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M. LJ 



3 1833 01150 7677 











PASSED APRIL 12, 1856. 



VOL. X. 




Volumes III., IV., v., VI., VII. and IX. of this work were published under the direction of the Govehkor, 
Secretary of State and Comptroller of the State of New-York ; and the publication has been completed 
under the authority of the Regents of the University, in virtue of the Act of the Legislature to that effect, 
passed April 12, 1856. 

The Documents in Dutch and French were translated by E. Bi O'Callaghan, M, D., LL. D., who was 
employed for that purpose, and to superintend the publication generally. 







[ Anuoaire HiBtori<iue do la SocielA de rHWoire da France pour Vannie, IS44. pp. 88-U2. 1 


[ Tlie Minister of this Department bore the titles of Chancellor, Keeper of the Seals, and Chief Judge. The names of those 
who were Chancellors are preceded by a * ; those who acted only provisionally are in. Italic } 

From To. 

1656, 1672, 28 January, * Seuuier. 

Louis XrV. ia himself Keeper of the Seals. 

1672, 24 April, 1677, 25 October, * D' Aligre, Chaacellor ia 1674. 

1677, 29 October, 1685, 30 October, * Le TcLLtER. 

1685, 1 November, 1699, S September, * Boucheeat. 

1699, 1714, * PuELippEAUX, de Pontchaitrain. 

1714, 2 July, 1717, 2 February, * Voisin. 

1717, 2 February, 1718 * D' Agcesseau. 

1718, January, 1720, 7 June, De Voter de Paulmf, Marquis d'Argenson. 

1720, 1722 * D'Aguesseau. 

1722, 28 February, 1727, 15 August, FLEURiEAa D'ABMENo>fviLLE. 

1727, 17 August, 1737 De Chaufelin, 

1737, 1750, December, * D'Aguesseau. 

1750, 9 December, . 1768 * De Lamoignow de Blancmesnil. 

1750, 9 December, 1757, 2 February, De MACHAor.T d'Aruonville. 

Louis XV. is himself Keeper of the Seals. 

1761, 13 October, 1762, 15 August, Berrier. 

1762, 1 October 1763, October, Fevdeap de Brou. 

1763, 1768, * De Madpeou ( Rene-Charles) ; Chaucellor iu 1768. 

1768, September, 1774, 24 August * De Maopeou ( Ren-Nic-Ch-Aug.). 


1663, 1671, 1 September, De Lionne ( Hugues ). 

1671, 1679, De Pomponne ( Amaud ). 

1679, 1696, Colbert de Croissy. 

1689, 1715 Colbert de Torcy, son of the preceding. 

1715, 1718, September, D'Uxelles, Marshal of France. 

1718, 1723, Dubois, Archbishop of Cambrai, afterwards 


1723, 1727, De Fleuueiau D'AR&iENOtfviLLE. 

1727, 1737, 21 February, De Chauvelin, also Keeper of the Seals. 

1737, 22 February, 1744, 17 November, Amelot, de Chaillou. 


Ministers of Foreign Affairs : Continued. 

1744, 15 November, 1747, 2 January De Voyer de Paulmy, Marquis d'Argenson. 

1747, 3 January 1751, September,.... Bbulaut de Sillery, Marquis de Puisicux. 

1751, 11 September, 1754, 24 July, Bauberie de Saint-Contest. 

1754, 28 July 1757, De Rouili.e', de Jouy. 

1757, 25 June, 1758, De Pierre, Cardinal de Bernis. 

1758, 1 November, 1761, De Choiseul Stainville. 

1761, October, 1766, De Choiseul Praslin. 


1062, 4 February, 1669, February, De 

1669, February, 1683, 6 September, Colbert. 

1683, 6 September, — . 1690, 6 November, .... Colbert de Seignelay. 

1690, 6 November, 1699, 5 September, Louis Phelipeaux, de Pontchartrain. 

1699, 6 September, 1715, 13 November, Phelipeaux ( Jerome), Count du Pontchartrain. 

