" Hawley' 

To the Houble Will™ Johnson esq'^ 

P S I propose to your Honors consideration whether it would be well for the English to 
build a Fort and keep a Garrison here I dont at all think that the Delawares design to be 
peaceable and a Fort here perhaps will be necessar}"^ to keep the rest of the Indians on the 
Uiver in order 

' Rev. GiDEo.x IIawle? was born in Connecticut in the year 1727, and graduated in Yale College in 1748. He commenced 
liiii labors iu February, 1752, as a Missionary among the Indians at Stockbridge where he used to instruct some Iroquois that 
came thither. He visited tlie Snsquehannah Indians tlie following year, and was ordained a Missionary to the Western 
Indians, July 31, 1754. He remained at Oghqiiaga, or Onoboghquaga, in Broome Co., N. Y., until May, 1756, when the 
Freneli War obliged him to retire. He returned to Boston, and served as Ch iplnin to C'd. tJriilley's reginunt in the 
e.vpedition ngain»>t Crown I'oint. In 1757, he was sent Missionary to the Marslipec Indiaus, Ma^s., among whom he pass<.d 
the remainder of his life. Ue died October 3, 1807, aged 80 years. Allen. — Ko. 



Vnl.. \ll. 



50 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Fort Johnson Feb.» 29. 1756 

At a meeting of the Aughquageys, Tuscaroras, Skaniadaradighroonas, Chughnuts, 
Mihicanders and Shawanese. Thomas their speaker stood up and went 
through the ceremony of Condolence for the Loss of my sister and brother 
in Law;^ and then proceeded as follows 

Brotlier Warraghiyagey 

We will now open our hearts to you, and throw off the Burthen which lyes to** heavy upon 
us, it greived us much to hear it was suggested that all the Nations living upon the Bankes of 
the Susquehana, even as far as Aughquagey had joined the French. We assure you it is a 
false Report, & we appeal to your"* Brother whither we have not (since your acquaintance with 
us) always proved true Bretheren to the English and strictly adhered to the agreements 
made so long ago between them, and our Forefathers and depend upon it we ever shall 
notwithstanding all the Temptation^ of the French. What we now say comes not from our 
Lips only, but from the very bottom of our Hearts 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We spake now in behalf of the Oneidas, Tuscaroras, Shaniadaradighroonas, and Chughnuts 
and we may say, we spake also in behalf of the Shawanese who are now upon their way to 
Chugnut* where they are to settle and live under our protection, also the Delaware Indians 
who live upon the East Bank^ of that River near the Head of it, have given us the strongest 
assurances that they will live and die with us, and in consequence of that will keep up the 
same Friendship and alliance with the English as now subsists between us, and them, and tliis 
Belt we hereby deliver to you as a Testimony thereof — Gave the Belt 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We beg leave to lay our immediate danger and distress before you. We are now entirely 
exposed to the merciless Power of the French and their Indians, our and your common enemy 
their Hatchet is ready to fall upon our Heades, their Indians who live not far from us, threaten 
us for our attachment to you for they call and look upon us as English as we truly are. Now 
Brother our ernest request is that you would build us a small Place of Defence, wherein our 
old men, Women, and Children may have shelter in this time of Danger, and that you would 
also supply us with arms, Ammunition &ca, wherewith to defend ourselves from any attempts 
the enemy may make upon us. Gave a Belt. 

' January. Johnson ifanuscr'ptt, IV. 

' C.iptain Farrell, his sister's husband, who was killed in the battle of Lake George. Supra, VI., 1005. 
' 60. Johnson Muituscripts, IV. * yon. Ibid. 

' This villa,'e was situate on tlie South bauk of the Susquehanna river, opposite Binghamton, Broome county, N. Y. Giitf 
Juh>iao7is Map of the counlry of the Six Nations. 
' Branch. Johnton Manuscripts. — Ed. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS . A,\Mn. 51 

Feb 2. 175f). 
At a Meeting of the Oiieidas, Tuscaroras Skaniadaradiglirooiias, ChughnutB, & Mihicaiulers, 
I iinde an answer to their speech in the presence of 

The Rev"* M' Hawley Three Interpreters viz' 

Lieut Miller M^ Daniel Clause 

M' Reid A rent Stevens 

\V"' I'rinlup 

Canadagai a Mohawk Cheif my speaker stood up and answered to their speecii as 

follows viz' 

Bretheren of the Oneidas, Tuskaroras Schaniadaradighroonas, Mihicanders, Ciiughnuts, 

and Shawanese 

I approve much of your openness of Heart to me, on this occasion and as that is the surest 
way of having your Greivances redressed. I would advise you, (as I have often your Bretheren 
of the Six Nations) always to follow that method, and yon may be assured I will endeavor to 
ease your minds and do every thing in my power to contribute to your happiness. As for the 
idle surmises of, or reports spread by any evil minded, silly People, who know nothing of 
your sentiments, or the state of your or our aflairs, 1 must desire you will not give ear to, nor 
be in the least uneasy at them, for their words are like Wind, and not to be noticed, if at any 
time your minds are disturbed, or that you labor under any difficulties, let me know it 
immediately and you may depend upon releif. The strong assurances you now and always 
have given me of your attachment to your Bretheren the English, and of [your] gathering 
together, gives me the greatest pleasure and will animate me to take the more care of you 
whicli you may depend upon as long as you continue stedfast friends to the English which 
you will ever find it your Interest to do A Bell 

Bretheren of the several before mentioned Nations 

Your case I have considered, and agree with you in opinion, that your present situation is 
far from being safe having so dangerous and deceitful an enemy as the French (are 
notoriously known to be) on the one side, and their blind folded, rash Indians (who know not 
their own Interest) on the other Wherefore agreeable to your request, I shall immediately 
have a Fort built for the safety of your old people. Children, and friends living round about 
there I will also supply you with arms, ammunition &ca, to defend said Fort against any 
attempts the French or their Indians may make upon you. Keep a good look out, and if at 
any time, you find a design against you let me know it, and I will come immediately to your 
assistance, this I confirm by this Belt of Wampum. A Belt 

Feb^ 2* 1756 
The Answer of the Aughquageys, [Tuscaroras] Skaniadaradighroonas, 
Mihicanders, Chugnuts and Shawanese. Adam speaker 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We the several Nations of Indians living at and about Susquehana River, and its Branches, 
here present, Return you our most hearty thanks for your kind compliance to our requests, as 



52 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

well as for the great regard you shew for our safety hy promising to come in person to our 
assistance should there be occasion at any time for it, this convincing proof of your love for us 
at this critical lime, lays us under the greatest obligations, and be assured we and ours shall 
never forget it, as long as the Waters of Susquehaua run A Belt & finished 

Giving six Shouts of approbation 

Friday 6 I sent an Indian express with a belt of Wampum to know the reason of the six 
Nations delay. 

Monday the 9"" Not hearing from tliem yet and all the other Nations waiting here 
impatiently, despatched Jacobus Clement one of the Interpreters to bring them down speedily 

Wednesday the 11''' Three Onondaga Warriors arrived at my House with three Strings 
of Wampum from the Sachems acquainting me that their Nation Cayougas and Senecas were 
making all the haste possible and would be here tomorrow in a body 

In the afternoon the Onondagas and Cayougas arrived and told me the 50 Senecas would be 
here tomorrow 

The Mohawk Sachems came to me with an express from their Bretheren the Conajoharees 
acquainting them, and me that the Oneidas and Tuscaroras were to be a Friday at their Castle, 
in order to condole the death of the great Hendrick and the other Cheifs of that Castle, who 
were slain at Lake George, and desired their, and my attendance at the Ceremony. I gave 
them the proper Belts of Wampum on. that occasion, and desired they would act for me, as I 
could not possibly attend, there being so many Indians at my house, which they readily 
agreed to; and set off. 

Thursday the 12"' — The Senecas arrived & told me, that the Oneidas & Tuscaroras would 
not be here till Saturday or Sunday for the above mentioned reasons 

Friday 13 — Some more of the Senecas arrived when I performed the necessary ceremony 
on that occasion 

Saturday the 14 — Had an express sent me from Conajoharee that a great number of 
the Oneidas, Tuscaroras & Mohawks were met there and would finish their condolence 
that day and set oft' the next which tliey accordingly did and on Monday 16"" the Oneidas 
and Tuscaroras arrived here when I received them and performed the usual ceremony on 
that occasion. 

After which Kanaghquiesa an Oneida Sachem stood up & spoke 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We doubt not but you have been uneasy at our staying so long after our Brethren of the 
other Nations, the reason is this, we have been clearing up the Road of our Forefathers as is 
customary among us, (meaning condoling the loss of several of their people who died, and 
were killed, since they travelled that Road before) particularly at Conajoharee, where we 
have lost two great men in whose stead or Room we have been appointing others. Our 
Bretheren of the other Nations have passed by and neglected this, which we think wrong. 
iNow we are here compleat and beg you will be easy in your mind A Belt 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

Hoping we have now quieted your mind be beg you will think and speak cooly, otherwise 
It may be of ill consequence to us, as our welfare depends greatly on your cool deliberations 

A Belt 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXllI. 53 

Brotlur Warnigliij'agey 

As this is the Council lloom where nil the affairs of the Six iNations are transacted, and as 
you told us you would keep a white Wing hanging in it to sweep it clean with, we now take 
this Kan down and sweep all dust and dirt out of it, so as nothing may interrupt us in our 
councils and deliberations 3 Strings Wampum. 

Feb Hi"' 17oG. 
The Answer to the Oneidas & Tuskaroras speech 

Bretlieren 

On your arrival yesterday you expressed your concern least I niiglit be uneasy at your 
slaying so much longer than the rest of your Brethcren, and the time appointed The reasons 
you have given are sutlicient apology. 1 am very glad you have done every thing necessary 
on your part agreeable to your customs and the Rules layed down for you by your wise 
auncestors. So many of you appearing here now at this Council and at so bad a Season of the 
Year gives me great pleasure, as it plainly demonstrates your regard to my invitation 

A Belt. 
Bretheren 

I thank you for the prudent and kind steps you have taken to quiet my mind at this time 
1 assure you it is quite settled and my tiioughts fixed upon nothing so much, as what may 
tend to your welfare and tiiat of all our Bretheren in general A Belt 

Bretheren 

I have had this Council Room (on my inviting you and the rest of the Nations [to it]) well 
cleansed, but as you imagined it might have by your staying so much longer than the time 
appointed [for meetinu;] gathered some dust, 1 am glad you have taken the Fan down, and 
swept [it], so that nothing might in the least impede our Consultations 

3 Strings Wampum 

Ended this affiiir 

At a private meeting of the upper Mohawk Castle Wednesday IS"" 

Present — all the Sachems & Warriors 

Abraham the great Hendricks brother stood up & spoke 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We return you our hearty thanks for the care you have taken in Fortefieing our Castle last 
summer agreeable to our desire and also of garrisoning it in our absence for the security of 
our old People & Children, and as we look upon it as necessary now as ever (from the many 
reports we daily have of the Frenches Intentions of attacking us for our attachment to you) 
we ernestly desire there may be an officer and a proper number of men posted there as soon 
as possible for our defence. A Belt 

Bretheren of Conajoharee 

As I am fully convinced of your sincerity & attachment to His Majesties Interest, I readily 
comply with your request, not doubting it will be very agreeable to your father the Great 



54 NEW-YORlv COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

King, who has nothing more at Heart, than the safety & Welfare of you his faithful children. 
As an assurance of what I say, and now promise you I give you this Belt of Wampum 

A Belt 

Ended 



At a Meeting of Five hundred and eighty six of the Six Nations and their allies at Fort 
Johnson. Feb 18 175G 

Present — The Honble W"" Johnson sole Superintend' of their affairs 
Rev D'' Ogilvie Lieut' Dunbar 

Rev"* M' Hawley Lieut' Pottinger 

Capt" Beckwith Lieut' Mills 

Lieut Miller Lieut' Lottridge 

Capt" Butler & other Indian Officers 
Several Gentlemen 
The Deputy Secretary and four Interpreters 

Bretheren of the Six united Nations 

I have heard with great concern that a war party of the Senecas the most remote nations 
of the confederacy have had a considerable misunderstanding with their Bretheren the English 
to the Southward which has been fatal to some of that nation I am extremely unable to express 
my sorrow for that unhappy affair, and as the Hatchet remains fixed in your heads I do with 
the greatest affection and tenderness remove it thence. A Belt 

Bretheren 

With this Belt I cleanse and purify the Beds of those who fell in that unfortunate afJliir, 
from the defilement they have contracted A Belt 

Bretheren 

I am informed that upon that unhappy occasion you have lost three of your principal Warriors 
I do with this Belt cover their Dead Bodies that they may not offend our sight any more and 
bury the whole affair in [eternal] Oblivion A Belt 

Bretheren 

I have now agreeable to your Antient Customs scattered those clouds that looked with so 
dark and threatning an aspect. The Sun now shines bright again, therefore let us under its 
enlightning and cherishing influences proceed upon an' important business with our usual 
cheerfulness and unanimity A Belt 

'our. JoKnmn Manutcriptt, TV. — Ed. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 55 

The remaining part of tlie ceremony of coniiolence jointly in the names of 
General Joiinson, & (iov' Morris, whom Scarowjady the Iluif King and 
M' Montour represented 

Bretheren of the Caijougas and Tedirighroonas,' 

By constant experience we discover that the life of Man, is as the Flower of the Field, in 
this transitory scene therefore Resignation becomes us under the loss of our nearest and dearest 
friends, comfort yourselves therefore under the losses you have sustained as becomes reasonable 
creatures With this Belt I cover all your dead, that they may no more ofTend your sight 

A Belt. 

Bretheren of the Onondagas, Oneidas, Tuskaroras, Skaniadaradighroonas, Aughquageys, and 
the Mohawks of both Castles. 
I perform the same ceremony to you 

After this ceremony six French Prisoners some of those who were taken at the late Battle 
near Lake George were delivered with great ceremony to the Indians in order to replace the 
following Indians who were killed in that Battle viz: Tiyanoga, alias Hendrick, Tarrachioris, 
Waniacoone, of Conojaharee, Skayowees, Onienkoto of the Mohawks, Nica'anawaa, 
Skarouyadas son, and Cayadanorong, a Tuscarora. they received the Prisoners with the 
greatest mark of Gratitude and Satisfaction, every nation giving the Shout of approbation, and 
then carried oflF the Prisoners to their respective familys 

Thus ended the Ceremony necessary on those occasions agreeable to their Customs 

The Answer of the Six Nations and their Allies. Feb 19"' 1756. 

Red Head Speaker. 

Present — The Honble W™ Johnson Lt Miller 

The Rev D' Ogilvie Lt Dunbar 

The Rev'' M' Havvley Capl" Butler & other Indian Officers 

Three Interpreters 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We the Sachims and Warriours of the Seneca Nation return you our sincere [and hearty] 
thanks for your great affection in drying our Tears, and driving Sorrow from our Hearts, and 
we in return perform the same ceremony to you, with the like Hearty Affection. 

A String of Wampum 
Brother Warraghiyagey 

We are sensible of your goodness expressed to us in removing the cause of our Grief, and 
tenderly taking the Axe out of our Heads A Belt 

f 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We are thankful to you for cleansing the Blood out of our sight agreeable to the antient 
Custom of our Forefathers A Belt 

' This tribe lived at tlie head of Cayuga lake, on the site of the preeent village of Ithaca, Tompkina Co., N. Y. ffiiy 
Juhnsan't Afap of the Country of llu Six iVation*. — Ed. 



56 JSTEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Broiher Warraghiyagey 

We are tliankfull likewise for your covering the Graves of those who were slain in that 
unhappy affair 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We acknowledge your Goodness in tlius settling our minds which were so much 
discomposed, and that you have so seasonably reminded us of that Harmony that has always 
subsisted, between our Forefathers and our Bretheren the English, an account of which has 
been handed down to us by Tradition from Father to son — We promise due attention to 
your advice, which we are convinced tends to our welfare, and assure you that we bury that 
unfortunate affair in eternal oblivion. A Belt 

The Cayougas & Tederighroonas returned their hearty thanks to the General for his 
affectionate and Public Condolence with a Belt A Belt 

The Onondagas acknowledge the same A Belt 

The Oueidas the same A Belt 

Tiie Tuscaroras and Skaniadaradighroonas the same A Belt 

The two Castles of the Mohawks the same A Belt 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

The Six United Nations as one body do with the greatest thankfulness acknowledge your 
brotherly afl^ection in thus effectually cleansing and purifying all our habitations from all the 
Blood and defilement they had contracted by the Death of so many of our principal men 

A Belt 

The Speaker then took up a large Belt which the General gave them in the year 174S with 
an emblem of the Six Nations, joined hand in hand with us and spoke as follows 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

Look with all attention on this Belt, and remember the solemn and mutual engagements 
we entered into when you first took upon you the Management of our affairs. Be assured we 
look upon them as sacred, and shall on our parts punctually perform them as long as we are 
a People A Prodigious large Belt. 

The Speaker then took up another very large Belt which was given them by the Governor 
of New York some years ago. 

He then repeated the solemn promises that were then made them by the Representatives 
of all the Governments then present and said 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We hope our Bretheren the English will seriously remember the promises made us by this 
Belt, & exactly perform them, and we promise to do the same, though we have no records but 
our memorys A very large Belt 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

As you and the Governor of Philadelphia have asked us what reason we can possibly assign 
for the barbarous Behaviour of our Nephews the Delawares, all we can say at present is, that 
they are deluded by the craft & subtilty of our old and perfidious enemy the French, but we 
promise on our part, we will try all means to stop their proceeding further in their Hostilities, 
and beg you will do the same 3 Strings 



■&" 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIIT. 57 

Brother Warragliiyngey 

We ernestly entreat you will immediately acquaint all the Gov" concerned that we the six 
Nations have not been inattentive to this important affair, hut have already sent some of our 
people to take the Hatchet out of the hands of our Nephews the Delawares, and we should be 
glad that you would draw your Troops from the Frontiers, then we will endeavour to bring 
our Nephews the Delawares to deliver up all the Prisoners they have taken from their Bretheren 
the English and to make the best acknowledgement in their Power for their base and 
treacherous Behaviour A Belt. 

Bretheren of the Six Nations 

I am extreemly pleased with your kind and friendly acknowledgments of my public 
condolence yesterday, and as all causes of uneasiness to either of us are now removed. I 
propose tomorrow to deliver you a speech relative to our Krencli' circumstances which I hope 
you will be properly prepared to hear 

Ended 



Feb IQ"* 175G 
At a Meeting of several principal Warriours from the most remote parts of the Senecas 
country, who never came down before to any meeting. The Chief man named 
Kayandigaro alias Kindarunty spoke as follows 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

I with my party of Warriors from Kanuskago the Door of the Six Nations embrace this 
first opportunity of shaking you by the Hand and of assuring you that nothing but my regard 
for you, and my desire of hearing your sentiments from your own mouth, could have induced 
me and my young men, to take such a journey at this season of the year, as we iiad several 
of our sachims attending at the meeting. We are now here at the Fire place of all the 
Nations, and assure you we are heartily glad to see you 

Bretheren of Kanuskago' 

As I iiave nothing more at heart than the Welfare of the six Nations and their allies. It 
always gives m<; the most sensible pleasure to see or even hear from any of them, and more 
especially you whom I never saw before, as it affords me an opportunity of commencing that 
acquaintance and friendship with you, which is natural among Bretheren, and which my 
inclination will always lead me to improve, especially with so brave a people as your nation 
has always been deemed 

Ended 

' Sic present Jolmton Maniurripts, TV, 

' Kanuskago, or Ganuskago village was in the present town of Dansville, Livingston county, X. Y. Out/ Johnton't Map of 
the Country of the Six Nationf. — Ed. 

Vol. VII. 8 



58 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Feb 20"' 1756 
Present at the following public Speech 

The Honble W" Johnson sole superintendent of their affairs 
Rev D'' Ogilvie Lieut' Pottinger^ 

Rev M' Hawley Lieut Lee ■• 

Capt° Beckwith' Lieut Kennedy* 

Lieut' Miller Lieut Mills 

Lieut' Dunbar^' Ensign Pinitint^ 

Several Indian Officers & other Gent" 
Three Interpreters 

Bretheren of the Six United Nations your allies and Dependants here present. 

It always gives me the most solid pleasure to meet you here, that we may felicitate ourselves 
in the cherishing warmth, and light of that Fire kindled here for our mutual good, may it 
ever burn bright as the Sun that illuminates, and guides the day, that you and your posterity 
to the latest generations may rejoice in its benevolent influence A Belt 

Bretheren 

It gives me a particular satisfaction to meet you here at this time for two important reasons 

The first is, that it affords me an opportunity of a friendly Interview under the shade of that 
Tree which was lately so solemnly, and judiciously planted; and of calmly consulting, and 
maturely deliberating matters of the utmost consequence and which nearly concern our mutual 
safety. Welfare and Honor A Belt 

The second is, that it gives me an opportunity of shaking you by the hand with a brotherly 
affection, and in the name of the Great King your Father congratulating you upon our late 
jiappy success which I make no doubt must give you the more sensible pleasure, and I flatter 
myself from your late repeated protestations of fidelity to your Bretheren the English, it will 
prove a means of animating you and all your faithful allies to stand forth with your usual 
Bravery upon all future occasions A Belt. 

How much greater might our success have been, how much more sensibly would it have 
been felt by our treacherous and common enemy had more of your Warriors appeared in the 
Field on that important day had all our force been united. If the Bubling or drops of our 

' Cant. John Bkokwith, of the 44tli regiment, entered the Army 11 June 1748, and obtained his commission as Captain on the 
2d March 1751 ; served in the campaign under Braddock ; became aMajor 18th July, 1768 ; a Lieutenant Colonel in the Army 
3d January. 1762, and of the 27th or Enniskillens, serving in America, Ist May, 1773. Which last commission he filled until 
October 1775, when his name disappears from the Army list. 

' John Dunbab, of the 48th Regiment, was wounded at the battle of Monongahela. His name is not found in the Army 

lUt of 1766. 

' James Pottingkr was appointed to a lieutenancy in the 44th Regiment on the 2d May, 1752 ; he made the campaign 
under Braddock, and continued in the Regiment until 1758, when he sold out and died. Manuscript note in Army list o/'1758. 

• CuARLis Lee, of the 44th Regiment of foot, was promoted to a captaincy 11th June, 1766, and on 10th August, 1761, 
became Major of the irj3d, or Volunteer Hunters, which Regiment was disbanded after the peace of 1763. On 26th May, 
1772, he rose to be Lieutenant-Colonel in the Army, and so continued until 1776. 

' QniNTON Kennedy was a Lieutenant in the 44th Regiment 30th June, 1765, and in 1758 became' Captain. 

' In the copy of these Conferences, printed in London for A. Millar, 1766, and in the State Library, this name is 
*' Peninglon." — Ed. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 59 

Wnr Kettle did so much how great would have been tlie consequence had it boiled with its 
usual Fury, it would like a miijlity Torrent carried all before it, and it would have sounded 
the fame of our victorious arms far and near and spread universal Terror all around us. I 
now in the name of the Great King your Father, in this publick manner return you thanks 
for joining our arms last summer, and for your Gallant Behaviour in that action, tiiis gives 
him reason to expect the like fidelity & courageous conduct from you all for the future, and 
greatly endears you to him, and to all his loving subjects your afiectionate Bretheren 

A Belt 
Bretheren 

This animates me with fresh pleasure, and affection, and at this important conjuncture of 
affairs to brighten and strengthen the Covenant Chain, that has so long linked us together in 
mutual freindship and brother[ly] affection which I hope will continue inviolable and sacred, as 
long as the Sun shines or tiie Rivers continue to water the earth, notwithstanding all the 
intrigues of our old and perfidious enemys, who have left no means unessayed, and especially 
at this time to weaken and divide us that so they may in the event root out the remembrance 
of your name, and Nations from the face of the earth • A large Covenant Belt 

Bretheren 

On my arrival from Lake George last December I had (from your brother the Governor of 
New York and since from the Governor of Tensilvania) the shocking news of your Nephews 
the Delawares and Shawanese falling upon your Bretheren of Pensilvania, Maryland and 
Virginia in the most cruel & treacherous manner, killing and barbarously butchering the 
innocent defenceless people who lived on the Frontiers of said Governments, burning and 
destroying all they had, and that without any just cause or reason as I understand. This I 
communicated immediately to you, by one of your own People a Seneca, with a Belt of 
Wampum desiring you would without loss of time put a stop to your Nephews spilling any 
more of your Bretherens blood, and that you would inquire into, and let me know the reasons 
for such their wicked and unparalelled Behaviour to the Kings subjects, your Bretheren and 
friends. I now repeat the same and expect to hear what you have done, in consequence of 
said message and desire 

Bretheren I tell you all with concern, that I plainly forsee, unless you the six Nations who 
have always maintained a superiority over them Indians, will now exert yourselves in this 
case you will not only loose that authority which they have hitherto acknowledged but will 
have them your enemies -A- Large Black Belt 

Bretheren 

I told you before the Governor of Pensylvania had acquainted me with the base Behavior of 
your Nephews the Shawanese, and Delawares, and has also sent your freind Scarouyady, and 
Andrew Montour to you with his Message, and to know your sentiments thereon. I 
desire and expect you will pay a just regard to his Message, and afibrd him all the Assistance 
you can, in bringing that unhappy affair to as good an issue as possible A Belt 

Bretheren 

I am now to acquaint you that the Great King of England your Father on the Death of the 
late General Braddock, has committed the command of all His forces raised, and to be raised 
upon the Continent of North America to General Shirley, and has in a particular manner 
commanded him to protect your country and the Lands which your Forefathers have conquered, 



60 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

and .ire of right your Property' against all violence, and attempts of the French our common 
enemy, and to cultivate a strict Friendship between them^ and you, and he takes the first 
opportunity of communicating this to you, by me, and of his assuring you of his intentions 
fully to follow His Majestys Instructions herein A Belt Black Wampum 

Bretheren 

General Shirley also desires me to acquaint you that he is to have a great army this insuing 
spring for the defence of your country, and the recovery of such parts of it as have been 
incroached upon by the French, and that in the mean time His Majestys Troops in the 
Province of New York shall be held in readiness to defend you against any attempts the French 
may make before the opening of the Campaign A Belt 

Bretheren 

On my return from New York, I received your kind Message and information of the design 
of the F'rench attacking His Majestys Garrison at Oswego, I am extremely obliged to you for 
your friendly notice, which I immediately acquainted General Shirley and Gov Hardy with by 
express from Albany who by their answers to me are also greatly pleased with you for the 
concern you show, for our mutual safety; and I expect you will not only continue your 
vigilance but will also be ready (like unalterable Bretheren and friends) to use the Ax which I 
gave you last summer in conjunction with His Majesties Troops whenever called upon, either 
at Oswego, or any where else they may be imployed to the utmost of your Power, as it is His 
Majesties intention to stand by you and protect you as well as his own subjects against the 
insults or attempts of any enemy whatever. Beleive me, Bretheren this is the proper time to 
convince your father the Great King of England and your Bretheren, of your sincerity, and 
attachment to their Interest by your acting vigorously with His Troops Which I most heartily 
advise you to do as it is of the utmost consequence to our mutual Interest 

A Large Belt. 
Bretheren 

I must now acquaint you that I propose meeting you at Oswego next spring, and desire you will 
join me in the invitation I shall send to your Friends and allies far & near to come to said 
meeting, when & where you and they shall receive a handsome present from your Father the 
Great King of England, who is very desirous of bringing all Nations worthy of His and your 
Alliance into the Covenant Chain at that meeting. I hope we shall then be able to make such 
an alliance, and settle matters in such a manner and so much to our mutual advantage, as will 
give reason to all concerned, and their Posterity to bless that happy day we met together 

A Belt. 

'territories. Juhnson Manuseripts, IV. * him. Ibid. — Ed. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 61 



Tlie Answer of llie Six Nations 21 Feb''. 170G. 

Present — Honble W"' Johnson Lieul' Miller 

ReV D' Ogilvie Lieut' Lee 

Capf Beckwith Lieut' Dunbar 
Three Interpreters 

Red Head Speaker 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We meet you with the greatest pleasure at this 6re Place and heartily join you in your 
wishes, that it may burn bright to the latest Posterity, let us mutually endeavour to colKct 
such materials for the use of this our Fire, as may tend to support it in its full strength as long 
as the Sun and Moon endurelh A Belt. 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We acknowledge that this Tree was solemnly and judiciously planted for our mutual welfare, 
its Roots reach to the remotest Habitations of the Confederacy, and its Branches afford a 
friendly retreat to us, and all our allies and Dependants. Brother take a tender care of it, see 
that it be fed plentifully by freindly streams, that it may increase and spread its Branches so 
far that it may be a sufficient shade, not only for us, but also all other Nations which may 
hereafter come into our alliance A Belt. 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We heartily rejoice with you upon our late success and assure you it gives us a 
solid pleasure A Belt. 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We are extremely well pleased that our late conduct was so highly acceptable to the Great 
King our Father A Belt. 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We assure you that we on our parts do with equal pleasure and friendship, join with you at 
this time of public commotion in brightening and strengthening the Covenant Chain that has 
so long united us together. Let us mutually and stedfastly adhere to our engagements, 
notwithstanding the crafty Intrigues of our perfidious and Blood thirsty enemies, let us vigorously 
endeavor to frustrate all their treacherous Designs that so we may reap the good effect of tiiis 
our Union which has long been the object of their envy. With this Belt we do most solemnly 
renew the engagements of the Antient Covenant Chain A Belt 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

• hv onn. is meant We always lookcd upon the Delawares as the more immediate care of •Onas, 
T>nia that they were within the Circle of his arms. We are therefore ot opinion that 

he has not taken that friendly care of them, as he ought to do, and therefore our common 
Enemy hath taken the advantage of their' Neglect, for we can not but think that if there had 

' Ilia. Johmon Maututriptt, IV. — Ed. 



62 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

been proper measures taken they would have still continued faithful friends to the 

British Interest. A Belt 

« 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We are sensible of the care of the Great King in appointing General Shirley a successor to 
the late General Braddock and we are extreemly thankful for the particular Instructions he 
has given him to cultivate a strict friendship between us, and Him, and to protect our Lands, 
and recover those incroached upon by our common enemy. We hope and expect He will 
strictly adhere to his Matys Instructions, by protecting us from the bloody incursions of our 
treacherous enemies, and use his utmost endeavours to recover those Lands which they have 
clandestinely wrested out of our hands A Belt 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We are very thankful for the assurances he gives us that the soldiers posted in this Province 
are to hold themselves in readiness to defend us upon any sudden emergency, for we assure 
you we are apprehensive that as the French find, that all their delusive, and wheedling arts 
have not had their desired effect, they may throw off their disguise and rush in upon us with 
a voracious fury like the wolves of the wilderness. A Belt. 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We are pleased that the information we gave with respect of the designs of the French 
against Oswegoe has been acceptable to you and our Bretheren the English, and we promise 
for the future to keep up a strict vigilance The Ax has been frequently put into the hands of 
our Forefathers by our Bretheren the English, and they always used it with the greatest 
vigour, till it was taken out of their hands. We assure you that we intend punctually to 
conform to the bright and brave example they sett us, and we hope this will be a sufficient 
proof of our sincerity and fidelity to the great King our Father A Belt. 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

Your proposal of taking a few embers from the Fire at Onondaga and to kindle a fire at 
Oswego, and meeting us there this spring is highly acceptable to us, as we have good reason 
to think that the light and warmth of that fire will invite many nations to meet us there. And 
we make no doubt that the things you will propose to their consideration, will carry such light 
and conviction with them as will be sufficient to engage them to join in our confederacy, and 
we promise to use our utmost endeavors to accomplish that great event, and we doubt not but 
that our childrens children will have reason to remember that happy day. Brother we very 
cheerfully concur with this your proposal, as we are convinced you will propose nothing but 
what is for our mutual Interest A Belt 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We have now opened our minds with Freedom & sincerity and we understand each other 
clearly let us mutually remember our engagements which we have again so solemnly renewed 
and if at any time our enemy should attack us, prove by your readiness to support & assist us, 
that you really love us, and we assure you we shall not be wanting on our parts to give proofs 
of the like fidelity, & friendship A Belt. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. G3 

At a Meeting of the Six Nations. P'eb. 23. 1756. 

PaESENT — The Honble William Johnson 

The ReV D' Ogilvie 
The Rev" M' Hawley 
Capt" Butler & other Indian oflicers 
Three Fnterpreters 

Bretheren 

As it was [very] cold and late when I delivered you my speech a Friday night, I told you I 
would then postpone some things I had further to say. I now take this opportunity of 
communicating them to you. 

In the first place I must recommend to you in the strongest manner as His Matys Troops 
will be passing, and repassing to Oswegoe next spring, that you endeavour all in your power 
to keep open the road thither, and not suffer any obstructions or stoppages to be thrown in the 
way by the enemy, as there is the greatest necessity now for our keeping that Road clear, and 
open being for our mutual Interest & safety A Belt. 

Bretlieren 

Now is your time to have Forts, or Trading houses built in your countrys, while your father 
the great King of England has your Interest so much at Heart, if at any time you incline to 
have such built in any of your Castles only let me know it, and it shall be done 

A Belt 
Bretheren 

Governor Hardy desired me to acquaint you, that he had a present from your Father the 
King for you, which he intends to deliver to you here, as soon as possible he can, Sc expects 
your attendance 3 Strings 

i3retheren 

The one great end proposed in calling you here at this season of the year, was to have that 
affair of the Delawares and Shawanese settled, but I am sorry to find you are not so hearty in 
the affair as I expected you would or as (at this important time) you ought to be I must 
therefore urge you most strenuously to fall upon, and settle this affair before you leave this 
place, as there is no time should be lost, besides your Bretheren of the several Governments 
with impatience wait the result of this meeting, on which let me tell you much depends 

A large Belt 
Bretheren 

It is m.y kind concern for your Welfare that leads me to propose the following advice to you, 
I have your happiness very much at Heart and most zealously wish your prosperity, therefore I 
conjure you to observe and follow the friendly hints I am going to give you 

1" Endeavour to bring as many nations of Indians under your alliance as possibly you can, 
and try all means without loss of time to settle the minds of all such as are wavering, and 
those who are now ready to rebel against you, if you can accomplish this then, let your study 
be ever after to keep up that correspondence, faith and Friendship with them which is 
absolutely necessary between Frieuds, and allies, and without which neither friendship nor 
alliance can long subsist 



g4 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

2'"J'T I would have you to adhere inviolably, to all the engagements you have or shall enter 
into with your Bretheren the English who have always been your stedy friends, and are 
determined to continue ever such, besides they are the ablest, and will be the readiest to 
protect and defend you against any attempts of an enemy, and moreover can, and will supply 
you, and all your allies with the necessarys of life at a cheaper rate than the French can 

3'""' Be not any longer wheedled, blindfolded and imposed on by the artful! speeches of the 
French, for their Tongues are full of deceit, do not imagine the fine Cloaths &c they give you is 
out of love, or regard for you. No, they are only as a bait to catch a fish, they mean to enslave 
you thereby and entail that curse upon your children after you, you' will have reason to repent 
the day you begot them, be assured they are your inveterate and implacable enemies, and only 
wish for a difference to arise between you, and us that then they might put you out of their 
■way by cutting you of the face of the earth 

^ihir Fall upon a method of collecting each Nation into a compact body, where you have 
good Land and a good situation there fortifie your castle in such a manner, as you may be 
able to defend yourselves against any number with small arms & above all things be 
unanimous in your councils, and also in the Field 

5"'''' If at any time your Bretheren the English or any of your Indian Allies are injured or 
threatned from any quarter the whole body of the confederacy should rise and endeavour to 
bring about an honorable accommodation, but if your enemy should not hear to reason but 
still persist in acting unjustly, then the whole body should as one man join their arms against 
the enemy, by which means you will always be able to bring them to what terms may be 
thought proper, you will in that state be a terror to the French, who now (well knowing your 
unsettled divided disposition) at every turn of the wind use threats, and menaces against you. 
Be not afraid of them, cleave to your Bretheren the English and they can not hurt you 

If you duly observe the[se] wholesome admonitions, you will again become numerous, and 
retrieve your pristine Fame, then the very name of the Six Nations and their Allies will be a 
terror to their enemies, and their arms will carry conquest with them as heretofore 

But Bretheren & Friends if you continue any longer in your past lethargic, and supine state, 
and neglect this my friendly advice, and ernest desire I greatly fear you will sooner, or later 
have cause to repent it, and wish too late you had followed it. Let all your youngest People 
hear what I say, and your men and women seriously consider it, and let your and their memory 
witness for me that I have given you all this timely, & wholesome advice. 

Take this pipe to your great Council Chamber, at Onondaga, let it hang their in view, and 
should you be weavering in your minds at any time, take and smoke out of it, and think of 
my advice given with it and you will recover and think properly — 

Gave the largest Pipe in America made on purpose 

As it is late now I shall deliver you the Present I have got for you tomorrow morning by 
which time I hope to have your definitive answer to these Points I now spoke to you upon 

Ended 

' who will, lie. Johnton Manvicripti, IV. — Ed. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 05 

The Answer of the Six Nations Feb 24"' 1756 

lied Head Speaker 

Present — The Honbie VV'iliiani Johnson 
The Rev' D' Ogilvie 
The ReV^ M' Hawley 
Capt" Butler and other Indian officers 
Three Interpreters 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

You have very seasonably put us in mind of that superiority which we by a series of 
conquests have obtained over the Delawares Shawanese and others We are sensible of it, 
and therefore no sooner did you send us the shocking tidings of their treacherous and barbarous 
conduct but we looked upon ourselves nearly concerned to interpose. We immediately 
dispatched a message to them, to enquire into the cause of this their unparrallelled Behaviour 
we backed this with a second message with equal warmth but both proving abortive We 
obtained an interview by the means of our Bretheren of Oneida. At this meeting we reminded 
them of their subordination, we shook them by the Head, and demanded the reason of their 
conduct, we put them in mind, how contrary this Behaviour was to the Covenant subsisting 
between the confederacy and the English. We told them that our latest Posterity would have 
reason to curse their Actions, and that it would give our Bretheren reason to suspect us [all] 
of treachery, while we so basely abuse the confidence they repose in us. We again and again 
desired they would immediately change their behavior, at least that they would suspend 
Hostilities till they hear from us at our Return from this Meeting. They seemed sensible of 
their fault, and promised they would cease committing any further Hostilities 

A String 
Brother Warrighiyagey 

We look upon you as one of our own body, and therefore as you have out of sincere regard 
to our common welfare pressed upon us to put an effectual stop to the Ravages and 
Devastations made by our Nephews the Delawares and Shawanese. We solemnly promise in 
the name of the Sachems & Warriors of the five Nations, that we will use our utmost 
endeavours to put a speedy and effectual stop to these unhappy Proceedings It is the firm 
resolution of the whole confederacy to conform themselves intirely to your reasonable request 
in this important Point. But as the Mohawks are the head of our confederacy we leave the 
management of that affair intirely to them. We sincerly wish that the Great Spirit who 
governs all things, may succeed them in this important undertaking, as it will greatly contribute 
to our mutual happiness & strength this confirmed with a large Belt 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

The Mississagaes acknowledge a message sent them by General Shirley last year, giving 
them an Invitation to meet him at Oswegoe they answered that the season of the year was 
too far advanced, to admit of a meeting then, but that they promise to come early in the 
Spring, and be attentive to what their Bretheren the English have to say, they desired, that 
this string might be kept at Onondaga, least it might be intercepted by the French, for should 

Vol. VII. 9 



66 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

they be acquainted with their design of meeting the English they feared they would fall upon 
and destroy them A String 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

Be attentive to what we now propose : they are the real sentiments of the five Nations, not 
merely the sounds of their Breath, but the genuine Resolutions of their Hearts Look upon this 
Belt [This Belt was the largest ever given, upon it was wrought the sun by way of the 
emblem of Light and some figures representing the Six Nations : it was intended to signify 
that they now saw objects in their proper Light and that they were fully convinced of the 
truth of every thing proposed] as a pledge of our inviolable attachment to you, and of our 
unshaken resolution of joining you in all your measures. Our determinations are founded 
upon clear conviction, as clear as that Sun that now shines in the firmament. We shall send 
this Belt to the Senecas that from thence it may be conveyed to the remotest nations, as an 
emblem of the happiness we enjoy by our union at the same time kindly inviting them to 
come in and join our Covenant Chain. Brother you may depend upon this as our Resolution 
which we will put into immediate Execution 

What you have said with regard to the Trade, we look upon as a convincing proof of your 
love and affection to us, and it gives us pleasure that it now becomes a matter of serious 
consideration with you. We are sensible of your ability to supply us with all the necessaries 
of Life cheaper and better than the French can possibly do, indeed Brother there is nothing 
you should more seriously attend to, as it would greatly conduce to cement that friendship 
that subsists between us, and would be the most likely means of bringing in the most remote 
Nations to an acquaintance and Union with us A Prodigious large Belt 

As the General had frequently insisted upon knowing their Resolution with respect 
to the Ravages committed by the Delawares &c this Paragraph is intended as an 
apology for not making their answer sooner 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

You have most ernestly and frequently pressed us to accommodate that unhappy Breach 
between the Delawares and our Bretheren the English our delay did not proceed from 
backwardness on our parts but from the great sence we had of its importance we hope you 
have received satisfaction on that Head, by the great Belt just now delivered with so much 
solemnity and sincerity 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

You have acquainted us that the Great King our Father is resolved to defend our Country, 
and to recover such parts of it as the French have encroached upon also to protect us to the 
utmost of their' power, by erecting Forts for our safety, and defence. We are greatful for this 
Instance of his goodness but have not yet concluded upon any thing with regard to the latter 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

You have informed us that the Governor of New York has a present for us from the Great 
King our Father, we are thankful for it but are afraid as it comes so soon upon the back of 
this meeting it will be inconvenient for our aged people to attend but our Warriors shall 
come upon that occasion 

' his. Johnson Manuscripts, IV. — Ed. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS : XXXIII. 67 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

As you have given us a large Pipe to be a constant memoria! of the important advice you 
have given us, when you are dead and gone and to smoak out of, at our pubiick meeting 
place, when we jointly and maturely reflect upon our Engagements, We assure you wc shall 
hang it up in our council Chamber and make proper use of it upon all occasions. We likewise 
beg tiiat you on your part will likewise seriously consider your engagements and faitlifiilly 
perform them 

The General concluded with the following words 
Bretheren 

I do not think you have been so explicit with regard to wiiat I proposed to you, concerning 
your keeping open and clear the road to Oswegoe, as I could wish, they made the following 
apology 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

With respect to the article relative to the keeping open the Road to Oswegoe, we imagined 
our answer was contained in our general reply wlierein we assured you we would support and 
assist each other upon all occasions, but as you did not look upon that sufficient. We now 
assure you that we shall punctually conform to your desire herein 

Bretheren. The present waits your acceptance As there has been frequent complaints with 
respect to the division of the Presents given at these public meetings. It is my ernest desire that 
they may be so divided as to prevent all jealousy and complaints, then delivered them a very 
handsome pubiick present which together with the private Gifts to the several Cheifs and 
Sachems amounted to .£1085. 9. SJ York Currency 

At a Meeting of the Six Nations Feb 25"' 1766. 

Red Head Speaker 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

It was yesterday agreed on by us, that our oldest brother the Mohawk, should take upon him 
to settle that unhappy affair between the Delawares, and our Bretheren the English, but on 
more mature deliberation (having the thing so much at Heart) we have now unanimously 
agreed that several Delegates from the Six Nations should use their utmost endeavors to 
accommodate that Difference and depend upon it we shall loose no time for we will 
immediately despatch a message to them by the Skaniadaradighroona's and Oueidas, and desire 
them to meet us at Otseningo' where the Council is to be held A Belt 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We have agreeable to your repeated desires, kept a good look out and daily watch the 
motions of the French We must acquaint you that they have lately sent a Message to our 
Bretheren the Caiyougas to let them know their resolution of attacking Oswegoe, and desire 
their opinion upon it hereupon three of their Sachems, and seven of their young men, are 
gone to Niagara with a design to forbid the French attacking Oswegoe, or any Indians (they 

' now Binghamton, Broome county, N. Y. Oxiy Johnson's Map of the Country of the Six Nation*. — Ed. 



68 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

may see) Joining them. We daily expect tiieir Return, when you shall immediately hear 
what they have done A Belt 

Bretheren of the Six Nations 

I greatly approve of the alteration you have made in the method of accommodating that 
unhappy breach, between the Delawares, and your Bretheren the English, as it must certainly 
have greater weight now as it is to be the act of the whole Body, and the more likely to 
succeed, I look upon this as a very considerable proof of the unanimity and zeal that you have 
expressed at this present Meeting. A Belt 

Bretheren 

I must repeat to you that I am extreemly pleased at and much obliged to you for the kind 
intelligence you have given me of the designs of the French attacking Oswegoe and desire you 
will continue that Vigilance, and let me have every information you can relative to the 
proceedings, and motions of the French, as nothing can contribute more to the defeating all 
their designs, than our having certain and good intelligence. I wish your Bretheren of 
Cayouga may succeed in their intentions of endeavouring to prevent any Indians they may 
see) joining the French, but as they (the French) can do nothing without their assistance, I 
doubt of their success, however it is good to try what can be done in that case, but be that 
as it will, we do not fear what the French can do, neither should you, after the strong and 
many assurances we have given you of His Majestys protection and friendship A Belt. 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We are now ready to return home, as all affairs for which we came here are settled to our 
satisfaction, and we hope to yours. We shall finish by assuring you we will strictly act up 
to every thing agreed upon at this meeting [and hope you will do the same.] 

So ended the Congress 

At a private Meeting of the Oneida Nation Feb'^. 25. 1756. 

Kanaghquiesa their speaker spoke as follows 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We some time ago applied to General Shirley to have a Fort built for the security of our 
Castle we now acquaint you with our unanimous Resolution of having one, and should be glad 
it could be accomplished, as soon as possible and that you will be particularly careful in the 
choice of those whom you imploy in that work, and to charge them strictly by, no means, to 
bring any spirituous liquors among our people, as they are very ungovernable and turbulent 
when intoxicated by Liquor. A String of Wampum 

Bretheren 

As I have general orders to build Forts for the safety and Protection of any of our Bretheren 
of the six Nations I do with the greatest cheerfulness comply with your request, and shall 
immediately employ proper persons for that purpose I am convinced it must be the fault of 
those people whom General Shirley imployed that it was not done sooner for he had given 
orders for that purpose so long ago as last October 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 69 

Then tlie Tuskarora Clieif spoke 
Brother Warraghiyngey 

We have some time since sett up the Stockadoes for tlie defence of our Castle, as we were, 
and are still apprehensive of the French acting against us in a Hostile manner. We as yet 
want some Block Houses to make it the more defenceable, and some soldiers to garrison it, 
which we hope will be readily granted us. We acknowledge the receipt of the swivels, and 
ammunition you so seasonably sent us for which we return you our hearty thanks. 

Bretheren 

1 shall represent your case to General Shirley, who I doubt not will readily grant you a 
sufficient number of men, to Garrison your Fort, and as to the Block Houses which you desire, 
when I go to Oswegoe shall point out a proper situation for them, and then order them to 
be built. 



At a Meeting of the Ganuskago Indians Feb 25"" 1766. 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We the Warriors of Ganuskago' upon our arrival informed you we were come down merely 
to see you and hear your words at tliis publick meeting As we are young and unexperienced 
and have never been at any meeting with a Governor we hope you will make a kind allowance 
for our want of ability in speaking, and we beg leave to assure you, that the reason of our 
never attending a meeting before, was not the want of affection to the English but was entirely 
owing to our remote situation, which prevented a timely and proper notice 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

As goods are vastly dear and ordinary in our parts, upon our determination to come to this 
meeting. We thought proper to bring some skins and firs with us in order to purchase some 
necessarys for ourselves and Familys and we beg you will as a brother direct us where we may 
be supplied with the best and upon the most reasonable Terms 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We beg leave to assure you nothing can give us more satisfaction then the speech we heard 
you deliver the Six Nations on our arrival, as it contained nothing but what was quite right, 
and has a direct tendency to our Welfare. We think our time well spent in coming down, for 
if we had not probably we should not have heard all you have said, for we are convinced from 
what we heard you now say that our Sachems heretofore, have smothered the greatest part of 
your former advices, and we assure you we shall now spread your advice among all our people 
who are considerably numerous — Threw down a Pack [ol] Skins 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

As we are warriors we are not acquainted with the ceremonials of Publick Meetings, and 
therefore express what we have to say in a narrow compass We liave no more to offer at 
present and hope you will excuse the trouble we have given you on this occasion 

'^See supra, p. 67. — Ed. 



70 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Bretheren 

I have given attention to your words, and shall seriously consider your desire, but can not 
give you an answer until tomorrow. I choose to deliberate maturely upon every thing that I 
say, because my word once given is as binding as cement to a stone 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We return you thanks for your kind promise of considering our desire, and as we see you 
are crouded and full of business of more importance we shall with patience wait your Leisure 

Feb 26"" 1756. 
Bretheren 

I told you last night that I had paid due attention to what you had said and would consider 
your request and give you an answer this day — In the first place I assure you it gives me no 
small pleasure to hear that my speech was so agreeable to you, and that you would acquaint 
all your nations with the contents of it. I beg you will not fail in this particular as it points 
out what will make you a happy People if duly attended to, which from your unanimity and 
zeal at this conference, I have no reason to doubt I am sorry you have not been duly invited 
to former meetings agreeable to my orders, and promise that for the future you shall have 
proper notice, and I hope you will be always ready, to assist us both in the Council, and the 
field, with all the cheifs and Warriors of that castle who shall be treated as friends and Bretheren 

Bretheren 

In the next place as I have no goods to sell [myself] I will take all possible care that you 
are not imposed upon in your Trade at Schenectady — I shall give directions to M'' Stevens the 
interpreter to assist you and see that justice be done you in every respect for I have a great regard 
for your castle and as a proof of it. I present you with these goods, giving them at the same 
time [a hand]some present, and three silver Gorgets to three of the principal warriors viz' 
Tarrawarriacks, Ta'hun'nun'sira'we and Kindarunty who was the Cheif 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We return you our hearty thanks for all your kind expressions of affection and love shown 
to us at this time, and we in return assure you that you may depend upon our sincerity and 
readiness, to serve you whenever you call upon us, and you know very well that whatever 
Warriors promise is sacred 

Bretheren 

I return you thanks for your sincere professions of Friendship and so parted 

At a Meeting of the Onnondaga's Feb a?** 1756 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We the Onnondagas very readily embrace this opportunity offered us of having a Fort 
built for the protection of our Castle, and upon our return home shall choose a proper situation 
for it. As soon as the season of the year will permit, we beg you will not delay to send 
proper workmen to build it. As we have for some time past had an acquaintance with Lieut' 
Mills, we should be glad to have him as our officer, and as William Printup undertands the 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 71 

Indian Language [well,] it would be agreeable to us to have him reside with us as a smith, 
aud at the same time to serve as an Interpreter between the oflicer and us 

Bretheren 

I shall acquaint Genii Shirley with your desire and I make no doubt he will comply with it. 
The Fort shall be built with all possible expedition and whatever olhcer is posted in it, will no 
doubt have particular orders to be carefull of your safety, aud to treat you with all the marks 
of afieclion & Friendship 

Ended 

At a Meeting of the Senecas Feb 27"" 1756. 

Tagchsady Speaker 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

Our brother the Gov' of New York was so good last year to promise us a smith, to mend 
our arms and Tools, and that he should reside among us untill the Corn was a foot high, but 
he labouring under the misfortune of a sore leg, was obliged to leave us some time sooner We 
acknowledge you sent us a smith last summer, with whom we are well pleased and beg you 
will continue him with us untill the Corn is a foot high, then he may come down for the 
necessarys he may have occasion for, and then we hope he will soon return to us again 

Bretheren 

I was present when the Governor of New York last year promised to send you a Smith, 
which he accordingly did and one agreeable to you, if he did not stay there the time appointed 
the Governor was not culpable ; as he could not be supposed to know any thing of his coming 
away. I am very glad you are pleased with the smith I sent you last year & as you are 
desirous he should remain there until your corn is such a length. I very readily agree to it, and 
shall order him accordingly to stay that time 

Ended 

Feb 27"' 1750 
At a private Meeting of the Sachems and Warriors of the Conajoharee Castle, Abraham 
the Great Hendricks brother Speaker 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We the Sachems and Warriors of Conajoharee take this opportunity to say something to 
you relative to our own affairs, as your great trouble is now mostly over 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

When we were first allarmed with these puhlick Commotions you were so kind at our 
request to promise us a Fort for the protection of our Castle, we acknowledge you have 
punctually performed your promise, so that at the time when the confederacy were coming 
down last summer it was compleatly finished. M' Fry on hearing of our application for men 
to Garrison it, applied to you in behalf of his son that he might be the Commander thereof, 
you answered him that you would consult the Indians whether it was agreeable or no, (which 



72 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

you did) in answer to which we declared he was agreeable to us, and that it would be more 
acceptable to have those with whom we were acquainted than strangers 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We were mistaken in our choice, for alltho' he made us the fairest promises, that he would 
(during our absence) take care of our Lands and the crop then in the Field, he was alltogether 
deficient in the performance by which neglect we entirely lost our crop, in this malancholy 
scituation, we make our application to you, assureing you that without your assistance in this 
article we must greatly suffer 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We the Warriors of this Castle look upon ourselves as under obligation always to be ready 
at a call upon any emergency, and therefore as we can not at present, fall upon any means to 
retrieve our loss, we look to you for support. Our fences having also suffered much in our 
absence we beg your assistance in repairing them 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

As soon as you informed us that you was ready for war, we gave you a sufficient proof of 
our regard for you in our readiness to attend you. We have also at your request stopped 
all our Warriors for some years past from making any excursions against the Flatt Heads and 
turned our weapons against our common enemy agreeable to your desire in short we hope we 
have upon all occasions given you reason to think that we have a sincere regard for you 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

Our spirits are now pretty much sunk at the loss of so many of our principal Sachems, and 
Warriors who fell at Lake George, we look to you to raise them up agreeable to our Customs 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

At the request of the upper Nations, without our consent, the selling of Strong Liquors is 
entirely forbid we have no design to contradict any thing they do, but only request that we 
may have leave to procure a little for our comfort 3 Strings Wampum 

Bretheren 

It gives me great concern with you that the person who had the care of your Fort, and 

Castle had (in your absence) neglected the charge I gave him of both, but as he was your own 

choice there is the less to be said, however I shall reprimand him for it severely. As I am 

fully convinced of your Loyalty to his Majesty, and readiness at all times to follow my 

directions, you shall not want any assistance in my power to supply your wants, and contribute 

to your happiness, as a proof of which I shall now order you three hundred skipple of Corn 

for your support, and should that fall short, let me know it and you shall have a further supply 

untill you are able to raise your own Grain, I shall also give orders that your Fences be 

immediately repaired And as for you Warriors I shall send you a present by the first 

opportunity worthy the singular Service you have done your Country with me last Campaign 

3 Strings Wampum. 
Bretheren 

As I have nothing more at Heart than the welfare and happiness of the people of your 

castle who have always been our steady friends. I am sensibly affected and sincerely sympathize 

with you upon the great loss you have sustained by the death of two of your principal Sachems 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 73 

and likewise of some of your young iiu'ii at [.ake George. We siiould comfort ourselves with 
the tiiouglits that, these friends of ours wiio dropped that day, died bravely in their countrys 
cause, and that their memory will be honored to tlie end of time As it is necessary for us, to 
supply as well and as soon as we can the place of the two great Sachems lost that day I hope 
you have considered of proper persons for that important trust, if you have I should be 
glad you would produce them that [ may give them the proper marks of distinction, and 
enter their names among the rest of the Sachems 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We the Sachems and Warriors of the Conajoharee Castle are much obliged to you, for your 
friendly and good opinion of us. We assure you we shall daily endeavor to merit it [more] 
and more, by convincing proofs of our Loyally on any occasion 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We the Sachems and Warriors return yon our most hearty thanks, for your kind and well 
timed supply of Corn, and promise of a further supply if necessay ; the repairing of our fences 
will likewise be of the greatest service to us, as without them, we can raise no grain for the 
ensueing year, this care of us in our distress, adds greatly to the many obligations we already 
lye under and can never be forgot 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We the Warriors of Conajoharee are e.\treemly pleased with the favorable opinion you have 
of our Behavior in the late action at Lake George, which alone animates us much, and greatly 
eleviates our minds, notwithstanding they were so much depressed. We are extreemly 
obliged to you for the present you intend us, and shall receive it with the greatest gratitude 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We take your anxiety for supplying the place for the two great Sachems lost, who cheifly 
managed our affairs, as a singular mark of your regard for our welfare. We present you one 
of our most capable men to succeed our deceased brother Tarrachioris of the tribe of the 
Turtle and hope our choice may meet your approbation, we have not as yet fixed upon one 
to succeed the great Hendrick, when we do shall immediately acquaint you. 

3 Strings Wampum 
Bretheren 

As a proof of my regard for your choice, I now in the presence of your whole Castle, invest 
him with all the powers of a Sachem and put on him those necessary marks of distinction 
which I wish him long life to wear 

Ended 



The Aughquagey Indians before they parted made the following speech Feb 28"" 1756. 

AJam their Speaker 
Brother Warraghiyagey 

We are now ready to return, having heard all You had to say, which we assure you has 
made so deep an impression on our minds as not to be forgot. We would only beg leave to 
desire one favor of you before we go, that is, to have a tradeing house built in our country. 
Vol. VIL 10 



74 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

and a constant supply of goods, which would not only add greatly to our happiness but would 
encrease our numbers, as it would draw Indians from all parts within a hundred miles of us, 
to settle among us, if you would gratifie us in this you will greatly add to the many favors 
already received A Belt 

Bretheren 

I have so good an opinion, and so many convincing proofs of your Loyalty to the Great 
King your Father, and affection to your Bretheren the English, that I have not the least reason 
to doubt your sincerity, nor the least objection to building you a trading house as soon as that 
unhappy affair is settled between the Indians of the lower settlements on your River, and your 
Bretheren the English, which I hope will be very soon 

they returned their hearty thanks & so parted 

Ended here 
A true copy 

examined by me 

Rob* Adems 

Dep'J' Secry 

Note. — The words within brackets in the above Document, are added from the copy in the Johntan Manuaeripis, IV., in 
in the State Library. — Ed. 



<■!»■■» 



JbJin Van Seice to Sir William Johnson. 

[New- York Piipcr«, D., No. 40. J 

Onondaga March G"" 1756 
Sir 

This is to let you know that last Friday there was ten prisoners taken at Oswegoe on the 
East side of the River about a mile from the Fort, but not one killed, all from Sir William 
Pepperills Regiment it was done by the Oswegatchi Indians there was a great party of them, 
as I did hear from our Indians, as soon as I had the news, I did send a letter to Coll Mercer 
but it was all over when the Indian got there, so I had a letter from Coll Mercer and be is 
very sorry for the loss. He writes me that his people are dying very fast and no provisions for 
the men, so that they must perish to death Sir, it is the opinion of our Indians that the 
Oswegatchie Indians will do all the mischeif they ever can at Oswegoe, and so Coll Mercer is 
very much concerned. He says Sir that if there does not come Provisions to him against 
the 25*'' of March they must give it over. I do write to you as he does write to me, Sir in 
great haste for the Indians desired me just now to write to you. So no more at present but 

I am, Sir, 

Your moat obedient 

Humble Servant 

, John Van Seice. 
To Sir W" Johnson Bart. Interp" 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 75 

Secretary Fax to the Governors in Korth America. 

[Oorernora and CommacJen In North America, (8. T. O. ) No. 75.] 

Governors of: New Hampshire 

New York 

Connecticut 

Massachuset's Bay 

New Jersey 

Rhode Island. 

Whitehall, March 13"" 1756. 

Sir, 

The Earl of Loudoun, whom the King has appointed Commander in Chief of ail his 
forces whatsoever in North America, being preparing to set out, with all possible expedition 
together with two Regiments of Foot, a Train of Artillery, and a sufficient quantity of Warlike 
stores, which His Maj'^' has been pleased to order for the public service in those Parts, I am 
commanded to signify to you the King's pleasure, that you should be ready to give His LordP, 
and the Troops from England, all the assistance in your power on their arrival in America 
agreable to the orders sent you in Sir Thomas Robinson's letter of October 26"" 1754. and 
you will correspond with, and apply to the Earl of Loudoun, on all occasions, in the same 
manner as you were directed to do with the late General Braddock, and Major Gen' Shirley. 

It being of the greatest importance, that the King's Regiments already in North America 
(as well as the three stationed in Nova Scotia as the four in the province of New York) should 
be recruited as soon as possible, to their full complement of 1000 Men each; it is His Maj'-'"' 
pleasure that you should forthwith call together, the Council and Assembly of the Province 
under your Govern' and that you should press them in the strongest manner, to make the most 
early and etfectual provision, for raising and assisting His Maj'''' Officers, to raise, such a 
number of Men as shall be sufficient to recruit the King's Regiments now stationed, or to be 
stationed in North America, up to their establishments, and you will acquaint them, that the 
King, in order to encourage his faithful subjects to engage in a service so essential for their 
own defence and preservation, does consent, that such Recruits, shall not be obliged to serve 
any where, but in North America; That they shall be discharged when hostilities shall cease; 
and that each of them shall have a grant of 200 acres of land, free from the payment of Quit 
Rents for ten years, either in the Province of New York, New Hampshire or Nova Scotia, at 
their own choice, which lands shall be granted them, on producing their discharge from the 
Commander in Chief, to the Governor of either of the said provinces respectively; & in case 
they should be killed in the service, their Widows, and children, shall be entitled to the said 
lands in such proportion as the Governor and Council of the Prov", wherein such land lye, 
shall direct. * 

You will acquaint the Council and Assembly with His Maj'^"'' great goodness, in having 
recommended their case to the consideration of his Parliament, who have granted the sum 
of ^115000, to be distributed in such proportions, as the King shall think proper, to the four 
Provinces of New England, and those of N«w York and New Jersey, and thereby enabled His 
Maj'y not only to manifest his sense of their past services, but also to encourage them for the 
future to exert themselves, in the service with spirit and vigor; that His Maj»' therefore expects, 
that they will heartily and zealously concur in every measure, which shall be thought advisable 



76 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

for carrying on the War in North Am" and that they will forthwith raise the same number of 
Men, in each Colony, as were raised last year (whereof as great a proportion as may be to 
consist of Rangers) to act in conjunction with the King's Troops, in such operations, as shall 
be undertaken for annoying the Enemy, and recovering His Maj'?'' just rights. This service 
will be the less burthensome to them, as the raising of the Men, their pay, arms and clothing, 
will be all that will be required of them, measures having been already taken for laying up 
Magazines of stores, and provisions of all kinds at the sole expence of the Crown; and you will 
use your utmost endeavours to induce the Council and Assembly to give the necessary orders 
for raising their Quota of these Men, with the greatest expedition, so that they may be ready 
to march to such place as the Commander in Chief, shall upon His arrival direct. 

It is also His Maj"''* pleasure, that you should particularly recommend it to your assembly 
to make provision out of such Funds, as already exist, or may hereafter be raised for the 
King's service, for repaying the Masters of such Indented servants, as shall engage in His 
Maj'^'* service, the money paid by the said Masters upon the original contract, in proportion to 
the time, such indented servants have to serve; and you will at all times discourage the 
harbouring, concealing, or assisting such as shall desert the service, and also use all means for 
discovering, and apprehending such deserters. You will likewise use your best endeavours to 
prevail on your assembly to appropriate such part of the Funds now raised, or which shall be 
raised for the public service, to be issued and applied to the General service, in such manner 
as the Commander in chief shall direct. 

The King would have you recommend it in the strongest manner to your Council & 
Assembly, to pass effectual Laws for prohibiting all Trade and Commerce with the the French, 
& for preventing the exportation of provisions of all kinds to any of their Islands or Colonies. 

I am ettc. 

H. Fox. 



Secretary Fox to Sir William Johnson. 

[ Governors and Commanders in North America, ( S- P. O. ) No. 75. ] 

Whitehall 13. March 175G. 
Sir, 

It is with great pleasure that I am to acquaint you, that the parliament, in consequence of 
His Maj"''' gracious recommendation, have granted the sum of .£5000, as a reward for your 
long and faithful services in North America; and it is His Maj'>'' intention, as a further mark 
of his approbation, to give you a Commission of Colonel, Agent and sole Superintendant of the 
affairs of the Six Nations, and other Northern lnd°S together with a salary of 600.£ p' annum, 
for executing the same; and I herewith send you the said Commission 

It is the King's pleasure, that you should assemble the Indians as soon as possible, when 
you will acquaint them with His Majesty's steady resolution to support and protect them, as 
his Allies; and invite them to join and act with his Troops against the French. You will 
communicate to the Indians all the orders the King has given for prohibiting settlements upon 
their Lands; for redressing their just complaints with regard to the patented lands, and for 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXITI. 77 

preventing the like abuses for the future; and you will assure them, that His Maj"' will give 

orders, that the Cacnavvngcos be not permitted to trade at Albany or Oswegoe: You will also 

acquaint the Indians, that large presents will be sent to them by the Commander in Chief, 

who will be fully instructed to make regulations with respect to their commerce and all such 

other points, as regard their welfare and security ; and you will apply to the Commander in 

Cliief of the King's forces in North America for the time being, for such sums of money, as 

shall be necessary, from time to time, in carrying on this important branch of the service ; in 

the execution of which, I cannot too strongly recommend it to you, to exert your utmost zeal 

and endeavours; and I may add, that relying on your knowledge and integrity, whatever 

money you require, as necessary for engaging the Indians to act, will be given you without 

reluctance, or delay. 

I am — ettc. 

H. Fox. 

P S. Your patent of Baronet having passed the great seal in the usual form, I take this 
opportunity of sending it to you. 



Lords of Trade to Governor Hardy. 

[ New-Tork Gntriei, B., P. T4. ] 

To Sir Cha» Hardy Kn' Gov' of New York. 

Sir, 

It appearing to us upon a consideration of the present state of Indian Affairs, that the 
extravagant Tracts of Land, which have at different times been granted to particular persons 
upon pretence of purchases made of the Six Nations and their confederates, which they alledge 
to have been fraudulently obtained from them, has been one of the principal causes, of the 
decline of our Interest with the said Indians ; and as we are fully convinced, that they can 
never be induced to engage heartily and sincerily in the just and necessary measures, which 
His Maj''' is compelled to take for the recovery of his undoubted rights in America, until they 
have received full satisfaction with respect to this real grievance, which they have so often and 
so justly complained of. We think it our duty to recommend this matter to your serious 
attention, and to desire you will also lay it before the Council and Assembly for their consideration. 

The Patents or Grants, which the Indians principally complain of, and which they consider 
as most injurious to their Rights, are those commonly called Keyoderosseras, Connojohary & 
that at the Onejda carrying place, and if proper measures were taken to vacate and anull them, 
there is little reason to doubt, but that the Six Nations would Act in conjunction with us 
against the French with their whole united strength. 

The difficulties, which would attend the doing this by Legal process in the Courts, are so 
many, as leave us little room to hope for success t"rom such a measure ; and we see no effectual 
Remedy to this great evil, but from the interposition of the Legislature of New York, in 
passing a Law for vacating and annulling these exhorbitant and fraudulent Patents ; a measure. 



78 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

which we desire you will earnestly recommend to their consideration, and in which we doubt 
not of their concurrence, as it will be so much for His Maj'^' service, for their Honour & 
Interest, and for the advantage, welfare and security of their constituent in General. We are. 

Sir 

Your most obedient and 

most humble servants, 

Dunk Halifax 
J. Talbot 
SoAME Jenyns 
19. March 1756 Rich"* Rigby 



Lords of Trade to Chief Justice De Lancey. 

[ New-York Enlries, B. P., p. S5. ] 

To James De Lancey Esq'^ Chief Justice of New York. 

Sir, 

We have received your letter dated the 21" of January, and are glad to find, that ours 
of the S"" of October came safe to your hands, and that the approbation we expressed therein of 
your conduct during your Administration of the Govern', was received by you with satisfaction ; 
as to that part of your letter, in which you request us to intercede with His Maj'^, that the 
Gov' may be permitted to assent to a Bill for the payment of the Salaries due to yourself and 
the rest of the Officers of Govern', We have the pleasure to acquaint you, that His Maj'^ has 
been pleased, upon a consideration of the present State of affairs, to allow his Gov' for the 
present to assent to such temporary Bills as the Assembly shall frame and pass for the support 
of Govern' and other necessary services. 

We have lately had under our consideration the present State of Indian Affairs, and as it 
appears clearly to us, that the Patents of Lands commonly called the Kayoderosseras, 
Conojohary and that at the Oneida carrying place, which have been made at different times, 
upon pretence of purchases from the Indians, is one of the principal causes of the decline of 
our Interest amongst them, and that they can never be induced heartily and zealously to join 
in the just and necessary measures. His Majesty has been compelled to take, for the recovery 
of his undoubted Rights, until full satisfaction is given them vpith respect to these grievances, 
tiiey have so long and so justly complained of; We have thought it our duty, to recommend 
this matter to Sir Cha' Hardy's serious attention, and to desire he will lay it fully before the 
Council and Assembly to the end that proper measures may be taken for vacating and annulling 
these exorbitant grants, as were done upon a former occasion of the like kind in 1699. — The 
many difficulties which will attend the doing this by a legal proces in the Courts are so many 
and so great, as leave us little room to hope for success from such a measure ; and we see no 
remedy to this great evil, but from the interposition of the Legislature by passing a Law for 
this purpose, which we have directed the Gov', earnestly to recommend to them, as a measure 
which will be for His Maj'>'' service, for their honour and Interest, and for the advantage, 
security and welfare of their constituents in general. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 79 

We are sensible that llie framing a Bill of this kind will be a matter of great tenderness and 
delicacj', and will require the advice and assistance of all those, who are any ways concerned 
or employed in the Administration of Clovern'; and as your Situation & character, and the 
knowledge you have of the true interest of His Maj'''"" Colonys, have rendered you particularly 
conversant in questions of (his kind, we think it our duty to recommend to you to consult with 
Sir Ciiarles Hardy upon this important point, and to co-operate with him in any steps which 
may be properly taken to render this measure eHectual. We are. 

Sir 

Your most obedient & most humble Serv" 

Dunk Halifax 
J Talbot 
SoAME Jenyns 
19. March 1756. Rich" Rigby. 



Lords of Trade to Governor Hardy. 

[ New-York Entries, B. P., p. 78. ] 

To Sir Cha* Hardy Kn' GoV of New York. 

Sir, 

Since our letter to you dated the 29"" of March, we have received your's of the IS"" of 
January, and SS"" of Febr'7 last and the papers transmitted with them. 

The fresh proofs, which His Maj'>'' subjects in New York have given of their regard and zeal 
for His Maj'''"' Interests and Service, and their own Honour and Security, in making such early 
and ample provision for that part of the plan of operation for this year, which was assigned to 
them by the Council of War, cannot fail of recommending them to His Maj'J^' favour, and it 
would have been a great satisfaction to us, to have known by the same conveyance, what were 
the resolutions of the other Colonies to the Eastward upon a matter of so high importance. 

It has given us however some concern to find, that this service is provided for in a manner 
inconsistent with the sense of the Legislature of this Kingdom, with respect to paper money, 
expressed in the Act passed here in the 24"" year of His Maj'-''» reign, for restraining it in the 
four New England Colonies, and upon which the Instructions to you are founded, but if it be 
a Fact, that the Assembly can not furnish funds for sinking the Bills in a shorter time, we hope 
the necessity of the service will justify your conduct in Assenting to the Law in its present shape. 

Another circumstance in your letter which gives us great uneasiness is, the refusal of the 
Assejiibly to make provision for the expence of a Commission for determining the controversies 
with New Jersey and Mnssachusets Bay concerning their boundaries, the unsettled state of 
which has already been productive of so much mischief, and is an evil every day increasing. 
We had hopes that a matter of this nature, and which so essentially concerns the internal 
peace and quiet of Govern', would not have met with any difficulty, and we can not but still 
be of opinion, that, when they seriously and impartially consider the case, they will comply 
with what has been so properly recommended to them. 



80 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

We have considered your proposal for settling temporary lines of Jurisdiction, as a means of 
putting a stop to Acts of Violence and oppression, but as the Crown has, by the Charter to the 
Massachusets Bay, granted the Jurisdiction as well as the property, it does not appear to us, 
that such a measure can take place with respect to that part of the dispute. In the case of 
New York and New Jersey, it undoubtedly may be done ; but even that could not be done 
without in some degree affecting private property, and would be ineffectual, unless provision 
be made for the expence of running out and marking such a Hue, when determined upon. 

As to the appointing Commissioners here for determining the controversy upon a supposition 
that it depends entirely upon the words of the Grant to the Duke of York, the establishing 
such a Jurisdiction is altogether without precedent, liable to numberless objections, and might 
be attended with very bad consequences ; besides it could not be done without as great, if not 
much greater, expence than that which has been proposed, and therefore upon the whole, we 
are of opinion, that the only proper and effectual method of determining these disputes will be 
by a Commission, in the nature of that, upon which the limits between Massachusets Bay and 
New Hampshire were settled; and we desire you will acquaint the Assembly, that, as this is 
a matter of high concernment to the peace and quiet of Govern' and the lives and properties 
of His Majesty's subjects, His Majesty does expect, that they will forthwith make a proper 
provision for the expence of such a Commission, and give their agent here proper Instructions 
thereupon, that there may be no further delay upon a matter of«so great Importance. 
We are. 

Sir 

Your most obedient humble servants. 

Dunk Halifax 

SOAME JeNYNS 

13 April 1756. . Rich'' Rigby. 



Governor Hardy to the Lords of Trade. 

[New York Papers, LI. No. »4.] 

Fort George New York lO"- May, 
My Lords 

I now enclose copys of two conferences Sir William Johnson has lately held with the 

Indians, one for the removal of those settled in this Province and called the River Indians who 

have lately caused great Jealousys and uneasiness to our Inhabitants the setting them with the 

Mohawks will be an additional Strength to their castle and may make them a useful people. 

The shocking Barbarities committed in the back country of Pensilvania by the Delawares and 

Shawanese, has been terrible and that poor Province reduced to very distressed circumstances; 

I have repeatedly urged it to Sir William Johnson, to bring the six Nations to interpose with 

their Nephews and Dependants: Indian deliberations are very slow, but he has at length 

brought them to call upon the Delawares to lay down the Hatchet, join them and assist their 

English Brethren, what measures have been taken for this good purpose the inclosed report of 

their Deputies will inform your Lordships. The meeting at Onondaga, agreed upon between 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXAIIT. 81 

Sir William Johnson and them, I am afraid will be suspended (but I hope only for a few days) 
by a late allarm that the French and their Indians were in motion to attack our Magazines on 
the iMohowks River, these alarms have been so frequent of late, and given by Indians, who 
magnify small to great numbers, that I am inclined to tliink, this, like tlie others, will turn out 
only scouting Partys, to intercept and impede, the transportation of Provisions to Oswego. If 
this Breach with Pensilvania and the Delawares should be accomodated by the interposition 
of the Six Nations at the intended meeting at Onondaga, 1 shall esteem it a great point gained, 
and will sulficiently show your Lordships, the Inlluence Sir William Johnson has with the 
Indians, and his superior abilities for the management of them, I should not do this gentleman 
justice if I did not recommend him to your Lordships Notice and through your Lordships to 
his Miijestys Ministers. The manner in which they invite him to the meeting at Onondaga, 
is the strongest mark of their regard and good opinion of him 

The good consequences that will attend the accommodating of this unhappy Breach, are 
great, it will give a great turn to the affairs of the present Warr in North America, and I trust 
may by a little time and proper management, enable us to wiliidraw the Delawares & 
Shawanese that are settled on the Ohio from the French Interest, I doubt their present 
connections are to strong to hope for this success now 

When Sir William Johnson had his meeting with the Indians last F'ebruary (his proceedings 
at that meeting have been transmitted to your Lordships) I desired him to settle the time with 
them for my meeting them this spring to give them His Matys Present, your Lordships will 
see their answer in the conference, and so many alarms have of late taken up their attention 
as well as ours, that I could not possibly call them together, without great inconvenience to the 
public Service by taking them from it: this has rendered it Impracticable for me to go up with 
the present, and as they had a large one given them by Sir William Johnson, made it less 
necessary and I beleive will be of more real use and more acceptable in the fall of the year, at 
such lime as they can be conveniently got together. But as there is no arms to be procured in 
this or the neighbouring Colonies fit for the Indians I judged it necessary at this Critical 
juncture, to send all tiiose with the Powder and Lead I brought from England, to Sir Williani 
Johnson to distribute from me, by orders from His Majesty; and to acquaint them, as the 
French have threatned them to convince them of the regard 1 have for them, I have put 
those arms into their hands, and do not doubt but they will make the proper use of them — 
The want of these arms renders my Present very incompleat, and I hope your Ldps will judge 
it proper to replace them early this summer (that I may have them in readiness with the 
remainder of the Present and the addition I prevailed on the Assembly to make to it to 
the value of nearly .£500) to give to the united Nations at the most convenient time. The 
prospect we have of uniting the Delawares with the Allied Castles, may make a farther 
addition to the present necessary, as the number of Indians will be considerably increased, all 
whicii I beg leave to refer to your Lordships consideration. 

My Assembly is adjourned to the SS"" Instant, before they rose I passed a Law to prohibit 
the exportation of Provisions for three weeks, but to continue in force for three months, if the 
neighbouring Colonies pass Laws for the like purpose, I hope such an example may bring 
them into it, I have proposed it, and shall not fail to urge it strongly, I find the Governors well 
inclined and have promis'd to recommend it to their several Assemblys 

The French draw great quantitys of Provisions for the use of their Islands, by means of the 
Dutch, and from the Island of St Thomas and possibly may throw some into Louisbourg and 
Vol. VH. 11 



82 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

from thence to Canada, if this can be prevented their Islands must fee! great distress, as well 

as our nearer neighbours. I shall by the next Packet acquaint your Lordships with the success 

of my proposal. I hope soon to have the Forces raising in this Province for the Crown Point 

expedition, assembled at Albany 

I have the honor to be 

Your Lordships 

most obedient and 

humble servant 

Chas: Hardy 



Report of a Deputation of the Onondagas. 

[ New- York Papers, LI., No. 35. ] 

Fort Johnson 21 April 1756 A M 
A Deputation from the Onondagas of Two Sachems, and 15 Warriors 

Peter Wraxall Sec'''' 
Arent Stephens Interp' 

Tioquanta speaker 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We are very sorry for your late loss at the Carrying Place' and as we doubt not you are 
oppressed with grief on this occasion we do with this Belt of Wampum wipe away the Tears 
from your eyes and clear your throat that you may speak to us with ease and freedom, and we 
clean away the blood which hath been spilt that we may confer together with our usual 
confidence and satisfaction Gave a large Belt of Black Wampum 

Brother 

At our late public meeting you put the five Nations, in mind that the Delaware & Shawanese 
Indians were under their Government and direction, and you enjoined us to send them to 
express our Disapprobation and Resentment for the bloody Hostilities which they had and 
were dayly committing against our Brethren the English in those parts and that we should 
order them to cease from those Violences, and live in that Friendship and harmony with our 
Brethren the English as they were wont to do, and that they should turn the edge of their 
Hatchetts along with you and us against our common enemy the French & their Indians 

We have been to them and delivered what you gave us in charge and we have succeeded 
by convincing them that they had acted very foolishly and very unjustifiably and they have 
promised and agreed to join their arms with us in Conjunction with you against our common 
enemys, but at the same time they ernestly desire that they may see and talk with you at 
Onondaga the Fire-place of the five Nations and that if you will meet them there it will 
convince them of your desire to live with them in Harmony and Friendship, and that you 

' Referring to the destruction of Fort Bull and its garrisoD, oa Wood Creek, Oneida county, by a detacliment of French 
and Indiani, under the command of Lieutenant d« Lery, on the 27th March, 1750. — Ed. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS : XXXllI. 83 

intend to behave to tlieni as IViends and allies and the five Nations join with them in tills 
request as they propose to iiave a very great Meeting there and as the present times are so 
troublesome and the general welfare so precarious, we desire you will fix upon as early a day 
as possible to meet me at Onondaga. As this meeting will be of great importance to the 
Common Cause, we press upon you to be present at it, and that with as litltle delay as possible, 
and that we will bring your Neighbours the Mohowks of both Castles along with you. We 
would willingly now take you by the hand with us, but if this cannot be done we must beg 
you will tell us what day you will be at Onondaga that we may summons the Six Nations the 
Delawares & Shawanese and our several Allies to come punctually at the time you siiall 
fi.\ upon (delivered a Belt of Invitation) 

Brother 

With half of this Belt (holding one up) we put you in mind that as you have often told us, 
that we are one people and one family, we must now inform you, that as this meeting at 
Onondaga will be a very considerable, and at which will be present a great number of Indians 
of several Nations, we are by reason of the present situation of afliiirs (which requires our 
young men to be constantly in Arms attending the operations of our Brethren the English ) 
very short of provision and by no means able to provide for such numbers as will come to 
this meeting, we therefore hope you will bring along with you some Provisions to assist us 
to support the many Indians who will assemble at Onondaga on this occasion 

Brother 

With the other half of this Belt we acquaint you that as you desired the Six Nations in 
General and we Onondagas in particular would have our eyes constantly fixed upon Oswego 
our Trading place, and keep out Scouts in order to discover and make known the motions and 
designs of the enemy — This we have constantly done and no sooner one scouting party comes 
in but we send out another and upon gaining any Intelligence immediately communicate it to 
the commanding officer at Oswego; and this we shall continue to do with our utmost zeal and 
Abilities, for Brother we are determined to live and die with our Brethreren the English. Now 
brother you know that arms & ammunition are not only the means of our Lively hood and that 
by constant use they must be wearing out and expended, but more especially so at this time 
when they are constantly in our hands, and not only for our own maintenance but to assist our 
Brethren the English, we must therefore desire brother that you will bring along with you to 
this meeting at Onondaga a good supply of arms. Powder & Ball as things absolutely needful 
at this conjuncture, dont think brother we are so ernest upon this point with a view of private 
advantage, for we propose to use our arms and ammunition in conjunction with our Brethren 
the English against their and our enemies (Then gave the whole Belt) 

21 April 1766 
Sir William Johnson's Answer to the foregoing speech. 

Peter Wraxall Secry 

Arent Stevens Interp" 
Bretheren of Onondaga 

The condolence of your Nation on our late misfortune at the Carrying place is friendly and 
acceptable These things are the natural consequences of War and I hope they will animate 
both you and us with a laudable spirit of resentment 



84 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Bretlieren 

I am very glad to find that your remonstrances to the Delawares and Shawanese Indians 
have had the desired effects, and that they not only repent of their cruel and unjust behaviour 
towards their Bretheren the English but now perceive what is their true Interest and Duty & 
are disposed to join with you and us against the common enemy, agreeable to their request 
and your urgent desire I propose to come up to the intended meeting at Onondaga and to be 
there in twenty days from this day. There are several reasons which prevent my being able 
to go with you now, or to attend sooner, one of which is that I have been lately called three 
times to the German Flatts and Oneida carrying place, by which means I have a great deal of 
Business upon my hands which must be attended to before I can leave home again. 

I shall give timely notice to the Mohawks of both castles to be ready to go when I call 
upon them. 