1715, 13 September, 1718, Minority of Louis XV. ; a Council of Marine. 

1718, October, 1722, 8 April, Fleuriau d'Armenonville. 

1722, 9 April, 1723, 12 November, De Morville. <• 

1723, 13 November, 1749, De Maurepas. 

1749, 26 April 1754, 28 July, De Rouille'. 

1754, 28 July, 1757, 1 February De Maciiault. 

1757, 1 February 1758, 1 June, Peirenne de Moras. 

1758, 1 June, 1758, 1 November De Massiac. 

1758, 1 June, 1758, 1 November, Lenormand de Mezij, adjoined. 

1758, 1 November, 1761, 13 October, Berryer. 

1761, 13 October, 1766, 7 April, De Choiseul Stainville. 

1766, 8 April, 1770, 24 December, De Choiseul Pkaslin. 


[ Thus * mnrked, died in office. ] 

1655, 14 December, 1691, 16 July, Letellier ( Louis-Michel), Marquis deLouvois.*' 

1681, 5 December, 1701, 7 January, . , Letei.lier de Baruesieux.*' 

1701, 8 January, 1709, June Ciiamillart de Cany. 

De Chamillart, Junior ( Michel ), by right of 
succession {en survivance). 

1709, 17 June, 1715, 15 September, .... Voisin ( Daniel-Fran<;ois ). 

A Council of War is formed, composed of: 
1715, 26 November, De Villars ( Louis-Ciaude-Uect ). 

1715, 14 October 1716, 4 February, PMijipcaux de la VrilUere ( Louis ). 

1716, 4 February, 1718, 24 September, D'Armenonville, replaces M. de la Vrilliere. 

' Obtained the right to eucoeed hie father in 1C55. but did not enter on the exercise of the duties until 24th January, 1C62. 
' Having obtained the right of aucoeeding his father in 1681, he was then adjoined, but held the title only on the 16th 
July, lfi91, 


Ministers of War : Reappointed. 
Fn.m To. 

1718, 24 September, 1723, 1 July, Lf.blanc ( Claude ).* 

1723, 4 July, 1726, 10 June, Le Tonnelier de Bretedil ( Fran^ois-Vicl. ), 

par interim. 

1726, 19 June, 1728, 19 May, Lehlanc (Claude).* 

1728, 23 May, 1740, 15 February, D'Angeuvilmers.* 

1740, 20 February, 1743, 7 January, De Breteuil.* 

1743, 9 January, 1757, 1 February, De Voyer d'Argenson. 

1757, 1 February, 1758, 25 February De Voyer d'Argenson ( Antoine-Rene ), Marquis 

de Paulmy. 

1755, 3 March, 1761, 26 January, Fouquet de Beli,e-Ile ( Louis-Cbarles-Auguste).' 

1758, 9 April, De Cremillc, adjoined. 

1761, 26 January, 1770, 24 December, De Choiseul-Stainvili.e. 


1666, 1683, Colbert ( Jean-Baptiste ). 

1683, 1689, September, Le Pelletier ( Claude ). 

1689, 20 September, . 1699, Phelippeaux de PoNTCHARTRAtN ( Louis ). 

1699, 5 September, 1708, 14 February, De Chamillart ( Michel ). 

1708, 22 February, 1715, September, Des Maretz ( Nicolas ). 

A Council of Finance created, presided by 

1715, 15 September 1718, January, De Noaille ( Duke ). 

Controllers-General reappointed. 

1718, January, 1720, 4 January, De Paulmy d' Argenson, par ii.terim. 

1720, 4 January, 1720, 29 May, LAw(John). 

1720, June, 1720, December, Le Pelletier Des Forts. 

1720, 10 December 1722, 1 April, Le Pelletier de la Hocssaye. 

1722, April 1726, 1 2 June, Dodun ( Charles Gaspard ). 

1726, 14 June, 1730, 19 March Le Pelletier Des Forts (Michel-Robert). 

1730, 20 March 1745, 5 December, Orry ( Philibert ). 

1745, 6 December, 1754, 29 July, De Machault d'Arnonville. 

1754, 29 July, 1756, 25 August, Des Sechelles ( Jean-Moreau ). 

1756, 25 August 1757, 1 February, Peirenne de Moras ( Francois-Marie ). 

1757, 25 August, 1759, 4 March, De Bullogne ( Jean Nicolas ). 

1759, March, 1759, November, . De Silhouette. 

1759, November, 1763, December, Bertin ( Henri-Leonard-Jean-Bapti.ste ). 

1763, December, 1768, ~. De l'Averdy ( Clement-Charles-Francois ). 

' M. de Crcmille signed with him. 

Tlie Editor is indebted to Alphecs Tod, Esq., Librarian of the Legislative Assembly uf Cftnada, for the use of the vohime 
from which the above list is extracted. 


1T46. Pack. 

June 18. Letter of M. de Buauharnois to Count de Maurepas — Revolt at fie Royale, <te 1 

August 13. Letter of General Duclmmbon to Count d 'Argeiiaon — Surrender of Louisbourg, ifec. 2 

September 12. Letter of Messrs. deBeauharnois and Hoequart to Count de Maurepas — Messrs. La Loutre, Germain and 

Maillard — Acadia, Louisbourg, Boston, New-York, <tc., 3 

October 28. Letter of M. de Beauharnois to Count de Maurepas 19 

July andSepL Conference between M. de Beauharnois and some of the Five Nations, 22 

November 4. Letter of M. de Beauharnois to Count de Maurepas — menaces of the English — necessity of supplies, &c., 27 

April Memorandum of arrangements for the Battalions embarked on board the Duke d'Anville's fleet for 

Canada, with instructions to M. de Meric, appointed to command the troops, 27 

April 26. Abstract of despatches concerning Louisbourg, 31 

August 31. Military movements of the French in New England, New-York, (fee., from the month of December, 

1745, to September, 1746 32 

October 28. Letter of de Beauharnois to Count de Maurepas — garrison at Niagara — Oswego — Louisiana — Illinois, ifec. 36 
November 13. Journal of what has occurred of an interesting cliaracter in the Colony, in reference to military opera- 
tions, and intelligence received from November, 1745, to November, 1746 38 


January 15. Abstract of the Canadian despatches of 1746 — military operations, &c 76 

February 12. Capitulation granted by the troops of his Most Christian Majesty to those of his Britannic Majesty, at 

the Grand-Pre, Nova Scotia, 78 

June 23. Account, by M. Boisherbert, of a French and Indian expedition against Fort Clinton, N. Y., &a 79 

October 8. Account, by Chevalier de la Corne, of an Incursion of a party of English, Dutch and Indians into the 

Island of Montreal, &a .- 81 

November Report of M. Boisherbert upon the subject of the intrigues of the English with the Indians — Detroit — 

Niagara — Fort Frontenac, &c 83 

November 9. Journal of the most interesting occurrences in the Colony, in reference to military movements, and of 

intelligence received — from November, 1746, to 9th November, 1747 89 

January 28. Abstract of despatches of M. de la Gallissoniere, Governor of Canada — French incursions into New- 
York — Saratog.i — Michilimakinac — Detroit — English intrigues with the Indians, &c 132 

September 1. Letter of M. de la Galissonicre to the Minister — commerce of the Colonies — means of advancing Louis- 
iana—Illinois, &c 134 

October 9. Journal of the most interesting occurrences in Canada, from November 8, 1747, to October 9, 1748, ... 137 

September 26. Abstract of despatches from Canada, 179 

October 23. Letter from M. dela Galissouiore to Count de Maurepas — Miamis — Detroit — Michilimakinac — M. de St. 