Bretheren 

I am sensible that at this time more especially you will not be able to find Provisions for 
such a number of Indians as will probably be at this meeting, and I shall therefore agreeable 
to your request take care to assist with a supply of Provisions 

Bretheren 

It gives me great pleasure to hear that you manifest that attention to your true Interest and 
my exhortations as to be duly watchful over the safety of your Trading place at Oswego, by 
keeping out constant scouting parties round it. I hope you will in this any by every other 
method continue to lett your and our enemys the French and their Indians see that you look 
upon the preservation of Oswego not only as a security to your own Castles, but as a place 
which your Honor and your Interest call upon you to protect from their incroaching attempts 
and that you will to the utmost of your power keep the road to it free and open 

Bretheren 

I VFell know how necessary arms and Ammunition are to you at all times, and more 
particularly so at this, and I shall do every thing in my power to obtain and bring with me 
as much and as good of the kind as 1 possibly can, but as several Armaments are now making 
throughout the Continent these important Articles are thereby rendred scarce, and difficult to 
be obtained and that I may have time to get the best & as large a quantity as I can purchase 
is another reason why I can not sooner meet you at Onondaga Gave a Belt. 

To this the Speaker replyed 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

You have given us a very satisfactory answer to the several particulars we had in charge 
from our Castle. We are extreamly obliged to you for it and we shall punctually make our 
Report on our return. The Friendship between our Brethren the English and us, hath been 
of an ancient date, and a long continuance, and we can not more effectually distress our 
enemies than by stedfastly uniting ourselves together against them. 

Sir William then told them that as he had promised their Nation at the late meeting that 
when the weather would permitt he would send people up to build them a Fort, this he now 
intended speedily to do and desired their people would agree upon a proper place to build it 
and hoped when the Workmen came up they would use them well and avoid any Quarrells 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 85 

or disagreements and that lie would give a charge to the Workmen to behave well on 
their side. 

Then the conference broke up 

A true copy from the original 

minutes examined by me 

Peter Wkaxall 
A true Copy examined by Secry for Indian Affairs. 

Benj" Bauons Secry 



«■«»«•■ 



Report of the Mohawh Delegates. 

[New-Tork Papers, LI., No. 36.] 

Fort Johnson 22" April 1756 P. M. 
The Mohawk Delegates who were sent down to the River Indians waited upon Sir William 
Johnson and gave him the following account of their negociation 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

Our Delegates are returned from our Nephews the River Indians, and we are come to this 
our fire-place with them to give you a relation of their proceedings 

Brother 

Our Nephews were extreamly glad to see us & expressed their gratitude for our Invitation 
to them which they readily accepted of, and promised as soon as they could gather their people 
together, which they beleived would he next month they would remove hither & accept our 
offers. They said they had looked upon themselves as a people abandoned & were extreamly 
rejoiced to find their Uncles the Mohawks had not wholly forgott them, but had taken 
measures for tiieir Wellfare and establishment and that previous to their removal they would 
despatch some of their young men forwards to give us notice of their coming 

Hereupon Sir William answered 

Bretheren of the low^er Mohawk Castle 

I thank you for the account you have given me of your Proceedings with your Nephews the 
River Indians, I approve thereof and am glad to find they have so readily and gratefully 
embraced your kind & prudent invitation. When they come and are incorporated with you 
I shall consider & treat them as Bretheren and assist them accordingly and 1 hope they will 

be an addition to your strength and Welfare 

A true Copy 

Peter Wraxall 
A true copy examined by Secy for Indian Affairs 

Benj° Barons 

Sec". 



86 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Sir William John-son to the Lords of Trade. 

[New-Tork Papers, LI., 41.] 

Fort Johnson 28* May 1756 
My Lords 

My last letter to your Lordships, bore date the 6"" March, therewith 1 had the honor, to 
transmitt a copy of my procedings in Indian affairs from the time of my arrival from Lake 
George to that date 

I have since received M'' Secretary Pownalls letter bearing date the 2^ December, which 
your Lordships did me the honor to direct him to write me. 

General Shirley's interfering in Indian affairs, and that with so much personal resentment, 
and such prejudices against my management, was a matter of as much surprize, as it was 
mortification to me. I had man}^ reasons to think I stood high in that Gentlemans opinion 
which I had always endeavored to deserve and to strengthen 

If my sense of duty to that part of His Majestys Service which his Royal Orders had 
entrusted to my management, had not unfortunately obliged me, to have differed \\\i\\ M' 
Shirley in opinion, 1 should not have troubled your Lordships with a detail on that 
disagreeable subject, but as it did affect that part of His Majestys Service, I thought I could 
not consistent with my duty be silent to your Lordships thereon Tho' I have reason to 
beleive, I have lost General Shirleys friendship and confidence, which I wish myself honored 
with for the good of His Majestys Service, so far as it is connected with my department, yet 
he hath of late silenced those Agents, he set up in opposition to me, and of whose conduct I 
complained to your Lordships 

I have the honor herewith to transmitt to your Lordships a copy of my proceedings, since 
the date of the last I sent 

The Slaugliters and devastations, which have been committed on the Frontiers of His 
Majestys Southern Provinces, I doubt not your Lordships have received particular accounts 
of from their respective Governors, it is certain that the Delawares, and Shawanese Indians 
have been concerned in these Hostilities 

Till very lately those Indians were faithful! friends to us & lived in a peaceful and harmonious 
Intercourse with His Matys Subjects what are the several and real causes of their defection, I 
can not take upon me at present precisely to ascertain 

I beg leave to offer to your Lordships my general opinion from all I can as yet gather on 
the subject 

I would premise, that the Defection of the Delawares and Shawanese Indians is not general, 
many I beleive yet remain if not firm to our Interest, not wholly lost to it 

These Indians were settled in the neighbourhood of the French encroachments on the Ohio, 
some were settled where the French have now actually built. Forts; when His Majestys 
Troops under the late General Braddock were defeated, it gave the French who remained 
Masters of all that part of the Country, an opportunity to strengthen and increase their Indian 
Interest and influence, they flattered they boasted, and by persuasive and intimidating arts 
they won over several of those Indians, who were before in our Interest, and some who held 
themselves as it were neutral till they saw how the event of that expedition would turn out; 
of those latter were the Twightwees the Jenundadees, and some Chickasaws Indians, who are as 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 87 

I am liitely informed fallen in with liie Frencli Interest, but 1 apprehend more from fear 
than choice 

Those Delaware and Shawanese Indians who lived nearest to the Ohio, being seduced by 
the French, went among their bretheren who dwelt on the Susquehanna and propagated those 
prejudices against the good intentions of the English, which the French had furnished them 
with at the same time making them offers and promises from the French and magnifying their 
prowess, kindness and generosity, by these means they won over some, and spread a general 
prepossession amongst the rest against the English 

The great Patents of Land which iiad been purchased and taken up in those parts and our 
extended scattered settlements beginning to crowd upon the Indians, had been a long eye sore 
to them, infected them with jealousy and disgust towards the English, and thus prepared them to 
be more easily influenced, by the prosperity of the French affairs, and the ill success of our 
arms, and when they saw after M" Braddocks defeat and death, our military operations ended 
as it were to the Southward and carried to the Nortiiward, they joined the French and theii: 
Indians in their depredations, upon the open and defenceless Frontiers of those Provinces 

The third and last cause I shall suggest, is my suspicion that these Indians, who used to be 
more immediately under the direction of the Southern Provinces had been either neglected or 
injudiciously treated at that critical time when the greatest address was requisite; something 
of this kind is hinted in the last proceedings which I transmitted to your Lordships 

These hints I humbly submit to your Lordships consideration as this is a very important 
affair, I apprehend I might with propriety ofler my thoughts thereon ; there are some other 
particulars relative to this subject for which I beg leave to refer your Lordships to the Papers 
herewith. In those your Lordships will perceive a Meeting at Onondaga was proposed by the 
Southern Indians in consequence of a deputation sent to them at my ernest request by the Six 
Nations at which I agreed to be present and named the day, but as I was from informations 
very doubtfull whether the Southern Indians were come to Onondago, according to their 
appointment, and the two Mohawk Castles with some other Indians of all the 6 Nations 
(except the Onondagas) were so averse to my attending this meeting at this critical juncture. 
I thought it would be prudent to be certain whether those Indians were actually at Onondago 
before I undertook my journey thither, as the meeting them was my cheif Inducement for 
promising to go there. Messengers were accordingly dispatched and your Lordships will see 
the answer they have brought from the Onondaga Indians, and that they are so extreemly 
pressing for my coming up, and give such cogent reasons for it that I apprehend the good of 
his Majestys service will not dispence with my refusal. I am therefore preparing to set off, so 
as to be there by the time appointed, and I have General Shirleys concurrence therein. I 
hope to meet some of the Delaware and Shawanese Indians there and if so to talk over and 
settle matters with them on such a footing as may be very beneficial to His Majestys service 
in General, and the tranquility of the Southern Provinces in particular. Besides this General 
meeting appears to be necessary on account of the uneasinesses and jealousies which the 
Onondagas make mention of, and which I find more or less prevails at present amongst most 
of the Indians of the Six Nations. One cause of which is from the Deserters of General 
Shirleys and Sir W"- Pepperils Regiments, in which are I apprehend a great number of Irish 
Papists and Transports who were enlisted from the back parts of Pensylvania and Mary Land, 
they desert from Oswego and other Garrisons up the* River, shelter themselves among the 

' this. Neve -York Colonial J/a»i«cri>/«, UCXXII. — Ed. 



88 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Indians of the six Nations or pass through their country in their way to the back parts of those 
provinces from whence they were enlisted, and where they have acquaintances and confederates, 
from Malice and Policy, they pretent a great affection for the Indians, and invent lying stories 
to justify their quitting the Service and ingratiate themselves with the Indians, who seeing 
they are surrounded by our present armaments, being naturally prone to suspicion, and the 
french continually working upon this their disposition by false and artful Representations of 
our views and measures, render these Reports of the Deserters more credible and pernicious. 
I am informed there are great numbers of them amongst the Delaware and Susquehanna 
Indians, who have done a world of prejudice to our Interest. I have represented this matter 
to General Shirley, and proposed to him to empower me to offer the Indians hand some 
Rewards for taking up and delivering such deserters, as may be, or may come, amongst them 

Governor Morris has published a declaration of War against tiie Delaware and Susquehanna 
Indians and a small body of men are raised in that Government and marched to build a Fort 
at Shamokin a Branch of the Susquehanna Tho Mr Morris has worded this Declaration with 
RestiicUons in favor of our Friend Indians, yet as it is published and this Fort building without 
previous notice & explanation given to our Indians it hath circulated amongst them, in a confused 
manner and put in a bad Light by the Ignorance and probably m;ilice of the Reporters, and tho 
I am fully sensible that the horrible cruelties and Devastations which the Southern Provinces & 
Pensylvania [in particular], have suffered call for their most united and vigorous Resentments, 
yet I can not but humbly be of opinion, that M' Morris' declaration of War, backed with so 
small a Force as the 400 men he hath raised, was premature, and that it would have been 
more adviseable [if] he had allowed me first to have acquainted the six Nations and our friend 
Indians living on the Susquehanna with his Intentions especially as Mr Morris in behalf of 
Pensylvania had applied to me to lay the hostile behavior of the Delawares and Shawanese 
before the Six Nations at the Meeting last winter and he was apprized of the deputation which 
the Six Nations had sent, yet before he knew the result of their Ambassy he published this 
Declaration of War which as a friendly meeting was agreed upon at Onondaga with a prospect 
of accommodating all matters with the Delawares and Shawanese at least such of them as had 
not left the Settlements and absolutely engaged themselves to the French I beg leave to observe 
to your Lordships that while affairs weTe thus circumstanced I think M"' Morris Declaration of 
War had better been postponed, till the Meeting at Onnondaga liad been over, when a better 
judgement might have been formed to regulate his Proceedings 

By perusing the papers herewith, I conceive your Lordships will find there is a foundation 
for the observations I have made on M^ Morris's Conduct, my sentiments on this matter I 
have communicated to General Shirley & S' Charles Hardy who have transmitted them to 
Governor Morris 

I have reason to beleive M' Morris's Declaration of War by misrepresentations, has not only 
alarmed the Six Nations but will prevent the Southern Indians from coming to Onnondaga & 
throw fresh difficultys in the way of bringing about an accommodation, with the remainder of 
those Indians, who were yet in a retreivable State 

An other thing before I finish this interesting subject, seems to me of sufficient importance 
to mention to your Lordships 

The half King and some other Indians of the Six Natior^s v^ere lately at Philadelphia, 
Governor Morris had a conference with them, acquainted them with the' Declaration of War, 

'his. New-York Colonial ManuscripU, LXXXII. — Ed. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS : XXXIII. 89 

and gave them a War Belt to od'er to the Six Nations in his name in order to join and assist. 
At tlie same time lie allowed the heads of the Quakers, who he well knew violently opposed 
ail Ills Warlike measures to have n meeting with the same Indians, they had sent me a copy of 
what passed and they gave the Half King a Belt of Peace to present to the Six Nations in 
their Name, telling them they were descendants of the peaceable I'enn that there were great 
numbers of their Bretheren in that Province who were averse to War, and whose principles 
were to suffer Injuries and leave Heaven to protect and defend their Cause &c &.c — 

These contradictory measures, and these opposite Belts the Half King reported, and shewed 
a few days ago, at a small meeting of some of all the six Nations at my house the Indians 
could not conceal their surprise that one Province should produce such contradictions and your 
Lordships will I beleive be of opinion, that it would be no great honour to our Political Talents 

My Lords 

I am sensible that I am taking up a great deal of your Ldps time, but if I am not greatly 
mistaken the sulyects I have and shall lay before you are of such importance to the British 
Indian Interest, as v\'ill I hope justify me in your Lordships opinion 

In my last letter I gave it as my real Sentiments to your Ldps that the Indians of the 6 
Nations had discovered at the then late Meeting the strongest Intimations of their sincerity 
and fidelity, & that nothing seemed to be wanting to cement and enlarge our Indian Alliance, 
but unanimous and vigorous efforts against the Common Enemy; I will from no motives, my 
Lords, misrepresent or conceal from your Lordships what appears to me the true state of our 
Indian Interest 

I am sorry therefore to acquaint your Lordships that the six Nations in general, and the 
upper Nations more particularly, do not at present seem to be animated with so warm & active 
a Zeal in our Favour as I could wish, & which it has been, and shall be my unremitted 
endeavour to inspire them with, some of their clieifs hav€ in private conversation with me 
complained of our want of vigour, and good management of our Military operations, they 
murmured at our inactivity last campaign at Oswego, they censured the weakness and knew 
the deplorable state of that important Garrison towards the latter end of last winter for 
want of Provisions, and told me they trembled for its Fate, they reproached us for laying 
up our vessels the beginning of last October, and that they do not yet appear on the Lake iho 
the French were sailing backwards and forwards the whole winter. They were surprized the 
great carrying place, an other, very important post was so poorly fortified particularly at one 
end, and such a handfull of Troops left to protect it, they told the officers there that the French 
would certainly attack them, and that it was not in a condition to make a good Defence. The 
event has shewn they judged rightly and complained justly. They reproach us with the two 
Regiments laying encampt at Albany, and Schenectady, and ask why they dont march against 
the French 

These complaints and reproaches of the Indians, I mention to your Lordships as causes of 
discontent to them and of their forming unfavorable ideas of our military Proceedings, which 
tends to damp their spirits towards us, & nourish the awe of the French which hath & doth 
prevail too much amongst them. I have endeavoured by every method in my Power to remove 
their Prejudices, but as they form their judgments from appearances only, it is an extreera 
difficult Task to work upon their understandings 

.Vol. VII. 12 



90 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

An other cause of the Six Nations standing in so much awe of the French is the great 
number of Western and Northern Indians in their alliance, and which hatli been greatly 
strengthened since our unhappy Defeat at Ohio. 

These Prejudices my Lords are not the only disadvantages we have to contend with in 
endeavoring to raise & keep up in their minds a respectable opinion of our Power & 
consequence. The Cayouga and Seneca Nations are near neighbours to Niagara, the Onnondagas, 
and Oneidas, are in the neighbourhood of Swegachee a french settlement on tiie river St 
Lawrence, to which numbers of those two Nations have of late years been debauched 
and gone there to live. Tho our Indians do not now resort to those Places as frequent and 
familiarly as they formerly did, yet some among them do occasionally visit there, when the 
French and the Indians in their Interest poison the minds of ours with Stories not only to 
the disadvantage of our good Intentions towards them, but endeavor to frighten them with 
pompous accounts of the superior Prowess and martial abilities of the French. These things 
are propagated amongst them, and the trutii really is they have had more reason to think highly 
of the French this way than of us 

But, my Lords, notwithstanding all these drawbacks upon the Zeal & attachment of the Six 
Nations towards us, I am persuaded at this instant, and 1 hope I shall have wiien the approaching 
meeting at Onnondaga is finished stronger reasons to be persuaded tiiat if we were now 
ready to go upon Action from Oswego, and things wore a formidable and favorable appearance, 
that the six Nations would join us with a cheerfulness & vigour which at present does not so 
visibly appear And I must beg leave to give it to your Lordships as my fixt opinion upon the 
most deliberate consideration, that the 6 Nations will never be thoroughly fixed to the British 
Interest and arms, untill we strike some grand stroke, and thereby convince them that we have 
ability to protect them and humble the French, without asserting our dignity & consequence 
in some such way as this; Presents and Treaties, a diligent & skillful managem* may keep the 
Six Nations friends & allies, but will not destroy the French Influence and attachment amongst 
them Could we but give such a convinceing proof of our Prowess, I will take upon me to 
answer for the hearts & the hands of the Six Nations, and to turn them with such destructive 
Rage upon the French, as would soon give a new face to our affairs, for of this I am confiiient 
tliat the 6 Nations allmost to a man wish we had the upper hand of the French when they 
would not only I am persuaded exert themselves, but bring over many great & powerful 
Nations to ihe Southward and Westward, which might be facilitated by our management 
that way 

My Lords 

It would not become me to animadvert upon our military conduct here, and to take upon 
me to advise therein might be going beyond my Tether, but what I have said I hope comes 
from me in Character, and permit me my Lords to say in general, that speedy spirited and 
active measures are absolutely necessary, to support strengthen and extend our Indian Interest 
provided the sword is to be kept drawn 

I have in the former part of this letter mentioned to your Ldps that I am informed the 
Twightwees, the Jenundadies and some of the Chickasaw Indians have been obliged to 
submit themselves to the French, since our defeat at the Ohio, and your Lordships will see 
that the Missisagas, who were invited by & promised M'' Shirley to meet at Oswego this 
summer, will not meet there, but will at any of the settlements of the 6 Nations. As the 



LOXDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 91 

former Indians I fear dare not and the Missasagas will not meet at Oswego, I suspect the intended 
meeting of the Western Indians there will not take effect 

It happens very unluckily that hy our ships from England not arriving in the usual time this 
Spring, a sutlicient quantity of Indian Goods, and things proper for Presents are not to be 
purchased I have sent to New York, Philadelphia, and Boston for several things, but can not 
get them 

Sir Charles Hardy has consented I shall give some of the arms GOOlb of Powder, and Lead 
in his name out of His Majestys present, sent by him to the G Nations. I heartily wish I iiad 
the rest of it, I wrote him there would be scarce a more favorable opportunity of giving that 
Present than at this Meeting 

1 would humbly propose to your Lordships that if His Mnjesty is pleased to continue me in 
the superintendancy of Indian affairs that I may be allowed to order such assortments of Indian 
Goods from England as are proper for the Service I am convinced this will be a saving 
method to the Crown, and that the Indians will be much better supplied — The Presents which 
Governors have brought from England have been ill sorted, many articles bad in their kind, 
and some useless, particularly that essential article of arms 

On my return from Onnondaga, I shall transmitt your Lordships Copy of my Proceedings 
there and give you such further intelligence as may occur 
I am 

My Lords 

most respectfully y' 

Lordships 

most obedient most 

humble Servant 

W"" Johnson 
PS 

Forts are now building in the Senecas country, at Onnondaga, Oneida, & Schohare The 

Cayuga Indians have not yet applied The Fort for the Oghguagees is upon the ace" of the 

disturbances to the Southward deferred till the meeting at Onondaga is over. 

The word* wilhio brackeU ia the preceding letter, are from the copy in New -York Colonial Uanuwript: LXXXII. — Ed. 



Journal of Sir William JohihsorHs Indian Transactions. March — J/ay, 1756. 

[ New-Tork Papers, LI., No. 42. ] 

March the S"- 1756 

As the Bunt and several of the Onnondaga Nation returned from Albany they made the 
following short speech 

Canadock Speaker 

William Printup Interpreter 
Brother Warraghiyagey 

As you were so good the other day to promise we should have a Fort in our Country we 

were thankful to you for it, since that time we have considered the benefit it may be to us, 



92 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Wherefor we now ernestly request you would build such a one for us as may last many years, 
if we could have such a Fort as the Mohawks have it would give us great pleasure 

We beg leave to repeat our desire of having our brother Otawandanawa (Lieut Mills) as 
officer there & Sagudderiaghta alias William Printup a smith & Interpreter between us and 
the officer. We also beg you would order some people to come up and plow our Corn Lands 
which are grown so stiff that our Women can scarce enter them with their Hoes, this is all we 
have at present to say Gave a Belt of Wampum 

Bretheren of Onnondaga 

It is out of pure regard for your safety and Welfare Forts are offered to you, well knowing 
the great security they will be to you all against any design of your and our treacherous 
enemy. Wherefore as you desire a good strong & durable Fort you shall be indulged therein. 
As to the Officer who is to command there. General Shirley has it in his power to gratifie you 
therein, and I doubt not but he will as I shall in sending William Printup to serve you as smith 
& interpreter, I will write a letter by you to the Germans, who live nearest to you, to go up 
with some Plows to break up your stiff Ground and hope that will be the means of its yielding 
you good crops A Belt 

Bretheren 

I have one thing to request of you, which is that you immediately send one of your Nation 
called Canadacta with a joint invitation to the Mississagaes to meet at Oswego as soon as they 
can conveniently he is the fittest man I know to undertake it, as he speaks their language and 
is an honest sensible man, you may assure him of being well rewarded A Belt 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We agree to your desire and much approve of your choice, as the man you mention really 
deserves the good opinion you have of him. We will as soon as we get home prepare him 
for the journey and send him with a joint message and invitation A Belt. 

I returned them thanks & gave them cash to purchase provisions on their way home and 
then they parted 

March ?"■ 1756 
At a Meeting of the Seneca Sachems at their return from Albany Tagighsady, the greatest 
Sachem of their Nation, rose up and spoke 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We hope you will as soon as the Season admits of it, send good men to build the Fort for 
us, for we are in a very dangerous situation at present, having such bad neighbours as the 
French near us A Belt. 

Bretheren of the Senecas 

You may depend upon my sending men to build a Fort for your protection as soon as 
possible. I must desire that you Bretheren who live nearest to the Twightwees, and the 
Otlawawaes will send Kindarunta of Ganuskago' my great friend to invite them, and as many 

' See note, supra, p. 67. — Ed. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS : XXXIII. 93 

other Nations as incline to speak with us, to the meeting which is to be hehl at Oswego, and 
that you join in the invitation as it will have more weight, and should we succeed in our 
designs, it will be for our mutual Interest A Celt. 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We return you thanks for the assurance you give us of sending up workmen to build a Fort 
for our Protection 

Agreeable to your desire we will as soon as we get home send the man you mention 
with your desire of seeing as many of them as possible and we will also send to them in our 
own name, and doubt not but they will come unless some unforeseen turn of all'airs should 
happen A Belt 

I returned them thanks for their compliance with my request gave them money to purchase 
Provisions by the road and so parted. 

March 8. 

Fitted out a Party of five Indians to harrass the Settlements about Crown Point 

A Chenundady Indian Cheif 

March 9 

Fitted out three more, Captain Dick the Chief, whom I ordered to go towards St Johns 
below Lake Champlain 

March 10 

Fitted out an other Party of five Mohawks and three White men, M' Henry Marr cheif of 
the Whites, Petrus Daniels son cheif of the Indians, they were to go to Crown Point or further 
in case they could not succeed there. 1 had a letter from Marr dated at Fort William Henry 
the lA Inst, tliey arrived safe there and were to sett off for Crown Point the next day 

March 15"" 175G. 

An Express sent General Johnson by the Oneidas with a large Belt of Black Wampum 
assuring him some French & 400 of their Indians were seen marching towards their country 
they desired his immediate assistance or they must die. 

The General received the News at 10 oclock at night at Albany and acquainted Coll Bourton' 
with it gave him the letter which he received from the Interpreter who took it from the Indian 
He then sett out for the German Flatts where he arrived the second day, the next day above 
1000 of the militia whom he had ordered to follow arrived and some few Indians. The 

' Major General Ralph Bueton, was Lieutenant Colonel of the 48th Regiment of Foot, 14th October, 1754, and accompanied 
Bradilock to the Monongahela, where he was wounded. He wns allowed the rank of Colonel in America, on 10th January, 
1768. in which year he commanded the 3d Brigade in the e.xpedition against Louisbuigh. In 1759, he and liis regiment 
accompanied General Wolfe to Quebec, and he was again wounded in the operations before that city, notwithstondinir which, 
however, he was at his post in the memorable battle on the plains of Abraham, in command of the reserve. When Wolfe 
received his death wound, the last order he issued was to Colonel Burton, "to cut off the retreat of the fugitives;" "then 
turning on his side he expired." Knox Campaignu, II., 79. After the surrender of Quebec, Colonel Burton was appointed 
Lieutenant-Governor of the city and its dependencie^ and in 1760, being advanced to the rank of Brigadier, accompanied 
General Murray in his operations forthe redui.-tion of the district of Montreal. In this campaign he commanded the first, or 
right Brigade. On the 10th December, of that year, he was appointed Colonel of the 95(h, then serving in America, and on 
the 10th July, 1762, was promoted to the rank of llajor-General in tho army. He became Colonel of the 3d Buffs, on the 
22d November, 1764, and, as hia name is not to be found in the Army list of 1860, it is presumed that ha died in 1768. — £d. 



94 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

General sent an express immediately to the Oneidas several of whom were then at the Carrying 
place to let them itnow he was so near and ready to march instantly to their assistance or to 
that of any of our Bretheren if they thought it necessary, their answer was that several scouts 
they had sent out to discover the enemies motions were returned without seeing the enemy, 
that they beleive they had altered their scheme or course also let them know they were 
extreemly obliged to him for this convincing proof of his regard for them & that they never 
would forget it 

General Johnson then sent them the following Message. 
Bretheren of Oneida 

I must advise you to keep some of your young men always towards the Borders of the 
French Country to watch their motions and if at any time you find they are marching towards 
your Country, let me know it immediately and I shall be with you before they can, for I am 
light and my men ready always in a moment to follow me 

Bretheren 

Be not dismayed at the sight or approach of five or six hundred of the enemy when you now 
see what a number I can bring to you in so short a time and at so bad a season of the year 
and were it necessary I would bring four times as many all of my own Regiment 

A Belt. 

March 23'' 1756 
At a meeting of the Mohawks at Fort Johnson 

Sir William Johnson communicated to them the contents of a letter he had received from 
Coll Hardenburgh and several other Gent" of Kingston in Ulster County dated March 10, 
which was that a party of English had entered a Wigwam where about 14 River Indians men 
Women and children were, and that upon strong suspicion of their being concerned in the 
murder of some of their neighbours a few days before would make them Prisoners but 
the Indians resisting the Party killed several of them and some made their escape, further that 
those Gentlemen acquainted me that there were about 40 or 50 of the same Nation of Indians 
now in Kingston come there for Protection and were supported by the People of that Town 
that they would be glad to know what to do with them. I desired their advice and opinion 
thereon which the promised they would give as soon as they got home and consulted together 

Instructions to M" Albert Van Slike going to the six Nations 

You are to proceed immediately to the Castle of the Cayougas and tell them you are come 
according to their request with goods which you are to supply them with as reasonably as you 
can, so that they may have no cause of complaint 

You are to make the strictest inquiry possible when there what News is amongst them and 
send me the same by express if of any moment 

You are to encourage them to keep the road open to Oswego that His Majestys Troops and 
Provisions may pass & repass unmolested. If any attempts should be made by the enemy to 
stop said communication or any Mischeif done at Oswego or any where thereabouts you are 
to tell them in my name that they must rise up & revenge it, otherwise they will break their 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIll. 95 

engagements entered into at tlie last Treaty held at my house, and if you can spare time to 
take a Scout with a number of tiieni on such occasions I will pay you for the same eight 
shillings p' day, but you must keep an exact account of the number of days you may be on 
said service so as you may justly swear to it 

You are also to employ some trusty Indian of that Nation to go as a spy to Cadaracqui & 
Swegatchie to see what the French and their Indians are about for which you are to pay lliem 
and I will make you an allowance for the same 

Lastly You are to send Intelligence of any designs you find the French may have against 
Oswego immediately to the commanding officer tliere also to me and to endeavour to prevail 
on said Nation to have a Fort in their Country setting forth tlie advantage it will be to them 

You may for the good of the Service advance £10 to such Sachems or others as you find 
deserving and I will repay you 

Given under my hand at Fort Johnson this SS"* day of March 175G. 

Wm Johnson 

To M' Albert Vanslike 



Instructions for Myndert Wemp in the Senecas Country 

As the Senecas have requested of me that you should stay there till their corn is a foot high 
in order to keep their Arms & Working Utensils in Repair 

You are therefore hereby directed to remain there untill the latter end of May or beginning 
of June and do all the work for them they want 

You are to send me by express any News of Moment you may hear there and also to the 
commanding officer at Oswego if it is necessary for him to know it or that it concerns the 
safety of that Garrison in any way 

If the Senecas have not sent the Indian whom I desired to call the Twightees and others to 
Oswego before this reaches you, in that case you are to tell them it is my desire that they send 
either him or any other proper person immediately as a delay in that case will be attended 
with many ill consequences, & be a great disappointment and the blame must lye upon them 

You are to encourage the Indians of that Nation all in your power to join our Troops at 
Oswego this spring, when sent for and tell them I expect they will not fail, having engaged 
they would be ready when called upon 

You are to suffer no French Emissarys to come among them while you are there as it must 
gre.atly hurt His Majestys Interest with that Nation to have such come among them 

You may besides what I have already allowed advance the sum of Ten pounds to such as 
you find deserving and in Want 

As I hear there is a great scarcity of Indian Corn there, you may tell them I propose sending 
two Battoes loaded with Corn for their releif as soon as possible, and I hope that will be the 
means of kee|)ing them at Home and in readiness to join His Majestys Forces at Oswego 
when called upon 

Given under my hand at Fort Johnson this 26 day of March 1756. 
To W" Johnson 

M' Myndert Wemp 

of the Senecas Country 



96 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Fort Johnson March 26 1756. 
At a meeting of the Mohawks both Sachems & Warriors 

Abraham spoke as follows 
Brother Warraghiyagey 

You were so good the other day to let us know what had happened to some of our people 
lately at Goshen. We are thankful to you for acquainting us of it as well as of a number of 
them being now amongst the Inhabitants of Kingston. We have according to your desire 
taken this affair into our serious consideration, and come to this resolution which if you 
approve of we are determined immediately to put into execution viz: to go and bring those 
Indians living or left about that part of the Country to settle among us at the Mohawks, and 
we hope you will assist us in bringing them up all in your Power, also help to support 
and cloath them untill they are able to raise their own provision. As we are unacquainted 
with their language and strangers in that part of the Country, we should be glad you would 
send some proper person with us as Interpreter, then we will begin the journey as soon as 
you please A Belt 

Bretheren of the Mohawks 

I very much approve the Resolution you have entered into relating to the River Indians. I 
will assist you in bringing them and their Familys up & untill they are able to provide for 
themselves I shall take care to supply them with the necessarys of Life, I shall order Jacobus 
Clement the Interpreter who understands their language to attend you and give him 
Instructions on that head A Belt. 

Instructions to M' Jacobus Clement 

You are to provide a passage and Provisions for these Mohawk Chiefs & accompany them 
to Kingston in Ulster County. When there you are to see that they be well supplied with 
Provisions and but very little liquor, least they get intoxicated & by that means oversett the 
good ends they have in view. You are to Act as interpreter between them and the River 
Indians & assist them all in your power. Should they be able to prevail on the River Indians 
to come along with them, in that case you are to provide them with what Provisions you find 
necessary to support them along the Road hither using good economy & discretion. You are 
to keep a regular account of the expence so as it may be sworn to when delivered 
Given under my hand at Fort Johnson the 8"" day of April 1756. 

To Jac. Clement Interp"' W'-" Johnson 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 97 

Fort Jolinson 21 April 17-5G 
A Deputation from tiie Onnoiidagas of two Sacliems & 14 Warriors. A M 

Peter Wraxail Seer'' 
Arent Stevens Interp"' 

Tiogwanta Speaker 
Brother Warraghiyagey 

We are very sorry for your late loss at the carrying place ' & as we doubt not you are oppressed 
with greif on this occasion we do with this Bell of Wampum wipe away the Tears from your 
eyes and clear your throat that you may speak to us with ease and Freedom, ami we cleaa 
away the blood that hath been spilt, so that we may confer together with our usual confidence 
and satisfaction Gave a large Belt of Black Wampum 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

At our late public meeting you put the five Nations in mind that the Delawares and 
Shawanese Indians were under their Government & direction & you enjoined us to send to 
them to express our disapprobation & Resentment for the bloody Hostilities which tliey had 
and were daily committing against our Bretheren the English in those parts and that we should 
order them to cease from their violences & live in that friendship and Harmony with our 
Bretheren the English as they were wont to do, and that they should turn the edge of their 
Hatchett along with you and us, against our common enemies the French and their Indians 

We have been to them and delivered what you gave us in charge and we have succeeded by 
convincing them that they had acted very foolishly and unjustifiably, and they have promised 
& agreed to join their arms with us in conjunction with you against our common enemys but 
at the same time they ernestly desire that they may see and talk with you at Onnondaga the 
Fire Place of the five Nations and that if you will meet them there it will convince them of 
your desire to live with them in Harmony & Friendship and that you intend to behave to them 
as Friends & Allies, and the live Nations join with them in this request as they propose to have 
a very great meeting there and as the present times are so troublesome and the general 
Welfare so precarious, we desire you will fix upon as early a day as possible to meet us at 
Onnondaga. As this meeting will be of great importance to the common cause we must press 
upon you to be present at it and that with as little delay as possible, and that you will bring 
your neighbours the Mohawks of both castles along with you 

We would willingly take you by the hand now along with us, but if this can not be done 
we must beg you will tell us what day you will be at Onnondaga that we may summons the 
Six Nations, the Delawares & Shawanese and our several Allies to come punctually at the time 
you shall fix upoa Delivered a Belt of Invitation. 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

With half of this Belt (holding one up) we put you in mind that as you have often told us 
we are as one people and one Family, we must now inform you that as this meeting at 
Onnondaga will be a very considerable one, and at which will be present a great number of 
Indians of several Nations, we are by reason of the present situation of affairs, which require 

' Sec note mpra, p. 82. — Ed. 
Vol. VII. 13 



98 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

our young men to be constantly in Arms attending the operations of our Bretheren the English, 
very short of Provisions, & by no means able to provide for such numbers as will come to this 
Meeting We therefore hope & desire you will bring along with you some Provisions to assist 
us to support the many Indians who w-ill assemble at Onnondaga on this occasion 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

With the other half of this Belt we acquaint you that as you desir'd the Six Nations in 
general and we Onnondagas in particular would have our eyes constantly fixed upon Oswego 
our Trading Place and keep out Scouts in order to discover and make known the motions & 
designs of the enemy. This we have constantly done, and no sooner one scouting party comes 
in but we send out an other, and upon gaining any intelligence immediately communicate it to 
the commanding officer at Oswego and this we shall continue to do with our utmost zeal & 
abilities, for brother we are determined to live and die with our Bretheren the English 

Now Brother you know that arms and ammunition are not only the means of our Livelyhood 
and that by constant use they must be wearing out & expended, but more especially at this 
time when they are constantly in our hands not only for our Maintenance but to assist our 
Bretheren the English, we must therefore desire Brother that you will bring along with you to 
this meeting at Onnondaga, a good supply of arms powder & Ball as things absolutely needful! 
at this conjuncture. Don't think Brother we are so earnest on this point with a view of 
private advantage, for we propose to use our arms & ammunition in conjunction with our 
Bretheren the English against their and our Enemies — Then gave the whole Belt 



Ed. Di. P. M. 

Sir William Johnsons answer to the foregoing Speech 

Bretheren of Onnondaga 

The condolence of your Nation on our late misfortune at the Carrying place is friendly and 
acceptable these things are the natural consequences of War and I hope they will animate 
both you and us with a laudable spirit of Resentment 

Bretheren 

I am very glad to find that your Remonstrances to the Delaware & Shawanese Indians have 
had the desired effects and that they not only repent of their cruel and unjust behavior towards 
their Bretheren the English, but now perceive what is their true Interest and duty, and are 
disposed to join with you and us against the common enemy. Agreeable to their request & 
your urgent desire, I propose to come up to the intended meeting atOnondago and to be there 
in 20 Days from this day There are several reasons which prevent my being able to go with 
you now or to attend sooner, one of which is that I have been lately called three times to the 
German Flatts and Oneida carrying place by which means I have a great deal of business upon 
my hands which must be attended to before I can leave again. I shall give timely notice to 
the Mohawks of both Castles to be ready to go when I call upon them 

Promised to return their Invitation Belt at Onnondaga 



LONDON DOCUMENTS : XXXIII. 99 

Bretlieren 

I am sensible that at tliis time more especially you will not be able to fiiui Provisions for 
Bucii a number of hulians as will probably be at this Meeting, and I shall therefore agreeable 
to your request take care to assist with a supply of Provisions 

Bretheren 

If gives me great pleasure to hear that you manifest that attention to your true Interest and 
my Exhortations as to be duely watchful over your trading place at Oswego by keeping 
constant scouting Parties round it. I hope you will in this and by every other Method continue 
to let your and our enemies the French and their Indians see that you look upon the 
preservation of Oswego not only as a security to your own Castles, but as a place which your 
honor and your Interest calls on you to protect from their encroaching attempts, and that you 
will to the utmost of j'our power keep the road to it free and open. 

Bretheren. 

I well know how necessary arms & ammunition are to you at all times and particularly so 
at this I shall do every thing in my power to obtain and bring with me as much and as good 
of the kind as I possibly can. but as several armaments are now making throughout this 
Continent these important Articles are thereby rendered scarce and difficult to be obtained, 
and that I may have time to get the best and as large a quantity of these as I can is an other 
reason why I cannot sooner meet you at Onnondaga A Belt. 

To the foregoing their Speaker replyed 
Brother Warraghiyagey 

You have given us a very satisfactory answer to the several particulars which we had in 
charge from our Castle, we are extreemly obliged to you for it, and we shall punctually make 
our report thereof on our arrival at our Castle. 

The friendship between our Bretheren the English and us hath been of an ancient date and 
a long continuance and we can not more etlectualiy distress our enemies than by stedfasliy 
uniting ourselves together against them. 

Sir William then told them as he had promised their Nation at the late Meeting that when 
the weather would permit he would send J'eople up to build them a Fort, this he now intended 
speedily to do and desired their people would agree upon a proper place to build it, and 
hoped when the Workmen came up they would use them well and avoid any Quarrels or 
disagreem" and that he would give a charge to the Workmen to behave well on their side. 

Then the Conference broke up 

Fort Johson 22'' Ap' 1756. P. M. 
The Mohawk Delegates who were sent down to the River Indians waited upon Sir W" 
Johnson & gave him the following account of their Negociatiou 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

Our Delegates are returned from our Nephews the River Indians and we are come to this 
our Fire place with them to give you a relation of our proceedings 



100 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

Our Nephews were extreemly glad to see us and expressed their gratitude for our Invitation 
to them which they readily accepted of and promised as soon as they could gather their people 
together which they beleived would be next month they would remove hither & accept our 
offers. They said the had looked upon themselves as a people abandoned and were extreemly 
glad to find their Uncles the Mohawks had not wholly forsaken them but had taken measures 
for their Welfare & establishment and that previous to their removal they would despatch 
some of their young men forwards & give us notice of their coming 

Hereupon Sir W" answered 

Bretheren of the two Mohawk Castles 

I thank you for the account you have given me of your proceedings with your Nephews 
the River Indians, I approve thereof & am glad to find they have so readily and gratefully 
embraced your kind & prudent Invitation. When they come &: are incorporated witli you I 
shall consider and treat them as Bretheren & assist them accordingly & I hope they will be an 
addition to your strength & Welfare 

Fort Johnson 29 April 1756 A M. 

The Report of INIyndert Wemp who arrived this day with his son and a Seneca Warrior 
from the Senecas Country where he was sent by Sir William Johnson to reside as a Smith 

That he was ordered to stay there untill the Corn was a foot high, the scarcity of Provisions 
M as such amongst them that he could not subsist, and the Indians told him that he must leave 
them for they could not supply him for which reason he came away. 

He says they are all determined to meet Sir William at Oswego agreeable to his late 
Invitation and to go out a fighting with him, that some of their Warriors were going out a 
fighting against the Flatt heads but the Sachems who were at the late meeting at Fort Johnson 
gave them a skalp & told them they must stay at home in order to attend their brother 
Warraghiyagey with which the said Warriors complied & laid aside their intended expedition, 
but said that when their brother Warraghiyagey came to Oswego they hoped he would not do 
as was done there last year, sit still eat drink & make excuses that now the wind was too high 
& such like things which do not become a Warrior, who when he is once engaged should not 
draw back, that the English begin but do not go through with any thing — that they plainly 
saw nothing would be done last year and for that Reason they left Oswego & returned home 

Tiiat they were greatly pleased with Sir Williams promise of building a Fort for them & 
lioped he would not delay doing it and they desired that some of Myndert Wemps sons when 
the Fort was built might reside there as tlie understood their language, were known to them 
& were Smiths. They desire some Indian Corn may be speedily sent them, for their scarcity 
is such that without it they can't attend their Brother Warraghiyagey as they will have no 
bread to subsist them on the Road 

As the passed through the Cayouga Country some of that Nation who had been at Niagra 
about three weeks before told him there were but 100 soldiers at that Fort but they were 
reparing and making it very strong that they got plenty of Provisions there 

That the Senecas desired a little Rum might be brought to their castle for such Indians 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 101 

He says tliat this last winter John Abeel brought so much Hum sold it amongst the Indians 
& caused so uiucli Druiiiseniiess that lie was greatly nioU-sted & hindered in his work hy it & 
when he threatened John Aheel that he would complain against him, he said he did not care, 
he would sell it & that for every quart of Rum he sold he got a Spanish Dollar, and that when 
the Senecas had heard Sir William had stopped his Goods from coming up they expressed 
great joy & approbation 

He says Kiiidarunte the great Seneca Chief is gone with a very large Belt of Wampum to 
the Twighties to invite them & the xNeighbouring Nations in Sir Williams & the Six Nations 
name to the intended meeting at Oswego 

Instructions to Capt" Marcus Petry 

You are immediately to go with twenty five or thirty men to the Oneida Nation with all 
necessary Tools for building a Fort there & to take with you four pair of good Horses & [)roper 
Harness for drawing timber for the same. On your arrival there you are to call a meeting of 
all the Oneidas & tell them you are sent to build a Fort for their security & that I desire they 
may immediately agree unanimously on a proper place, if they cannot then you are to tell 
them my opinion is that Onawaraghhare' is the best situation by all accounts for a Fort — when 
that Point is settled you are to begin the work & make the Fort 120 feet square the Logs to 
be IG feet long four of which to be set in the ground & well rammed, two Blockhouses to be 
built at the opposite corners each Blockhouse to be 24 Feet square below, the upper part above 
the beams to project a foot over so that men may Fire down upon the enemy. You are to 
floor them, shingle the Roof & build a Sentry Box on the Top of each house & two strong 
Gates to be made and set up in the properest places 

You are also to keep an exact account how many days eacli man works and the Horses also 
and see that they work faithfully 

Lastly you are to take care that none of your party use any of the Indians ill nor sell them 

any liquor at their Peril. 

Given under my hand at Fort Johnson this 21 Apr' 1756 

W" Johnson 



Instructions to M' Jacob Vroman head Carpenter going to Onondaga to build 
a Fort for the Indians 

You are to repair with your best diligence with the men under your direction to Onondaga 
& there to consult with the Indians of that Nation on a proper spot to build a Fort which Fort 
is to be one hundred & fifty feet square, the Logs to be either Pine or Oak sixteeen feet long, 
four feet of which to be set in the ground well rammed and pounded t[w]o sides of each Log to 
be square so as they may stand close to each other proper Loop holes to be cut at four feet 
distance the height from the Ground to be left to the Indians, two good Block Houses to be 
built at either Gate of the opposite Corners each Block House to be twenty four feet square 
below the upper part above the beams to project a foot so as men may fire down upon 
the enemy 

OneiJa CastUton, in tlie town of Vernon, OneiJa Co., N. Y. The name is written Canoxcaroghare in Sauthien' Map of 
New -York. By converting the r into 1, it became Canoaaloa, in the Oneida dialect Jonet' Hiitoryof Oneida County, 841.— Hj). 



102 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

You are to floor the Block Houses Shingle the Roofs & build a good sentry Box on the top 
of each house & two strong gates of oak Plank of three Inches thick to be set up in the 
properest places with strong Iron Hinges. You are to keep an exact account of the number of 
days each man works and of the Horses also and see that they work faithfully 

Lastly you are to take care that none of your party quarrel with or use any of the Indians 
ill or sell them any liquor at their peril 

Given under my hand at Fort Johnson this 30 day of April 1756 

W" Johnson 



Fort Johnson Wednesday May 5. ] 756 

At a Meeting of several of the six Nations arrived here from Philadelphia to wit Oneidas, 
Senecas, Caiyougas, Tuskarora, & Schoharee Indians (among whom was Scharoyady 
or the half King) and several of their Women & Children 

Sir William Johnsons speech Arent Stevens Interp"' 

Bretheren 

I heartily bid you welcome here to the fire place of the Six Nations & am extreemly glad to 
see you here at a time when your assistance in public affairs can be of great Service 

Bretheren 

The loss of our worthy friend Moses who accompanied you & died at Philadelphia gives me 
great concern and I with these Strings of Wampum sincerely condole the loss of him 

Here the Ceremony of Condolence was performed agreeable to their Custom — 

Gave three Strings 
Bretheren 

I yesterday received the News of the approach of a large body of French and Indians to the 

German Flatts upon which I immediately issued orders for the Militia marching there in order 

to meet them and prevent their wicked designs. The Militia of this River marched this 

morning early and will be there this night, those from Albany and Schenectady I minutely 

expect, when I purpose setting off for that place with them I have likewise acquainted both 

Mohawk Castles with the News & my design of marching without loss of time to meet the 

enemy and desired them to join me at the upper Castle I desire by these Strings of Wampum 

you will take it into consideration and let me know your Resolution 

Three Strings of Wampum 

They returned their thanks for the compliments of Condolence and promised to join Sir 
William with the Mohawk Indians 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 103 

Fort Johnson 10 May 1756 

At a Meeting of four Cheifs of the Oneida & Seneca Nations to wit Schoroyady or the 
half King, an Oneida, Tahwaghsaniunt alias Belt of Wampum & two other Sachems of 
the Seneca Nation also two Seneca Women 

Scaroyady Speaker 

Peter Wraxall Secry 
Interpreters M' Montour & Jacobus Clement 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

When I was here last winter you advised me to remove from the Place where I have been 
for some years past settled, as you thought I was there exposed to the ill designs of the French 
who knowing me to be a firm friend to tiie P^nglish might contrive to cut me & my people off 
and hereupon you gave me a Belt of Wampum to come and live this way amongst my 
countrymen where I should not only be safe but of use and Service. I have listened Brother 
to your advice & request and am now come here with my people whom you now see at your 
House. As women have a great influence on our young W^irriors, I must desire that the 
women now present in particular may be acquainted with what news you may have and with 
all public affairs relating to the five Nations, for their Influence is a matter of no small 
consequence with our Fighters Gave a String of Wampum 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

It is no ne%v thing to take women into our councils particularly amongst the Senecas. The 
Seneca Nation took no care to call those of their Nation who lived with me near the Ohio 
to return to their National Castles, tis you have done this, and we are very much obliged to 
you for it 

Sir Williams Answer 
Bretheren 

I am very glad that you have consulted your own security and the good of the common 
cause in quitting your late habitation and coming hither with your families, I am heartily glad 
to see you and shall contribute all in my power to make this removal agreeable to you 

I am sensible your Women are of no small consequence in relation to public affairs and I 
shall be always disposed to consult & inform them of our public Business 

Gave a String of Wampum 

Fort Johnson 12 May 1756. 
Several Sachems & cheif Warriors of Conaiyoharee or upper Mohawk Castle arrived here 
this morning and being seated Sir William Johnson first welcomed them in the usual manner 
with Pipes & Tobacco & a glass of Rum round, and then told them he expected them 
yesterday and that their Bretheren of the lower Mohawk Castle came here & waited in 
expectation of their arrival, that they had a burying to day of a Widdow Woman and when 
that was over they would attend at the meeting in the mean time, as they were probably 



104 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

hungry & fatigued with travelling he had ordered some victualls to be dressed and they might 
refress themselves 

To this Abraham their Cheif Sachem answered 
Brother Warraghiyagey 

We should have been here yesterday according to your appointment, but those young men 
you sent out as scouts when you were at our Castle returned and discovered some Tracks of 
the enemy which detained us from setting out as we intended 

We are now come and glad to see yon and when our Bretheren of the Mohawk Castle are 
present we shall be ready to proceed upon Business (They then returned the Strings of 
Wampum which Sir William gave them as a token of Invitation hither) 

Sir William Johnson upon receiving Intelligence from Col Bradstreet that Oswego was 
beseiged by the French, had despatched Messengers to the Aughguagey Indians to call upon 
them to join them at the German Flatts, but upon his arrival there Intelligence coming from 
Coll Mercer whereby it appeared the former was a false alarm, he dispatched some Indians 
from Conajoharry to Aughguagey to stop those Indians from proceeding in consequence of his 
former Message 

The following is the relation which the Conajoharie Messengers gave of what passed on 
their arrival at Aughguagey 

Conojoharee Abraham Speaker 
Brother Warraghiyagey 

We are to acquaint you that the Messengers from the Southward are returned and made the 
following report of their proceedings 

When they arrived at Aughquagey they found all the Warriors there ready to join you upon 
the call you gave them by a Message you sent to them by some of our Bretheren the Scoharees 
upon the late alarm 

But upon our Messengers acquainting them of its being a false alarm, they said it was 
very well and desired they would acquaint you that they would always keep their arms in 
their hands that if any future alarms should happen they might jump up at a call and join 
you instantly 

Our Messengers likewise were informed by the Aughquageys that the Indians living at 
Tiyaoga and there abouts declared themselves in the following manner concerning the disputes 
between them and the English, " That they sincerely repented of what they had done and 
were determined to drop all Hostilities &- live in friendship with the Indians as heretofore, 
and that they would come to all the meetings for the time to come which shall be appointed 
by their brother Warraghyagey at the same time declared that their uncles (meaning the Six 
Nations) had not used them as they should have done in not informing them of every news 
they were acquainted with by the English which neglect contributed in a great measure to 
what had happened, and that for the future they should be glad to be called every meeting 
that they might hear every thing proposed by their Bretheren the English. They further 
added, that there was yet one man amongst them, who persisted in being ill minded 
against the English and was ready to go to Ohio. They concluded with desireing of their 
uncles not to give credit to every idle story the might be falsely informed of, and gave a large 
Belt thereupon 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIIl. 105 

Fort Johnson 12 May P. M. 
Speech of the Indians of the Lower Mohawk Castle 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We are come here to our usual place of consultation not only to lay our private case &; 
situation before you but likewise to consult about public affairs which in these troublesome 
times require almost constant attendance 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

As we are every day liable to be called from home to join you whereever you desire us, 
we must therefore propose to you that as now the planting time is coming on whereon 
our sustenance throughout the year depends that you would be pleased to see our Corn 
Land secured 

We should be glad that you would appoint somebody that understands our Language to 
take care as well of our Castle as our planting Ground We propose to you Yellows Funda 
to take that charge upon him, but if it does not suit you to appoint him we think John Wemp 
will be as fit a person for that purpose 

It is true we have a Garrison of regulars but on them we can't depend in this Case, as they 
don't understand us, nor would be willing to assist us in those matters which we stand in need 
of. We therefore leave these Matters to your consideration as it concerns our own and our 
family subsistance A Belt 

Sir William told them he would take the subjects of their speech into consideration and 
give them an answer in due time 



12 May P. M. 

At a Meeting of the several Cheif Sachems & Warriors of the two Mohawk Castles, and 

■ sundry Indians belonging to the Scoharee Castle to the Seneca, Cayouga & Tuscarora 

Nations (amongst whom were Scharagady or the half King & Tawaghsaniut alias Belt 

of Wampum a great Seneca Sachem) Sir W^illiam opened the occasion of this meeting 

and addressed himself to them in the following manner. 

Interpreters M'' Montour M"' Clause Jacobus Clement 

Bretheren of Conajoharee 

A few days ago when I called at your castle in my way to the German Flatts, you expressed 
in a very warm manner your disapprobation and uneasiness on my design of attending the 
proposed meeting atOnnondaga and said that you had several reasons against my going thither 
at this juncture, our Bretheren of the lower Mohawk Castle have also expressed themselves in 
like manner, and I have received a Message from our Bretheren of Aughquagey desireing me 
not to go to the said Meeting 

Bretheren of the Several Nations here present 

As you are now agreeable to my request met here together & know that this meeting at 
Onondaga was appointed at the desire of the Delaware and Susquehanna Indians in conjunction 
Vol. VII. ]4 



IQQ NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

with our Bretlieren of Onondaga and that in compliance with the earnest request of said 
Indians, I agreed to be present at it by the 10 day of this month, I have however upon the 
account of the late alarm and in consequence of your application to me delayed my journey, 
therefore desire you will now with the openness of Heart becoming Bretheren, give me your 
reasons against my attending at this meeting for without sound and justifiable argument I shall 
be very unwilling to break any promise given to our Bretheren of Onondaga, for in all matters 
either of more or less importance I am desirous of strictly observing my engagements You 
will therefore Bretheren take this matter into your serious consideration and explain yourselves 
to me with suitable candour A- Belt 

Fort Johnson 13 May 175G P M. 
At a Conference with the sundry Indian [Sachems] as mentioned yesterday. 

Same Interpreters 

Abraham the Chief Sachem of the upper Mohawk Castle spoke as follows 

Bretheren of the five Nations here present 

You have referred it to our two Castles to deliver the general Sentiments of all here present 
on what our brother Warraghiyagey said to us last night, and I am now going to do so. 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We were called here to give our opinion in relation to the intended meeting at Onondaga. 
We have all taken that affair into our serious consideration, the result whereof we will proceed 
to lay before you 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

When you were at Lake George we were told by the Governor of New York who was lately 
arrived from England, tiiat early this Spring he proposed to call the five Nations together 

After this you Brother had a Meeting with us in the winter in order to settle the differences 
between our Bretheren the English and the Delaware and Shawaneese Indians, at this meeting 
you put us in mind that we were the head or Masters of the Delaware & Shawanese Indians 
and desired that we would take the Hatchet out of their hands, upon which the five Nations 
took this affair into consideration and agreed to go and call a Council at Otseningo' and we 
sent some of the Scaniadaradighroonas forward to summons the aforesaid Indians to this 
meetino'. The five Nations then appointed a Deputation to attend at the Council who set off" 
without loss of time, instructed according to your earnest recommendation to exert themselves 
to the utmost of their power to bring affairs at this meeting to the desired effect 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

Younotified to us at the aforementioned meeting last Winter, that as soon as the Ice was out 
of the Water you expected the Governors would call us again together. It appears very odd 
to us that after you had given us this notice of the Governors intention in which the Onondagas 
were included, they should take upon them to invite you to their meeting at Onondaga 

' See note. Snpra, p. 67. — Ed. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXllI. 107 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We say it seems very strange to us and contrary to the Custom in force amongst us that the 
Onondagas wlio liad notice of an intended [meeting] with the Governors of New Yorlv should 
ask you to come to their meeting & bring with you Provisions, Arms & Ammunition, surely 
they thinii you can move very easily with such a heavy load, don't they know likewise that you 
are soon to have a considerable meeting at Oswego. 

These things look very oddly in our eyes, and we dont think it Jill proper for you to attend 
this Meeting proposed by the Onondagas 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We of the two Mohawk Castles in particular are greatly alarmed at your thoughts of going 
to Onondaga at this critical juncture all you carried with you, and yourself also might fall into 
the enemies hands. At this time one dont know what place is safe, and whenever you move 
from your house we tremble for you, for if evill should befall you the whole Country will be 
open to our Enemies 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

If you do persist in going to Onondaga or ever leave home at this precarious and dangerous 
time we shall give ourselves over for lost and if any accident happens to you what will become 
of your own Bretheren the English as well as we, for we see nobody else who is any ways 
active but you who are ready to march on every alarm, and indeed with regard to us, when 
formerly you were not in power you were always ready to shew your love and care of us 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

An other reason why our hearts tremble about your going to Onondaga, is that if you should 
go the Mohawks of both Castles are all determined to attend you and leave our Castles empty, by 
which means all our familys would lye exposed to the enemy, and after all these reasons given 
we dont apprehend there can be any just blame laid upon you for breaking your word, with 
the Onnondagas, who if they want to speak with you can easily step into their bark Canoes 
and come down here to you as the Bark now peels easily and they come down stream, 
whereas it will be a long & tedious journey for you loaded with the necessaries they ask for. 

Gave a Belt 

To the foregoing speech Sir William replyed as follows 

Bretheren of the several Nations here present 

I have heard your reasons against my going to Onondaga according to my promise and 1 
think they are not without their weight, and tho' I am sensible my going at this juncture 
would be attended with some risk, yet were I sure of meeting the Delaware & Shawanese 
Indians there, I would notwithstanding be inclined to go if you think they will uot be there 
and as you are invited to this Meeting as well as I I desire you will advise me what message 
we shall both send to our Bretheren of Onondaga for not going there. 



]^08 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Friday May 14* P M. 
At a Meeting, present as before 

The Indians having sent notice to Sir William that they were now ready to answer what 
he had said to them yesterday evening Tawagsaniunt alias the old Belt a Chief Seneca Sachem 
who came with Scharoyady or the Half King spoke as follows 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

Yesterday you referred it to us to consider what it would be proper to do in relation to your 
going to Onondaga, We have seriously considered this affair and think it will be right to send 
forthwith a proper person to Onnondaga to see if the Delaware and Shawanese Indians are met 
their according to their appointment, and we have fixed on two persons for this business 
namely Brant' son Thomas of the Lower Mohawk Castle and a Seneca Warrior called 
Silver heels 

Here they held a small consultation after which the speaker went on & said 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

As you have desired our advice what to do with regard to our Bretheren of Onondaga, We 
think as you told us last Winter there was to be a meeting of the Six Nations with the 
Governor of New York this spring, it would not be amiss if you now by the Messengers that 
are going invite the six Nations down here and if the Delaware and Shawanese are at 
Onondaga, to desire the Onondagas to bring them also down when all affairs relating to those 
Indians might be adjusted here 

To this Sir William answered 
Bretheren 

From several accounts which I have lately received I have reason to doubt whether the 
Delaware & Shawanese Indians will come to the proposed meeting at Onondaga, I therefore 
approve of the method you propose of sending thither to see if they are there & I also much 
approve of the persons you have fixed on to go there, as I am determined to comply with my 
promise if these Indians should be at Onondaga, I hope you will send away these Messengers 
without any delay and if they find the Delawares & Shawanese there I shall give it them in 
charge to desire them to stop a few days & I will be up there, but if they are neither come nor 
expected then to tell the Onondagas I shall defer meeting the five Nations till I see them 
at Oswego 

Bretheren 

The meeting which I mentioned to you last Winter which might take place early this Spring, 
I did in the name of the Governor of New York, but the present disturbed state of affairs and 
the many urgent & important matters which require his attention at New York, have 
prevented his holding this meeting as intended, and you will likewise remember that I told you 
there was to be a great Meeting early this Summer at Oswego, for these reasons I can not take 
upon me to call the Six Nations down here at this time as I expect His Majestys Service will 
call me speedily to Oswego to attend the Meeting which is appointed there for the 
Western Indians 

Hereupon the conference broke up and an end was put to this meeting 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 109 

Saturday the IS"" May A. M. 

At a Meeting of several of the Sachems and others of the lower Mohawks Castle Sir 
William gave the following answer to their speech of the 12"" Instant 

Bretheren 

I have considered what you mentioned to me about fencing in your corn and helping you to 
plant it and also of your request about the persons to command in your Fort 

As to the first if you will look for proper persons who will undertake to repair your P'ences 
& assist you in planting your Corn & send them to me, 1 will agree with them for it, I am 
sensible of the necessity & prudence of getting this done for you as it will otherwise be a 
much greater charge to the King your Father to buy & maintain you in Corn, without which 
you and your familys can not subsist. 

But I am not Bretheren so well pleased or satisfied with your other request, and your naming 
Persons to me to command the Garrison for your Fort I do not think you are so well qualified 
to judge what Persons are proper for these Posts as I am. I know it has been and is the 
Custom for People with a view to their own private advantage to sooth and flatter you into 
solicitations for them but I must desire you will not fall into this Trap, but leave these 
appointments to me or to those to whom it more immediately belongs. At present you hifve 
a Garrison of His Majesties Troops & I think they will be a sufiicient security for you as long 
as they remain when they are drawn off, I will then take care to provide you with a sufficient 
number of men and a proper officer in their Room Gave a Belt. 

Fort Johnson 20 May J756 
Canaghquiesa a Chief Sachem of Oneida, with two young Indians one an Oneida the other a 
Tuscarora arrived this afternoon & Canaghquiesa spoke as follows 

Mr Clause Interpreter 

Rudt a Tuscarora Chief also present 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

At the Meeting you had with the Six Nations this last Winter you pressed us so warmly to 
take into consideration the Hostilities committed against our Bretheren the English by the 
Delaware & Shawanese Indians and to interpose our influence and authority over those Indians 
to prevent any more blood from being shed, that we could not avoid takeing that matter upon 
us & accordingly a Deputation from the six Nations was appointed to hold a council with those 
Indians at Otseningo.' I was one who went there and those Indians were so much convinced 
by the arguments which we made use of that they repented what they had done & solemnly 
promised that they would not again hurt the Hair of the Head of any Englishmen. They told 
us they were thankful the five Nations had put them in mind of their former Engagements and 
that they would now throw every thing that was evil behind their backs. That they had been 
in darkness but now their eyes were opened and their minds made easy. The Indians who 
spoke to us in the foregoing manner were Shawanese Cliickesaws Sc Mihikanders who further 
told us that they had at several times sent Belts of Wampum to the Delawares who live at 

' Se« note. Supra, p. 67. — £d. 



j^XO NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Tiaoga with Messages to forward to the Six Nations which they neglected to do, that therefore 
for the future they were determined to address themselves to the Six Nations directly and 
would attend any Meeting which their Brother Warraghiyagey would call them to and be glad 
to take him by the hand 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

One of the Skaniadaradighroonas who lives near the aforesaid Indians had applied to the 
Delawares who live at Tyaoga to accompany them to the proposed meeting at Onondaga, 
which they refused to do saying that one Thos: M-^Gee who lives upon the Susquehana and is 
married to a Shawanese Squa had told them that in ten days time an Army of the English 
would come & destroy them, and said to them further "You can not think that as you have 
"murdered the English from Conastoga to Esopus that they will put up with it quietly and 
" Warraghiyagey may pretend to make Peace with you but that is not in his power. The 
" Governor of Pensylvania is master this way & will not listen to Peace." The Tyaoga 
Indians said they would not therefore leave home but prepare to defend themselves against the 
hostile Intentions of the English and that they had sent out ten Men as Scouts to observe 
the motions of the English 

Brother 

When we received this Intelligence at Oneida we immediately sent a Message to the 
Delawares at Tiyaogo^ insisting upon their attending the Meeting at Onondaga— I have now 
brother done with this piece of News and 1 shall proceed to tell you some thing else very bad 

Brother. 

Several Soldiers from Oswego and the Carrying Place have come amongst us at Oneida and 
among the Tuscaroras and told us that the Great King our Fathers son was arrived at Boston 
with a great army and was coming up to destroy all the Six Nations and to begin with the 
Mohawks and that all the Troops from Oswegoe and the carrying place were to surround and 
assist in cutting us oft", these People told us they were come to live and die with us and advised 
us without delay for our own Preservation to cut ofl' the communication with Oswegoe whilst 
it was short of Provisions. One of these soldiers who came from Oswegoe says he lived three 
years with the Governor of Philadelphia and there often heard of this design of cutting off all 
the Indians 

Brother 

You must not imagine I give credit to these things for I have brought no Wampum with me 
upon it, but I am come down to you in order to inform you & be able to satisfie our People 
who are greatly alarmed & disheartned by these stories. 

Fort Johnson 21 May 1736. 
There having tor some time past a jealousy & disagreement subsisted between the Indians 
hvmg at Schoharee who have been split into two parties at the head of which were 6«A and 
David two of their cheif men Sir William Johnson had interposed and sent three strings of 

'Now Athens, Bradford county, Penn. It was formerly known as Tioga point; from Teyaogen, an Interval, or anything 
in the middle of, or between two other things. Bruyas. Radices Verb. Iroqumorum. Hence, Teiohohogen, the Forks of a River. 
0<dlaUn't Vocabulary, 387 ; a much more appropriate name, it will b« admitted, than that imported from Greece, — Ed. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. Xll 

Wampum to these Indians admonishing them to unanimity and brotherly love setting forth the 
inconsistency and danger of quarrels & divisions amongst them at this critical Juncture, 
during these animosities amongst them one party had applied for a Fort & the other was 
against having one. Sir William told them that if they would follow his admonitions and be 
reconciled together he would then comply with what they should unanimously request 

This evening the aforesaid David arrived here with three strings of Wampum & made the 
following speech 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

Our People have listened to your good advice & we have had a general Meeting of all the 
Women & children belonging to our settlement together with the River Indians who were 
lately come to live amongst us and all former misunderstandings are now removed and an 
entire end put to every kind of quarrel amongst us 

Brother 

I am sent to you by our People in the first place to thank you for your good advice and to 
inform you that we have acted and are determined to act conformably to it, and in the next 
place to acquaint you that we are now unanimously desirous of having a Fort built for us as 
soon as possible the disturbances to the Southward alarm us and we have received information 
that those Indians who have fallen on the Southern parts threaten that they will by and by 
come against the part of the country where we live. We are besides in hopes that when we 
have a Fort it will be the means of drawing many Indians who now live dispersed on the 
Delaware & Susquehana Rivers to come and live amongst us which will add to our strength 
and consequence Gave 3 Strings of Wampum 

Brother 

After the foregoing Message to you was agreed upon, I had further in charge to tell you, 
that our People beg leave to advise you in return for your good advice to them, to take care of 
the great trust committed to you of having the affairs of so many Nations of Indians under 
your Direction, that you will be steady in your measures and continue to take the same friendly 
concern for our Welfare as you have hitherto done, and as an instance of it we hope you will 
supply the wants of those River Indians who are lately come to settle amongst us & our 
Neighbours the Mohawks — they are naked & destitute of ever thing — 

Gave 3 Strings of Wampum 

To the Foregoing Sir William replyed 
Brother 

I am rejoiced to hear that all your late misunderstandings are at an end and that you are 
again united in mutual Love and Friendship you will certainly find the advantage & pleasure 
of such an union 

I will immediately give orders for the building your Fort which I hope will be attended with 
the good consequences you mention 

Brother 

\ ou may depend I shall continue my care of and attendance to your Welfare as I have 
always done, and I will supply the wants of those River Indians who have lately put themselves 
under your protection Have 3 Strings of Wampum 



112 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Fort Johnson May 22 1756 A. M. 
Sir William Johnson's answer to Conaghquiesa and the other Indians who spoke 
the 20"' insl' 

M"" Clause Interpreter 

also present Paulus the Great Hendrick's Son & a Seneca Sachem 

Bretheren 

I thank you for the Intelligence you have given me concerning the Southern Indians, and 
heartily vvish they may pay a due regard to the admonitions which have been given them by 
the Six Nations and myself in conjunction as it will be for their true Interest 

Bretheren 

I am not so much surprized at the wicked lies and the silly falsehoods which the English 
Soldiers who desert tell to your people, as at their readiness to beleive such groundless 
accusations against their Bretheren the English, whose love and Friendship you and your 
Forefathers have for so many Generations experienced and found us on every occasion so far 
from shewing any ill designs towards you that you have seen us always ready to venture our 
lives for your preservation as you know this last winter when I came running up with so many 
men to assist you and fight for you 

You know that the Great King of England your Father has ever behaved to you as his 
children, and at your request appointed me to the management of your affairs and has given 
me money and his orders to take care of you as his children you know I have done so, 
therefore for you to give credit to idle reports to the prejudice of his your Fathers character 
and to be suspicious of your Bretheren the English is both highly ungrateful and very foolish — 
don't you know that these soldiers who desert are Traitors to their King & Country and think 
to secure themselves amongst you by telling these abominable Lyes to impose on you and 
make you beleive they are your Friends but Bretheren let not your people be so imposed on, 
but be assured that those who cowardly & treacherously desert from the Service of their King 
& country can be friends to none but deserve to be detested and abhorred by all Man kind. 
Such People are worse than the French themselves, and if your People had acted like wise 
men & faithful Bretheren, they would not either have beleived or harboured those villains -but 
have brought them down to me, and you would have seen how like Traytors & Liars they 
would have appeared. And Bretheren I must insist upon it that whenever such Traytors 
come among you and stir up such discontents and suspicions against your Bretheren the 
English, that you bring them down prisoners to me, and by that means you will give a 
convincing proof that you are true and faithful Children to your Father the Great King & 
Bretheren the English. And by this Belt of Wampum I expect and desire that your Nation 
will not be so ready to listen to lyes & Stories against your Bretheren the English as you have 
been often apt to do and which but too clearly appears in this instance — 

Gave a Belt of Wampum 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 113 

Fort Johnson 22 May. 1766. P. M. 

Sir William Johnsons speech to the River Indians who are come to live with 
the Indians of the Lower Mohawk. Castle 

Children 

I am glad to see you here and am much pleased that you have accepted the offers of your 
uncles the Mohawks and are come to live near and put yourselves under their protection who 
I hope will be kind to you & ready to assist you as occasion may require & I must admonish 
you on your parts so to behave yourselves as to merit their protection and assistance 

3 Strings of Wampum 
Children 

I shall at all times be disposed to consider & releive your necessary wants and I expect as 
you have now land allotted for your subsistance you will be diligent in improving the same 
and lead sober and industrious lives — You are to remember that what I now and may 
hereafter say to you or do for you is by order & in the name of our Sovereign the Great 
King of England who has determined to remove His & your enemies the French from their 
encroachments in these parts & it will be your duty and Interest to join with your Uncles the 
Mohawks in aiding His Majestys arms for that purpose, and I shall supply such as go out to 
war against the enemy with arms & Ammunition A Belt 

Children 

As I understand you are destitute of Provisions and cloathing I will now give you 50 Skipple 
of Corn which I expect you will divide equally amongst you and make use of it with Frugality, 
I shall also give you a stock of Pipes & Tobacco. When I get some Goods up which I shortly 
expect I will give you cloathing for your people 

To this they replyed that they were not at present supplyed with Wampum to make an 
answer which they would take an opportunity of soon doing. 

Fort Johnson 23 May 1756 P M 

Brandts son Thomas one of the Messengers who was sent the 14"" Inst to Onondaga came 
this afternoon with several Sachems & Warriors of the Lower Mohawk Castle and the heads 
of the River Indians in order to give an account of the business he was sent about to Onondaga, 
at this Meeting was also present the old Belt a Great Seneca Sachem, his Son Arosa who went 
with Thomas, another Seneca Indian and a Tuscarora Sachem. 

Canadagai Chief Sachem of the lower Mohawk Castle spoke as follows 
Bretheren 

I am now going to give our Brother Warraghiyagey an account of what our Messengers, 
have reported concerning the affair they were sent upon & I shall begin with their arrival 
at Onondaga , 

Brother 

When they came to Onondaga a Meeting was called but there were no Southern or any 
other Indians yet arrived 

At this Meeting our messengers delivered what they had in charge. 
\'oL. Vll. 15 



1J4 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

The Onondagas when our Messengers had done spoke as follows 

'=Tell our Brother Warraghiyagey that we have for some time been in expectation of a 
message from him about his coming up, and till we knew his positive resolution, we have kept 
ourselves in readiness to act according as that might be. We are therefore glad he has now 
sent to us, in consequence of which we shall dispatch our young men into all quarters to the 
Southward as well as to our Bretheren of the Six Nations to give them notice to come without 
further delay to meet our Brother Warraghiyagey at this Fire place by the beginning of next 
month. We think he can not conveniently be here sooner as he must travel slowly loaded 
with the several necessaries which he is to bring with him 

For some time past evil Reports against our Bretheren the English have been coming to us 
from all parts, so that if our confidence & Friendship were not firmly grounded it would have 
been sufficient to turn both our heads and ourHearts — but as soon as our Brother Warraghiyagey 
makes his appearance amongst us we doubt not at all these Clouds will be dispelled, and our 
young Fighters whose Hearts are zealously disposed towards their Bretheren the English will 
be thoroughly composed and settled 

" Desire our Brother Warraghiyagey to "be punctual to the time now fixed on for the sooner 
he comes all uneasiness & every effect of these evil Reports will be removed. Our Warriors 
are very desirous of seeing him, for they look upon him as their Cheif having great confidence 
in & dependance upon him, in these difficult times they want to consult with him and to have 
that assistance from him which their present circumstances require All our Bretheren and 
allies who are to be at this Meeting stand ready to sett off when they hear our Brother 
Warraghiyagey is on the Road 

" The Oneidas were the first who proposed this Meeting at Onondaga the antient Fire place 
of the Six Nations, but as they dont seem to give that attention to it, which we think they 
ought to have done, we being sensible of the importance of this General Meeting at this 
critical juncture shall take upon us to summon all our Bretheren and allies to it 

"Tell our Brother Warraghiyagey in answer to his string sent by you to know whether we 
had despatched the Messenger he desired to the Mississagas to invite them to meet him at 
Oswegoe that the Messenger went long ago and that the Mississagey Delegates are on their 
way to the five Nations but are determined they will not meet at Oswegoe, but will at any of 
the Castles of the five Nations for they say Oswegoe will be so full of People that there will 
no hearing each other speak 

" Tell our Brother further that since we took the Hatchett out of the hands of the Delaware 
& Shawanese, they have told us there is an army of the English coming against them [it is 
supposed the 4 or 500 Men under Col Clapham which the Gov' of Pensilvania has raised and 
who are to build a Fort at Shamokin is here meant] and that they think it unreasonable and 
unnatural for us to hold them in our arms & prevent their defending themselves, when people 
are just on their Backs to destroy them 

We are informed the English are building a Fort at Shamokin. we can't comprehend the 
method of makeing a War which is made use of by our Bretheren the English, when we go to 
war our manner is to destroy a Nation & theres and end of it but the English chiefly regard 
building Forts, which looks as if their only scheme was to take possession of the Lands" 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 115 

Fort Jolinson May 26. 1756 P M 
Abraham the cheif Sacliem of Conajoharee Castle young Abraham a cheif Sachem of the 
lower Mohawk castle, Sith chief Sachem of the Scoharee liid'iaiis and two Seneca Sachems 
called the old Belt & Seneca George desired to speak a few words with Sir William Johnson 

. Mr Clause Interpreter 

Abraham of Conajoharee spoke as follows 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

At tlie Meeting which was held some days ago here at our fire place relating to your Journey 
to Onondaga, we advised you to send Messengers to learn whether that proposed meeting took 
effect. Those Messengers report that they found no meeting there as yet but brought you the 
ernest request of the Ouondagas that you would come up without delay, and that as soon as 
they heard you were on the road, they would send expresses to all the Nations who kept 
themselves in readiness to sett of on the first notice Now, Brother, we that are hear have 
been seriously reconsidering this affair and are come to this opinion. That as the upper 
Nations seem to be in an unsettled and wavering temper. We think tho there is a Risk the 
French may attack you in your Journey there, which gives us a good deal of uneasiness yet 
that you cannot prudently decline going to this meeting and the two Mohawk Castles with the 
Seneca Sachems here present and their people are determined to go along with & be a guard 
to you 

Brother 

As you are now about setting out on this journey we beg leave to give you our further 
opinion & advice thereon which is that as the French are without doubt apprized of this 
meeting, & dread the consequences of it, they will certainly endeavor to prevent it & therefore 
we ernestly intreat you to take a good number of men with you, you have plenty of men [they 
here mean the militia of the Country] as for the two Mohawk Castles they are but a handful 
by taking this precaution you will probably defeat the attempts of the French & destroy many 
of them, whereas if you are cut off what a loss shall we sustain and how will the French glory 
in their success & your imprudence. Brother let us go strong and behave like men and then 
whatever be the event we shall not be ashamed 

Brother 

An other reason for our desiring this conference and that you will take up a good strong 
body of men, is that this Road which was formerly a Road of peace & security is now stained 
with blood and become very dangerous, and we would further advise you that when you 
come to the German Flatts you will send forward a message to the upper nations not to be 
surprized or allarmed that you are coming up with a large body of men, because as they 
informed you their young men \vere scattered about, some at Oswegoe and others out on the 
scout, they could not send you a sufficient number for your protection, & therefore you were 
obliged to bring your own people along with you 

Brother 

It was a charge we received from our wise Forefathers that we should in times of Danger 
take a special care to secure our wives & children & our Lands Now Brother in your & our 



116 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

absence we know they will be exposed to the enemy and therefore we do by these four strings 
of Wampum intreat you will take care that a sufficient number of men are sent to reinforce 
our two Mohawk Castles. Don't be sparing Brother you have men enough we only want 
these reinforcements whilst we are out on this journey Gave 4 Strings of Wampum 

Brother , 

Our Women of the two Mohawli Castles have given it as a solemn charge to us that we should 
use our utmost Interest that a strong guard be left to defend them in our absence and say if 
you don't, they never expect to see us again for that they will certainly [be] destroyed, by the 
enemy and our Brothers the Senecas here present join in the same request in behalf of their 
Familys who are now and will stay at your House. Brother our women are very dear to us 
& their request and opinions are always regarded by us in an especial manner & we press this 
matter upon you by these Strings of Wampum. — Gave 3 Strings of Wampum 

Brother 

We have now finished what we had to say and only want to know the day you propose to 
set off. 

Sir Williams answer 

Bretheren 

I join with you in opinion that my going up to Onondaga at this juncture is highly necessary. 
As to the Body of Men you so strongly advise me to take along & reinforcements for the 
two Mohawk Castles as well as a guard for my House I have already mentioned these matters 
to General Shirley who is His Matys Command' in Cheif, I will now send by express to him 
what you have said to me & when I have his answer will immediately communicate it to you 
and at the same time let you know the day I shall sett out for Onondaga 

Fort Johnson 26 May 1756. P. M. 
Sir William's Speech to Setb a Cheif Sachem of the Scoharee Indians 
Brother 

I am informed that the Indians who are lately come from different parts to settle at your 
Castle, dont act brotherly by the People at Scoharee, but kill their cattle & hogs & behave in 
a disorderly manner 

Brother 

These are unbecoming and very unjustifiable proceedings and as these Indians are now 
come to incorporate themselves with our castle I desire and expect that you and your people 
will interpose your authority and influence to prevent the repetition of any such irregularities 

If these Indians are injured by the inhabitants let them apply to me and I will take care 
Justice shall be done them to the utmost of my Power Gave 3 Strings of Wampum 

A true copy from the Records of Indian affairs 
examined by me 

Peter Wraxall 

Secry 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 117 

Govei"nor Hardy to the Lords of Trade. 

[N«w-Tork Fipen, LL, No. 48.] 

Fort George New York 

19*^ June 1756 
My Lords 

From Coll Webb I received your Lordships two letters of the l?"- f'ebruary and 20"' of" 
March last 

I am obliged to your Lordships for your approbation of my endeavours to promote His 
Matys Service 

The appointment of Lord Louden to the Cheif Command of His Majestys forces can not 
fail of giving a very favorable turn to the military operations on this continent & your 
Lordships may be assured I shall not fail in giving his Lordship every assistance in my power 
Also to Sir William Johnson whose influence over the Indians will be greatly strengthened by 
the Commission his Maty has honored him with 

The Assembly Meet Next week when I shall take the first leisure time to lay before them 
your Lordships commands respecting the extravagant Grants of Lands complained of by the 
Indians & urge them to pass proper Laws for annulling those exorbitant Patents 

In my letter to your Lordships of the 10"" of May, I acquainted you with my having 
proposed to the Governors of New Jersey and Pensilvania joining with this Province to pass 
laws prohibiting the Exportation of Provisions, those Governments have since passed acts for 
this purpose, which I doubt not will fully answer the intention, for the Assembly of the Kings 
Countys would not prohibit for a longer time than three weeks, I am of opinion that we loose 
great advantage for want of the Provision Colonys uniting in this particular. The French 
Islands must be greatly distressed if we keep our Provisions at home perhaps under this 
expectation the French may have fallen on New Schemes for supplys. By a Master of a Sloop 
that arrived here two days ago from St Eustatia, I am informed that while he lay in the Port 
of that Island Five ships arrived there with Provisions from Ireland, if this Trade be suffered, 
I doubt prohibitary laws will be to little purpose, nor indeed will it be in the power of the 
Governors to bring their Assemblys to pass such, while they can use the Argument, if we do 
not trade with those Islands the Irish will. I judged proper to give your Lordships this 

information and have the honor to be 

Your Lordships 
To the Right Honbles the Lords Most obedient and 

Commissioners for Trade and most humbly Servant 

Plantations Ciias: Hardy 



Sir William Johnson to the Lords of Trade. 

[New-Tork PapWB, LI., No. 46.] 

Albany l?'" July 1756 
My Lords 

I had the honor of writing your Lordships the latter end of May last and at the same time 
of transmitting a copy of my Proceedings from the last date to that time 



118 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

My Proceedings at the late Onondaga Meeting and at tiie subsequent Treaty with the 
Shawanese, and Delaware Indians at my House, which ended two days ago, I can not 
possibly transmitt to your Lordships by this opportunity as they will require more time to copy 
than the stay of the Packet Boat here will admit of, they shall be got ready to transmit to 
your Lordships by the next man of War or Packet which sails for England 

But I think it my duty to give to your Lordships the earliest intelligence in my Power of 
the cheif Points which have occurred at these meetings 

In my last letter to your Lordships I mentioned the several causes of that uneasiness and 
coldness to our Interest which I had reason to suspect, prevailed amongst the Six Nations 
particularly the upper Nations. 

The meeting at Onondaga confirmed my suspicions, and I found the French had made an 
advantage of this disposition as had so much infected the 6 Nations that it required a variety 
of Arguments, my utmost influence, and most vigorous endeavours to compose their Tempers 
to expell the French Poison and to reanimate them towards our Interest. All this however I 
was so happy as to succeed in and I can with great Truth assure your Lordships, that at the 
conclusion of this important meeting, the Six Nations appeared to me sincerely disposed to 
second any vigorous attempts which might be made on our Parts against the French They 
have engaged to put on foot amongst all their allies a Negotiation to join with them in our 
favor. They have promised to make the most vigorous efforts to draw off from the French 
Interest & Settlements those of their People, who have gone over that way ; I have reason to 
beleive, they begin to be somewhat jealous of the French, a point I have long laboured 
to bring about, I am now in hopes, it may in some measure take Place, if it should operate to 
any highth it will be attended with favorable consequences to His Matys Service. 