Pierre, &c 181 

October 26. Letter of M. de la Galissoniere to Count de Maurepas— exchange of prisoners — Boston — New- York, <fec., 18.5 
November 2. Conference between M. de la Galissonifire and the deputies of the Six Nations in the Castle of St. Louis, 

at Quebec, 186 


December 7. Letter of the Duke of Bedford to Governor Clinton, directing an exchange of prisoners, 197 

December 7. Royal warrant for an exchange of prisoners in America, 197 



1750. Paoe. 

February 26. Letter of the Duke of Bedford transmitting further orJors respecting an exchange of prisoners 198 

February 28. Letter of M. Rouillc to M. de Janqui^re, Governor of Canada, directing an exchange of prisoners in 

America 199 

July 29. Minute of the taking possessioo of the Ohio river aud its tributaries, by M. de Celoron 189 

Seiitember 10. Letter of M. de Puyzieulx to M. de la Galissoniere, 189 

Abstract of correspondence between M. de la Galissoniere — Colonel Mascarene— Governor Shirley — 

Governor Cliuton — M. des Ligneris — Colonel Johnson, respecting an exchange of prisoners, itc 190 

October 20. Return of the artillery in Canada at this date, 195 

December 1. Letter of the Duke of Bedford to Governor Clinton directing an exchange of prisoners 197 

December 7. Royal warrant for an exchange of prisoners in America, 1 97 


February 2G. Letter of the Duke of Bedford transmitting further orders respecting an exchange of prisoners, 198 

February 28. Letter of M. Rouill<5 to M. de la Jonqui^re Governor of Canada, directing an exchange of jirisoners in 

America 199 ' 

April Abstract of despatches from Canada to the 7th November, 1749 — Indian trade at Fort Toronto — 

Necessity of the French becoming masters of Oswego — settlement at La Presentation by Abbe Picquet, 

<te 199 

May 1 5-27. Conference between M. de la Jonquicre and the Cayuga Indians 205 

July 16. Letter of M. de la Jonquicre to M. Rouillc — exchange of pi-isoners with New-York and New England, 209 

June 23-26 Minute of certain interviews between the French authorities in Canada and Lieutenant Stoddert and 

Captain Anthony Van Sehaiek, at Montreal, relative to exchange of prisoners, <tc 211 

June 27. list of English prisoners detained in the Government of Canada, 214 

June 27. Letter of M. Douville, Commandant at Sault St. Louis, to the Marquis de la Jonquicre, stating that 

certain English prisoners did not wish to return, 215 

July 7. Letter of the Earl of Albemarle to M. de Puysieulx — French repossess themselves of the country 

between the River St. John and Beaubassin, and burn the latter post, <tc 216 

July 23. Letter of M. de Puysieulx to the Earl of Albemarle, in answer to the preceding despatch 218 

August C. Letter of M. Bigot to M. Rouillc, showing the efforts of the French to excite the Indians against the 

English, &c., 218 

September 18. Abstract of despatches from M. de Vaudreuil, Governor of Louisiana — French and English intrigues — 

the Indians 219 

December. Memoir by M. dela Galissoniere respecting the French Colonies in North America — their utility — the 

necessity of their preservation — designs of the English — general reflections, ifec, 220 


July 1 1. Conference between M. de la Jonquicre and the Onondagas 232 

September 20. Conference between M. de la Jonquicre and the Indians of La Presentation, 237 

September 23. Cabinet memorandum respecting attempts of the English to settle upon the Ohio river, 239 

October 17. Letter of M. de la Jonquicre to M. Rouillc 240 

June 12. Letter from Governor Clinton to M. de la Jonquicre — usurpations of the French at Niagara. Ac, 240 

August 10. Reply of M. de la Jonquicre to Governor Clinton — the Iroquois have never recognized the King of 