At this meeting I also obtained the consent of the 6 Nations to cut a Road to Oswegoe 
thro' their country, with their promise of assisting in laying it out, and also for building a 
Fort at Oswego fall 12 miles from Oswego, provided that upon an accommodation with france, 
it shall be either demolished, or put into the hands of the 6 Nations— The Enemy by the 
intelligence I received at Onondaga are determined to take post there with a considerable Force, 
and build a respectable Fort to cut off our communication with Oswego, and if they do, 
it will very much distress that Garrison and require our attempts to beat them off in order to 
preserve Oswego 

These were the capital Points I negotiated at Onondaga some of the Shawanese & Delaware 
Indians were there, but untill the Congress was upon the Point of being closed, did not come 
in a sufficient number to enter upon business, and conclude affairs relating to them with 
proper authority 

That Treaty was therefore adjourned to my house & those Indians with a Deputation of the 
Six Nations, came down to Fort Johnson where were present the said six Nations Deputies, 
the King or chief of the Shawanese, the King or chief of the Delawares, settled on the 
Susquehanna and its Branches, and a great number of the Mohikonders or River Indians 
whom I lately have drawn up from the Frontiers of this Province, & New Jersey to settle 
near to, and under the protection of our faithful allies the Mohawks — These Indians were 
originally Delawares, and are still regarded as Bretheren by them 

At this Treaty the Shawanese Chief on behalf of his People, denied their having been 
concerned In any of the late hostilities committed on the Southern Provinces, that they have 
& shall continue, to observe in Conjunction with their Bretheren the 6 Nations, an inviolable 
attachment to their Bretheren the English 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 119 

That the Shawancse wlio are settled on the Ohio, have been niiiny of them seduced by tlie 
Frencl), and tlieir Indians, to join in their late iiostilities upon tiie Southern Provinces, l)Ut lie 
had and should continue to use liis utmost influence to withdraw them from that Interest. 

The Delaware King or Cheif confessed that some of his people had been deceived & deluded 
by the French and the Delawares who live near to Fort Duquesne to join them in tluir late 
Hostilities. But that the Message I sent to them by the Six Nations Delegates last Winter 
& what passed in both our names at the Treaty held in Consequence of that Delegation at 
Otsiningo had opened their eyes, and that from that time his People had layed down the 
Hatchet and ceased from further Hostilities 

He expressed his sorrow & repentance for what had passed, and asked pardon with all the 
marks of a sincere contrition 

In the most solemn manner he renewed the Covenant Chain of Peace Friendship & Alliance 
in behalf of his People, he promised as a convincing proof of their returning to their duty and 
fidelity to his Majesty, and their sincere intentions to maintain the engagements now entered 
into7to return such English Prisoners, (which he said were but few) which had fallen to his 
Peoples share, during the late Hostilities 

Both he and the Shawanese King accepted the War Bolt, sung and danced to the War Song, 
with extraordinary fervor, and promised to follow the example of the Six Nations in our favor, 
and when ever I should call upon them to join me at any time or any where in conjunction 
with the 6 Nations 

1 concluded this Treaty by taking ofTthe Petticoat, or that invidious name of Women from 
the Delaware Nation which hath been imposed on them by the 6 Nations from the time they 
conquered them. In the name of the Great King of England their father and on behalf of all 
their Bretheren the English on this continent, and promised them I would use my influence 
and best endeavors to prevail with the six Nations to follow my example, the Deputies of the 
Six Nations who were present approved of this measure but said they were not a sufficient 
number nor properly authorized to do it on behalf of their constituents, however they would 
make their report and press it upon them 

If this point should succeed and our military operations strengthen our consequence, I am 
persuaded the French will not be able to keep scarcely one Delaware in their Interest 

As my success in this Treaty with the Shawanese and Delawares will be I hope of most 
happy consequence to the tranquillity of His Majestys Southern Provinces in particular The 
Moment it was ended, I despatched an express with a general account of it to General 
Abercrombie at Albany, desireing he would transmit it forwards, especially as the Governor of 
New Jersey to my great surprize had at this very juncture published a Declaration of War 
against all the Delaware Nation, of which the first notice I had, or have since received, was 
from the public Prints, which as Gov'' Morris had on my representations to M' Shirley & S' 
Charles Hardy suspended the execution of any Hostilities against them in consequence of his 
Declaration, till the issue of this Treaty was known, appeared to me a proceeding in Gov' 
Belcher of a very extraordinary kind. 1 wrote also Gen' Abercrombie, that in my opinion, if 
any Hostilities should be committed against the Delawares who had entered into the Treaty 
they not breaking through it, by any fresh Acts of Hostilities, it would I apprehended be of 
the most fatal consequences to his Majestys Indian Interests in general, and throw those aflairs 
into a state of confusion from which I beleived no person could extricate them — 



120 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

My Lords i 

M"' Secretary Pownalls letter to me of the S"" of March, with the Papers therein mentioned 
I have received, and when I have the honor of a conversation with my Lord Loudoun, I siiall 
answer to the articles therein mentioned & I can not at present do it with that Distinctiveness 
with which I would always wish & endeavour to appear with to your Lordships 

I have the honor to be 

most respectfully 

my Lords, Your Ldps 

most obedient most humble 
& faithful Servant 

W™ Johnson 



Lords of Trade to Governor Hardy. 

[ New-Tort Enlrlcp, B. P., p. 91. ] 

To Sir Cha* Hardy Kn' GoV of New York. 

Sir, 

We have received your letter to us dated the 10"" of May last, and the papers transmitted 
with it. 

The Shocking barbarities and cruelties committed by the Delawar and Shawonese Indians 
upon the frontiers of Pennsylvania, N. Jersey and Virginia, called loudly for a vigorous persuit 
of such measures as might be most effectual to induce them to lay down the hatchet against 
us ; that of sending a deputation and message from the Six Nations, was certainly a very 
prudent step, and it gives us the greatest pleasure to find, it had been attended with success. 

We hope that all the matters in dispute, and all the grievances complained of by these 
Indians, will be accommodated and settled at the general meeting at Onondaga, the result of 
which, we impatiently wait for. 

We hope proper measures have been taken, that the assurances, which Sir William Johnson 
gave the Onondagas, that they should be supplied with provision, and that a Fort should be 
built in their country, have been faithfully complyed with; and as to the supply of arms & 
ammunition which they desire. We have the satisfaction to acquaint you, that the Earl of 
Loudoun has taken out with him a considerable quantity to be distributed in presents to 
the Indians. 

The preventing the Enemy from being supplied with provisions from our own Colonys is of 
the utmost importance; We hope the rest will follow the example set by New York, in laying 
a total prohibition upon the exportation of them, which we are inclined to think will be found 
to be the only effectual method ; and We greatly commend the zeal you have shewn for His 



LONDON DOCUMENTS : XXXIII. 121 

Mnj"'' service in the mrtliod you have pursued, to iiuliice the Legislature, to come into so 
salutary, and so necessary a measure. We are. 

Sir 

Your most obedient & most humble servants. 

Dunk Halifax 
Andhew Stone 
James Oswald 
29 July 1756 W. G. Hamilton. 



*'■*■» 



Govei'nor Hardy to the Lords of Trade. 

[ New-Tork Papcra, LI., No. 44. ] 

Albany the 2"" of August 1756 
My Lords 

On Sir William Johnson's return here from Onondaga he delivered me your Lordships letter 
of the 4"" of March which had been enclosed in some I'acket to him and was forwarded to him 
when on his journey. I shall in obedience to His Majestys directions contained therein 
recommend to the Assembly to pass a temporary Bill (or tlie support of Government and trust 
they will make nd difliculty in framing it conformable to His Matys Instructions 

On the 20"' of last month I received your Lordships letter of the 13"" of April by express 
from the Earl of Loudoun, my letter to your Lordships of the SS"" Feb'' last informed you that 
I had endeavoured to prevail on the Assembly to frame the Bill then depending for making 
Provisions for the Forcesto be raised as the Quota of this Province conformable to His Majestys 
Instructions particularly in relation to the Emission of the Paper money to be struck for that 
Service The short residence I have made in this Country with the multiplicity & various kind 
of business I have been engaged in has not enabled me to make myself Master of the Argument 
used by the Assembly that they can not furnish Funds for sinking Bills in a shorter time, 
vviiich obliged me then to have recourse to his Matys Council who concurred with the Assembly 
1 shall still therefore hope, the necessity of the Service & the danger I apprehended of loseing 
the Bill by insisting on the term of five years will justify my conduct in giving my assent to 
that Law. I shall not fail of recommending again to the Assembly to make Provision for 
defraying the charges of His Majestys Commission for determining the Line in dispute between 
this Province & New Jersey but I can not flatter myself with much success. The like dispute 
subsisting between^lhis Government and the Massachusetts is attended with greater evils & 
until settled, we can not expect to preserve Peace &good order upon our own Borders I have 
had a long conversation with Gen' Shirley on this subject, & have often recommended to him 
to prevail on the General Court of that Province to make Provision for defraying there part of 
His Majestys Commission for settling the line between our two Provinces. M'' Shirley has 
never been able to eflfect it with his Assembly who have always proposed expedients that could 
not answer the good end desired & to which I could not concur 1 shall endeavor to bring the 
Assembly of this Province into the measure and write to Lieut' Gov*' Phips on the subject 

Vol. VH. 16 



122 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

By the returns of the 20"" July made me by General Winslowthe Provincial Forces consist of 
6905 officers included, since the have transported their artillery & Stores to Fort William Henry, 
& the Forces moving there. On my getting there I found Major General Abercromhie had 
proposed a junction of His Majestys Forces with them which they imprudently rejected, But 
as the Earl of Loudoun is here who will inform his Majestys Ministers of these matters, I shall 
only acquaint your Lordships, that on General Ahercrombies arrival at New York, the Forces 
in the pay of this Province were posted between Albany & Fort Edward 

But in obedience to His Majestys directions contained in M' Secretary Fox's letter to me of 
the 13"" March last, I gave the Colonel of the New York Forces orders to put himself under the 
command of his Majestys Commander in Cheif, and to follow all such directions as he could 
from time to time receive from him 

I have the honor to be 

Your Lordships 

most obedient and 

most humble Servant 

Chas : Hardy 



Governor Hardy to the Lords of Trade. 

[ New-York Papers, LI., No. 63. ] 

Albany Aug 2'' 1756 
My Lords 

On receiving His Maty's Declaration of War against the French King which I proclaimed 
here the 25"" of last month, I could not avoid turning my thoughts, to a service I have been 
brouglit up, and have passed the greatest part of my life in, and as I should be extreemly sorry 
to lose the opportunity which now offers of improving the knowledge I may have acquired by 
a long service in the Navy, I therefore beg your Lordships will be pleased, with my most 
humble Duty to His Majesty, to pray that I may have his royal leave to resign this Governm' 
and permission to return to England, that I may have the Honor to serve in His Matys Fleet 
I have the honor to be 

my lords, your Lordships 

most obedient and 

most humble Servant 
To the Rt Honble Cha" Hardy 

The Lds Com" of Trade & Plantations * 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 123 

Governor Hardy to the Lords of Trade. 

[ New-Yoik Pap*™, LI. No. 68. ] 

Fort George N York Sept S"- 1756 

My Lords 

The Packet that sailed, from hence the a?"" of last month had been long detained for Lord 
Loudouns despatches which came to me the evening before and as the wind was then fair for 
the Packets putting to Sea, I must have detained her to have had time.lo write, and if I had 
1 could only have informed you, that 1 had received at letter from Lord Loudoun with an 
account that he had reason to think His Majestys Fort & Garrison at Oswego, together with 
the naval Armament & Stores had fallen into the hands of the French : But then not attended 
with certainty or Circumstances, and it became necessary for me to send immediate Orders to 
the Militia of the upper Countys to hold themselves in readiness to march at the shortest 
warning, this found me full employment for that night. From some Souldiers & Sailors who 
have since made their escape after the surrender of that important Post, it is past all doubt I 
enclose for your Lordships information the Declaration sent to me from Albany of the Soldiers 
who were originally deserters from the French, and had taken on in Generals Shirley & 
Pepperells Regiments this paper did not come to me from any publick authority, as Lord 
Loudoun could not then have time to copy papers, one of the Sailors that belonged to the 
Ontario Capt° Laforey, I have seen he gives this information That to the best of his memory 
on the morning of the 10"" of August a small Schooner was sent from Oswego to make 
discovery, that she returned off of the Harbour again in about two hours, informing them 
that they had discovered a large incampment of the enemy about three miles to the Eastward 
of Oswego, upon this information Capt°' Laforey «Sc Deane sailed in two Sloops to attempt 
cannonading the Camp, before they could reach the shore where the enemy lay they were 
fired upon with Cannon very briskly, that four shot struck the Ontario, three of them stuck 
in her side, which they cut out found them to be Ball of twelve pound weight with the Kings 
broad arrow on them, that they did not think it adviseable to make any further attempt, hut 
returned to Oswego, and sail'd again the next morning as observed the encampment as before. 
By this time the enemy had marched Bodys of their Forces and attacked Fort Ontario with 
Rlusquetry which they continued for two days, when the English Garison abandoned it, first 
spiking their small Canon, threw their Powder into a well, and retired into the old Fort, soon 
after the enemy drew up their Canon to Fort Ontario in number eight or nine and cannonaded 
the old Fort, which continued for twenty four hours when Lieut Col Littlehales, who succeeded 
to the command upon Lieut' Coll Mercers being killed sent out an officer & Drum with a white 
Flag, soon after the surrend' took place, and the French possession of the Fort, that the 
Garison were made prisoners of War and well used, that the vessels which were all in Port, 
was soon after taken possession of by the French, during the Siege was killed Lieut' Coll 
Mercer Capt" Hind of the Train of Artillery and eight or nine private men, and one Engineer 
wounded, he further says that the enemys Forces was reported to be three thousand Regulars 
& a great number of Indians, These two accounts iho' not materialy diHerent are greatly so 
from an account sent me from General Webbs Camp. An Onondaga Sachem came to them 
the 25"> in the evening with Strings of Wampum and declared. That two of their young men 
that had been sent to Oswego returned to their Castle and reported that Oswego was not taken 



124 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

till six days before, that the enemy had put the whole to the sword, except one hundred and 
fifty, sailors, Carpenters, and artificers included, That they had demolished the works & 
evacuated the place carrying away the shipping Guns ammunition &c, That they had laid 
the dead in Banks with their heads in the Water, and scattered a great quantity of Provisions 
about the Place. That they told the Indians upon their leaving the Place, You see we do 
not want to seize your Lands, only to drive the English away whom we are much obliged to 
for supplying us with Artillery & Tools which we were in want of to take their Forts, the 
Sachem added that those that gave us the former accounts were deserters who went away 
before the affair was decided 

These are all the particulars I can furnish your Lordships with, with respect to the loss of 
Oswego, Its importance to the British Colonies your Lordships are too well acquainted with, 
for me to trouble you with. If any further accounts should come to my hands before the 
Packet sails which I have detained for Lord Loudouns despatches I keep my letters open to 
incert them 

I fear a Defection of our Indian Interest must follow the loss of this Post and probably a 
change in measures in carrying on future operations, for distressing and annoying the enemy 
and for removing the French from their encroachments — Sir William Johnson in a letter to 
me from the German Flatts of the SQ"" Aug tells me he has two partys gone to Oswego one of 
Indians, the other Volunteers from the Militia, their return he expects in about a week,-wiien 
I hope the contradictions in the accounts given by our people who made their escape, and that 
given by the Indians will be cleared up. He further says he has some reason to fear tiie loss 
of Oswego has struck such a Terror of the French upon the Six Nations at least upon the 
upper Nations, as will aleniate them from our interest, and that he suspects some of them have 
behav"* treacherously. He has sent a Message & a Belt of Wampum through all the Nations 
to desire they will send Delegates from each of their Castles to meet him, with all possible 
Despatch, if they obey his Summons we shall better Judge of their Temper & disposition 
towards us 

Sir William Johnson who is Coll of the two Battallions of the Militia in the County of 
Albany, had my directions to move such Part or the whole of the Militia on any occasion the 
defence of the Country may require. Upon Lord Loudouns demanding assistance from him he 
ordered 500 of each Battalion to march immediately to the German Flatts and meet him 
there where my Lord desired him to post himself and cooperate with M. G. Webb as His 
Matys Service should require. Upon his Lordship advising me of the certainty of Oswego 
being taken and that he had wrote to the Southern & eastern Governments for an aid of men : 
I repeated my orders to Sir William Johnson and directed him to give General Webb all the 
assistance in his Power. 

Sepf 6 I sent orders to all the Colonels of the Militia of Dutchess and Ulster Countys to 
warn their Regiments to hold themselves in readiness to march on the shortest notice and upon 
such being given them, and that a further reinforcement was necessary. 1 directed them to 
repair immediately with their Regiments to Albany, this I judged to be the surest and most 
ready aid I could give the common cause, which I advised Lord Loudoun of, acquainting him 
that if I could be of any assistance to him by going to Albany, I would immediately sett 
forward and if it became necessary to move large Bodys of the Militia, for his assistance in the 
defence of the Country, it would be highly proper for me to be among them 

Sept 7"' This day I received a letter from Lord Loudoun dated the S"* in which his Lordship 
says " Since I despatched my letter to you yesterday morning I have received one from M. G. 



LONDON DOCLTMENTS: XXXIII. 125 

Weill) of August GO"" by wliicli 1 l.iirii tliat In- lias thought it |ir()|)('r to make the stand at tlie 
Gerinaii Klatts rallier than at the carrying I'lace and for that purpose is coming tiitre 

" In case the enemy should adventure to advance so far I liave directed a strong Fort to 
be built immediately there and have sent up the quarter master Gen' to reconneitre that 
country, that we may be acquainted with it, and know where it is proper to make the stand 

" On this alteration of affairs I thougt it necessary to give you immediate notice but as I 
hope Sir William Johnson intelligence will very soon clear up this point, as to the danger of 
their making an attack that way I have desired Sir William Johnson to consult with Major G. 
Webb whether the Militia now in the Flatts will be necessary in whole or in part, and to keep 
or dismiss them as they shall judge most proper from the certain accounts they may receive. 
And as this is the situation at present I will not press your sending off the other militia till I 
hear further from them, with which I shall acquaint you the moment I receive it if there is any 
thing in it worth troubling you with" 

My Assembly stands prorogued to the 21*' I have warn'd them to meet at that time, that I 
may have them setting to pass any necessary Laws, for raising men or for any other Service 
our present circumstances may require. 

Sept 20. Since writing the above my letters from Lord Loudoun advised me that some 
Indians and white men sent to Oswego are returned and report that the Fortifications are all 
destroyed, and the place burnt, that the enemy staid there six days and carried off all the 
Vessells & Boats that could swim and burnt the rest, that by the Graves found there there is 
no appearance of any great slaughter in the Saccage or any Massacre afterwards; the 
Intelligence of the Enemys motion or further intentions is very uncertain and imperfect, some 
Indians say they will make a push from Crown Point Lord Loudoun is making all the 
preparation for their reception, and throwing all the Force he can collect up to Fort Edward 
for it 

On Tuesday the 22"* of August Seventy eight French Neutrals with their Battoes landed 
upon Long Island, on the first notice of their being there, I ordered all their Boats to be seized 
and the people to be secured, on examining them I found they were a part of the French 
Neutrals sent by Gov'' Lawrence to Georgia, the Governor there gave them a passport to go to 
South Carolina that Government not thinking it proper to receive them, gave them an other 
Passport to remove further Northward, from thence they coasted along shore till they l^anded 
in this Province with an intention to get back to Nova Scotia, this 1 judged by no means proper 
to suffer them to do, and have therefor distributed them in the most remote & secure parts of 
this Colony, with directions to the Magistrates to employ those that are able in work and to 
bind out their children apprentices to Persons who will treat them well, this appeared to me, 
to be the surest method of making their young I'eople useful good subjects 

I have the honor to be 

Your Lordships 

Most obedient & most 

humble Servant 

Chas Hardy 



126 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Declaration of some Soldiers belonging to Shirley's Regiment. 

[New-York Papers, LI., No. M.] 

Albany Aug the 21. 1756 Past 8 oclock 
The Following Account is given by 5 other men who had deserted from the 
French and were in Generals Shirley and Pepperels Regiment and escaped 
with the Declarant 

Claude Frederick Hutenac of Major Gen' Sliirleys Regiment declares that on Monday the 
O"" of Aug a Prow Galley went out of the Harbour of Oswego, and discovered the French 
Camp about a mile from Fort Ontario, the next day two Sloops sailed out of the Harbour who 
were fired upon from that Camp and brought in two of the Builetts one of them an eighteenth 
& the other a twelve Pounder. That on Wednesday and Thursday the enemy continued to 
fire with Small Arms only from the tops of the Trees & behind bushes upon a rising ground 
which commands Fort Ontario, which is no more than stockaded with a ditch of 14 feet wide 
and 10 deep but not quite finished. That on Thursday night the enemy opened Trenches 
within Pistol shot of the Fort, and on Friday the IS"" between one and two in the afternoon, 
the whole Garison, consisting of 300 men of Pepperels commanded by Capt° Barford of that 
Regiment having first spiked their Cannon consisting of two Six Pounders & Six four Pounders 
abandoned that Fort & embarked aboard Whale Boats and got into the old Fort Oswego, 
without suffering any Loss, that during the time they remained in Fort Ontario, they had only 
3 men killed and Ensign Ting of Major General Pepperels Regiment, wounded, that they neither 
wanted ammunition or Provisions, and that the enemy never fired any Cannon at this Fort 
That soon after they arrived in the old Fort Oswego, Lieut' Coll Mercer marched Pepperels 
Regiment with 100 of Shirleys to reinforce Coll Schuyler who with his men were posted at a 
small unfinished Redoubt upon a rising Ground about 600 yards to the Westward of old Fort 
Oswegoe, this Post had been deserted for some Months past, and made use of only in keeping 
Cattle, this detachment was employed that afternoon in cutting down the Bushes near that 
Post and making Fascines, That on- Saturday morning early the U"" the French opened a 
Fascine Battery of 5 Pieces of Cannon before the Gate of Fort Ontario, and played upon the 
old Fort Oswego, across the mouth of the Harbour, that the Garison on their side continued 
to fire above 4 hours with 12 Guns & four mortars whereof one of the latter burst, that between 
8 & 9 oclock that morning Coll Mercer was killed at the Battery, upon which the command 
devolving upon Lieut' Coll Littlehales, he sent for Coll Schuyler and the detachment from the 
Redoubt who on their marching to the old Oswego Fort had two men killed upon Coll 
Schuylers arrival a Council of War consisting of the Field officers and Captains was called and 
presently thereafter orders was given to cease Firing upon which Lieul' Montcreif of Shirleys 
and an Officer of Pepperels with a Sergeant & Drum went out of the works with a White 
Flagg in order to cross over at the mouth of the Harbour, upon which this Declarant said to 
Coll Littlehales' that if you are to give up the Fort you must suffer me who am a deserter from 
the French to make the Best of my way, because they will have no mercy upon me, the 

' John Littlehales, who had been previouely on half pay, was, on the 7th October, 1764, appointed Major of the 60th 
Foot (or first Amerieau Itegimenl), of which Shirley was Colonel. He was afterwards promoted to a lieutenant colonelcy, 
but fell into disgrace in consequence of the surrender of Oswego. He was placed on half pay in 1757, where he is still 
found in 1761. His name is not in the army list of 1766. — Ed. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS : XXXIII. 127 

Colonel replyed thai he expected to march out with the Honors of Warr and consequently he 
the Declarant would be safe, not trusting to this, he with seven more who had formerly 
deserted from the French had leave to make their escape, but before the got quite clear they 
saw the French from the o|)posite side of the Harbour getting into Boats, and amongst them 
some cloathed in Red faced with Green which he imagines belongs to the Irish Brigade, that 
about twenty of the Garison of old F'ort Oswego were killed and wounded, and that no oflicer 
was killed except Lieut Coll Mercer, nor any wounded hut Lieut' de la Cour' of the Artillery. 
That the enemys Battery was raised so high that their shott plunged in amongst them and the 
only cover they had towards the side of the Lake upon which the Enemys Battery cheifly 
pointed, were from Barrels of Pork they placed by way of Parapet, with embrasures to fire 
through. That one Saturday morning the li"" a Party of French forded tlie River about 
Cannon Shot from the old Fort who remained in the Woods without coming near the works. 
That there was no sortie made from any of the Forts and that all the vessels were in the I'ort 
when the place w\is given up. That from the report of the Seamen who saw the French 
Camp they judged them to be about 400U Regulars besides Canadians & Indians. That the 
Garison of Oswego consisted of about 400 of Shirleys 300 of Pepperels, and 150 of Schuylers 
besides the Seamen Carpenters and other artificers who worked the Guns and did the other 
dutys in the works. The four men of Shirleys Regiment who are ail deserters from the French 
declare that there was eight montiis pay due to them when the enemy appeared, they were 
then paid up Fix months. The two men of Pepperels who are also deserters from the French 
declare they have received no pay for nine months past. That last winter there was only 140 
men fit for duty of both Regiments with 20 of the independant companys. Tiiat their 
Provisions was extreamly bad and only received half allowance, and that even at that they had 
resolved to quit the place without a supply had speedily arrived. 



Sir William Johnson to the Lords of Trade. 

[New-Tork Papers, LI., No. 69.] 

Fort Johnson 10 Sepf 1756. 
My Lords, 

My last to your Ldps bore date the 17"" July, therein I gave a summary account of what had 
passed at my meeting with the Indians at Onondaga and the subsequent Treaty at my house, 
with the Shawanese and Delaware Indians 

Herewith I have the Honor to transmit your Lordships an authenticated Copy of all my 
proceedings at the said two meetings 

About the time the unhappy news of the Loss of Oswego arrived, I had fitted out several 
f arties of Indians some of which were already gone a fighting to Canada others were on the 
Point of their departure, these parties amounted to near 200 men of several .Nations, many 

' AsDRrw De la CorR waa s lienf^nant in the 51st or Peppcrell's regiment, ■which cnmtniMion he received on the SJ October, 
1766; he obtained a company lOth May, 1T60, and wa« promoted to a Majority 21ft April, 1769; on the 29th August, 1777, 
he became Lieutenant-Colonel in the Army, and on 18th June, 1778, of the 6l8t Regiment of foot, which commissioD he held 
until the fore part of 1780, when he retired from the army or died. Army LitU. — Eo. 



128 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

others were coming down on the same account and there was the most favorable appearance 
of a general active spirit amongst them 

The first accounts of Oswego, put my Lord Loudoun upon Designs of releiving it, and by 
his direction I gathered all the Indians I could get together with the Militia and took Post at 
the German Flatts in order to assist General Webb, who was at the carrying Place, in such 
operations as might be found necessary for His Majestys Service, and I had between two and 
three hundred Indians with me ready for service. The absolute loss of Oswego the Garison 
and every thing there was soon confirmed to us. 

This unfortunate Revolution in our military aflfairs, entirely disconcerted all my measures, 
and overset the pleasing prospect 1 had of thoroughly engaging the Indians of all the Six 
Nations in actual Hostilities against the French and thereby throwing upon them the necessity 
of summoning all their allies and Dependants to take up the Hatchet in conjunction with them, 
which would have been the natural consequence, when they had entered themselves into 
the War. 

Oswego in our hands fortified and secured by us, and our having a navigation on Lake 
Ontario, was not only a curb to the Power of the French that way, but esteemed by the Six 
Nations whenever they joined our arms as a secure Cover to them and their habitations against 
tlie resentment of the French which together with the Forts I had built in each of their Castles 
or Towns except at Cayuga and for which Garisons were promised them, left them to act for us 
in full security. This I am persuaded they were determined to do either in a body with our 
army, whenever that should march upon any enterprize, or go upon the scalping service in 
seperate parties 

But by our losing Oswego which I may call the Barrier of the 6 Nations and thereby the 
possession of that part of the Country, they were laid open to the Resentments of the French, 
who might at any time they were inclined to it, with facillity fall upon their Towns, and cut 
them and their families to pieces especially those of the upper Nations. 

In this light I knew the Indians would view tiie loss of Oswego; I found they did so, and 
that the spirit they had recently shewn in our favour was sunk, and over awed by the success 
of the French and the accumulated Power which it gave them 

Under these circumstances, I judged the most prudent step I could take, would be to 
summons a meeting of some of the cheifs of each nation as soon as possible at my house, in 
order to know their positive determinations and what part they proposed to act, My Lord 
Loudoun approved this measure, and I sent a Belt of Summons through the Nations, whether 
Delegates from all of them will come, I can not be positive and think it is doubtful, however I 
expect most will send, and in about a fortnight this important meeting will probably take place. 
The Speech I propose to make on the opening of the meeting, I shall first let my Lord 
Loudoun see, and take his opinion and directions thereon as 1 look upon it to be a delicate & 
interesting point. 

Notwithstanding this ill Fate of our afi^iirs some of almost every Nation are dayly coming 
down hither, and entering into scalping parties which I am sending out. 

My Lord Loudoun has sent me specificat" of His Matys Indian Presents sent by him and was 
pleased to refer to me for the division, between the Northern and Southern proportions I have 
given my opinion in favor of § for the former and ^ for the latter which to the best of my judgment 
will be most advantageous to His Majestys Indian Service, I have also proposed to my Lord, 
that the Northern present may be given by me, at such times in such quantities, and to such 



LONDON DOCUMENTS : XXXIII. 129 

Persons as will actually distinguish themselves in our favor, and really j»o upon service. As 
circumstances now are I think this method quite necessary, and would in my opinion be 
always best in war time. The Indians are naturally a mercenary People, and M' Shirley's 
conduct last year, gave a keener edge to this disposition and as it is now become necessary, to 
buy their assistance I apprehend it is best to make a sure bargain, and give to those Indians 
only, who will act with us, and for us which is the method I propose for the future. I despair 
of their now engaging nationally with a sincere and active zeal, and therefore I conceive giving 
presents in the old General way would be imprudent, and an ineffectual profusion 

As soon as the proposed meeting is ended I will transmitt to your Lordships the Result of 
it, with my best judgment of the General Disposition views & inclinations of the G Nations 

In my last letter, I acknowledged the receipt of M' Secretary Pownalls favour to me of the 
5"" of March, but deferred answering some particulars therein, till I had the honor of 
conference with my Lord Loudoun 

I have laid before his Lordships a List of such persons & officers with the establishm" I 
proposed for them, as would be necessary for carrying on his Matys Indian Service under my 
direction, but his Lordship at that time was so crowded with business that we could not 
wholy finish that affair, and indeed the alteration of circumstances since will admit of many 
particulars being suspended, till some more certain judgment can be formed of our Indian 
Interest than at present 

I received the copy of Instructions given to Sir Charles Hardy, relative to those Patents or 
Grants of Lands in this Province of which the Indians complain, and also copy of your 
Lordships report to His Majesty, upon a memorial of the proprietors of Pensilvania both 
transmitted to me by M' Secretary Pownall 

As to the former, the efl^ectual redressing those complaints, strikes at the Interest of some of 
the wealthiest, and most leading men in this Province, and I fear that influence, which maybe 
necessary to succeed, will be employed to obstruct. I have I beleived before mentioned to 
your Lordships my humble opinion, that applications on this head on this side the water, 
would I immagined fall short of the desired end. 

I have the honor perfectly to concur with your Lordships in opinion upon the Proprietors of 
Pensilvanias Memorial 

In the papers I had the honor to transmit to your Lordships by M' Thomas Pownall [now here]' 
— The jealousies of the Indians with regard to their Lands, their tenaciousness upon that article, 
their opinion of the present contests between the French and us our respective views & designs, 
and the influence these matters had on the conduct of the 6 Nations, was discussed, tho not in 
so ample a manner as the subject desired and would afford 

I am every day more and more convinc'' of the Truth of the observations contained in those 
papers upon this subject, and fully am assured the six Nations are sensible, that the deprivation 
of what they deem their property, will be the consequence of either we or the French 
prescribing Terms to each other, and hence the cheif cause of their indifference in our Quarrel 
The French have very politickly possessed themselves of important passes, we have openly 
claimed large Tracts of Country and attempted Settlements thereon — The Indians have not 
perhaps reach enough to foresee the consequences of the valuable morsels the French have 
pitched upon, whilst our indiscriminate avidity alarms them with jealousy and raises prejudices 

' The words within brackets are added from the letter in Johmon Manuteript», IV. — Ed. * 

Vol. VII. 17 



130 ' NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

against us, which are improved by the French, and by Professions only endeavour'd to be 
removed by us. After the French had taken Oswego, they destroyed all our Buildings and 
sent word to the Onondaga Indians that they had [now] drove the English from their Lands, 
and would not like them keep possession, but leave em free to them and their posterity for ever. 
The French in fact did not want that place, and so made their policy appear virtue to the 
Indians, and the plausability of it, will doubtless influence them in their favour 

I think 1 have before now hinted to your Lordships my opinion that the hostilities which 
Pensilvania in particular had suffered from some of the Indians living on the Susquehana did 
in some measure arise from the large purchase made by that Government two years ago at 
Albany. I have more reason every day from talking with the Indians to be confirmed in this 
suspicion. I am inclined to beleive tho this purchase was publickly consented to at Albany, 
some of the six Nations are disgusted at it, and others repent their consenting to it, and that 
part of them do underhand connive at the Disturbances between the Susquehanna Indians, and 
the Province of Pensilvania, whose raising forces, and building Forts on Susquehanna River, 
tho it hath very plausible pretences, is at the Bottom bad Policy, and realy intended to secure 
Lands which it would be more for the true Interest of the Community to give up, at the least 
for the present. I conceive the most effectual method of producing tranquillity to that Province, 
would be a voluntary and open surrender of that Deed of Sale, fix with the Indians in the best 
manner they can the bounds for their settlements, and make them Guaranties to it 

I know this Land was fairly & publickly paid for, and that the Indians are unjust and 
unreasonable to recant & keep the money but if the times & good Policy require it, to yield 
will be more advantageous than to contest, tho' on the side of Justice, besides the private 
Property, and the General welfare suffers by persisting in the title to it. 

I proposed herewith to have transmitted your Lordships the account of the Disbursements 
of what moneys I have hitherto received, which is ^10,000. Sterling, but as I have for some 
time past been obliged to be frequently absent from home upon His Majesty Service, it hath 
prevented their being closed and now ready, but they shall go by the next Packet, in the mean 
time I shall lay them before my Lord Loudoun for his perusal 

I have y* Honor to be with the 

Highest esteem My Lords 
Your Lordships 

most obedient and 

most faithful Servant 

To the Lords Coram" of Trade and Plantations W" Johnson 



tTaurnal of Sir William Johnson's Proceedings with the Indians. 

[ New- York Papere, LI., No. 60. ] 

Fort Johnson 3"» of June 1756 
Sir William Johnson set out from his House for the Congress at Onondaga 

N. B. Captn Peter Wraxal Secretary for Indian aSaire, tho in an ill state of Health, attended Sir William 
JobsBOQ part of the way to Onondaga, but on the road was taken so ill, as to be incapable of Proceeding, and 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII, 131 

w«a CKiried back to the acttlementa. The following proceedings are therefore recorded by the aaid Secretary 
from the original minutes, examined by Sir Wm Johnson and the Interpreters 

The 13"" June Sir William arrived at Oneida 

Oneida the 14 June 1756 
At a Meeting of the Oneidas. Tuscaroras, Cayougas, and Skaniadaradighroonas 

Tesanonda Speaker 

Brother 

As it is an established Custom amongst us whenever we have a meeting with our Bretheren 
the English, or they enter our Fireplace to condole the Losses of their people. I by this String 
of Wampum wipe off your Tears, clear your Throat, and open your heart that you may speak 
without constraint, and also clear this Council place from all pollution of the Blood which 
hath been spilt by our common enemy — Cave the String. 

Then the Speaker shook hands with Sir William, and said that what he was going to speak, 
was in the name of the Nations present, and came from the Bottom of their Heart, and desired 
he might give his attention to it 

Brother W^arraghiyagey 

We are sensibly affected, and very much troubled in our Minds, to hear that so many false 
Stories and Reports are spread about and brought to your Ears, which are that in your way, 
thro' our Country you was to be destroyed by some of our people 

Brother 

We heartily beg and desire that you will not give ear or credit to these things as they proceed 
only from evil Spirits, we do assure you and are fully convinced that your Fate and ours are 
wound together and that your fall would certainly be our destruction 

Brother 

Reports of this Nature are some times brought amongst us with regard to our Bretheren the 
English, as that they would fall upon the 6 Nations and cut them off, but we have not yet 
nor will for the future give ear or credit to any News whatsoever, unless it comes by a Message 
from you wherefore we hope that you will do the same and not beleive any reports brought 
before you in an improper manner and with this Belt we bury all such bad Stories under the 
Roots of the largest Tree in the woods that they never may come forth again. 

Gave a Belt. 

In the Evening S'' William returned the following Answer 

Bretheren of all the Nations here present 

I lieartily return you thanks for your kindness in condoling the losses which your Bretheren 
the English have lately sustained, and by this String, I in return wipe away your Tears, clear 
your Throats and open your Hearts, that you may deliver every thing you have to say with 
candour and sincerity, I also sweep away the blood out of your council Room which hath been 
spilt by our common enemy the French Three Strings 

Bretheren 

You must be sensible that my present journey to Onondaga concerns our mutual Interest and 
Welfare and I would not have you imagine, when that is at any time the case, that I am to be 



132 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

deterred or alarmed by any idle stories which I may hear, my opinion is too well fixt to 
be biassed by improbable reports, and I exhort you in the Respect to imitate me, for these lies 
are propagated by your enemies to cause divisions and jealousies between you and us — 

Gave a Belt 

After this the Indians proceeded upon news they had received from Canada, by Tuscaroro 
Messengers, sent by the Oneidas there, after Bulls Fort was cut ofP and made the 
following report 

That when their said Messengers came to Swegachie, the Priest who manages Indian affairs 
there, took them down to Montreal to the Governor, to whom they delivered themselves after 
this manner 

" That they were sent by the Oneidas in the name of the 6 Nations to tell their Father the 
Governor, that they did not at all approve of this manner of going to war, as it was not manly 
but deceitful and treacherous to send out Parties to destroy single Houses, cutoff a fewBattoes, 
to way lay and kill the English, in a base and cowardly manner, that they never knew their 
Brethren the English guilty of any such mean and foul Deeds, wherefore they must acquaint 
him, that the 6 Nations did not at all like his Behaviour. If he was inclined to make War upon 
the English, that he should draw his forces to Oswegoe or Lake George, where theirs was 
assembled, and face them in a man like way, and not lurk to take advantages of small parties 

And hereupon they threw down A Belt 

That some Oswegatchie Indians formerly of Onondaga went to Montreal with them, and 
after the Tuskaroras had delivered the above message those Indians said " That it was now 
" three years since they were persuaded to live at Swegachie, that now they discovered their 
" error, and therefore must acquaint the Governor that they repented of having done so, and 
" were resolved to quit that place, and return to live amongst their own people in their native 
" country " And thereupon gave a Belt 

The Governor then replyed to both parties and said 

" That he was sorry to find the 6 Nations so corrupted and blindfolded by the English and 
at the same time to see them so ungrateful in not accepting his good and fair offers which he 
had long ago and so frequently made to the 6 Nations, that he would take care of them, and 
defend their Lands against any enemy, that would encroach upon them but he foresaw they 
would be their own Ruin, for saith he, I have heard already that your Bretheren the English 
claim all your Land, as they say they have paid for it, and if once they get the upper hand of 
us, they will soon make you quit or destroy you 

From the French you will never have reason to expect any such thing, but 6nd them always 
steady to their engagements to your Interests and preservation, and should we be masters of 
the English, the 6 Nations would ever hereafter be treated as children by a loving Father" 
He proceeded and said '♦ That he wae now ready to build a Fort on Oswego Lake, a few 
miles off the Fort, and to march up 800 Soldiers & 100 Indians to beseige Oswegoe, and after 
he had taken it which he did not in the least doubt, he then would overset his War kettle, 
which was now boiling, and over flow the English with it at Lake George, and the whole 
continent. The English says he " tells you they have blocked up the River S' Lawrence but 

' See note, supra, p. 82. — Ed. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 183 

to contradict that I can acquaint you that there are G men of War arrived at Quebec with 
Soldiers warlike Stores &c each Siiip has 10,000 men on board [its supposed liie Indians tooli 
1 for 10] its true tliey have a few ships cruizing about Louisbourgli, but our people laugli at 
them as they know liow to pass them, without being seen, there are constantly vessels coming 
to Quebeck, with all sorts of Stores & supplies and you will see how the French will go on 
this summer" 

The Oneidas then made several heavy complaints against Capt° Williams who commanded 
at the great carrying Place when this Meeting ended 

Camp at Oneida 15"' June 1756 A. M. 

Sir William and the Sachems of every Nation prepared the several Speeches of Condolence 
to be made at Onondaga upon the Death of Kaghswoughtioony, alias Read Head, cheif Sachem 
of said Nation and chose the proper Belts for the Ceremony 

The Canaghquayeson, shewed a French Belt, sent by the Governor of Canada, whereby he 
invited the Sachems of the following Nations to a treaty at Montreal viz 

Onondiigas Ctn/ovgas Tuscarorat 

Sohihowane Tcka-eayon Sequareesere 

Caghswougtiooni Kaghradodo alias 

alias Red Head DeC the English Man and 
Kotsinoghyala Oneidas 

Sequareesere Tarehatsy Thighrorotea 

Tikeandunk Otsikdta " " " 

The Messenger an Onondaga, who brought this Invitation was desired to join the Body that 
was ready to march as the meeting would be deferred till after the expedition against Oswego 
was executed he set off with the Party but coming where the Road turns off to Onondaga he 
left them, and made all the haste homewards he could to acquaint the English of the Design 
the French were upon 

Before Sir William left Oneida he dispatched two Indians express to Susquehana to 
acquaint the several Nations living on that River, that he was on his way to Onondaga, and 
expected Deputies of every Nation would attend the Treaty agreeable to their promise made 
to the 6 Nations at Otsiningo 

June 18 — The Cayougas sent two Messengers from Onondaga, who met Sir William at the 
Place where formerly the Onondagas lived, about 5 Miles from their present habitation by 
whom they desired Sir William, would send them word what lime he would enter the Town, 
in order that they might meet him, and join in his condolence to the Onondagas, on the late 
death of the great Onondaga Sachem Red Head 

S' William answered, that he would come into the Town as this day, and so marched on 
about an English mile on this side the Castle, 3 Cayougas met him, and a halt was made of 
two hours, to settle the formalities of the condolence, agreeable to the ancient Custom of the 
6 Nations Then S^ William marched on at the Head of the Sachems singing the condoling 
song which contains the names laws & Customs of their renowned ancestors, and praying to 
god that their deceased Brother might be blessed with happiness in his other state, this 



134 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Ceremony was performed by Abraham the cheif Mohawk Sachem, Tesanunda, and 
Canaghquayeson cheif Sachems of Oneida. When they came within sight of the Castle the 
Head Sachems and Warriors met S"' William, where he was stopped they having placed 
themselves in a Half Moon across the Road sitting in profound silence, there a Halt was made 
about an hour during which time the aforesaid Sachems sung the condoling song ; This being 
over Rozinoghyata, with several other councillors or Sachems rose up, and shook, hand with S' 
William and bid him and his company wellcome to their Town or Castle 

Then Sir William marched on at the Head of the Warriors the Sachems falling into the 
Rear and continued singing their condoling song. On entering the Castle Sir W" was saluted 
by all the Indians firing their Guns, which was returned by all the Whites and Indians who 
attended S' William The Sachems proceeded to a green Bower adjoining to the deceased 
Sachems House prepared on purpose, and after they were seated they sent for S"' William 
when he came they addressed themselves to him, wiped away their Tears, cleaned the Throats, 
and opened the Heart according to their Customs 

Thus ended his Introduction 

19 June The full council of all the Nations met, with Sir William at their Head, to 
perform the grand solemnity of Condolence for the Death of Caghswautioony cheif Sachem 
of Onondaga 

Old Abraham the head Sachem of the Mohawks performed this ceremony in the following 
manner 

1 He made a speech, and with a large Belt covered the Grave of the deceased 

2 Gave a Belt to comfort the relations of the deceased 

3 A Belt to the surviving councillors admonishing them that notwithstanding the loss they 
had sustained, they should continue to keep up the Friendship subsisting between them, and 
the English, and preserve the Covenant Chain of alliance from contracting any rust 

4 A Belt, to dispel all dark clouds so that they might see the sun clearly, consult on all 
affairs, with chearfulness and carry on their Deliberations with their usual tranquillity 

5 A Belt to dispel all dark clouds at Night, so that the moon and Stars, might appear 
bright, and no obstructions be given to their nightly consultations, that being the Time the 
Warriors of the 6 Nations hold their Councils 

All these compliments of condolence were enforced, by 11 Belts and 3 Strings of Wampum, 
and a scalp of the Enemy to replace the deceased, and with a glass of Rum round to wash 
down all sorrow & grief 

The whole Ceremony of Condolence ended 

20 June. Being met in Council the Onondagas returned their thanks for the condolence, 
with as many Belts of Wampum as were given them yesterday 

Then Sir William condoled the death of a little Boy, son of Teyohaqueande,bit by a Raddle 
Snake the day before of which he died, and covered his grave with a strowd Blanket and Shirt 

Then Sir William removed & encamped on the side of Onondaga Lake, about 5 miles from 
the Castle, for the conveniency of being near his Battoes, which brought the Presents 
and Provisions 

At the Meeting at Fort Johnson last Summer, Thomas, alias Waadory an Oneida Warrior, 
a son of Monakaduto's or the Half King, came down with the rest of the Oneida Indians, and 
in a private conference with Sir William Johnson told him that tho' he had been deluded by 
the French, to go and live with his wife & family at Swegachie that his eyes were now opened, 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. I35 

and he was determined to leave that Place, and return to his Castle, he gave himself up to Sir 
William, and promised that lie would hereafter turn a deaf ear to all the Solicitations of the 
French and remain stedfast and faithful to his Bretheren the English. Last Summer this said 
Indian in his return homewards heing in liquor got into a quarrel with an Onondaga Indian, and 
murdered him dreading the consequences he fled to Swegachie and being known for a man of 
Influence, received great honors and Presents from the PVench to whom he attached himself & 
to prove his gratitude and sincerity headed several scalping parties against us this last Spring. 
This Indian was at Oneida, when Sir William called there in his way to Onondaga, had a 
great deal of talk with his Father the Half King (who accompanied Sir William from his 
House up) and with several other well affected Indians of the Oneida Nation. By his Father 
he sent a String of black Wampum to S' William begging the favor of a private conference 
with him, which on his arrival at Onondaga he consented to when the said Indian spoke 
as follows 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

You are well acquainted with the occasion, which drove me to the necessity of returning to 
Swegachie and taking shelter there, I shall not therefore repeat the particulars of that unhappy 
affair, but tell you that by the extraordinary civilities, and distinguishing honors paid me by 
the French on my return, I was reduced not only to forfeit my engagements to you, but to take 
up & use the Hatchet against my Bretheren the English. I am now returned to better 
thoughts, I am sincerely sorry and ashamed of the Part I have acted, if you will be reconciled 
and receive me once more into your Favor and confidence, I do by this Belt [produced a very 
large Belt of black Wampum] most solemnly engage, absolutely to quit the French Interest, 
bring home my wife and family, and what moveables I can convey away from Swegachie, 
come and live at my native castle, and be ready on every occasion to sacrifice my life in the 
cause of my Bretheren the English Gave the Belt of Black Wampum. 

To which Sir William replyed 

Upon the Strength of your repentance, your solemn promises and your near relation to a 
Man who hath so zealously manifested his Fidelity to the Great King of England your Father 
and my Master, I will once more call you Brother, and if your future conduct be conformable 
to the solemn engagements you have now entered into, what is passed shall be forgotten, 
and you shall share that Protection and those Favors, which His Majesty hath ordered and 
empowered me to shew to all those Indians who preserve their Fidelity to him, and join their 
arms against his enemies and the invaders of your country and his Dominions And as a proof 
of your, uprightness I e.xpect as you have lately come from Canada, and must have heard some 
of the designs of the French, that you do now honestly and as fully as they have come to your 
knowledge, acquaint me with their Schemes against your Bretheren the English, and to 
confirm what I now say I give you this Belt in return for yours 

hereupon he gave the following information 

That the French had assembled in the neighbourhood of Cataraghqui and Swegachie about 
800 Indians, Ottowawas & other nations, that when he and the other Swegachie Indians 
returned from Onondaga The French were determined to march 2000 men to the Oswego 
Falls (about 12 miles on this side Oswego:) there built a strong Fort, and prevent Provisions 
or reinforcements from going by Water to Oswego, that an other party were to march the new 
Road from Swegachie & build a Fort at the West End of the Oneida Lake. When the Posts 



136 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

were secured a third Party were to make a descent upon the German Flatts destroy our 
Magazine there, cut off your Garison, and the Inhabitants and burn the settlements. A fourth 
party were to march to attack Sir William Johnsons House, kill or take him and ravage the 
Settlements on that part of the Mohawk River. 

This account, he said he had received from the Priest & the command^ officer at Swegachie 
alias la Galette 

Sir William asked him how the French were as to Provisions, he says he saw great Plenty 
every where and that the King's Store houses at Montreal were full of all kinds, that the 
French had 3 Sloops on Lake Ontario, and had built two large vessels of 2 Masts, which were 
ready for navigation 

Sir William then told him, that he would have him return to Swegachie as soon as possible, 
and gather all the intelligence he could, and bring it to him, that this would be a determinate 
Proof of his Fidelity and sincere Repentance for what had past, and if he would take Pains 
to make himself master of the Strength and intended operations of the French &" he would 
reward him according to the consequence of his Intelligence, from 100 to 150 Ps of 8 

He engaged himself for this service that he would return as soon as possible with the fullest 
& best accounts he could obtain 



Camp at Onondaga Lake Thursday 24 June 1756 

At a Meeting with the Sachems and Warriors of the 6 Nations the Skanigadaradighroonas, 
The Thoderighroonas and Mohickanders or River Indians 

Present — Sir William Johnson Bart &" 
Capt" David Patton' 
L' Mc'Kennan 

L' Tinker with the Grenadier Company of the 50 Regiment 
M'' George Croghan & other Gentlemen who attended Sir William 
Interpreters 
M' Arent Stevens 
M' Andrew Montaur 
M' Daniel Glaus 

Abraham the great Hendricks brother our chief Sachem of the upper Mohawks Castle 
addressed himself to the other Nations, in behalf of the Mohawks Onondages and Senecas, the 
elder brother of the confederacy and opened the congress with the following speech 

Bretheren 

It was at your request, that our Brother Warrahiyagey and we came to this fire Place, where 
we were in hopes of meeting your Nephews the Delawares and Shawanese, which you had 
promised to call to this meeting, but as they contrary to our expectations have not met, we are 
desirous to hear what was transacted between you and them at the meeting held at Otsiningo 

' Belonged to the 60th Regiment. He went on half pay in 1757 and 60 continued until 1769, when his name is dropped 
from the Army List — Ed. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 137 

Upon which the Oneidas &." by Canagliquayeson their speaker replyed as follows 
Brellieren 

What passed at tlie Meeting at Otsiningo, we have already reported to you and our Brother 
Warraghiyagey who has every transaction at said Meeting committed to writing, to which we 
refer, but as you desire to have every thing repeated^over we will do it. And then the speaker 
repeated the several speeches over in Council 

This being over Sir William applyed to the Onondagas and desired that they would let him 
know what news they had amongst them 

Upon which Tyaworondo an Onondaga cheif produced a parcel of Belts & Strings which he 
said they had lately received from the F'rench, and proceeded to explain them as follows 

1 String of Wampum to condole the losses the five Nations had lately sustained among 
their People 

2 A large Black Belt, by which the Governor of Canada invited several Sachems of the 5 
Nations, to come speedily to Montreal in order to consult with him upon matters of consequence 
which he intended to lay before all his children the Indians, whom he had called to meet him 
there, and as he had already prepared the Subjects for their deliberation, the speedier they 
would come the more agreeable it would be to him, and more for the welfare of the 6 Nations 

3 An other Black Belt, whereby the Governor of Canada invited two of the Cheif Warriors 
of every castle, to accompany and guard the Sachems and a few of their young women ; That 
he did not invite many for fear he could not supply them sufficiently with Provisions as he was 
scarce at present that lie hop'd to see them by the Messengers whom he sent to bring them to 
him by the hand, and on their arrival they should meet with good lodgings and entertainment 
& he would come into any Measures the 5 Nations should propose 

4 A White Belt, wherewith the Governor of Canada condoled the death of the Sachems 
who died lately 

Then the said speaker moved his seat and placed himself among the Oneida Cheifs and 
produced a White Belt wherein a Chain of Friendship was wrought, the Belt was about a 
Fathom in length, and a Man worked upon it at each end, signifying the Governor of Canada, 
and the 5 Nations, holding each other by the hand in token of Friendship, which Belt the 
commander of the Party, which destroyed M"^ Bulls Fort and party at the great carrying place, 
gave to an Oneida Indian who was hunting, some distance from said Fort, just before it was 
destroyed, &. told him, he was on his march to destroy that Fort for the good of the 5 Nations 
as well as for theirs, and that they ought not to think hard of it 

Then he proceeded and said, that this said officer told them that the 5 Nations would bring 
on their own Ruin, in allowing the English to encroach so far within their settlements in their 
own Country, who in the end would cut them oft". That the French were not culpable in that 
respect, as they from Catarakqui to the Ohio, had not made any encroachments but had only 
built Forts to defend their Lands 

That the officer further said 
Childeren 

" Perhaps my destroying this Fort may be the occasion of your destruction and the English 
may revenge it on you, when they hear what I have done, as I know they will be very angry — 
I therefore give you this small Hatchet, which is very sharp to put iu your bosom, that if they 
should be very angry, and attempt to hurt you, you may defend yourselves therewith, and I 
likewise put my hand on your head, that if they strike you I may feel it first, then I who am 
Vol. VII. 18 



138 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

your old Father, will take up my staff in my hand and come to your assistance as fast as I can, 
and as the English and we are both of one colour, I will fight them and drive them out of your 
country — To which he further added, that the Governor of Canada very well knew, their 
Bretheren the English were very parsimonious as they only now and then gave them a Gun or 
a Blanket they should find them quite otherwise as he would give them what they wanted in 
great Plenty 

Then the Speaker addressed himself to Sir William and said 

Brother 

As you desired us to keep nothing hid from you, and to open our hearts and speak freely, 
you see we have acted accordingly, and told you every thing we know relating to the French, 
and we assure you sincerely that the Hatchet which the Governor of Canada has offered is not 
at all agreeable to uS; nor will we keep it in our bosom, since we received it we kept it at arms 
length and assu're you we will send it back from whence it came 

Upon which the Speaker threw the French Belt upon the Ground with disdain 

Lastly the Speaker took out a String of Wampum, which he said was sent from the Senecas 
upon the Ohio, to the Seneca Indians admonishing them, not to look upon the intelligence 
they now sent them as a trifling story as they had hitherto done with the news they had sent 
but that this was founded upon unquestionable evidence 

" That they were informed their Brother Warraghiyagey was going to call the 6 Nations, 
their Women, children & allies to Oswego or Onondaga and that he would speak very fair to 
them at that meeting and make fine promises, would give them a handsome Present, and at 
Parting would drink their Healths, and treat them with a Dram, but that after they had drank 
it, it would throw them all into a sleep, from which they would never awake, as the liquor 
would be mixed with a poison which would immediately kill them all" That they might 
depend upon this, that the 6 Nations were to die first by the devices of the English and 
afterwards all their confederates on the Susquehana & Ohio 

Thus ended the first days conference 

Second days public conference 

Camp at Onondaga Lake Saturday 26 June 1756 
Present — as before. 

Sir William Johnsons Speech 

Bretheren of Onondaga 

Some time in last April, a Delegation of your People were sent to invite me to a Council to 
be held here, at the same time they told me it would be a very great one and that your 
Nephews the Shawanese & Delawares would be there that my presence would be indispensably 
necessary to ratify & confirm what the Delegates sent by me from the 5 Nations had said to 
them at the meeting at Otsiningo, having nothing more at heart than to bring that unhappy 
Breach, between your Nephews & the Southern Governments to a favorable issue, I did not 
hesitate about it, but prepared as soon as I could and began my journey tho' at a time, when 
I had a great deal of other business on hand, and many obstacles thrown in my way 

In full expectation of meeting your said Nephews here, 1 brought up with me 30 of their 
Friends (River Indians) well cloathed and armed, to convince them that none of that Nation, 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIIT. 139 

were made Prisoners by tlie Knglisli as was reported and beleived amongst tlie Delawares, had 
I met them here as I expected, I am persuaded I should be able to reconcile all tiiese unh.ippy 
difFcrences subsisting between them and the F^iiglish and convince them of their errors, I am 
greatly surprized to find none of them here and desire you will give me the reason for their 
not attending at this meeting which was cheifly called at their request and upon their account, 
and I desire 3'ou will also acquaint me with the motives or causes as far as you know them of 
their late Villainous and unparralled Behaviour towards the English Gave a Belt. 

Bretheren of the confederate Nations present 

In the name of the Great King of England your Father, and my Master I do by this Belt 
renew & brighten the ancient Covenant Chain, of mutual Peace, Friendship and firm alliance 
between you and your allies, and all His Majestys subjects your Bretheren upon this continent, 
exhorting you by the memory of your faithful wise and brave forefathers, and by the sacred 
engagements you yourselves have entered into that you do preserve your fidelity to the Great 
King of England your father, and your union with and attachment to all his subjects and your 
Bretheren, inviolable & lasting as the great lights of Heaven and the immoveable Mountains, 
and you may then most assuredly depend upon His Majestys fatherly love and Uoyal 
Protection, who is a monarch not less distinguished by every manly & princely virtue, than 
by the splendor of his kingly power and dignity, and I do at the same time assure you that all 
his great men and subjects your Bretheren will keep this Covenant Chain bright & unbroken 

Gave the Covenant Chain Belt 
Bretheren 

I need not repeat to you the many justifiable reasons the great King your father and my 
Master hath, for now acting offensively against that restless and perfidious nation the French, 
as I have last year and Since in a full council of the 6 Nations amply explained them, and at 
the same time they met with your approbation, and you thought it your duty to take up the 
King your fathers Hatchet, and promised me you would zealously & sincerely make use of it 
against the French and their Indians his and your common enemy 

It is with great reluctance, that I ara under a necessity of charging some of you with not 
acting so heartily as I expected even when I headed you myself, I attribute this your 
Backwardness, to the corruption of some few leading men amongst you who are blind folded 
and led astray by the crafiy and insidious Machinations of the French Preists and Emissaries 
from which if they do not speedily disengage themselves, it will be the ruin of them and 
your confederacy 

To you therefore Warriors of the six Nations, who are my hearty friends and bretheren, I 
now address myself, and I expect that you who are the Guardians of your Country, and the 
Protectors of your families will make use of the Hatchet I gave you and which I now by this 
Belt sharpen up and make ready for use whenever I call upon you Gave a War Belt 

Bretheren Leaders & Warriors 

With these Strings of Wampum I paint you as becomes Warriors 

5 large Black Strings 
Bretheren 

With these Strings of White Wampum I feather your heads as is customary among you 
when engaged in war 4 Strings white Wampum 



140 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Bretheren the Sachems of the 6 Nations 

I do not mean by tliis War Belt which I have given to the Warriors to exclude you in the 
least from assisting and giving the leaders or cheiftains of your several Nations proper advice 
or encouragem'* to act up to the engagements entered into by your whole body last year. 
But on the contrary by this Belt of Wampum I earnestly entreat and advise you, to 
exert yourselves becoming the character of wise men, and lovers of your country and of 
your Bretheren the English which will be your Interest — A Belt 

Bretheren of the 6 Nations 

You shewed me the day before yesterday a parcel of Belts which you received from the 
French, telling me the messages which accompanied them, one of them was an earnest 
invitation from the Governor of Canada, to meet him there as soon as possible, and I 
understand some of you have determined to accept the French Governors Invitation. I ask. 
you, is this acting like Brothers or men of Honor or Spirit — no — should you not first have 
laid them before me, and the rest of your Bretheren and advised with us whether it would be 
prudent for you to take such a step at this critical time As your Resolutions on this Head 
liave been imprudent and premature — I desire you will reconsider them and reflect seriously 
upon the consequences — A Belt. 

Bretheren r 

I have often when I was in a private Station, advised you to use your utmost endeavours, to 
draw your Bretheren whom the French had seduced, to leave their native Habitations and 
live at Swegachie from thence, I have repeated this more forcibly, since I have acted in a 
public Character, and I have sent several Belts of Wampum to the 6 Nation Indians residing 
there with the warmest remonstrances to them, upon the unnatural Folly of thus breaking 
through the Tyes of Nature and sound Policy, but I am sorry to say and find I have been so 
unsuccessful, however as some of them are now here amongst you, I will by this Belt make 
one Tryal more and wish for their own sakes at least, that it may restore them to their 
understandings and awaken a sense of virtue in their Hearts Gave a Belt 

Bretheren 

Among the French Belts you shewed me yesterday I observed one with a Hatchet to it, 
which greatly surprized me as you had so heartily last year taken up, and engaged to use our 
Hatchet against the French our and your common enemy; had you acted as fiiithfull allies or 
Bretheren you would never have taken this French Hatchet in your hands; instead of that 
you have like fiiithless foolish people, concealed it untill now; This is such a conduct of yours, 
that were it known would reflect everlasting Infamy on your latest Generations, and could your 
brave & honest Forefathers look out of their Graves and see you with their enemys Hatchet 
iu one hand and your Bretheren the English in the other, they would for ever be ashamed of 
and disown you. The French say they put their hand on your heads to send off the blow 
which the English had been long meditating, I think you must never reflect, or you would soon 
be convince how they impose on you. Look back and see whether the English ever 
attempted any thing of the kind; I therefore expect, and desire you will destroy said Belts 
before me, or deliver them to those of your people, who are here as emissaries from the French, 
which I am sorry to see, and must insist on your receiving no more messages from that 
deceitful and perfidious Nation Gave a large Belt 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIIT. 141 

Thus ended Sir Williams Speech wlien Kaghsvvaught.iniyoude alias the Belt a Seneca Cheif 
stood up and spoke as Tollows 

Brother 

Your words were very ajjreeable to us, as the reminded us of our long standing friiMwiship, 
you m;iy be assured we have taisen proper notice of all you said, and shall agreeable to your 
desire, seriously consider your speech, and hope we may be able to answer you tomorrow 

After which S' William drank their healths gave them Pipes Tobacco and some Hum 
to drink 

Here ends the second days public Conference 

Saturday evening 26 June 
After the public Conference was ended, 6 Swegachie Indians originally Onondagas & one 
Oneida, came to S' Williams Tent and spoke as follows 

Brother 

That part of your speech relating to us gave us great satisfaction, as it convinces us you are 
one for our Interest; we have been often told-, that you desired we should all return to our 
native places but we did not pay so much regard to it as there was no Belt sent to us with it, 
We beleive now your several Belts have been stopped, this one you may depend upon it, shall 
be delivered faithfully to our Indians there, and doubt not but it may have the desired effect 

Sir William answered 

As it is late now and I have a great deal of business upon my hands, 1 must defer saying 
any thing to you till morning gave them a Dram and parted 

Sunday 27"" June 1756 
The 6 Swegachie Indians with the half King and Kindarundie an Oneida Sachem came to 
Sir Williams Tent, when he spoke to the Swegachie Indians as follows 

Bretheren — if I may call you so now I am sorry to hear my several Messages with Belts 
never reached you, I should be glad to know by whom and where they were stopped, it 
surprized me greatly to find no notice hitherto taken of the wholesom and friendly advice I 
gave you from time to time; I will please myself with the hopes that as you have now a Belt 
from me in your own Possession, that it may open your eyes to see, and your ears to hear my 
advice, and that affection to your Relations and the love of your country, may be strong 
enough to overcome the delusive acts of the French, and that you and your families will return 
and live at your respective Castles 

Sunday evening 27"' June 
The two Messengers whom S' William sent from Oneida for the Shawanese, Delawares and 
other Indians on the Susquehana return** with the Death Shout, and after acquainting him with 
the death of the Nnnticoke King at Olsiningo, which stopped them a day they told Sir William 
there were 26 Shawanese and Delawares, Nanticokes, and Augliquagey Indians by the way, 
who came at his call and would be with him this night; about sunset they all arrived and came 



142 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

to his Tent, where they were received very kndly and treated handsomely with Rum, Bisquit, 
Pipes, Tobacco &c* which they were in great want of, and so parted for that evening 

The next morning S"' William met them in conjunction with the 6 Nations at the Council 
House, where he performed the usual ceremony of Condolence with Strings of Wampum, and 
then covered the Graves of their dead with two black Strouds, which gave them great 
satisfaction they in return did the same for the losses we had lately sustained, so the ceremony 
ended, with drinking a glass to drown their sorrow 

The third public conference 

Monday night 10 o'clock 28 June 1756 
At a meeting of all the 6 Nations, Shawanese, Delawares, Nanticokes &'* 

Present — as formerly 

A great Sachem & Warrior of the Seneca country named Kaghswoughtaniyonde alias Belt 
stood up & addressed himself to the whole body of Indians in the following speech 

Bretheren here present 

I have seriously considered all that our Brother Warraghiyagey, said to us two days ago, 
and for my part I am clear in it, that what he proposed is right, wherefore I am determined to 
comply with it, and shall as soon as I get home let all my nation know, what our brother said 
and my own opinion & resolution, in which if they should differ with me, I am determined to 
leave the country, and live amongst my Bretheren the English 

After this an Onondaga Cheif, rose up & returned the following answer to that part of Sir 
Williams Speech in which he gave them the large Belt to sharpen the Hatchet, with that he 
put into the hands of the 6 Nations last year 

After repeating what he had said to them on that article he proceeded thus 

Brother 

The Hatchet you gave us last year, proved in one part of it very bad and would not do any 
execution, for while we had it at Oswego, we could not kill a man with it. Brother, we have 
got a small axe of our own with which we have conquered many nations, but by lying so long 
without using it, tis become rusty which we attribute to your hindring us to use it against the 
Southern Indians, we agree to your request, and are determin'd unanimously to use this axe of 
our own, and return you our hearty thanks, for rubbing off the rust it hath contracted and 
giving it a keen edge, we will now hold it up in our hands, and only wait to know whether 
our people who are living at Swegachie, will return to us at your and our request, as soon as 
we know their Resolutions we will immediately make use of it with you against any 
Nation whatsoever 

Brother 

We can not help letting you know, that our Ears are very wide, we have often heard, that 
our Land is the cause of Quarrel between you and the French and you both tell us the same 
Story, that you mean only to secure it for us. We are ready to beleive that you our Bretheren 
have no other Design, & will do us strict justice, which leads us to join you now heartily 

Gave a large Belt, & some Strings 



LONDON DOCUMENTS : XXXIII. 143 

After which Sir William ordered the In'erpreter to sing the War song in which the Indians 
joined with zeal he then gave them some Rum, and promised tiiem a roasted Ox and Some 
liquor the next day for tlie War Dance 

Thus ended the third public Conference 

Sir William Johnsons answer to the Speech of yesterday concerning y" Axe 
Bretheren of the 6 Nations, and the other confederates here present — 

It gives me great pleasure to hear you say you will now try your own Hatchet, which you 
say has always proved a good one, 1 am sensible it has been so, and I doubt not it will joined 
with ours, be successful, as I have now put it in good order, these arms & ammunitions, which I 
have here for you, are also very proper Instruments to make use of with your Hatchet against 
your and our common enemy as tliey will the sooner bring those bold Invaders, to proper 
Terms and make them give up those parts of your country[and His Majestys Dominions, which 
they have so unjustly taken possession of, provided you use them vigorously, as you now 
promise me you will in conjunction with the King your fathers Troops by which you will 
convince the world, you were the Friends all looked upon you to be. And I am convinced 
the King your Father will always esteem you and amply supply me with whatever may be 
necessary for you and your families support 

Bretheren 

As it is uncertain how long this war will continue and as our Bretheren the Senecas are so 
few here as are not sufficient to engage for their Nation I think proper to give you an other 
War Belt that you may send it to them with your Resolutions, by our friend and brother 
Kaghswoughtaniyonde of that Nation, and these Strings of Wampum to paint and feather 
their Warriors 

Here one of the oldest Sachems of Onondaga, stood up took the Belt, & sung the War Song, 
and then old Abraham the head Mohawk Sachem and the great Hendricks brother, rose 
up and sung the War song with remarkable Fury 

Tuesday the 29 of June P. M. 
At a Meeting of the 6 Nations &c 

Old Abraham was sent from his Seat to Sir William to ask his opinion what was the 
properest step to take in order to draw off the Swegachie Indians from the French, he advised 
that all the Nations should join with him in an invitation to them, and to be delivered to those 
of that place who were present, which Proposal was approved of and then Abraham stood up, 
mentioned it aloud, and desired it might be brought to an issue as soon as possible then the 
Belt of Invitation was delivered to the Swegachie Indians present 

After this Tionighsarisis cheif speaker & Sachem of Onondaga, made the following answer 
in the name of the confederacy, to those parts of Sir William Johnsons Speech, of L'O Inst: 
which had not been replyed to 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We return you our hearty thanks for brightening and strengthening the Covenant Chain and 
promising to hold by it; We the 6 Nations and our allies sincerely promise to do the same 
on our part, and to adhere faithfully to all the obligations which it includes. 

Gave the Covenant Belt 



144 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Brother " 

You insisted so mvich on our delivering up the French Hatchet which was given to the 
Oneidas some time ago, that we now here in your presence comply with your request, and 
deliver it to those Indians from Swegachie, to return it Gave a large Belt 

Brother, 

We also return the Belt, by which the Governor of Canada said he laid his hand upon our 

head, to ward off the Blow which he said the English our Bretheren were threatening us with, 

we now in your Presence, .>end it back to him by these Swegachie Indians his emissaries 

A Belt 
Brother, 

By this Belt (shewing a very large one, Sir William had given them) you insist on our 

sending back the Governor of Canada's Belt of Invitation by the Swegachie Indians, Brother, 

as we complyed with every thing you requested us we also do to this. But we can't help 

thinking our sending a few Cheifs with those Swegachie Indians would contribute greatly to 

the speedy recovery or witlidrawiug of said Indians however we submit it to your consideration 

A Black Belt 
Brother 

As we are resolved, to conceal nothing from you, we are now to let you know, that this very 

day we received 3 Invitations from the French, one from the Commandant of Niagara, one 

from Jean Ceur, and an other from his brother (the two cheif Indian Agents) desiring us to 

meet them at Niagara in 20 days, we shall be advised by you how to act in this as well as in 

every thing else A Belt & Strings 

The Fifth Public Conference 

Wednesday 30 June 1750 
Present — as before 

Sir William Johnsons Reply to the Speech of the Six Nations of yesterday 

Bretheren of the 6 Nations and all your allies here present 

It is a great satisfaction to me to find you so ready to comply with what I have desired, you 
may be assured, I have your Interest so much at Heart, that I shall never propose to, or desire 
any thing of you, but what will tend to your Welfare, and I shall as soon as possible acquaint 
your Father the Great King of England, and my Master of your good dispositions towards 
him and his subjects your Bretheren, which will I question not, induce him to extend his 
Generosity and fatherly care towards you & your Posterity. I conjure you Bretheren, as you 
regard your own welfare and my credit act up to your engagements, and don't let me write 
what is not A Belt 

Bretheren 

As you have left it to me to judge what would be best to do concerning the French 
Invitations, and also your sending some of your People, with those French Emissaries to 
Swegachie, I have seriously considered both, and think it very improper you should pay any 
regard to the former, as I have now sharpened your axe for you against them, besides, the 
French hearing you are nov^ determined to strike them, will lay hold of any opportunity to 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 145 

hurt you, and would you may depend upon it keep any you might send, as Hostages. As 
to the latter I tiiink if the Message we jointly send by these of that place, will not be sufficient to 
witiidraw them from thence it would be to no purpose to send any of your people. So that 
upon the whole it would be both imprudent and impolitic to go to Canada at this Time, and I 
insist upon it by this Belt of Wampum, that none of you offer to look that way, but turn your 
eyes towards your Bretheren to the Southward and Westward who are very numerous and 
ready to join us provided you encourage them, which I expect you will now, as it will be our 
mutual Interest, by these means only, you will be able to recover those of your allies, who are 
now as it were lost to you, and you will then again become a powerful People which it shall 
be my duty to contribute to A large Belt 

Bretheren of the 6 Nations 

You showed me the other day all the Belts and Strings of Wampum which I from time to 
time sent, requesting you all to keep the Road open to Oswego and guard the Battoes with 
Provisions &" thither you acquainted me at the same time that you had complyed with my 
desire, I am very glad you have, and I expect by this Belt of Wampum that all the Nations 
assist as much as is in their power to keep that Road open A Belt 

Bretheren 

As the only way we have at present of getting Provisions to Oswego is by Water, which is 
not only dangerous, but so tedious that it is impossible to provide a sufficient quantity unless 
we can carry by Land also, for which I must desire your liberty & assistance to cut open a 
Road through your Country from the German Flatts to Oswego, and for your assistance in 
laying it out you will be well paid. This Road will be of great advantage to you as well as 
us as in Case of any alarm or Danger from the French, I can soon come to your assistance 
which at present would be very difficult from the Badness of the Road, I expect also, that you 
will allow us to throw up some works at Oswego Falls, to cover our people & Stores, while 
carrying over there A. Belt 

Bretheren 

At a general Meeting at my house this last winter, I proposed a Meeting of all your Nations 
and allies at Oswego as early as possible, you then told me you had proper persons ready to 
call the Twightwees, Mississagas &" to said Meeting, I have ever since with impatience 
expected to hear what success they have had and whether those Nations would attend at said 
Meeting, I desire now to know what is done in that affair that I may act accordingly 

Bretheren of the 6 Nations 

As all matters are now happily settled between us and your ax is now sharpened & ready, I 
expect that you will hold yourselves in readiness to join his Majestys arms when and where 
I desire you A Belt. 

Bretheren of Onondaga 

Since my arrival I find you are scarce of Indian Corn, which I am sorry for, and without it 
your families must suffer to prevent which, I desire you will send some of your young men to 
my House, & I will give you 100 Skipple of Corn which will be a releif untill your Crop is 
ripe, and all those who joined His Matys arms last year, are desired also to come down and 
receive new mounting &c 

Vol. VII. 19 



146 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Upon this an Onondaga Cheif rose up & said 
Brotlier 

We have given all due attention to your words, and all the Nations here present return 
hearty thanks for the kind Notice you have taken of our Want of Provisions it is a mark of 
your regard & care of us 

Sir William then added 
Bretheren of the 6 Nations, and all your confederates here present 

There is one thing more I most ernestly recommend to you all, which is necessary at all 
times, but indispensably so at this time, that is a strict Unirm among you all, and cast away 
all jealousies from amongst you, then you will be like the Bundle of Sticks I gave you last year 
which while together could not be broken, but if separated, has little strength ; 1 by this Belt 
now bind you together & make you strong A very large Belt. 

A Seneca Cheif then stood up, and made the following Speech in behalf of that Nation 
Bretheren of the 6 Nations 

I have one thing to recommend to you now which is that you will take Care, and guard our 
Brother Warraghiyagey home from this Meeting to his own house, for I look upon the Road 
at this time to be very dangerous and the French are endeavouring all they can, to take or 
destroy him, they are a bloody minded People, & will stick at Nothing 

Gave a String of Wampum 

Old Abraham the Mohawk Speaker then rose up and said 

Bretheren of the Senecas, we approve much of your advice, and for our parts we are 
determined, to accompany our brother Home, and share his fate, be it what it will, as we 
are inviolably attached to our Bretheren the English 

The 6"" days conference 

Thursday the 1" of July 
Present — as before 

The Six Nations being assembled Sir William Johnson made the following speech to the 
Shawanese and Delaware Indians [There were two young Warriors of the Delaware Nation 
then present] 

Bretheren of the Shawanese & Delaware Nations 

It gives me great Pleasure to find you so ready to attend here at this meeting upon my 
invitation, I expected indeed to have found you here before me, but when I came to the 
Oneida Castle I heard you were not arrived or sent for, which surprized me much, and made 
me dispatch Messengers to you, as my Meeting here in a great measure was to confirm what 
passed at Otsiningo, between the Delegates of the 6 Nations and you : now Bretheren as you 
are here, I desire to know by this Belt of Wampum, what is the reason the Delawares and 
Shawanese, who have committed Hostilities against us have not met here according to their 
promise at Otsiningo or what reason they had for striking the English without any provocation 

A Belt of Wampum 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXITI. 147 

Brelheren the Shawanese and Delawares 

I am very glad you arrived here lime enough to hear what I have said to the G Nations here 
in your presence as I maiie no doubt but you are firmly attached to the Interest of your 
Brelheren the English and the 6 Nations — A Belt 

As soon as the above speech was delivered the Onondaga Speaker made the following answer 
to Sir Williams speech to the 6 Nations of yesterday 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

In the speech you made to us yesterday you charged us not to go to Canada, but to send 
the French Hatchet and all the Belts we received from the Governor of Canada back by the 
Swegachie Indians. Nosv Brother we have all seriously considered what you have said to us 
on that head, and we are unanimously of opinion, those People are not to be trusted with so 
weighty an aflair, as they are as yet in the French Interest, so we have determined to send 
some Delegates of our own to return this Hatchet with all the French Belts we have received, 
& to see and hear wliat the French have to say to us, and at the same time to use all our 
influence, in bringing home all our people who are in the French Country A Belt. 

Brother 

Yesterday you told us you had sharpened our Hatchet and desired we might paint ourselves 
black, and put P'eathers on our Heads which would make us look like Warriors, we assure you 
our Delegates that we send back with the French Hatchet shall do so, but we defer pulling 
the Feathers on till they return ; Brother, if any misfortune should happen to us we leave 
enough behind, to paint you in the same manner that you may revenge the wrong dorte us 

A String 
Brother 

You have now sharpened our Hatchet which hath always been successfull in War, we return 
you our iiearty thanks for so doing, your request in desiring us to send this Belt, to all Nations 
in Alliance with us, to acquaint them that our Hatchet is sharpened, is very agreeable to us, as 
it has been the custom of the 6 Nations to do so, and by that means we were always able to 
conquer our enemys. Now Brother we assure you we will send this Belt through all Nations 
in Friendship with us on which the Speaker delivered the Belt to Kaghswaughtiooney a 
Seneca Sachem, and told him to lake it to his Castle, and send it from thence to all Nations in 
alliance with them Gave a Belt 

On which the Seneca Sachem got up with the Belt in his hand and sung the Warsong, and 
promised to send the Belt with all dispatch through all the Nations in their Alliance 

The Speaker went on 

Brother 

You have often told us, that it would be very agreeable to you if the French and you were 
only to dispute the Quarrel now subsisting between you which is a great motive of our going 
to Canada, to see if we can't prevail on the French Indians to lay down the Hatchet 

Brother 

You told us to hold ourselves in readiness to join His Majestys Troops, when you would call 
on us now, Brother we assure you by this Belt of Wampum, that we will be ready and when 
you send for us it will be very pleasing News for our Warriors you may depend on it, that we 
will all rise up and go with the Messenger both Sachems & Warriors A Belt 



148 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Brother 

Yesterday you desired us to continue keeping the Road clear and guarding the Battoes to 
Oswego, which we will do, you also told us, that there was but one Road to transport 
Provisions to Oswego and that very difficult as it was both dangerous and tedious, and that you 
wanted a Road by Land through our country and desired our assistance as we knew the best 
ground to cut and make a road through, and tho some may think it wrong to suffer a road thro 
our country we desire you may not give credit to any flying reports you may hear many lies 
have been carried between us for we freely consent that you shall have a Road and the Oneidas 
and Tuscaroras will assist you in opening it from the German Flatts to Canaghsaragy and the 
Onondagas will from that to Oswego and you may build a Fort or Magazine at Oswego Falls 
to Store the Provisions in, but we expect that Fort will be destroyed or given up to us as soon 
as the difference between you and the French is decided A Belt 

Brother 

You tell us you have waited with Impatience to know what success our Messengers had, 
whom we promised to send to the Mississages and Twightwees last Winter we know nothing 
more about it, but we expect that the Seneca Chief & several more who have been gone a 
good while that way are about it, and on their return we will let you know what 
encouragements they have met with A String 

Monakadouto the half King, made the following reply in behalf of the Shawanese and 
Delaware Nations to Sir William Johnson's Speech to them of this day 

Brother 

You desire to know of us why those of our peple who have committed several murders upon 
the English have not appeared at this Meeting, and what were the reasons for their committing 
such Hostilities on their Bretheren without provocation. Brother we know the reason and 
will tell you here before the Six Nations, and all present for we are not afraid to tell the Truth 
before any Nation or People. Last year the French brought a powerful army into our 
country, and soon after the English marched an other army, which appeared to us like two clouds 
hanging over us ; we looked on till the Battle was over, and there we found some of the 6 
Nations with the French Hatchet in their hands, killing the English and as we were in strict 
alliance with the 6 Nations we thought it our duty to do the same and yet we did not 
immediately strike [This part relates to the Shawanese Indians, who live on the Ohio, and 
what follows is an intended justification for the Hostilities of the Delawares, who live on the 
Susquehanna] Some of our young men soon after killed some hogs belonging to the English, 
which exasperated the English so much, that they struck their Hatchet into our heads, and then 
we declared war against the English but we have found that we have acted wrong for which 
reason we hope our Bretheren the English will pardon us for what is passt, as we laid down 
our Hatchet as soon as we were convinced we were in the wrong Gave a Belt 

What follows was spoke in behalf the Shawanese settled on a Branch of the Susquehanna 

Brother 

You say that you were very glad that we arrived here time enough to hear what you said 
to the 6 Nations, and to see how cheerfully they have engaged themselves in the English 
Interest and that you expect we will do the same. Brother we are part of several Tribes, and 



LONDON DOCUMENTS : XXXIII. 149 

are chosen Delegates by tliein all to apeak tlieir minds to you; We have lived at a great 
distance from you and our Bretlieren the G Nations so (hat what is transacted between you 
seldom reaches our ears, for which reason we are moving a little nearer to our said Bretheren, 
that we may the easier & sooner hear from you and them. Now Brother we inform you that 
we are not a heavy slotliful people, and we assure you that we as cheerfully engage in the 
English Interest as the G Nations have done, and on the first notice we receive from you or 
them we will rise to a man and come to you or where you desire us, and act in conjunct" with 
[you] and our Uncles the 6 Nations A Belt 

Upon which their King or cheif took up the War Belt & Sung the War Song. 