England as their master — their natural inclination is towards France — the Iroquois alone have a right 

to complain, <tc 240 


Abstract of M. de la Jonquicre'a despatches — intrigues of the English with the Indians on the Ohio — 

tlioy become every day more dangerous, Ac 240 

March 1. Letter of the Earl of Albemarle to the Earl of Iloldernes-e respecting three English Colonists taken on 

the Ohio, and in prison in Rochelle, 241 

Apiil Minute of instructions to be given to M. Duquesne, and abstract of M. de la Jonquiire's despatches — 

project to drive the English from the Ohio, Ac , 242 

May 21. Letter of 5L de Longueuil to M. Rouillc— loss of despiitches from the Detroit, Ac, — perfidy of the 

English — they eliould be expelled, Ac, 245 

July 5. Conference between the Abenaquia and Captain Pliineas Stevens, in presence of M. de Lon{;ueuil, Ac.,. . 252 

August SO. Letter of M. du Qucsne to M. Rouillc— details of his proceedings with the Indians— designs against the 

English, Ac 256 

October 81. Letter of Governor Dinwiddie to IL do St, Pierre, summoning him to quit the Ohio river, 253 



December 15. 

July 24. 

October 13. 
October 2S. 

October 31. 
October 23. 
November 6. 

February 17. 

February 17. 
February 17. 

February 27. 
January 8. 



July 6. 

July 6. 

July 9. 

July 10. 

July 15. 

July 24. 

August 1 3. 
July 9. 

August 16. 

August 16. 

September 5. 

September 5. 
September 14. 

September 1 5. 

September 25. 


Letter of M. de St Pierre, declining to comply with the preceding demand 258 

Cabinet paper on the designs of England and Austria against France 259 

Letter of XI. Varin to M. Bigot— the English defeated by M. de Villiers, on the Ohio, &c 260 

Extract of M. de Villiers' Journal— detail of the defeat of the English, &c. 261 

Letter of M. Duquesna to M. de Machault — details of Indian affairs, <tc. 262 

Letter of M. Duqu^sne to M. de Machault— observations on the conduct of the English— must liMve 

been in consequence of orders from the King of Groat Britain, <te., 264 

Letter of M. Duquesne to M. de Machault — his proceedings with the Indians, &c., 263 

Secret conference held at Montreal with the Indians — Belt of the Onondagas, Ac, 267 

Letter of M. de Machault to M. Duquesne — does not think that the King of England has authorized the 
movements on the Ohio — an explanation will be demanded — M. Duquesne to act on the defensive — 

but a proper discretion left him, &e., 270 

Capitation List of Canada for this year, 27 1 

Letter of M. de Machault to M. Duquesne — Movements of the English Court — Views and instructions of 

the French Government, Ac. 27 5 

Letter of M. de Machault to M. Varin — Instructions for the Commissariat, Ac, 27S 

Letter of M. de Machault, to M. de Bompar, Governor of the Windward Islands, enjoining him to watch 

the English movements, Ac 280 

Letter of Messrs. de Drucour and Pr§vost, to M. DuqnOsne — with intelligence from New- York, Ac, . . 281 
Extract of an enigmatical letter from New-York to M. Fr6vost, Commissary at Cape Breton, with the 

interpretation thereof, 283 

Draft of a commission for the Baron de Dieskau, to be Commandant of the troops in Canada, Ac 285 

Instructions from the King to the Baron de Dieskau, Ac. 286 

Extract of a letter from M. Duquesne to M. de Drucour — Indians on the Ohio, Ac. 290 

Private instructions from the King to M. de Vaudreuil (appointed Governor of Canada, Ac.,) in refer- 
ence to the conduct he is to observe towards the English, Ac, 290 

Extract from the General instructions to M. de Vaudreuil — Indians, Ac 295 

Letter of M. Prcvost to M. de Machault — Intelligence of designs of the English, Ac 296 

Journal of M. de Vaudreuil's voyage to Canada, 297 

List of the ships composing M. de la Mothe's fleet 298 

Letter of M. Duquesne to M. de Vaudreuil, respecting the Ohio river and its dependencies — Niagara, &c., 300 

Letter of M. de Salvert to M. de Machault — News from Louisburg, Ac 302 

An account of the Battle at the Monong.ihela, 303 

Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to M. de Machault — Oswego — Niagara, Ac, 305 

Letter of M. Duquesne to M. de Machault — expresses his mortification at being superseded by M. de 

Vaudreuil — Dieskau's expedition, Ac 300 

Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to M. de Machault — Discouraging appearance of things in Canada — M. 