Seventh Days conference 

Fryday 2 July 
Present — as before 

As all matters of business were yesterday concluded Sir William this Morning had the 
Presents laid out, for them and before they were distributed made them the following speech 

Bretheren 

When your Delegates came to my House and invited me to this Meeting they told me you 
were in want of Arms & Ammunition at your several Castles to defend yourselves from the 
French whose Hatchet was hanging over your Heads. I promised to come to this Meeting 
and bring you those Necessaries, which I understood you were in need of which I have 
accordingly done as you now see, the Cheif of which the King your father sent for you by the 
New Governor of this Province and which 1 now present to you from him — 

Bretheren — two days ago you returned me thanks for sharpening your own Hatchet and said 
you had found mine last year at Oswego was not good, I told you then that I had some weapons 
with me that were sharp likewise if properly made use of and I hope you will make use of them 
vigorously and our common enemy As your Hatchet is now sharp. I likewise sharpen your 
knife to cut our enemys throats or take their scalps off, and as I know it is an old custom 
amongst you to feast on your enemies flesh I present you those Kettles for that purpose 
[This is meant figuratively, and some Meat is boiled in the Kettles, which they eat and call 
it French Mens Flesh, so when drink is given it is called blood of their enemies] 

Tile Onondaga Speaker then rose up and returned Sir William the thanks of the 6 Nations 
for this happy Meeting and mutual agreement Sir William then rose and put a medal about 
the Speakers neck and declared him a Sachem of that Council charging him to be steady to 
his Majestys Interest 

Thus ended the Congress with the 6 Nations at Onondaga 

Camp at Onondaga July 2'^ 1756 
The Delaware King with three more of his Nation, who live at Tiyaogo on the Susquehanna 
River arrived in the evening after the present was delivered and all business ended, he came 
to Sir Williams Tent and was introduced by M' Montour the Interpreter, who was acquainted 
with him Sir William bid him welcome and told him he was very glad to see him, drank his 
health gave him pipes and Tobacco, and then invited him to supper, with the other Gentlemen 



150 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

who attended Sir William, after supper and drinking the Kings Health &c Sir William 
Johnson spoke to him as follows 

Brother 

It would have given me great satisfaction had you been here time enough to hear what 
passed at tiiis Congress whicli was in a great measure convened on account of your Nation 
but as it has held a long time, and is now concluded, it will be impossible to settle matters still 
depending between you and us at this place, as among other things given to our friends here, 
there is a quantity of Liquor, which will prevent our doing business here, besides several 
Nations who live far off are going and some gone this afternoon ; wherefore with tiiese Strings 
of Waaijjuin, 1 take you and the Shawanese by the hand, and invite you all as well as the 
Aughquages and otlier Indians living round you to the Southward to my House where 
the Council Fire of the 6 Nations always burns. I hope we shall there be able to put an end 
to all the unhappy differences, which have of late taken place between us 

To which the King answered by M' Montour Interpreter 

Brother 

I am much obliged to you for the kind reception and hearty welcome you have given me 
and my people, and as I plainly see matters can not be so well settled here now as at your 
house I accept of your invitation and will accompany you thither, but as I expect more of my 
people tomorrow, I will stay here untill they come then will set off immediately and join you 

3^ July 1756 Sir William set out on his return home from Onondaga 

4"" July Sir William called at the Tuscarora castle and entered it with 2 French Scalps, 
which one of their young men very briskly laid hold of and sung the War Song with them ia 
his hand round their Castle 

Then he directed their Sachems & Warriors to assemble and when met spoke to them 
as follows 

Bretheren of Tuscarora 

It gives me great satisfaction to find you living in so compact a body, and as I well know 
your attachment to your Bretheren the English, I shall be inclined to do any thing which may 
contribute to your, safety and Welfare, you will be much safer here with a good outwork on 
the Hill than as you now are, wherefore if you incline to have one built there, I will order it 
to be done immediately and give you several Guns to mount in it, or any thing else for your 
defense and as you as well as the Onondagas complain of the want of Provisions, send some 
of your young men down to my house, and I will send you a sufficient quantity to serve you 
untill your crops come in. Bretheren I must strongly recommend unanimity to you in your 
Councils and actions and then you will be ready to join his Majestys arms whenever I call 
upon you, as I have now sharpened your Hatchet and given you all necessary complements 
of War— A Belt 

To which Sequareesera their Cheif spoke as follows 

Brother 

We are glad you approve of our situation and way of living we shall think ourselves much 
safer with such a House as you propose and hope you will not defer building it as soon as you 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 151 

can, also to send us some Swiflel Guns and Ammunition in plenty, then you may depend upon 
it we will make the hest defence we can should tiie French attempt to molest us there, we 
will also be ready to rise up at your call ; we have neglected hunting tiiis great wliile watching 
a call from you so that we are very poor and in want of many necessaries for our P'amilies 
which we hope you will supply us with as our only dependance at these times is on you 

Gave a Belt 

Sir William desired some of their young men might go along with him, and that he would 
supply, their Wants and so parted from their castle 

The same evening Sir William encamped near the Oneida Town when several of tiieir 
Sachems came and bid them welcome and told him that they were under so much concern for 
the danger he apprehended they must go through in his way home, on account of a great 
number of the enemy whose Tracks they had discovered yesterday, that they had (on hearing 
of his approach ) come to the following Resolution, to wit that 3 of their cheif men and some 
Warriors should attend him to the German Flatts, and bring him a Bye Road which the 
enemy knew nothing off as the looked upon tiie other to be besett witli the enemy. He 
returned them thanks for the concern they shewed for his safety, and told them if they judged 
the enemy were superior in numbers he would accept their offer, if not he would choose to 
meet them, of which they disapproved adding that the loss of him would be to them 
irreparable &ca. 

In the evening Sir William entered the Castle and called a Council of young and old when 
he condoled the death of the head Sachems Nephew who died that morning After which he 
exhorted them strongly to consider the engagements they had entered into with the rest of 
the Six Nations at the great council of Onondaga and that he expected they would solemnly 
adhere to them Gave a Belt 

They returned their hearty thanks for the ceremony of condolence he had performed adding 
it was a convincing proof of his regard for them, to find he did not neglect those necessary 
ceremonials at a time too when they knew he was much hurried and full of business they 
concluded with assurances of their inviolable attachm' to their Bretheren the English, and that 
they would adhere to all the engagements they had entered into Gave a Belt 

They then acquainted him they were in great want of Provisions Cloaths, Shoes &c. which 
they hoped he would supply them with as they had no other way now to help themselves, but 
by applying to him 

He promised to gratifie them, and desired they would come to his House as soon as they 
pleased to which the returned many thanks 

Monday Morning 5 July 

All the Oneida Sachems attended at Sir Williams Tent, with several requests and many 
complaints against Captain Williams (of the 51 Reg')" posted at the carrys Place also against 
the Interpreter whom Gen' Shirley had placed there, he complied with many of their requests 
and told them he would acquaint the new General with the latter articles — Then he sent for 

' Captain William Wiluams belonged to Sir W. Pepperell's regiment lie was in command of the fort which originally 
atood OD the present site of Rome, Oneida Co., N. Y., and which was called Fort n'illiaiiu after him. Uis regiment was 
disbanded on 25th December, 1756, when ho went on half pay and eo remained until his death, which occurred, it ia supposed 
in 1787, as his name is omitted that year in the Army List. — Ed. 



152 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Goweahhe, the cheif Warrior of the Oneida Nation wiiom the Governor of Canada had lately 
invited and made great offers to him to come over to him ; after talking to him a while of the 
Friendship so long subsisting between Sir William and him, and the many professions and 
brotherly love he had made to him, S'" William prevailed on him to reject the invitation of the 
GoV of Canada, and made him promise to come down as soon as he could to Mount Johnson 
with his Party whom he would take proper Notice of and use him and them as well as the 
Governor of Canada would do 

Sir William also gave him a War Belt insisting (according to the Indian Custom) on his 
going to war, and bringing him either prisoners or scalps to give in the Room of some friends 
he had lost Goweahhe accepted of it and promised he would let Sir William know what he 
could do in it as soon as he came down to his house — 

Sir William gave two Runlets of Rum to the Oneidas and a quarter of Beef, one for a merry 
making to the Warriors, and the other for the funeral of the young man whose death he had 
condoled ; then he drank His Majestys Health and prosperity to their Nation which was returned 
with great civility — When he left the Castle 

July 7 1756 Sir William Johnson arrived at his House Fort Johnson very much fatigued 
and in a bad state of Health 



Fort Johnson July 9. 1756 A. M 
Present — Sir William Johnson Bart sole agent &c for Indian affairs 
Mr Croghan & sundry other Gentlemen 
Several Sachems & Warriors of the 6 Nations 
Shawanese & Delaware Kings with their People 

Peter Wraxal Sec''' for Indian Affairs 
Mr Montour & other Interpreters 

Sir Williams Speech to the Mohikander or River Indians who arrived during his 
absence, and were sent for the 28 may last vide Records p : 210 — with 
their wives and children they amounted to 196 Souls — 

Bretheren 

As some dark clouds are gathering over these parts the scattered condition in which I knew 
your Tribes lived, turned my thoughts towards you and as the great King of England your 
Father hath appointed me to take care of the affairs of all the Indians in alliance with his 
subjects in these Parts of his Dominions, I consulted with your uncles the Mohawks what 
steps would be most adviseable to take in relation to your Welfare upon which we agreed to 
send a Message, to invite you to come and live near them, and I am pleased that you have 
been so prudent to listen to the Invitation. I bid you heartily welcome and assure you in the 
Great King your Fathers name that I shall use the Power he hath committed to me, to 
promote the welfare of you, your wives and children, and according to his Royal pleasure, 
while you behave dutifully to him and conduct yourselves like Bretheren to all his subjects, 
I shall assist you in the articles of cloathing and Food, till you have time to establish yourselves 
and make some Provision for your families, which I hope and expect by this Belt you will use 
all expedition and diligence in doing Gave the Belt 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 153 

Bretheren 

You know that tlie French who are a restless and quarrelsome people have obliged the King 
your Father to take up arms against them, and as your uncles the Mohawks and the rest of 
the 6 Nations, thouroughly convinced of the justness of our cause have joined His Mnjestys 
arms, it will be yoyq^Duty and Interest to be ready at all times to the utmost of your Power, 
to assist the Common cause and which by this Belt I expect from you 

Gave a Belt of Wampum 

In the afternoon Sir William armed and cloathed their men from head to foot, gave them 
ammunition Paint &c* in the Presence of the G Nations, Shawanese and Delaware Kings and 
their People with which they seemed extreemly pleased 

Fort Johnson 10 July 1756. A. M. 
Phesent — as yesterday 

M' Montour Interpreter 

Sir William Johnson's Speech to the Shawanese and Delawares 

[Sir William first read it in English as many of the Mohickanders or River Indians present 
understand that language] 

Bretheren of the Shawanese & Delaware Nations 

It gave me great satisfaction when the Delegates of the 6 Nations in conjunction with me, 
sent to the Meeting at Otsiningo this Spring returned, and acquainted me that you listned to 
their remonstrances with regard to the faithless and hostile Behaviour of Some of your People 
against your Bretheren the English and that you had solemnly promised to turn the edge of 
your Hatchet in conjunction with the 6 Nations against our common enemy the French. 

They also acquainted [me] with your ernest desire that I would meet you at Onondaga the 
ancient 6re Place of the Six Nations that you would open there your minds fully to me, and 
that my compliance with this your request, would be a convincing Proof to you, that a Door 
of Reconciliation was yet open between the English & your people 

Tho my going up to Onondaga at the time you mentioned was extreemly inconvenient, yet as 
you so warmly urged it, and from my desire of restoring [you] to the favor of the Great King of 
England your Father, and to renew the Covenant Chain of Peace and Friendship between you 
and his subjects your Bretheren the English I readily agreed to your i'roposal. I set out and 
came to Onondaga according to my Promise, but I did not find you there neither did the 
Deputation from the Delawares come, till that meeting was so neer upon a conclusion, that I 
had not time enough left to enter into your affairs. I therefore desired you to accompany me 
to this house which is also the fire Place of the 6 Nations and where I now bid you heartily 
welcome with this string of Wampum Gave a String 

[\ B. This Speech was cheifly addressed to the Deleware King and his people as they were 
most concerned] 

Bretheren 

The Blood which hath been spilt, the Barbarities which have been committed, the many 
english Prisoners which have been taken, and all the variety of Desolation, which some of 
Vol. VII. 20 



154 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

your people in conjunctioQ with the French and their Indians have perpetrated upon the 
persons and properties of the Subjects of the King of England and my Master on the Frontiers 
of his Provinces of Virginia, Maryland, Pensylvauia, New Jersey, and New York, you can not 
be, you are not ignorant of. 

These horrid murders, and barbarous Devastations committed upon an unsuspecting and 
defenceless People, who so far from suspecting such Treatment from your Tribes looked upon 
themselves as in some Measure, under your Protection and were disposed in all respects to 
behave towards you as Bretheren and neighbours 

Bretheren 

You are I am persuaded sensible that this perfidious Behaviour of Some of your people is 
to the highest degree reproachful and unjustifiable, I shall not therefore add any more 
particulars to the General Facts I have just now mention'' and I am inclining and willing to 
beleive that those of your people who have been guilty of this scandalous Breach of Faith and 
thereby violated the Covenant Chain of Peace and Friendship so often and so solemnly 
renewed between our Forefathers and yours, must have had their judgments confounded their 
Principals perverted and their hearts poisoned by the vile and Treacherous Delusions of the 
French, who are enemies to the happiness, of all who come near to them, and like the Devil 
practice every wicked method to debauch all who will listen to them from the Ties of honor 
truth and justice. They have imposed upon your Bretheren, and seduced them from the right 
Path and led them astray from their true Interest 

As I am well acquainted with the infamous character and conduct of this restless Blood 
thirsty Nation the French I say to their iniquitous influence I impute the falling off of the 
deceived part of your people from their duty to the great King of England and their 
engagements with their ancient Bretheren the English 

Bretheren 

If there have been any other causes of this unhappy Breach, I expect and desire you will 
with Brotherly openness and candour acquaint me with them ; I assure you in the name of 
the Great King of England your Father and of your Bretheren the English his subjects in 
these Parts, that every kind of satisfaction, which you can justly expect, or reasonably ask 
shall be given you 

And by virtue of the Powers granted to me by His Majesty, if you are seriously disposed to 
continue his dutiful children and to maintain your fidelity towards him, and unbroken Peace 
and Friendship towards all his subjects and your Bretheren the English in these Parts and will 
exert your unfeigned zeal and best endeavors to reclaim those of your People who have been 
deluded made drunk and mad by the French. Upon these Conditions I am ready to renew 
strengthen and brighten the Covenant Chain of Peace Friendship and confidence, between you 
and all your Bretheren the English upon this continent, and engage mutually to aid and assist 
each other against all our enemies 

Bretheren 

By this Belt of Wampum, I desire you will take into serious consideration, what I have now 
said, and give me your deliberate and determined answer as soon as you conveniently can and 
by this Belt I also confirm all I have now said to you. Gave a Belt of Wampum 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. I55 

After tlie foregoing Speech was interpreted by M' Montour to llie six Nations present 
The Delaware King or Cheif spoke as follows 

Brother Warraghiyagcy 

] iiave attended most carefully to all you have now said and it is very pleasing to me, but I 
can not take upon me at this time to give a determinate answer to you, but I shall punctually 
deliver your speech to all my Nation on my return home, and you shall have our fixt 
resolutions and positive answers as soon as possible which I confirm by this String of Wampum 

Gave a String of Wampum 

Upon receiving this answer. Sir W'" Johnson summoned a Council of the Heads of the G 
Nations present, and acquainted them with the reply he intended to make to it, asked their 
opinion upon.it and told them that he expected they should second him therein 

Upon which they said 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

You have called a Meeting of some of every Nation here present, and acquainted us with the 
reply you intend to make to the Delaware King and desired our'opinion upon it, and that we 
would join with you in concerting measures for your further Proceedings with regard to him 
and his People 

Brother 

Had we been apprized at Onondaga that you would have received such a kind of Answer as 
the Delaware cheif has made to you more of our Sachems and Warriors would have come 
down with us in order to have assisted at this meeting but we all apprehended at Onondaga 
that matters were in a fair way of being happily and speedily accomodated, and therefore but 
few of us came down, however we shall take upon us to speak to these People and prepare 
them for what you intend to say to them, at the same time pressing it upon them to declare 
their real Intentions 

They did accordingly go to the Tent of the Delaware King, and after some time returned to 
Sir William and reported that they had fulfilled their promise and told the Delaware cheif that 
they expected he should tomorrow morning explain himself clearly upon what Sir William had 
and would further say to him 

Thus ended the first days conference 

Fort Johnson 11 July 1756 A M. 
Sir William Johnsons Reply to the Delaware Kings answer of yesterday 

Present — as before and the same Forms observed as yesterday 

Brother 

From what passed at the meeting with the C Nations Delegates at Otsiningo, and in 
consequence of your Message to me by them, I did not in the least doubt when you came to 
Onondaga you were come with full Powers, and an impatient desire to accomodate all matters 
of ditierence between your People and the English, what you yesterday answered is somewhat 
surpriseing and appaars mysterious to me As your nation have been the agressors and we the 
English the injured Party, a Delay at this time on your side does by no means look well, 



156 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

and doth not carry with it that Face of Candour, which all His Majestys subjects in his injured 
Provinces expected from your Nation at this meeting. 

I must tell you, that the present state of affairs, between us and your people, requires a 
speedy and determinate issue. I have received accounts that the late Hostilities are still 
continued by some of your people and it will be requisite that without delay, you do explain 
yourself in behalf of your Nation, in such an explicit and satisfactory Manner, that his 
Majestys injured Provinces may know what Part is proper for them to act, and you may depend 
upon it, that they will not continue tamely to bear the Bloody Injuries, which they have for 
some time past suffered Gave a Belt 

After some time recollecting himself the Delaware King replyed as follows 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

This Belt [holding up a large Belt] I received last Winter from the Oneida Delegates who 
at the same time called upon us to know what we meant by our hostile Behaviour to our 
Bretheren the English, and admonish** us to stop from committing any further hostilities on 
them ; I and my people at Tiyaogo did hereupon immediately lay down the Hatchet and have 
not made use of it since. The same Belt and Message we sent to our Bretheren, who live 
near Fort Duquesne the Returned the Belt without giving any answer, and brother I can only 
engage for myself and my own people who live at Tiyaogo for we and those other are of 
different Tribes. As for me and my People we shall always keep our eyes fixed on our Uncles 
the 6 Nations and their example shall regulate our conduct 

Brother 

We shall preserve this said Belt, as a Testimony of the engagements we have now entered 
into, and as a constant restraint upon our Warriors against their violating them 

Brother 

You told us yesterday that you were inclined to beleive our people had been deluded and 
seduced by the French it is very true Brother, The French and the Delaware Indians, who 
now live among them did come and put the Devil into our Fighters, and it was then impossible 
for me and our old People, to restrain them from their rash and evil Deeds. 

This is the truth and the cheif cause ; besides as we knew several of the 6 Nations were 

engaged with the French on the Ohio against the English, we thought it had been agreed to 

by the 6 Nations in general till their Delegates last winter convinced us to the contrary; By 

this Belt in behalf of my people I confirm all I have now promised and told you — 

Gave a Belt 
Brother 

Our Nation I have already said have complyed to your remonstrances & the admonitions of 
our Uncles the 6 Nations and which I have confirmed with a Belt of Wampum 

Brother 

It gives me great pleasure to see so many of my Bretheren (meaning the Mohikanders or 
River Indians, who are originally the same Nation and speak the same language) here present 
and under your Protection 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. I57 

Brother 

Our L'ncles the 6 Nations fixt us at Tiaoga' and lij^Iited a Council Fire there, and I and my 
People are detern)in'd to remain there and we will use our utmost endeavours, to draw back 
thither those of our People, who have strayed from thence ; what passed in the days of our 
auncestors and since we have lost our ancient counsellors we are ignorant of and our Uncles 
the Six Nations have not taken due care to refresh our Memories nor to remind us properly 
of our several engagements. We are looked upon as Women, and therefore when the French 
come amongst us, is it to be wondered that they are able to seduce us. But now the G Nations 
begins to take notice of us and have put us in mind of our ancient engagements, we shall keep 
in the right Path, with this Belt I confirm what 1 have now said — Gave a large Belt 

Brother 

You have heard what I have already said, give attention to what I am now going to say. 

I can not help repeating to you Brother the very sensible pleasure it gives me to see so 
many of my own Flesh and Blood here ( : the River Indians:) you told them you would 
take care of them, and be their Friend. I have seen your promise faithfully & punctually 
fulfilled [Sir William had cloathed & armed a number of these River Indians before he went 
to Onondaga, a party of which attended him thither and since his return had done the same to 
fifty more, who came to his house during his absence most of these were now present] 

Brother as you have done this I think myself obliged, to return to you those few of your 
Flesh and blood (: meaning the English Prisoners taken from the Frontiers of the Provinces) 
who are amongst our people and given to us 

Brother 

I have told you that my people will follow the example of the 6 Nations and I now once 
more assure you of the Sincerity of my Intentions, and we once again take hold of the Covenant 
Chain which binds together ourBretheren the English and our Uncles the 6 Nations and at the 
same time I do now in behalf of myself and my people here in your presence throw out all 
the Poison, with which the French did infect us and we are very sorry and do unfeignedly 
repent of all past offences — By this Belt I solemnly confirm all I have now promised — Cave a 
Covenant Chain Belt which when Sir William had accepted the Delaware King rose up, came 
to him and shook hands with Sir William the Secretary and all the White Persons present 

The Shawanese King then spoke as follows 
Brother Warraghiyagey 

I am exceedingly rejoiced to hear what the Delaware King hath now said to you 
I and my people have always listned to our Bretheren the 5 Nations and conducted ourselves 
according to their advice we were first settled at Wyoming but upon our Brothers application 
we left that Place and came and settled on a Branch of the Susquehanna 

Brother 

You may naturally conclude, we could have no bad Intention towards our Bretheren the 
English by our removing nearer to them, and I assure you that we neither have been nor will 
be concern'd in any Hostilities against them, I have on the contrary always used my best 

' See note, ntpra, p. 110. — Ed. 



158 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

endeavours to dissuade such of the Shawanese who live on the Oliio, to refrain from all Hostile 
Acts against the English, and I shall continue to pursue the same endeavours 

Gave 2 Strings of Wampum 

Eod: Die. P: M: 

Sir William Johnson having this morning received his Majestys Patent creating him a 
Baronet of Great Britain together with his Commission as sole Agent and Superinteiidant of 
the affairs of the 6 Nations &" acquainted all the Indians present with it, and shewed them the 
said Patent and commission upon which they gave a loud & unanimous shout 

After which he addressed himself to the 6 Nation cheifs & Warriors present He told them 
that as his appointment to the sole Management of their affairs was in a great measure owing 
to their ernest repeated and united request he hoped their future conduct, would give his 
Majesty no cause to repent of his gracious compliance with their said request and that he 
should on his Part to the utmost of his abilities fulfill the great Trust reposed in him, to the 
advaneem' of his Majestys service and the real welfare of the Six Nations and their allies 
and which he should always consider as inseperabie, whilst they behaved dutiful to the Great 
King their Father, and faithful to their engagements. 

A Seneca Cheif then rose up and returned the hearty thanks of the 6 Nations to the Great 
King their father for granting their request; He then congratulated S"' William on the honors 
conferred on him, and the great Trust reposed in him, and said they now looked upoa 
themselves as a happy People, not doubting but Sir William would continue to be their faithful 
Brother and affectionate friend »kc'' 

A Tub of Punch was then brought in, and Sir William drank His Majestys health, and 
success to his arms, afterwards Prosperity and Harmony to the 6 Nations and all their allies 

When this ceremony was concluded Sir William made the following speech to the Shawanese 
and Delaware Nations which was cheifly directed to the Delaware King 

Bretheren 

The acknowledgements of your errors, the promises you have made, and the engagements 
you have this morning so publickly and so solemnly entered into have given me great 
Satisfaction — Your Resolutions of governing your future proceedings by the advice and 
example of your Bretheren & Uncles of the five Nations, is extreamly prudent and very 
pleasing to me 

The promise which the Delaware King has made in behalf of his People to deliver up what 
Prisoners of your Bretheren the English have been given to them I look upon as a convincing 
proof of the sincerity of all he hath said, and the sooner this is done the better as it will be a 
demonstration to all your Bretheren the English that you are returned to your ancient 
peacable and friendly dispositions towards them 

Bretheren 

As I now look upon all affairs to be happily settled between us, and every Wound healed I 
do by this Belt in the name of the Great King of England your Father, and in the behalf of all 
his subjects on this continent, renew strengthen and brighten the Covenant Chain of Peace 
Friendship and alliance, and I hope that it will subsist between us with unbroken harmony 
to the latest ages ; and I desire that you will send this Belt to your Bretheren on the Ohio 
and else where to invite them to put their hands into it Gave the Covenant Chain Belt 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 159 

Bretheren 

As I am sensible your bunting is impeded by the present troublesome times, and by tliat 
means you must be in want of many Necessaries. I do by virtue of tiie King your Faliiers 
pleasure, signified to me in favor of all bis dutiful and faithful children promise to assist your 
necessary wants and when any of your people come to me on that occasion I will supply them 
and when the G Nations are called down to receive any public present, which his Majesty may 
send for his good children the Indians, I shall take care to give you notice & invite you and 
this may perhaps speedily happen Gave 3 Strings of Wampum 

Bretheren 

You have assured me, that you have determined to keep your eyes fixed on your Bretheren 

the 5 Nations and regulate your conduct by theirs; as you therefore know that they have 
taken up the Hatchet in conjunction with your Bretheren the English, and are determined to 
join His Matys arms against the French and all their adherents, I expect and doubt not, but 
you will cooperate with them and us in this necessary and just vindication of our common 
rights and Properties, against those treacherous and faithless invaders of them ; 1 therefore 
now oiler you the War Belt Cave the War Belt 

A Seneca cheif laid hold of it, sung the War song and danced. The Shawanese King did 
so next, and then the Delaware King with remarkable warmth ; after that the cheif Warriors 
of the River Indians danced and sung, and so it went round through every nation at the 
Meeting, and at night there was a grand War dance at which were present above 150 Indians, 
Sachems and Warriors and they continued dancing till morning 

Thus ended the second days conference 

Fort Johnson IS"- July 1756 
Present — as before 

Interpreters M' Montour and M*" Clement 

The Answer of the Mohickanders or River Indians to S' Williams speech to them the 9"" Inst. 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We return you our unfeigned thanks, that you turned your thoughts towards us, and took 
us as it were by the hand and brought us up hither, and that you sent a person on purpose to 
conduct and provide for us, we found no obstructions in our way but the road was smooth and 
pleasant. It gives us also great pleasure to see so many of our uncles of the 6 Nations here 
at this Fire IMace and also our own cheifs (meaning the Delaware King &c) and — Bretheren 
we are sincerely rejoiced to see these our Rehtions acting together in so harmonious a manner 
and we do by this Beit assure you Brother, that we join in this Harmony and shall endeavour 
to secure & promote it by stedfastly acting in concert with them, and the longer we live the 
more firm we hope this happy union will subsist between us all — 

Gave a large painted Belt. 

S' William replyed 

Bretheren 

What you now have said, is extreamly satisfactory to me and I doubt not it is so to your 
uncles the 6 Nations, I persuade myself you will always act up to your Professions, which 
will obtain the Great King your Fathers favor, and my care of you. and this assurance I now 
give you in the presence of your uncles the C Nations 



160 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Sir William then retired with some Sachems of the 6 Nations asked their opinion, and did 
with their concurrence on his return make the following Speech 

Bretheren of the Delaware & Mohickander Nations 

111 consideration of the Promises you have made, and the solemn engagements you have now 
entered into, and in full confidence of your future suitable behavior I do in the name of the 
Great King of England your Father, declare, that henceforward you are to be considered as 
Men by all your Bretheren the English and no longer as women and I hope that your Bretheren 
of the Six Nations will take it into consideration follow my example and remove this invidious 
distinction, which I shall recommend to them Gave a Belt hereupon and put Medals 

round the necks of the Shawanese and Delaware cheifs, and also to the cheif Sachem of the 
River Indians accompanied with the usual exhortation, also gave silver Gorgets to some of 
their head Warriors 

When this ceremony was ended S'^ William acquainted them, that he had this morning sent 
an express, to General Abercrombie at Albany, desiring him to advertise the Southern 
Governments, that all matters were happily concluded and settled, with the Delaware and 
Shawanese Indians, and told them that if in their return home, or at any time they should meet 
or know of any parties of French or Indians going against any of the English Settlements, if 
they were not strong enough to hinder them, they should give the most speedy Notice possible 
to their Bretheren, to be on their Guard that this would be a convincing Proof of their 
brotherly affection & Friendship 

This the faithfully promised to do • 

The fire was then covered and an end put to all public business 

At night they had the War dance again at which all the Nations were present and assisted 

So ended 

A : M: Albany July 19. 1756 
Some Sachems and Warriors of the Six Nations, and of the River Indians who attended 
Sir William Johnson to this City, having desired to see Major General Abercrombie and Sir 
Charles Hardy, They appointed this morning for the interview, at which were 

Present — Sir William Johnson Lieut Col: Page, Major Halket, 

Col Webb, Lt Coll Burton Capt" Abercrombie' &c &c. 

Interpreters M' Montour M' Stevens M' Clement 
Peter Wraxal Secretary. 

Canadagaye cheif Sachem of the Lower Mohawk Castle spoke for the Indians, and said as 
follows, addressing himself to General Abercrombie and Sir Charles Hardy 

' James Abercrombie was promoted to a captaincy in the 4'2d, or first Battallion of Royal Highlanders, on the 16th 
February, 1756. On the 5th May, 1759, he was appointed aid-de-camp to Major-General Amherst, with whom he made the 
campaigns of that and the following year. On the 25th of July, 1760, he was appointed Major of the 78th or second 
Highland Battallion, and in September following, was employed by General Amherst in communicating to the Marquis de 
Vaudreuil the conditions preparatory to the surrender of Montreal and in obtaining the signature of that Governor to them. 
Knox's Journal. The 78th Regiment having been disbanded in 1763, Major Abercrombie retired on half pay. On 27th March, 
1770, he again entered active service as LieutenantrColonel of the 22d Regiment, then serving in America under the command 
of Lieutenant-General Gage, aad was tilled in the memorable Battle of Bunker Hill, on the 17tli June, 1776. — Ed. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS : XXXIII. lf,l 

Bretheren 

By these Strings of Wampum, we do in particular to you the General who is lately arrived 
in this country, after the Fatigues and dangers of a long voyage refresh you upon the 
same, clear your Throat and wipe away from tliis IMace all sort of Defilement, which the Blood 
that hath been lately spilt, may have made and make it decent and comfortable to you The 
Governor we had a glympse of last fall, and we do again welcome him to this country — 

Gave 4 Strings of Wampum 
Brother (addressing themselves to the Genl) 

As it hath pleased God to bring you in health and safety hither, our Warriors here present 
were impatient to see you in order to tell you, that their Loins are girt, their Packs on their 
Backs, and only wait to be called upon in order to join His Majestys Troups against the 
enemy. They hope you will proceed with more vigor and show yourself in a more formidable 
Light, than has been hitherto done, and the G Nations hold themselves in readiness to join and 
assist his Majestys arms, in driving off the invaders of our country, and unless you do proceed 
with Vigor and despatch we are afraid more and more of our country, will (all into the enemys 
hands, and therefore by this Belt we desire you will exert yourself accordingly, and you 
may depend on the assistance of the 6 Nations Gave a Broad Celt 

The General then and S' Chas. Hardy returned the ceremony of welcome to them and gave 

4 Strings of Wampum 

Sir William then told them in the Generals Name, that he was glad to see so many of their 
Sachems and Warriors together, and obliged to them for this visit that their readiness and 
Declaration of joining His Majestys arms, was extreemly satisfactory to him — That they might 
depend every thing would be put in the greatest forwardness, and most formidable posture to 
reduce the common enemy to justice, and secure their country and His Majestys Dominions — 
That the King their Father had sent over an other General with a large body of Troops, who 
was hourly expected, and on his arrival would take on him the cheif command & they might 
assure themselves that the most prudent and vigorous measures would be taken against the 
enemy, and that no time would be lost in putting them into effect. And in confirmal" of 
this he gave them A Belt of Wampum 

The Indians during the Speech gave their Marks of approbation & seemed extreemly pleased 
& an Oneida Warrior took up the Generals Belt & danced the War dance which was followed 
by several more They General treated them all with Wine to drink the Kings Health 

A true Copy from the Records of 

S' William Johnsons Indian Proceedings 

Examined by me 

Peter Wkaxall 

Seer'. 
Fort Johnson 10 Sep. 175G 



Vol. VH. 21 



162 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Lords of Trade to the Governors in America. 

[ Plantations General Entries, No. 44, p. 123. ] 

Circular letter to all the Governors in America 
Sir 

It having been represented to His Majesty, that the several Islands and Colonies belonging 
to the French in America have in times of War, been frequently supplyed with Provisions of 
various kinds by means of the Trade carried on from his Majesty's Islands and Colonies to the 
Colonies and Settlements belonging to the Dutch and other neutral powers ; It is His Majesty's 
Pleasure that you do forthwith upon the receipt of this order, give immediate directions that 
an Embargo be laid during His Majesty's Pleasure upon all Ships and Vessels clearing out with 
provisions from any Port or Phice within your Government, except those which shall be 
employ'd in carrying Provisions to any other of Hi's Majestys Colonies or Plantations, wliich 
Ship or Vessels are to be allowed to sail from time to time, provided that the Masters or 
owners do before they are permitted to take any Provisions on Board enter into Bonds (with 
two sureties of known residence there and ability to answer the Penalty) with the Chief Officers 
of the Customs of the Ports or Places from whence such Ships or Vessels shall set sail, to the 
value of .£1000 if the Siiip be of less burthen than 100 tons and of the Sum of .£2000 if above 
that burthen that the Cargos of such Ships or Vessels, the particulars of which are to be 
express'd in the Bonds, shall not be landed in any other Ports or places, than such as belong 
to his Majesty or are in possession of His Subjects and that they will within twelve months 
after the date thereof, the danger of the Seas excepted produce certificates under the hands 
and Seals of the principal Officers of the Customs at such ports or places, for which such Ships 
or Vessels cleared out, that the said Cargoes expressing the particulars thereof have actually 
been landed there and when there shall be cause to suspect that such certificates are false and 
counterfeit you shall take especial care that such security be not cancelled or vacated until! 
you shall have been informed from the said principal Officers of the Customs that the matter 
and contents thereof are just and true, and in case the Masters or owners of such ships or 
Vessells shall not produce the said certificates within the time limited, you are to attest the 
copies of such Bonds under your hand and Seal and to cause prosecution thereof; and you are 
also to give directions, that no person be admitted to be Security for another who has Bonds 
standing out undischarged, unless to be esteemed responsible for more than the value of 
such Bonds. 

And in order the more fully to answer his Majesty's intention of distressing the enemy and to 
render his orders herein the more effectual you are to take care in case the Masters or Owners 
of any Sliips or Vessels having cleared out from the Colony under your Government laden 
with provisions from any of his Majesty's other Colonies or Islands, shall be detected in 
causing Collusive Captures to be made of the cargoes that the severest penalties be inflicted 
upon the offenders which the laws will in such case allow of. 

We are Sir 

Your most obed' humble Serv" 
Dunk Halifax 
Whitehall Andrew Stone 

Ocf 9, 175G. James Oswald 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 1G3 

Governor Hardy to the Lords of Trade. 

tNow-Tork Papore, U., No. 86.] 

Fort George, New York, 13 October 1756 
My Lorcls, 

In my last to your Lordsliips of tlie 5"' of September I acquainted you that the General 
Assembly was to meet the ai". I now enclose you my speech upon the opening the fjession, 
with tiie addresses of the Council and General Assembly. I was in hopes 1 should have been 
able by this Packet to have informed you how farr they have proceeded on the several points 
I have recommended to them, but find by the Minutes of the Assembly they are not so forward 
as to enable me to say with certainty what they will do. I find they have passed a Bill for 
quartering His Majesty's troops, but of such a Complexion that will require great amendment, 
which I shall endeavour to obtain. They have also brought in Bills for a Stamp duty, and 
Excise upon Tea, which I hope may raise a good fund for Cancelling Bills of Credit. 

Your Lordships may observe 1 have pointed out to the General Assembly how inadequate 
the salaries are to His Majesty's Governor and other oflicers of Government, This I judged 
highly proper, and have given some of them to understand, in private Conversation, that I do 
expect they grant me the full salary, and make up the deficiency of ^15(50 this currency, which 
amounts to no more at the present exchange than £S6G Sterling. Plow farr I shall be able to 
prevail with them in this particular I do not know, They have it now under consideration, and 
I shall not fail of urging them to a compliance, which if they refuse I hope I shall have your 
Lordships' Concurrence in refusing to assent to their Bill for the support of Government. 

I have not yet laid hefore the General Assembly His Majesty's directions, (signified to me 
by Your Lordships' letter of the 13"" of April last,) for their making provision for determining 
the lines in dispute between this I'rovince and that of the Massachusetts Bay, and New Jersey, 
as 1 judged the present business before them of more consequence to the public service, which 
wiien finished, I shall give all due attention to your Lordships' directions in this and every 
other particular. 

On the 6"" Instant, T received by the Generall Wall Packet, His Majesty's Additional 
Instructions hearing date the 5"" of July last, to hinder all correspondence with the subjects of 
the French King, and to prevent any provisions or warlike Stores being carried from this 
Province to the French Colonies or Plantations. I shall strictly adhere to his Majesty's 
pleasure in these particulars, and your Lordships' letter of the 29"" July. To prevent the 
French Islands being supplied with provisions by means of the Dutch and Danish Islands, I 
prevailed on the neighboring Provision Colonies to concur with this in passing Laws to 
prohibit the Exportation to any of those Islands. But I found great difficulty in getting them 
to continue those laws beyond a limited time. I then proposed to the severall Governors to 
continue the prohibition by orders of Governor and Council, and sent them a copy of such an 
order I made, which still continues in force, but could not prevail with them. And I must beg 
leave to observe to your Lordships that it is to no purpose for one Colony to lay a prohibition, 
if the others are not obliged to do the same, and that if some measures are not taken to 
compel them to it, the French will never want supplies by means of the Neutral Islands. As 
I took some pains on this point this spring, so I strictly examined some Masters of Vessels 
from S' Euslatia, from whom I learned that several vessels arrived at that Island, with 



164 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

provisions from the Ports of Ireland. If this is not stopped, I am afraid Prohibitory laws in 

the Colonies will not answer this salutary purpose. 

I this day received a letter from Lord Loudoun, dated the 9"" instant, at Fort Edward, with 

nothing particular in it, but some letters from some of the Officers who were taken Prisoners, 

by which we learn they are well, and well treated. They are soon to be removed to Quebec. 

By these letters it appears that Lieut Colonel Mercer, and Delacour of the Artillery were 

killed, and about 12, or 14 men. These letters were brought from Montreal by an Indian, and 

hung upon a tree near Fort William Henry. 

I have the honor to be 
Your Lordships 
The Right Honorable, most obedient & 

The Lords Commissioners Most humble servant 

for Trade & Plantations. Cha' Hardy. 



Governor Hardy to the Lords of Trade. 

[New-Tork Papers, LI., No. 61.] 

Fort George New York 27 Oct 1756 
My Lords 

in my letter to you of the G"" of January last I transmitted to your Ldps an account of the 
number of Cannon in this Province. Since that time the works then in hand in this city are 
compleated and the Cannon mounted as far as they will go, several burst in proving, which 
added to G eighteen Pounders I sent to Albany at General Abercrombies request, has greatly 
reduced our numbers, as the inclosed will more fully inform you 

Fort George has gone through great repairs and is now compleated — Two side & three 
Bastions Command the Rivers leading to the City, and should properly have heavy Cannon 
mounted, for the defence of the Harbour. Your Lordships will please to observe, they are all 
but one 12 & 9 pounders, pour ordinance for such a defence In the spring other works are to 
be constructed in the east River for the defence of the Harbour, that will require twenty or 
twenty four, twenty four Pounders. 

It will be highly proper to put this Province into a state of Defence from any attack by Sea, 
that some heavy Cannon should be mounted in the Narrows, and upon Nutten Island, a 
Ground, if the enemy should attempt this Country with a Fleet, they will make themselves 
Masters and from whence they can easily bombard this city. Twenty four Pieces of Cannon 
may be sufficient for those two Posts 

Having now laid before your Lordships the state of this city with respect to its fortifications 
compleated and to be constructed the number of Cannon now mounted & wanted, I must beg 
leave in behalf of this Province, to beg your Lordships will please to take the same, into your 
consideration and to pray your Lordships intercession with His Majesty, that we may be 
furnisht with the Cannon wanted to compleat our Works when finished togetiier with a 
proportion of Bali and impliments for the same I would beg leave to add, that we have not 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXTTI. 1G5 

one mortar or Cohorn, all which I hope your Lordships will judge necessary for the defence 

of this valiiiiblc Colony should any attt-nipt he made upon it 

I have not lately heard from Lord Loudoun, who I am informed is return'^ to Fort Edward 

from Fort William Henry where he stayed three or four days, every thing appears very quiet 

in that quarter 

As many of the Gentlemen of His Majestys Council, are of the Bench, or advocates, and the 

Supreme Court silting, the Council have not been able to meet, to consider and go through 

the several Bills, sent up from the General Assembly, so that 1 can not inform your Lordships 

of them 

I have the honor to be 
Your Lordships 
To the Rt Honorable most obedient and most 

The Lords Comm" for humble servant 

Trade & Plantations Cuas Hardv 



Heverend William Smith to tJie Might Reverend Dr. Seeker. 

[" AmerictD Colonies MS." Lambeth Palace, No. IIM, 11., No. 105.] 

My Lord 

The Misery and distress of this unhappy province, bleeding under the Murderous knives of 
a savage enemy, instigated and led on by popish cruelty, have been so unspeakably great, and 
the confusions arising from a Quaker Government, obstinately persevering in their absurd 
pacific Polity, while the sword of the enemy was at our throats, have so thoroughly engrossed 
my attention, and engaged my weak endeavours to defeat such wicked principles, and procure 
relief to a miserable people; that I hope to be excused for not having sooner returned my 
humble acknowledgements for the honour of Your Lordship's letter of P'ebruary the first, J 755, 
by the Reverend M' Barton. 

I am extremely rejoiced that the worthy Society are so well convinced of the importance 
of sending Missionaries to the Frontier of our Colonies ; and that they took in good part my 
endeavours to set that matter in a true and striking point of view. The more I consider it, 
the more I see its importance to the Protestant interest. If the people of the Frontiers were 
duly sensible of our inestimable priviliges, and animated with the true spirit of Protestantism, 
they would be as a wall of brass round these Colonies; and would rise with a noble ardour to 
oppose every attempt of a heathen or popish enemy against us. For none were ever brave 
without some principle or another to animate their conduct; and of all principles, surely a 
rational sense of British freedom and the purity of our holy religion, is the noblest. Indeed 
nothing but such a sense propagated and spread to the utmost verge of our Colonies, can keep 
our people from being drawn olf and mixing with our popish enemies the French, who are still 
coming nearer and nearer to us and have lately planted a fine Colony of German and other 
Catholics on the Ohio, near where it falls into the Mi.'ssissippi; from whence they now supply 
all their Garrisons on that river, and which will undoubtedly prove a drain or colluvies to 
receive many of our disafl'ected Germans and others. 



166 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

It was from apprehensions of this kind, that I took the liberty to write so fully to the Society 
when Ar Barton went for holy orders ; and since that we have still farther accounts of the 
growing state of the said French-German Colony. It was from the same apprehensions I so 
warmly pressed, and so earnestly engaged in, the scheme for planting English schools among 
our Germans, which now flourish as well as the distracted state of the Country permits; and 
Your Lordship may depend, that they shall always be conducted with "a due regard to the 
interests of the Church of England." For, in truth, it is but one part of the same noble 
scheme in which the venerable Society are engaged ; and wherever there are Missionaries near 
any of tiie schools, they are either employed as Masters or named among the deputy trustees and 
Managers of the school. In short, till we can succeed in making our Germans speak English 
and become good Protestants, I doubt we shall never have a firm hold of them. For this 
reason, the extending the means of their instruction, as far as they extend their settlement is 
a matter that deserves our most attentive consideration. I am pleased therefore that your 
Lordship, and the Society, have given me leave to mention such otiier places on the frontiers 
as may be fit to place Missionaries in, so that the Kingdom of Christ may keep pace in its 
growth, with the growth of the English Colonies. This liberty 1 shall not fail to make due 
use of and likewise to offer a scheme for uniting with the church, all the German Lutherans 
of this Country; which I am sure would easily take effect. But this is not the time for 
anything of that nature. Our frontiers at present are so far from extending themselves, or 
wanting the erection of New Missions, that I fear some of those already erected must fall. 
Poor M'' Barton' has stood it upwards of a year, at the risk of his life, like a good Soldier of 
Jesus Christ, sometimes heading his people in the character of a clergyman, and sometimes in 
that of a Captain, being often obliged when they should go to church, to gird on their swords 
and go against the enemy. If he and two worthy presbyterian Ministers, had not stood it out, 
I believe all the parts beyond Susquehanah, where his Mission lies, would have been long ago 
deserted. I ventured out three weeks ago to visit him and some of our German schools in his 
neighbourhood, and found him universally beloved by his people. But their love is the most 
they can give him in their present distrest state; and therefore I wish your Lordship would 
move the honourable Society, to make him some gratuity above his Salary in these troublesome 
times. I am sure he both wants and deserves it. 

I enclose a letter which I sent him after Braddock's defeat, and which he printed with a 
Sermon. I hope Your Lordship will think it worth perusal, as it agrees so nearly with the 
sentiments contained in the excellent instructions lately sent over from the Society — But alas! 
we are here in a sad situation. To meddle with the duty of defence, or paying taxes, or 
supporting our invaluable rights, will in this province infallibly expose us to party rage. The 
Quakers, although their own preachers dare publicly propagate notions of non-resistance, 
non-payment of taxes, and other rebellious doctrines, yet they are sure to wreak their utmost 

' Reverend Thomas Barton was a native of Ireland and a graduate of Trinitj' College, Dublin. After coming to this 
country, he was employed as an assistant in the College of Pliiladelphia for more than two years. He married, in 1753, the 
sister of David Ritlenhoiise, the di3tingui.-ihed astronomer, and in 1751, went to England, wlit^re he received Holy Orders; 
was appointed a Mis.-ioiiary to the western i>art of Pennsylvania, and resided in Reading township, near York, from 1755 to 
n.'ia. He was ehapluin to General Forties' expedition against Fort Duquesne, in 1758, and afterwards reranved to Lancaster, 
where he resided ms Rector until 1778, when he was ol>li;;e 1, in consequence of his adiierence to the Royal cause, to remove 
to the city of New-Vorii, where he died on the 25th May, 17&i>. at the age of 50 years. William Barton, author of the 
Memoirs of Rittenhouse. and Benjamin Smith Barton, M. D., the well known professor of the University of Pennsylvania, were 
eons of the rector of Lancaster. — Ed. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. I57 

vengeance against us, if we venture, in consequence of our duty, to oppose such poisonous 
tenets. I have ever been exposed to tiie IMartyrdoui of my character on this account; but I 
remain yet uniiurt; and were it otherwise, I should glory in suttering in so good a cause. It 
is true, I siiall never meddle otherwise in suqh matters, than becomes a good sul)ject, who is 
a friend to Government, yet at the same time I scorn to burn incense on the altar of 
popular folly, or to be a silent spectator of my country's ruin. To conceive Your Lordship, 
however, with what temper I have managed my part of the opposition to such destructive 
tenets, I enclose a paper called Plain Truth, which I hope your Lordship will also peruse, as it 
will give a most striking representation of the present state of the province, and the moderation 
as well as warmth of those arguments by which we are obliged to combat the doctrines that 
have so long most unnaturally tied up our hands, and exposed us to be passively slaughtered 
by a cruel foe. — 

I had the honor to receive a letter lately from the Rev"" D'' Bearcroft' in name of the Society, 
relating to a plan for educating some Indian Children at the College and Academy of 
Philadelphia. This I think a most excellent proposal and perfectly agreeable to the great 
original design of the Society; namely — "The glorifying the name of Jm!«, by the further 
enlargement of his church, and particularly the spreading his everlasting gospel among the 
heathen natives of America, as well by instructing and civilizing those of them that are grown 
up, as by laying a foundation for educating, clothing and training up their children in the 
knowledge of morality, true religion, the English tongue, and in some trade, mystery or lawful 
calling, should they be disposed to follow it." This the Society have been frecjuenlly 
attempting in various places, and though God has not yet been pleased to grant any remarkable 
degree of success, yet still the design is worthy of being persisted in. For if ever the savages 
are converted to Christianity, their conversion must begin among the rising generation by a 
more general education of their children, since the few that have been hitherto educated by 
us, are but as a drop of tincture thrown into a large collection of waters, and lost therein; 
being too inconsiderable to have any effect. It would be well, therefore, if in every Colony 
bordering on any Indian Nations, there were a provision for educating such of their Children 
as can be persuaded to accept o( it, and the more publicly this is done, so much the better; 
who knows the time when, or the means by which, the Lord may be pleased to bless the great 
work. If hut one savage should be truly illuminated with the true spirit of Christianity, it is 
worth all the expense — Perhaps even that one might convert thousands — and after all, if 
they should return, like the sow to her wallowing in the mire yet still their being publicly 
educated among us, will give them connections with us, and at least leave some impressions of 
humanity among them especially to such of us as they may have known at school 

The great dilKculty is to persuade them to accept of such an offer. The Government must 
be security for their good treatment; and none but the provincial interpreters with the credit 
of our Governors and great men, can prevail on them to trust us with their children. In this 
view, the College and Academy of Philadelphia has a fair chance. The province have never 
broke faith with the Indians, and the chief men in the province are engaged in the trust and 
direction of our Academy. We have now two Indian Children of a considerable family who 
have been at it these two years, and can now read and write English &c and if any body can 
engage more to come, it is iNP Weiser our interpreter and the credit of the Trustees of the 

* Rev. PuiLip Bbarckoj-t, D. D., succeedeJ Dr. Humpliroys as SccreUry of the Society for the Propagation of the Gogpcl ia 
Foreign parts, in 1739, and filled the office until 1761. —Ed. 



168 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Academy. As I have the honor to be Provost of it, nothing shall be vcanting on my part in so 
good a work. I have mentioned the terms to D' Bearcroft more fully, to which I beg leave 
to refer Your Lordship for such points as are not here mentioned, and perhaps this letter may 
be of use with regard to some things I have not had time to mention in his. I enclose a view 
of the College-part of our institution by which your Lordship will see that our plan is an 
extensive and liberal one. The Academy is the lower part of it, confined to the English 
language, writing and the mechanic arts. 

The bearer of this is the Rev"* M' Israel Acrelius, a learned Swede, who has been several 
years Commissary to the Swedish Congregations on Delaware, and now returns to considerable 
preferment in his own Country, as a reward of his faithful labours. He is well entitled to the 
honour of Your Lordship's Notice, and knows the state of all the Missions in this province 
perfectly well. There is a good deal of confusion in some of them, and as he is an impartial 
person, his account will no doubt be of weight should he be called upon. He has often 
preached in English, and made use of our service. His chief abode was near Newcastle, 
which now apply to have M' Cleveland for a Missionary, as he could not find admittance at 
Lewes, whither he was sent by the Society, which deserves no further notice till they discharge 
the disorderly and worthless man who has excluded M' Cleveland. The people of Newcastle 
are very fond of M' Cleveland ' and he is a worthy man, and will prevent the church from going 
to pieces, as I fear it otherwise will, if three or four removes are made in our Missions, which 
I hear proposed, without any good reason that I can learn. There are many other circumstances 
that deserve consideration before such removes are made, which I have no call to mention, as 
I am but little connected with what relates to Missionaries — I leave all to M' Acrelius^ who 
will be on the spot, and can have no interest in being partial, as he is never to return to 
this place. 

I hope Your Lordship will excuse the length of this letter, and take in good part the freedom 
wherewith I speak my honest sentiments, relating to the weighty subjects it treats of. When 
Your Lordship can spare a few Moments from the important duties of your station, to favor 
me with any future commands in return to this (which I shall earnestly expect) the Honourable 
Mr Penn, at his house in spring Garden will find means to convey it. I have the honour to be 

My Lord 
Philadelphia Your Lordship's most 

Nov' P' 1756 dutiful Son & Servant 

(signed) William Smith 
My Lord of Oxford — 

'Eeverend Mr. Cleatxland died at Newcastle, Del, of dropsy, in 1757. Society's Abstract for 1758, p. 45. 

' Rev. Isaac Acrelius came to America in Nov. 1749, and resided in this country more than six years. On his retura to 
Sweden, he resumed the pastoral duties at Felliiigsbro, and died in 1800, at the advanced age of 86 years. In the year 
1759, he published a work relating to the early history of tlie stttlements on the Delaware river, entitled " Beskrifning om 
de Svenska Fersainlingars Forno och Narwarande Tilstand, utdet sa kallade Nya Sverige, sedan Nya Nederland, men nu 
fortyden Pennsylvanien, saunt nastliggande orter wid Alfwen Delaware, West Jersey och New Castle County uti Norra 
America. Utigfwen of Israel Acrelius, fordetta Probst ofwer Svenska Forsamlingar i America och Kyrkoherde uti, 
Fellingsbro. Stockholm : 1769." [ Description of the present and former state of the Swedish Congregations in New Sweden 
so called, since New Netherland and now Pennsylvania, and in the neighbouring parts on Delaware Bay, West Jersey and 
New Castle county, in North America. Published by Israel Acrelius, late Provost of the Swedish churches in America, 
and Pastor at Fellingsbro, Stockholm : 1759.] Sm. 4to, pp. 534. This work is divided into eight books; the first three contain 
the civil and political history of the country under the Swedish, Dutch and English governments, to the time wlien the author 
wrote; the five last are devoted to the ecclesiastical affairs of the Swedish congregations. 2 Collections of New- York 
Historiccd Society, I., 402 ; Memoirs of the Pennsylvania Historical Society, III., ix. — Ed. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 1(39 

/Sir William Johnson to tJie Lords of Trade. 

[ Now-Tork I'apcra, LI., No. 81. ] 

My Lords 

The lO"" of Sepf last, I liad the IJoiioi- to write your Lordship.s witli a copy of my 
proceedings at the Congress held at Onondaga and tlie .subsequent Treaty at my Hou.se with 
the Shavvauese and Delaware Indians 

Herewith I transniitt to your Ldps a copy of my Proceedings in Indian affairs from the 21" of 
July to 17 Sept"^ about wiiich time as your Lordship may perceive by the last transaction I 
received my Lord Loudouns orders to collect as great a number of Indians as time and 
circumstances would permit in order to march with him to Fort Edward, and to join His 
Majestys Troops there — Capt" \Vra.\all offered himself to head a party of Indians then at my 
House, in order to escort Lord Loudoun, and marched accordingly with about oO for Albany and 
from thence to Fort Edward a few days after M"' Croghon marched through the woods with 
about 100 more to Fort Edward 1 followed the same Road with about 50 more, leaving orders 
at my House for a number of the upper Indians who were coming down on my summons to 
join me at Fort Edward, but as the Season was far advanced and the enemy leaving the field, 
I received my Lord Loudouns directions to send and stop any more Indians from coming, in 
order to save the consumption of Provisions at Fort Edward, and the other expences which 
would have attended their Proceeding 

By these measures the meeting of the Deputies of the 6 Nations which I mentioned to your 
Lordships in my last letter of the 10"' of Sepf and which I expected would soon take place, 
was retarded The Deputies are now at my house and wait my return from hence to proceed 
upon business, so that I can not as I expected give your Lordships the intelligence I promised, 
it must therefore be deferred to my next letter which I shall write as soon as the depending 
congress is over 

la my last letter I suggested to your Lordships the e.Tects which the loss of Oswego had, 
and would probably have upon the Temper and dispositions of the 6 Nations They have 
indeed many of them of every Nation since that unfortunate surrender gone upon Service and 
joined His Matys Troops, but this hath been with evident reluctancy, with a kind of sulleu 
reserve and void of that spirited Zeal which would have naturally animated them had they 
been heartily disposed towards us. This behaviour was too plainly manifested to escape the 
notice of persons of all Ranks in the army, and was by many in my humble opinion too 
severely and too publickly answered — Tho' I would be far from justifying their Behavior, yet 
I would wish our indignation to be tempered with Prudence and good Policy for those who 
may think their assistance a point of indifie[re]nce, would I beleive were they absolutely to 
turn against us, find them a very consequential enemy. I drop these reflections my Lords 
because I have reason to suspect, that some Dablers in Indian Politicks will transmit to their 
correspondants in England, opinions & Prejudices which may have ill consequences 

Tho' the defeat of Gen' Braddock and the loss of Oswego have greatly contributed to 
confuse and weaken our Indian Interest, yet I am at the same time convinced these are not 
the only causes. I have frequently mentioned it to your Lordships, that liie discontent of the 
Indians in general, and of the G Nations in particular on account of the Ohio and Pensilvania 
Grants and Patents and those which I have formerly named to your Lordships, are some of the 
Vol. VI I. 22 



170 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

most considerable causes of the weakness of our Indian Interest and cheif obstructions to 
the revival and encrease of it. And with regard to the Northern Indians within my Department 
I am clearly of opinion, that unless we are able and so successful as totally to demolish the 
French Power in these Parts, we never shall be able to raise our Indian Interest on a solid and 
respectable Foundation, unless by breaking these Grants and Patents and thereby putting an 
end to the jealousies of the Indians on that account, and depriving the French of their only 
argument with the Indians for their retaining & building Forts in their country; were the 
Indians satisfied with us on this great Point, I am persuaded without the intervention of any 
considerable armament, they would soon put the French under the necessity of abandoning all 
the Forts they have built in the Indian Back Country, when by putting our Trade under proper 
regulations we might tie tlie Indians to us by such strong and natural Ligaments that we 
should have little to fear from the French and at the same time reap unmolested the Profits of 
an immense furr trade 

All this may possibly be effected by Force and conquest, but which of the two measures is 
most eligible, I leave to be determined where it is my duty to leave it, at the same time I beg 
leave to assure your Lordships, that under our present circumstances I shall do my duty in the 
Department His Majesty hath honored and entrusted me with, to the utmost of my abilities, 
with unwearied diligence and strict integrity 

I have my Lords reasons to suspect, that some matters of great importance are on the Tapis, 
between most of the Indians in these parts ; not only those in alliance with us, but with the 
French also, & I have hopes it will turn out to our advantage. At the approaching meeting 
I shall endeavour to penetrate into this affair, and I hope at least to get hold of the clue. 

From some parts of their late conduct, and hints dropped to me from them, I am persuaded 
our Six Nations have somewhat which if not yet ripe will soon be enough so to reveal to me 
and I imagine when this affair opens it will account for a great deal of their recent Behaviour 
which has I confess appeared very mysterious 

Permit me my Lords before I enter upon a new subject to do so much justice to the Indians 
as to remark to your Ldps the services we might have, and have received from their 
intelligence since His INIajestys sword has been drawn in North America 

Had their intelligence been duly regarded and improved upon, Gen' Braddock would not 
probably have been defeated this hath been acknowledged to me by several principal officers 
who were in that service and corroborated by the account I have received from the Indians 

Their intelligence enabled us at Lake George to take those timely measures, to which may 
justly be imputed the Repulse the Baron Dieskau mett with 

Had their intelligence been credited & their advice pursued. Bulls Fort at the Oneida 
carrying Place might have been saved, or at least the Garrison & stores preserved 

From last January to the day before the French attacked Oswego the Indians gave repeated 
intelligence of the designs and motions of the enemy and when the French were but two miles 
from Oswego, they gave the first notice of it to the commanding officer there 

After the surrender of Oswego, the Indians exhorted us to draw our Forces towards Lake 
George and assured us the French had determined to attack Fort William Henry. My Lord 
Loudoun did move the Troops up that way and by Prisoners and other intelligence it has 
appeared that an attack upon Fort William Henry was actually proposed and was prevented 
by my Lords marching the Troops to Fort Edward 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIll. 171 

These Facts in some nu-astire appear from the Indian records which I have and do now 
traiisniitt to your Lordships and I iiave in my hands authentic papers whicli fully confirm them 

Herewith I transmit your Lordships my account of Indian expences from the commencement 
of my present manngem' My Lord Loudoun hath a copy of it, and I have told his Lordship 
that I have vouchers ready to produce for every article the nature of which would admit of one 

I beg leave to assure your Lordships that I have acted on every occasion with all the 
Frugality which the good of the service would permit. The situation of our Indian affairs 
vviien the managem' of them was devolved upon me, and the circumstances of our public 
aftliirs since have in general raised the expence much higher, than I hope it will hereafter be 
as to the 6 Nations, besides which some particular circumstances have added no small sums 
to the amount these I have noted at the Bottom 

Your Ldps may depend that while I have the management of Indian affairs I shall be as 
saving as Prudence & circumstances will allow, and I have and will act will all that integrity 
which is so justly expected of me. — I have the Honor to be &c 

Albany Nov lO'" 1756. W™ Johnson 



Journal of Sir William Johnson\s Proceedings with the Indians. 

[New-Tork Papcre, LI., No. 85.] 

Fort Johnson 21 July. 1766 
Several Onondaga Warriors & Cheifs arrived whom Sir William Johnson cloathed and armed 
22 July. Several Schoharee & Aughquagey Indians arrived, whom Sir William also cloathed 
and armed 

The Schoharee Indians acquainted him, their Fort was almost finished, and would be 
glad to have an officer with whom they were acquainted, and a party of men posted there, for 
the protection of their wives and children, whilst they went out to war with Sir William which 
they said they were waiting for every day — Gave 3 Strings of Wampum 

Sir William assured them they should have an officer and a party of Men there and thanked 
them for the readiness they expressed to join him; he told them he would shortly call all 
their People to his House and cloath and arm the.n, also the River Indians who were settled 
amongst them — 3 Strings 

They returned many thanks and promised the would be always ready at a call 
ii3 July Several Delawares from the Western Branches of the Susquehanna arrived at Fort 
Johnson, and acquainted S' W" that there were about 100 Men of their People by the way, 
and would be here in two days, and that they were sent before to let him know it, that he 
might provide Provisions for them, both at his House and on the Road. He dispatched two 
of them with an order to John Wells at Cherry Valley and to Robert Flint to supply them by 
the way and to tell them he was ready to receive them and would be glad to see them at 
his House 

The same day a son of Bunt an Onondaga Sachem, with Tagagedora a Warrior, and 16 
more Onondaga Indians arrived in order to be cloathed and armed which was accordingly 



172 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

done to their satisfaction — Three sons of the Bunt' in particular had several fine things given 
them, together with laced Hatts as their Father is cheif of the Onondaga and a firm friend to 
the English Interest' 

The returned many thanks, and promised to be ready at any time to join our arms 
The same day Sir William redeemed an English boy taken Prisoner some time last vpinter 
at Juniata, the Indian he bought him from, paid the Indian who took him £5, otherwise tliey 
would have carried him to the French at the Ohio, after paying the boys ransom, Sir William 
cloathed and armed the Indian, and gave his wife cloaths, and they parted greatly pleased and 
promised to remain freinds to the English 

2i July. Cloathed & armed 10 onondagas more to whom S' William gave 10 Bags of Corn, 
a Battoe and cash to purchase sundry necessarys, the cheif mans name was Tekawaghsoweghte, 
Sir W^illiam also threw a large Black Belt, to go and get him a prisoner in the room of Capt" 
Stoddert, killed at the Lake and their great freind which they expected and promised to perform 
as soon as they got home 

25 July Sir William called a Meeting of all the Nations present, viz : Senecas, Cayougaa, 
Onondagas, Oneidas, Tuscaroras, Canajoharies, Mohawks Mohickanders, Delawares, Shawanese, 
Aughquages and Chucknutts, and after the usual complim" and ceremonies he told them that 
as Lord Loudoun was not yet arrived he would have some of the Warriors of the 6 Nations 
go to Canada, and try, whether the Hatchet he lately sharpned for them at Onondaga would 
cut well, if not that he would give it a better edge ( and thereupon delivered a large War Belt :) 
which Thomas an Aughquaga Cheif took and rose up singing the War song, and gave 
assurances he would go and muster his men, and make Trial of it in a very few days, after 
which he delivered it to an Onondaga Cheif to whom S'' William had given a Belt the morning 
before. He answered that he had the Hatchett given by S' William and was going to use it 
as soon as he got to his Castle ; he deliver'' it to the Oneidas and desired they together with 
the other Nations present would make use of it — Then Capt" Montour, whom S' William had 
appointed a Captain of a party of Indians rose up and sung his War Song, and told them all, 
he intended to set oft' for Canada in 3 or 4 days and hoped to be back time enough to join His 
Majestys forces. Sr William order** an entertainment for all the Warriors then present at 
which they danced the War dance; and several joined M'' Montours Party. 

26 July. Sir William Cloathed and armed several Delaware and Shawanese Indians, who 
came from the Southward and told him there were many more by the Road 

Several Indians arrived this day from different Parts, among which were some Tuscaroras, 
who said there were above SO more of that Nation by the way and would be here the 
next day. 

27 July. Six Seneca Warriors (who came with one Abeel an Albany Trader, to help him 
down with a Parcel of Skins, which he fraudulently got in the Seneca country) arrived here 
and told S'' William they were very ill used by one Capt" Williams who was posted at the 
Oneida Carrying Place, that on their arrival there he told them he looked upon them to be in 
the French Interest, and so disarmed them on which they asked him if he looked upon them 
in that light why he did not confine them, he answered if their Nation were all there he would 
do so. They asked who he had it from he answered from Sir William Johnson by a letter — 
On which they desired some Onondagas who were there, to run with the News to their Nation 
and let them know the danger they were in 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. I73 

Sir William told tliein it was a villanous falsehood of William* own coining & at the same 
time let them know that he was a Prisoner now at Alhany for using the Indians of Oneida & 
other Nations after tlie same manner and told them he would let the General know this, which 
when added to his crimes would sink him they said he deserved it & was a had man 

Gave them Pipes & Tobacco and a glass of Rum, also Tents to lodge in & Provisions telling 
them that the next day they should all be armed and cloathed — They were accordingly arm** 
and cloathed for which they were very thankful 

25'" July In the afternoon 20 Mohawk Warriors of the Tribe of the Turtle, came to show 
themselves at S' Williams House and to receive their orders, also to know whether he would 
allow some young men from Albany to join them as a scalping design as Voiuntiers. After 
Sir William convinced them that the Albany men had acted wrong in not first applying to 
him he told them they might take them along and to agree as brothers whilst they were 
togethers. S' William then ordered them to proceed directly to Canada, and take and destroy 
as many of the enemy as they could, also destroy and burn every thing belonging to the enemy 
in their Power After giving the white men the same lesson, he bid them farewell, assuring 
them if they behaved bravely, he would use them well on their return; which they promised 
to do and so parted — 

The same day about 6 oclock P M 
105 of the Delaware, Nantiokes and Aughquaga Indians arrived in a Body, when they came 
near the House they fired incessantly for a quarter of an hour. The compliment was relumed 
by a Discharge of 3 small Canon which gave them great Pleasure the Interpret' brought them 
into the Council Room where Sir William received them by shaking hands all round. Then 
M' Montour stood up and performed the ceremony of wiping the Tears from their eyes clearing 
their speech, and cqvering the bodies of all their friends, whom they had lately lost 

with 6 Strings Wampum 

Peter a Delaware Sachem stood up & said 
Brother Johnson 

As it is now late, and our old People much fatigued after a long journey we shall defer 
saying any thing this Mght, in the morning you may expect to hear us speak. The Interpreter 
was then ordered to shew them their Quarters and give Provisions — After drinking the Kings 
Health they had their Pipes & Tobacco and so parted for the night. 

EoD. DIE. 8 oclock evening 
Sir William had a meeting with the Senecas who came down with John Abeels Skins, and 
gave them 8 Strings of Wampum, desiring they would as soon as possible undeceive their 
Nation and the others with regard to the villanous falsehoods, which Capl° Williams told them 
at the carrying Place, and that they would let them all know he was now a Prisoner at Albany 
& would be tried for the several misdemeanors and crimes laid to his charge. This they 
promised to do immediately, and added that they were fully satisfied that what he said with 
regard to S' William was false, and so ended 



174 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

At a Meeting of a number of the Mohawk Warriors of the Turtle Tribe, Aron one of their 
cheifs spoke as follows 

Present — M"' Croghan 

Jacobus Clement Interp"' 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

As we understood you were displeased with our late conduct, in taking some Albany People 
to go to War with us, we beg leave to acquaint you how we were brought into it. This young 
man (pointing to an Indian called Anias) was in Albany whilst we were at Onondaga, and 
passing by the Tavern, was called to by Lidius' son out of a window, after he put up his 
horse, he came to the Room where this son of Lydius was, with several other young men in 
company, after making him drink several glasses of Wine Lydius' son told iiim he had a mind 
to go a scalping to Canada, and asked whether he or any of the Mohawks would join him, 
the Indian answered he could not tell, upon which Lydius Son desired he would acquaint the 
Mohawks with his Resolutions, and that he would come up to their castle the next day. He 
arrived there the second day and called a meeting of the Warriors, when he told 'em his 
resolution of going to Canada and by 3000 of Wampum which he gave thetu, desired they 
would accompany thither, several of them being in liquor they accepted of it and promised to 
go with him, but Aron and some more of them being very drunk, and not remembering what 
had passed the night before, called a second Meeting in which it was agreed they would keep 
untill those of their people who attended Sir William to Onondaga returned and that then 
they would give hira a determinate Answer. On the return of those from Onondaga they 
were called to Albany by said Lidius and his associates, where they were treated by said 
Party very generously and ofiered them money which they refused, except a young Lad who 
received a Dollar from Lidius son, and Anias some small matter of the rest they also say they 
were much pressed to go to Albany and took their departure from thence, which they refused 
This, said Aron is what past, and what you may depend upon for truth, if we have done wrong 
it is inadvertently, so hope you will think favorably of us, and let us know your pleasure — 
80 ended 

29 July Sir William called the Seneca Indians again together, and gave them a Black Belt 
of Wampum, to revenge the Death of Capt° Jonathan Stevens a great friend of theirs who was 
killed at Lake George in the action of the S"" Sepf 

They received it willingly and said they were concerned for his Death he being a particular 
friend of theirs, they would as soon as they got home where their men were take it into 
consideration and comply with his desire — Then S' William gave them 4 Strings of Wampum 
to deliver to Saghsowano and Tarrawariax and the head Warriors of that Nation, and desired 
they would come down to him as soon as possible with their young Warriors, they took the 
Strings and promised to deliver the same faithfully 

Then gave them a present for their father Tageghsado the cheif Sachem of that Nation, also 
money to buy them provisions along the road and Skins for shoes and so parted, also a kettle 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIIT. 175 

At a Meeting of tlie 6 Nations, Deiawures Pliavvanese, and oilier Indians I'roni tiie Southward 

Present — Sir William Johnson 

M' Croghan 
M' Maclean 
M"^ Johnson 

Interpreters 
Capt Montour 
Jacobus Clement 
The Southern Indians said 

Brother Warragliiyagey 

Your kind reception of us yesterday and tiie care you took of condoling our losses, gives 
us the greatest pleasure 

We in return, (well knowing the many losses you dayly sustain ) sincerely condole with 
you for yours Gave G Strings of Wampum 

Sir William said 

Bretheren of the Shawanese and Delaware Nation and you of the other Nations now come 
who were not present to hear what passed here the 11 Instant^ — the reason of my calling this 
meeting is to let you all know what was then agreed upon between me in behalf of the English 
and your Deputies in behalf of your Nation, and as those of your People to whom I then 
spoke in behalf of your Nations are now present they can repeat to you the whole of what 
was then transacted and I hope and doubt not from the hearty professions they then made 
on their and your behalf but you will approve and readily ratify, the same being for our 
mutual Interest 

The Delaware and Shawanese King desired Sir William would repeat it, to M' Montour 
and he deliver it which was done 

Sir William then said 
Bretheren 

As the engagements you have now entered into are recorded here in your presence, and not 
to be altered but remain an everlasting Testimony and Tie upon us who are remarkable for 
adhering to our engagements, I therefore desire and expect that you will on your Parts keep 
it in your memories and imprint it in the minds of all your young people, and then you will 
not be again bewildered Gave 3 Strings of Wampum 

After the whole was repeated in public the Shawanese King stood up and thanked M' 
Montour for delivering it so well and asked the Assembly whether they thoroughly understood 
all that was said, on being ans** in tiie afKrmative, the Delaware King stood up and strongly 
recommended to them all to keep in their minds what was said as it would be their Interest; 
then rose up the cheif of the Delawares who arrived yesterday and expressed his satisfaction 
at what he and his people had heard, and to have it from Sir William's own mouth, assuring 
him it was very agreeable to them all, and that the approved of, and would strictly abide by 
what had been agreed to by those of their nation, who came before them. 

Gave 3 Strings Wampum 



176 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Sir William then told them he was sorry to see them so destitute of necessaries, and that he 
would immediately order them cloathing arms and ammunition &ca for which they returned 
man}' thanks and siiewed visible satisfaction in their looks — They drank the Kings health 
and so ended this meeting 

After which there were above SO cloathed and fitted out with necessaries 

About 2 oclock the Tuscaroras arrived with their colours flying, they fired 3 volleys by the 
house, which was returned by 3 small Cannon. S'' William ordered the Interpreter to bring 
them into the Council Room, where he bid them welcome and perform'' the usual ceremony of 
drying tiieir eyes, clearing their Throats &c they returned many thanks and did the same on 
their Parts; then they had Pipes Tobacco and some Rum with which the drank the Kings 
health — Then provisions was ordered to their quarters and business adjourned till tomorrow 
morning 

30 July. Sir \Villiani sent to the Tuscaroras and told them that as he expected Lord Loudoun 
was now arrived at Albany he was under a necessity of going there to wait on him, so desired 
they would excuse his leaving matters unsettled till he returned which he hoped would be in 
4 or -5 days, that in the mean time they should be supplied with Provisions and every other 
necessary as well as if he was at home — Gave 3 Strings of Wampum 

They answered 
Brother 

We are sensible you would not leave liome at this Time, if something extraordinary did not 
require it, therefore we are thoroughly satisfied with what you say and thankful for the care 
you promised shall be taken of us in your ab.^ence 

Brother 

Our young men and Women have brought down many things to have mended by the smith, 
and want some new to be made, viz Hows, axes, Guns, Kettles &c'' which we wish you would 
leave orders to have done against your return, and we shall remain contented here 

Sir William replyed 
Bretheren 

I will order your axes Guns & to be mended, and some new to be made immediately, and 
•when I return shall cloath and arm all your people and send them home well equipped — For 
which they returned hearty thanks & so broke up 

Fort Johnson 5 Aug' 1756 

On Sir Williams return from Albany several Onondagas who arrived in his absence came in 
and spoke as follows 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We are a Deputation sent by our Nation, to acquaint you that we are in great want of 
Provision Amunition & arms, which we ernestly entreat you to send us as soon as possible 

Sir William said 
Bretheren 

I am sorry to hear you are in such distress, I sent by some of your people last week 30 
Skiples of Corn, they would have had 100 Skipples, but they would not carry more at that 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 177 

time, since which the great number of Iiuiians come here have m.nde use of that and a great 
deal more, however I shall order up here immediately a sufficient quantity for you all, and as 
soon as it comes I shall distribute it amongst you I will also give you a Barrel of Powder to 
take to your Castle and lead equivalent, I hope you will make good use of it against our 
common enemy, you shall also have 4 Swivels for your Fort ; for all which tliey returned 
their most hearty thanks and promised to make good use of all the received drank tiie Kings 
health, gave Pipes and Tobacco and so ended the Meeting 

EoD : DIE : 12 oclock Noon 
Kindaruntie the great Seneca Warrior arrived here with 8 men more of said Nation, and 
after the usual ceremony of meeting was over on Sir Williams side 

with 3 Strings Wampum 
He desired time untill to morrow to return the compliment for him and liis party, he 
mentioned that the Senecas had desired that he and the parly with him would gu;ird the 
workmen hither whom S' William had sent up to build their fort, and returned him their 
thanks for making choice of such good men. 

Sir William said 
Bretheren of the Senecas, 

I approve much of your Sachems Prudence and care of their Bretheren in sending some of 
their Warriors to guard them home, and more particularly for making so good a choice as 
of you and your party. I hope the Fort is made to their liking, and that it may be a security to 
you all your Wives and children against any designs or attempts of your and our common 
enemy tiie French, which was the only view in building it 

Kindaruntie answered it was to their liking, and he did not doubt but it would be the means 
of preserving the lives of their old men Women and children, which assurance gave them 
great pleasure 

After drinking the Kings Health & Pipes and Tobacco, they were supplied with Provisions 
and a Tent, & so broke up 

The same day at 7 in the evening, some Indians who came from Albany arrived in camp 
crying their murder shout, which immediately drew all the Indians together before the Gate. 
Sir W" enquired what the news was, they told him, that one of their People named Jerry 
a Tuscarora was killed and his Head cut off" and set on a stake in the camp at Skonactady, by 
some of the officers and soldiers, while the account was giving several of the Indians were 
gnashing their teeth and in a prodigious passion. To cool which Sir William called several 
Sachems andcheifs of that Nation into a Room in order to settle their minds a little, which by 
several arguments he made use of, and telling them he proposed replacing of him in the 
morning by giving a scalp. Belt of Wampum &." had some effect, but still out of doors tliey 
were very warm, in short one of them went round their camp, calling to them to prepare their 
arms &c* and he ready in the morning- 
Friday morning the G"" of August Mr Croghan and others reported to Sir William, that 
allmost all the Indians left their camp round His House last night and went into the woods 
with all their goods arms &" and returned this morn^, Sir William finding this to be true 

Vol. VII. 23 



178 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

called a Meeting of all the Nations here viz Mohawks Conajoharees, Oneidas, Tuscaroras, 
Cayougas Onondagas Senecas Delawares, Shawanese and Monseys 

Present — M' Croghan D'' Catherwood 

Capt. Butler M' Butler & or gents 

Arent Stevens Interp" 

Kindarundie a Seneca Cheif stood up and performed all the ceremony of delivering over 
three Scalps, and a bundle of goods by itself — One scalp Belt and Bundle was in the room of 
the Tuscarora murdered at Schonactady by the officers and soldiers of the 44 Regiment named 
Jerry alias Showonidous, an other scalp Belt and Bundle for Karanaske a Tuscarora who was 
killed at the engagement at Lake George, an other Skalp Belt and Bundle in the room of 
a Seneca a great friend of Sir Williams — The bund[l]e of goods was to cover the 
grave of Swegewy a Tuscarora who was drowned here a few days ago 

They received all this with great signs of satisfaction returned thanks and parted for 
that time 

The same evening at a Meeting with the Senecas, Kinderundie their cheif spoke as follows 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

On our arrival here it being late and we being much fatigued we desired time to return your 
kind compliment and thank you for the freindly reception you gave us, we now take this 
opportunity of doing it with the greatest gratitude and sincerity, for you have remov* all our 
troubles and sorrows (: meaning by the scalp &c^ ) which we must own we were loaded with, 
■when we came here for the several losses we had suffered since we saw you last particularly 
in that of your and our great friend who was unfortunately killed by the fall of 

a Bear Trap some time ago 

He then desired Sir William would relate to him and his warriors present what he had 
proposed to the Six Nations in the late Meeting at Onondaga, that he might acquaint the rest 
of his people with it. Sir William mentioned some of the most material Points particularly 
his sharpening the Halchett which he knew was the cheif point he wanted to hear; he 
returned his hearty thanks & said he now knew what was to be done, but before he could not 
tell how to act as the Sachems sometimes keep them in the dark by misrepresentations. 
An other private meeting was agreed upon, and so parted for the present 

Saturday morning 7 August, Sir William dispatched two Tuscarora Indians to the carrying 
Place and Oswego with Packetts of letters, and gave them a letter to the commanding officers 
of the several Posts to Oswego to supply them with Provisions 

Eod: Die. At a Meeting of the 6 Nations &" 

Arent Stevens Interp' 
An Oonondaga Indian stood up and spoke as follows." * 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

The early and prudent measures which you yesterday took, to quiet our minds and repair 
our late losses has had so great an effect upon us that we now assure you we will pull up a 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXX 111. 179 

large Pine Tree, and bury under its Roots this unhappy ad'.iir so liiat it may never give either 

of us any more uneasiness; you may well think we were not firmly fixed in our Resolutions 

to live and die with you and our Brelheren the English such unheard of usage to one of our 

People might have turned our heads and hearts, but we are determined nothing shall. 

The only ill consequence we now apprehend from this unhappy affair is that the many 

Indians whom you have and are still drawing to you from the Ohio and all about there, may 

be discouraged and prevent others coming to you, lest they should be treated in the same 

manner, for there are not many in those parts who have not assisted the French 

Gave a Belt 
Brother 

As you have often advised and desired us, not to go to Canada, but look this way to our 

Bretheren, we will now tell you the reason we had for going that way so often. The French 

used us very kindly and supplyed all our wants, both young and old with the best of things 

but as you have assured us some time ago, that if we would leave off going to Canada, our 

Father the King would let us want for nothing. We now assure you we are determined to 

follow your advice, and we expect as you have stopped up that road, and also keep us from 

hunting that you will supply our necessary wants for which end we have brought now our old 

and young here Gave 3 Strings of Wampum 

Brother 

There are some of us who have great occasion for a little Rum, therefore beg you will let us 
have some to carry home. 3 Strings 

Sir Williams answer 
Bretheren of the Tuscarora IVation 

The satisfaction you express at the measures I have taken, and the assurances you give me of 
your having buried in oblivion, the sorrow & anger occasioned by the loss of one of your People 
being killed lately near Schonectady by some of our rash young men, gives me the greatest 
pleasure, as it will appear to all our Bretheren and the General in particular (by whose letter 
to me which I shewed you all yesterday you see he is your friend and determined that all the 
justice possible should be done you:) a convincing proof of your wisdom and attachment to 
the King your father & them 

As this affair is now settled, I must by this Belt of Wampum desire you will let all the 
Nations know it, and prevent its having any ill efl^ects as far as is in your power, and 1 do also 
by this said Belt in behalf of the General, and all the great men here assure you it gave them as 
much concern as it did me or could you, and you may depend upon it, that for the Future the 
greatest care will be taken, to prevent any thing of the kind happening or any difference 
whatsoever arising between us or your receiving any ill treatment from our People, and I doubt 
not you will be as careful on your Parts to keep up a good harmony with all your Brelheren 
which is the only way to be strong and live happy a large Belt. 

Bretheren 

I am glad you have listened to my advice as it will be our mutual Interest. You must be 
sensible of the impropriety and prejudice of your going to Canada at any time but especialy at 
this time, when you have the Hatchet in your hands against the French, their opinion as well 
as ours of you in this case could not be favorable wherefore I shall not say any thing further 



180 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

on that head and proceed to the point you have in view which is my supplying you with the 
necessaries your People want In answer to which I am to tell you that I am empowered by 
the King my Master to take care of and supply the wants of all those who are his dutiful 
children, and will by their actions now shew that they are such, with what necessaries they 
may want, and you will find me allways ready to fulfil his orders and your expectations therein. 
1 shall give orders immediately for the cloathing your People, give you arms ammunition 
and Provisions also, as you say you are in great want of them and while you continue his 
Matys faithful allies, you may depend upon his protection and assistance which I confirm with 
these strings of Wampum 3 Large Strings 

Bretheren 

As you say you have great occasion for a few Caggs of Rum, I will order them for you and 
hope you will not make a bad use of them 

For all which they returned their hearty thanks and went to the Store to receive 
their cloathing 

After which Sir William called 4 of their cheifs and gave them a private Present 

Sunday 8 August 1756 Nine warriors from Aughquagey and Schoharee with about 20 others 
accompanying them arrived here, firing their pieces and singing their war Song. S'' William 
sent the Interpreter to bring them into a room where he met them and bid them welcome 

They returned thanks for the entertainm* he had ordered for them the night before as the 
Mohawks Castle and told him they were now come to let him know their resolutions, and to 
receive his directions 

At this time several Oneida Sachems with others of their Nation arrived and were brought 
into the council Room, which prevented any further conference at that time with the 
foregoing Indians 

The Oneidas said there were many more of their Nation by the way, and would be here 
tomorrow, so that they should say nothing till they were all mett 

Skanonyade or the Half King with 6 Seneca Warriors, came into the Room and spoke 
as follows. 