Duquesne — Oswego — Dieskau's expedition, Ac, Ac 306 

Letter of M. Breard to M. ds Machault — Braddock's defeat — Oswego, Ac 309 

Return of artillery, munitions of war belonging to the Englisli, Ac, found upon the field of battle at 

the Monongahela 311 

Letter of Baron Dieskau to M. Dorcil — -about to set out on his campaign — hopes to "derange the 

projects of the English " — contents of General Braddock's papers, Ac, 311 

Letter of the Chevalier de Montreuil to Count d'Argenson — Baron Dieskau is a good general, and 

good soldier, Ac 313 

Letter of M. de Machault to M. de Vaudreuil — recall of the French Ambassador at London — news of 

Braddock's defeat has augmented the confidence of the King, Ac 313 

Letter of M. de Machault to Messrs. de Drucourt and Prevost^ — supplies, Ac, to Louisburg, Ac 314 

Letter of Baron Dieskau to Count d'Argenson — giving the particulars of his defeat — is taken prisoner — 

bis treatment — the state of his wounds, Ac, 316 

Letter of Baron de Dieskau to M. de Vaudreuil — news of his defeat — he is to be taken to Albany 

to-morrow, Ac , 318 

Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to the Minister — observations upon M. de Dieskau's conduct — his defeat the 

consequence of not following his Instructions, Ac, — general remarks on Canadian affairs, Ac, 318 








r 4. 

September 8. 


September 30. 































October 31. 
December 21. 










SL de Vaudreuil's Instructions to M. de Dieekau 327 

Baron de Dieskau's general orders for the raorch and attack, <tc 330 

E.tamination of a prisoner tnken by M. de Dieskau, ." 831 

Reexitmination of the same prisoner before JI. de Vaudreuil, 333 

Chevalier de Montreuil's account of M. de Dieskau's march, and of the attack on the English, <fec 335 

Jouinal of the operations of the French army, from its departure from Qnebec to the 30lh of 

September, 337 

Dialogue between Marshal Saxe and Baron de Dieskau in the Elyaian Fields 340 

Conference between M. de Vaudreuil and other French officers, and a deputation of Iroquois at 

Montreal 345 

Letter of M. Malartio Adjutant of the regiment of Beam, at Cataraqui, to Count d'Argenson, with 

an account of the movements of that regiment 347 

E.vamlnation of Canadians taken prisoners on the Ohio, and carried to London, 28th May, 1754 352 

Letter of Chevalier de Montrenil to Count d'Argenson — account of the defeat of Baron de 

Dieskau, &c. 353 

Letter of Baron de Dieskau to iL de Vaudreuil, dated at Albany, 355 

Letter of Chevalier de Montreuil to Count d'Argenson — M. de Dieskau's defeat — subsequent opera- 
tions, &c., 355 

Report of SL Doreil on the Staff serving in America, and on their situation this day 357 

Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to M. de Machault — operations in Acadia, 353 

Letter of M. Doreil to Count d 'Argenson — particulars of losses at Lake St. Sacrament — state of the 

army, <tc 360 

Answer of M. de Vaudreuil to the speeches of the deputies of the Five Nations 361 

Letter from M. Bigot to M. de Machault— contents of the papers found on the field after the action at 

the Mononghahela 364 

Letter of M. Lotbinicre to Count d'Argenson — details of occurrences in Canada since the spring — 

observations, <fec., 305 

Letter of M. Doreil to Count d 'Argenson — criticism of M. Dieskau — necessities of the army — details of 

service, Ac, 368 

Letter of M. Vaudreuil to M. de Machault — military details — necessities of the army — officers, Ac.,. . . . 374 
Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to M. de Machault — defection of the Indians— intrigues of the English — 