Arent Stevens Interp"^ 
Brother 

When you was last at Onondaga amongst other things you desired the 6 Nations would 
prepare themselves and be ready at a call to join you and the army, altho' we were not 
present at that meeting, yet hearing that the 6 Nations had promised to comply with your 
request we resolved immediately to come down and offer our service to you we doubt not 
from what you promised and what we have seen, but you will consider our wants, and supply 
us with every thing necessary for warriors Gave 3 Strings Wampum 

Brother 

We were told last year by General Shirley that he would build large Canoes (: meaning 
vessels:) and with them take all that passed between Cadaracqui and Niagara, and by that 
means starve them at Niagara we see the vessels have been a long time built, and yet we see 
Provisions &" dayly carried to Niagara without any more interception than before you had 
big Canoes 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 181 

Brotlipr 

We now beg you will make better use of your large vessels, and don't sufler the Frencb to 
pass and repass unmolested as they now dayly do Gave hereupon 3 Strings Wampum 

Brother 

The Senecas of the next Seneca Castle to ours charged us to tell you that they were in such 
want of Provisions as must oblige them to leave it and seek ia the woods for Roots & Herbs 
unless you send them some releif very soon 

Sir Williams answer to the foregoing 

Bretheren of the Senecas 

I am glad to find your Nation so well inclined and ready to comply with my ernest request 
you may depend on my being as ready to supply the wants of all those who are His Majestys 
faithful allies, and as a Testimony of it, I shall give orders that as many of you as are here be 
immediately supplied with the necessaries you have occasion for, and shall do the same to as 
many of your people as come to me 3 Strings of Wampum 

Bretheren 

As to what you say concerning our big Canoes there is some reason may be assigned for 
their not being as yet so useful as might be expected, when you consider that our people are not 
acquainted with the Lake so well as the French, who have used it so long, and know every 
harbor fit to run into, which is a great advantage 

In the next place the French had vessels built before us and can build more in several 
places, we can only build them in one place wiiich is oswego however as we have now an 
experienced General, 1 dare say there will be better use made of the Big Canoes than 
heretofore and that every thing under his direction and command will be carried on with the 
greatest Prudence and expedition possible. 

Bretheren 

I am sorry to hear that your people are so scarce of Provisions, I have Indian Corn which 
you can come for when you please, or if you can not bring it up with your people I will order 
it up for them 

For which they returned many thanks and parted 

In the evening (S"" August:) above 50 Oneidas arrived whom Sir William kindly received 
and treated with Pipes Tobacco and Rum, and ordered them quarters and Provisions telling 
them he would confer with them when he had gone through the business in hand 

Monday Morning 9"" Aug: The Oneidas came for an order to the Smith for mending their 
arms kettles &" which was given them. 

Same morning S-1 of the Delawares arrived, when they came near the House the kept a 
constant firing for a quarter of an hour which was returned by a discharge of 3 Pattereres 

They were ordered to be quartered & provisions given to them Sir William could not then 
speak to them as he was engaged in council with the Cheifs of the Mohawk Castles who spoke 
as follows 

Brother 

As you have drained both our castles of most of our young men to go out a fighting we 
expect you will reinforce us by getting us a sufficient number of Soldiers to protect our wives 



182 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

and children in their absence otherways we think ourselves exposed to any attempts of the 
enemy — This is what was promised us and we think reasonable therefore can not think you 
will deny our request A Belt 

Sir William replyed 
Bretheren of both Mohawk Castles 

I am sensible of your readiness & attachment to his Matys service and shall never forget it: 
I am also sensible of the promises made you, and as I think it reasonable your castles should 
be secured I shall let the General know your desire A Belt 

This day Sir William ordered a list to be taken of all the Indians, they amounted to men, 
Women & children 926, several went away yesterday and the day before 

9 August P: M. The Seneca Indians received a handsome present, cash to buy provisions 
on their way home &ca 

Tuesday 10 August Sir William called the Senecas again and gave them a Belt of 
Wampum, inviting the four leading warriors of that Nation to come down to him immediately 
with their parties, they were much pleased with the Invitation, and promised faithfully to 
deliver the Belt 

EoD DIE. A great number of Delaware, Monseys, and some Aughguagey Indians who 
arrived yesterday came into the Council Room and spoke as follows 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We have long since heard of you & your regard for the Indians but never had an opportunity 
of meeting you before this day, we thank the great Being above who has allowed us to meet 
each other, we by this String of Wampum open up your ears that you may hear somewhat we 
shall tomorrow say, for we see you are now full of business 3 Strings Wampum 

Bretheren of the Monsey & Delaware Nations 

When I heard some time ago of your people settling amongst the six Nations it gave me 
great satisfaction and now much more to see you here at this meeting place of the Six Nations 
and their allies, My ears shall be open to what you have to say tomorrow or at any time, and 
I do with these Strings of Wampum clear your ears and understanding, that you may also 
hear and understand distinctly what I have to say to you 3 Strings Wampum 

They were ordered Pipes Tobacco and Beer and Rum — and took their leave for that time — 

Eod: die. In the evening the Sachems of the Tuscarora Nation met to whom Sir William 
spoke as follows 

Bretheren of Tuscarora 

As I understand you are to sett off tomorrow, I have prepared everything for your People 
and journey as you desired viz: Indian Corn for the support of your families untill your crops 
are ripe, Swivel Guns for your Fort, Cloathing for your People and men to build a good Block 
House on the eminence which commands your Fort. As your Father the King takes care of 
you and as you see all the Nations are turning out some of their young men to war against our 
common enemy the French: I now expect by this Belt of Wampum that you will encourage 
your young men to turn out also which will induce me to supply your further wants 

A Belt of Wampum 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 183 

Their Answer 
Brotlier 

We of the Tuscarora Nation are very thanliful to our father the King and you, for supplying 
our wants so far and building a place of security for us, you may be assured we the sachems 
will acquaint the young men of our Nation with yonr desire, and encourage them to comply 
with it. At the same time we must tell you we did not expect you would call upon us till you 
were ready to move with your army, when we all promised to join you when ever you went as 
our hunting is entirely impeded by this quarrel between you and the French, and as none 
of our Nation ever go to Canada we have no way to supply our Families but by applying to you, 
what you have now given us is very considerable and satisfactory yet it is far short of what 
we realy want A Belt. 

Brother 

As we have rejected all the great offers of the French Governor lately made us and of 
the Preist at Swegachie, and as we have been and are now firm friends of yours, we are now 
under some apprehensions that the French may attempt destroying us especially when our 
young men turn out to war against them, wherefore we should be glad you would send some 
men to our Castle to protect our families, and in that case we beg you may chuse a good 
discret oflScer and sober Parly 

Sir Williams answer 
Bretheren of Tuscarore 

I shall let Lord Loudoun know your desire, and when I know his Pleasure shall acquaint 
you with it. 

„,„.,,. , „ Thursday IS"- August 1756. 

1 he Oneidas being met spoke as follows 

Canaghquayeson Speaker 
Arent Stevens Interpreter 

After going through the usual Ceremonies on those occasions said 
Brother Warraghiyagey 

As we understand you have now the sole management of our affairs and the care of us and 
our families put into your hands by the King our common Father, who you have often told us 
would protect and assist us for these Reasons we are come to let you know our wants in hopes 
you will supply them. In the first place we are in want of cloathing, Provisions some arms & 
ammunition which (as our hunting is prevented by you desiring us to hold ourselves in 
Readiness:) we can not get but from you — j^ gelt 

In the next Place as you have built a Fort in our country, for the Protection of our old 
People wives and children &" we now beg we may have a good officer and a sufficient Party of 
good men to garrison it, and that the officer may have some Powder Lead &" to give us. The 
French officers all have in plenty, and you may depend upon it we shall be ready to go with 
you to War when you call upon us A Belt 



184 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Sir Williams Answer 
Bretheren of Oneida 

The Great King your Father & my master has been pleased to appoint me to the sole 
management and care of you and your affairs, and as 1 told you and the rest of the 6 Nations 
before, has ordered me to acquaint you all that he is determined to protect you and all his 
faithful allies, against our and your perfidious enemies the French or any others, and as to 
supplying your wants he has enabled me to do it, and you may depend upon my obeying his 
Royal commands on all necessary occasions as far as in my power A Beit 

As to garrisoning your Fort I approve of it and shall acquaint my Lord Loudoun with your 
desire, and when I know his Lordships Pleasure, I will acquaint you with it: As to Arms, 
ammunition &c which you desire the officer may have to supply you with as occasion may 
require, I doubt not but he may be enabled to do it. I must tell you your acting vigorously 
with His Majestys Troops in defence of his and your Rights here will be the greatest inducement 
to him to continue his fatherly care over you, and mine also. A Belt 

Sir William then ordered of them to be cloathed and some armed, and 50 Skipples of 

corn to be given them to carry them home, and promised them when he could get arms which 
he dayly expected that they should have more 

For all which they returned many thanks and so the meeting broke up 

Sir William gave Capt° Butler orders to make out a Party of 6 Indians to escort Major Gen' 
Webb and the Troops under his command to Oswego, and some of them to guard Major Eyres 
while building a Fort at Oswego falls 

Fryday morning 13 Aug 1756. 
At a meeting of the Onondagas Oneidas Tuscaroras, Sir William spoke to them as follows 

Areut Stevens Interpreter 

Bretheren of the 3 Nations here present 

As Major Gen' Webb is now marching to Oswego with a Number of his Majestys Troops 

and a considerable quantity of Provision for that Garrison, and as it will be necessary for the 

safety of the Troops and stores to have a number of your people to join them I expect & 

desire you will furnish a sufficient number of your young men for that Service, and as I lately 

desired they may be ready at the German Flatts to join the General 

Gave a Belt of Wampum 
Bretheren 

I can not help taking notice of a very wrong Custom introduced amongst you last year and 

still continued which is that of paying your people at the rate of 4 shillings p'' day when upon 

Service, I must say I think it was a bad precedent and wrong in you to accept it considering 

the vast quantity of Goods, Arms, and ammunition dayly given to you, and the great expence 

of building Forts garrisoning them &" in your country, and maintaining your families cheifly 

here and in your Country, besides the service you were employed in by General Shirley was 

for your security & protection as well as for ours 

Bretheren 

In former times when we went to war together against the French your ancestors never even 
thought of Pay and that you should now expect it at a time when His Majesty assures you 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIIT. 1S5 

of liis Protection & assistance wlicn you see sucli convincing proofs of our readiness to 
defend you from any attempts of the enemy as you experienced last spring when I march*' a 
considerable number of men from distant parts of the country four several times on your 
acquainting me of the Danger you imagined you were then in — This I did clieerfuliy as 
did the men wliom I command'' without any regard to pay, and are ready and willing to 
do the same whenever necessary ; for those several weighty reasons I must again say ; I 
think you should not insist on any pay, but if pay is insisted upon I think it should be much 
less, which I desire you will seriously consider A Belt. 

Upon which Canaghquayeson the head Sachem of the Oneida spoke — viz. 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

As soon as we heard, which was a few days ago, of your wanting some of our young men to 
go to Oswego with Capt" Butler as a guard for the Battoes, we got them ready and hold them 
still in readiness to march when called upon A Belt 

Brother 

As to the Custom which you complain of being introduced last year amongst us we are not 

to blame for. When General Shirley went to Oswego last summer and wanted some young men 

to go with him, he told us we should have w/uitever we asked for that he had money enough and that 

our young men should be well paid, which they have accordingly been, and several of them 

had great sums given to them besides their days pay, and others commissions for which they had 

a great deal of money — Skeanoh meaning Capt" Broadstreet also told us that we should have 

10/ P' Day, the next time he wanted us to go to Oswego with him, From all this it appears 

to us that it must be the Great mans (meaning Lord Loudoun:) or your doings, to overset 

what has been so wisely thought necessary for as we are now debarred from going to Canada 

where our wants used to be supplied and our hunting hindered by your dayly orders to hold 

ourselves in readiness to join the army we think it not unreasonable that those who go on 

such fatiguing and dangerous service should be well paid, and we must say that if we are not, 

as they are now used to it we are of opinion they will be very backward to move and should 

you insist on lowering the pay, they will imagine that in a little time you will bring it to 

nothing, wherefore we desire you may pay them as they have been paid by others 

A Belt. 
Sir William replyed 

Bretheren of the 3 different Nations 

I have heard what you have said concerning the extravagant pay, which has been given to 
your young men last year and this, when imployed in our service, and think it not sullicient 
for keeping up so bad a custom however if nothing less will do it must be complied with 
at present. 

To M' Jacob Vroman Cheif Carpenter 

You are to proceed with your party to the Tuscarora Nation with all possible Despatch, and 
there build a good Block House o( the best Timber you can get 2 1 feet square below, to project 
18 inches or two feet above the beams, so as they may fire down upon the Enemy, you are to 
cover it well with good shingles, and build a good Gentry Box at the Top of the House — 
The door is to be made of oak Plank 3 Inches thick and well hung 
Vol. VII. 04 



186 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

You are to build it where the cheifs of that Nation direct, keep an exact account of the 
number of days you your people and horses work at said house 

If the Sachems desire to have any alteration made to the fort they have built themselves 
you are to do it for them as well as you can, and as expeditious as passible for all which this 
shall be your warrant. 

Given under my hand at Fort Johnson this IS* day of August 1756 

W™ Johnson 

Saturday Morning 14"" Aug 1756. The half King and Capt" Montour came into the Council 
Room with 4S Warriors of the 6 Nations & Delawares whom Sir William almost wholly fitted 
out a second time, occasioned by a quantity of Rum, brought from Schonactady and sold to 
the Indians in camp privately by the River Indians Tuscaroras &"" for which they sold their 
arms Cloaths &ca. 

Sir William wrote to the Magistrates of said Town several times but to no purpose, after 
furnishing them with every thing necessary for their expedition Sir William drank their 
healths & success then rose up the leader of the Schoharee Indians named John and sung his 
War Song as did several others after him 

The same day 3 Mohawks were fitted out for war, and set off for Canada the same day 
commanded by Seth's Hans 

The Tuscaroras set off for their Country the same day, and several Onondagas & Oneidas 
Sunday the 15* August The cheifs of the Onondagas came to take their leave, when Sir 
William gave them a Handsome private Present in cloathing and money and a quantity of 
Corn for their families who were in great want. 

EoD DIE 6 oclock P. M. The Indians arrived here from the carrying place, with an account 
that the French designed to attack one of the Forts there or both, which if they could not 
succeed in then they were to attack the Provision Battoes, as one of the French Indians told 
the man who brought the News, desiring him at the same time to tell all the Indians he saw 
to keep from thence 

Sir William immediately sent Lord Loudoun an account hereof by express also to Major 
Gen' Webb, who was then on his march to Oswego, but not yet at the German Flatts 

About an hour after an Oneida Indian who lives on the West Branches of Susquehanna 
arrived here who says that he spoke with a Cayauga Indian who had left Niagara 13 days ago, 
and says that they then were preparing to muster a number of French and Indians to march 
towards Oswego, in order to revenge the loss of some of their people who were killed there 
some time last month by the Battoe men. This Cayauga Indian further said, that the small 
Pox began to rage amongst the French and Indians who assembled there from different Parts 
at the request of the French, so much that several had left Niagara before the Meeting began 
which intelligence Sir William transmitted by the same expresses to Lord Loudoun and 
General Webb 

Monday the 16"" August Seventeen Conajobaree Warriors and eight Mohawks arrived 
here and acquainted Sir William that they intended to comply with his desire and go fighting to 
Canada on wiiich he cloathed some and armed all After which they said they would return 
to their Castles in order to finish some work they had in hand and would be here in 10 days 
and then set off — Sir William gave them 10 Dollars to buy an ox for a Treat and money in 
lieu of several articles which they had of their own, so parted 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 18? 

Tuesday 17 August Thomas a young Sachem of llie Oneida Nation from Aiighquaga 
arrived here in the afternoon with 54 Men Women & Children he came upon a promise made 
Sir William at the last meeting that he would go out to War as soon as he had been home and 
settled some adairs for that he could no longer bear to see his Bretheren the English knocked 
in the head every day without revenge 

The 20 August Sir William Johnson being in Albany my Lord Loudoun received 
intelligence that Oswego was attacked by the French and reason to suspect they had succeeded, 
upon which Sir William immediately sett off Post for the (Jernian Flatts ordering 1 000 of the 
Militia of this County to follow him there as soon as possible, at the same time summoning all 
the Indians in his way to attend him there likewise he was directed by my Lord Loudoun to 
take Post at the German Flatts, and follow such measures as might appear necessary to him 
and Gen' Webb who advanced to the Oneida carrying Place, and had with him an Indian 
officer and sixty odd Indians of several Nations 

German Flatts 24"' Aug 1756 A M. 

Sir William Johnson yesterday upon his arrival here meeting a number of Oneida and 
Tuscarora Indians who were returning homewards from his House spoke to their cheifs, 
and desired they would collect those of their Nations, who were dispersed in this 
Neighbourhood and not leave it till he had spoke to them, which he said he would do, as soon 
as some other Indians he expected here were arrived 

This morning several of their Sachems and warriors assembled and told Sir William by 
Canaghquayeson their speaker that they had complied with his request of yesterday and that 
all their People Sachems and Warriors who were in this Neighbourhood to the number of 
about 50. were now waiting to attend to what he proposed to say to them 

Hereupon they gave 3 Strings Wampum 

German Flatts Thursday Morning 26 Aug 1756. 

Sir William spoke to two parties of warriors [one party of several Nations under Capl" 
Montour, and the half King, the other a party of Aughquageys and Mohikanders, under 
Thomas an Aughquagey Cheif] whom he had fitted out at his House in order to go a fighting 
to Canada, as follows 

Peter Wraxall Secretary 

Jacobus Clement Interp" 
Bretheren 

Since I called upon you and you agreed to go to Canada, in order to anoy the enemy in 

those Parts we have received the disagreeable News of the loss of Oswego, and as Major 

General Webb is marched to the Oneida carrying Place with a considerable body of his 

Majestys Troops in order to take the proper measures in the present circumstance of affairs 

and has some Indians with him, I would have you go thither and make that your place of 

Rendezvous, and join your Bretheren now there in scouting and such other duty as the General 

shall think necessary for the good of His Majestys service 

Bretheren 

I would myself have gone with you to the carrying place but my present indisposition [Sir 
William was then confined in his bed, with a fever and bloody Flux] will not permit me to 



188 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

do it I shall therefore send your Brother Rr Croghan with you, who is well known to you 
all and acquainted with your customs and manners, he will take care of you, and see that 
you want for nothing that is needful 

Bretheren 

If any of your young men are inclined to go out scalping they may go from thence, I shall 
leave that matter to their own discretion and choice 

To which the cheifs of the aforesaid parties answered as follows 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We have heard what you have now said to us, and much approve of your desiring us to join 
Major Gen" Webb at the carrying place, and making that pass our rendezvous, as we know 
not as yet what further steps the French may take on their conquest of Oswego, and we are 
also pleased to see, you have called the militia here in order to secure this Post, we also much 
obliged to you for leaving it in our own option to go out a scalping or not from thence, as 
some of our young men are determined not to return to their castles till they have fulfilled 
their intentions on that head 

Brother 

As those of us who belong to these two parties are determined to accompany our Brother 
Croghan to the carrying place, and on our arrival there to assist our Bretheren in such duties 
as may be requested of us and you may assure yourself that we are all determined to live and 
die with our Bretheren the English 

In the afternoon Sir William being confined to his Bed, and unable to appear himself made 
the following speech to all the Sachems and warriors of the several Nations who were here 
assembled by M' Croghan. 

After repeating what he had said to the two parties in the morning he proceeded thus 

Bretheren 

I doubt not but you will approve what I said to your Bretheren this morning and have now 
repeated to you, and I expect that you will also join those parties and attend our Brother M' 
Croghan to the carrying place, and there give all the assistance in your Power to forward his 
Majestys service, and aid our common cause Gave a string of Wampum 

Canaghquayeson answered in behalf of all present 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We have heard what you have now said with attention. Your desire is very reasonable 
and what we expected from you and we will comply with it, but brother as you are unwell, and 
some of our People have discovered Tracks on the other side of the River, which they judge 
to be a party of the enemy, we don't think it prudent to leave you untlll we have sent out 
scouts which we intend to do immediately and therefore we can not set off till the day after 
tomorrow when we will be ready to attend our Brother Croghan to the Carrying Place and our 
Sachems will also attend to see that our young men behave themselves properly and do the 
duty which is expected from them 

Hereupon they returned a String of Wampum 



LONDON DOCUMENTS : XXXIII. 189 

German Flatts 27 Aug« 
At a Meeting of Sachems and Warriors of several Nations Sir William spoke to them 
as follows 

Bretheren 

The present situation of affairs makes it necessary for me to call a meeting of some of the 
cheifs of each Nation, I do therefore by this Belt desire that you will send to each Nation 
notice that I shall expect so many of their heads down at my house as will be sufficient and 
fully empowered to determine upon business with me and this as speedy as possible 

Bretheren 

What I have to say relates more immediately to the security & welfare of the 6 Nations 
then to any other concern. I do not invite many of your people to this meeting, because at 
this juncture I think it would be dangerous for you to leave your habitations defenceless as you 
may be assured however fair the French may speak to you they are meditating your Ruin in 
the first place 

Gave a Belt of Wampum which was taken by a Cayouga Sachem who engaged to transmit it 
thro' the other Nations 

German Flatts 2S"' Aug. 1756 
Several Sachems and Warriors of the Oneida Nation having desired a conference with Sir 
William, Canaghquayeson cheif speaker spoke as follows 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

I have desired this meeting upon our receiving certain News of the loss of Oswego. We 
liave often told you to be strong at that place, and to be careful of keeping it but it is now 
gone the French have been too cunning for you «& burnt it to ashes 

Brother 

You are now sending us all to the Carrying place what good can we do there, at most we 

can only pluck off a hair from the enemy— We exhort you now Brother to look towards Lake 

George, and keep the Forts there which may preserve us alive until to morrow — 

Gave a Belt of Wampum 
Brother ^ 

We are at a loss to know how and from whence the French get Provisions enough for such 
numbers of Troops & how they get these Troops from Europe to Quebec 

You have often told us the River was shut up and the French could not get to Quebec 

Brother The English often tell us things which we dont find true; Pray take care and 
hinder the French from getting men and Provisions up the River St Lawrence 

Brother We are in want of Food, and beg you will give us two oxen and some ammunition 
for our young men 

Eod: die. p. AL 
^ . Sir Williams Answer to the foregoing speech 

Bretheren e b f 

Two days ago I spoke to two parties of Warriors of the 6 Nations who were going out a 
fighting, and told them that the present situation of afl'airs made it necessary for me to deeire 



190 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

they would go to the Oneida Carrying Place and join their Bretheren who were already there 
and assist his Majestys Troops in the scouting service, that I would not urge them to go out a 
scalping but leave it to their own choice & inclination witli this they promised to comply and 
were well pleased. The same day in the afternoon I acquainted the Sachems & other 
Warriors here present with what I had said in the morning — They likewise approved of this 
measure, and all promised to accompany M"' Croghan 

Bretheren — I am surprized you should so soon have changed your minds, and now object 
against this scheme, such unsteadiness is not becoming wise men and is somewhat 
unaccountable. I am suspicious the French may soon pay a visit to the carrying Place, and 
as it is now our Barrier to all this country, it is necessary to keep out good and sufficient 
Scouts to give us notice of the enemys approach that they may not surprise us — This is a duty 
you are better acquainted with and more qualified for than your Bretheren the English. I 
expect therefore that you go thither according as was agreed on two days ago As to Lake 
George we have a good Fort there and a great number of Men, and if the French come there 
they may find a warmer reception, than those did at Oswego Gave a Belt. 

Bretheren 

As to preventing the French from bringing men and Provisions up the River St Lawrence tis 
not in our power wholly to do it, the sea is too large to be entirely covered by our Ships — We 
have taken many of their ships this year who were attempting to go up that River you will 
find in the end the English do not tell you falsehoods but truth 

The Oxen & Ammunition you shall have and I hope you will make a better use of the latter 
than you have hitherto done 

German Flatts Sunday 29 Aug A M 
Sir William Johnson having this morning told Canaghquayeson cheif Sachem of Oneida 
that he was displeased with the conduct of his Nation in general and dissatisfied with him 
in particular and that from many late circumstances he suspected they were acting a 
treacherous and deceitful part — Canaghquayeson having reported the conversation to all his 
Nation present they came in a Body to Sir William, and desired he would explain to them the 
causes of his uneasiness and what reason he had for suspecting their fidelity and attachment 
to the English Interest 

He thereupon told them that at the meeting he proposed speedily to have at his house he 
intended to lay all these matters before the 5 Nations, and to speak his mind very plainly to 
them but as the Oneidas now applied to him he would tell them in general that notwithstanding 
their many solemn assurances given him of their resolutions to stand by their Bretheren the 
English and assist His Matys arms and measures against the French their actions had by no 
means supported their professions. That at this juncture when a small cloud hung over the 
English by the loss of Oswego their nation as well as the upper Nations appeared perfectly 
indifferent ahout it, no ways anxious or alert in bringing us intelligence nay the Onondagas 
even hindered our Messengers from going to Oswego, and tho' they the Oneidas had promised 
to accompany M' Croghan to the carrying Place in order to assist his Matys Service in scouting 
or such other duties, as Indians were best capable of doing; they had put off" going thither 
with trifling excuses and in all respects manifested a Backwardness and indifference to the 
Interests & welfare of their Bretheren the English, which gave just grounds for jealousy and 
Resentment ; and a great deal more to this purpose which, Sir William added. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 191 

When he had concluded Canaghquaycson told him to make himself easy til! they had 
consulted together, and given him their answer which they would speedily do — 

Sunday afternoon The Oneidas left three of their Sachems to Sir William with their answer 
to what he had said to them this morning who spoke as follows 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

What you said to us this morning has given to us the utmost concern we have made an 
enquiry and suspect some of our own people have been prejudicing you with stories against us 
and informed you of the behaviour you hinted with regard to the Onondagas 

Brother 

We beg you wont entertain hard thoughts of us we assure you we have not the least 
intentions to withdraw our hands from the Covenant Chain or quitt the interests of our 
Bretheren the English, as to the behavior of the Onondagas we are noways concerned in it, 
nor are we guilty of any treacherous conduct with respect to the late loss of Oswego 

German Flatts 30 Aug' 1756 P. M. 
The information of Nickas a cheif Warrior of Oneida who came to Sir William Johnson in 
company with another Indian of the same Nation — 

Peter Wraxall Sccry 
Jacobus Clement Interp" 

That Saquahondonde an Oneida Indian who has for some years past lived among the French 
at Svvegachie told Nickas that he was employed by Coll Mercer at Oswego as a Scout, and 
that he gave the Colonel notice that a very considerable body of French were encampt between 
Oswego and Cadaragliqui ; and advised him to be on his guard, and send down for more troops 
as the French would otherwise be too strong for him — That Coll Mercer said he did not 
beleive it and took no notice of the said intelligence — 

That some time after this the said Indian was sent out again on a scout, when he discovered 
the French about a mile from Oswego, and returned witli the account to Coll Mercer, who said 
IVcll, lei them come I shall be glad to see them and that the next day Oswego was attacked 

That Saquahundonde further told him that when he saw the attack upon Oswego begun, he 
was making the best of his way off', but was taken Prisoner and carried to the French General 
who said. Child you shunt die; I want ynu to carry a Message for me thro' the Castle of the Q 
Kationa upon which he gave him a large Belt of Black Wampum, desiring him to tell his children 
of the C Nations not to come with the English Battoes further than the North end of the 
Oneida Lake, but if lium should prevail on them to go further, by no means to go beyond 
the three Rivers' for his People were out there waiting forCapl"" Bradstreet and Butler whom 
they expected with our Battoes, and that if any of the 6 Nations should proceed with them they 
would certainly be destroyed along with the English, whom his army were waiting for — 
That the French General told said Indian that he was now going to take Oswego from the 
English and he would give it again to the G Nations who were the right owners of it, and 
after he had done that he would go up the River and look for the English Battoes with the 

Th« junction of the Ontida, Seneca and Oswego river*, in Onondaga county, N. Y. — En. 



192 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Provisions and destroy the people who came with them after which he would proceed to 
the Oneida carrying place and destroy what he had left standing there since last spring and 
therefore he warned all his children of the 6 Nations to keep away from the carrying Place or 
they would be hurt and they did not want to hurt them, After he had finished at the carrying 
Place he would proceed down the Mohawk River and destroy every thing as he went along as 
far as Sir William Johnson's where he would strike off thro' the woods to Lake George, and 
there meet another General in conjunction with whom he would destroy Fort William Henry 
& then he knew the English would beg Peace 

German Flatts 31 Aug 1756 — A. M. 
Several Onondaga Sachems & Warriors came to Sir William & spoke as follows 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

With this String of Wampum we condole you for the loss of Oswego and wipe away your 
Tears &ca Gave 2 Strings of Wampum 

Brother 

We understand you have some ill thoughts of our Nation on this occasion and that some 
Stories have been brought you to their Prejudice; we desire and hope Brother that you will 
not bear hard thoughts of our People or listen to the many lies which may be told you of them, 
we assure you they are utterly innocent of any Treachery & were no ways concerned in the 
taking of Oswego, and we think after the assurances you had from us and our engagements at 
the late Meeting at Onondaga you ought not to harbour suspicions to our disadvantage We 
confirm what we now have said to you with these two strings of Wampum — 

Gave 2 Strings Wampum 

Sir William told them he would answer to what they had now said by and by 

German Flatts 31 Aug' 1756. P. M. 

Sir Williams answer to the foregoing speech 
Bretheren, 

I wish you were as sensible of the loss of Oswego to your own Interest and security as we 
are to what we have suffered by it. If I had reason to suppose things appeared to you in this 
light, my returning the Ceremony of Condolence would appear with greater propriety, however 
I hereupon return you your compliment Gave two Strings Wampum 

Bretheren 

It is true I have heard some things since the Loss of Oswego to the disadvantage of your 
Nation and as I have received no Message from Onondaga upon this unhappy occasion according 
to the antient custom and terms of friendship and Alliance subsisting between us and it gives 
too much Room for suspicions however as I have called a Meeting of some of the Cheils of 
each of the 6 Nations at my house as speedily as possible, I shall rest my opinion of your 
Nation as well as of the others upon the Result of that Meeting — 

Gave 2 Strings Wampum 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. igg 

German Flatts 1 Sept' 175G P. M. 
At a meeting of the Onondagas, Oneidas and Tuscnroras 

TesaRunde Speaker 
Brotlier Warraghiyagey 

We the Oneidas, Onondagas and Tuscaroras enter this yonr present place of consultation to 
remove some thing from your Breast which we are convinced oppresses you 

Brother At our last Meeting you spoke to us very passionately & warm about the loss of 
oswego and you seemed to he very dissatisfied with us on that head Brother, The loss is a 
great on our side as yours, and we have both reason to be uneasy about it, but what shall we 
do we can not redress it at present the only recourse we can have is to the advice of our wise 
forefathers, which was when any general accident or loss should befall us, we should comfort 
one another drive away the Spirit of Anger & discord from our hearts and bury it under a 
large Pine Tree according to their Custom, in order that we might deliberate maturely upon 
public matters and not be disturbed by that evil Spirit in our consultations 

Brother — 

You have sent a Message to the 6 Nations to meet you shortly, if they should be informed 
that you were still in the same passion and bad humour you spoke to them with here it might 
be the means of stopping their coming down to meet you We therefore With this Belt and in 
the name of all the G \alions take away that anger & dissatisfaction from your Breast so that 
we may consider of future measures with mutual friendship and calmness — 

Gave a Belt 



German Flatts 3 Sep 1756 A. M. 
At a Meeting of the Onondagas, Oneidas and Tuscaroras 

Jacobus Clement Interp" ' 

Akonyoda the oldest Oneida Sachem Speak' 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We informed you yesterday that we had something yet left in our hearts which we wanted 
to lay before you ere we parted from one another 

We are now met, and must now tell you in the name of all the 6 Nations that we are quite 
surprised to find ourselves deceived in our opinion of the English, we took them to be a more 
steady People but we see that this Defeat at Oswego discourages them entirely, and you seem 
as it were to give up all hopes [This was said upon account of Gen' Webb's destroying all the 
Forts abandoning the carrying Place and marching back to the German Flatts] 

Brother We entreat you not to be dispirited, go on in your measures and try again, you 
often boated of the numbers of the English that they were like an inexhaustible Stream — 
Do your best call all your People from the Sea Side and bring them to Lake George as 
our common enemy will now attack you there, pray go on vigorously and you may still 
overcome them Gave a Belt 

Vol. VII. 25 



194 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Sir Williams answer 

Bretheren 

You are mistaken in your opinion of the English if you think the loss of Oswego has 
affected them in any such degree as will deter them from making War upon the Common 
enemy with a firmness & Resolution equal to the Provocations they have received At the 
same time that we are not insensible to what we have suffered by the loss of that Place, we 
think the security & welfare of the 6 Nations to be more essentially affected by it than our own 

Bretheren 

The Great King your Father has sent over the Earl of Loudoun to command all the 
Warriors in North America, and to order and direct all Warlike Measures upon this continent 
to him I shall communicate what you have now said, he is an experienced Warrior and you 
may be assured will take every measure becoming a brave and prudent cheif 

Gave a Belt 



Fort Johnson 9" Sept' 1756 P. M. 
Present — Sir William Johnson Bart 
Peter Wraxail Secretary 

Thomas Harris who went in company with James Conner & a party of Indians to make 
discoveries at Oswego says. That they found Fort Ontario entirely demolished and nothing 
left in it, that about 150 yards to the North Eastward, there was a French [entrenchment] 
about 200 yards long near 7 feet high and 8 feet wide with a breastwork of Gabions and 
fascines, but could discover no signs of any Cannon having been mounted there 

That the old Fort and Wall is also demolished with the Traders houses and every thing of 
Wood being burnt down 

That Fort Rascal was still burning and almost consumed 

That there were yet remaining near 100 Barrels of Pork which seemed to be in good order, 
and that a great deal had been burnt ; that a vast quantity of Bread lay on the Ground some 
rotten and some burnt ; as black as a Coal 

That they discovered no dead bodies nor Marks of blood but saw three graves one pretty 
large the other two smaller 

That they made no discovery of any enemy, that two long Poles were set up near Fort 
Ontario, the one near the enemys intrenchment the other near the Rivers side with several 
figures and words upon them which he did not understand but saw upon one of them 1756 

That he saw the remains of a considerable number of whale Boats & Batloes which had 
been burnt 

That they could discover nothing of any kind of Provisions Stores or Ammunition or other 
things but the Barrels of Pork, except Ball in cartridges with the Powder taken out 

That they saw a large shell in the Road the enemy had made 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 195 

Fort Johnson Sepf 9 at Night 
Present — Sir William Johnson 

Peter W'riixall Secry 

Arent Stevens Interp"' 

The Relation of two Oneida Indians sent by Sir William Johnson upon discovery to Oswego 

That the Walls of the old Fort are all pulled down which seems to have been done with 
hands and the house within burnt down to the first story — All the Traders houses are pulled 
down & burnt to the ground 

That they were informed before they went there that there were great numbers of dead 
bodies, but that they searched very diligently but could find none nor any marks of slaughter 

That they saw (according to their description) a Marter left behind in the old Fort 

That they saw no arms of any kind or any other warlike implement left there 

That they did not go up to Fort Rascal but saw some of the Pickets standing and the Fire 
still burning there 

That the Stockadoes round Fort Ontario appeared to them to have been cut down and 
afterwards burnt 

That by the Balls they discovered round Fort Ontario and near the Eneniys entrenchm" 
they imajine that Garrison made a brisk Resistance, and saw by two Canon Balls which were 
lodged, that they had fired Canon at the enemy. In this Fort they found no kind of Arms or 
any thing left. By some holes they observed in the Ground they are of opinion several shells 
were thrown from this Fort against the enemy but they all fell short of their entrenchment 

That they went along the road which tlie French had made, and found it was about 15" 
wide and well beaten tiiat at some distance from the entrenchment they saw a great number 
of Biers, which they apprehended the enemy had provided to carry off their dead and wounded, 
but they did not seem to have been used at ail that they found a great number of Gabions and 
Fascines scattered about in the woods, besides those made use of in the enemys works 

That within a mans call of Fort Ontario they discovered the enemys encampment which 
appeared to be only one Street or Row of about half a mile in length cheiffly of Bark hutts 
and in their judgment the enemy was not very numerous 

That they observed the Track of Carriages not Iron shod whose wheels were not very 
broad one of which they saw broke in the Road — They observed in the entrenchment that 
two Cannon had been mounted and do not know but there might have been more 

In the woods they found a large Parcel of Wadds made of Straw, In the Road they saw a 
large shell which by their description must have been II inches 

They saw two Poles one very high and up near Fort Ontario which latter had a cross and 
writing upon it 

They saw the Barrels of Pork sunk in the River, and great quantities scattered along the 
sides of it and a great quantity of Bread spoiled by the Rains which fell just before they got 
there, and also of Flour They met 7 Battoes loaded with Bread and Pork and Pease, which 
the Onondaga Indians were carrying from Oswego to their Castle 

They saw a good deal of Musket Ball laying about in Cartridges, but the Powder taken out. 
They were informed by the Onondaga Indians in their return that when the Forts were taken 
the Indians all went off disgusted because the French would not give them any Prisoners, and 
that the French remained there by themselves 4 days alter the Indians left them 



19G NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Fort Johnson 10 Sep"" 1756 A. M. 
Present — Sir William Johnson 

Mr Croghan 

Peter Wraxall Secry 
Interpreters Capt Montour Arent Stevens 

Coll Clapham who comands the Pensilvania Levies on the Susquehanna having sent a letter 
and some papers relative to Indian matters to Sir William Johnson by a Cayouga Indian, who 
was ciiarged with several Belts and Strings of Wampum to the 5 Nations — The said Indian 
gave the following relation of Indian Transactions which had lately passed in the Government 
of Pensilvania and which he was now going to lay before the five Nations 

" That an old Onondaga Indian sent last Spring by Sir William Johnson with a Belt and 
Message to the Delaware Indians living on the Susquehanna to admonish them to cease from 
all Hostilities against their Bretheren the English, and who was also charged with several 
Messages from the Half King and M' Montour to the Gov' of Pensilvania the said Indian in his 
way called at Coll Claphams encampment on the Susquehanna who gave him a friendly and 
kind reception and told him he was glad to see any one of the 6 Nations and welcomed hina 
with a string of Wampum which this Cayauga Indian now showed." 

That Coll Clapham sent an express to acquaint Gov' Morris of the aforesaid Onondaga 
Indians being in his camp. That Governour Morris invited him to Philadelphia; that he went 
thither and was very friendly received and that Gov' Morris spoke to him with a string of 
Wampum after this manner " I find myself as a person sitting in darkness and my feet in blood 
however aa I have the welfare of the country at heart and am inclined to keep up a good 
correspondence with the 6 Nations I am always glad to see any of them and ready to 
transact business with them" That Coll Clapham repeated the same speach over when the 
Onondaga Indian returned to his camp with an other String of Wampum (: these two Strings 
of Wampum the present speaker produced) 

Gov Morris further said 
" Brother 

I desire the 5 Nations will speak to the Indians living otl the Susquehanna to forbear all 
further hostilities against my people and return to their former friendship and Alliance" and 
hereupon gave a string. Coll Clapham repeated the same with an other String at his camp 
(: both these strings the present speaker produced:) 

Gov Morris continued and said 
" Brother 

We are destitute of any Indians to assist us this way and I confess we do not ourselves 
understand fighting in the woods, if we had a number of your Warriors to assist us, we would 
try to take Fort Du quesne; I therefore desire you will speak to the 5 Nations and also to the 
Mohawks to send me a party of their young men to help me" and hereupon gave a string 
which the present speaker produced 

That Coll Clapham upon the Onondaga Indians return to his Camp spoke to him with a 
Belt (: which the present speaker shewed:) as follows 
" Brother 

Pray take this Belt with you to Onondaga and tell the 6 Nations to hold fast the Covenant 
Chain of Friendship between them and us & the Inhabitants of Pensilvania for if they let it go 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 197 

it will be the Death of us both, and tlio some of the G Nations are joined with our enemies 
against us, yet I am no ways inclined to break our alliance with them on that account" 

Brother — With this Belt also acquaint the Nations, that I have built a Fort at Juniata 
[Fort Granville' since taken and destroyed by the enemy] and another here at JShamokin and 
I proposed building an other at Wyoming if liie G Nations will consent to it, and there to plant 
some corn and Provisions to support my people and the Indians which may come that way; 
but let not the 6 Nations imagine my building a Fort and planting there is to make a property 
of it, if the G Nations approve this proposal I expect a considerable number of them will 
speedily come down to a Meeting at Philadelphia and there we will settle all matters" 

" Brother We have never denied any request of the G Nations, and we hope they will not 
refuse us the liberty we now ask of building tiiis Fort and cultivating the Land round it, and 
be assured whatever Indians be poor or in want, If they come to me I will relieve them, as I 
am resolved to take care of all the Indians living on the waters of the Susquehanna" and 
hereupon gave a string which the speaker shewed 

That Governor Morris told the Onondaga Indian at Philadelphia. Tliat as he found by woeful 
experience, that making purchases of Lands was the cause of much blood having been shed he was 
determined to buy no more" but if there should any great man come and want to buy your 
Lands (said he) refuse him the first time, but if he presses it and ofT'ers a great deal of money, 
take it but the Land you must not let him have" and hereupon gave him a string of 
Wampum which the speaker produced 

And thus ended the Cayouga Indians relation 

After which Monakadook or the half King (who had been present during the foregoing as 
had been several other Indians of the 6 Nations:) acquainted S"' William with what Newcastle 
an Indian lately come from Philadelphia:) was charged with from that Government to him 
and M^ Montour by a Belt and 4 Strings of Wampum 

First he produced the 4 Strings of Wampum, which he said were sent to them by M"^ Peters 
and M' Logan to acquaint them, as also the Belt of Wampum ( : a Seneca cheif:) and Seneca 
George, that they are surprised they have not heard from them since they left Philadelphia nor 
from Sir William Johnson about them and if they are living to greet them and put them in 
mind of their old friendship 

He next produced a large Belt of black and vvhit Wampum which the New Gov' of 
Pensilvania (:Mr Denny:) had sent to the above named Indians to inquire of them about one 
Tediescunt a Delaware Indian who lives at Tiyaogo, and has acquainted the Governm' of 
Pensilvania, that he is King of the Delawares, elected by 10 Nations with the concurrence 
of the G Nations and that there is another King appointed over the 6 Nations, and that these 
two Kings have the sole Management of all the Indian aflairs. But that the Governor of 
Pensilvania is doubtful of the truth of this matter, and mistrusts the freindly professions which 
Tedyescunt has made to that Gov' as the Delaware Indians are still murdering his People ; 
and desires Monakadouta and the others will enquire of Sir William Johnson and the G Nations 
if what Tedyescunt had related be true, that he may know how to govern himself towards 
him — Hereupon Monakadouta addressed himself to Sir William and said 

' At the junction of the Kishikoquillos creek with the Juniata river, Penntyhania Archivu, II., 656; now Lewiatowo, 
Mifflin county, Pennsylvania. — Ed. 



198 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Brother 

As you have the sole managem' of the affairs of the 6 Nations I leave this Belt v^ith you 
to answer upon it, if you know any thing of these Great Men 

Sir William told the Cayouga Indian that he thanl^ed him for his particular relation of what 
had passed between Governor Morris, Coll Clapham, and the Onondaga Indian named 
Ogaghradarihha and that all such matters ought to come to his knowledge 

He also answered Monakadouta upon the Belt sent him and the rest by Gov"" Denny, that he 
was totally ignoront of any such King of the Delawares or of any King of the 6 Nations as 
mentioned in M'' Dennys Message to them, but there was speedily to be a- meeting of the 6 
Nations at his house he would enquire into the affair — And thus ended this Meeting 

Fort Johnson Sunday IS"- Sep 1756 
Peter Wraxall Secry 
Arent Stevens Interpreter 

An Onondaga Sachem and Warrior who went with some white men and Indians to Oswego: 
reports : That in his Return between Onondaga and the Tuscarora Castle he met three 
principal men of his Nation, who were coming down to Sir William Johnsons upon his late 
summons to the 6 Nations, but that they were overtaken by Messengers sent by the Cayouga 
Nation desiring them to defer proceeding to the said Meeting till some of their Sachems whom 
they dayly expected were returned from Canada And that on his arrival at Oneida those 
Indians acquainted him they had received the like Message from the Cayougas and gave him a 
large Belt to carry to their Brother Warraghiyagey to acquaint him that they as well as the 
Onondagas suspended their attendance upon him in consequence of this message from 
the Cayougas, but said they did not refuse to come out of any disrespect to him & prayed him 
to be easy in his mind upon it, but if he was displeased with their deferring to attend him, or 
did not approve of their delay to let them know it immediately Thus ended 

The Indian gave the large Belt The same Indian reported with regard to the present state 
of Oswego the same as before recorded — But added that he had learnt from his bretheren at 
Onondaga the following intelligence 

That several of the upper Nations going to Canada met the French army which took Oswego 
near Swegachie — That the French General told the aforesaid Indians that he supposed their 
coming to Canada had been delayed by Sir William Johnsons Management and Meetings with 
them — That the French had wanted to acquaint the 5 Nations with their present design of 
taking Oswego — That had they gone to Canada sooner they might perhaps have prevented 
his present undertaking but now he was on his march he should not stop that the affair would 
soon be ended that he was glad the English had built the Forts Vessells &" for they were all 
now ready for him to take and destroy — That Oswego used only to be a trading house for the 
English but now they have built Forts shipping &" "is this (said he) like a Trading house? 
" had they let it remain as it used to be, I should not have laid my hands on it: I have many 
"trading houses too, but I don't build Forts and make such formidable preparations, I should 
"not be against the English having a trading house but I won't suffer them to build Forts & 
••shipping, and if they attempt again I will again come and destroy them, this war wont be a 
"long one, for I shall after I have destroyed Oswego go to Lake George and destroy the Forts 



LONDON DOCUMENTS : XXXIII. 199 

" there and so go to Albany and Sclionectady and then return back to Lake George and if the 
" English should draw their People from the Oneida Carrying Place and German Flatta to 
"meet me at Lake George Pll divide my army and come down upon them from Oswego" 

That after this the French General gave the said 5 Xations Indians a letter to the Governor 
of Canada which our Indians think is to detain their people iiostages for the conduct of their 
respective Nations 

At the Onondaga Castle the said Indian was informed 

That the morning after the French had finished, the French General summoned Fort 
Ontario — That the command otlicer consented to surrender upon Terms; the french General 
answered his orders were to fight and not treat — That several Messages past between the 
English and French after wliicii the French began their attack, tiiat the whole affair lasted -1 
days when the English called out we are overpowered, surrendered and threw down their 
arms, when the French took possession and hoisted their white Flag — That the Indians got 
drunk with the great quantity of Rum found in the Forts and in their liquor fell upon the 
English Prisoners and murdered 100 of them — That the French lost but 4 of their people in 
the attack, but he did not hear how many of the English were killed 

That the French stayed 4 days after the Forts were surrendered burning and taking away 
every thing, that our officers were all sent off in one vessel 

Fort Johnson 14 Sept' 1756, 
Twenty three Mohawk Indians of the lower castle, headed by young Abraham & wide 

mouthed Brant both Sachems sett off for Canada in order to anoy the enemy 

15 Sept' Four white Men and two Indians sent by Sir William Johnson as scouts to 

discover the motions of the enemy their Posture number &" at and between Tiyondarogo and 

Forts William Henry and Edward 

Fort Johnson 15 Sept' 1756 A. M. 
The Information of Moses a Mohawk Warrior 

That 11 days ago he was at Tiyondaroga, that the enemy have three small Forts between 
that Post and the second narrows on the west side of the lake and a stone Fort at the east side 
were the water is very narrow at the south end of the carrying place. That they have a great 
number of people and most of their Indians at the nearest F'ort on the West side towards 
Fort William Henry. 

That the day he was watching for a scalp near one of their advanced Forts on the west side 
he heard a great number of Canon fired at Tiyondarogo, and afterwards at the Stone Fort on 
the East side of the Lake which he apprehends was upon their receiving the news of their 
success at Oswego, that at this advanced P'ort he was so near as to see the commanding officer 
throw up his hatt in the air and huzza and that a Feu de joye was fired by the Troops there 
upon the occasion — '-ilhat he saw no craft belonging to the enemy on the Lake ^ 

Fort Johnson 17'*' Sep — 1766 A. M. 
Sir William Johnson having this morning received an express from Lord Loudoun 
acquainting him that his Lordship was putting his Troops in motion toward Lake George, 



200 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

and that he himself prepared to March to Fort Edward in order to be at hand to make head 
against any attempts of the enemy and directing Sir William to get as many Indians as he 
possibly good' to join His Matys Forces — Sir William hereupon sent a message for the head 
Sachems of the lower Mohawk Castle and convened with them all the Indians of the several 
Nations now here, and acquainted them with the purport of his Lordships Orders and produced 
to them two Belts, one very large which he proposed to send thro the 6 Nations to summon 
them according to their engagements to him at the late Meeting at Onondaga to rise and 
without delay come and join the army at Fort Edward or Fort William Henry as my Lord 
Loudoun might thereafter direct 

An other smaller Belt which he proposed to send with the like summons to the Aughquaga 
& Southern Indians 

He further acquainted them that he proposed as soon as he got a sufficient party together to 
march thro' the woods and join Lord Loudoun at Fort Edward, and told the half King & 
Aughquaga Thomas and their party who were ready and intended to go out a scalping to 
Canada, that he would now have them go with Capt" Wraxall to Albany and from thence 
to march with Lord Loudoun to Fort Edward, and serve as scouts to his Lordships march and 
that he should send off an express to stopp the Mohawk Party who left this the 14"' Inst from 
going as they designed to Canada, and to rendezvous at Fort Edward, and there to go out on 
the Scout to discover the motions of the enemy, and such other duty as may be found necessary 
for His Majestys Service 

They answered that they agreed to Sir Williams proposals, and that the party would be 
ready to sett off wtih Capt° Wraxall tomorrow which would consist of 32 and that perhaps 
more might drop in before they marched 

The foregoing is a true Copy from the Original examined by me 

Peter Wraxall 

Secry for Indian Affrs. 



Governor Hardy to the Lords of Trade. 

[ New- York Papers, LI., No. 73. ] 

New York 2 Dec' 1756 
My Lords 

The engrossed copies of the Acts of this year except those passed the 1" Instant, are put up 
in the Box addressed to your Lordships being 2S in Number and inclosed is a list of their 
Titles. The Proceedings of the Council & assembly upon these acts go with them and copies 
of the Minutes of Council from the 30"" November 1756 inclusive. It will appear by the 
Titles of the acts that only two, need any observation, the others being either of a private 
Nature or to continue Former Acts, or similar to such as have been passed formerly, and the 
Reasons for passing which appear in the Preambles or Titles, I shall therefore confine myself 
to those two. the first is — An Act for the Payments of the Debts due from this Colony, and 

' Sic. conld. — Ed. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 201 

other purposes therein menl'' passed the 1" April 176C — The Assembly in framing this Bill 
included the arrears of Salaries due to the officers of Government looking upon them to be 
as much a debtof tlie Covernments as any of the other services mentioned in the Bill. And as 
the could not be prevailed on to depart from this method I was constrained either to pass the 
act, or leave the Debts of the Government unpaid, allmost all of which your Lordships will 
perceive were for services performed, which arose cheifly from the situation of the publick 
affairs, and to have left debts of this nature undischarged, I was of opinion would have aflected 
the Credit of the Province, and proved a great obstacle to any future General Service. At the 
same time I was convinced the leaving the arrears of Salary unpaid, would have no effect 
upon the Assembly, with respect to a future Bill for the support of His Majestys Goverunient. 
These Reasons with concurrg opinion of the Council (in their minutes page 2S) induced 
me to give my Assent to this act for which I hope to have your Ldps approbation 

The other is An Act for raising paying & subsisting 1715 effective men, officers included to 
be employed in conjunction vviih the neighbour^ Colonies on an expedition for reducing the 
French F'ort at Crown Point and carrying on an expensive VV^ir against the Indians who infest 
the Western Frontiers of this Colony, and other purposes therein mentioned. Passed at the 
same time 

The objections to this Act are first that the Fund for sinking, the Bills of Credit made 
current by it, is not to take place till 1762, in which and the three succeeding years, the 
emission is to be sunk, which is in effect giving the Bills a currency beyond the term of 5 years 
limited by His Majestys Instructions 

Upon my laying before the Council the Resolutions of the Assembly of the 2S"'' January to 
provide in this manner for the pay and subsistance for 1000 Men, they agreed with the Assembly 
that the circumstances of the Province would not admit of a shorter duration of the Bills as 
appears by their minutes page 15 to whose reasons I beg to refer your Lordships, it being 
impossible for me at that time from my short residence in the Province to form any opinion of 
my own as to this matter, and as when the Bill came to me, the sum granted was i'52,000 
instead of 40,000 mentioned in the Resolutions without giving the Bills further currency and 
the Assembly had shown so good a disposition for the general service, by a fixed augmentation 
of Forces to 1315, to be occasionally increased to 1715, which the proceeding year only 
amounted SOO, I thought it for his Majestys Service to w.ive this objection 

2""^ In the nomination of Pay masters and Commissaries, as to which I can only say that 
I insisted upon their being left out; the Council too did all they could to remove this obstacle, 
but the utmost length the Assembly would go, was to add the words in the Act importing that 
I had appointed them. From which considerations I hope your Lordships will approve of my 
having also given my assent to this Bill 

I have the honor to be 

Your Lordships 
To the Rt Honble most obedient and 

the Lords Comm" for Trade humble Servant 

and Plantations Cha' Hardy 

Vol. VH. 26 



202 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Governor Hardy to the Lords of Trade. 

[New-Tork Papers, LI., No. 74.] 

Fort George, N York 2^ [December] 1756 
My Lords 

Yesterday I put an end to the session of the General Assembly by a Prorogation to the 1 1 
of Jan'''' Next after passing the several Bills, that were ready for my Assent — Those relating 
to the public service and granting money to the Crown I shall mention 

As my letter of the IS"" of October enclosed to your Lordships my speech at the opening of 
the Session with the addresses of His Majestys Counsel and General Assembly, I shall briefly 
lay before you the methods that has been taken to bring the Assembly to a compliance with 
His Majestys pleasure in Framing the Bills for support of his Matys Governm' and in the 
nomination of Commissioners & other officers of Government 

On the receipt of your Ldps letter of the fourth of March last signify^ His Majestys 
Pleasure to me to assent to such temporary Bills as the assembly should Frame and Pass for 
the support of Government &c, and it appearing from your Lordships directions to me that 
His Majesty was pleased to indulge the general Assembly of this Province in this measure, 
from their repeated assurances that they did not mean to take upon themselves the executive 
Power of Government I thought it my duty to endeavour to bring the Assembly fully to 
comply with His Majestys Instructions to me in these Particulars. For the attaining this end 
I judged it proper at the opening the Sessions, to recommend it to the General Assembly to 
proceed to the Framing & passing a Bill for the support of His Majestys Government previous 
to any other conformable to His Matys pleasure. In conversing with the Speaker upon this 
subject, and finding his house not disposed to leave out the names of the Treasurer, Agent and 
some inferior officers attending the General Assembly I used all the arguments I was master 
of, urging to him their own solemn assurances given the Lieutenant Governor in their 
addresses to him of the G"" Nov' 1753 and of the 25 Nov 1754, I did not fail of pointing out to 
him His Matys goodness in allowing me to pass such a temporary Law as I had recommended 
and what must be expected from them for this Royal indulgence, during their setting many 
conferences passed between him and me upon it. The Gentlemen of His Majestys Council 
have also in many private conferences used the like arguments and urged this matter very fully 
but to little effect, and I have been able to obtain no more from them in this point, than the 
leaving out the names of the Governor, Cheif Justice, Assistant judges & other officers 
appointed by His Majesty or his Governor, granting the Salaries to the officers by Warrant, 
with incerting the names of the Treasurer, Agents, clerk & Doorkeeper of the General 
Assembly their appointments to be paid by an order of the House signed by the Speaker 

The Assembly upon considering that part of my speech for the establishing new Funds to 
be applied to the cancelling Bills already emited, framed two Laws One erecting a Stamp 
office and laying a duty upon all vellum, Parchment Paper &c. The other laying an excise 
of Six pence a pound upon all Tea of a Foreign growth. The Dutys ariseing from these two 
Bills is granted for His Majestys use, and to be applied by future Acts of Legislature, the first 
of these Bills, I hope will produce a good Fund the other more uncertain. These Bills as I 
expected they would, give rise to a difficulty in the appointment of Commissioners, which 
I insisted was in his Majestys Governor, using many arguments in private conference with the 
speaker & urging His Matys Rights, as in the Bill for the support of Government. But all I 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 203 

have been able to obtain, in the nomination or appointment of Commissioners, has been in this 
form, A B, whom His Excellency the (Jov' lias been pleased to appoint, by which the Assembly 
acknowledge the right of appointment, but appear to have reserved (by inserting the name of 
the Commissioners) themselves a Power of putting a Negative on the Governors appointment 

Tiiese are the Bills my Lord framed this sessions, most subject to objections The Stamp 
and excise upon Tea commence the 1" of January next and to continue for one year — Thus 
circumstanced I found myself under great ditlicultys when they came before me for my Assent 
& if the Measures I have taken to prevail on the Assembly to frame them consistent with His 
Matys pleasure and Instructions tho' without having the desired effect, appear to your 
Lordships more prudent and adviseable at this critical juncture, than engaging in a public 
dispute. It will give me great satisfaction and I shall hope for your Lordships approbation in 
having given my Assent to the Bills for the support of (joveinmeut for the ensuing year, A 
Bill for the payment of the arrears due for support of Governm' for the last year, and the 
Stamp office & excise Bills, in the manner & form I have here described to your Lordships 
and indeed I was principally induced to pursue these measures from a conviction that I should 
not have been able to prevail on the assembly to have given way so far as they have had I 
attempted by arguments and reasoning in publick Messages, which 1 fear would have been 
introductory of heats & Passions, and in the end have left these Bills framed in the manner 
they were originally drawn in which shape I could not have assented to them at all, and the 
necessity there is at this time for accepting of Grants of money for the carrying on of his 
Majestys Service, encouraged me to pass these Laws I have herein mentioned — added to a 
moral certainty that the Assembly would have rather suffered those Bills to have been wholy 
lost, than have consented to any further amendment or alteration On the other hand if your 
Lordships are of opinion that I erred in passing these Bills in this present form. I must beg 
you will please to point out to me how far I may consent for the future 

In a late letter to your Lurdps 1 informed you that a Bill for support of Government was 
depending and that I had demanded a Salary for His Maty* Governor of .£1200. Sterling, 
this Point I have not able to carry, the Assembly have given an augmentation of .£240 this 
currency which added to .£1560 heretofore given they call equivalent for .£1000 Sterling 
this I thought adviseable to accept of for the present, giving them to understand that I do not 
accept of it as the established Salary for His Matys Governor, and here it may not be improper 
to inform your Lordships that in no part of my Instructions the Salary His Majesty expects 
for his Governor is mentioned or ascertained 

I have passed several other Bills this Session of a publick & private Nature, all which I 
shall transmitt when prepared, which I think can not be done by this Packet — Those that 
relate to the publick Service, I shall mention by which your Lordships will see, however 
contentious the General Assembly have been upon the Points I have had the honor to mention 
in the preceding part of this letter they have been well disposed to promote the publick Service 

Upon the Season advancing for closing the campaign and the Troops drawing in to their 
winter Quarters I advised with Lord Loudoun about keeping up the whole or part of the 
Regiment raised in the Spring in the pay of this Province for the expedition against Crown 
point and his Lordship having informed me, that it would be for His Majestys Service to keep 
up the New York Regiment, adding that he expected the New England Governm' would 
discharge all their Forces I recommended this measure to the General Assembly they very 
readily sent me a resolution to support 803 eifective men officers included to the 31 March 



204 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

next that they might be ready to go on service as early in the Spring as should be judged 
necessary, This resolution I sent express to Lord Loudoun requesting he would give 
directions for reducing the Regim' to the numbers Voted, acquainting him, that I should 
provide warm clothing for the men, 500, of them are now in actual Service and posted between 
Albany & Fort Edward the other 300 are to be posted on our Western Frontiers to protect 
the inhabitants against the incursions of the Indians, I have passed a Bill for the subsistance 
of this Regiment to the time specified in the Resolution, and for furnishing them with Warm 
cloathing, and have put them under the command of His Majestys commander in cheif 

Lord Loudoun informing me that he proposed quartering one of the Battallions of the Royal 
American Regiment in this city, I recommended to the Assembly to make provision for 
receiving and furnishing them with Bedding, Fire and Candle, they have been under great 
difficultys in framing a Bill for Billeting, which I mentioned in a former letter to your 
Lordships, but at last have passed one, leaving it to the Magistrate to settle the rates for such 
quarters, as may occasionally be wanted, over and above what the Barracks, and six Block 
houses I have fitted up for Barracks will hold & have given me assurances for providing for 
Beds, Fire and Candle for the Troops that take up their Quarters in those Barracks Upon the 
whole I hope we shall no difficultys in quartering the Troops allotted to this city, for by 
the Act, if the Publick houses are insufficient to take them in, the private houses must 

The other Bills of a publick nature are annual acts, for granting to his Maty Dutys and 
impositions on Goods, Wares and merchandize imported, and to regulate the collecting the 
duty of Excise on strong liquors retailed, for cancelling Bills of Credit 

As this sessions has been long, I thought it most adviseable to deferr pressing the Assembly 
to pass Laws for defraying a moiety of His Majestys Commission for determining the disputed 
Line between this Province & New Jersey, and for annulling the exhorbitant Grant of Lands, 
lo a convenient time at their next meeting. 

As the engrossed copys of the Acts of the late Session can not be prepared to go by this 
Packet, I send your Lordships attested copies of one of them, and the Representation of the 
Council and Assembly to me thereupon. It is 

An Act further to continue the currency of the Bills of credit for the payment of the Debts and 
for the better support of the Government of this colony and other purposes therein mentioned 

This Bill is generally know[n] by the name of the Loan office Act .£40,000 of the Bills of this 
emission were lent out to the people of such countys as were willing to take them at the 
Interest of £5 £"• Cent the principal to be paid in four payments at certain periods which have 
before been twice prolonged, and as the Borrowers were under no apprehensions that these 
Bills would be called in at a time when by the increase of the public charge the Government 
would want the aid of the Interest they were unprepared to make the first paym' in April 
next, and I beleive would have been greatly distressed by it, as many of them must have sold 
their estates at a very disadvantageous Rate, this consideration and the certainty of the Fund 
which produces annually i:iSOO towards the support of the Government induced me to 
consent to the postponing the payments for one year (by giving assent to this Bill) in which 
time His Matys further pleasure may be known, It also appears to me that the credit of these 
Bills or those of any other emission can not be effected by continuing this fund for some time 
longer, and that no prejudice will arise to His Matys Service from thence, but on the contra y 
that if the Bills should be called in, the Province will be put to difficulty to find an other Fund 
so good. With these observations I shall leave to your Lordships consideration the 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 205 

council and assemblys Representation expressing their desire that the original act may be 
further continued 

I have the Honor to be 

Your Lordships most obedient & 
To mogt humble Servant 

The R' Honble The Lords Coram" of Trade & Plantations Cha' Hardy 



Governor Hardy to the Lords of Trade. 

[New-York Papen, LI., No. 77.] 

Fort George N York Dec' 3" 1756 
My Lords 

I ;im now to acquaint you that there is two vacancies in His Majestys Council of this 
Province by the Deaths of James Alexander and Edward Holland Esq'" the first dyed in the 
summer and the latter a few weeks past 

As the seventh article of His Majestys instructions directs me to transmit to your Lordships 
the names of three Persons inhabitants of this Province, whom I shall esteem best qualified to 
supply the vacancys that may happen in the council, I beg leave to lay before, and recommend 
to your Lordships M' John Watts, M' William Walton and M' Robert R Livingston these 
Gentlemen are possessed of considerable estates in the Province and in my opinion are fully 
qualifyed for this trust 

I judge it necessary to lay before your Lordships the state of His Matys Council, by which 
you will see the difficultys I must be subject to, if on any occasion His Majestys service calls 
me from this city at which times it is highly proper a committeee of the council should 
attend me, as most orders of Government must be by their advice, and it is as highly necessary 
that a full Quorum should be left in this City to carry into execution such orders as I may 
occasionally see necessary to send to them 

M' George Clark Secretary of the Province has not I am informed been in the country since 
he has been in the council, Major Rutherford' of the Royal American Regiment (rom his 
Military employment, can not attend this necessary part of His Maty's Service, and Sir William 
Johnson from the necessity he is under of closely attending to Indian affairs, is so little in this 
city that I can very seldom have his assistance, added to this, the Cheif Justice two assisting 
Judges and two Gentlemen in the profession of the Law, who attend the circuits and other 
Courts of justice 

I have the Honor to be 

Your Lordships 

most obedient & most 
To the Rt Honble the Lds Comm" humble Servant 

of Trade & Plantations Cha' Hardy 

' JoBN RvrniEEFoED was swore a member of His Majesty's Council of New-Tork, Utii January. 1744. Km -York Couneil 
Mtnuttn, XXIIL, 2, at which time he was a CapUin of an independent company of New-Yort. He served in Sir Peter 
Uacketl's Brigade, in Braddock's cumpaign, 1756, Sargent, 327, and on the 6lh January, 1766, was coiiiuiissioued a Major of 
the 60th or Royal American Regiment He was killed in the attack on Ticonderoga, 8th July, 175S. Pmtuylvania Archittt 
HI., 47 6. — Ed. 



206 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Oovernw Hardy to the Lords of Trade. 

[New- York Papers, L)., No. T8.] 

Fort George N York 22 Dec 1756 
My Lords 

In my letter to yoa of the 22>'^ Feb last I begged your Lordships Interposition with the 
Massachusetts Government to oblige their inhabitants to keep within proper Limits till His 
Majesty should please to determine the line of Jurisdiction between the two Provinces 

After the many conferences and letters that have passed between me and Gov' Shirley on 
this subject and the assurances he gave me, I had conceived hopes, that care would be taken 
on the side of the Massachusetts Government to prevent their People committing any further 
outrages and violences upon the Lands & Tennants of M' Robert Livingston and M' John Van 
llansaleer, Proprietors of those two Manners within this Province and which estates has been 
handed down to them by their auncestors from old Times 

The claim the Massachusetts Governm' make to those Lands, is known to none but 
themselves, it has frequently been demand"* from them in its full extent by my Predecessors as 
well by myself, but still remains unanswered and under this pretended claim the people 
residing at Sheffield and upon the Borders, adjoining to the Borders of this Province, do by 
force of arms & violence dispossess the Tenants of those Gentlemen, discharging them from 
holding their Farms from M' Livingston, and Ransaleer and put them or others in possession of 
them by giving them titles &c under themselves distressing and destroying the Peace of His 
Majestys subjects of this Province and threatning them with Fire and destruction A late 
transaction with the measures I have taken upon it, I shall now lay before your Lordships 

M' Robert Livingstones Tennants being encouraged by such Proceedings to hold their Farms 
independent of him was advised by his Lawyers to serve the most riotous of them with 
ejectments and hav^ the last term obtain judgments against them The Sheriff of the County of 
Albany was order"* to turn them out of Possession, and put him in. He accordingly on the 25" 
of last month went with some men he summoned to attend him, to some houses of the ejected 
and after some opposition effected it, when proceeding to the House of one Hendrick Bruises,* 
another of the Tenants, on the same account one John Van Gelden (an Indian of Sheffield 
who lives on a Farm there of his own, is married to a White Woman and has by her several 
children and is a subject of the Massachusetts Government) came there on Horseback with 
one of his sons and Benjamin Franklin on foot all well armed, with a Gun Bayonet, Hatchett, 
Powder and Ball and forbid the sheriff touching the house of Bruises,* presenting their Guns at 
him and his company, but the sheriff like a good officer not regarding their Threats ordered his 
posay to surround them which they endeavoured to do, the Rioters advancing to them with the 
Indian Yell and other hideous noise. Van Geidens son snapped his Gun loaded with 10 Buck 
shot & one Bullet its missing Fire, Franklin made motions as if he would fire as did the old 
Van Gelden, the Possy still closing with them, tliough unarmed, knocked down young Van Gelden 
and Franklin taking their Guns from them, the old Indian being at some distance fired iiis 
Piece and shot one Adam Rypenberger (a poor Tenant of M' Livingstons who attended the 
Sheriff upon his summons) and rode off but being well pursued was taken and with the other 
two, sent to, and committed to Albany Jail 

' Brusie. New-York Doeumentary Hi'lory, III., 818. — Ed. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 207 

On tlie 20 one James Connor of SlieHVilii came to M' I.ivlngsloii and inforni"* him, lliat two 
of Van Celdens sons liad been at ^Sliefleild, when he heard them say they wouhi have Timothy 
Connor (head collier to M' Livingston,) dead or alive, that they would burn his (\r Livingstone) 
house over his head, that they went from thence to Stockhridge to invite those Indians to 
assist them, to execute this scene of Villany and that if they could not prevail on them, they 
would go to the Mohawks & require assistance from them 

Mr Livingston further informs me that one Nicholas Koens came twenty miles to advise 
liim to keep a good watch, for that Vangeldens sons intended to come wilh the Sloikbridge 
Indians to murder him and burn all he had. Inclos'd is copies of Connnrs ojjidavh and the 
Coroners inquisitation for your Ldps further Information of this matter 

On receipt of these Papers and Information I wrote Lieut Gov' Phips desiring him to send 
orders to the Inhabitants of his Government to forbear committing such violations and outrages 
and to forbid the Slockbridge Indians joining any People in them, I thought it right to 
acquaint him if His Matys subjects committed to my care, was not redressed in this just 
complaint he might be assured I v^'ould endeavor to have all such Rioters apprehended, and 
delivered over to the Law, to be punished as they deserved, and to prevent their carrying into 
execution their threats I applied to Lord Loudoun, for a sulHcient Guard to be quartered at 
the House and Iron Works of M' Livingston for the security of his family, when his Lordship 
informed me he had heard the story from the Mayor of Albany who is coroner of the county 
who he advised to make a requisition of such a guard, in M' Livingstons name, and that he 
had left orders with General Abercrombie to send an officer and twenty five men to Mr 
Livingstons. Sir William Johnson was with Lord Loudoun at the Storys being told who 
acquainted his Lordship that he would send immediately to the Stockhridge Indians 

By ail these precautions I trust M"' Livingston will have no further disturbance for the present, 
for 1 can not flatter myself that these violations will not be attempted again if opportunitys 
offer for it, and his House left unguarded, I am sure my experience gives me little reason to 
hope any good effects from any representations made to the Massachusetts Government so often 
repealed that it would leave me to imagine some encouragement and countenance must be 
given by secret abettors of these manifest violations upon the legal rights and possessions of 
those Gentlemen. 

I am told people in the Massachusetts Government are now buying Lands of the Stockhridge 
Indians, which have been purchas^ near a centery from them «nd which have been settled 
many years by people in this Province, and that they are now laying out a Township on those 
Lands, which are comprised in the Kinderhooks Patent, I shall endeavor to inform myself of 
this particular and transmit to your Lordships what ever comes to my knowledge 

The evils arising from such a proceedure of the Massachusetts Government if not fully put 
an end to, are too recent for me to trouble your Lordships with, especially at this time when 
all Hearts and Hands should be united to oppose the common eneniy I have on all occasions 
endeavoured to inculcate unanimity and good Harmony between the two Provinces, how far I 
shall be able to persevere in this disposition under the circumstances I have related, and if 
those are repeated I must leave to your Lordships 

The difficultys I have found in bringing the Assembly to pass a Law for defraying a moiety 
of His Majestys commission for determining the Line of Jurisdiction between the two 
Provinces leaves me little encouragement to hope it may soon be effected, or even if it could 
be on our side, 1 have still more reason to doubt the General Court of Boston's concurring in 
passing the like Law on their part 



208 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

In examining of Papers in tlie Secretarys office relating to this dispatch 1 find in the month 
of June 1754 commissions from New York and the Massachusetts Bay, mett at Albany to settle 
a Line of Peace or temporary jurisdiction between the two Provinces, an examined copy of 
the Report of the Commissioners of New York to the Lieutenant Governor I now inclose by 
which your Lordships may more fully see the disposition of the Gov™' of the Massachusetts 
with respect to this controversy — Also inclosed is a copy of a Plan shewing the Patents on 
the East Side of Hudsons River with the dates of the Grants under this Government, the only 
alteration or point in which this plan differs with that produced at the meeting of the Comm" 
is the red Lines marked H which is to show the Western Limits of the Massachusetts 
Government under their Grant of 1691 and refers to folio 5 in the Report, together with the 
red lines, taking Rhode Island and Plymouth Colonys which shews the Northern Line of those 
Colonies and Connecticut. The Green line marked G shews the last temporary line proposed 
by the Commissioners of New York taken notice of in the Report Folio 10 

This is the best information I can at present furnish your Lordships with, and upon the 
whole, my Lords, I have so little prospect of this disputes being accommodaf" so as to preserve 
Peace and good order upon our Borders till a final determinat" of a Line of jurisdiction takes 
place, that I find myself under a necessity to pray your Lordships interposition with His 
Majesty for his royal orders and injunctions of the Massachusetts Government to confine 
themselves within proper Limits ; And your Lordships may be assured 1 shall in the mean 
time use my utmost endeavors to obtain a Law for defraying a Moiety of His Majestys 
Commission, and try to influence Lieutenant Governor Phipps to do the same on his part 

For without such an injunction from His Majesty previous to the line of Jurisdiction's being 
determined I plainly see I must be reduced to the necessity of preserving good order and 
Government, by Force of Arms or give up His Maty's Subjects just rights and Possessions, 
to the manifest violations and encroachments of the People of New England 

I have the honor to be 
To Your Lordships 

The Rt Honble most obedient and 

The Lords Comm" most humble Servant 

for Trade & Plantations Cha". Hardy 



Edmund Athin^ Esq.^ to the Lords of Trade. 

[New-York Papen, LI., No. 87.] 

New York 27'* Dec. 1756 
My Lords 

By the Earl of Leicester Packet I sent your Lordships advice of my arrival here on the S"" 
Oct' by the General Wall Packet being the first that saiLl]d from Falmouth after I received my 
Despatches ; of which I had immediately sent advice to the Earl of Loudoun. I proceeded 
afterwards to Albany, where I received a letter from his Lordship in Camp at Fort Edward 
that he should be glad to meet with me at the end of the campaign being then near at hand he 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 209 

came to Albany tlie S"" of Noveniher ; ami .Sir William Johnson who went home first for some 
papers came four days after. Tiien his Lordsliip held a consultation with us both upon the 
Indian affairs — and was pleased to declare that he received great satisfaction at the perfect 
Ilnrmony that he found in our sentinuMits in general upon those affairs; by his Lordships 
directions we presented in writing our thoughts and opinion " Upon what Footing and after 
•' what manner, the British Trade or commerce with the Indian Nations may be best carried 
" on and supported for the future" which we did separately adapted more particularly to the 
districts assigned to each of us respectively and his Lordship purposed to transmitt the same. 

Sir William told me that the G Nations were weakened and in fact distressed some of the 
Western Nations having fallen oflT from their alliance, and the Shawanese and such of 
the Delawares as live upon the Ohio, who had been subject to them, having been set up 
and supported in an Independency upon them by the French still continuing Hostilities against 
the People of some of our colonies, contrary to their orders — For which reason he was sure 
they would be glad to be strengthened and to have that loss repaired by an alliance with the 
Southern Nations tlio' they were too haughty to acknowledge it or to take any direct steps 
themselves for it, and that therefore before he came from home he had hinted to some of their 
Sachems my being at Albany a good opportunity for them to lay a foundation for that purpose 
which he perceived was very pleasing to them — Before Sir William left Albany in order to go 
to a meeting of the Nations appointed to be held at his own house, he repeated the same — 
And as I had proposed some questions to be asked by him in my name for the Service in View 
be wished that I could be present myself at that meeting — As I judged this to be a very 
favorable opportunity for endeavoring to put an end to the wars, which have subsisted time 
out of mind between the 6 united Nations — and some or other of the Southern Nations and 
consequently for bringing about an alliance by degrees between all the Indian Nations in 
friendship with the British subjects and reducing them into one General system therefore 
laying aside the distinction of districts in a matter in which His Matys Interest was so neerly 
concerned ; I did with Lord Loudouns approbation follow Sir William to Fort Johnson in the 
Mohawk Country — Where I stayed one whole week during the conferences they were as he 
said much graver than usual and the Sachems at last acknowledged that they had not sufficient 
Authority to answer the principal Question, which he repeated[ly] pressed (to wit what 
assistance we may rely on from them in the next campaign, or what part they were determin'd 
to act in the present war between us Jind the French) untill they should have a more General 
Meeting at Onondaga after the return of some of their People who were then gone to Montreal 

When I made afterwards my speech to them suited to the occasion of ray coming, they 
discovered the greatest pleasure imaginable all the while I was speaking. And after a short 
consultation together privately (without going out of the Room) they gave so explicit and 
favorable an answer by their speaker, how thankfully they should receive any assistance from 
tiie Southern Nations against the French (giving me a large Belt of Wampum to be delivered 
with their Message) that it led me further, in as much as I foresaw that, in case it should be 
found expedient to set any of the Southern Indians to war upon the Shawanese and Delawares, 
it would be proper to be able to give them an assurance how it would be taken by the Six 
Nations; to ask them therefore at another conference in plain terms, what I might tell those 
Southern Indians concerning the Shawanese and Delawares still continuing hostilities against 
our People contrary to their orders? this question they answered as explicitely and favorably — 
They also agreed to a proposition I made in order to distinguish our Indian Friends and 
Vol. VII. 27 



210 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

enemies, and thereby to prevent such mischeifs as have been frequently committed in the 
Southern Settlements by unknown Indians "That for the future any of their people going to 
" the Southward shall produce to me or at the Fort lately built on the other side of the 
*' Cherokee mountains a Passport from Sir William Johnson mentioning their business — and 
"that when ever they meet with any Indian having a paper with an impression of my Seal of 
"office (which was viewed by them) they shall look upon him as a friend": The speaches 
and answers at large are here inclosed — Those three points obtained by my going to the said 
General Meeting are of much importance to the present service — It shall be my business to 
improve them to the utmost among the Southern Nations, so that the desired effect may be 
reaped therefrom 

I returned to Albany with Sir William Johnson by which means we were near ten days 
longer together. And having had so much opportunity to talk things over, and compare our 
sentiments, as we have the good fortune to prove agreeable to each other, the consequence is, 
a mutual confidence establised between us in our mutual negociations for the future, of which 
the publick Service cannot fail to reap the benefit. I came back again to this city on the S"" 
of this month as Lord Loudoun did the next morning — So soon as ever I receive his Lordships 
despatches with my Instructions, I shall proceed immediately by land to the Southern 
Provinces; where I find on all hands the French have been for some time past, with the 
assistance of the Shawanese uncommonly active and busy among our Indians to produce a 
rupture with us in those parts It was the apprehension of this, which always made me desirous 
of getting thither as soon as possible 

I entreat your Lordships to beleive that as I have nothing more at heart than the service I 
have undertaken, I will spare no pains to acquit myself faithfully of the Trust His Majesty hath 
been pleased to repose in me, and that I am very respectfully 

My Lords 

Your Lordship's 

most obedient and 

most humble Servant 

Edm"* Atkin 

P S I have wrote to the same purpose to His Majestys Secretary of State 

To the R' Honble 
The Lords Comm" 

of Trade & Plantations 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 211 

Conference between Edmund Atkin, Esq., and the Six Nations. 

[ Ncw-Tork Papon, U., No. SS. ] 

Fort Johnson 21 Nov 175G. 
At a Meeting of the Six United Nations 

Present — The Honble Sir William Johnson Bt. Superintendant of the affairs of the 

Six Nations & their confederates 
Edm'' Atisin Esq"'"' Superintendant of tlie affairs of the Indian Nations & 

their Confederates of Virginia N & S Carolina & Georgia 
Peter Wraxall Esq'« Sec^ 
Lieut' Claes Dep. Sees' 
Mr Croghan 

Captn Butler M' Johnson 

Capt" Graham M'Prancis 

Interpreters M'' Stevens M'' Montour 

M' Atkin made the follow^ speach 

Bretheren of the 6 united Nations 

I am an Englishman, T have lived almost ever since I v?as a boy in South Carolina, I am 
acquainted with ail the Soutiiern Nations 

I know most of their cheifs or head men ; and they know me, because I have been one of 
the Great King Georges Counsellors in that country near twenty years; and was almost 
always present, while I staled there, whenever tliey came and talked with his Governors 

All the Strouds Blankets, and other things which the Indians want for their use, they are 
supplied with by the English, in exchange for their Deer Skins and Furrs The French can 
not supply them with them as those Indians often tell the French Governors — Therefore they 
love the English 

They French came along after the English into the Mississippi Country — They began 
immediately on their arrival with building Forts wherever they went, and next endeavored to 
put a stop to the Trade of the Indians witli the English ; often killing our Traders privately — 
They made war upon several Nations of Indians, that opposed their designs and destroyed 
some Nations entirely for no other reasons — But the English had no design to hurt the 
Indians, but to live quietly and in Freindship with them Therefore they never attempted to 
build a Fort in any of the Indian countrys, till lately two Forts have been built in the country 
of the Cherokees, after ten years solicitation from them for us to do it in order to keep out the 
French, and to protect their wives and children against the French and their Indian Allies 

There are Rogues among the white People as there are among the Indians Some of the 
English Traders have no doubt some times behaved ill towards the Indians so have some of 
the Indians towards our people — It was the business of their head men, and of the English 
Governors to prevent or punish such things, but the English Governors have had enough to 
do to take care of the affairs of the White People in their settlements — They were not able 
to go into the Indian country to see and examine all proceedings, in order to prevent 
misunderstanding by bad Practices. The Traders as well as the Indians, had an opportunity 



212 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

by that means to tell lies and impose upon each other which was bad for both the English and 
the Indians that Trade with them. I hate Rogues, whether Whites or Indians, I always 
loved the Indians that is such as were honest and lived soberly and peaceably 

Before these new troubles arose between the English and the French, I went home to 
England, and let the Great King your Father know every thing that concerned the Indians in 
friendship with the English to the Southward 

The King being desirous to do every thing on his part for the good of the Indians, and to 
preserve a friendship between them and his people living in those parts, was pleased to make 
choice of and to appoint me to act for him, & superintend or take care of the affairs of the 
several Indian Nations living near his people in Virginia, North & South Carolina, and Georgia, 
and their allies, to look after the Behaviour of the whole people that trade among them, and 
to consult with their cheifs about what ever concerns their mutual Good, and so a sincere 
Friendship may be preserved between them and his Majesty ; in the same manner as he 
appointed Sir William Johnson to superintend the affairs of you the six united Nations and 
your allies 

Accordingly I am lately come over the Great Water, to see and talk with the Great Kings 
cheif General and Sir William Johnson, before my proceeding to the Southward. I met them 
both at Albany and being told that you were to meet Sir William Johnson here in order to 
have a conference with him upon the present state of affairs ; I thought it best to come and 
hear what past, that I may know for certain what part you are determined to act between us 
and the French — For when I meet the Southern Nations, they will ask me that question I 
will not tell lies for I have but one heart and one tongue. Therefore I desire to know from 
yourselves, what I shall tell them 

Whatever part you are determined to act in the present war with the French Do you 
think the Southern Indians will stand with their arms across ; No. I am sure they will help to 
put a stop to the French encroachments, upon their country, and freedom of Trade, and will 
join their ancient Freinds the English in any thing to be done for their mutual Support 

It is good for all Indians that prefer the Trade and Friendship of the English to that of the 
French, to join their strength together, and to unite and support each other You have been 
asleep too long, awake get upon your leggs and take your arms in your hands before it is too 
late — It signifies nothing to call yourselves Friends of the English, unless you act as freinds 
by helping, We can look on you only as the Trees standing still in the woods — The 
Catawbas and Chickasaws would never permit French men to come near their country ; and 
scorn to treat with the French, even the Chickasaw Women, when the French invaded their 
country with a large army, fought along with their Husbands, with their children tied to 
their Backs ; and shared in the Honor of obtaining a compleat victory in open Field over that 
army, as their Bones will now tell you lying on the Ground 

Bretheren 

I thought fit to say thus much to you. and have but one question to ask — Are you still the 
Freinds of the English; and will you join them as your Forefathers did — Say what shall 
I tell the Southern Nations, that tiiey may think the truth of you and know how to act 
for themselves — Gave a Belt. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 213 

The Answer of the G Nations made to M'' Atkin's foregoing Speech, by 
Gonoqiuesa their speaker, after consultation with the Sachems 

Brother 

As your intentions in coming here, were to know the Sentiments of the Six Nations with 
regard to tiie present situation of aflairs, tiiat you may carry our opinion to the southward 
Indians We shall now acquaint you what our opiniou is 

Brother 

We have listened attentively to all you have said and it has made a strong impression upon 
our Hearts. We thank you for coming here, and it will be very agreeable to us, that you 
communicate what we say, to our brother to the Southward 

Brother 

As you have told us that the King our Father hath made you superintendant over the 
affairs of the Southern Nations we hope you will take good care of them You desire to know 
whether we will act as our forefathers have done before us — We refer you upon that point to 
our brother Sir William Johnson, who best knows our characters. 

Brother 

We look upon you now as tiie cheif man to the Southward with regard to the Indians, as 
we do upon our brother Sir William Johnson this way, when he first took upon him the 
management of our affairs, We were in tottering condition like a Tree shook with every 
wind — We strengthened and brightened the Covenant chain with him, which we are resolved 
shall not be broke on our side 

Brother 

Be strong stand firm and tell all the Southern Indians, what we have now declared to you 
in behalf of our Bretheren the English — Let them know our situation that the enemy is on 
the Borders of our country, and do you use your Interest to obtain for us the Assistance of our 
Bretheren to the Southward, and tell them we shall receive it with thankfullness, and 
Gratitude. And hereupon we give you this Belt of Wampum, to deliver to the Chickasaws, 
& by them to be sent to the rest. Gave a large Belt 

Brother 

We beg you will carry our message to the Chickasaws with the utmost speed ; and deliver it 
in our own words They sent us word two months ago, they would be with us the latter end of 
next may. but the Senecas have sent anotiier Message since to them, to hasten them sooner, 
80 that we may be all ready in good time to joyn our brother Warraghiyagey when he may 
call upon us, and we desire you will with this String of Wampum, press this Message of the 
Senecas among them Gave 2 Strings of Wampum 

Brother 

We have spoke to you after mature deliberation, and we hope that we shall both of us act, 
with a freindly and a prudent conduct 



214 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Mr Atkin replied 

Bretheren 

I haye given close attention to all you have said and shall be careful to deliver your message 
in your own words and I am sure your Bretheren to the Southward will be pleased therewith, 
and that it will rejoice your hearts on both sides I shall make all the haste possible When I 
have business to do I sleep but little — If you are as well inclined as the Southern Indians, and 
•will act unanimously I am sure you may laugh at the French 

At another Conference held 23 Nov 1756 — A. M. 

Present — as in the former Conference. (Capf Graham Exc"*) 

Mr Atkin made the follow^ Speech 

Bretheren of the 6 united Nations 

The Delawares & Shawano's your Nephews and Bretheren, some time ago took up the 
Hatchet against your Fathers People of Virginia, Maryland, Pensilvania & Carolina. I have 
been told that you interposed in behalf of those people ; and that the Delawares and Shawanoes, 
both promised to lay down the Hatchet. — I hear that some of the Delawares living on the 
Susquehanna have complied with your orders but that the rest of the Delawares & Shawanoes 
still continue Hostilities against our people in those parts 

As those Indians have been long counted a part of you and under your absolute direction. 
The Southern Indians I beleive will ask me how this comes to pass, and what they are to 
think of it. 

And therefore I desire you will tell me your thoughts about this Matter, & what I shall tell 
the Southern Indians Gave 3 Strings of Wampum 

Bretheren 

Some of your Warriors often go to the Southward and some times through the Country of the 
Cherokees some times French Indians mix in their company, who take that opportunity to go 
privately into the settlements of Carolina, and have several times done mischeif there 

When the Governor of Carolina has been angry with the Cherokees for letting those people 
come through their country, the Cherokees have excused themselves by saying " That they 
" were sensible that such Indians did come that way, but that they could not always 
" distinguish them from your people" 

Therefore to prevent any misunderstand^ between you and us I, desire that whenever any 
of your people come for the future that way, they may bring a Paper in writing from my 
brother Sir William Johnson, mentioning their business; to be shewed to me, or if I am not 
there, then to be shewn fit the Fort built lately in one of their towns over the Hills, that I 
may find out Rogues & French Indians 

Mr Atkin then shewed his seal of office and said " that whenever they should meet with any 
" Indian having a paper with that impression on it, they may look on him as a friend" which 
seal was handed round, and viewed by all the Indians present 

The Speaker then said " they did not know what name to call him by; and therefore they 
" had agreed to give him one; which was, Caughnegarighsey " 



LONDON DOCUMENTS : XXXIII. 215 

23"" November P. M. 175G 
Present — as in the Morning 

The Six Nations made the following answer to M' Atkins speech of this morne Conoquiesa 
their speaker 

Brother Caughnegarighsey 

We have listened to what you have said to us this morning, about the Shawanees and 
Delawares, and your desire to us thereupon 

Brother 

We shall make one Tryal more by a very large Belt with those Indians and if they wont 
listen to our admonition we shall tell them " they must die" Gave 3 Strings Wampum 

Brother 

You have desired that when any of our People, go to the Southward, they might bring a 
letter or certificate from our Brother Warraghiyagey in order to prevent mistakes or mischeif 
This is good, but still it mayn't wholly answer the purpose for we may be fired upon, before 
■we can shew our letter 

We therefore think it will be better to carry a Red Flagg also, and when that is shewn, the 
Bearers to be looked upon as freinds 

Sir William and M' Atkin told them " They both agreed to this signal, and recommended 
" it, to them, to be careful in observing it, And that if they neglected it they must take the 
" consequence upon themselves 

A true Copy from the 

Records of Indian affairs 

Examined by mo 

Peter Wraxall. 



Governor Hardij to the Lords of Trade. 



[ New-Tork Papers, LI, 82. ] 

Fort George New York 28 Dec. 175G 
My Lords 

Yesterday by the Packet I had the honor of your Lordships letter of the 9"" of October last 

and shall to the utmost of my power carry into execution His Matys orders, with respect to 

the exportation of Provisions from any Port or Place within this Government, But, I must 

bfg leave to observe to your Lordships that I fear this can not be so fully executed, to answer 

all the good purposes designed by His Matys directions, while the Waters of this and the 

neighbouring Governments are open to those who may attempt smuggling Provisions to 

the Neutral Islands, notwithstanding an embargo, without the aid of small cruizers properly 

stationed upon these Coasts to intercept such smuggling Trade. Besides this, I have not the 

least doubt, but the French when they come to a knowledge of a general embargoes being 

laid, in the manner His Majesty has been pleased to direct, but they will employ many small 



216 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Privateers on these Coasts to intercept Provision Vessels bound to any of the British West 
India Islands and may by such means greatly releive the distresses that must necessarily fall 
upon them by a strict observance of His Matys Orders 

I have the Honor to be 

Your Lordships 
To the Rt Honble most obedient and 

The Lords Commissioners most humble Servant 

for Trade & Plantations Cha' Hardy 



Secretary Pitt to the Governors of the Northern Provinces in Amei'ica,^ &c. 

[Govemora and CominBiKlera in North America, (8. P. 0.) No. 75.] 

Whitehall, Febr'' 4, 1757. 
Sir, 

The King having nothing more at heart, than the preservation of bis good subjects & 
Colonies of N. America, has come to a resolution of acting with the greatest vigour in those 
parts, the ensuing campaign, and all necessary preparations are making, for sending a 
considerable reinforcement of Troops, together with a strong squadron of ships, for that 
purpose, and in order to act offensively against the French in Canada. 

It is His Maj'y'' pleasure, that you should forthwith call together your Council & Assembly, 
and press them in the strongest manner to raise, with the utmost expedition, a number of 
provincial Troops, at least equal to those raised the last year, for the service of the ensuing 
Campaign, over and above what they shall judge necessary for the immediate defence of their 
own province ; and that the Troops, so raised, do act in such Parts, as the Earl of Loudoun or 
the Commander in Chief of His Maj"'' forces for the time being, shall judge most conducive 
to the service in general ; and the King doubts not but that the several Prov"' truly sensible of 
his Paternal care, in sending so large a force for their security, will exert their utmost 
endeavours to second, and strengthen, such offensive operations against the French, as the Earl 
of Loudoun, or the Commander in Chief for the time being, shall judge expedient, and will 
not clogg the enlistments of the Men or the raising of the money for their pay ettc, with such 
limitations, as have been hitherto found to render their service difficult and ineffectual, and as 
a further encouragement, I am to acquaint you, that the raising of the Men, their pay, arms, 
and cloathing will be all, that will be required on the part of the several provinces; measures 
having been already taken for laying up Magazines of stores and provisions of all kinds, at the 
expence of the Crown. 

I cannot too strongly recommend it to you, to use all your influence with your Council and 
Assembly for the punctual and immediate execution of these His Maj*'''" commands. 

I am ettc. 

W. Pitt. 

' L e., New HatBpsliire, Massachusetts Bay, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New York and New Jersey. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIV. 217 

Governor Hardy to the Lords of Trade. 

[ New-Tork Ptpcn, LI., 90. ] 

Fort George New York 28 Feb. 1757. 
My Lords 

I have now the honor to transmit to your Lordships engrossed copys of fifteen acts, together 
with the proceedings and votes of the Council & General Assembly in the sessions began the 
21 September and ended the 1" December last 

I have before observed upon the two acts for the payment of the Salaries of the officers of 
the Government, and sent your Lordships a copy of that for continuing the currency of the 
Bills of Credit entitled by a former act, with my observations in a letter of the 2^ Dec' last, 
inclosing a copy of the Representation of the Council and Assembly to me in the said Act, which 
Representation appears in their proceedings, to all which I beg leave to refer your Lordships 

The Act for Billetting his ^L'^lys forces is only in force to the 1 of January next, leaving the 
rates to be paid for Quarters appears liable to many objections, I then thought so and urged 
strongly with the Assembly the necessity of framing a proper Law for quartering His Majestys 
Troops in the manner of the Mutiny act in Britain. But the General Assembly insisting on 
their clause, I thought it adviseable to pass it, in its present Form that some color and 
authority might be given the Magistrates to put the Troops under cover, well knowing no 
inconvenience would arise from it. And it is with pleasure I can acquaint your Lordships that 
little or no difficultys have arisen in quartering the Forces in this City, the Townships near 
adjoining to it, and in others on Long Island 

As to the Acts for laying and excise on Tea retailed, and establishing a stamp office ; I had 
recommended these Taxes with a Pole Tax on Negroes it appearing to me absolutely necessary 
to get other Funds established to prevent in some measure the frequent emissions which I 
foresaw would be the consequence of the heavy charge the Province must be put to during the 
War. The Tax on Negroes the Assembly would not come into 

The Act for paying and cloathing the Forces is of the same Nature with those passed before 
on the like occasion. And the repealing act referrs to clauses in the acts to raise money for a 
colledge which I passed to reconsile the differences that had arisen about the colledge by 
applying the moneys (confined to those clauses to the purpose only of erecting a colledge) One 
raoiety to the colledge an the other towards building a New Goal in this city and a Pest House 

Your Lordships will be pleased to observe by the enclosed list of their Titles that the other 
acts need no observation 

I have the Honor to be 
To Your Lordships 

The Right Honble most obedient & 

The Lords Commissioners most humble Servant 

for Trade and Plantations Cha' Hakdy 

Vol. VII. 28 



218 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Governor Hardy to the L(yrds of Trade. 

[New-Tork Papers, LI., No. 91.] 

Fort George New York 4 Mar. 1757. 
My Lords 

I have now the Honor to inclose your Lordships my speech to the General Assembly at the 
opening the sessions the 17"" of last month with the addresses of the two Houses, and have 
the pleasure to acquaint you, that the Assembly very readily agreed to make Provision for the 
subsisting & cloathing 1000 men (the number required by Lord Loudoun ) to act in conjunction 
with His Majestys Forces in the ensuing campaign. The Assembly after sitting Ten days and 
having a bill for the payment and cloathing the Forces in the manner with former Bills of the 
like Nature. A Bill for the speedy and effectually recruiting the forces to be furnished by this 
Colony &c, by which Bill if it appears they can not be compleated by Volunteers — I am 
empowered to supply the deficiency by detachments from the Militia of the several countys in 
certain Proportions A Bill for regulating the Pilotage of the Port of New York, and some 
other Bills of a private Nature, being desirous of a recess. After passing these acts I put an 
end to their sitting by an adjournment for a month, at which time they will be ready to meet, 
if I should receive any orders that may make it necessary for their coming together again at 
that time 

The disposition of the General Assembly to pass Laws for defraying a moiety of his 
Majestys Commission to determine the lines of controversy, and for vacating & annulling 
those exorbitant Grants of Land complained of by the Indians, will fully appear to your 
Lordships by their address 

I must also beg leave to point out to your Lordships the sentiments of His Majestys council 
with regard to the controverted Lines, and as I have in my former letters on this subject moved 
your Lordships for His Majestys Interposition till a final settlement can take Place, so I can 
not avoid giving it to your Lordships as my opinion that we have no prospect of preserving 
Peace and good order upon our borders without it And that this may more fully appear to 
your Lordships — Inclosed is a copy of a Message sent to Lieut' Gov'' Phips by the two Houses 
of the Massachusetts Government, upon his laying before them a letter I wrote to him upon 
the behavior of some people of that Province joining with the Tenants of M'' Livingston in 
opposing the sheriff in the execution of his duty, a full account of which I gave your Lordships 
in my letter of the 22 Dec'' last 

Lord Loudoun upon his return here from Boston informed me he had his Majestys orders to 
make preparation for a vigorous and offensive operation In a conference with his Lordship 
upon this intended service it appearing necessary to procure a number of ships and Vessels for 
transporting his Majestys Troops it was thought adviseable to embargo the Ports of the 
continent from Virginia to Boston, that His Majestys Service might not be disappointed for 
want of such a supply; and that his Lordship should write to the several Governm" to 
recommend this necessary measure I received his Lordships letter the 2'' Inst' and immediately 
called His Matys Council together, who unanimously advised me to lay a General embargo on 
this and all other Ports within this Province, which took place that day and Lord Loudouns 
letters carried the advices of it to the several Governors 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIV. 219 

I have since been much imployed in procuring siiips liere and hope I shall be able to make 
up three thousand Ton, which will be as much as we shall be able to man, and the deficiency 
must be made up from the other Ports 

The inclosed extract of a letter to the owners of the I'eggy Privateer of this City I judged 
proper to transmit to your Lordships, as it contains not only some intelligence relative to 
the Southern Indians but of the motion of the French upon the waters of the Ohio. If the 
privateer returns safe to this Port I shall carefully examine the private letters mentioned by 
Haddon, also a French officer he has on board that he detained out of iiis Prize, and communicate 
to you every matter that appears of any consequence or worth troubling you with, I have 
delivered this information to Lord Loudoun and shall only make one observation upon it. 
That if it be true that the French have made a Peace with the Cherokees & Shawaneese I 
hope they have not been able to prevail on them to take up the Hatchett against the English, 
especially the former tribe ; The French throwing numbers of men with Provisions and Stores 
into the Mississippi River may prove very injurious to his Majestys Southern Colonies; and 
that they will attempt this, there can be no doubt ; if the Port of iNew Orleans is left unguarded 
the shallowness of the Waters leading into it would give English cruizers great advantages, 
and I have been informed that no ship or vessel of any burthen or draft of Water, can go over 
the long flat Bar, without first taking out the greatest part of her Cargo, as this is a matter 
that relates to a service, 1 have had the honor to be brought up in, I flatter myself I shall have 
your Ldps excuse in observing, that the Squadron of His Matys Ships employed at Jamaica 
by keeping detached Cruizers from it oft" the Port of New Orleans, or Mouth of the Mississippi 
River, would renders these supplys very precarious, for if they were even to intercept the 
Indian Presents only it would be of the Greatest consequence to the British Interest with 
those Nations 

By the Packet I send your Lordships a copy of a Draft of the River Saint Lawrence, the 

original I procured out of a prize, brought in here which I have sent to the Board 

of Admiralty 

I have the honor to be 

Your Lordships 

To the Rt Honble most obedient & most 

The Lords Commissioners humble Servant 

for Trade and Plantations Cha' Hardy. 



Mctract from Captain Ricliard IladdorCs Letter. 

[Now York Papera, LI., No. 96.] 

Extract of a letter from Richard Haddon commander of the Schooner Peggy 
Privateer dated off Cape Corientes 29 Dec' 175G, to Mess" Nathaniel 
Marston, Jaspar Parmer & Co New York 

•' I discover by private letters, for the Packet was hove overboard after she struck, which I 
took out of the Brigautine that I took off Mississippi River bound to Cape Fran(,ois that the 
Cherokee and the Shawanese Indians have made a Peace with the Governor of Mississippi ia 



220 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

November last, at a great expence in Presents, but is thought by them vastly to the 
advantage of their Colony, There is one thousand Troops sent up this summer to the Illinois 
country and what troops are in New Orleans will march some time in February next, as there 
will be one other reinforcement in the Spring to prevent which would be very easy, and with 
a body of 2 or three thousand men might reduce New Orleans with ease, as there is a great 
discontent among the Colonists, the Military body exercising authority at this time, to which 
heretofore they were estranged, They have had no news from France these three months, 
and every thing is at a Golden Price with them. I can find nothing out what became of the 
remainder of General Braddocks Army notwithstanding I have an officer who has been 23 
years in the country and has been on several skirmishes in the Indian Nations, I hope to give 
some light to our Governor, how much Mississippi ou[gh]t at this conjuncture to be watched or 
in a few years we shall find the effect of such a neglect ; I have letters on board which I purpose 
to keep (to shew that what I here assert are real facts) and safer in my hands, than by this 
conveyance, or would send then), I make this digression as I thought it a matter of consequence 
to our country in the service of which I am ever ready to sacrifice my all 

A true Extract 

Examin** by 

Benj' Barons 

Secretary 



^ I ■ » ■-.-♦- 



Lords of Trade to Governor Hardy. 

{ New-York Entriep, B. P., p. 106. ] 

To Sir Cha' Hardy Kn< Gov' of New York. 

Sir, 

His Majesty having in consequence of your letter to Us, dated the 2°"' of August last, 
permitted and allowed you to resign the Govern' of New York, we herewith inclose you His 
Maj'^'' order for that purpose. And we should not do justice to your conduct during the 
Administration of this Govern' if we did not at the same time express our approbation of every 
part of it, but more particularly in the prudent steps you have taken, and the vigilance and 
activity you have shewn at all times, and upon all occasions to promote His Maj'^'" service and to 
support and accelerate the measures pursued to distress the Enemy and recover His Maj'''' 
Rights, and, tho these measures in general have hitherto ended in loss and disappointment, 
yet whenever success has shewn itself, it is in great measure to be attributed, to your 
indefatigable endeavours to furnish the Army with Stores, waggons and provisions, the bad 
supply of which has been upon all occasions a matter of just complaint, and has greatly 
embarassed and obstructed the service. 

The keeping up a body of Men in the pay of New York during the Winter, the putting 
them under the immediate direction of His Majesty's Commander in Chief, and the providing 
Quarters for that part of the Army cantoned in your province, are measures which justly 
merit, and therefore can not fail of having His Maj'^'' approbation ; and aitho' we can not 
help expressing our great concern that in the manner of framing the Laws for those and other 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIV. 221 

purposes, the Assembly should liave iigaiii reverted to the claims and pretentions which we had 
hopes, from former declarations made by tiiem, they were willing to have receded from, yet 
the importance of lliem to tlie jjnblic service rendered it higiily proper and prudent that you 
should assent to tiiem, and we sliall not in tiie present exigency of the Times, take upon us 
to advise the repeal of them, as they appear to us to be so essential to the good of His 
Maj'^' service. 

It is a melanclioly consideration, that in such times as these, the dispute between New York 
an3 the Massachusets Bay concerning their Boundaries should have been carried to so 
indecent a length, as to have been the occasion of Riot and Bloodshed, and as that matter 
appears to us, to require some immediate remedy. We lost no time in taking it into our 
consideration, and shall think ourselves happy, if, in a Question so perplexed with dill'iculties 
as this appears to be. We can suggest any thing, which may have the ell'ect to procure peace 
and quiet, until a final determination can be had. We are, 

Sir, 

Your most obedient humble servants 

Dunk Halifax 

SOAME JeNYNS 

Rich'' Rigby 
10 March 1757 W. Sloper. 



Lords of Trade to Sir William Johnson. 

[New-Tork Knlrios, B., P. 111.] 

To Sir William Johnson Bar'. 

Sir, 

We have received your letter dated the 10"" of September last inclosing a copy of your 
proceedings at the Congress at Onondago and the subsequent one at your own house, with the 
Shawonese and Delawar Indians, and also your letter of the 10"" of Nov' with a copy of your 
further proceedings from tlie 21" of July to 17"" of Sepf and an account of your disbursements 
in the execution of the service intrusted to your care and direction. 

It is unnecessary for us to say any thing further upon this occasion, then that in your conduct, 
appears to us to be highly proper in every part of it, and as such can not fail of meeting witii 
his Maj'''' approbation, it is a great satisfaction to us to find that your endeavours to put a stop 
to the hostilities of the Shawonese and Delawar Indians upon the Frontiers of Pennsylvania 
and Virginia, have been attended with success, and we are not without hopes that the like 
success may attend your endeavours to fix the Six Nations steadfast in our interest and to 
renew that ancient covenant Chain, the Link of which have been so greatly loosened by the 
loss of Oswego and the other disappointments which have attended our Arms in America. 

We entirely agree with you that nothing can more efteclually answer this purpose than 
giving the Indians proper redress in the injuries they have sustained in the case of their Lands 
patented under pretence of purchase from tiiem, but the diflicultys which occurr to Us upon 
this occasion are so many, and so great that, We have not as yet been able to form a Judgement 
in what way that redress can be effectually and properly obtained. 



222 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

What you say in your Letter of the lO'"" of Sepf with respect to M' Penn's purchase appeared 
to Us very material, and having as We thought it our duty to do, communicated it to him, 
We herewitii inclose to you his observations upon it, which We desire you will take into your 
consideration, and in case you think what is therein proposed to be reasonable and proper, 
you will take such measures, as you shall judge to be most expedient ; and we are desired by 
the proprietors to acquaint you, that they will appoint Richard Peters and Conrad Weiser, 
Commissioners in those parts to treat with the Six Nations in concert with you upon all points 
relative to these affairs, and also for the hearing and determining of any complaints, that may 
be made by those Indians, who have committed hostilities on the Frontiers of Pennsylvania; 
and they desire, in case you approve this, that those Indians may be summoned to attend you 
with the Deputys of the Six Nations, and settle all matters in dispute between them and His 
Maj''" subjects with the Assistance and consent of the Deputies of the Six Nations at such 
places, as you shall appoint, and the proprietors have assured Us, they will give Instructions 
to their Officers agreable to this proposal. We are 
Sir 

Your most obedient humble servants. 

Dunk Halifax 

SOAME JeNYNS 

Rich'' Rigby 
10 March 1757 W" Sloper. 



< ■ ■ > ■■ » 



Governor Hardy to the Lords of Trade. 

[New- York Papers, Mhl, No. 1. ] 

Fort George, New York. 24"' May 1757. 
My Lords, 

By his Majesty's Sloop Ferrett that arrived here the first day of this Month; I received 
orders from My Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to hoist my Flagg and repair to Hallifax 
and to carry into execution the orders His Majesty's Ships employed there are under till the 
arrival of Rear Admiral Holbourne, and as their Lordships in their orders to me mention His 
Majesty having been graciously pleased to permit me to resign this Government in order that 
I may serve at Sea, I concluded that I should receive from Your Lordships by the packet 
arrived since the Ferret, his Majesty's permission to resign this Government; under this 
expectation I have been preparing for my going to Hallifax with Lord Loudoun and the Fleet 
of Transports with the Forces his Lordship draws from hence to join the succours from Europe, 
and as I hope I shall be able to sail before the arrival of another packet I take this early 
Opportunity to acquaint you that as I have also had the honour of receiving a letter from My 
Lord Hallifax intimating that His Majesty's leave for my Resignation should be sent me by 
the first Opportunity But as it is not improbable that some Accident may have befallen the 
Ship on board which my leave may be, the great consequence of the Fleet of Transports 
prepared here, together with my being the second in command of the Fleet under Rear 
Admiral Holbourne's directions, has determined me to embark and proceed to Hallifax with 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIV. 223 

Lord Loudoun ns soon as pos.sil)le without waiting lor the arrival of any 8hip with my leave 
of Uesignation, and shall leave in the hands of the Lieu' Governor his Majesty's Instructions 
with all such orders from tlu- Secretary of State and Your Lordships' Board, as are necessary 
for his conduct in the Administration of this Province, all which I hope will justify me to his 
Majesty, and meet Your Lordships' Approbation. 

I have the honour to be, 
The Right Hon"" Your Lordships' most obedient 

The Lords Commissioners and most humble Servant 

for Trade and Plantations. Cua' Hardv. 



Representation of the Lords of Trade to the Kiiuj. 

[Ncw-Tork Entries, B. P., 119.] 

To the King's most Excellent Majesty. 

May it please Y'our Majesty. 

Sir Charles Hardy, your Maj'^'* late Gov^ of the Province of New York, having, in several 
letters to us during his Administration, complained of the great prejudice which has arisen to 
your MajV' service and Interest from the disputes, that have for a great length of time subsisted 
between that province and the province of the Massachusets Bay, concerning their true 
Boundary, or line of partition, on account whereof the settlement of that valuable part of your 
Maj"Merritories has been obstructed, and the peace and good order of Govern' disturbed by 
many riots and outrages and even murder, committed on the Borders of the said provinces; 
We beg leave humbly to lay before your Maj'^ the anne.ved copies and extracts of the said 
letters and of the papers therewith transmitted. 

These papers will inform your Maj"' of every particular relative to this matter, and of the 
steps which have at different times been taken thereupon. It will appear to your Maj'^ that 
endeavours have been used to bring the dispute to a proper determination, and particularly 
that in June 17-54. Commissioners appointed, and authorized by each province, met and 
conferred in order to the settlement of a final Boundary. But each party stating his claim 
according to the descriptive words in the respective grant or Charter of each province, and the 
Commiss" of the Massachusets Bay having no power to treat of a temporary line, they 
could not come to any sort of agreement; and if we may be allowed to judge of this transaction 
from events which have happened since, instead of operating as a Remedy to the evil, it has 
had a quite contrary effect. 

Upon a full consideration of this matter and of the little probability there is, that the dispute 
can ever be determined by any amicable agreement between the two Govern", it appeared to us, 
that the only effectual method of putting an end to it and preventing those further mischiefs 
which may be expected to follow, so long as the cause subsists, would be, by the interposition 
of your Maj"' authority, to settle such a line of partition, as should, upon a consideration of 
the actual and ancient possesion of both provinces, without regard to the exorbitant claims 
of either, appear to be just and equitable. 



224 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

And We conceive it, tlie more necessary to rest the determination upon these principles, 
because We find, upon examining the Grant from King Charles the 2'^ to the Duke of York, ia 
16G} and the Royal Charter granted to the Massachusets Bay in 1691, that the description of 
the limits of those grants, is so inexplicit, and defective, that no conclusive Inference can be 
drawn from them veith respect to the extent of territory originally intended to be granted by 
them. We have therefore had recourse to such papers on Record in our Office, as might shew 
the Actual and Ancient possession of the Provinces in question and as it appeared by several 
of them, of dates almost as old as the said Grant, that the Province of the Massachusets Bay 
had in those times been understood to extend to within 20 miles of Hudson's River, and that 
many settlements had at different times been made so far to the Westward by the people of 
that province ; and as that evidence coincides with the general principle of the agreement 
between the province of New York and the Colony of Connecticut in 1683. which has received 
the Royal confirmation ; We were of opinion, that a line to be drawn Northerly from a point 
on the South boundary-line of the Massachusets Bay, twenty miles distant due East from 
Hudson's River, to another point 20. miles distant due East from the said river, on that line 
which divides the Provinces of New Hampshire and the Massachusets Bay, would be a just 
and equitable line of division between Your Maj'^"* provinces of New York and the 
Massachusets Bay. 

But as a doubt might arise, whether such boundary could be established without the 
concurrence of the Massachusets Bay, the soil and Jurisdiction of it being granted by Royal 
Charter, We thought proper to call before Us the Agents for the two provinces, in question, and 
to communicate to them such our opinion, and the authorities whereon it is founded. And the 
Agent for New York having signified to us, that he submits the settlement of the said boundary 
as a matter entirely in your Maj'^'" determination, and the Agent for the Massachusets Bay, 
having acquainted us, that he, on behalf of his constituents, acquiesces in the above described 
line. We therefore beg leave humbly to propose to your Majesty, that you would be graciously 
pleased, by your order in Council, to establish the line herein before described, as a final 
boundary of property and Jurisdiction between the provinces of N. York and the Massachusets 
Bay, and to direct the Gov"' of N. York, in conjunction with the Gov' of the Massachusets Bay, 
to settle the said boundary, agreable to the aforesaid description, and to recommend it, each to 
the Assembly of his respective Gov"* to provide jointly and equally for the expence which may 

attend such settlement — Which is most humbly submitted. 

Dunk Halifax, 
James Oswald, 
SOAME Jenyns, 
25"' May 1767. W. Sloper. 



Lieutenant-Governor De Lancey to the Lords of Trade. 

[ New-York Papers, Mm., No. S. ] 

New York. S** June 1757. 
My Lords, 

I have the honour to acquaint your Lordships that yesterday in the evening Sir Charles 
Hardy our Governor, did in Council deliver to me as Lieutenant Governor His Majesty's 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XX.XIV. 225 

Commission and Instructions to liim with the Seals, and tiiat he that Evening Emharked on 
board the Nightingale to (all down to Sandy Hook, to take under his care the transports which 
were all rendezvous'd at that Place, and that this morning I qualifyed myself for the trust 
devolved upon me which I sliall endeavour to execute with honour and Fidelity. I inclose to 
Your Lordships Copies of the Minutes of Council of those two days. 

Sir Charles Hardy desired that I would transmit to Your Lordships Copies of the Memorial 
of M' Walton to him of the 29"" of January, praying leave to continue supplies to the Spanish 
Garison at S' Augustine according to his Contract with the Governour and Royal Officers, And 
Copies of the Report of the Committee of Council of the l-l"" of February, and of the order 
thereon of the 21" which are herewith inclosed, Sir Charles having omitted to do it through 
the great hurry of business which his attention to the fitting and dispatching the Transports 
taken into His Majestys Service for the Troops under the Earl of Loudoun had occasioned. 

Your Lordships will see the two principal Reasons on which the Report and Order were 
grounded, 1" the heavy loss of the Memorialist by the Forfeitures of the Arrears due to him, 
amounting to sixty thousand pieces of eight, and S"'"'' because the Committee did conceive that 
His Majesty's Directions for laying the Embargo could not be construed to extend to a neutral 
port under the circumstances of S' Augustine, it being manifest from Your Lordships' Letter 
signifying his Majesty's commands, that the Trade intended to be restrained, is the Trade 
carried on from His Majestys Colonies to such neutral Ports or Settlements from whence the 
enemy have actually drawn supplies or from whence they might be obtained. As this Contract 
still subsists and Application will probably be made for a like Liberty next year, I must beg 
Your Lordships directions on this point that I may know how to govern myself upon it 

I send Your Lordships Copies of Atruiavits in relation to a pernicious trade from some of 
the Colonies, Rhode Island particularly. This trade is carryed on not only to supply the 
F'rench with Provisions but also with Naval Stores as I am informed. The method they take 
is to go to Monti Christo, a Spanish port in Hispaniola, where the master and mariners stay, 
and they get a master and a crew of Spaniards to go with a pass to Port Dauphin or some 
other French Port on the same Island : By this indirect way His Majesties enemies are 
supplyed. What remedy to apply to this Evil may be dilUcult to say : The King's Orders to 
the Governors there will not avail much, their Governor being annually elected and of course 
subject to the Humours and Caprices of the People, can have but little authority : Perhaps 
a small sloop to be often cruising off that port might put some stop to it. 

These are the only things I find it necessary to give your Lordships information of at this 
time. You will undoubtedly have received from Sir Charles Hardy whatsoever was proper to 
be transmitted previous to this. I shall therefore conclude with assuring Your Lordships again 
of my Intentions to do all in my Power to discharge the Trust devolved on me. My Lords, I 
have the honor to be. Your Lordships most obedient 

The R' Hon""^ & most humble Servant 

The Lords Commiss" for Trade & Plantations. James De Lancey 



Vol. YIL 29 



226 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Sir Charles Hardy to the Lords of Trade. 

[New- York Papers, Mm., No. 8.] 

His Majesty's Ship Sunderland 

in Sandy Hook. June 14"' 1757. 
My Lords. 

As I liave frequently wrote Your Lordships that I had reason to beleive that a trade was and 
would be carried on from these Northern Colonies to the Neutral Islands particularly to St. 
Eustatia from whence the French would draw supplys of Provisions, I cannot avoid informing 
Your Lordships that s'ome time ago I got information that a Schooner had sailed from Elizabeth 
Town in the Jerseys to St. Christopher's loaded with Provisions, that she did not land any of 
her cargo there but proceeded to St. Eustatia where she delivered the greatest part of it, 
notwithstanding the owners and Master had entered into Bonds conformable to His Majesty's 
late prohibitary Instructions, Upon the Schooner's return home in her way to Amboy, the 
Vulture Sloop I had stationed here pressed her Crew, on their being examined upon Oath I 
found my Information true, and that the Vessel had been to St. Eustatia and landed there the 
greatest part of her cargo consisting of Bread and Flour ; previous to the Vessels return I 
acquainted Governor Belcher with my Information, desiring him to give orders that the Bond 
might not be cancelled, and since have sent him the E.\aminations of the Crew, and have 
received the strongest assurances from him that he will order the Attorney General to prosecute 
the Bonds which I trust will be forfeited. 

Since my being here a Privateer of this Port brought in a Sloop belonging to Rhode Island 
that has also been on this trade, a Copy of the Examination I now Inclose you, which, with 
this addition, I took from Bentin when I examined him, Your Lordships may more fully see 
the disposition of the Gentlemen owners of the Sloop Speedwell (viz') " That when he left 
Rhode Island upon this Voyage Mess" Ebenezer Richardson, Thomas Richardson and Lemuell 
Wyatt, recommended it to him to settle himself at Monte Christo and there to collect great 
Quantities of Sugar and Molasses and that they would supply him with cargoes, and that if he 
had not been taken he would have settled himself there, and that the Sugars and Molasses 
he must have procured from Port Dauphin and other French Ports, and that he was to have 
received 10 p' c' Commission from the Gentlemen named above for what Business he did for 
them." And further to illustrate this matter I send Your Lordships a Copy of an Order given 
to this Bontin which I found among his papers and which he confessed to me he received from 
them the day he sailed from Rhode Island. As this Man declared to me he was not 
naturalized, and had never taken the Oaths of Allegiance, I have detained him on board my 
Ship to prevent his being employed again in this injurious and fraudulent Trade. 

The Inclos'd Extracts of Letters I received from Lieutenant Governor De Lancey relating 
to this trade. In addition to these Informations I must acquaint Your Lordships that a 
Privateer of this Port came in here a few days ago whose Master informed me that he spoke 
with several Vessels off Block Island from Rhode Island bound to the West Indies with horses 
(and I should presume some Provisions) notwithstanding the general Embargo ought still to 
be in force by Agreement with the several Governments. 

I have the honor to be 

Your Lordships' most obedient 

and most humble Servant 
Cha' Hardy. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIV. 227 

I'. S. Since writeiiig tlie aliove 1 received a letter from .S' Christopher's of which the 
Inclosed is a Copy, by which Your Lordships will further see how His Majesty's Prohibitary 
Instructions are evaded. 

The Right lion"" 

The Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations. 



Sir William Johnson to the Lords of Trade. 

I FlanUUona Oeaeral Papere, XVI., p. 2. ] 

Fort Johnson 20"" June 1767. 
My Lords 

In the last letter I had the honor to write Your Lordships, I acquainted you that I had just 
then finished a Meeting with the Six Nations, wherein I had charged them with their inactivity 
in aiding and assisting His Majesty's arms and had insisted upon their giving me the reasons 
for their backwardness and coolness, and also to know positively from them what their future 
resolutions were, without any disguise. I then acquainted your Lordships that the Six Nations 
told me they looked upon the matters I had laid before them, to be of too important consequence 
for the Deputation then present, to give me a full and determinate answer to, — that they were 
speedily to hold a great Council of all the Nations at Onondaga where what I had then said 
should be Hiithfully reported, fully deliberated upon, and when that Council broke up, I should 
receive their full and determinate answer. That therefore I deferred transmitting to Your 
Lordships what passed at the said Meeting at my house, till I had the result of the Meeting at 
Onondaga, when I would send you both together. 

Accordingly, My Lords, I herewith transmit the same to you. I was in expectation to have 
been able to have done this much sooner, but the unsettled state of the Six Nations amongst 
themselves and the confusion which the too successful arts of the French Emissaries have 
thrown them into, have delayed this meeting at Onondaga much beyond the time they gave 
me reason to expect it would take place and breake up. 

Your Lordships will see by the Papers herewith, that the Three upper Nations, to wit, the 
Senecas, Cayougas and Onondagas, have declared themselves in favour of a Neutrality. As 
no Deputies from the Tuscaroros or Oneidas came down to this Meeting, I cannot say what 
their resolutions will be. It appears probable to me that from their not coming down with 
those upper Nations, they do not wholly agree in sentiments with them. I expect they will 
come by themselves when these return, and let me know their resolutions; but whether those 
will be more favourable to our interest, than what these three upper Nations have declared, 
I will not take upon me to ascertain. When I receive their resolves, I shall transmit them to 
Y'our Lordships. 

I beg leave on this occasion to put Your Lordships in mind, and refer you to those papers I 
sent to the Board in Jan'^ 1756 by Gov'' Pownall when he went to England, wherein was laid 
before your Lordships the declining state of our Indian interest at the time General Braddock's 
commission put the management of Indian Aflairs into my hands, and I told that Gentleman, 



228 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

at Alexandria, I would exert my utmost influence & abilities, but that I doubted whether I 
should be able to prevail on the Six Nations in general, to act with that order' in favour of His 
Majesty's Arms which might probably be expected from them. Our defeat at Ohio, the 
obstructions thrown in my way by General Shirley's opposing my management, the loss of 
Oswego, and our having reaped no striking advantages since, have been all additional 
drawbacks upon my retrieving and advancing His Majesty's Indian Affairs. And with respect 
to our interest amongst the Upper Nations, the loss of Oswego was a mortal wound, as that 
post was both a curb upon the Upper Nations to retain them in our interest, and a security for 
them against the enemy, should they act in our favour. I am fully persuaded the loss of this 
important post, with the consequential menaces of the French and their Indians, have produced 
the present Neutrality agreed on by the Senecas Cayougas & Onondagas. And 'tis probable 
our destroying the works at and abandoning the Oneida Carrying place last summer, may 
produce a neutrality from the Oneidas and Tuscaroras. 

iSIy Lords, I am extreamly concerned that the great expence which this service hath 
occasioned should not have produced more favourable effects. Permit me to assure your 
Lordships that I have acted with uprightness of heart, with all the oeconomy diligence and 
address within the compass of my abilities, to retrieve support and extend His Majestys Indian 
interest. I am extreamly sorry my endeavours have not been crowned with all that success 
which I was unfeignedly ambitious of being instrumental to. I must confess, all circumstances 
considered I do not think the Indians altogether so culpable as some people on this side the 
water seem to do ; and I am truly conscious, that if I have erred in judgment, I have not been 
wanting in an honest and grateful ardor for His Majesty's service, the honour and success of 
his arms. 

As I have my Lord Loudouns approbation and opinion in favour of it, I have told the Six 
Nations that I shall dispose of His Majesty's bounty and rewards only to such Indians as will 
actually go upon service. This I propose to make a fixt rule hereafter, as far as apparent good 
policy will permit. This will probably in some degree lessen the future expence. However 
I must be so ingenuous as to acquaint your Lordships that even under present circumstances I 
cannot promise that the future expences will fall very considerably short of the past ; for as 
the Upper Nations (as your Lordships will see by their speech) solemnly declare that 
notwithstanding their Neutrality they are unanimously and firmly resolved to hold fast the 
ancient Covenant Chain of friendship, and remain Allies to His Majesty and bretheren to his 
subjects ; utterly to cast off all notice and expence about them would, in my opinion, be a piece 
of conduct equally dangerous and impolitic in the present conjuncture, and if my Lord 
Loudoun or the Commander in Chief should be determined upon such a measure I would beg 
leave rather to decline acting than put it in execution 

If your Lordships should be of opinion that from the present face of Indian Affairs the 
advantages of this service will not be adequate to the expence they have and may bring upon 
the Crown, I shall whenever His Majesty may think it proper, with the utmost obedience 
and the highest gratitude for the many honours he has graciously bestowed upon me, be 
ready and willing to resign my Commission as his Sole Agent & Superintendant for the 
Northern District. 

The Upper and lower Castles of Mohock Indians will I am persuaded remain firm to our 
interest and tho' their intemperate thirst after rum is a great impediment to their going upon 

' ardor. Johnton Manuscripts, IV. — Ed. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS : XXXIV. 229 

service, when they can by any means get it, yet almost all their young men are now out, and 
going out, to distress the French settlements in Canada, beat up their quarters, and obtain 
intelligence of tiieir numbers & motions. 

I have taken a great deal of pains to bring about a peace between the Delaware and 
Shawanese Indians, settled in the Susciuehanna and the IVovinces of New York, New Jersey, 
Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia; and I hope it is in a fair way of being accomplished, 
in which Governor Denny's candid behaviour and fair proposals, if continued and carried into 
effect, will greatly contribute. 

Herewith I send your Lordships a copy of my proceedings last April with a number of 
Shawanese Nanticokes and Mohickander Indians, who came hither and are settled on one 
of the west branches of the Susquehanna, Also the original minutes of M' Croglian my 
Deputy, and Gov' Denny's proceedings at a meeting lately held at Lancaster in Pennsylvania. 
I think it also proper to transmit to your Lordships herewith, some original papers put into 
my hands by the said M' Croghan relative to some former Indians management of his for the 
Southern Governments, as 1 apprehend they may tend to open to your Lordships some 
original causes of recent events relative to the present war in America. 

I have the honor to be most respectfully 
My Lords 

To the Right Honourable Your Lordsiiips most obedient 

The Lords Commissioners & most humble Servant 

of Trade & Plantations (signed) W™ Johnso.\. 



Jmirnal of Sir William Johnson's Proceedings with the Indians. 

[ Planlations General Papers, ZTI., No. 3. ] 

Fort Johnson 20 Sept' 1756 

Sixty nine Indians of several Nations who had been compleally cloathed and armed, marched 
with M' Croghan to join the Army at Fort Edward. 

17 of October. Sixty three Indians of several Nations marcht with S' William Johnson 
thro' the woods to join the army at Fort Edward, which Indians had been also cloathed 
and armed. 

25 of October. M' Arent Stevens Chief Interpreter spoke to the Mohawks of the Lower 
Castle, acquainting them that Sir William Johnson had waited expecting them and the 
Upper Castle to have joined & marcht with him. 

They replyed that they had waited for their Bretheren of the Upper Castle, who not coming 
in time had prevented their accompanying S' William that they were now come, and both 
parties were ready to follow. 

27 October. Some Seneca Indians arrived, to whom M' Stevens also spoke and told them 
that S' William had waited expecting them, according to his Summons. They told him, 
several of their chief men who went to Canada and were not returned, had delayed 
their coming. 



230 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

1 Nov'' S"" William having sent orders to M' Stevens, in consequence of my Lord Loudoun's 
directions, to stop any more Indians from following him to the Camp at Fort Edward; M"" 
Stevens did stop 70 Mohawk. Warriors who had been cloathed and armed for service from 
setting out, as also sundry Indians of other Nations. 

2. Nov' S"" William Johnson arrived from the Camp at Fort Edward. 

Fort Johnson 17 Nov' 1756. 
Sir William Johnson's first speech at a meeting of sundry Sachems and Warriors of each 
of the Six Nations. 

Present — S' William Johnson Capt. Peter Wraxall Secr^ 

M' Croghan Lieu' Glaus Dep^ Sec^ 

M' Johnson, & M' Stevens & ] 

IVr Francis of Philad* Capt Montour j ^ 

Bretheren of the Six Confederate Nations. 

Before I set off for Albany I did according to the antient custom of your forefathers, bid you 
welcome. At the same time I acquainted you that my Lord Loudoun required my immediate 
attendance upon him and that I would return as soon as he had done with me: this I have 
done, though my stay hath been longer than I expected: I am glad to meet you all well 

Gave three Strings Wampum. 
Bretheren 

As there are now present here several Sachems and chief men of the Six Nations I take this 
opportunity to tell you that it is no less evident to all your Bretheren the English than it is to 
me, that from the beginning of the present hostilities between us and the French, to this day, 
the Five Nations have in general shewn such a backwardness in aiding and assisting His 
Majesty's Arms, such a manifest indifference for the welfare and success of their bretheren the 
English, and such a mercenary principle in the little they have done, as is no less inconsistent 
with their character of friends and allies than it is contrary to the public and solemn 
engagements which they entered into at this place last summer was twelfe month, and have 
at several public meetings since as solemnly ratified, and which most of your chief men of each 
nation have frequently avowed to me in private Conferences. 

Bretheren. This unfriendly and unfair behaviour of yours has been too notorious to require 
any particular instances to prove my accusation; it hath or will doubtless reach the ears of 
the Great King of England your Father. His Generals have seen it with concern and 
astonishment and the Earl of Loudoun his present General and Commander in chief is equally 
sensible of your want of zeal and activity. In my opinion you have been like a tree very full 
of leaves but barren of fruit. 

Bretheren. I have just now said that your want of brotherly zeal and activity for the 
honour & welfare of your bretheren the English hath been so clearly manifested by your 
general behaviour that there is no necessity for giving particular instances to prove it ; however 
I will single out two, upon which I can not and ought not to be silent. 

First. You have sent Deputies to Canada without either my consent or knowledge, and 
contrary to my express advice and directions, and your own public assurances at Onondaga, 
and you have carried on negociations with our enemies there which you have kept secret , 
from me. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIV. 231 

Secondly. When I lately summoned ail your people to come down without delay to march 
with me & join the Earl of Loudoun and His Majesty's troops; in vain I waited many days, 
and was at last obliged to set off" with such few Indians as were accidentally at hand. Many 
of you I armed and fitted out, who did not come at all, — most of you who did join the army 
at Kort Edward were very backward to go upon service and spent their time in drunlvenness 
and idleness, and many went away and left nie to come home as well as I could. 

Bretheren. In short the whole tenor of your conduct for a great while past gives your 
bretheren the English just cause not only to reproach the 6 Nations, as allies, unf'aithCull, 
unfriendly, and unserviceable, but gives them reason to suspect the security and uprightness of 
your future intentions. 

Bretheren. It is expected from you, & I flatter myself that you will in some measure clear 
up your characters, and, if you can do it, give some satisfactory reasons for your mysterious 
conduct, and if any secret uneasiness lays in your hearts, it will be more like bretheren to 
declare it, than to keep it fretting there, and this fair dealing will be most for your honour & 
interest. And I hope you have the remains of so much honour and virtue left amongst you, 
as to acknowledge with due shame and concern every blameable part of your behaviour; and 
hereupon I give you this belt of Wampum. Gave the Belt. 

Bretheren of the 6 Nations. 

By this Belt of Wampum I now call upon you in the name of the Great King of England 
your Father and my Master, to explain to me what part you are determined to act in the 
present war between the English and the French. The time is now come when it is absolutely 
requisite for you not only to declare what you will do, but to act up to what you do promise 
and resolve upon. 

The Great Man whom the King my Master hath made head over all in these parts of his 
dominions waits to know your positive determinations. 

Bretheren. 

I expect and desire you will be clear and positive in your answer, and dont let me write 
falsehoods by your saying what you do not mean or intend, as you have heretofore done. 

Gave a large black Belt of Wampum. 

Sir William told them that as what he had now said was of great consequence and deserved 
their serious consideration, if there was any part of the speech which they had not clearly 
understood, they might appoint a Deputation, and the Interpreters should attend & go over 
the speech again with them. 

Thus ended the first day's conference. 

The 19 Nov' A. M. The 6 Nations sent three Sachems to desire S' William's speech to 
them of the 17"" ins' might be again repeated over to them ; which was done by the Interpreters 
in the presence of M' Croghan, Dep^ Superintendant. 



232 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Fort Johnson 19 Nov' 1756 
The Six Nations answer to S'' William Johnson's speech to them the l?"" Instant. 

Present — Sir William Johnson 

[Edmund] Atkin Esq"" His Majesty's Superintendent for the Southern 

Indian District M"" Johnson 

Mr Croghan M'' Francis 

Capt: Butler Capt. Peter Wraxall Sec^ 

D'' Catherwood Lieu' Claus Dep'' Sec^ 

M' Stevens & M'' Montour Interpr' 

Canachquayesa, Chief Sachem of Oneida, Speaker. 

Brother Warraghiyagey, 

We thank you for saluting us on your return from Albany ; we are equally glad to see you 
in health. Gave 3 Strings of Wampum. 

Brother. You have charged us with acting contrary to the engagements we have entered 
into at the late meeting at Onondaga, by going to Canada, talking with the French, and 
concealing those conferences from you. We propose now to let you know what passt at these 
• meaning the English Conferences and we shall conceal nothing from you tho' you* and the French 
talk together, and write letters without acqainting us of it. 

Brother. In consequence of your call upon the loss of Oswego, our Sachems were coming 
down to you, but were stopped by the Cayougas who pressed upon them to defer it till their 
Deputies came from Canada in order that we might acquaint you with the news they 
might bring. Gave a Belt of Wampum 

Brother. You have desired us to give you the reasons and hide nothing from you, which 
prevented our warriors from attending you agreeable to your late summons. Brother, several 
of the Senecas were at Cayouga in their way down, but were prevented from proceeding 
further by some of the Chief men of that nation who took this step in resentment for having 
been reproached as favouring the French interest; this stopping of the Seneca warriors 
prevented likewise the Onondagas from coming, who were ready and impatiently waited for 
the Senecas and Cayougas. 

This Brother was the cause you did not see our warriors on your first summons sent us by 
Capt Butler Gave a Belt. 

Brother. 

The Belts you afterwards sent to Oneida to be forwarded to the Onondagas the Cayougas & 
Senecas were sent by Gawihe and Kinderunte, whom we looked upon to be your friends ; 
they carried them to Cayouga and concealed them from ail the Indians but one Chief Sachem 
of that Nation, with whom they held a private consultation, and all three of them went away 
to Canada. As you desired us to be explicit with you we will tell you the name of this 
Cayouga Indian : it is Teiyughsaragarat. To confirm the truth of this account there are now 
here present two Chief Sachems of Cayouga, who have declared they never were acquainted 
with your sending these Belts. Gave a Belt. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIV. 233 

Brother. 

When the Deputies which were sent from Onondaga to Swegachie with your Beit to recall 
the Six Indians from that place, came there, they were prevailed upon by the Swegachie 
Indians to proceed to Canada ; wliich was wliat tiu-y did not expect. 

Tiie Deputies met the French General at Montreal, wiio spoke to them as follows : — 

Cliiidren. I am glad to see you and I expected as you were acquainted with my father, that 
you would before now have come and condoled with me for his loss. 

Children. It wont he long before I shall proceed to Lake Ceorge in order to revenge the 
death [of] Baron Dieskau who was killed there by General Johnson last year; will none of 
the tiix Nations join me in revenging his death. 

Children. I am an old man & accustomed to dream and have found out that you Five 
Nations have carried these several Belts of Wampum (at the same time showing them) from 
your brother Warraghiyagey to the Western Indians. Now Children 1 must insist on it that 
you do not any more interfere with those Indians; they belong to me and here are several 
bags of Wampum which they have sent to me, and I also forbid you to intermedle with my 
Children the Delaware and River Indians, they belong to me as far as Shamokin. 

Children. Your bretheren the English built a trading house at Oswego, in order to get bever, 
but they brought a great number of cannon there. Now as cannon are not fit to kill bevers 
witli, I went and kicked the house down. 

Children. Give attention to what I am now going to say. I must desire and advise you 
not to sufl'er your bretheren the English to build an other Fort at Oswego. I know that it 
will be your interest to have a trading house there, and therefore you may suffer them to build 
a Bark Hut for trading ; but if they offer to build a Fort, I shall soon know it, as my vesselis 
are constantly cruizing in the Lake, and I will then come and kick it down again. 

To the foregoing speech our Deputies answered: — 
Father. 

You have warned us not to intermedle with the Western Indians and you have showed us 
the Belts we sent to them ; many of those Nations the Deleware and River Indians are yet our 
allies and dependants, and we shall continue to consider them as such. 

Brother Warraghiyagay. 

This is ail the news we have received from Canada by our bretheren of Onondaga, the 
Oneidas who were there brought us no news, for they were drunk from the time they arrived 
there to the time they left it. 

Brother. When the French General had taken Oswego, he invited the Indians who were 
with his army to go with him to Lake George, and said he would be master of the fort there 
in 5 weeks, but the Ottowawa Indians refused to go with him and said they were sorry for the 
destruction of Oswego, for they used to get a large quantity of goods there for a small bundle 
of skins, tho' they had been disgusted with some ill treatment they had received from some of 
the Englisii formerly at Oswego. Tiie Ottowawa Indians did accordingly leave the French 
army, upon which the French General said he should however have 500 Indians to join him 
viz* 200 Caghnawagas 100 Arundax, 100 Shouwendadies, the Groote Junge a Seneca Chief 
with 20 Indians from Ohio, and the remainder of some other Nations who live in Canada and 
that his army would be about 5000 in the whole .ill picked men. This account we had 
from a Swegachie Indian. 

Vol. VIL 30 



234 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Brother. Those of our Indians who go down to Canada get such large presents that 'tis no 
wonder they are tempted to go that way ; whereas you English are stingy of your goods. 

The Speaker then delivered a message from the Bunt, the Chief Sachem of Onondaga (who 
is gone to Canada) to desire Sir William would not think, ill of his going to Canada that he 
hoped to be back by Christmas, and that he would not stop above one night at home on his 
return before he set out to give S' William an account of his journey. 

Brother. With regard to the latter part of your speech wherein you ask us what part we 
propose to act for the future in the present war between you & the French. That matter was 
referred in our Council to the Mohawks, Onondagas and Senecas, and the latter gave the 
result, which was, that we should stand by our Bretheren the English and be at all times ready 
to aid and assist them, and this is the Resolution of the Six Nations. 

Then the Speaker sat down. 

Sir William then introduced M' Atkin to the Six Nations acquainting them that he was 
appointed by the King their Father, Superintendant of the Affairs of the Southern Indians, 
their and our friends & Allies and that he should say something to them tomorrow on 
that occasion. Thus ended the Second Days Conference 

Fort Johnson 20 Nov' 1756 
This morning two Indians arrived who were sent express from Onondaga with a message 
from that Castle and a letter from I\P de Coagne, acquainting S' William that Jean Ceur the 
French Agent, who was at the remotest Seneca town, had sent to Onondaga 2 Belts and a 
string of Wampum, by which he advised the 6 Nations to keep very near their Castles, for 
that they were every hour in danger; next that a great army from Virginia & Pennsylvania 
with a body of the Southern Indians were to come against the French and would march thro' 
the Country of the 6 Nations and pay no regard to friend or foe, and tread all under their feet; 
lastly that the 6 Nations must not be surprized if they heard the French Guns fire at the 
German Flatts, nor come down to assist their bretheren the English, lest they should be killed 
along with them. 

S' William sent the above letter & intelligence by an express then at his house, to 
Lord Loudoun. 

Sir William Johnson's second speech to the 6 Nations. 20 Nov' P. M. 
Present — as before ; except M' Atkin who was indisposed. 

Bretheren of the Six Nations. 

I must tell you that I am not fully satisfied with the answer you yesterday mad(! to my 
speech three days ago. You must be sensible that your conduct with regard to your Bretheren 
the English, in the present war between them and the French had not been as I told you 
either conformable to the Character of faithfull bretheren & sincere allies, nor to your own 
many solemn promises and engagements. You have said nothing in vindication of yourselves, 
nor are you honest enough to own yourselves in fault. 

You have told me what past in Canada while your Deputies were there, but I have reason 
to suspect you have not told me all that past there. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIV. 235 

You have indeed once more renewed your assurances tliat you will stand by your Bretheren 
the English, but you have given no belt thereon, according to the constant and ancient customs 
of your forefathers. 

Bretheren. I am ashamed to hear you puhlickly confess that the great presents you get 
from the French draws your people to Canada; you are Children unworthy of your forefathers, 
who scorned to sell their faith and their friendship to the best bidder. You say the English 
are stingy of their goods; let me ask you whether your behaviour to them or the services you 
have done for them deserves the presents you have received, and the e.xpences they have been 
at on your account. 

Bretheren of the Six Nations. 

I have often told you and endeavoured to convince you that past experience gives you 
abundant reason to hate the French and suspect their fair professions and that on the contrary 
it is your true interest to stand by and support your bretheren the Kngiish ; you will in the 
end find my words true, and tho' the English have met with some misfortunes lately, you will 
by and by see the French will be like a twig in the hands of a strong man. You go from one 
side to the other, and speak fair to both; you may perhaps think this is good policy, but let 
me tell you it is a base foolish conduct, more like fearfull & silly women than brave and 
honest men. 

Bretheren, with this Belt I once more remind and amonish you on this subject 

Gave a Belt 
Bretheren 

You charge the English with talking and receiving letters from the French. I dont know 
what you mean unless it was a packet of letters which were found in the road to Lake George 
and were from our people taken at Oswego to their friends in this country. It is death among 
us to talk with the French after war is declared. 

Bretheren. This morning I have received a message and a letter from Onondaga acquainting 
me with the news Jean Ceur sent thither with 2 Belts & a string of Wampum ; the purport of 
which you have already heard from the Messengers. I see by this fresh instance that the 
French treat you like Children and think they can impose on & frighten you with any lies they 
invent, which were you our steady friends you would laugh at. I do by this Belt assure you 
the English have notiesign, and never will be the first to break the Covenant Chain with the 
Six Nations, & therefore I expect you will not be so ready to give ear to those wicked and 
false reports. Gave a Belt. 

Bretheren, I now have finished what I had to say, and 1 hope you have paid a due attention 
to it. I dont know in what light the matters I have laid before you may appear in your eyes, 
but I think they ought to appear as matters of the highest moment and as I am sensible there 
are not a sufficient body of you now come down to speak the fixt resolutions of your whole 
Confederacy in a binding manner, you had better, in my opinion, carry what I have said to 
you to Onondaga and call a solemn Council of all your wise people without delay, and then 
let me know the final determination of that Council, that so 1 may not misinform the King 
your Father and mislead the General here. 

S' William spoke this last paragraph himself during which the Indians seemed more than 
commonly attentive, and when he had finished it gave their shouts of applause. 

He tlfen acquainted them that M' Atkin had been indisposed today, and would not speak 
them now as he intended, but at any time to morrow morning if they would come he would 
be ready. 



236 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

After holding some consultation together Canaghquajesa spoke as follows: — 

Brother Warraghiyagey. 

We have seriously attended to what you have now said, and it has thrown new lights upon 
what you said lo us three days ago. As our answer is a matter of very interesting consequence 
both to you and us, we beg leave to defer saying any thing more upon it till to morrow. 

Thus ended the Third Day's Conference. 

Fort Johnson 21 Nov' 1756. 

Present — S' William Johnson M' Francis 

Edmund Atkin Esq' Capt. Wraxall Sec^ 

M' Croghan Lieu' Claus Dep. Sees' 

Cap' Graham > of the Highl'' lleg' M' Stevens 



Cap' Butler M' Montour [ ^^^'^^'P^' 

M' Johnson. 

Answer of the Six Nations to S' William Johnson's speech to them of yesterday. 

Canochquiesa Speaker 
Brother Warraghhiyagey 

You told us yesterday that you was dissatisfied with our reply to your speech of the 17"" 
instant. We assure you we have acquainted you witii all the nevrs we received from Canada, 
and if you know any thing more we would be glad that you would acquaint us with it. 

Brother. After you delivered to us your speech of yesterday you told us that you had laid 
before us matters of the greatest importance, and that you thought the most prudent measure 
would be for us to take your Belts up to Onondaga, and there in full Council, lay all that you 
have said to us before the chief men of our whole confederacy. 

Brother. We very much approve this advice of yours and it is agreeable to what we 
intended to have proposed to you. We soon expect our Deputies from Canada, and Deputies 
also from three Nations of the Western Indians viz' Missisagas, Twightwees and Wiandotts. 
At Onondaga where a grand Council will be held, there your speeches to us shall be made 
known and deliberated on, and you sliall have the result without delay. As we have referred 
you to this Grand Council for our answer upon what you have said to us, we do not now 
give you any Belts in exchange for yours, but shall do that when we give you the determinations 
of the Council at Onondaga, 

M' Atkin then made the following speech to them — 

Bretheren of Six United Nations. 

I am an Englishman; I have lived almost ever since I was a boy in South Carolina. I am 
acquainted with all the Southern Nations; 1 know most of their Chiefs or head men, and they 

' Gordon Graham entered the army on the Tth of August, 1747, and on the 3d of June, 1752, became a Captain in the 42(i 
regiment; on l7th of July, 1753, he was promoted to be major, in which rank he accompanied the expedition against 
Ticonderoga in 1759. On the fall of that post, his regiment was ordered to Oswego, and reached Canada the following year. 
Major Gordon became Lieutenant Colonel in the army on the 12th of January, and of his regiment on the 9th of July, 1762. 
His name disappears from the Army List in 1771. — En. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIV. 237 

know me because I have been one of the fireat King George's Coiincellors in that Country- 
near -JO years and was ahnost always present wiiile I staid tliere, whenever they came and 
talked with the Governors. 

All tlie strowds, bhmkets and other things which the Indians want for their use, tliey are 
supplied with by the English in exchange lor their deer skins and I'urrs; the French cannot 
supply them therewith as those Indians often tell the French Governors; therefore they love 
the English. 

There are rogues among the white people as there are among the Indians. Some of the 
English traders have no doubt sometimes behaved ill towards the Indians; so have some of 
the Indians towards our people. It was the business of their head men and of the English 
Governours to preventer punish such things, but the English Governours have had enough to do 
to take care of the aH'airs of the White people in their settlements, they were not able to go into 
the Indian countries to see and examine all proceedings, in order to prevent misunderstandings 
by bad prtictices. The traders as well as the Indians had an opportunity by that means to 
tell lies and impose on each other, which was bad both lor the English and Indians that trade 
with them. I hate rogues, whether Whites or Indians: I always loved the Indians, that is, 
such as were honest and lived soberly and peaceably. 

Before these new troubles arose between the English and the French, I went home to 
England & let the Great King your Father know every thing that concerned the Indians in 
friendship with the English to the Southward. The King being desirous to do every thing on 
his part for the good of the said Indians, and to preserve the friendship between them and his 
people living in those parts, was pleased to make choice of and appoint me, to act for him and 
Superintend or take care of the afRiirs of the several Indian Nations living near his people in 
Virginia North and South Carolina and Georgia and their allies, to look after the behaviour of 
the White people that trade among them and to consult with their chiefs about whatever 
concerned their mutual good, that so a sincere friendship may be preserved between them and 
His Majesty; in the same manner as he appointed 6^ William Johnson to superintend the 
aflairs of you the Six United Nations and your Allies. 

Accordingly I am lately come over the great water to see and talk with the Great King's 
Chief General and S' William Johnson before my proceeding to the Southward. I met them 
both at Albany, & being told that you were to meet S"' William Johnson here in order to have 
a conference with him upon the present state of affairs, I thought it best to come and hear what 
past, that I may know for certain what part you are determined to act between us and the French ; 
for when I meet the Southern Nations they will ask me that question. I will not, for I have 
but one heart and one tongue, tell lies; therefore I desire to know from yourselves what I shall 
tell them? 

Whatever part you are determined to act in the present war with the French, do you think 
the Southern Indians will stand with their arms across"? No, I am sure they will help to put 
a stop to the French encroachments upon their country and freedom of trade and will join 
their ancient friends the English in any thing to be done for their mutual support. 

The French came long after the English into tiie Missisipy country; ihey begun immediately 
on their arrival with building forts wherever they went, and next endeavoured to put a stop to 
the trade of the Indians with the English, often killing our traders privately. They made war 
upon several nations of Indians that opposed their designs and destroyed some Nations entirely 
for no other reasons. But the English bad no design to Jiurt the Indians, but to live quietly 



238 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

& in friendship with them, therefore they never attempted to build a fort in any of the Indian 
Countries, till lately two forts had been built in the Country of the Cherokees after 10 years 
sollicitations from them for us to do it in order to keep out tlie French, & to protect their 
wives and children against the French and their Indian Allies. It is good for all Indians that 
prefer the trade and friendship of the English to that Of the French, to join their strength 
together and to unite and support each other. You have been asleep too long; awake, get on 
your leggs, and take your arms in your hands before it is too late. It signifies nothing to call 
yourselves friends of the English, unless you act as friends by helping them : we can look on 
you only as the trees standing still in the woods. 

The Catabaws and Chickasaws would never permit Frenchmen to come near their country, 
and scorn to treat with the French'; even the Chickasaw women, when the French invaded 
their country with a large army, fought along with their husbands, with their children tied to 
their backs, and shared in the honour of obtaining a compleat victory in open field over that 
array, as their bones will now tell you, laying on the ground. 

Bretheren. I thought fit to say thus much to you, and have but one question to ask. Are 
you still the friends of the English, and will you join them as your forefathers did? Say what 
shall I tell the Southern Nations? that they may think the truth of you and know how to act 
for themselves. ^ Belt. 

Upon this speech the Indians went out & held a consultation, and after some time returned 
when Canayhquiesa spoke as follows. 

Brother Warraghiyagey. 

We have already given you our answer, and we shall now give a short reply to all our 
Brother from the Southward (meaning M'' Atkin) has said to Us. 

Then addressing himself to M"" Atkin, said : — 
Brother. 

As your intentions in coming here were to know the sentiments of the Six Nations with 
regard to the present situation of affairs, that you may carry our opinion to the Southward 
Indians, we shall now acquaint you what our opinion is. 

Brother. We have listened attentively to all you have said and it has made a strong 
impression on our hearts. We thank you for coming here and it will be very agreable to us 
that you communicate what we shall say, to our bretheren to the Southward. 

Brother. As you have told us that the King our Father hath made you Superintendant 
over the Affairs of the Southern Indians, we hope you will take good care of them. You desire 
to know whether we will act as our forefathers have done before us : we refer you upon that 
point to our brother S'' William Johnson who best knows our characters. 

Brother. We look upon you now as the Chief man to the Southward with regard to 
Indians, as we do upon our brother S'' William Johnson this way. When he first took upon 
him the management of our affairs, we were in a tottering condition, like a tree shook with 
every wind ; we strengthened & brightened the Covenant Chain with him, which we are 
resolved shall not be broke on our side. 

Brother. Be strong and stand firm, and tell all the Southern Indians what we have now 
declared to you in behalf of our Bretheren the English; let them know our situation, that 
the enemy is on the border of our country, and do you use your interest to obtain for us the 
assistance of our bretheren to tha Southward and tell them we shall receave it with 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIV. . 239 

chearfiiliiess and gratitude, and tliereiipon we give you this Belt of Wampum to deliver to the 
Ciiickasaws, and by them to be sent to the rest Gave a Belt 

Brother. We beg you will carry our message to the Chickasaws with the utmost speed 
and deliver it in our own words. They sent us word two months ago they would be with us 
by the latter eud of next May ; but the iSenecas have sent another message since to them, to 
hasten them sooner, so that we may be all ready in good time to join our Brother 
Warraghiyagey when he may call upon us, and we desire you will with this String of Wampum 
press this message of the Senecas upon them. Gave a String of Wampum. 

Brother. We have spoke to you after mature deliberation, and we hope that we shall, both 
of us, act with a friendly prudence and conduct. 

M' Atkin replyed. 

Bretheren. I have given close attention to all you have said, and I shall be careful! to 
deliver your message in your own words, and I am sure your bretheren to the Southward will 
be pleased therewith, and that it will rejoice your hearts on both sides. I shall make all the 
haste possible ; when I have business to do I sleep but little. If you are as well inclined as 
the Southern Indians & will act unanimously, I am sure you may laugh at the French. 

Thus ended the Fourth Day's Conference. 

Fort Johnson 22 Nov 1766. 

The information of Ottrawana one of the Chief Sachems of Cayouga, and who is and has 
always been a steady friend to the English interest; given to S'' W"" Johnson in a private 
Conference : AF Stevens the Interpreter being present: — 

Ottrawana says, that a friend of his who has lived several years at Cadaracqui was with 
Mons"^ M' Calm at Tiyondaroga, and told him that on their arrival there he sent out two 
Caghnawagas, two Schawendadies, and one Western Indian to discover what numbers &' the 
English had at Lake George : on their reporting the numbers were great, he asked whether 
there were many Indians ; they told him there were a great many. On which there was a 
Council held, when it was thought too great a risque to attempt Fort William Henry, lest they 
should be beat as they were last year; so it was resolved upon to wait for the English and see 
if they would come. After some time he called the Indians together and told them it was too 
late for the English to attempt any thing that way therefore they might return home, but not 
to go far off as he intended to call upon them about the middle of winter when the lakes and 
rivers were frozen &snow on the ground to go with snow shoes and sleds & destroy S' William 
Johnson's house, which he told them he would easily accomplish as there were but few men 
there. Upon which 40 of the Missisaga Indians left him and went home telling him their 
families must suffer in their absence. When the Missisagas arrived at Cadaraghqui in 
their way home, their Chief (who was here List year) spoke to the aforesaid Indian friend of 
Ottrawana, who lives at Cadaraqui, and desired he would tell him what intentions the French 
had against S' William Johnson, and begged that Ottrawana would apprize S' William of it, 
that he might be on his guard. 

Hereupon Ottrawana delivered S' William a Belt of Wampum to confirm the above Account. 

He further added that the said Missasaga Chief sent to let him (Ottrawana) know, that if it 
was in his power he would come with him in the Spring & join S' William Johnson. 



240 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Ottrowana further informed, that just before he left his habitation to come down here, a 
Cayouga Indian arrived from Niagara which he had left 5 days before and told him that there 
were but 100 men at Niagara that there and at all the other out posts of the French they were 
makin" snow shoes, Indian shoes and Indian sleds. They make snow shoes of the hides they 
got at Oswego ; the Indians are also employed in making beaver caps with Capes for the officers, 
two caps for a French blanket; that the small pox was at Niagara, Cadaraqui and Swegachie ; 
there were 90 barr' of pork left for the Indians. 

Ottrowana further said, that when the Deputies of the Six Nations were lately in Canada 
and reproached the Caghnawaga Indians with their forwardness to join the French ; they 
answered tliey could not help it, being so much in their power that they must go along with 
the French to Lake George ; but when they came to fight they would only fire with powder 
and hurt neither the Six Nations nor the English. 

Upon S' William asking him what part he thought the Six Nations would hereafter act, he 
said he knew they were determined not to break the Covenant Ciiain. 

The same day M'' Stevens the Interpreter had a private conference with Schanarady, also 
one of the Chief Sachems and warriors of Cayouga, and upon the Interpreters asking him 
what was the cause of the Six Nations shewing such a backwardness as they had done to 
assist and join with their bretheren the English in the present war: he said he had been in 
all their public and private Councils, and that it was in part owing to our ill success, and that 
they thought we did not seem in earnest in our designs & proceedings, and they were afraid 
we should soon make a peace, and if they should heartily engage, they would then be left in 
the lurch and exposed to the revenge of the French ; but that if they saw us once truly 
in earnest, he was positive the whole Six Nations would fall on. 

Fort Johnson 23 Nov"' 17-56 A. M. 
Sir William Johnson's third speech to the Six Nations. 

Present — as before ; 

Capt. Peter Wraxall Sec'' 

Lieu' Claus Dep'' Sec^ 

M'' Stevens & Capt. Montour Intepreters 

Bretheren of the Six Nations. 

By the Messengers who arrived here three days ago from Onondaga, you have heard that 
Bome of our people who went up to trade at your Castle, have been attacked and wounded by 
some French Indians. Now Bretlieren I must tell you that unless you take care to protect our 
people who may come upon business amongst you, you can have no trade with us, nor any 
smiths sent up to your Castles, the want of which you are sensible will greatly distress you. 
He that wounds my friend and brother wounds me, and I ought to treat him as my enemy. 
The Covenant Chain between us speaks this language, and if you do not prevent or properly 
resent such violences, you will be guilty of breaking that Covenant Chain. A Belt 

In the next place I must tell you Bretheren that for this year past many of your people and 
particularly the River Indians have killed a great number of the inhabitants Cattle, destroyed 
their fences, and done a deal of mischief. When you have been down at my house and 
several Indians who have stayed here, tho' the King your Father hath plentifully supplied you 
with provisionsof the best kinds, with cloaths arms ind ammunition, and every thing necessary 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIV. 241 

ami comfortable for you, your peopio have destroyed every tiling about my estate, so that I 
have scarce any live creature left or any of my fences standing. It did not use to be so. It 
looks as if you intended to pick a quarrel. It is worse than the beasts, who will not bite the 
hand that feeds them. 

Bretheren. Take notice ; I warn you against these things ; the inhabitants will not patiently 
bear such vile treatment. For my part I will not suffer it any longer, and by this Belt I desire 
and expect that for the future you will behave more like Bretherea and friends, or the fire here 
will not burn clear. A Belt. 

Bretheren. 1 insist upon your calling a General Meeting as soon as possible at Onondaga, 
and that when it is over you directly acquaint me with what you there agree upon, in 
consequence of what I have said to you at this Meeting. Bretheren, I tell you again that 
your determinations will be of the utmost consequence to you and us; therefore take it to 
heart & when you have resolved remember to be punctual. A Belt. 

Bretheren. This is the season for it, & therefore you may hunt a little this winter; but at 
the same time I desire you will keep a constant and vvatchfull eye upon the French and their 
Indians; particularly about Lake Ontario, and when you make any discoveries of consequence, 
that you will immediately acquaint me. A Belt. 

M' Atkin then made them the following Speech. 

Bretheren of the Six United Nations. 

The Delawares and Shawanese your nephews and brothers some time ago took up the 
hatchet against your Father's people of Virginia Maryland, Pennsylvania and Carolina. I 
have been told that you interposed in behalf of those people, and that the Delawares and 
Shawanese both promised to lay down the hatchet. I hear that some of the Delawares living 
on Susquehanna have complied with your orders, that the rest of the Delawares and Shawanese 
still continue hostilities against our people in those parts. As those Indians have been long 
counted a part of you and under your direction, the Southern Indians I believe will ask me 
how this comes to pass, and what they are to think of it. Therefore I desire that you will 
tell me your thoughts about this matter and what I shall tell the Southern Indians 

Gave 2 strings of Wampum. 

Bretheren. Some of your warriors often go to the Southward, and sometimes through the 
country of the Cherokees, sometimes French Indians mix in their company, who take that 
opportunity to go privately into the settlements of Carolina and have several times done 
mischief there. When the Governor of Carolina had been angry with the Cherokees for 
letting those people come through their country the Cherokees have excused it by saying that 
they were sensible that such Indians did come that way, but that they could not allways 
distinguished them from your People. Therefore to prevent any mischief & misunderstanding 
between you and us, 1 desire that when any of your people come for the future that way, they 
may bring a paper in writing from my brother S' William Johnson, mentioning their business 
to be shewed to me, or if I am not there, then to be shown at the Fort built lately in one of 
their towns over the hills; that I may find out rogues and French Indians. 

M' Atkin then showed them his Seal of Office, which was handed round and viewed by all 
the Indians present. The speaker then said they did not yet know what name to call him 
by, & therefore had agreed to give him one, which was Caughnegarighsey 
Vol. VII. 31 



242 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

EOD. DIE P. M. 

Present — as before 

The Six Nations answer to Sir William's speech to them this morning. 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

As to the mischief which has been done to those people who went up to trade in our 
Country, we the Sachems who are here present are much grieved at it, and think the authors 
ought to be punished; but as we are not a full and compleat body at this meeting, and as it is 
an affair that more immediately relates to our Chief warriors, we shall lay this your Belt with 
the others we have from you, before the General Council at Onondaga, and we expect they 
will be of our opinion, and revenge any such injurious treatment for the future, and not suffer 
the offenders to come into our country. Gave a Belt 

Brother. You have complained to us of our people and more particularly the River Indians 
destroying the inhabitants cattle, their fences &"= and that they have done the same to yours. 

Brother. Your own people the Battoe men & soldiers have committed a great deal of the 
mischief which is laid to our charge; however we shall forbid our young men and also 
the River Indians, as we know they are in some measure in fault, from doing the like for the 
future, and we shall lay this your complaint before the Council of Onondaga, that all rust may 
be kept from the Covenant Chain. Brother, you own soldiers and Battoe men, who go to 
Oswego, have given us the example; for they have destroyed the farmers gardens and fields 
up the river, and when they have been spoke to, have replyed 'twas all the Kings, and bid 
them hold their tongues. Gave a Belt. 

Brother. In answer to your third Belt, you may depend that we will summons a General 
Council at Onondaga, and take every thing you have said to us at this meeting under a very 
serious consideration, and you shall have an answer from the bottom of our hearts; but what 
time in the winter that will be, we cant positively say; the affairs are of great moment, but as 
soon as the Council breaks up you may depend on receiving the result. Gave a Belt. 

Brother. We are very thankful! that you give us leave to hunt a little this winter, in order 
to get leather to make shoes for ourselves, and as we shall by that means be dispersed thro' 
the woods, we shall have an opportunity to discover the enemy if they should be in motion, 
and that so much the better as the leaves are off" the trees, and you may rest assured that upon 
our making any discoveries, we will give you the most speedy intelligence we possibly can; 
but Brother, we must desire that your oflScers who are posted up the river may not use us as 
they did last year when we brought intelligence, telling us we were lyars, and abusing us for 
our friendly offices. Gave a Belt. 

The Speaker then made answer to M"" Atkia's speech of the Morning, as follows: — 

Brother Caughnegarighsey 

We have listened to what you have said to us this morning, about the Shawanese & 
Delawares and your desire to us thereupon. 

Brother. We shall make one trial more, by a very large Belt, with those Indians, and if 
they wont listen to our admonition, we shall tell them they must die. 

Gave 3 strings Wampum 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIV. 243 

Brother. You have desired th.it when any of our people go to the Southward they might 
bring a letter or certificate from our BroliuT Warragliiyagey, in order to prevent mistakes or 
mischieC: tiiis is good but still it mayn't wholly answer tlie purpose, for we may be fired upon 
before we can shew our letter. We therefore think it will be better to carry a red flag also, 
and that when that is shewn the bearers to be looked upon as friends. 

S' William and M' Atkin told them they both agreed to this signal & recommended it to 
them to be careful in observing it, and that if they neglected it they must take the consequence 
upon themselves. 

The Speaker then addressed himself to S"^ William Johnson and said: — 

Brother Warragliiyagey. 

You have given us several hints at this meeting to take care and not let the Covenant 
Chain grow rusty, Heke (holding up a large Covenant Chain Belt) is the Covenant Chain 
Belt given to us by eight different Governments in the year 1754. We shall on our side 
keep our eyes upon it and take care that no rust shall injure it, and it shall never be broken 
on our side. 

Brother. We were told at that meeting that goods should be plenty and cheap: those of 
our people who have been lately at Lake George found goods were very dear: we beg that 
goods migh[t] be sent up among us, and sold cheap. The P>ench sell their goods cheap and 
give a great deal away, which is the cause of many of our people going to them & therefore 
we hope you will supply us plentifully and cheaply and prevent our being imposed on. 

In this Covenant Belt you may observe a vacancy left, which is to put other Nations in: 
now Brother the best method to draw them to us, will be the plenty and cheapness of goods. 

Brother. What I am now going to say is in the name of Cayouga and Tuscarora Nation. 
The sale of Rum at our Castles was stopped at the request of a Cayouga and Tuscarora 
Sachem, and the other iN'ations are now so angry at it that those men are often in danger of 
their lives, and when our people go to Niagara, the French laugh at us because there is no 
Rum allowed to be sold at our Castles. It is therefore the request of the said Sachems and 
of all the Six Nations that Rum may again be permitted to be sold at our Castles. 

Gave a Belt. 

The Speaker then addressed himself to the Six Nations and told them the Tuscaroras had 
lost a great Sachem, and had elected ; presenting him to the Assembly, in the 

room of the other, and then with a String of Wampum presented the new Sachem to S' 
William Johnson 

Sir William then made the following answer to the foregoing speech upon Trade and Rum. 

Bretheren 

I have carefully attended what you have just now said concerning goods and rum. I am 
sensible that the cheapness of goods and a fair trade are matters of great importance to you. 
& may be a great means of dnuving other Nations into the Covenant Chain. But as trade and 
selling of rum in your Castles in the present situation of aff'airs, requires duly to be considered 
that 80 the trade may be put on some good footing more to your advantage and that of His 
Majesty's Indian interest, than it hath formerly been, I cannot give you my answer upon these 
points, till I have consulted my Lord Loudoun and when I am ready with my answer I will 
return you your Belt. 



244 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

As to the Tuscarora Sachem now elected, I very much approve your choice, as I look on him 
to be a sober sensible man. 

Bretheren. As the weather is cold I shall to morrow give you some cloathing to keep you 
warm this winter and some ammunition to hunt with. 

Sir William then told them that he had now no more public matters to lay before them & 
should cover up the Council fire for this time. 

Upon which Canaghquaiesa the Speaker said: — 

Brother. 

You have told us that you have now done and are going to cover up the fire ; before 'tis 
quite covered we beg leave to say a few words. 

Our arms and implements when we came down here especially, generally want a good deal 
of mending and the Smiths who were employed seldom do their work well. Wherefore we 
would desire that you would have a good Blacksmith and Armourer at this place, and that 
we may have Smiths sent up to our Castles next Spring, as we may then have occasion to use 
our arms. Gave 3 Strings Wampum 

Sir William replied. 

Bretheren. 

I have already considered the advantage it will to you, and also to the Crown, to have 
smiths here, and I am looking out for good ones, which I shall have by next Spring and 
perhaps sooner, and if you have occasion for Smiths at your Castles next year you shall have 
them when you satisfy me that they will be in security. 2 Strings. 

When the Meeting broke up. 

After the Meeting was over S' William cloathed 130 of them who came from the Upper 
Nations, gave them ammunition and provision to carry them home. He also gave laced Coats, 
laced hatts, ruffled shirts Sc" to all the Sachems, at which they were all much pleased, and 
returned him their hearty thanks for it. 

Ended. 
A true Copy from the Original Records, 

examined by me 
(signed) Peter Wkaxall Sec' 



^ ■■ » ■■ » 



(Tournal of Sir William Jolmsori's Proceedings with the Indians. 

[Plantalioiu General, ( B. T. ) SVI„ No. 5.] 