Detroit, &c 376 

Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to M. de Machault — he has arrested the progress of the English in all their 

projects, <tc., 376 

Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to M. de Machault — details of Indian affairs, Ac, 377 

Letter of Louis XV, to George II., setting forth the complaints of France 378 

Abstract of M. de Vaudreuil's despatches from Canada, to 8th November 380 

Printed Account of what has occurred this year in Canada, 381 

Letter of M. de Machault to M. do Vaudreuil, Governor, and M. de Laune, Intendant, of the Island of 

St. Domingo — state of affairs — instructions 385 

Letter of Baron de Dieskau to Count d'Argenson — state of liis health, itc 387 

Remarks of the British Ministry on the Letter of Louis XV., to tlie King of England — answer to the 

complaints of France — defence of the conduct of England, itc 387 

Letter of M .de Vaudreuil to M. de Machault, — Military arrangements — Niagara — Oswego — Indians, <tc., 391 
Letter of Count d'Argenson to M. de Vaudreuil— hopes that M. de Dieskau's successor will be more 

prudent, Ac, 392 

Letter of Count d'Argenson to M. Malartic 393 

Letter of Count d'Argenson to M. Doreil — M. de Montcalm appointed successor to M. de Dieskau — 

arrangements, <tc., 393 

Letter of Count d'Argenson to M. de Montreuil, 394 

Commission of the Marquis de Montcalm to command the troops in Canada, under the Governor- 

Geueral, in place of the Baron de Dieskau 394 

Letter of Count d'Argenson to M. de Montcalm — enclosing his Commission, Ac, / 395 

Instructions to Ensign Douville, sent on an expedition from Fort Duqucsne, o9fl 

Extract of a Iclttr written at Quebec 390 


1756. I'agk. 

April 14. Extract of a lctt»r from Quebec — pnrticulara of attack on Fort Bull, 396 

May' 1. Abstract of the occuiTences iu Cauada, subsequent to the debarkation of the troops in June, 1755, and 

until the Isl May, 1756 397 

May 21. Letter of M. de Montcalm to Count d'Argensou— his arrival at Quebec, 13th May— every thing in 

readiness to commence the campaign, &c 399 

June Journal of the occurrences in Canada, from October, 1755, to June, 1756 401 

Capture of Fort Bull, Oneida County, New-York 403 

June 1. Let er from M. Kerlerec, Governor of Louisiana, to M. de Machault 406 


November 10. Letter of .M. Dumas, Corainandant of Fort Duc^nesne to M. Makarty, Commandant at the Illinois, 407 

June 4. Abstract of M. de VaudreuiPs letters in February, 1756— Indians rising against the English— Fort 

Duqucsne — English preparations against Canada, <fcc, 407 

June 8. Letter of M. de VauJreuil to Count d'Argensou — military arrangements — M. de Montcalm " is very 

prepossessing " — hopes a good understanding with him, <fec., 411 

June 8. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to M. de Machault— the conduct he proposes to adopt respecting the English, 

Indians, <fec ^'^ 

June 12. Letter of M. de Slontealm to Count d'Argenson, — details of military operations — Lake St, Sacrement — 

Carillon — Frontenac— good understanding with M. de Vaudreuil, &c., 413 

June 12. Letter of M. de Montcalm to M. de Machault— arrival of troops and supplies at Montreal, &c,, 418 

June 12. Letter of M. de Montreuil to — much pleased with M. de Montcalm, who will give him 

much more work than M. Dieskali, &C., 419 

June 17. Letter of M. de Montcalm to Count d'Argenson — opening cf the Campaign, &c, 420 

June 19. Letter of M. de Montcalm to the Minister — arrangements for the campaign with M. de Vandreuil — he 

is very irresolute, <te ^"^ 

June 22. Letter of Baron de Dieskau to Count d'Argenson, dated New-York — owes his life to Sir William 

Johnson, without whose interference he would infallibly have been burnt to death, by the Indians 

in revenge, &e 422 

July Abstract of despatches from Fort DuquCsne— the Ohio— the Lakes- movements of the English in 