Fort Johnson 14 April 1757. 
Peter Spelman a German who has lived these 7 years past among the Indians & whose 
Indian name is Owiligascho, son in law to one of the chiefs of the Shawanese Indians, living 
on one of the West branches of the Susquehanna River, arrived here ; & after taking some 
refreshment, spoke to Sir William Johnson as follows: — 



LONDON DOCUMENTS : XXXIV. 245 

Brother. The King of the Shawanese hath sent me forward with these two strings of 
Wampum to acquaint you that he is on the road and will be here to morrow with near 200 
Indians, Shawanese Nantikokes, and Mohickanders. They are coming to smoak a friendly 
pipe with you, after the manner of our forefathers, and to oiler their assistance to you in the 
present troublesome times. The Aughguages and Tuscarores told him that since he had risen 
up to come and see you, they would also rise up and accompany him. He has waited on the 
road expecting them, but as they are not yet come lie will make no further delay but 
proceed hither. Gave 2 strings Wampum. 

Sir William told him to acquaint the King of the Shawanese and the rest of the Indians 
that he would be glad to see them, and would prepare for their reception. 

Gave 2 Strings Wampum. 

15 April P. M. The aforesaid Indians arrived on the opposite side of the river, and after 
saluting the Fort with a discharge of their guns, encamped themselves on that side. Sir 
William sent the Secretary over to tell them that he would be glad to see and smoak a pipe 
with two or three of their Chief men ; who accordingly came over the river. They acquainted 
Sir William that there were three Nations of them, to wit, Shawanese, Nanticokes and 
Mohickanders, settled at Otsiningo,' on one of the West branches of the Susquehanna River. 

Sir William treated them with pipes, tobacco & rum, and after staying some time, they took 
their leave for that evening. 

IC"" There being such a fresh in the River as rendered the passage over difficult and tedious, 
the Indians removed, came on this side & encamped behind the house. 

17"" P. M. The Chief Men of the aforesaid Indians with several of their people, came into 
the Meeting room and sent word to Sir William that they desired to speak a few words to 
him ; but he being indisposed, sent the Secretary down to tell them that if they had any thing 
of moment to say now, they might speak it to him, & which he would take down in writing. 

Whereupon a young Mohickander, named Jonathan, son of the King or Chief of that Nation 
and who spoke very good Low Dutch said as follows: — Arent Stevens the Interpreter 
being present. 

Brother 

This is the Belt (holding a Belt in his hand) which you sent to invite our people hither.* 

Brother. When we received your Belt of Invitation our hearts rejoiced within us, and we 
immediately rose up regardless of the severity of the season, and thro' snow ice and water 
came to see you. 

Brother. We are now come to this Council Fire and we are rejoiced to find ourselves 
sitting over it 

Brother. When we have finished our present meeting, we propose to rise up and go to our 
habitations, and when we get there we shall communicate to the rest of our people we have 

' See note, tupra, p. C". — Ed. 

• Tlie arrival of those Imlians was wholly nnsaspected by Sr William Johnson, and upon enquiry he found the case to be as 
follows : — IWt January the beforemeotioned Peter Spelman or Owiligascho came to Fort Johnson and said he was sent by 
the Shawanese chief with a piece of intelligence which he then delivered. Sir William sent by him two larire Belts of 
Wampum, One for the Delawares living at Tiaogo, reminding them of the engagements they had entered into at this house 
last summer; Tht other to thank the Shawanese Chief for his intelligence <t hoping he and his people would be ready to 
come i join His Mnjestys Arms whenever he might send to them. The said Messenger made a mistake in delivering these 
Belt«, >t told the Shawanese <& Mohickanders that Sir William desired to see them as soon as possible; upon which these 
Indians set off and came hither. 



246 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

left at home, all that may pass between us here, and not only to the people of our towns, but 
also to the Shawanese on the Ohio, and to all the scattered D.elawares and Mohickanders, and 
we shall acquaint them all that we have made a Covenant of peace friendship and alliance 
with you, in behalf of all our people and our Bretheren the English. 

IS"" Sir William sent for the Heads of the aforesaid Indians, who came into his room, when 
he told them that he was sorry his indisposition prevented his meeting them yesterday, 
that he was to day something better, but as there were several of the 6 Nations who had been 
here some days, he proposed to finish the business with them to-day, and would tomorrow 
speak to them and their people. 

Fort Johnson 19 April 1757 A. M. 
Present — Sir William Johnson Bar' &= 

Lieu' Willington of the Royal Americans 

Lieu' Claus of D" 

Capt Peter Wraxall Sec'' U' Arent Stevens Interp' 

Sbawanese. Nahtiookm 

Paxinosa, Hamightaghlawatawa, 

King or Chief with 52 of his people. King or chief, with 8 of his people. 

MomOKAKDEES S'^ NATIONS 

Abraham alias Mammatsican. Seventy in all 

King or chief with 147 of his Nation. 

N B. As many of the Mohickander Indians understand both English and Low Dutch, Sir 
William read the following speech first in English ; it was afterwards told in Low Dutch to 
Jonathan abovementioned, to whom it had been before repeated in the morning; then Jonathan 
spoke it to all present in the Mohickander language ; those Indians being considered as the 
principals throughout this meeting. 

Bretheren 

I am glad to see you at this house. Here a Council fire is always burning. Here a tree of 
shelter is planted not only for the Six Nations but for all Indians who are or desire to be in 
peace and friendship with the English and will acknowledge the Great King of England, my 
master, for their Father. He hath ordered and empowered me to take care of all his dutyfull 
and good children the Indians in these parts. I do on my side keep this Council Room free 
from all defilement. There is nothing allowed to come here which will hurt any good and 
honest Indian. 

When I consider the distance you are come, the severe season of the year and the extream 
badness of the roads, and also that there is a great meeting of the Susquehannah Indians now 
holding under my direction with M' Croghan my Deputy at Harris's Ferry' on the Susquehanna 

' Now Harrisburgh, Penn. John HAUUia waa a native of Yorkshire, England, and worked as a brewer in London previous 
to liis emigraticn to this country. He is said to have assisted in opening the streets of Philadelphia, on its first foundation. 
He afterw°ard3 removed to the Susquehannah where he opened a trade with the Indians, kept the above Ferry, having, on 
the Uth of December, 1733, purchased a tract of five hundred acres of land from Edward Shippen, in the township of 
Paxton on which his son, John Harris, in 1785, laid out the present capital of the State of Pennsylvania. Metnoir, of tkt 
llhlorical Society of Pemaylvania, U., pt. I, 208. He died some time previous to 1762. Pnmsyhania Colonial Records, VHI., 
764. — Ed. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIV. 247 

River, so much nearer than tliis to your habitations; T would from brotherly tenderness have 
wished you hjid deferred your journy till that meeting had been over. You would then 
have had a more pleasant time and comfortable roads for travelling. Besides the result of 
that meeting would have afforded more matter for this. However 1 take your coming now as 
a strong proof of your brotherly love and friendly dispositions towards your bretheren the 
English. In this Council Room [ now heartily bid you wellcome. 

Gave 3 strings of Wampum. 

Bretheren. Last summer I held a meeting and entered into a treaty in this Council Room 
with the Shawanese King now present, and with a Chief of the Delaware settled at Tiaogo. 
This treaty I sent home to the Great King your Father; here it is printed that all your 
Bretheren the English on this Continent may know what past, and what agreements we have 
entered into. 

The Great God above is a lover of Truth & Sincerity. He will send his vengeance down 
on that people or nation who deceive each other with words of peace & friendship when their 
hearts speak war and their tongues utter lies. You will find that the English will faithfully 
observe their parts of this treaty, and I hope and doubt not but your people will strictly observe 
the engagements they so solemnly bound themselves to. 

By this Belt I expect all you who are now present will do the same on your parts. 

Gave a Belt. 

Bretheren. Some of you Mohickanders were present at this treaty, and as I make no doubt 
but all of you are acquainted with the particulars of it, I shall therefore only put you in mind 
that it was then promised to send and invite all the Shawanese who live on the Ohio, and all 
the Delawares or Mohickanders who are scattered round about Fort Du Quesne and those 
parts, to come and put their hands into the same Covenant Chain. I desire to know what has 
been done in this affair. Cave 3 strings Wampum. 

Bretheren. Listen, and I will tell you the difference between the English and the French. 
The English desire and labour to unite all Indians into one general bond of brotherly love and 
National Interest. The French endeavour to divide the Indians and stir up war & contention 
amongst them. Those who intend to destroy or enslave any people or nation, will first 
endeavour to divide them. This you and all the Indians upon this Continent know has 
allwaysbeen and continues to be, the endeavours of the French. But tho' this is a fact which 
1 think all the Indians must certainly see, yet the French have found means some how or 
other so to bewitch their understandings as to make many of them believe they love the 
Indians & mean well towards them. 'Tis very strange, Bretheren, that any one man, much 
more any number of men, who are not either mad or drunk, can believe that stirring up 
Bretheren to spill each other's blood, dividing them from one another, and making parties 
amongst them are proofs of love and marks of friendly design towards them. IS'ot less 
uuciccountable is it, Bretheren, that the French should be able to persuade the Indians that 
building forts in the middle of their country & hunting grounds is for their interest and 
protection. I tell you Bretheren and I warn you, that whatever good words the French may 
give you, how much soever they may now smile on you, whatever presents they may now 
make you ; your chains are in their pockets and when their designs are ripe for execution, they 
will take the Ax out of their bosom and strike it into your heads. But this they know 
they cannot do untill you have broken the Covenant Chain with your Bretheren the English 
and taken up the Ax against them. 'Tis for this reason the French are allways endeavouring 



248 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

by lies, by presents, by promises, to stir up all Indians to fall upon the English settlements & 
destroy their best friends and faithfull bretheren, and many Indians have been so wicked and 
foolish, as, in spight of treaties and antient frendship, to become the dogs of the French, 
and come and go as they commanded them. 

Bretheren. If the Indians do not return to their senses they will see and feel when it is too 
late that they have ruined themselves, enslaved their posterity and lost their country. They 
will find their country fortified by the French, not against the English but against the 
Indians themselves. 

Bretheren. What I have said, and am going to say, I say not to you only, but to all 
Indians ; and I desire you will with this Belt make it known amongst all the nations you have 
any acquaintance or connections with. 

Tell them from me to look at the French forts built and building through the middle of their 
country and on their best hunting lands. Let them look at the French flaggs flying in 
their Forts at all the great Lakes, along all the great Rivers, in order to oblige them to trade 
with the French only, sell their skins, and take goods for them at what prizes the French 
please to put on them. And it is a thing well known to all Indians that the French cannot sell 
them goods near as cheap as the English can, nor in such assortments and plenty. 

Gave a large Belt. 
Bretheren. Let all nations of Indians know that the Great King of England, my master, is 
their Friend; that he desires all nations of Indians may unite together, be as one body and 
one blood. He offers them his alliance and protection, which all Princes & people over the 
Great Lakes are proud and glad of. He is ready to forgive all that has past, and to receive 
them with the open and tender arms of a forgiving Father and a sincere friend. He 
exhorts them by me to tear off the bandage from their eyes wherewith the French have 
blindfolded them that they may see the true state of their Country and avoid the Chains which 
the French are preparing for them and their posterity. Let them rise upas one man and assist 
His Majesty's arms in driving the French out of their country. The Great King of England 
will then take care that his people shall not invade your lands, that his traders shall supply 
you with goods and deal honestly by you. If the Indians will do their parts herein, they & 
the English will be as one flesh and one blood, & every Indian on this Continent may then sit 
under his own tree in peace, praise Him that ruleth above, smoke his pipe, and dread 
no enemy. 

Bretheren. Let what I have now said to you sink into your hearts, publish it word for 
word to all your people at home, and thro' all the Nations. Make no delay, for now is the time 
for the Indians to chuse whether they and their children after them, will or will not be, a free, 
a great and a happy people. 

By this Belt I fasten all the words I have said to you on your hearts. 

Gave a great Belt of Wampum. 
Bretheren. I would be glad to have the opinion of you who are present, upon what I 
have said with these two Belts, and the proposal I have made of it's being published thro' 

the Nations. 

Bretheren. I must inform you of an accident which happend some days ago between 
Albany and Schenectady. A River or Mohickander Indian was shot by a soldier, who says 
the Indian first laid hold of him, abused and threatened him. The soldier is in confinement 
will be tried, and if found guilty will suffer. I am very sorry for this misfortune but there is 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIV. 249 

no recalling the dead. All therefore that I can do is to condole with you on this occasion 
according to your customs, and cover his grave with these blankets strowds and stockings, & 
with these handkerchiefs 1 dry up the tears of his friends and relations; and I hope that after 
this, as the soldier is confined, you will rest easy and satisfied in your minds, as nothing more 
could be done, if the same accident had happened to me. 

Here the above goods were delivered, and after a glass of rum round, to drink the King's 
health, the meeting broke up. 



Fort Johnson 21 April 1757 P. M. 

Present — Sir William Johnson, Bar'. 

Lieu' Claus Secretary and 

ftr Guy Johnson Interpreter as before. 

The Shavvanese Nanticoke and Mohickander Indians being assembled in the Meeting Room, 
sent Sir William word they were come to give their answer to his speech to them the 19"" 
Ins'. Upon his taking his seat, Jonathan the Mohickander spoke in Low Dutch as follows: — 

Brother, If you are prepared to hear us, please to listen to what we have to say. 

Sir William said he was ready, and would be attentive 

Brother, We are very much obliged to you for your kind reception of us and your concern 
for the bad journey we have had; we are not discouraged thereby, having our hearts cheared 
with the peace and friendship our people made here with you last summer. 

Gave 3 Strings Wampum. 

Brother. You asked us what was done about sending your Belt to the Ohio and the Delaware 
Indians about Fort Du Quesne. We acknowledge that Belt was received as it was given to 
Tediescunt the Chief Man at Tiaogo, who is acquainted with all our friends and allies: what 
he hath done therein we do not realy know. Gave 3 Strings. 

Brother. You put us in mind of the Treaty of peace and friendship entered into in this 
Council Room last summer, between you and our Brothers the Shawanese and the Delawares 
of Tiaogo. 

Brother. All the Nations here present for themselves and all belonging to them lay hold 
of the said Covenant Chain, and are determined to keep fast the same as long as the sun shines 
and God gives us breath. 

You have told us Brother that God knows all things and the heart of every one of us. 

Brother. 'Tis true, and we call God to witness the sincerity of our resolutions to keep 
unbroken the Covenant Chain with our Brelheren the English. We will not tell you any lies, 
and we assure you that when our people at home shall hear of our entering into this agreement 
of peace and friendship, they will, we are sure, be exceedingly rejoiced and we will not only 
failhlully observe it ourselves, but teach the same [to] our children yet unborn. 

Gave a Belt. 

Brother. All you said to us concerning the difference of conduct between the English and 
French and every thing you desired us to publish amongst our people and all the nations gave 
us great satisfaction ; and we think it to be the truth. Be assured we will not do as was done 
last year, refer it to another, but we will deliver your words and send your Belt with our own 

Vol. VII. 32 



250 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

mouths and hands, and when we have done this we will not fail to let you know what effects 
it has had, and what nations you can depend on as Bretheren, and what are your enemies. 

Gave a Belt. 

Brother. You told us the day before yesterday that the French had put a bandage over our 
eyes, which you told us to remove, that we might look about and see clearly the state of 
our country & our true interest. All you said to us on this subject was extreamly agreable 
and we thank you for it from the bottom of our hearts; it was acting like a friend and brother. 
But for our parts we have cast off the bandage and can see clearly round us, and which way 
soever we look, we can see no friends so true, no brothers so affectionate to us as the English: 
they have ever been so to us and to our forefathers also. 

Brother. You have also told us that the Great King our Father over the sea, offered us by 
you, his hand of favour and protection. We lay fast hold of it and will not quit it so long as 
the world endures. 

Brother. You have made us very joyfull by assuring us that our Father the Great King is 
ready to forgive and forget all past faults and misdoings. This makes our hearts happy and 
easy, for there have been some Indians who have done amiss, and who thought he would never 
forgive them. The King our Father's goodness will be great matter of joy to them and give 
us the most unfeigned satisfaction. Brother, we shall publish all this good news amongst all 
Nations of Indians with whom we have any acquaintance. Gave a Belt. 

Brother. We beg leave to add a few words. We have not perhaps been so particular as we 
ought, but we assure you what we have said comes from the bottom of our hearts, and that 
we mean more and better than we are capable of expressing. In these matters we are but 
as Children to you white people 

Brother. We have forgot something; that is, to tell you where we now live. It is at 
Otsiningo and if you have at any time occasion for us or messages to send us, there you will 
allwaysfind us. At Otsiningo live three principal Nations, viz* the Shawanese, Nanticokes and 
Moliickanders, who are all Bretheren. 

Brother. We have now concluded our answer to your speech to us, and must beg leave to 
say something to you from ourselves, and which is of great importance to us. 

Brother. Please to lend us your attention a little. 'Tis now 9 years ago that a misfortune 
happened near Reinbeck in this Province; a white man there shot a young man an Indian. 
There was a meeting held thereon, and Marlinus Hoffman said "Brothers there are two 
«' methods of settling this accident, one according to the White people's customs, the other 
" according to the Indians: which of them will you chuse ? If you will go according to the 
«' Indian manner, the man who shot the Indian may yet live. If this man's life is spared, and 
«' at any time hereafter an Indian should kill a white man, and you desire it, his life shall be 
" also spared." 

Brother. You told us two days ago that when a man is dead, there is no bringing him to 
life again. Brother, we understand there are two Indians in jail at Albany, accused of killing 
a man; they are alive and may live to be of service, and we beg you in the name of the 
Great King our Father that they may be released. All we that here present, among whom 
are some of their nations, are all much dejected and uneasy upon this affair, and do entreat 
that these people may be let free, which will give us all the highest satisfaction. 

Gave a great bunch Wampum. 
We have now finished, and have no more to say. 



iff 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIV. 251 

Sir William told tliem as it was now late he proposed tomorrow to say something more to 
them, & give an answer upon things they liad now said. The meeting then broke up. 

Fort Johnson 22 April 1757. 
Rresent, — as yesterday. 

Sir William Johnson's Second Speech to the aforesaid Indians. 
Bretheren. 

What you said to me yesterday in answer to my former speech to you was very agreable 
and pleasing to me. I look upon your words as a tree in full blossom, which 1 hope and expect 
will produce fruit suitable to it's appearance. 

Bretheren. Let me again put you in mind of tiie Belt I have given you, and which you 
have promised to show to all those nations of Indians with whom you have any acquaintance 
or friendship, and to repeat what I have told you. As I think those things are of great 
consequence to the welfare of ail Indians, I will again mention the heads of what I said upon 
my second and tiiird Beits in my former speecli : (which he did) and then added Three 
particular instances in which their friendship and alliance with the English was greatly more 
for their interest than with the French. 1" That in case their crops failed and they were 
destitute of provisions, that they could be easily relieved by their neighbourhood to the 
English ; whereas they were at such a distance from Canada that they might starve before 
they could get relief from the French. 2""'' That in case they were in want of ammunition 
or assistance against an enemy, they might be all destroyed before they could obtain the 
needfull assistance from the French. 3'"'' The same consequence with regard to trade. 

With this Belt of Wampum I fix firmer upon your hearts and memories my talk and advice 
to you. Gave a large Bunch Wampum. 

Bretheren. Last night I wrote to the Earl of Loudoun who commands all the King's 
soldiers in this country and to Sir Charles Hardy Governour of this Province, concerning the 
request you made of having your people discharged who are now in Albany jail. It is not in 
my power to give them free, but I dare say those great men will comply with your desire, if 
the circumstances of the affair appear to be such as reason and justice will permit it to be done. 

Gave a Bunch of Wampum. 

Bretheren. As you have now in behalf of yourselves and all your people laid hold of the 
Covenant Chain of peace and friendship with the Great King of England my master, and 
called the Great God above to witness tliat you do sincerely intend and firmly resolve that you 
will hereafter behave to all his subjects as fast friends and loving bretheren, into which 
Covenant Chain I have taken you all, your wives and children: — Therefore lest you may 
forget what was meant by the Covenant Chain in old times, I will briefly remind you of 
it's obligations. — 

When the Indians your forefathers first made this Covenant Chain with the English, both 
parties engaged to keep the ends of it fast in their hands; that they would take great care to 
keep it from breaking or from getting any rust or filth upon it ; that they would be as one 
flesh and blood, so that if any enemy should intend to hurt or strike one party, the other should 
immediately give him notice, rise up & help him ; and that a good road should allways be kept 
open between their habitations, that when they might call for each others assistance, they 
could easily and speedily come. 



252 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Bretheren. As the road between us hath been opened last year by which means all logs 
and stones which were in the way liath been ren)oved and made broad safe and pleasant we 
shall on our parts keep it so, and I expect you'll do the same on yours. 

Bretheren. You have informed me that you three nations are settled at Otsiningo and that 
there I may allways find you. You have lived in too dispersed a manner, which must naturally 
weaken a people & make them of little consequence ; whereas if you keep together in a body 
you may be strong & respectable. 

Bretheren. With this Belt I girt your loins round after the manner of Warriors that 
whenever you are called upon you may be ready to run along this good road to assist us your 
Bretheren, if any enemy may be coming to hurt them, and we shall do the same by you wlien 
you have any occasion to call upon us ; by this means we shall become a strong body and 
nothing will be able to hurt us. Gave a very large Belt. 

Bretheren. I have but a few words more to say to you and then I shall conclude. If you 
hear of any news which concerns the safety or welfare of us your Bretheren, I expect you will 
give us immediate notice and we shall do the same by you. Gave 3 Strings Wampum. 

Breihern. The time of the year, the severity of the season, and my having of late been 
oblidged to be so much from home, and that I did not expect you so soon, has prevented my 
having as great a plenty of goods as I usually have ; however I shall look about, and when all 
business is finished I hope to find a small present for You. 

So ended this Meeting. 

Fort Johnson 23"' of April 1757 A. M. 
The reply of the aforesaid Indians to Sir William Johnson's speech to them of yesterday. 

Present, — as before 

Brother. If you are ready to hear us we shall make some reply to what you yesterday said 
to us. Sir William answered he was ready; when the Speaker proceeded. 

Brother. You told us yesterday that you looked on what we had said and the assurances 
we had given you as a Tree in Blossom, and you hoped it would yield good fruits. 

Brother. We like the comparison. We have spoke to you from our hearts, and we hope 
good fruit will come from thence. On our parts we truly mean what our tongue hath spoken 
and we doubt not but you will on your side be as a fruitfull Tree to us. 

Gave 2 Strings Wampum. 

Brother. You have repeated to us and we shall not forget it, the different behaviour of the 
English and French towards the Indians, and you gave us instances to prove that it was greatly 
more our interest to keep friends with the former than the latter. Brother, what you have said 
hereon we are convinced is the truth and we thank you heartily for pointing out to us our true 
interest and welfare. What you have said has made our hearts light within in us, and we will 
not forget it. Gave 3 Strings Wampum. 

Brother. You told that last year you had opened the road between our habitations and the 
English and that you believed we had found nothing bad in this Road. (The Speaker here 
repeated what Sir William had said to them yesterday, with the large Belt.) 

Brother. We have now renewed the Covenant Chain with all its obligations agreed upon 
between our respective forefathers. We are extreamly glad that you have made the Road 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIV. 253 

open between us, and it is a very pleasant one. We are thankfull to you for lying up our 
blankets, and whenever you call upon us we shall be ready to stand up and come without 
delay and we shall from this day forward consider the English and ourselves as one body, 
one head and one mind. ^'-^^^ ^ ^'^^- ^ 

Brother. You have desired that whenever we hear any thing which may concern the 
interest or welfare of our Bretheren the English we should without delay communicate it. 
You may depend that we will do this and if we get any intelligence, tho' it should be in the 
middle of the night, we will send off an express to you. Some of our young people are 
generally on the hunt and are very likely to make discoveries. Brother we are very thankful 
for your promise to do the same by us and to be ready to come to our assistance in case 

r , Gave 3 Strings Wampum, 

ot need. ° ,. u 

Brother. What you have told us concerning your writing to the Great Men about our 
friends in Albany jail, we have put it into our hearts and when we see our said Brothers safe 
in freedom it will be a convincing proof to us that we are indeed Bretheren & one People with 

the English. 

Brother. This is all we have to say, and from this time forth we are as one body. Then 
the Sachems and Chiefs of the Three Nations with the Speaker, came and shook hands with 
Sir William and the several gentlemen present, with great appearance of joy and sincerity. 

The Speaker rose up again and said : — 

Brother. We have forgot something of consequence which we desire may be wrote down. 

Brother. We are now become, as was said, one People ; whenever therefore your people 
and ours may meet in the woods or elsewhere, we expect they shall shake hands, and smoke 
together as loving Bretheren, and as we shall on our parts publish all that hath past here, to all 
our absent people and friends we hope and desire you will do the same to yours, that none 
may be ignorant that from this day forward and for ever we are brothers friends and allies, 
and engaged on all occasions to love and assist each other. 

A few words more we beg leave to say, and then we have done. 

Brother. (Holding up a Belt) Last spring with this Belt the Nanticokes took us by the 
hand and bid us sit down by them. They said to us — " You Mohickanders and we Nanticokes 
" will be one people and take you Mohickanders by the hand as Bretheren and fix you here at 
" Otsininko, where the 6 Nations have lighted a Council Fire and the Senecas appointed lands 
" for you to cultivate. Call all your dispersed Bretheren togetiier and sit down here with them 
" as their habitation, and we Nanticokes assure you that whoever shall pinch or hurt you, we 
" shall feel it, and the 6 Nations shall do the same." 

Brother. This Belt we propose to send amongst all our dispersed people ; we have acquainted 
you herewith, and whenever you see any of our scattered people passing up the River, you 
may that they are removing to Otsiningo. 

Sir William said. — 
Bretheren. 

I am quite pleased with the conduct of the Nanticokes, and think it a very prudent measure ; 
it will strengthen them, and you Three Nations together may be a considerable & 
flourishing people. 

Bretheren. As I expect all that has past here between us will be printed, by that means it 
will be known throughout this and the neighbouring Governments. 

After Sir William had done, the Kings or Chiefs of each Nation rose up and made a strong 
exhortation to all their respective people present to remember every thing which had past at 



254 



NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 



this meeting, and to consider it as done in the presence of Him who sitteth above and seeth 
all things. 

Sir William recommended it to them to make such an equal and upright division of the 
presents intended for them, (which he proposed to deliver to them in the afternoon) as none 
might have just cause to murmur or be dissatisfied. 

A true Copy from the Original Records ; 

Exam"* by me 
( signed ) Petek Wraxall 

Sec^ 



Journal of Sir William Johnson'-s Proceedings xoith the Indians. 



[ Plantations General Papers, XVI., { P. ) No. 4. ] 



Fort Johnson 10 June 1757. 



The following Indians arrived here: — 
Senegas, of the Old Castle 
Tageghsady 
Tawistawis 



Sachems 



From Cenosio' Castle 
Karonghyanaghqui 
Canoghsa 

Hayadondy, a head 
warrior & 40 others. 



Onondagas 
Sequareesere 
Otsinoughyatta. 
Keghlahhe 
Canatsyagaye 
Tsineakado 
Kahedorea 
Tj'ohaqueande 
24 Young Warriors 
5 Women 



Sachems 



Head 
Warriors. 



Their Chiefs came into the Council Room and passed the usual compliments to Sir William 
on their arrival, and presented to him an Indian scalp, in the room of M' Jonathan Stevens, 
the Interpreters son, who was killed in the engagement at Lake George 8 Sept' 1755. They 
acquainted Sir William that Deputies from the Cayougas were on the road and -that they 
expected them here tomorrow, that they had called on the Oneidas in their way down and 
invited them to come with them which the Oneidas refused. 

Sir William returned their compliments and gave them pipes, tobacco, and a glass of rum 
round, and then they went to their quarters. 

Fort Johnson 11 June 1757. A. M. 

The heads of the Senecas and Onondagas who arrived here yesterday met in the Council 
Room & sent word to Sir William that they desired to say a few words; upon which 
he attended. 



' Now Geneseo, Livingston county, N. Y. G-uy Johnson't Map. — Ed. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIV. 255 

Present — Sir William Johnson 

Lieu' Claus Capt. Peter Wraxall Sec" 

M' Johnson M^ Arent iStevens Iiiterp' 

Abraham, & 3 other Moiiavvk chiefs 

— — — An Onondaga Sacliem, Speaker. 
Brother Warraghiyagey, 

As we hear there is a great deal of mischief dayly happens in the Southern Governments 
and as we understand some of the Mohawks lately came from those parts, we would be glad 
to know from you or them concerning those aflairs and what the news is. 

Upon which Sir William desired the Mohawk Chiefs who were present and just returned 
from Lancaster to acquaint their Bretheren the Senecas and Onondagas with what they 
knew and had heard about the blood which had lately and was daily shedding in the 
Southern Govern" 

Abraham the Mohawk Sachem did accordingly relate what murders and hostilities had been 
committed, while they were attending the meeting at Lancaster, and referred them for the 
transactions at that meeting, to Sir William ; who told them, that to enter into a particular 
detail would take up too much time at present, and that he would take some other opportunity 
to do it. 

The Onondaga Speaker then proceeded and said: — 

Brother. 

When Capt. Butler was at Onondaga he was dayly pressing forward the proposed meeting 
which was delayed by several of our people being at Canada; when they returned we 
acquainted him with what news they brought, which we doubt not he advised you of. 

Sunday 12 June A. M. arrived 

Skahyonwio' alias Big Canoe 



j- heai 
Seven Warriors and 2 Women ; all from Cayouga. 



^., ( head Sachems 

Ollrowaiia 



Sir William bid them welcome, and after the usual ceremonies they were shown to 
their quarters. 

EoD. DIE. P. M. Nickus and Paulus Sachems at Canajoharee, with several other head men, 
arrived and desired to say a few words with Sir William, who told them he was ready to hear 
them ; when Nickas spoke as follows : — 

Brother Warraghiyagey. 

Doubtless you are desirous to know what is the occasion of our present visit to you. We 
are to acquaint you that it is at the request of those of the Six Nations who are now come 
down, who desired we would attend this meeting and hear what they have to say to you. 

To which S'' William answerd : that he was glad to see them on this occasion and he did 
intend as soon as the Cayougas arrived to send for them down and that he had already given 
notice to the Mohawks of the hither Castle to be present. 

* From OahonHia, a canoe Bruycu. — Eo. 



256 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Fort Johnson 13 June 1757. A. M. 
The Senecas, Cayougaa and Onondagas having desired a meeting with S"' William Johnson, 
he accordingly met them in the Council Room. 

Present — Sir William Johnson. Capt. Wraxall Sec'' 

Lieu' Claus. M' Stevens Interp' 

The Sachems of the Upper and Lovrer Mohavck Castle. 

Skahyonwio, alias the Big Canoe, a Cayouga Sachem spoke as foUoves : — 

Brother Warraghiyagey and Bretheren of the [Six] Nations present. 

We of the Cayouga Nation have been much discontented that the proposed meeting at 
Onondnga was so long delayed. We were long ago ready, but were kept back by the Senecas, 
who put otf their going thither on various pretenses. 

Brother Warraghiyagey 

We are informed that you have been told that some of the Upper Nations have used the 
hatchet against our Bretheren the English ; we must acknowledge it is true, but it was not 
the fault of our nation. 

Some of the Seneca warriors who said they were going to the Southward against enemy 
Indians, prevailed upon some of our young men to go with them, and when they got on their 
way they turned about & smote some of your people. We of Cayouga on hearing this were very 
much concerned and threw a Belt of Wampum to all the fighters to prevent the like for the 
future. We have done our utmost to put a stop to such proceedings ; we expect it will be 
effectual, and hope the like will never happen again : with this Belt we take the hatchet out 
of your head. Gave a Belt. 

Brother. As to our Nation we own the French are trying all methods to confuse and divide 
us, & stir us up against our Bretheren the English ; and some time ago they set on some of 
our young men to come this way and do mischief; but on our discovering it we sent after 
them & put a stop to it. 

Bretheren of the Six Nations present. 

We of Cayouga have already spoke to you ; hear what we are now going further to say 
to you. 

Some of you of the 5 Nations come down & tell our Brother Warraghiyagey, that we of 
Cayouga are friends of the French and use the hatchet against our Bretheren the English, 
when at the same time 'tis your Nations are doing it, as some of the Onondagas have done, and 
laid it to our charge. We have for our parts prevented our young people from engaging in 
these measures ; perhaps there may have been one or two who have been guilty and escaped 
our knowledge, but you may depend upon it our Nation have not forgot the old agreement 
with our Bretheren the English, but are determined to hold fast the Covenant Chain and not 
let it slip out of our hands ; and we make this Declaration before you all now present, as our 
determinate resolutions. 

Brother Warraghiyagey. 

We beg you by this Belt not to listen to these lies which are told you to the prejudice of 
our Nation, but be assured we are firmly resolved to hold fast on the Covenant Chain, and 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIV. 257 

remain friends and Brellieren of the Knglisli as long as we live. BrolluT it is true we have 
thought it most for our interest to ait still and not intcrniedille in the disputes between you and 
the French, and we have reproached some of the other Nations with joining the Trench 
and not remaining neuter; and this we say to their faces. Gave a large Belt. 

Brother. We are determined thus to justify ourselves and to make these declarations, 
before all the .Nations present, before we entered upon business in general, and you and all the 
Six Nations present may depend upon it, that what we have said is the truth and the real 
meaning of our hearts, and we will abide by our resolutions as long as the sun gives light 

The Onondaga Speaker then said : — 

Bretheren of the Mohawk and Seneca Nations. 

We who are as one body in the General Confederacy have heard what our Bretheren of 
Cavouga have now said and declared, & we Onondagas are of opinion it is proper for us to 
withdraw and take the same under consideration. 

Sir William told the Cayougas he had attentively heard what they had said to him in the 
presence of the G Nations, and that he would consider of a proper answer to it, and as 
the Onondagas had proposed to withdraw with the Mohawks and Senecas, so he adjourned the 
meeting for this time. 

Fort Johnson 14 June 1757 P. M. 
The Senecas, Onondagas and Cayougas having given Sir William Johnson notice that they 
were ready to speak to him, & being assembled in the Council Room, he attended. 

Present — Sir William Johnson Bar' Cap' Peter Wraxall Sec'' 

Lieu' Claus. M' Arent Stevens, Interp' 

M"' Johnson. M' Robert Adems. 

Sachems & chiefs of the two Mohawk Castles 

an Onondaga Sachem spoke as follows : — 



Brother Warraghiyagey. 

When you were last at Onondaga you spoke to the Six Nations with a Belt of Wampum, by 
which you sharpened our weapons and desired we should make use of them against the 
common enemy. This, none of the Six Nations are ignorant of. You then also painted and 
feathered our warriors for action ; but as we found ourselves in danger from the Missesagas we 
were obliged to let our hatchet lay by us, and take care of our own preservation. 

Brother. This is one reason for our not having been active according to your request. A\ e 
•will give you a further reason. We are but few in number, and therefore think ourselves 
oblidged in justice to our country and our families to stay at home & take care, and protect 
them from the attempts of our enemies, as we daily hear we are threatened by them. 

Brother. When you were last at Onondaga you told us to keep our weapons in our hands 
and be ready to run, when you might call on us, to your assistance, which you would do 
when any urgent occasion made it necessary. You told us you were a numerous people 
and you would first make a trial against the enemy, and if you could not do without us, then 
you would call upon us, and desired we would hold ourselves in readiness. 

Vol. VII. 33 



258 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Brother. We have given you our several reasons for not using the hatchet you sharpened 
for us at Onondaga. We can't say from whence it may come, but we expect in a few months 
time that we shall be attacked by our enemies, and if we were to be absent from our Castles, 
our women and children would be at the mercy of the enemy ; and therefore we think it 
necessary to stay at home in our own defence. Gave a large Belt. 

Brother. As you desired the 6 Nations would mediate between the English and the 
Delawares, and prevail on those Indians to cease their hostilities, the Senecas, under whose 
immediate directions those Indians are, did according to your request interpose, and they have 
brought them to a cessation of arms, except those Indians who live on the Ohio and are under 
the guidance of the French, whom the Senecas have not yet been able to bring to terms 
of peace. Gave a Belt. 

Brother. By Cap' Butler and Cap' Montour whom you sent up to our Castle last winter, 
you let us know that you expected we should use the hatchet against the French. We gave 
no direct answer to them hereupon, but told them the Council at Onondaga had not yet met, 
as all the members were not assembled. When the Council at Onondaga was compleat, we 
laid your message before them, which they said they did not expect from you, as the old 
Covenant Chain was for the common safety of you & us ; for were we to leave our country 
unguarded, it would bring on our destruction. You told us you were strong in people and able 
to fight the French and we hope you will exert yourselves against them for the common safety 
of yours and our Country. 

Brother. You formerly told us that the cause of the present war on your side, was to 
remove the French from their encroachments on your and our Country. This is very true 
Brother, and it is a matter worthy of your assistance, for the French have realy hemmed us in 
by their encroachments, and we beg you will do your best to remove them and preserve our 
lands; and as you told us you had people enough to fight the French, we did not expect you 
would call on us to assist you, until you found yourselves too weak to do without us. 

Brother. We have now told you the resolutions of the Senecas, Cayougas, and Onondagas, 
in the presence of our Bretheren of the two Mohawk Castles the head of the Confederacy ; 
and we do at the same time assure you that it is the determination of all the 5 Nations in full 
Council that we will not let the ancient Covenant Chain between our Father the Great King 
of England over the great Lake, and our forefathers, & Quieder, ( meaning the Governor of 
New York) slip out of our hands. And we now dress up the Council fire, which upon your 
being appointed to the management of our affairs was removed from Albany hither, & from 
the Tree of Shelter, which was at the same time planted here, we pick away all weeds that 
nothing may hurt its growth. The ancient Covenant Chain was made for our mutual 
advantage, of which trade is a considerable part, and therefore we beg you will send a trader 
to the German Flatts. 

Brother. We speak not merely from our lips, but we tell you the truth of our hearts, that we 
are determined to hold fast the Covenant Chain ; & this is not the resolutions of our three 
Nations only but also of the Oneidas and Tuscarores, and the whole Confederacy ; and this we 
declare in the presence of the two Mohawk Castles. 

Brother. You and the French are two powerfuU nations, and we hope you will so exert 
yourselves as to get the better of them, and if it pleases God that you overcome them, we shall 
remain stedfast to you, but should it happen that the French are too strong for you, we must 
then fall with you. Gave a white Belt of 16 rows. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIV. 259 

Brother. Some of your messages have come to us by foolish people and women, who either 
don't remember or designedly alter your meaning; we therefore desire you will take care to 
choose fiiithful and proper peo|)le. 

Here they returned 4 strings of Wampum which S' William lately sent to the Six Nations 
to acquaint them that tiie Rum was out & they must not send down for any more. 

Brother. Here is a Belt and a String of Wampum which you sent up to us, admonishing 
us to keep a good look out against the designs and motions of the enemy ; this we have done, 
in token wliereof we return tlieni to you. Returned a Belt & a String of Wampum. 

Then the Speaker sat down. 

Sir William told them he had given attention to all they had said, that it was recorded, and 
he would prepare an answer to it, and let them know when he was ready to deliver it. 

Fort Johnson IG June 1757. P. M. 
Sir William Johnson's answer to the speech made him the 14"' Ins' by the 
Senecas, Cayougas, & Onoudagas. 

Present — as before. 

Bretheren of the Senecas, Cayougas, & Onondagas 

I have duly considered the speech you made to me two days ago, and I desire you will be 
attentive to the answer I am now going to make you to it. 

Bretheren. You tell me the reason you did not make use of the hatchet I sharpened for 
you last Summer, when I was at Onondaga, and at which time I also painted and feathered 
your warriors for action, was, because you found yourselves in danger from the Messasagas, 
and therefore were oblidged to let my hatchet lay by you, & take care of yourselves. 

Bretheren. This is the fust time I have heard the Messasagas, were your enemies, & I am 
surprized how it came about. It is but 2 years ago at the great meeting here that you brought 
down the Chief man amongst the Missasagas, and introduced him to me as your great friend 
and ally, and told me that he and his people were determined to follow the example of the 
Five Nations. You then desired I would treat and consider him accordingly, which I did and 
gave him presents to his satisfaction, and he took Belts from me to his people. For what 
reason therefore you think yourselves in danger from the Missesagas I cannot comprehend, 
unless it is from some misunderstanding which I hear happened in the woods some few days 
ago between some of your people and them. 

Bretheren. An other reason you give me for your inactivity Is, that you are few in number, 
and you dayly hear yourselves threatened by your enemies. As to your numbers, had you 
taken my advise given you many years ago and often repeated, you might now have been as 
strong people. I should be glad to know who these enemies are, and what grounds you have 
for these fears. Gave a Belt. 

Bretheren. You say I told you that the Knglish would first make atrial against their enemies 
& that if we found we could not do without you, that then we would call on you for your 
assistance. 1 have looked over the records where all public speeches and business with the 
Nations is faithfully wrote down, and I find no such thing there, and I am very positive you 
must be mistaken, for from the first meeting I had with the Six Nations after my return from 
Virginia, to this day, I have been constantly calling and exhorting them as Children of the 



2G0 NEW,YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Great King of England, as Brothers and Allies to the English, to join and assist His Majesty's 
Arms against our common enemy the French, and the Six Nations have as frequently assured 
me they would act with us & for us. And you must know you have a great number of Belts 
from me on this subject now in your possession. You tell me, tho' you don't know from what 
quarter, that you expect in a few months to be attacked by some enemy, and that therefore 
you think your own preservation requires you to stay at home and be on your guard. What 
foundiUion you have for all these fears so lately come upon you, you have not tliought proper 
to inform me, and therefore I am at a loss about it, especially as I understand several parties of 
your young men are gone a fighting to the Southward. Formerly you told me that if you had 
Forts built at your towns and some men toguarrison them, you might then go to war with your 
Bretheren the English, and not be afi'raid of your old men your wives and children during 
your absence. These Forts tho' very expensive to the King your Father, were accordingly 
built for you, and if you had applied you might have had men to garrison them. Bretheren, 
your conduct will in my opinion appear very ungrateful, & your reasonings very inconsistent 
to the King your Father and to all your Bretheren the English when they come to their 
knowledge as they soon will do; wherefore I would advise you to reconsider the matter, & 
take it into your most serious consideration. A String. 

Bretheren. I am well pleased that the Senecas, under whose directions the Delawares are, 
have upon my application interposed their influence upon those deluded people, to stop their 
hostilities upon this and the neighbouring Provinces, and I expect they will exert their utmost 
to compleat this good work with the Ohio Delawares also. A Belt. 

Bretheren. Last winter the Governor of Pennsylvania had a meeting with Tedeuscung 
the Chief of the Delawares who live at Taaogo, when Tedyuscung told the Governor that one 
of the chief causes of the Delawares taking up the Ax against the English was, that they 
thought themselves defrauded and injured with regard to their lands. The Governour desired 
to know in what instances and by whom these frauds and injustice had been done to them, 
and that he was then ready and willing to hear their complaints and redress them to the 
utmost of his power and heartily disposed to settle every thing to their satisfaction. 

Tedyuscung answered that he was not then empowered by, nor were the proper persons 
present, to accommodate these disputes, and therefore he proposed a meeting with the 
Governour this spring, when he said he would come prepared to settle all these matters. 
The meeting was accordingly agreed on, and I sent our Brother M' Croghan my Deputy to 
Pennsylvania, to act there in my name and see justice done to the Indians. I gave the 6 
Nations notice hereof and several of them attended there accordingly. They waited a great 
while in expectation of Tedyuscung's arrival, but he never came, so that all the expence and 
trouble of this meeting did not produce the main etfects intended by it. I desire to know from 
our Brothers the Senecas, the reasons of this strange behaviour of Tedyuscung's, which 
appears to me very blamable and unworthy the Character of a chief man, and I must desire 
that our Brothers the Senecas will talk to him, and if he is in fault make him sensible of it. 
The Governour of Pennsylvania hath spoke and acted like a wise and honest man, and 
appears sincerely disposed to do justice with impartiality of heart. The affair is of great 
consequence and Tedyuscung's conduct doth not appear fair and candid, by not fulfilling his 
own proposals & promises. Gave several large strings of Wampum. 

Bretheren. You say Captain Montour & Capt. Butler brought you a message in my name 
that I expected you would use the hatchet, I had put in your hands, against the French, that 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIV. 2G1 

the message was laid before the Council of Onondaga, who said they did not expect such a 
message from you, as the Covenant Ciiain was for the common safety both of us and you, and 
that ifvou were to leave your country unguarded, it might end in your destruction. 

Hretheren. It is certain the Covenant Chain was made lor our common good and safety, 
and it is well known to you all that it speaks in this manner: — That the LnglUh and the Six 
SalloHs shall consider themselves as otic flesh and one blood, and that whenever anij encmij shall hurl the 
one the other is to feel it and avenge it, as if done to himself. Have not the French hurt us? Is not 
their ax in our heads? Are they not daily killing and taking our people away? Have not 
some of your nations both to the Southward and Northward joined the French against us? 
Nay, some of you, by your own confession, have gone out by yourselves and struck the English. 
Have you not now several of our people prisoners amongst you, whom you conceal from 
me? Have you not lately suffered the Swegachie Indians to come thro' your habitations and 
take^one of our people from the German Flatts? Let me ask you now if all this is behaving 
like Bretheren, & whether you ought not to be ashamed when you put us in mind of the 
Covenant Chain? Surely you dream, or think I have forgot the old agreement between us, 
when you talk in this manner. 1 take you by the head & rouse you from your lethargy and 
bring you to your senses. 

Bretheren. You say you must take care of yourselves and not leave your country 
unguarded. When our Brother's house is on fire will an other Brother look quietly on, 
smoak his pipe at his own door and say he can't help him because perhaps his own house may 
take lire? Does the Covenant Chain speak this language? Did your forefathers talk after this 
manner? Did I talk so to you when the Onondagas, Oneidas & Tuscarores sent me word last 
year that they expected the enemy were coming upon them? Did not I and your Bretheren run 
thro' the ice and snow at two or three different times to their assistance? Where and who are 
those enemies you so much dread? Let us know do you want our assistance; if you are in 
danger we know the Covenant Chain and will be ready to defend or die with you. We wont 
tell you make one trial by yourselves and that we must stay home and take care of our 
own preservation. 

You allways tell me 'tis for our mutual interest you go so often to Canada; I am apt to think 
you have brought these alarms and these fears with you from thence. 

Bretheren. I must tell you that my orders from the King your father are, to take care of 
and supply with necessaries such good & faithful Indians as will go out and fight for him and 
his people, and that such and their families, only, has he empowered me to arm clothe 
and provide for, which I shall continue to do to all such as will go out upon service, and those I 
dare say will in the end find they have acted more for their honour and interest, than those 
who stay at home and smoak their pipes. Gave a Belt. 

Bretheren. You have assured me that it is the unanimous Resolution of the 5 Nations to 
hold fast the Antient Covenant Chain made by our forefathers and yours. Bretheren, our end 
of this Chain is bright and strong and we shall not be the first to let it go; but it seems to me 
that your end is grown very rusty, and without great care will be in danger of being eaten 
thro', which I should be very sorry to see, as it would be the means also of extinguishing the 
fire here and oversetting the Tree of Shelter. Here the Covenant Chain Belt was given. 

Bretheren. I am sensible that trade is for our mutual benefit, and the taking care of it has 
allways been considered as one essential part of the Covenant Chain and the King your Father, 
expecting that you would have aided bis arms as your ancestors formerly did, was determined 



262 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

to have put trade upon the most equitable and beneficial footing possible, for you and his 
people. But as public affairs now stand and whilst our enemies are suffered to pass thro your 
country in order to come and destroy us, without their receiving any molestation from you, it 
will neither be safe or prudent for our traders to go that way. Besides as you have resolved 
to stay at home and smoak your pipes and leave us to fight the enemy, our people must be 
otherwise employed, except those traders who live in Albany and Schenectady, who will 
allways be ready and willing to trade with you. Gave a Belt. 

When this Meeting broke up 

The same evening the head Sachems of the Senecas desired a private Conference with Sir 
William Johnson, to which they invited the Mohocks & Onondagas. 

The Senecas laid down Three Belts. 

One of which was a very long black one with an Ax in the middle, which they said was 
brought to them by the Groote Yonge, a Seneca warrior who has lived in Canada for two years 
past, & is since dead, from the Governour of Canada, inviting and calling on the Senecas to 
take up the hatchet against the English. 

The Second was a Belt given by the Governour of Canada to the Delawares, for them to 
take up the hatchet also against the English, which the Senecas say they have now taken from 
the Delawares and buried with that sent to them, and acquainted the French Governour that as 
they had at present no cause of quarrell with the English, so they had buried the hatchet he 
sent them, and would let both that and the one to the Delawares lye under ground till they 
had just cause to use them. 

The third was sent by the Delawares to the Senecas to assure them they would follow their 
advice, had accordingly laid down the hatchet against the English and would cease 
their hostilities. 

Fort Johnson 18 June 1757. 
Sir William Johnson's answer to the speech made to him by the Cayougas 
the 13"- Ins'. 

Present— Sir William Johnson Bar* Cap' Peter Wraxall Sec' 

Lieu' Claus. M' Arent Interp' 

Lieu' Johnson. M"' Robert Adems. 

The Sachems and Chiefs of Cayouga, Seneca & Onondaga. 

Bretheren of Cayouga. 

Those young men of yours whom you say were led astray by the Seneca warriors to go and 
strike the English behaved very unlike Bretheren to be so seduced, and your chief did their 
duty in endeavouring to put a stop to such unjustifiable proceedings for the future; for if such 
things do again happen, you may depend on it we will look upon you as enemies and treat you 
as such. Therefore you will act wisely to look hereafter more narrowly to the conduct of 
your young people 

Bretheren. I am fully convinced the French are labouring to set you up against your 
Bretheren the English, and raise confusion amongst you. I am glad to hear you now confess 
yourselves sensible of it, as guardiug against their crafty designs will be for your true interest 
and welfare. You acted wisely and brotherlike in preventing your young men from running 
headlong into these pernicious schemes of the French. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIV. 263 

Brelheren. As to evil reports brought me down against you, 'tis not my way to govern my 
opinion of either yours or any other Nation, by meer rumour or idle tales, nor will I depend 
upon meer words or professions: 'tis how people act that will rule my judgment of them. I 
have had reason to suspect and I am now convinced from what you have said in their presence 
and their silence thereon, that some of the 5 Nations have joined the French against us, and 
you acted like honest men when you reproaclied them with it and for now speaking your mind 
openly in this Council Room. I recommend it to you to continue to support this open and 
candid character and to keep fast the Covenant Chain according to your promises. 

Gave a Belt. 

Upon which the Cayougas assured Sir William they would take care to comply with every 
thing he had now recommended to them, and that they would upon no account let go their 
hands from the Covenant Chain. 

Fort Johnson 19 June 1757. P. M. 

At a meeting of the Senecas, Cayougas and Onondagas, at which were present several 
Oneida Indians, and Abraham, chief Sachem of the Lower Mohawk Castle. 

Present — Sir William Johnson iM' Robert Adems 

Lieu' Claus Cap' Peter Wraxall Sees' 

Lieu' Johnson M' Arent Stevens Interp' 

The Onondaga Speaker said as follows : — 

Brother Warraghiyagey. 

You have charged us with inactivity & not acting up to the terms of the antient Covenant 
Chain in the present war between the English & French. But when we look back upon 
former times, we have reason to charge you on your side with inactivity and neglect towards 
us. As for instance when the French formerly fell upon the Senecas, you sat still and smoaked 
your pipes; you did the same when the Onondagas were cut off by the French. When the 
Oneidas were attacked it was not to the English but to the Onondagas they owed their safety. 
When the Mohawks were fallen on by the French the Upper Nations rose up in their defence, 
pursued, overtook the enemy and fought them. A Belt. 

Brother. You have desired to know what are the grounds of our present fears and alarms 
and who are our enemies. You have reminded us of the Missasaga Chief who came down 
here two years ago as our friend and ally, whom we recommended to you, and you express 
your surprize at our being apprehensive of any danger from that Nation. 

We have been informed from Swegachie that the Messasagas have charged the Onondagas 
with killing some of their nation at three different times last summer in conjunction with 
the English during their possession of Oswego. We have news also from Niagara that the 
Messasagas have said they will not rest contented till they have revenged themselves on the 
Onondagas. We have dispatched messengers to Niagara and Cadaraghqui to know the truth 
of these threats, and whether the Mess<isagas do realy intend to commence hostilities against 
us. This Spring one of the Onondagas would have been killed in the woods by the Messasagas 
if, by talking that language very well, he had not made his escape. 

Brother. You have exhorted us to speak out the real meaning of our hearts and not to let 
you write lies about us by our making Declarations which we dont intend to fulfill. We came 



264 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

dowQ hither with an intent to open our hearts to you and to declare our sincere resolutions 
that you might inform the King our Father the truth about us. Gave a Belt 

Brother. You have told us we were drunk & that you shook us by the head to rouse us up 
and bring us to our senses. We thank you for it ; you may depend upon it we will follow 
your advice, and we hope you will take care on your side and steadily pursue such measures 
as are for the common good, for it appears to us that you are at present a little light in 

the head. 

Brother. If we learn any intelligence in our way home or when we get home that is worthy 
your knowing you shall be immediately informed of it. Gave a Belt. 

Brother. You have mentioned several things against us, as inconsistent with the terms of 
the old Covenant Chain, and you told us In a private conversation this morning that such a 
behaviour would make a breach between us. Brother, we came from the Council of Onondaga 
with a resolution to settle all matters in the best manner for our common good, and before we 
left our respective Castles we laid our hands upon all fighters to keep them all at home till 
our return when we shall report the proceeding here, and you shall know what resolutions are 
taken thereupon Gave a Belt 

Brother. You told us you were pleased to hear that the Senecas had interposed and 
prevailed on the Delawares to lay down the hatchet against the English and that you expected 
we would continue our endeavours to bring the Delawares who live on the Ohio to do the 
same. Brother, we have sent to these Delawares on the Ohio, who are about 130 in number 
and we expect on our return to receive an answer, which when we get we will transmit 
to you. 

Brother. You desired to know from the Senecas if they knew the reason why Tedyuscung 
did not attend the late meeting at Lancaster according to his promise. The Senecas here 
present say they do not know, but that they shortly expect a great Meeting with the Delawares, 
and if Tedyuscung comes with them, they will examine him upon his conduct herein. 

Gave 4 strings Wampum. 
Brother. You have told us you have your end of the Covenant Chain fast in your hands 
and that your end is strong and bright but that our end seems to be rusting and in danger of 
bein" eaten thro', and you have exhorted us to take care of and look well after it. We thank 
you for your admonitions. The furthest Castle of the Senecas have the extream end fast in 
their hands, and the rest of the Six Nations have also hold on it, and we assure you we will 
not quit it. 

The Speaker then delivered the Covenant Chain Belt given them by Sir William, to the 
head Man of the Chinosia or farthest Seneca Castle. 

Brother. We have heard your answer to us about trade, and our women who chiefly carry 
on that article will be disappointed that our request is refused. We wish we might have the 
privilege to buy a cag or two of rum, and that the sale of it may be no longer stopped. 

The Chief Man of the Senecas then said, now Brother we have concluded all that we have 
to say. 

Sir William said he should say a few words more to them tomorrow morning, and then be 
ready to break up the meeting. 

The Onondaga Speaker then whispered the Interpreter that when this Meeting was adjourned 
some of their Nation and the Senecas begged a private meeting with Sir William. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIV. 205 

In tlie evening a De|)utalion of bolli Castles of the Senecas, with soincOnondagas, Cayougas 
and Oneidas together with Abraiiani the Mohawk Sachem waited on Sir William. 

Present — Capt. Wraxall Sec' 

M' Stevens Interp'. 

The Senecas spread a prodigious large Belt upon the floor of 30 rows broad of Wampiini, 
with a figure of the sun in the middle ami the Six Nations at one end. They told Sir William 
this belt they had made use of to invite some nations of Indians to remove nearer to them and 
join their Confederacy. That they had sent to all the scattered Indians of the Six Nations to 
return and live in their own country. That they had sent messages to their several Allies 
to dispatch Deputies to a Grand Council they proposed speedily to be held at Onondaga, to 
take their general welfare under serious consideration. That a great quantity of Belts were 
already arrived at Onondaga, and that when the Indian corn was about knee high (about the 
latter end of July) they expected this great Council would he opened at Onondaga, and that 
as soon as it was over they would acquaint Sir William with the transactions of it. 

Fort Johnson 20 June 1757. A. M. 
Present — Sir William Johnson 

Lieu' Claus Cap* Peter Wraxall Sec' 

M' Robert Adems. M"^ Stevens Interp' 

Several Oneida Indians. 

" Sir William Spoke as follows : — 

Bretheren of the Seneca, Cayouga & Onondaga Nations. 

This meeting is now upon the point of breaking up, and you, in consequence thereof, of 
returning to your respective habitations. Before you go away I think it necessary to say a 
few words more to you, which I desire you will listen to, remember, & faithfully report to all 
your people on your arrival at your Castles. 

You have declared to me that the resolutions of your three Nations are to act a neutral part 
in the present hostilities between the English and French. I have told you, and 1 now again 
repeat it that this declaration is contrary to the many promises and engagements you have 
bound yourselves by, at the several public meetings and treaties you have held with me since 
the King your father was pleased to appoint me to the management of his Indian service in 
this part of America. How he will receive this breach of faith, notwithstanding the great 
expence he hath been at in cloathing arming and feeding you and your families and building 
forts in your towns at your request and for your defence ; time will show. 

As you have now declared yourselves neutrals, 1 think it proper to tell you what is expected 
from you under that character. 

First, that none of your people do either, by themselves or in conjunction with any of 
His Majesty's enemies, commit any hostilities upon the persons or property of any of His 
Majesty's subjects. 

Secondly That you do not permit either the French or their Indians to pass thro' your 
settlements in order to come aud make war upon the English. 

Vol. VII. 34 



266 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Thirdly that you do not directly or indirectly give our enemies or their Indians any 
intelligence to our prejudice or which may enable them to do us mischief. 

And Lastly. As you have now assured me you are determined to hold fast the Covenant 
Chain, we shall expect that you give us without delay, all such intelligence as may be in your 
power, which any way relates to our welfare. 

Bretheren. I give you this Belt of Wampum as a testimony that if you do not keep up to 
these rules of behaviour, we shall look on the Covenant Chain as absolutely broke between us, 
and you among the number of those enemies whom His Majesty is now at war with. 

Gave a large Belt with the Seal of Office on a piece of parchment tied to it. 
They made answer that they would be carefull to comply with the conditions Sir William 
had now iusisted on. 

A true copy from the original Records ; 

examined by me. 
(signed) Peter Wraxall 

See, 



Captain Croghan to Sir William Johnson. 

[PUntaUons General, (B. T.,) XVI., No. 7.] 

Philadelphia March 14"' 1757. 

I received yours of the l?"" February by my man and shall take care to follow your 
directions. Some of the Susquehannah Indians are come into the inhabitants, who say the 
rest were gethering but could not be down so soon as I expected, from the severity of 
the winter in those parts, but these Indians inform that my messengers got all safe out, and 
that the Indians would set of, for the inhabitants, as soon as the weather would permit. 

Monecatootha is not yet come. As my Lord Loudon is expected in town to day, I shall 
wait upon him agreeable to your instructions and then set out for Susquehannah to meet 
Monecatootha and the other Indians coming with him. 

There is a good understanding between the Governour and me, as well as most of the 
gentlemen of the place, and every one seems fond of an inquiry being made into the Complaints 
of the Indians; except some of the Proprietary Agents, who dont seem to like it. As to 
their dislike I take no notice of it, being determined to enter into no dispute with them on 
that head. 

Inclosed you have a copy of some extracts from my old journals relating to Indian Affairs, 
from the time of M' Hamilton's arrival as Governour of this Province till the defeat of General 
Braddock; all which you may depend upon are facts, and will appear upon the Records of 
Indian Affairs in y' several Governments. I shall give his Lordship likewise a Copy, as the 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XX XIV. 2C7 

several Governors are met here at tliis time, that His Lordship may be acquainted with 
the imprudent steps taken by those Governments. I am, vvilii tlie greatest esteem & regard 

iSir 

Your most obedient and 

most humble Servant 

Geo. Croghan. 

P S. I have sent you a sadie, with holsters, a pair of brechess and a hatt, all which I hope 
will answer better than those I sent before. 

To the Hon"' Sir William Johnson, Bar' 



M' Croghan's Transactions with the Indians previous to Hostilities on the Ohio. 

In November 174S M'' Hamilton arrived in Philiulelphia, Governor of Pensylvania. During 
the late war all the Indian tribes living on the Ohio and the branches thereof, on this side 
Lake Krie, were in strict friendship with the English in the several Provinces, and took the 
greatest care to preserve the friendship then subsisting between them and us. At that time 
we carried on a considerable branch of trade with those Indians for skins and furrs, no less 
advantagious to them than to us. We sold them goods on much better terms then the French, 
which drew many Indians over the Lakes to trade with us. The exports of skins and furs 
from this I'rovince at that time will shew the increase of our trade in them articles. 

In August 1749. Governor Hamilton sent me to the Ohio with a message to the Indians, to 
nolifie to them the Cessation of Arms, and to enquire of the Indians the reason of the march 
of Monsieur Celaroon with two hundred French soldiers tlirougii their country (This 
detachment under Monsieur Celaroon had passed by the Logs Town before I reached it.) 

After I had delivered my message to the Indians, I inquired what the French Commander 
said to them. They told me he said he was only come to visit them, and see how they were 
cloalhed, for their Father the Governor of Canada was determined to take great care of all his 
children settled on the Ohio, and desired they wou'd turn away all the English traders from 
amorjgst them, for their Father would not suffer them to trade there any more, but would send 
traders of his own, who would trade with them on reasonabler terms than the English. 

I then asked them if they really thought that was the intention of the French coming at 
that time: They answered, yes, they believed the French not only wanted to drive the English 
traders oft', that they might have the trade to themselves; but that they had also a further 
intention by their hurrying iron plates with inscriptions on them in the mouth of every 
remarkable Creek, which we know is to steal our country from us. But we will go to the 
Onondago Council and consult them how we may prevent them from defrauding us of 
our land. 

At my return I acquainted the Governor what passed between the Indians and me. 

This year the Governor purchased a tract of land on the East of Susquehannah for the 
Proprietaries, at which time the Indians complained that the White People was encroaching 
on their lands on the West side of Susquehannah, an<l desired that the Governor might turn 
them off. as those lands were the hunting-grounds of the Susquehannah Indians. 



268 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

At that time the Six Nations delivered a string of Wampum from the Connays, desiring 
their Brother Onas to make the Connays some satisfaction for their settlement at the Connay 
Town in Donegal,' which they had lately left and settled amongst the Susquehannah Indians 
which town had been reserved for their use at that time their Brother Onas had made a 
purchase of the land adjoining to that town. 

In November I went to the country of the Twightwees by order of the Governor with a 
small present to renew the chain of friendship, in company with M"' Montour Interpreter; on 
our journey we met IVP Gist, a messenger from the Governor of Virginia, who was sent to 
invite the Ohio Indians to meet the Commissioners of Virginia at the Logs town in the Spring 
following to receive a present of goods which their father the King of Great Britain had sent 
them. Whilst I was at the Twigtwee town delivering the present and message, there came 
several of the Chiefs of the Wawiouglitanes and Pianguisha Nations, living on Wabash, and 
requested to be admitted into the chain of friendship between the English and the Six Nations 
and their allies; which request I granted & exchang'd deeds of friendship with them, with a 
view of extending His Majestys Indian interest, and made them a small present. On my 
return I sent a coppy of my proceedings to the Governor. On his laying it before the House of 
Assembly, it was rejected and myself condemned for bad conduct in drawing an additional! 
expence on the Government, and the Indians were neglected. 

At the time that the Secretary, the provincial Interpreter, with the Justices of Cumberland 
County and the Sheriff were ordered to dispossess the people settled on the unpurchased lands 
on the West side of Susquehannah, and on their return to my house, they met a deputation of 
the Ohio Indians, who told the Secretary that they had heard of a purchase that the Governor 
had made on the East side of Susquehannah, and said they were inlitled to part of the goods 
paid for that purchase, but had received none, that they were come now to desire the Governor 
to purchase no more lands without first acquainting them, for that the lands belonged to them 
as well as to the Onondaga Council ; on which they delivered a Belt of Wampum, and desired 
that the Governor might send that Belt to Onondaga to let them know that the Ohio Indians 
had made such a complaint. 

In April 1751 the Governor sent me to Ohio with a present of goods; the speeches were all 
wrote by the Provincial Interpreter M' Wiser. In one of the speeches was warmly expressed 
that the Gov' of Pensylvania would build a fort on the Ohio, to protect the Indians, as well as 
the English Traders, from the insults of the French. On the Governor perusing the speech he 
thought it too strongly expressed, on which he ordered me not to make it, but ordered me 
to sound the Chief of the Indians on that head, to know whether it would be agreeable to them 
or not. Which orders I obeyed, and did in the presence of M' Montour sound the Half King 
Scarioaday and the Belt of Wampum, who all told me that the building of a Trading House 
had been agreed on between them and the Onondagoe Council, since the time of the 
detachment of French, under the command of Mons' Celaroon, had gone down the river Ohio, 
and said they would send a message by me to their Brother Onas, on that head. 

After I had delivered the present and done the chief of the business, the Indians in publick 
Council, by a Belt of Wampum, requested that the Governor of Pennsylvania would 

' Donegal was an old town on the east side of the Susquehannah, situated between the Conewago and Chiques creeks, in 
the noith-westem angle of the county of Lancaster, (Scull's Map of Pennst/lvauia,) where these Indians have left their name 
to thi Convy, or as it is now called, Coney creek. Memoirs of the Pennsylvania Historical Society, IV,, ]it ii., 210. The 
Conoys were originally from Piscataway, in Mar)lan(i, whence they moved to an island in the Potomac, and, on the invitation 
of William Penn, removed to the Susquehannah. Pennsylvania Colonial Keeords, IV., 657. — Ed. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIV. 209 

immedintely build a strong house (or Fort) at the Forks of Monongeliela, where the Fort Du 
Qupsue now stands, for the protection of themselves and the English Traders. 

But on my return this Covcrnnieiit rejected the proposal I ha<l made, and condemned me 
for making such a report to the government, alledging it was not the intmtion of the Indians. 
The Provincial Interpreter, who being examined by the House of Assembly, denyed that he 
knew of any instructions I had to treat with the Indians for building a Trading House, though 
he wrote the speech himself, and further said he was sure the Six Nations would never agree 
to have a Trading House built there, and (Jovernor Hamilton, though he by his letter of 
instructions ordered me to sound the Indians on that head, let the House know he had given 
nie no such instructions: all which instructions will appear on the Records of Indian Attiiirs. 

The la"" June 1752, the Virginia Couimissioners met the Indians at the Logs Town' and 
delivered the King's present to them. The Indians then renewed their request of having a 
fort built as the government of Pennsylvania had taken no notice of their former request to 
them, and they insisted strongly on the goverment of Virginia's building one in the same 
place that they had requested the Pennsylvanians to build one; but to no effect. 

In the year 1753 a French army came to the heads of Ohio and built fort Preskle on the 
Lake, and auother fort at the head of Venango Creek, called by the French Le Buff Rivere. 
Early in the full the same year about one hundred Indians from the Ohio came from Winchester 
in Virginia, expecting to meet the Governor there who did not come, but ordered Coll. Fairfax 
to meet them. Here again they renewed their request of having a Fort built, and said altho' 
the French bad placed themselves on the head of Ohio, that if their Bretheren the English 
would exert themselves and send out a number of men, that they woud join them, & drive 
the French army away or die in the attempt. 

From Winchester those Indians came to Cumberland County where they were met by 
Commissioners from Oovernor Hamilton, and promised the same which they had done in 
Virginia; but notwithstanding the earnest solicitations of those Indians, the governments 
neglected building them a«fort, or assisting them with men ; believing or seeming to believe 
that there was no French there; till the Governor of Virginia sent Col. Washington to the 
heads of Venango Creek, where he met the French General at a fort he had lately built there. 

In February 1754, Captain Trent was at the mouth of Red Stone Creek, building a Store 
house for the Ohio Company, in order to lodge stores to be carried from there to the mouth of 
Monongehela, by water, where he had received orders in conjunction with Cresap and Gist to 
build a fort for that Company. This Creek is about 37 miles from where fort Du Quesne 
now stands. 

About the lO"" of this month he received a Commission from the Governor of Virginia with 
orders to raise a Company of Militia, and that he would soon be joined by Col. Washington. 
At this time the Indians appointed to meet him at the mouth of Monongehela in order to receive 
a present which he had brought them from Virginia. Between this time and that appointed 
to meet the Indians he raised upwards of twenty men & found them with arms ammunition & 
provisions at his own expence. At this meeting the Indians insisted that he should set his 
men at work, which he did, and finished a Store House, and a large quantity of timber hew'd, 
boards saw'd, and shingles made. After finishing his business with the Indians he stayed 
some time in expectation of Col. Washington joining him, as several accounts came of his 
being there in a few days. As there was no more men to be had here at this time, there being 

' See note in VL, 631 — Ed. 



270 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

no inhabitants in this country but Indian traders who were scattered over the country for 
several hundred miles, & no provisions but a little Indian corn to be had, he applied to the 
Indians, who had given him reason to believe they would join him and cut off the French 
on the Ohio, but when he proposed it to the Half-King, he told him that had the 
Virginians been in earnest they wou'd have had their men there before tiiat time, and 
desired him to get the rest of his men and hurry out the provisions. Agreeable to his 
instructions he went and recruited his company, but before he could get back, it being IJO 
miles from here to the nighest inhabitants, the French came and drove his people off. 

In June following when the Indians heard that Coll. Washington with a Detachment of the 
Virginia troops had reached the great Meadows, the Half-King and Scaruady with about 50 
men joined him, — notwithstanding the French were in possession of this country with six or 
seven hundred men ; so great was their regard for the English at that time. 

After the defeat of Col. Washington, the Indians came to Virginia, where they stayed some 
time, & then came to my house in Pennsylvania and put themselves under the protection of 

this Government. 

As soon as possible they sent messengers to call down the heads of the Delawares and 
Siiawnese to a meeting at my house, and at the same time they desired the Governor of this 
Province, or some Deputy from him, to meet them there to consult what was best to be done. 

The Governor sent M"- Wiser the Provincial Interpreter; the Chiefs of those Indians came 
down and met him and offered their service, but it was not accepted by M"' Wiser. He in 
answer told them to sit still, till Governor Morris arrived, and then he himself wou'd come 
and let them know what was to be done. They waited there till very late in the fall, but 
received no answer, so set off for their own country. 

This Government continued to maintain the Indians that lived at my house, till the Spring, 
when General Bradock arrived; they then desired Governor Morris to let me know they 
would not maintain them any longer ; at which time Governor Morris desired me to take them 
to Fort Cumberland to meet General Bradock; which I did ;.— On my arrival at Fort 
Cumberland General Braddock asked me where the rest of the Indians were. I told him I 
did not know, I had brought but fifty men which was all that was at that time under my care, 
and which I had brought there by the directions of Governor Morris. He replied that Governor 
Dinwiddle told me at Alexandria that he had sent for 400 which would be here before me. I 
answered I knew nothing of that but that Captain Montour the Virginia Interpreter was in 
camp & could inform His Excellency. On which Montour was sent for who informed the 
General that M"' Gist's son was sent off some time agoe for some Cherokee Indians, but whether 
they would come he could not tell. On which the General asked me whether I could not send 
for some of the Delawares and Shawnese to Ohio. I told him I could; on which I sent a 
messenger to Ohio, who returned in eight days and brought with him the Cheifs of the 
Delawares. The General held a conferrence the Chiefs in company with those fifty I had 
brought with me, and made them a handsome present, & behav'd to them as kindly as he 
possibly could, during their stay, ordering me to let them want for nothing. 

The Delawares promised, in Council, to meet the General on the road, as he marched out 
with a number of their warriors. But whether the former breaches of faith on the side of the 
English prevented them, or that they choose to see the event of the action between General 
Braddock and the French, I cannot tell; but they disapointed the General and did not 
meet him. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIV. 271 

Two days nfler the Delaware Chiefs had left the camp at Fort Cumberland, M' Gist's son 
returned from the Southward, where he had been sent by Gov' Dinwiddie, but brought no 
Indians with him. 

Saon after, the General was preparing for the march, with no more Indians than I had wiih 
me; when Coll. Innis told the General that the women and children of the Indians that were 
to remain at Fort Cumberland, would be very troublesome, and that the (>eneral need not 
take above eight or nine men out with him, for if he took more he would find them very 
troublesome on the march and of no service ; on which the General ordered me to send back 
all the men, women and children, to my house in Pensylvania, except eight or ten, which I 
should keep as scouts and to hunt; which I accordingly did. 

(Indorsed) " ReC* with S' W'" Johnson's 
letter of the 25 June 1757. 



Sir Charles Hardy to the Lords of Trade. 

[New-Tork Papers, Mm., No. 18.] 

Halifax, lO"- July 1757. 
My Lords, 

By Governor Pownell who arrived here the g"" Ins' I had the honour of Your Lordships 
letter of the 10"" March with His Majesty's order in Councill permitting and allowing me to 
resign the Government of ISew York. 

I had also by the same hand a letter from M' Secretary Pownell inclosing an Act of 
Parliament prohibiting for a- limited time the Exportation of Corn, Grain, &c &c &c all which 
I have transmitted to Lieut. Governor DeLancey. 

As I have now taken leave of the Province of New York as Governor allow me to return 
Your Lordships my unfeigned thanks for the kind Indulgence I have experienced from Your 
Board during my Administration, and to assure Your Lordships that I ever shall retain a just 
sense of the honor you have done me in giving me Your Approbation of my conduct while in 
it I trust I shall stand excused to you in Offering my thoughts upon two Subjects: in the first 
the mother country is greatly Interested with regard to its trade with the Colonys which I 
have used all my endeavours to restrain and put upon a proper footing, and tho I have not 
been able to do it so effectually as I could wish, yet I flatter myself some good has attended 
it, and I am sure greater will follow by your Lordships' Interposition with the Treasury and 
Custom House Boards: I mean the introducing tea, canvas. Gunpowder and arms for the 
Indians and many other Articles from Holland that render to His Majesty no Dutys in F.urope, 
and almost totally discourage the Importation of these commoditys from Brittain. When I 
first arrived at New York I found this iniquitous trade in a very flourishing state, and upon 
inquiry was informed that it had been a common practice for Vessels to come from Holland, 
stop at Sandy Hook, and smuggle their Cargoes to New York and carry their Vessels up 
empty; this I was determined to put an end to, when this Trade took another course by 
sending their Vessells to the Ports of Connecticutt, from whence it is not very difficult to 



272 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

introduce their goods thro the sound to New York, and even to Philadelphia; I acquainted 
Governor Fitch with some informations I had obtained of this practice, and requested him to 
direct the Custom house Officers of his Colony to do their duty, assuring him I would direct 
the King's Officers in my Province to seize any goods they could find any Body attempting to 
introduce into my Government; I beleive some small seizures was made in Connecticut upon 
it, but much more in the Province of New York. Another method the Importers take is to 
stop at some of the Out ports of Britain (in their outward bound passage from Holland) and 
make a report and enter only half of their cargo, by which the King is defrauded of his Duty 
on the other half; In short My Lords, if some effectual means are not used, the greatest part 
of the commerce of the American Colonies will be withdrawn from the Mother Country, and 
be carryed to Holland. 

The other Instance I would beg leave to trouble Your Lordships with, is the French 
drawing Supplys of Provisions by means of the neutral Islands and I am afraid from Brinish 
too. I had some hopes the Instructions Your Lordships sent to the several Governments 
prohibiting the Exportation but [to] Colonies and Islands belonging to His Majesty or inhabited 
by his Subjects, would have more effectually restrained this Trade, than I have reason to think 
it has done, from the many Vessels I have heard has sailed from the Ports of Rhode Island 
and the Massachusetts Government, some late practices of the first mentioned Colony I have 
had the honor to transmit to You as well one from New Jersey, and the Author I hope will 
meet with his just punishment; I have done all I can to inforce it with Governor Belcher, but 
was told before I sailed from Sandy Hook, M"' Woodroff of Elizabeth Town is preparing for 
an Appeal home if he is cast in New Jersey. 

I hope the Act of Parliament will be properly Inforced in all the Colonies but I would beg 
leave to offer to Your Lordships Considerations whether some Instructions might not be given 
to His Majesty's Ships and Vessels of War, Stationed in the West Indies, and upon the Coast 
of North America to Authorize their Commanders to stop and detain all vessells that may be 
suspected to be bound to or coming from S' Eustatia, S' Thomas', and the other Neutral Islands 
till it can appear they are not going to any of them, or to oblige them to go to the British 
Islands with their Cargoes of Provisions; for at present I am afraid the Officers of the Ships of 
War are subject to many litigious and ve.\atious prosecutions if they should stop any such 
Vessels; and however covered they may go with Papers a little time, and their Crews being 
properly examined before Civil Officers of high Authority might be means of convicting many 
of those Offenders. One instance I can give Your Lordships; in my passage here from New 
York I met with a Schooner belonging to Salem from S' Eustatia in her return home, and well 
knowing the practice of that, and the other parts of New England, 1 order'd her to be detained 
and brought in here, and put her into the hands of the Attorney General who prosecuted her 
in the Court of Admiralty, and condemned her with all her cargo, furniture and tackle, it 
appearing to the Court upon the Evidence of the Crew, that she had carried provisions to St. 
Eustatia, and had brought a certificate for landing her cargo at a Port she had never been at 
in the course of her voyage. If the French Islands are provided with a sufficient Stock of 
Provisions, which I have been told they are, they have been supply'd in this manner. The 
pernicious consequences and the Evils that will necessarily arise from it, if not prevented in 
time are too recent for me to enumerate. 

I have the honour to be, 

Your Lordships most obedient humble Servant 

Cha' Hardy. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIV. 273 

Lieutenant- Gooernor Do Lancey to the Lords of Trwle. 

[ New-Tork Papen, Mm., No. 14. ] 

(Duplicate) 

New York. 30 July 1757 
My Lords. 

My last to your Lordships were of the third and sixth of June which went by two of the 
Packets, since wiiicii a Vessel has been taken by a Privateer of this Port and sent in here, ia 
which were found several letters, the extracts of which are herewith sent, shewing the abuses 
which are practised in getting Certificates for Provisions ; Having had credible inforni;ition 
that there were some vessels (two in particular I iiad proof of) that had been trading wiih 
the French at Cape Fran9ois in Hispaniola from Rhode Island, and that they were soon 
expected to return, and being desirous to give a check to so illegal and unwarrantable a trade 
by which the enemy are supplyed, I on tlie eighth of June last by the advice of His Majesty's 
Council permitted Captain Sears in a privateer of this port to go and cruise ofT the East end of 
Long Island and Block Island in order to intercept some of them & having occasion to go into 
Rhode Island he was very much threatned and imprison'd for a few days on a frivolous 
pretence ; on his return he told me that their rage against him was in part owing to his 
having chased a very rich vessel from Holland with tea and other goods not allowed to be 
imported thence into the Plantations. It is well known that much of the Dutch Trade is 
carried on to Rhode Island & Connecticut, and thence through the sound to this city, both by 
Merchants there and here, to prevent which I cannot suggest a more effectual remedy than 
keeping a small nimble sailing vessel to cruise from Sandy Hook and off of Block Island and 
down the Sound with a proper Deputation to the commanding Odicer to enable him to seize 
this, at the same time that it will check an illicit may protect the fair trade. 

Your Lordships' letter being a Duplicate of the tenth of .March directed to Sir Charles Hardy 
came to my hands after he had sailed from Sandy Hook, and as Your Lordships approbation 
of his conduct during his Administration (his Majesty having permitted him on his application 
to resign this Government) cannot but be agreable to him, 1 sent him acopy thereof to Halifax 
by the first Opportunity. 

It is a melancholy consideration as Your Lordships observe, that in such times as these, the 
Dispute between this I'rovince & Massachusetts Bay should have been tiie occasion of Riot and 
Bloodshed : I hope Your Lordships taking it into consideration, will find a speedy remedy, 
which is so greatly wanted, for it gives me great concern to be obliged to acquaint Your 
Lordships that blood has been again shed in this unhappy dispute on the 7"" of May last, 
wherein James Burton on the part of the Massachusetts Bay & Casper Ham on the part of 
M' Livingston lost their lives : an account of this affair was sent by M' Livingston to Sir 
Charles yardy & the day before be sailed I received a letter from S' Will. Pepperel in relation 
to it, directed to Sir Charles Hardy, which was referred to a Committee of the Councill, acopy 
of the letter and report thereon I inclose : Your Lordships in the several papers which have 
been transmitted to you have a state of His Majesty's claim to the lands in controversy 
extending according to the grant to the Duke of York to Connecticut River; Your Lordships 
have also an account of the Offer of a line made by the Commissioners of this Province to those 
of Massachusetl's Bay at Albany, by which a great part of a patent much above fifty years old 
was offered to be left within their Jurisdiction : this proposal though in my opinion highly 

Vol. VII. 35 



274 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

advantagious to tliem was rejected, for my part I should be pleased with any line to fix the 
jurisdiction without prejudice to private property, even if it were fixed as far Westward towards 
Hudson's River as the present line of Connecticut ; in short in these perilous times when wears 
contending with the common enemy for the whole, these fatal dissentions among ourselves 
should cease and harmony be restored, which I conceive may be effected by an order from His 
Majesty, in the nature of an Injunction to fix the line of Jurisdiction till the Provinces can be 
better able or more willing to defray tlie expence of suing out a Commission to determine the 
rights of all concerned. But as the sueing out such Commission io Great Britain, the carrying 
it into execution liere and getting the merits finally determined upon appeal to His Majesty 
must inevitably take up much time, during which many disorders may be committed, it seems 
to me it would be a great and apparent defect in our constitution, if the King, who is the 
fountain of Justice & the Great conservator of the peace among his Subjects could not legally 
interpose in casesof this kind by fixing some temporary line of jurisdiction, so as the contending 
parties might in the mean time know wiiere to resort for justice, & to what authority they 
were to submit. I have inclosed a Copy of the Inquisition taken before the Coroner of the 
County of Albany upon view of the body of James Burton, by which Your Lordships will see 
in what light that affair appeared to the inquest, I have the honor to subscribe myself, My 
Lords, Your Lordships' most obedient 

& most humble Servant 
Right Honourable James DeLancey. 

The Lords Commissioners for Trade &-Plantations 



*'■♦■■» 



Lieutenant-Governor De Lancey to the Lords of Trade. 

[ New-York Tapers, Mm., No. 19. ] 

New York. 24"" August 1757. 
My Lords, 

1 am sorry to send you the disagreable News of the Loss of Fort William Henry which 

surrendered to the French 9"" Inst, after six days resistance ; the Garrison obtained an honorable 

Capitulation but notwithstanding that the French General Mont calm under his own eyes and 

in the face of about three thousand of his regular troops suflTer'd his Indians to rob and strip 

them, officers as well as men, of all they had, and left most of them naked. This Fort was 

one of the Keys of this Province and I fear we shall soon severely feel the efllects of this loss 

at Schenectady & on the Mohawks River, as a passage is now open from Lake George to that 

part of the Country. I received the account of the enemy's approach the third ini(he night 

by letter from General Webb, dated SO'"" July at Fort Edward, laid it before the Council next 

morning, and set out the next day for Albany, where I arrived on Monday night, and did all I 

could to forward the Militia up to General Webb's assistance; I had in June given orders to 

the several Colonels for them to march their Regiments to General Webb's assistance on his 

Requisition & to obey his orders. I staid at Albany till the French had destroyed the Fort & 

sent off all the Artillery, Ammunition, Provision &c & retired themselves. I left Albany 

the 21" and, as soon as I landed at New York, called the Council, and fixt the meeting of the 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIII. 275 

Assembly for Wednesday next in order to complete the New York. Regiments by draughts, 
which now wants two hundred men by death, captivity and desertion. 

I send your Lordships a box in which are contained some Acts passed the 20 of Feliruary 
last by Sir Charles Hardy, (a list of their titles I enclose) the Journal of the Proceedings of 
the Council in the Session begun the 15"" of February and continued to the 20"" of the same 
month inclusive, The Votes of the General Assembly during the same time, & Copies of the 
Minutes of Council from the 27"" of November 1750 to the second day of June 1757 inclusive, 
which complete all the papers to the end of tjir Charles Hardy's Administration that remain 
to be transmitted to Your Lordships, I am, 

My Lords, Your Lordships most obedient 
R' Hon'"'^ Lords Commissioners & most humble Servant 

for Trade & Plantations. James De Lancey. 



Lieutenant -Govei^nor De Lancey to the Lords of Trade. 

[ New-York Papers, Mm., No. 24. ] 

New York, C" Sep' 1757. 
My Lords, 

In my last of the 24"" of August of which I inclose a duplicate I acquainted Your Lordships 
that I had called the Assembly to meet on Wednesday the 31" to complete the New Vork 
Regiment by Draughts, on which day My Lord Loudoun arrived here. I immediately 
informed his Lordship of the occasion of the Assembly's meeting and that General Webb 
had wrote to the other Governments for the like purpose. His Lordship told me that as he had 
brought a sufficient Body of Troops with him he was not desirous to put the province to this 
Expence, that he was willing that the New York Regiment should be dismissed as soon as it 
was proper, and he had posted the regular troops but that he expected this province would 
furnish him with two Companies of Rangers & that he would make application to the other 
Governments for a like proportion. On Thursday the Assembly sent me a Message that they 
were ready to proceed on Business. On Friday I sent them a Message & told the Speaker 
and some of the Members what had passed between his Lordship and me. On Saturday they 
Voted that they would make further provision for the forces in the pay of this province or any 
number of them, if I, with the advice of the Council should judge it necessary to continue 
them, 80 that I shall out of the New York forces (who were raised as Rangers) take and keep 
two Companies of one hundred men each, and if the other Governments will raise Rangers in 
a proportion equal to what this has done, they will, with what my Lord already has, make a 
considerable Body, which may be employed to advantage this winter. I inclose a Copy of my 
Message and of the resolution of the Assembly, & am. My Lords, 

Your Lordships' most obedient 
Right Honorable & most humble Servant 

Lords Commissioners for Trade, &c. Jame.s De Lancey. 



276 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Sir Willi Am Johnson to the Lords of Trade. 

[NewTork Papers, Mm., No. 20.] 

Albany, 2S September, 1757. 
My Lords, 

I am honoured with Your Lordships letter bearing date the lO"" of March last with which I 
received a Copy of the proprietors of Pensilvania Observations upon a Paragraph of a letter 
of mine to Your Lordships of the 10"" Sepf 1756. 

As I have received these Observations from Your Lordships and as from the stile of them 
the Proprietors seem to think they are entituled to some answer from me, I herewith enclose to 
Your Lordships a few Remarks on the said Observations, and as they are supported by 
authentic papers in my hands, I hope they will at least appear to Your Lordships a justification 
of the opinion I formerly gave upon the Subject, and which seems to have given so much 
offence to the Proprietors 

I have neither time nor inclination to enter into a Dispute with the Proprietors upon the 

merits of their Deputy and Agents conduct with regard to Indian Affairs but I think it my 

Duty and I shall without fear or partiality give my opinion to Your Lordships, That not with 

Pensilvania only but with this and the other Governments, neighbouring upon the Indian 

Country, the Indians are disgusted and dissatisfied with the extensive purchases of land, and 

do think themselves injured thereby. — That this is one main cause of their Defection from 

the British Interest — That this Disgust and its consequential Jealousies have been some of the 

cheif means made use of by the French to alienate the Indians from His Majesty's Interest, 

and provoke them to commit hostilities upon our frontiers, and that untiil some measures can 

be put into execution, to make the Indians easy & remove these Jealousies, tho by temporary 

expedients they may be kept from breaking out into open Violence, yet they will work like a 

slow but certain poison. By presents & management we may be able to keep some little 

interest yet alive and perhaps some nations to act a neutral part, yet I am apprehensive, meer 

expence. Speeches & Promises (so often repeated & so little regarded) will never be able to 

effect a favourable Revolution of our Indian interest, and deprive the Frencii of the great 

Advantages they have over us by their Indian Alliances. I would not be understood. My Lords, 

to mean that there is no alternative by which we may possibly avail ourselves so as to keep 

an even hand with the Indians — reducing the French to our terms would enable us to give 

law to the Indians. Forts & levies on our frontiers if carried on with an unanimous vigorous 

& proper Exertion of the strength of the several Governments, if it did not over awe the 

Indians from attempting any hostilities might preventing their effecting any. But whilst His 

Majesty's Arms are attended with unsuccessful events, and our principal Efforts with regard to 

Indians seem rather calculated to provoke than to deter them from committing hostilities upon 

our Frontiers: I ca'nt but be of opinion that if measures were fallen upon to satisfy the 

Indians with regard to their lands, and remove the prevailing Jealousy they have of our views 

of settling their hunting grounds we might not only releive our frontiers from the calamities 

they have, they do and will I fear continue to suffer, but be able to draw off many Indians 

from the P^rench Influence, and perhaps raise up amongst the Indians, as efficacious a jealousy 

of the Designs of the French as they now have of ours. I am with Your Lordships very 

sensible there are many difficulties in the way to this System of Conduct, and that it is so 

opposite to the pretensions & interested views of many considerable claimants as must naturally 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIV. 277 

distress Your Lordships to form a Judgement in what way it can be efTectually & properly 
executed. Before I dismiss this Subject I will only beg leave, My Lords, to add to what I 
have said, that I am far from thinking all the claims and discontents of the Indians to 1)6 
founded upon justice and that they do prohabiy take advantage of our present sittuation, but 
to abler judgments I humbly submit it whether it be better policy in us (as aflTairs are now 
circumstanced) to be tenacious, or make such confessions' as will bring over these savages to 
those Views wliich His Majesty had & continues to have for the safely & interest of his 
Dominions in this part of the World, with regard to which 1 conceive Indian afl'airs have been 
and will continue to be of very material consequence. 

Herewith I transmit Your Lordships some Indian transactions of my Deputy M' Croghan & 
signed by him, together with a Treaty agreed upon at a Meeting Governor Denny held at 
Easton in Pensiivania in conjunction with M' Croghan, with Tediuscung Chief of the Delawares 
& other Indians. The Peace there agreed upon seems to me no more than a conditional truce. 
Your Lordships will also see that Tediuscung hath refused my Mediation and made choice of 
the Quakers for his advocates and Agents. I therefore apprehend that it is not advisable for 
me at present, to press my Mediation upon those Indians, and which I have mentioned to 
Governor Denny- 
Gov' Denny hath complained in very warm terms to me of the conduct of the Quakers, 
and seems with great reason to be much alarmed at it. As I doubt not he will have fully 
•wrote to Your Lordships upon this head, & as the Face of the Proceedings & M' 
Croghan's Report to me subjoined to them will give Your Lordships a particular information 
with regard to these People's behaviour, 1 shall not detain Your Lordships with any detail 
of my own thereon. Permit me only to say I beleive Your Lordships will be of opinion that 
Indian Affairs ought to be considered and conducted upon one public Spirited plan for the good 
of the whole, and that either party or partial Interferings to warp them from this Salutary End 
is not less contrary to His Majesty's Royal & Paternal Determinations, than it will if permitted 
be destructive to the welfare of His Subjects and Dominions here. 

Herewith I also transmit Your Lordships what has passed between the Six Nations & me, 
& Four Cherokee Deputies sent by their People from Virginia to my house. As this iN'ation 
is a very powerful one, as a part of them have voluntarily taken up the A.\ against the French, 
done execution and lost some of their Warriors against the enemy, and as by some intercepted 
letters my Lord Loudoun has been pleased to communicate to me from the French Governor of 
New Orleans, it appears he is endeavouring to draw these and other Nations to the Southward 
from his Majesty's Interest and alliance, in which he has made a considerable progress, & if he 
succeeds says it will bring South Carolina & the Neighbouring Provinces within an Ace of 
their ruin. For these reasons I received these Deputies & treated them with particular notice 
& marks of friendship, and pressed those Indians of the Six Nations who were present to renew, 
strengthen and endeavour to extend their alliances with the Westward & Southern Indians, it 
being what I knew the French very much dreaded : and if the proposed meeting should happily 
take place I hope to lay a foundation for defeating those grand & threatening schemes which 
the French Gov'' of New Orleans denounces, but in this M' Atkins must give me a helping 
hand. I have sent him a Copy of the Conferences & given him my Sentiments upon the 
Subject, and as I think it an important one, I propose to confer with My Lord Loudoun thereon 
when I have the honour of seeing him. The Government of Virginia treated these Indians 

' Sic. Qu f concesaioDB. — Ed. 



278 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

wlio came in there with their Prisoners and Scalps, with, I think, an ill timed frugality which 
greatly disgusted them. 

Since my last to Your Lordships I have heard little or nothing of moment from the Senecas, 
Cayouges & Onondegas who as I then informed Your Lordships declared their Resolutions to 
be neutral in the present war. Of the other Nations many scalping parties have gone out & 
taken prisoners & scalps from the Enemy, but the loss of Fort W"" Henry & the victory 
lately gained by the enemy at Lake George, together with our disappointments from Haiifa.\ 
and my Lord Loudoun's return with the troops from thence and the French receiving Succors 
of troops & stores at Quebec has very much cooled the ardor of those Indians who were 
disposed to be active & rendered us of less consequence in the eyes of others. 

I shall conclude this letter with the most impartial and concise account I can give Your 
Lordships of the present State of His Majesty's Indian Interest within my department 

Since the meeting at my house in June last I have had no meeting with the Senekas, 
Cayouges or Onondagas, or heard anything material from them. It does not yet appear thai 
the said Nations have broke their neutrality but whether they will continue strictly to adhere 
to it (especially some of the most distant Senecas) is more than I can take upon me to be 
certain of for if the French labour the point for their breaking through it, and should succeed 
in any considerable attempts they may make to the Southward, where 1 suspect they will 
make some attempts, it is not improbable the said Nations may find themselves under the 
necessity of breaking their neutrality with us. 

The Tuscaroras & Oneidas have not yet made any express Declarations to me ; they have 
promised soon to do it. The latter are divided amongst themselves & the greater part under 
the influence of those of their Nation whom the French have drawn off to live at Sweegachie 
on S' Lawrence River, and at whose scalping parties which molest the German flatts they do 
at least connive. Other of the Oneidas seem as yet to be hearty in our Interest 

The Murder of one of the Tuscarores last year by some of the 44 Reg' still sticks in the 
stomacks of that nation, which together with their chief Sachems being brought over to 
the French Interest has cooled their affections towards us, and I have not seen any of their 
people for some time past. 

The late murder of two Onieda Indians by one Smith a Trader at the German Flatts has 
given the French party amongst them a handle to encrease their influence over that part of the 
Nation who have been and still remain Advocates for the English Interest. And here I think 
it necessary to acquaint Your Lordships that I find the frenchified Oniedas are carrying on a 
very considerable trade for the Sweegachie Indians at the German Flatts, to which place the 
traders are now carrying great quantities of rum & other goods, so that the pernicious trade 
formerly carried on from this town with the.Cagnawaga Indians is like to be revived under 
another dress at the German Flatts, & it is not in my power to prevent it. I have given my 
Lord Loudoun this information & referred it to his Consideration and Authority. 

I now proceed with my subject. The two Mohock Castles have hitherto stuck firm to us, 
tho at a very expensive praemium since the loss of Fort William Henry, they have renewed 
to me the strongest assurances of their zeal & fidelity &, I think they are sincere tho our 
present sittuation makes them very mercenary & some of them as well as the other Nations, 
not a little insolent. 

A number of the six nations who are settled at Aughquaga on the Susquehanna River, also 
a small body settled at Schoherie in this Province, have always, and during this War constantly, 



L0N1X)N DOCUMENTS: XXAIV. 21^ 

shewn themselves firmly attached to our Interest, & no Indians have been more ready on every 
summons to come and join His Majesty's Arms. Tliey are a flourisiiing & encreasing people 
for many of our friend Indians amongst tlie Six nations, who are disgusted with the ruling 
Politics of their people, leave tiieir castles & go and settle at Aughquaga. These Indians if 
no cross accidents prevent may I think be depended on. They have also since the loss of 
Fort William Flenry (to the releif of which several of them who were at my house marched 
with me) given me the strongest assurances that this fresh misfortune did not siiake their 
former resolutions, and that they were determined to live and die with us. The professions 
carried all the appearances of sincerity with them. 

As to the Delawares and the other Indians settled at Tiago on the Susquahanna River, 
the Negotiations which have lately been carried on between the government of Pensilvania 
and them, seem to have put matters rather upon a conditional truce than a final pacification 
& treaty of mutual aid offensive and defensive, so that their assistance is a point of uncertainty. 
1 fear the unhappy divisions in Pensilvania have infected their Indian Proceedings and tiiat 
without a proper and prudent Interposition they will throw all Indian politics left to their 
management into confusion and perhaps into a Flame which may not be easily quenched. 

With regard to the 8hawaneise, Mohikanders, Nantikokes & some other tribes settled at 
Otsiningo on one of the Branches of the Susquahanna, if they are at liberty to act according 
to their Inclinations, I am persuaded we may have considerable assistance from them, but 
as they look upon the Senekas as their Patrons & are in the neighbourhood of that and the 
Cayouge Country, they will probably be very much governed by the influence of those 
Indians, however I am of opinion a number of these people when called upon will fulfill 
their Engagements. 

The Indians settled at Stockbridge and on the Borders of New England I look on as our 
fast Friends, they have given me notice that they had some matters of importance to lay 
before me and that they would speedily do it. 

Thus, My Lords, I have without disguise & in the most candid manner I could given Your 
Lordships a general view of His Majesty's Indian Interest this way as it appears to me under 
our present circumstances. 

Your Lordships will please to consider the peculiarity of the Indians' character and that 
they do not look upon themselves as principals in the present war, therefore I conceive it is 
both natural and reasonable to expect that these Peoples attachment to us & the assistance 
they will be disposed to give His Majesty's Arms will be proportionable to our success & the 
appearances of it. 

1 have acquainted the Earl of Loudoun by my letter to his Lordship of the 3** Ins' that our 
affairs not altering for the worse & having three weeks notice given me I could march from 
Fort Johnson with between 3 or 400 Indians of several Nations. 

I have the honour to be. My Lords, 

Your Lordships most obed' & most faithful 
To the Right Honourable humble Servant 

The Lords of Trade and Plantations W" Johnsox. 



280 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Journal of Captain George Oroghan, and the Treaty at Easton^ c&c, 1*757. 

[ New-York Papers, Mm., No. 21. ] 

New York. 

Proceedings of George Croghan Esq'' and Treaty held with Tediuscung & other 
Indians at Easton in Pensilvania in July and August 1757. with M' Croghan's 
Report to Sir William Johnson of the Behaviour of the Quakers at the 
aforesaid Treaty. 

May the 24"" 1757. I set off from Lancaster to meet the Cherokees at Fort Loudoun. 

Tlie 26" I got to John Harrisses where I overtook the 6 Nations that was going home by 
Fort Augusta, under the care of Capl" Thomas INPKee in good temper. 

The 25"" I got to Carlisle where I met Col. Armstrong who was just come home after 
visiting the Cherokees at Fort Frederick, he informed me that the Cherokees desired him as 
they were going to Winchester in Virginia to receive a present, to send an Express to them 
when I came up with tiie present from this Government, and promised they would meet me at 
Fort Loudoun.' 

June 2" Col° Stanwix^ came to Carlisle when Col" Armstrong let him know that the present 
sent up for the Cherokees was not sufficient, nor any ways in quantity to their Expectations, 

' Now LoudoD, Franklin count}', Pa. 

' Lleutenant-General John Stanwix, nephew and heir to Brigadier-General Stanwix, who served with reputation in the 
wars of Queen Anne, entered the army in 1706, and during the peace which followed the Treaty of Utrecht in 1714, applied 
himself with diligence to the study of his profession. Yet so alow was promotion that he was an old Captain of grenadiers 
in 1739, at the commencement of the war with Spain. In 1741, he was promoted to a majority of marines, and in 1745, to 
be Lieutenant-Colonel of a regiment raised by the Marquis of Granby on account of the Rebellion. In 1749, he was 
appointed equerry to His Royal Highness Frederick, Prince of Wales; in 1752, he was advanced to the government of 
Carlisle, which city he then represented in Parliament ; and in 1754, ( in which year he had the misfortune to lose his wife,) 
he received the commission of Deputy Quarter-.Master-General of the forces. On the commencement of hostilities in 
America, Mr. Stanwix volunteered to serve in the Plantations, and on 1st of January, 1756, was constituted Colonel 
commandant of the first battalion of the 60th or Royal Americans. On arriving in this country, he was put in command of 
the Southern District of North America, and had his head quarters at Carlisle, Pa., during 1757, on the 27th December 
of which year he was appointed Brigadier-General. On being relieved by Brigadier Forbes in 1758, Brigadier Stanwix 
proceeded to Albany, whence he was ordered to the Oneida Carrying Place, to secure that important position by the 
erection of a work, which, in his honor, was called " Fort Stanwix." He returned to Pennsylvania in 1759, having been 
again appointed to the command of the Southern district; was raised to the rank of Major-General on the 19th of June, and 
passed the year at Pittsburgh, where he repaired the old fort and remounted the works with cannon, and by his prudent 
conduct secured the good will of the Indians. On the 4th of May, 1760, he resigned his command to Brigadier Monekton ; 
on the 19th of January, 1761, he became Lieutcnant-General, and on 24th of October following. Colonel of the 49lh regiment 
of foot. On his return to England, General Stanwix was appointed Lieutenant-Governor of the Isle of Wight, and married 
(1763) Miss Sowle. On the 11th of April, 1764, he became Colonel of the 8th or King's Regiment of foot, and in the following 
year was ordered to Ireland, where he passed the whole summer in reviewing the troops. He was returning in December, 1756, 
to attend Parliament, being at the time a member for Appleby, when in crossing from Dublin to Hollyhead, ihe Eagle packet, 
in which the General, his lady, his only daughter and suite, were passengers, foundered at sea, and all on board perished. 
This unfortunate event gave rise afterwards to a singular law suit. General Stanwix, on his second marriage, stipulated that 
if he survived his lady, the personal estate was to descend in a certain line ; if the lady survived the General, then in 
another line, and if the daughter survived them both, then the property took another direction. The parties interested raised 
the question as to which of the three was the survivor, and a suit in Chancery was brought lo determine the fact. At the 
suggestion of the Court the property was equally divided. Oentlem'in's Magazine, XXXV., 164; XLII., 150; XLIII., 347. 
Pennsyhania Archives, IIL, passim. Army Lists. — Ed. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIV. 281 

which Col. Stanwix gave me orders to purchase as much more as would complete it to ,£300 
and draw on the Government for the money, which I accordingly did. 

June S' I sfnt ofT an Express to Winchester to let the Cherokees know that I would meet 
them the 10"" at Fort Loudoun where I would deliver the present from this Government. 

The 9'" I got to Shippensburgh in company of Col" Armstrong and several Officers with a 
Detachm' of the Provincial Troops. 

T/ic 10'* We received an account of Lieut. HoUiday with 24 men being surprized in the 
big Cove,' himself and six men killed or taken 

The same day I received an Express from M'' Atkin the Superintendant for the Southern 
District by which I found he was displeased with tiie Proceedings of this Governm' and 
Maryland, taking upon them to treat & make presents to any Indians belonging to his District, 
and let me know that the Indians had set off" to meet me without his knowledge, and desired 
that I might not transact any business with them till I see him and desired I would come to 
Winchester to him. 

The 11" I set off' from Fort Loudoun with Col" Armstrong to Winchester to meet M' Atkin. 
The Cherokees returned from Fort Frederick that day to Winchester when they heard I was 
gone up. 

J'hc 12'* We got to Winchester where we met M'' Atkin and ab' sixty Cherokees, all of 
them were determined to set off immediately home, as they had met with such a disappointment. 

The 14'* M' Atkin and we had a meeting with the Indians when he agreed to deliver them 
about .£100 worth of Wampum, Silver Truck, Calliere, Vermillion in the name of this 
Government as a Reward for their past service here on my promising him to reimburce him in 
Goods the s.ime value, which I did. 

The Indians received it kindly, seemed well satisfied and said as soon as they had rested 
themselves at home, they would return with more Warriors, and come and visit their Brethren 
here, on parting I made Wahatche a present of five pounds in dollars, which pleased him 
extreamly well as he said he wanted a horse to carry home his present. 

The 15. At 11 o'clock at Night came to town an Express from Fort Cumberland with an 
acco' that 6 Cherokees was arrived here from Fort Duquesne who saw a large body of the 
enemy, French and Indians, with waggons and artillery set off", and by their Rout suppose 
they intend to attack Fort Cumberland. 

The 16 I sent an Express to Col. Stanwix with the above Intelligence. 

The 17 came an express from Fort Cumberland giving an account than another party of 
Cherokees was arrived, who had fallen in with a party of ten French about 30 miles this side 
of Fort Duquesne, had killed two Officers and three men, and brought in a French Ensign 
prisoner. The Swallow their head Warrior was killed. 

The IS another party arrived at Fort Cumberland who had killed and scalped one Indian 
man and two women so near Fort Duquesne that they fired the cannon after them, they say 
that there was not less than 500 french and Indians set off" from Fort Duquesne with about 100 
bagage horses, that they took the Pensylvania Road, but that they had no waggons or Artillery 
with them. 

The 19. About 60 Cherokees came to Winchester with french Ensign Prisoner. 

' Big Cove creek is in Bedford county. Pa., immediately we«t of Loudon. —En. 
Vol. VII. 36 



282 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Winchester, June 20"" 1757. 

The Examination of Mons' Belestre a French Ensign taken before the Hon"'' 
Edmund Atkyn Esq' His Maj'J" Agent for, and Superintendent of Indian 
Affairs, in the Southern Department. In presence of 

Col° Washington and 

George Croghan Esq' Dep^ to Sir W" Johnson. 

He says that he is a native of Canada and served Mons' Vaudreuil, that he come last from 
Fort du Quesne vrith a parly of 40 Indians and 12 White men, 3 of which were Officers, that 
he left that place the 17 of May with orders to reconnoitre Fort Cumberland, and entice out 
small parties, in order to make them Prisoners, that they did not then take or kill any, but 
drove oft" a good number of horses that then the Indians seperated themselves from them, and 
dispersed themselves on the frontiers of the Neighbouring Colonies to get scalps and prisoners. 
That they then set off" homewards being 10 in number all French when they were attacked 
about half way between Fort Cumberland and Fort Duquesne on the 30"" day of last month, 
and that two Officers and three soldiers were killed and himself taken prisoner. That when 
he left Fort Duquesne there was a Garrison of 300 men one half of which were Regulars and 
the other half Militia, that they daily expected a reinforcement of 300 more from Montreal 
which were to be stationed there till next Spring to enable that garrison to resist any attempts 
the English might make against it this summer. That a great body of Indians to the number 
of 1500 composed of the Illinois, upper Cherokees and Creeks was also expected which he 
supposed was arrived by this lime, who were to be employed in Scouting Parties to annoy the 
Frontiers of three Neighbouring Colonies. That the Indians who now harrass the Frontiers 
are not the same who have hitherto done it, for they are now neuteral, but that they are more 
distant Nations who are now employed in that Service. That when he left Fort Duquesne he 
heard nothing of an Expedition intended on any of the Frontier Settlements or the Out Forts, 
they having no Artillery to enable them to conduct such an Expedition, the whole they have 
being 8 Six pounders and Six four pounders which were mounted at Fort Duquesne. 

That only 100 of the Garrison at Fort Duquesne are quartered within the Fort the rest 
lodging in barracks without. That the train of Artillery taken from General Braddock was 
sent down after his defeat to Niagara, and that it was the same train the Frencli had used at 
the taking of Oswego. That at the battle of Monongehella there were 200 French and 600 
Indians, and that the total killed and wounded on the side of the French amounted to 30 only, 
that they then made only 8 prisoners, 3 soldiers and 5 women. That 3000 Soldiers arrived 
last winter at ^lontreal from France, but that he did not know of the arrival of any Troops at 
New Orleans by the way of Missisipy, that country being so distant that they had no accounts 
from thence but at the same time he said that they were supported at Fort du Quesne with 
Provisions from the Illinois country as well as from Fort du Droit. That they keep 100 men 
in Garrison at Fort Prisquisle being apprehensive that the English and their Indians might 
attack them there. That they have no Ports or Settlements on the Ohio, below Fort du 
Quesne, but several above. That the French give nothing for scalps but a little Spirits. 
N B. The Commanding Officer's name at Fort Duquesne is Delignery. 

The 21 of June W Atkin called a meeting when he delivered the Indians a present, very 
trifling, it consisted of half thicks, about one shirt and one pair of stockings a Man, some 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIV. SS8 

Calli^re, Callimancoes and small truck ; The Indians seemed much displeased when they saw 
the present and was determined to set ofl' being in a very ill humour. I thought if they went 
away dissatisfied it micht be of ill consequence to His Majesty's Indian Interest, and then 
took the Opportunity of those .\larms from Port Cumberland to apply to him for those Indians 
to come with me to meet Col. iStanwix who was providing carriages to march to the Frontiers, 
and promised M' Atkin that I would give them the Present from this Government to which he 
agreed. Then it was pro|)osed to the Indians, who readily agreed to come with me, in 
expectation that they should get something worth while to take home with them. M' Smith 
the Interpreter told me that he was very glad that I had engaged the Indians to come down 
where they would get some presents for their services as he said he was of opinion, liad they 
gone away displeased, it would be of fatal consequence to the English Interest, as he knew 
they had great Offers made them by the French, and indeed they told that to M' Atkin 
themselves and that they came this way to make a trial and see how their Breth" the English 
in those parts would serve them, before they would listen to the French, with whom they had 
but a slender acquaintance. 

Tlie 28** I delivered them the present put into my hands by this Government for them with 
the Governour's Compliments to them, and then condoled with them for the death of the 
Swallow their Chief Warrior, who was killed in taking the French Ensign. 

They received the present with Satisfaction and returned thanks, but at the same time told 
me by Mr Smith the Interpreter that they did not think themselves sufficient rewarded for their 
Services, tho they said they could not blame this Government as they had done no services 
here for what they had already received. 

The 29. The .Mohawk Sachem who went up with me to meet those Cherokees delivered 
them the message sent by him to them from the Chiefs of the Six nations, the purport whereof 
was as follows 

The Six nations first brightened the chain of friendship with tiiem, then desired in the 
strongest manner they could express that their Brethren the Cherokees would hold fast by 
the chain of Friendship subsisting between them, the English and the six Nations, and join 
their united forces, in order to defeat the dark Schemes their common enemy the French and 
their Indians had formed against them and assured them by a large belt of Wampum that they 
might depend on their brethren the Six Nations for that they had taken up the hatchet in 
defence of their brethren the English, and were determined never to lay it down while there 
was a Frenchman on this side the great lakes, and hoped that their brethren the Cherokees 
would act on the same principles. Then he gave a large War belt to the Young Warriors 
desiring them to be strong and prosecute the War against the French on the Ohio, while 
the Six Nations would do the same towards the Northward, and said, perhaps next Spring we 
may both join together and strike a stroke which may make the French repent their 
past conduct. 

The Cherokees after considering what had been said to them by the Mohawk Chief returned 
answers to the speeches made them in which answers they expressed great Satisfaction in 
having from the mouth of the Six Nations that they were so hardy in our Interest, and 
promised to join them and prosecute the war ag" the French as long as they had a man able 
to fight and said they would send three of their men home with them to the Six Nations to 
confirm their words, and that early in the Spring they would bring a large Body of their 
warriors to those Parts, if their Bretheren the English would desire them, and that constantly 



284 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

this Fall they would furnish parties on those frontiers to annoy the enemy, but said* they 
would expect to be supplied with cloaths from their Bretheren the English, and presents to 
carry home to their women and children, as they could not subsist without, for while they 
were employed in War they would loose their hunting which was their Employment at home, 
and by which industry they supported their families and cloathed them, and they desired that 
this Mohawk would recommend it strongly to their Bretheren the English here, with whom 
they had no acquaintance as yet, to be generous to them and they should soon find that they 
would deserve every thing their Bretheren would give them. 

The 29'* about 12 o'clock M' Smith the Interpreter received orders from Col. Stanwix 
to take those Indians out to scour the woods about Rays Town* and from thence to 
Fort Cumberland. 

The 30** JVP Smith spoke to them and let them know that the Commanding Officer of the 
King's troops in those parts had desired them to do such services to which they agreed but 
told M' Smith that they expected I would engage to give them some presents to take home to 
their Families, as by their Staying here now, they would loose their fall Hunt, and said you 
have seen how our Bretheren of Virginia have served us, after promising us a great deal of 
goods, they have not given us Cloaths for ourselves, tho we have been 5 months in their 
Country and have killed some of the Enemy, likewise there has been killed some of our own 
Men in their Quarrel, but we expect better usage from you. 

As I found the Good of His Majesty's Service required their stay on those frontiers agreable 
to Col° Stanwix's Orders, and a great Body of the Enemy being on our Borders, I promised to 
recommend it to the Governments of Pennsylvania and Maryland to reward their services 
generously, and told them I made no doubt but they would on which they agreed to go out 
to morrow. 

After which they insisted that I should let four of their Chief Men go with me to see Col" 
Stanwix whilst the rest was on service in the woods, which I agreed to, then they applied to 
me and said that they would want some horses to help them home asked me if they found any 
horses whether they might have them or not. I told them I had several horses of my own 
running about Wray's town and if they could find any of them they should have them or any 
others that had no owners. 

July 2"" I arrived at Carlisle with some of the Chief of y= Cherokees 

3" Col. Stanwix received them in his camp with the whole Battalion under arms, and 
after drinking a Glass of wine with them at the head of the Battalion he made them the 
following Speech. 

Brothers and Warriors of the Cherokees, 

With this String of Wampum I take you by the hands and bid you welcome to my camp in 
Pennsylvania, and do assure you that I shall strongly recommend it to the Provinces that you 
may be generously rewarded for any services that you do, and have no doubt but the presents 
promised shall be delivered to you within the limited time. 

Brothers, 

I shall be glad to see any of your people or any other of our Friends on these Frontiers to 
join U3 in the War against Our common enemy the French and their Indians, and I shall think 

' Near Bedford, on the head waters of the Juniata, in Bedford county, Pa. — Eb. 



LONDON DOCU>rENTS : XXXIV. 285 

it my duly to recommend it to tlie provinces tliat you may be supplied witii every thing 
necessary for the War, and well rewarded for your services. 

The 4" I set off' from Carlisle in Company with the Mohawk and the three Clierokees wlio 
was going to the six Nations country. 

The 7'* I arrived at Pliiladelphia when the Governour acquainted me that Tediuscung with 
about 200 Delawares and Shawanese were arrived at Fort Allen,' and that 100 Senecas were 
hourly expected. 

•SunJaij the 17'* I set off" from Philadelphia for Easton where I arrived 

the IS"*, and met Tediuscung with about 200 Delawares, men, women and children, who 
had been there some days, just after I arrived the Senecas came in number 109, men, women 
and children. 

The Chiefs of the several Tribes met together and bid me welcome to their fire, after which 
I spoke to them agreable to the ancient Custom, and after wiping the Tears from their Eyes, 
and the Sweat from their Body, and pulling the thorns out of their Feet, I let them know 
that I was heartily glad to see them meet together, and acquainted them that their brother Onas 
was on the way coming to meet them at this Council fire, which he and his brother 
Tediuscung had kindled last year, when they both undertook the good work of peace, which 
I hoped at this meeting would be settled to the mutual satisfaction of both parties. 

Thursday 19. This day I spent in getting what Intelligence I could of the disposition of 
the French and their Indians. 

I was informed by several Indians of Reputation that the grand Council of the Six Nations 
which set two .Months was broke up, and had unanimously agreed to oppose the French 
measures, and to hold fast by the chain of friendship subsisting between the English and 
them, and that most of the Members of that Council was gone down to Sir William Johnson 
to acquaint him of their Determination. 

I was informed that the French at Niagara was very scarce of Provisions, that some Munsey 
Indians with the King of that tribe who went there this spring had differed with the French 
Commandant and told liim that they could no longer be amused with his false speeches, for 
we now see your designs : You look on us only as your Dogs ; for every old man who is scarce 
able to walk, or a young boy, who comes among you, you immediate!)' give him a hatchet and 
say, here child take this and go and kill the English, while you stay at home Yourselves 
and laugh at us, but I tell you we will be Fools no more. You put the Hatchet into our 
hands, and I would have you take care how you behave or perhaps you may feel it soon. 

I likewise hear from Ohio that the Delawares and Shawanese are differing much with the 
French, they have declared that as soon as Tediuscung and the Susquehanna Indians make 
peace with the English that they would come and join the English and strike the French. 1 
understand that it is the Lake Indians that is annoying the frontiers at present with perhaps 
one or two Delawares with each party, as Pilots ; The News I had from the Ohio during the 
Conferences at Lancaster, that the French and Cunniwagoeshad differed, and that a number of 
each was killed is now confirmed by those Indians, who say it happened at Crown Point, that 
40 Indians was certainly killed but they cannot tell how many French, they were not all 
Cunniwagoes but of several Tribes; of this the Cunniwagoes complained to the Six Nations 

' This fort was located at the Morarian town of Gnadenhatten, Xorthampton couoty, Pa., on the Lehigh river, opposite 
the mouth of the Mahoning. It waa built in January, 1756, by Benjamin Franklin, who named it after bia old friend, Wm. 
Allen, Chief Justice of Pcnnaylvania. Penntyhania Colonial Recordi, VII., 15. —Ed. 



286 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

at the great Council and further informed the six Nations that the French had formed a scheme 
to reduce the Six nations to Slavery. 

French Margrel's husband a Six Nation Indian and a man of good character says that a 
principal man of the Senecas with a party of Warriors went this Spring to Niagara and 
demanded of the commanding Officer wliere he got the liatchet he was giving the Indians to 
go to war against the English. The Officer made answer he could not tell where it was got 
it was sent him from the Governor. 

To which the Seneca chief said, In old times and when we made peace with the French and 
took them for our fathers we agreed to sink the bloody Hatchet in the Bottomless Pit and it 
was agreed whoever took it out and made use of it, all nations should rise up and strike him 
that took up the Hatchet as a disturber of the public peace and tranquility of his Neighbours. 
As soon as the Chief returned to his own Country their Council sent a Deputation to the 
Governor of Canada to know where he got the hatchet; This man adds that all the Six 
Nations seem impatient for tlie return of their Messengers, as they are to take their measures 
from the Answer they receive. An Indian that I sent to Ohio for intelligence is returned and 
informs me that the French are determined to attempt the reduction of Fort Augusta ^ as they 
think that will cut off the Communication between the English and their Bretheren the Six 
Nations Delawares and Shawanese, as they have no other Indians to depend on but the 
lake Indians. 

They have formed a plan that, if they cannot reduce the Fort, they will send a small party 
to scalp and then expects the garrison will make a Sally, and so draw them into an Ambuscade, 
so at least cut off the Party. 

They have gone so far as to bribe a party of Ottowas to watch the Road Tediuscung came 
down to attempt the killing some Indians to prevent the success of this meeting. He says 
that the Ciiief of the Delawares was sincerely disposed for peace as far as he could find, and 
much displeased with the French. That Delaware George who is settled on one of the 
Branches of Bever Creek was rejoyced when he beared that the English inclined to make 
peace and told him, tho he was no King, yet if I would send for him he would rise up both 
him and his people, and come down to his Bretheren the English and live and dye with them, 
he said he had between forty and fifty men besides Women and children, who never struck the 
English. He says the French use all Artifices to give the Indians an ill opinion of the English, 
they brought a packet of letters which they told the Indians contained a scheme for destroying 
all the Indians and that all the English Governours had agreed to it and signed the papers, the 
letters came this Spring from Canada, and were shewn to all the Indian Nations on the Ohio, 
and was told them that they were taken from an English Soldier who was made prisoner about 
Fort William Henery. That Sir William Johnson and myself only pretended to take care of 
the Indians in order to draw them down to a treaty, and then kill them all, some of the Indians 
were much alarmed at this News at first, but Delaware George and some of the most thinking 
Indians suspected that the French had forged those letters to deceive them and told their Minds 
in Council, which was generally beleived to be truth by all the Indians before he left that, 
except the Ottawas who will beleive nothing but what the French tells them. 

He intended to have gone to Fort Duquesne but was persuaded against it by his friends who 
told him that if he went there he would certainly be put to death, on which he came by the 

' Now Sunbury, Northumberland county, Pa. — Ed. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIV. 287 

way of Veneango, where he says the French is going to build a strong Fort, to see a great 
quantity of timber cut'eady for bawling. 

He says during bis stay upon Oiiio there was but ten canoes came down the river to Fort 
Duquesne wbicii were loadi-ii witii I'rovisions. 

During his stay at Bever Creek about 50 miles from Fort Duquesne some of the Delawares 
and the French commander differed, tbey broke open his store, his own lodging room and 
took out his wearing cloalhs and tore them to peices, and took what they pleased from him. 

By tills we may see that tiarrison was not very strong this Spring, nor does it appear by 
this Conduct that the French is in much esteem with the Indians. 

Thursday 21" The Indians waited on the Governor at his Lodging and had the following 
private Conferences relating to this Meeting. 

At a Council held at Easton Thursday the 21 July 1757. 

Present — The Hon''"'' William Denney Esq' 

James Hamilton William Logan ) 

Richard Peters Lyndford Lardner / Esquires 

Benjamin Chew John .Mifflen y 

Tediuscung, the Delaware King, and his Counsellors, with some of the 

Six Nations. 
Conrad Weiser W John Pumpshire Interpreters 

Tediuscung this morning acquainted the Governour by M' John Pumpshire his Interpreter, 
that he and a few of his people would wait on his honour whenever he pleased to receive them, 
and the Governour saying they might come immediately they accordingly did come, viz' 
Teediuscung, James English, Abraham Locquis, Moses Tetamy, John Pumpshire &» &» &." 

After a short conversation Tedyuscung delivered himself as follows. 

Brother, 

You remember you invited me to come and treat with you, and to bring with me the ten 
Nations, who have joined with me and I with them. In consequence of what you may 
remember 1 promised, I have done my best Endeavours. Some of each of the Ten Nations 
are come. 1 have faithfully and distinctly told them all that you said to me, you said I must 
come to the Council Fire, where we might all see one another, and hearken to what you should 
say to us. 

They are now ready to hearken to you at the time which will best suit you. 

A String. 

Brother, As you sat at home you looked this way and saw Your Bretheren the Indians 
coming, when they arrived you took them by the hand, you received them kindly and also 
the ten Nations who were with them, you was glad to see them, observing them fatigued with 
their Journey and their faces covered with sweat, you kindly wiped it off with an handkerchief, 
then looking at their leggs and seeing them torn and bloody with briars and thorns you picked 
the Briars out of their legs, and annointed them with some of that good oil as Your Forefathers 
were used to do with ours when they met together to renew their Leagues and make a lasting 
peace. All of us now present are sensible of being used as our ancestors were and of receiving 
the same kind treatment they did. A String. 



288 • NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Brother, 

I am now arrived at the place appointed for the Council Fire where we are to hold 
Conferences together. I am come just to the Door, I look into the house. I see a great deal 
of dirt and blood in it which is grievous to usboth, Seeing this I take a wing in my hand, I 
go into the house and sweep all the Dirt into one place, I wipe off all the Blood, I take up 
Dirt and Blood together, I throw it all to the Leeward, that it may be no more seen, 1 make 
the House quite clean, that we may come together as our forefathers used to do, when they 
came to transact an affair of so great Importance as to brighten the chain of friendship, and 
make a firm and lasting peace. 

Brother, When I looked at you I saw tears running out of Your eyes, I use the same 
method to you as you have done to me. I now wipe them off with an handkerchief, I likewise 
take that soft feather that we make use of to chsan our ears,^ what you may hear what I have 
to say. All those who are present join me in these things. 

Brother, I see some things that are not right, may be in Your heart, from flying stories that 
are every where going about. Those that are present with me will use their Endeavours with 
one accord to take them out of Your heart, that they may not obstruct our present proceedings. 

Before I have done I open our throat and clean it all within that you may speak to Y''our 
Bretheren with freedom. ^ String. 

Brother, the great being who created us made our hearts alike at first, but of late they are 
divided and have leaned different ways. We who are now present will use our endeavours to 
set them upright, and unite them together as firmly as in the Days of our Forefathers. 

The cause why we differ at this time from what we were at first is owing to the conduct of 
our foolish young Men who have separated us from the good Agreement we have lived 

in before. ^ '^*^^''- 

Brother, I see you are wounded, you have a sore within you in Your heart. The great God 
who made us has provided remedies on the Earth for all Diseases which can happen to us if 
they are properly applied. 

The ten Nations now present who are joined with me, they and I will take hold of this 
remedy with the greatest care, we will apply it to the sore in Your heart, you shall feel it no 
more. You shall be perfectly cured from the inside to the outside, so that the sore shall break 
out no more. 

Brother, It is our constant usage, when we undertake to cure any wound, to look often in 
it and take care that it does not fester, if we find any appearance of its festering we loose no 
time, but instantly use the same good medicine which we applied at first that it may be 
prevented in time and never come to an head. A Belt of 8 Rows. 

Brother, We have in former years often held Councils together. Let us look around us and 
behind us, and observe what has been transacted in them, let us not do as they did in several 
respects, but be more careful, perhaps the Evil spirit was busy in former times but he is busier 
now than he was then ; Let us therefore be exceeding careful in whatever we do, let us try to 
exceed our Grandfathers in care in our proceedings, let us look up to the Supreme being that 
we may now by our faithful Endeavours have our End answered to the good of both. In case 
my endeavours shall be accepted and my faithfulness kindly received and beleived we may 
then live in lasting peace, and our posterity after us. A String 

' ; with this I open your ears that you may <4c. Penntyhania Colonial Record*, VII., 651. — Ed. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIV. 289 

Tetlyuscung then acquainted ihe Governour that he had opened the Conference and finished 
what the had to say, and now the Treaty might begin at any time the Governour should please 
to appoint, either to morrow or next day as it would be most convenient to him. He added 
that he had something to mention in the way of Discourse. His Memory he said was weak 
and as he would have things done regularly he desired he might have a Clerk to take Minutes 
along with the Governour's Clerk. He further desired that when the Treaty was done which 
he hoped by the assistance of the Almighty would be to the satisfaction of both, he might 
have a Copy of all the Proceedings, and that they might be put upon Record. Indians Cabins 
being often made of Wood, Grass and Straw they are apt to catch fire and if his Cabine should 
be burned and tiie papers witli it he might then have recourse to the Government for 
another Copy. 

Mr Croghan was then sent for and presented to the Indians as Deputy of Sir William 
Johnson sole Agent of Indian Affairs in the Northern District, and as such accepted by 
the Governor. 

After this Tedyuscung said it now depends upon the Governor to let the Indians know what 
he has to say to them, as he invited them to come to the Council Fire. He might open the 
public Treaty when he pleased to morrow or next day when it would be most convenient 
for him. 

Fryday 22^ The Governor sent for me and shewed me the above speeches and consulted 
me upon the answer he should return Tedyuscung, and in the evening returned his answer 
which here follows: at the same time he introduced me to the Indians and let them know 
that I was Deputy Agent to Sir William Joimson, who was appointed by the King of Great 
Britain to take care of ail the Indians in this District of America and with whom they were 
to transact the public business at this Meeting. 

The Indians seemed extreamly satisfied with what had been told them in Regard to the 
mode proposed for holding this Meeting and Expressed their satisfaction at the Appointment of 
Sir W" Johnson to the care of the Indians and returned the King their father thanks for that 
appointment and said they were well satisfied that no Person should take down the Minutes of 
the Treaty but the one appointed by me. 

Here follows the Governour's Answer to the foregoing Speech. 



>-Esqui 



Eaaton Fryday the 22 July 1757. 
Present — The Honourable The Governour 

James Hamilton William Logan 

Richard Peters Lyndford Lardner }- Esquires 

Benjamin Chew John Mefflin 

Teedyuscung the Delaware King with bis Councellors and some of the 

6 iVations. 
Conrad Weiser Esq' M' John Pumpshire Interpreters. 
Bretheren, 

I return you my hearty thanks for your kind Speeches yesterday, which were very agreable 
to me, and evidenced such a good disposition on Your part as gives me the highest satisfaction. 

A String. 

Vol. VII. 37 



290 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Bretheren 

It is with a particular pleasure I observe all Obstructions are now removed. Be assured that 
I shall speak with the utmost freedom and Openness to you and the Ten Nations. I am ready 
to concur with you in devising and executing all such Measures as shall be thought the most 
proper to bring to a speedy and good issue the great Work of Peace, which is already so 
happily begun and so far advanced : This Belt Confirms my Words. A Belt. 

Bretheren, you told me yesterday that your foolish young men had been the occasion of the 
late unhappy differences that for some time subsisted between us, and cautioned me not to 
give credit to any idle stories that might be going about I shall retain in my mind this good 
advice and as we likewise have many foolish people among us, who may have raised and 
propagated false Reports to obstruct the good understanding between us, which we are now 
mutually endeavouring and taking pains to establish on a solid and durable foundation. I 
desire you will shut Your ears against them and beleive nothing but what comes from me or 
the King's Agent, in relation to public Affairs. A String. 

Bretheren, 

You may remember that in the first conferences you attributed the beginning of the present 
troubles in a great measure to the confusion that had arisen from so many Peoples having 
concerned themselves in public Treaties, and that therefore the Indians had agreed to put the 
management of their affairs into the hands of a few, and that two Kings only were appointed 
to transact public business of which you Tediuscung was one. You were told that the great 
King of all the English had found the like Inconveniences from so many of his Colonies holding 
seperate and distinct treaties with Indians and therefore had given one general commission 
to your good friend and brother Sir W" Johnson to be his sole agent in Indian Affairs for 
this District. To him I desired you would go and lay all that had passed between you and this 
Government before him for his approbation. 

According as I then promised I have transmitted to that gentleman all our proceedings 
which he has been pleased to approve of, and by a Commission produced to me, and now 
ready to be shewn you, he has constituted and appointed M' Croghan his Deputy Agent for 
Indian Affairs in this Province with particular directions to hear any complaints and assist in 
accommodating the differences you may have with His Majesty's Subjects, and particularly 
those set forth at Your Treaty with me here in November last. At the same time Sir William 
Johnson finding in the Conferences sent him, that you designed us a visit in the Spring was 
kind enough to send a Deputation of the Six Nations to attend at that meeting who waited a 
long time in expectation of seeing you, but on Your not being able to come and they being 
under a necessity of returning home I went to Lancaster at their request, took them by the 
hand and conferred with them. At their Conferences M' Croghan the Deputy of Sir W"" 
Johnson was present and settled with me the forms to be observed in the Treaty, and his 
Secretary only was permitted to take down the Proceedings : No other person being allowed 
to take Minutes of what passed at those Conferences, not even the Secretary of this 
Government whose proper business it ever had been till that time when this new Regulation 
first took place. I am further told it is the Constant practice of Sir William Johnson as well 
as all others who have the conduct of Indian Treaties to employ their own Secretaries, and as 
this Method was settled at Lancaster as a precedent to be observed in future Treaties, I shall 
not take upon me to make any alteration in this Respect. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIV. 



291 



Bretherfn, This Covemmcnt as well as Yourselves lias great confidence in the Interpreters 
present, M' Pumpshire and Moses Tetany. Whatever they speak from you will be faithfully 
taken down and publicly read at the time that all may hear, understand and know it to be 
exact. M' Croghan will afterwards cause the whole to be (airly transcribed and two copies to 
be made, one of which he will deliver to you and an other to me which shall be put upon 
record as you desired. In our Conference Yesterday you had an Instance of the exact manner 
and care of taking down what passed, and I hope it gave you entire satisfaction. 

Brother. 

Agreable to your Request at our last Meeting I now present you with a true Copy of Your 
Proceedings with this Government under the great Seal of the Province, which as they will 
remain on record you may always have recourse to. 



Present - 



At a Council held at Easton, Saturday 23 July 1757 
His Honour the Governour 



James Hamilton 
Richard Peters 
Benj° Chew 
M' Croghan 



William Logan 

Lyndford Lardner 

John Mefflin Esquires. 

M"" Weiser j 



Teedyuscung the Delaware King with some of his Counsellors and M' Galloway, M"' Fox, >P 
Masters, and M' Hughes, four of the principal Commissioners, having requested a Conference 
of the Governor, they were received in Council, when they presented to him the following 
Remonstrance which was read by M' Galloway.' 



Sir, 



July 23"^ 1757 Easton 



As the method of managing the present Treaty is of the utmost moment to the lives, liberties 
and properties of the People of this Province and the British Interest in General we beg leave 
to remonstrate to your honour. 

That Tedyuscung on Thursday last came to us and demanded that he might have a Clerk 
to be appointed by himself to take down the Minutes of the Treaty who should compare his 
Proceedings with the other clerks, before they leave the Table. This he insisted was the 
most certain means of searching out the Truth and of obtaining Justice to the persons who 
should prove to be injured. He was pleased further to add that this was his pleasure and he 
would have it granted, and that he would not proceed to treat without it. Upon which we 
informed the Chief that his demand appeared to us reasonable and just, but that we were not 
the proper persons to grant it. We recommended him to the Governour on that occasion, (as 
he is the head of the executive part of Government) who we did not doubt would allow it. 

' Joseph Gaixowat was born in Maryland about the year 17S0. Having removed to Philadelphia, he became eminent ia 
his profession as a lawyer, and was subsequently Speaker of the Assembly. He was a member of the Continental Congress 
in 1774, when he submitted for iu approval the Albany Plan of Union of 1751. In 1776 he abandoned the Whigs and 
became a Loyalist, and soon after joined the Uoval Army in Xew-York, whereupon his estutc was confifcaled. In 177B he 
went to England, where his pen was constantly employed on subjects connected with the war, and where be died in 
September, 1808. Sabint. — Ed. 



292 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

This Morning the Chief further informed us that he had made an application to the Governour 
for the above purpose but that your honour did not thinli proper to allow his demand, that he 
was extreamly dissatisfied therewith and declared he would not treat without it. That as the 
Governour has begun with clearing his eyes and ears with a soft feather that he might hear and 
see clearly he looked on it both unjust and unkind to attempt now by this refusal to lead him 
on blindfold and in the dark, and therefore requested that we would assist him in a second 
Application to Your honour, which if refused he declared he was determined to give over 
prosecuting the good work he was ready and willing to accomplish with the English, and go 
home, and further requested that his Demand and refusal might be taken down in writing that 
it might be represented to the great King in his behalf as the reason of his not concluding the 
peace he had undertaken. 

This he assures us was a thought of his own at Weyoming after the last Treaty held by 
him at this place, and not suggested to him by any person whatsoever. 

In pursuance of which request we beg Your honour would consider the Right and Justice of 
this natural demand and the dangerous consequences that may attend persisting in a Refusal 
of it. He appears to us to have an undoubted Right as a King and Chief of a Nation, to have 
a Clerk or Secretary, to take down Minutes of the Transactions of this important affair, And 
this seems more natural as he and his people are illiterate Persons. 

Your Honour will be pleased further to consider that the Lives and Properties of the People 
and His Majesty's Interest in General are immediately concerned in the Event of this Treaty and 
therefore should the Chief do as he declared, the melancholy consequences must necessarily be 
a farther Devastation of the Province, more Murders of the People, and an alienation of the 
affections of the Indians of many Nations from the British Interest. 

Will™ Masters, 
Jos. Fox 
To the Honourable Jos. Galloway 

William Denny Esq' John Hughes. 

M"^ John Pumpshire by Tedyuscung's Direction declared that every word there wrote as said 
by him, was really his own desire and said by him, and in confirmation of this he gave a Belt 
of Wampum. 

The Governour acquainted Tedyuscung that he would take the matter into consideration and 
give him an answer, which he did the next day in Council, and is as follows. 

Brother, 

I have considered the second Application you made to me Yesterday that you might 
appoint a Clerk of Your own to take down the Minutes of our Proceedings at the present Treaty. 

Brother, 

1 have always taken a particular pleasure in seeing you and been ready on all occasions to 
hear any thing you had to say or propose to me and treated you with that Respect and 
friendship due from one brother to another. 

Brother, 

When you first applied to me for a Clerk I received You kindly as I shall continue to do, 
and after I had considered Your request I gave you my answer why I could not think myself at 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIV. 293 

liberty to comply with it and informed you of the Method that had been agreed upon by M' 
Cronhiin the King's Deputy Agent and Your Uncles at Lancaster "in May last in tailing Minutes 
at Indian Treaties and it appeared to me at that Time tiiat my Reasons gave you satisfaction. 

Brotiier, 

If on reconsidering the Matter you were dissatisfied you should have come to me as you used 
to do, and have spoken Your mind freely, and you would have found my arms open to receive 
you, and my ears to hear you, and not have applied to any other persons for their Mediation 
with me. 

Brother, 

I told You before and I again inform you that no one has any right to treat with you or 
transact any business with you in this Province but myself and M' Croghau the King's 
De[)'' Agent; 

I hope you will remember this. 

Brother, 

No Indian Chief before You ever demanded a Clerk and none has ever been appointed for 
Indians in former Treaties nay I have not even nominated one on the part of tiiis Province 
therefore I cannot help declaring it against my Judgment. 

Brother, 

I am afraid by Your showing so little confidence in me or the King's Deputy Agent that 
you have harkned to idle Stories, or the Singing of Birds, tho you advised me against it. 
However to give you a fresh proof of my friendship and Regard if you insist upon having a 
Clerk, I shall no longer oppose it. A Belt. 

Tedyuscung immediately answered that he thanked the Governor for what be had said to 
him, and the favour he did him in not opposing his request, that if he had committed any 
mistake or given Oftence to the Governor in what had been done, he was very sorry for it, and 
it must be imputed to his Ignorance: That he desired what was past might be done away 
and forgotten, and we might look on one another with chearfulness and proceed with all Our 
power in the great work of peace in which we were engaged. A String. 

To which the Governour replied 

Brother Tedyuscung 

What you said last proceeds from an honest heart I overlook Your weakness. You may 
depend upon the kindness of me and my Council. No uneasiness remains with us now. I 
shall always be glad to see you and your Interpreter, and discourse with you like loving 
Bretheren on any matter be it what it will that you may have to say. A Large Siring. 



294 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

At a Meeting with Teedyuscung, King of tlie Delawares, living on Susquehannah, who is 

empowered by the ten following Nations, viz' Lenopi, Munsey, Mawhickon, Tiawco, or 

Nanticokes and the Senecas, Onondagas, Cayougas, Oneidas, and Mohawks, to settle all 

differences subsisting between them and their Bretheren the English; and George 

Croghau Esq' Dep^ Agent to the Hon'''' Sir William Johnson Baronet, His Majesty's 

Sole Agent and Superintendent, of the Affairs of the six Nations, their Allies and 

Dependants and Colonel of the same. 

Al Easlon, the 25 Day of July 1757. 

Present — The Hon'''' William Denny Esq' Lieu' Governor and Commander in 

Chief of the Province of Pennsylvania and the Counties of Newcastle 

Kent and Sussex in Delaware. 

James Hamilton Lyndford Lardner 1 _, . ,, , o , 

,,,.,, , r. • • ^1 (Esquires, Members of the 

Will™ Logan Beniamin Chew r ^ ^ ., 

T,. , J ,° T u nivm- I Gov" Council. 

Richard Peters John Mifflin J 

Isaac Norris Esq' Speaker of the House of Assembly 

Daniel Roberdeau, Member of the Assembly. 

William Masters John Hughes \ Esquires, provincial 

Joseph Fox and Joseph Galloway j Commissioners. 

A number of Gentlemen of the City of Philadelphia and others the 
inhabitants of the Province. 

Capt" Thomas M'Kee, Interpreter for the Crown. 

Conrad Weiser Esq' Interpreter for the Province. 

M' John Pumpshire. Interpreter for Tedyuscung. 

Teedyuscung King of the Delawares attended by several Chiefs and 
Deputies of the Ten Nations he represents. The Number of the Indians 
here at present is ab' 300 Men, Women and Children. 

Teedyuscung sent his Interpreter to call M' Charles Thompson ^ to the Table whom he had 
appointed his Clerk, to take the down the Minutes of this Treaty. 

The Governor opened the Conference directing his Discourse to Teedyuscung and spoke 
as follows. 

Brother. 

I am very glad to meet you once more with Your people and some of Your Uncles the Six 
Nations according to your Agreement with me at this place in November last. The number of 
Indians you have brought down with you on this Occasion, and the pains you have taken to 
carry the news of our good dispositions for peace so great a Distance confirms the good 
Opinion we have always had of you, shews the sincerity of the Professions you have made of 
your earnest Desire to restore the friendship and brotherly love that always subsisted between 

' CiUELia Thompson, was a native of Ireland, and born in the 3-ear 1730. He landed at Newcastle, Del., about 1741, 
and afterwards removed to Philadelphia, where he became principal of the Friends Academy, and enjoyed the advice and 
frienilsliip of Benjamin Franklin. He was appointed Secretary of Congress in 1774, and continued sole secretary of that 
body throughout the Revolution, and until 1789, when he resigned. He was a patriot of highly moral and religious 
principles. He died in Lower Merion, Montgomery county, near Philadelphia, on the 16th of August, 1824, aged 94 years. 
He translated the Septuagiut, which was published under the title of — Holy Bible translated from the Greek. 4 Vol. 8vo., 
1808. Allen. — "Ed. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIV. 295 

us and the Indians till Your foolish Young Men were seduced by the Evil Spirit and turned 
against us. 

Brother Tedyuscung and Bretheren of the ten united Nations, we are now met together to 
finish by the Assistance of the Allmighty the great work of peace and to make a new chain of 
Friendship, so bright that it shall never rust, and so strong that it shall never be in the power 
of wicked Spirits to break it, that we may always hereafter be as one man, with but one heart 
and one head. I invite you to join heartily and sincerely with nie herein by this Belt. 

„ , Gave a Belt. 

Brother, 

You may remember that when we were here last Fall I asked you what was the cause of 

the breach between our bretheren the Delawares and us, whether we the people of Pennsylvania 

had done you any injury, and desired you would open your hearts and tell me your mind 

freely. In answer to this you told me that your foolish and ignorant young Men when they 

saw the Proceedings of our enemy the French King and beleived the things that were told 

them were persuaded by this false hearted King to strike Your Bretheren the English, and that 

the cause why the blow came the harder on us was that the Proprietors had defrauded 

you of some of Your Land, and that you had been treated in the same manner in the Jerseys, 

but that this was not the principal cause of your striking us. I was willing to enquire into 

the truth of this charge at that time but you declined it, because few of the Indians then 

present originally owned those Lands, but said that you would endeavour to bring as many of 

them down as you could find to the next Meeting. 

Brother, 

According to the promise I made you at Our last Treaty, I layed all our Proceedings before 
Sir William Johnson who, you have been often told, is appointed by our great King, his Sole 
Agent for Indian Afflilrs in this District to take care of them as a father that no one may wrong 
them. Sir William Johnson has since deputed Your, and our, friend George Croghan, who is 
well acquainted with Your affairs and Language to act in his behalf to attend this Treaty, and 
enquire into every grievance you may have suffered, either from Your Bretheren of Pennsylvania 
or the Neighbouring Provinces. Gave a String. 

Brother, 

I took care also to send Copies of our several treaties with you, to England, where they 
were layed before the King's Ministers, who being desirous that justice should be done you, 
ordered that Sir William Johnson should enquire into the foundation of your charge against 
this Province, in order that you may receive satisfaction, in case of any Injury has been 
done you. 

Brother, 

I have freely opened my mind to you and am ready with M' Croghan His Majesty's Deputy 
Agent, whenever you think proper, to hear any thing you may have to say to us about the 
Grievances you may think you labour under from this Province. Gave a String. 



296 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

When the Governour had ended his Speech I spoke as follows 

Brother Tedyuscung and you my bretheren the Sachems and Warriors of the ten Nations 
you represent at this Meeting. 

You have been informed by Your Brother Onas that the King of Great Britain Your Father 
has appointed Sir William Johnson Baronet to be His Majesty's chief Agent and Superintendent 
of the Affairs of the Six Nations, their allies and Dependants in this District of America, and 
he has appointed me his Deputy and ordered me to attend this Meeting and hear any complaints 
you have to make against Your brother Onas in respect of his defrauding you of the lands 
mentioned in the Conference you held with this Government last Fall in this Town, or any 
other Injuries you have received from any of His Majesty's Subjects in this District. I am 
now ready to hear what you have to say, and I assure you in the name of Sir William Johnson 
I will do everything in my power to have all Differences amicably adjusted to Your Satisfaction 
agreable to his Orders and Instructions to me. Gave a Belt. 

When I had delivered my Speech the Governor told Tedyuscung that he had done for the 
present, and that whenever he was ready to give an answer we should be ready to hear him, 
then Tedyuscung replied that he had something to say now, and addressing himself to the 
Governour and spoke as follows. 

Bretheren, 

I will let you know in a few words what my desire is. I kindly receive Your Words this day. 
They are true and make my heart glad. By this Belt (holding up a Belt) I let you know I 
will speak to morrow. I think it proper to speak my mind with Openness. I think it my duty 
to remember the Conduct of my foolish young men. I see a great deal of mischief done. I 
will first begin to clean up the blood that has been shed and removing the deal bodies out of 
the way. After that 1 will make known my grievances. I remember what Sir William Johnson 
said to me by the Messengers he sent to me. I sent back to him by the same Messengers, and 
desired him as he was a wiser man than I and of greater abilities that he would be strong 
and lend his assistance to cure this wound. Gave a Belt. 

When Tedyuscung had ended his Speech he told the Governor he thought he should be ready 
to speak to morrow morning at Eight o'Clock and that time was accordingly appointed for the 
next meeting. 

At a meeting in Easton, Tuesday July 26"" 1757 A. M. 

Present — The Hon"' William Denny Esq' Governor &* 
The Council 

The same Members of the Assembly 
The Provincial Commissioners 
A number of Gentlemen from the City of Philadelphia and others the 

inhabitants of the province. 
The same Indians. 

Capt" Thomas M'Kee Interpreter for the Crown. 
Conrad Weiser Esq'' Interpreter for the Province 
M' John Pumpshire, Interp' for Tedyuscung 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIV. 297 

I desired the favour of M" Joseph Diichee to assist M' Trent in taking down the Minutes, 
Tedyuscung spoke to the Governour and myself desiring us to give attention, then directing 
his Speech to the King of Great Britain and all his Subjects spoke as follows. 

Brother, 

You remember that you sent to me to come down to you and invited me to bring down with 
me as many of the 10 Nations as I could by the difficulty of the Times. You then said to me 
Brother you are weak, I am strong, if you come down I will put away all the difference and 
uneasiness that has happen'd and will make a lasting peace. iNow as I have brought some of 
the ten Nations with me I would have you remember your promise and exert your power. 
Also remember Our women and children that it may be well hereafter. Also as you must 
remember the blood that has been shed, and the dead bodies that lye scatter'd up and down, I 
would have you join with me to remove those out of the way that we may see one another 
face to face, and after this we will proceed to other business. 

Brother, 

As you are a great deal stronger than I you must exert your power when Differences arise 
between two Brothers, when one comes to make proposals of peace, if the other does not accept 
them nothing can be done. Now as much blood is spilt I desire you will join with me to 
clear this away and when that is done we will proceed to other business. 

Gave a Belt of 8 Rows. 

Brother, According to the promise I made you that I would invite as many of the ten 
nations as I could, I have now brought with me as many as I could who are here present to 
witness what shall be transacted but in order to make a lasting and durable peace we must all 
exert our abilities. When any Persons are engaged to lift a great weight out of the way, if 
all don't exert their strength they cannot remove it, but if all join together they will easily 
remove it. We on our parts gather up the leaves that have been sprinkled with blood, we 
gather up the blood, the bodies and the bones, but when we look round we see no place 
where to put them. But when we look up we see the great Spirit above, it is our duty 
therefore to join in prayer that he would hide these things, that they may never be seen by 
our posterity, and that the great Spirit would bless our children, that they may hereafter live 
in love together, that it may never be in the power of tJje evil spirit or any evil minded persons 
to cause any breach between our posterity. Gave a Belt of 17 Rows. 

Brother, 

As you remember you invited me to bring down some of the 10 Nations so now some of 
each of them are present, particularly some from my Uncles the five Nations. When we had 
endeavoured, as much as was in our power, to remove the dead bodies and the mischief past, 
you also invited me to come and take hold of Your hand. We accordingly now come and 
take hold of one of your hands, and the 5 Nations also come and take hold of the other hand, 
that we may all stand together as one man with one heart. This now being done when we 
look up and see the clear light we shall enjoy it, we shall also enjoy in peace and quietness 
what the land produces, and we shall enjoy the comforts of the day and the comforts of the 
night, we shall lay down in peace and rise in peace. 

Gave a Belt of 12 Rows, strung on Cords. 

Vol. VII. 38 



298 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

Brother, 

The reason of this great cloud of mischief that has been passt is that our old Standers or 
Forefathers never took regular methods to have a lasting peace, they never looked forward for 
their children, they only had a view of this that decays and lies round about on the earth. 
When they came into Council they only talked about the things on the Earth that are soon 
gone, they ought to have looked forward, and to have made such agreements on both sides, 
that their children after might never disagree ; and as we see their mismanagement let us do 
better that we as long as we live may be faithful, and that by this our meeting together, our 
children hereafter may enjoy a lasting peace. Gave a belt of 11 Rows. 

Brother, You remember according to Your orders that Messengers have been sent to carry 
Your messages to distant parts among us, in order to promote this good, this important work 
of peace, on which our lives depend. One of these Messengers is now in a dangerous condition, 
being shot by one of Your Young Men. Don't be too much grieved but as I desire to be used 
with justice according to Your laws, I insist if this Young man die that the man who shot him 
may be tried by Your Laws, and dye also in the presence of some of our people, who may 
witness it to all the Nations, that their Bretheren the English have done them justice ; And if 
anything of the like kind should happen on our parts, we will do you the same justice, that is 
if any of our people shall murder any of yours, we will deliver up the murderer to be tried by 
Your Laws, and as the relations of the Young man must be grieved, I desire as you have it 
in your power that you would remove the grief and sorrow from their hearts. 

Gave a String. 

The Governour then acquainted Tedyuscung that he would take it into consideration what 
he had now said, and when we were ready to give an answer we would let him know. 

As we were rising the King by his Interpreter told me that what he now said was of great 
importance he desired therefore we would take time to consider it well, that he would wait 
with patience, till we were ready to give him an answer. 

So ended the first Conference. 



At a Conference in Easton, Wednesday 27 July 1757. A. M. 

Present — The Hon"= William Denny Esq' Governour &* 
The Council 

The same Members of the Assembly 
The Provincial Commissioners. 
A number of gentlemen from the City of Philadelphia and others the 

Inhabitants of the Province. 
The same Indians 

Capt° Thomas M'Kee Interpreter for the Crown 
Conrad Weiser Esq' Interp' for the Province 
M' John Pumshire, Interp' for Tedyuscung. 

• 

The Governor opened the Conference by asking Teedyuscung if he was ready, and letting 
him know that M' Croghan the King's Agent joined him in the speeches he was going to 
make and then spoke as follows. 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIV. 299 

Brother, 

Your Memory serves you faithfully with respect to what was promised by each of us in the 
last Conferences. 

Our warmest Acknowledgements are due to You for your just performance of Your 
engagements. You have made known our good dispositions far and wide. You have brought 
down [y]our Uncles and some of each of the other Nations with whom you are joined. We are 
pleased to observe they have hearkened to you and are come so well disposed to conclude and 
establish a firm and durable peace. We return you very hearty thanks in behalf of His 
Majesty King George, the People of this Province, and all his other subjects. 

Gave a Belt. 
Brother, 

We are sensible with you that unless we both exert the utmost of our strength, we shall not 
be able to accomplish the great work we are mutually engaged in. Whilst we see the dead 
bodies of our people lying uncovered, and exposed to ravenous birds. It is against Nature and 
all the principles of Religion and humanity to proceed to the confirmation of peace. 

We therefore in conjunction with you diligently search for and collect together not only their 
dead hodies and scattered bones, but the very leaves, grass and every thing else that their blood 
has touched. And join with you in looking up to heaven from whence the God of peace 
beholds with delight our Advance to Reconciliation, Concord and Unity. We pray he may cast 
a veil over all that has happen'd in these unhappy times that it may be no longer remembered. 

We supplicate his Allmighty Goodness to pardon all that is passt. We pray him to dispose 
all the people of this and the preceding' Generations to the latest posterity to live in love 
together. We entreat he will never permit the evil Spirit to enter so far into our hearts or 
evil minded men, so far into our Councils, as to interrupt the Course of Friendship, or blost the 
smallest leaf in the Tree of Peace. Gave a belt. 

Brother, 

Having now collected the dead bodies we agree with you to stand together, English and 

Indians as one Man with one heart, we lay hold with you, Your Uncles and the 10 Nations of 

the Belt of friendship, we hold it fast with all our strength. We bring with us all the 

sincerity and warmth of honest and upright hearts. We rejoyce to behold again the light of 

the Sun shining in a clear sky, we promise ourselves that with the blessing of the good spirit, 

your endeavours united with ours, will be able to secure us both^ and to our children and 

childrens children, durable peace and happiness so that we may quietly enjoy the various 

comforts of life, with which this fruitful country abounds and sleep in Peace. 

Gave a belt. 
Brother, 

Tho our forefathers and yours might make some Mistakes and might not see far enough into 
the consequences of [some of] their Measures, yet in general we can truly say they were ever 
kindly disposed to one another they were open and upright in their intentions they lived 
together in perfect peace and the mutual exchange of good Odices. 

It is very commendable in you to remind us that they have not been altogether regular, but 
considered their Views in the then present Times,' and to the Interest of their own generation, 

' succeeding. Pentuylvania Colonial Record; VIL, 678. ' to ieoure to 08 and <tc. Ibid, 874. 

• but confined their Viewi to the then present times. Ibid. — Ed. 



300 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

not so much consulting as they should have done the Good of future generations. We shall 
be glad to join with you in promoting one general Interest that may extend to the latest 
posterity, we will lay aside all narrow partial regards and put matters on a lasting foundation, 
and endeavour to exceed our ancestors not only in the goodness of our measures, but in a more 
carefull and exact manner of doing business. Gave a Belt. 

Brother, 

We have observed what you say with respect to one of Your Messengers, the accident 
grieves us, in such times Indians should not go single, or go into inhabited parts without 
passports or escorts. We have careless and unthinking Men amongst us, we have bad Men 
too who have mischievous hearts. The Man who is supposed to have committed this Act is 
in jail, and in case the Messenger dies shall be tried by our laws, which require blood for 
blood, in the presence of such Indians as you shall appoynt to attend the Tryal, of which you 
shall have due Notice. 

It is a matter firmly settled by repeated Treaties between us and the Indians that whenever 
an Englishman kills an Indian, or an Indian kills an Englishman, the murderer or person 
[offending] shall be tried by our laws, in the presence of both Nations. Gave a string. 

Brother Moses Tetamy 

You are the father of the young man who has been unfortunately wounded, it gives us great 
concern that any thing of this kind should happen, we have employed the most skilful doctor 
we have amongst us to take care of him, and we pray that the Allmighty would bless the 
Medicines that are administered for his cure. We by this String of Wampum remove 
the grief from your heart, and desire no uneasiness may remain there : We have assured our 
brother Tedyuscung that strict Justice shall be done on the Trial and we chuse that you 
yourself should be a witness of it. Gave a String. 

Easton July 28'* F. M. 
Present — as before. 

Teedyuscung addressing himself to the Governor spoke as follows 

Brother, 

I desire in a few words to recollect what you told me the other day that the great King 
beyond the Water has appointed a Man to oversee the Affairs of the Indians, viz' Sir William 
Johnson who has nominated M' Croghan his Dep'' 

I am glad to hear the news and to see the Man that is appointed. I hope Brother that it 
will be accepted by both of us. It is our Duty to respect the person the King has appointed 
and with sincerity of heart to join together that as the present Business is well begun it may 
end so. I hope he will execute his Commission with justice. 

According to your desire what you mentioned in the last treaty and what you have said now 
I will answer in a few words, and we hope M' Croghan will be faithfull to see Justice done on 
both sides in the name of the King. Gave a String. 

Brother, 

After I have opened the passage from Your heart and Mind that you may see and understand, 
By this Belt I desire that you may fully understand what I now say. It is plain the proceedings 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIV. 301 

of our ancestors were shorter than they ought to liave heen in respect and behalf of their 
children, and also tlieir own everlasting peace in the world to come. You may easily see 
the reason of the gloomy and dark, days, they have proceeded from the earth. [ Our 
misunderstanding or mismanagement has proceeded from the Earth,] as well as our 
difll-rences and grievances that have passed and repassed : Tho it was not the principal cause 
that made us strike our bretheren the English, yet it has caused the stroke to come harder 
than it otherwise would have come: Now it lies much in your power to look strictly into your 
hearts, as we always prefer and acknowledge you above us in abilities, strength and 
knowledge. And as it lyes a great deal in your power to know w hetiier what I have said be 
true or not it depends much on you, Brother, that it may be openly and publicly declared and 
published to the Province or Provinces under the Government of the great King, both to his 
satisfaction and to the satisfaction of those appointed to manage this Affair. 

Brother, 

Now as we have met together face to face to speak with great sincerity I will endeavour to 
lay everything plain before you not to cover one part but to lay everything before you that 
you may see plainly in order that we may have true satisfaction from one another, and 
that what may be proved to be our right and due may be established for ever in a durable 
and lasting peace. Gave a Belt. 

Brother, 

I would desire also that you would look with all diligence and see from whence our 
differences have sprung [. You may easily see they have sprung] from the land or earth which 
was mentioned before, tho it was not the principal thing. If regular iMethods had been 
formerly taken for an habitation or residence for the poor Indians in this Land, this would not 
have come to pass. Now as it lyes much in Your power to search particularly into what was 
mentioned before with respect to the lands which was the cause of our Differences. If I now 
can prevail with you, as I hope I shall, honestly to do what may be consistent with justice, 
then I will with a loud Voice speak and the Nations shall hear me. Then it depends on you 
Brother as I shall speak with a loud voice, and as you are of greater abilities than I to assist 
me that what I speak to the Nations may be true, and that when I have made Proclamation 
with a loud Voice by your assistance the Nations may hear and receive it with great joy. 

Gave a Belt. 

M' John Pumpshire being asked to explain what was meant by the first part of this 
Speach he said the meaning was this. The Land is the cause of our Differences that is our 
being unhappily turned out of the land is the cause, and tho the first settlers might purchase 
the lands fairly yet they did not act well nor do the Indians Justice for they ought to have 
reserved some place for the Indians: had that been done these Differences would not 
have happen'd. 

Brother, I have now in a few words to let you know what my Inclination and Desire is, 
agreable to what I have said. I now put it in Your power to make a lasting peace and that I 
may have my reasonable enjoyment from this Land, as we are sensible this land was made by 
that Allmighty Power that has made all things and has given this land to us, I was the first to 
whom he gave it. And as it pleased him to convey you to us and unite us in friendship in the 
manner already mentioned which was well known by our ancestors. It is now in your power 
and depends entirely on your care and faithful diligence that it may not be broken as it has 



302 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

been, and if it be broken it will be owing to you. I think it is my duty to mention to you in 
public that I will comply with all submission; tho I ask that I may have some place for a 
settlement and for other good purposes in which we may both agree. But as I am a free 
Agent as well as you I must not be bound up, but have liberty to settle where I please. 

Gave a Belt of 9 Rows. 

Teedyuscung informed the Governour that he had done for this time and left it to the 
Governour's pleasure to appoint a time to answer him. 

As the Governour had by Letter informed me that Teedyuscung's Speech appeared to him 
dark and confused and desired me to call a meeting in private with the Indians to know what 
they meant. I accordingly on the 30 of July at 5 o'Clock in the morning sent for the King 
and his Counsellors and desired him to call a Council to consider well the Speeches the 
King had made, and afterwards to explain them to me. 

At half after 9 oClock Teedyuscung with Tepiscauhunk Essowego Walund, Penawaghwollind, 
Lepaghpelund, Hucklanamakee, Tangekapaway, Weneywalika, his Counsellors and John 
Pumpshire Interpreter met at my house and explained his Speeches as follows. 

The Complaints I made last Fall I yet continue. I think some lands have been bought by 
the proprietor or his agents from Indians who had not a right to sell, and to whom the 
lands did not belong. I think also when some lands have been sold to the Proprietor by 
Indians who had a Right to sell to a certain place whether that purchase was to be measured 
by Miles or Hours walk, the Proprietors have contrary to agreement or Bargain taken in more 
lands than they ought to have done and Lands that belonged to others. I therefore now desire 
that you will produce the writing and Deeds, by which you hold the land, and let them be 
read in public and examined that it may be fully known from what Indians you have bought 
the lands you hold, and how far your purchase extends, that Copies of the whole may be laid 
before King George, and published to all the Provinces under his Government. What is fairly 
bought and paid for I make no further demands about, but if any lands have been bought of 
Indians to whom these lands did not belong and who had no right to sell them, I expect 
satisfaction for these lands. And if the Proprietaries have taken in more lands than they 
bought of true owners, I expect likewise to be paid for that. But as the Persons to whom the 
Proprietaries may have sold these Lands which of right belong to me have made some 
settlements, I dont want to disturb them or force them to leave them but I expect a full 
satisfaction shall be made to the true owners for these Lands tho the Proprietaries as I said 
before might have bought them for persons that had no right to sell them. 

With respect to our settlement we intend to settle at Wyoming and we want to have certain 
boundaries fixl between you and us, and a certain tract of land fixed which it shall not be 
lawful for us or our Children ever to sell, nor for you or any of your Children ever to buy. 
We would have the boundaries fixed all round agreable to the Draught we give you that we 
may not be pressed on any side, but have a certain country fixt for our use and the use of our 
children for ever. 

And as we intend to make a settlement at Wyoming and to build different houses from what 
we have done heretofore, such as may last not only for a little time but for our children after 
us ; We desire you will assist in making our settlements and send us persons to instruct us in 
building houses, and in making such necessaries as shall be needfull. And that persons be sent 
to instruct us in the Christian Religion which may be for our future welfare, and instruct our 



LONDON DOCUMENTS: XXXIV. 303 

children in rerxcling and writing, and that a fair trade be established between us and such 
persons appointed to conduct and manage these Affairs as shall be agreable to us. 

I then asked him as Fort Augusta' was within the lands [he desired] to be assigned to them 
whether he would acknowledge that Fortress to belong to the King of Great Britain for the 
use of his Subjects in I'ensylvania and all his other subjects, and whether he would not be 
willing it should continue as a trading house not only for the good of us the English, and the 
Nations he represents but all the nations that now are or may be hereafter in alliance with 
us, and whether he will not engage in conjunction with the English to defend it against any 
of His Majesty's enemys that may come against it. 

To which the King in behalf of the Nations he represents replied, that he agrees that that 
Fort shall belong to the English. That it shall continue as a trading house, and he and his 
people in conjunction with their bretheren the English engage to defend it against any of 
his Britannick Majesty's enemies that shall come to attack it. 



At a Meeting in Eastoji, Sunday 31 Jubj 1757. P. M. 
Present — The Hon"" William Denny Esq'' Governour &" 
The Council 

The same Members of Assembly 
The Provincial Commissioners. 
A number of Gentlemen from the City of Philadelphia and others the 

Inhabitants of the Province. 
The Same Interpreters, and Indians. 

King Teedyuscung desired that before the Governour spoke what passed between him and 
me Yesterday in private Conference should be read in public which was accordingly done 
and interpreted to the Six Nations. 

Then the Governour made the following Speech. 

Brother Teedyuscung, and Bretheren, Sachems and Warriors of the ten Nations. 

It gives me pleasure to hear you declare Your satisfaction at the Appointment our great King 

has been pleased to make of Sir William Johnson to be the Superintendent of the Affairs of 

the Indians and that Sir William hath appointed M' Croghan to be his Deputy, and further to 

hear you so fully and openly acknowledge it to be the Duty of both of us to respect the Person 

whom the King has thought fit to entrust with so important a Commission. I thank you for 

those dutyful Expressions and do not in the least doubt but they come from the bottom of 

Your Hearts. I assure you Bretheren I shall heartily join my endeavours to yours that the 

good work of peace so well begun may be happily finished to our mutual satisfaction. 

_ • Gave a String. 

Brother, * 

You say that the Proceedings of our ancestors were shorter than they ought to have been in 
Respect and Behalf of their Children, and also of their own everlasting peace. 

Brother, 

Our ancestors of this Province have been always esteemed a good, honest and wise people 
and have always been distinguished for their brotherly love and kind treatment of the Indians, 

' S«« n6t« tupra, p. 286. — £d. 



304 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. 

and their Upright Dealing with them in their public transactions. You say that the cause of 
our differences proceeded from the land, and advised us to look strictly into our hearts for the 
Truth of this. 

Brother 

We have according to your desire looked into our hearts and are not sensible that any of 
our transactions with the Indians either with respect to lands or otherwise could have given 
reason for the unhappy breach between us, You have been so honest as to declare on all 
occasions that the land was not the principal cause why you struck us, but was only a reason 
why the stroke came harder on us. As then it was not the cause of our first difference it ought 
not to be any obstacle to an immediate conclusion of [the] peace, which we are now met 
together with such good intentions to establish ; However we may differ in opinion about 
matters of property these are trifling considerations compared to the important affair of uniting 
together in the firm Bonds of friendship, let us therefore for the present suspend them and all 
matters of less moment and apply ourselves in the first place heartily to the great work of 
Peace, so much wished for by both of us, and put things on such a footing that the great King 
over the Waters and his Subjects and all the Indians will be pleased with it. 

Gave a Belt. 

Brother. 

You say that if you can prevail with us to do you justice in Your complaint about land, you 
will then with a loud voice speak, and the Nations shall hear you. Brother I must now inform 
you that immediately after our last treaty I sent to the Proprietaries a Copy of the Complaints 
you then made of their defrauding you of Your lands, and received their answer to it some days 
before I set out to meet you here wherein they express the greatest concern that you who they 
conceive have been so well treated both by their father William Penn and themselves, should 
charge them with crimes of so heinous a nature as Fraud and Forgery, by which their 
Reputation (which to them and every honest Man is dearer than life itself) is so deeply 
wounded: Your Complaint has likewise been laid before the King's Ministers, who looking 
upon it as a matter of great importance, determined that it should be carefully enquired into 
and examined before some person no ways concerned in Interest, on whose honesty and 
Judgement they could depend ; and therefore appointed Sir William Johnson to hear the 
particulars of your charge and the Proprietaries Defence ; and lay the whole Matter before 
His Majesty for his Royal Determination, in order that he may do you justice himself if 
you are injured. Our great King looks on you as his Children and therefore his Ministers 
have directed the same method to be taken in hearing the Merits of Your complaints as is 
used among his own Subjects, with this Difference only that their Disputes are finally settled 
by Judges appointed for that purpose, whereas in Your case His Majesty will determine himself. 

Before I received the orders of His Majesty's Ministers that Your complaints should be 
heard before Sir William Johnson I fully intended at this Meeting tff call on the Proprietaries 
Agents t« answer the charge you made against them and to have the Matter strictly enquired 
into, but as I am the King's Servant and bound by duty as well as inclination to obey his 
orders and his Majesty's Deputy Agent M' Croghan, who is now present, informs me he has 
no power to suffer any altercation on this Complaint, and that he doe