New-York, New England and Acadia, &c., 423 

July 5. Letter of M. de Vaudieuil, to M. de Machault— movements on Lake Ontario, Ac, 428 

July IS. General detail of a victory gained by the French over the English, in the attack on the city of 

"Manton ' belonging to the English, <tc 429 

June 27 <t 23 Return of the nnmf^s of the French officers and the number of men killed and wounded at the siege of 

Fort St Philip, Port Mahon, on the Island of Minorca 4:!0 

July 20. Letter of M. do Montcalm to Count d'Argenson— he has been to Carillon, <fcc.,— situation of affairs 

there, &c 432 

August 8. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to M. de Machault— details of the state of things at the Western Posts, &c., 425 

August 13. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to M. de Machault— negotiations with the Indians, A'c. 438 

August 14. Journal of the siege of Oswego, commenced llih and finished 14tb August 440 

August 14. Articles of capitulation of Fort Oswego, &c., 444 

August 20. Conference between M. Vaudreuil and deputations of the Five Nations at Montreal, between 28th July 

and 20th August, 1756, . 4** 

August 22. Letter of an officer engaged in the siege of Oswego, giving details, &c., 453 

August Another account of the siege of Oswego, &c., ■ **'' 

August 28. Letter of M. de Montcalm to Count d'Argenson— details of the affair at Oswego— "The transplanted 

English are not the same as the English of Europe,"— conduct of the Indians— cannot deny that 

there was a little pillage "which had to be tolerated,"— It is difficult to hinder "300 Indians 

and 1500 Canadians, making a quarry," <!ic. *^' 

August 28. Letter of M. Desandrouins to , —details about Oswego— horrible cruelties of the Indians, &c., 466 

August 28. Particulars of the events of ihe Campaign of 1756, ■_■• 466 

August 30. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to Count d'Argenson— Capture of Oswego-Lake St. Sacrement— ambition 

of the English, Ac *'^'^ 

Articles of the capitulation of Oswego, ^ ' * 

September 15. Abstract of despatches from Canada, Ac.,— movements on Lake Ontario- Lake Champlain— the 

frontiers of Pennsylvania — Fort Duquesne, Ac i *75 


1756. Page. 
September 22. Letter of M. de Montcalm to Couat d'Argenson — his ariival at TioouJeroga — arrangements to harrass 

the English, Ac 487 

Si-ptember 26. Letter of M. de Montcalm to Count d'Argenson — affairs at Lake St. Saerainuut, ito 4S8 

September 26. Letter from M. de Montcalm to Count d'Argenson — militaiy operations — Carillon — Fort Duquusne, &c., 490 
November 1. Letter of M. de Montcalm to Count d'Argenson — has quilted the camp and returned to Montreal — 

observations upon the stale of affairs, otEcers, ifee., 490 

November 2. LetterofM. Lolbiniisre to the Minister — Fort Carillon — observations on the forls at Oswego — Acadia, ifee., 493 
November G. Letter of M. de Vaudrcuil to M. de Machault — review of his conduct as Governor-General — observa- 
tions on the state of affairs in Canada, ifee 490 

November 10. Letter of M. de Vivudreuil to M. de Machault— affairs of Stobo and Vanbrant, Ac 499 

December 30. Conferences between M. de Vaudreuil and the deputies of the Indian nations at Moutn-al, from 13th to 

30lh Decetnber, 1756 499 

January 15. Abstract of the letters of M. de Vaudreuil and of the Intendant — Fort Duquesne — Acadia — Oswego — 

M. de Montcalm, itc, 518 

January 15. Inventory of the various stores found in the forts at Chouaguen 520 

Ministerial note upon the state of the forces in Canada — their augmentation — plan of campaign, <tc.,. . 523 
February 13. Letter of Duke de Belleisle to M. de Moras on the subject of the designs of the English, and the 

preparations necessary on the part of the French Cabinet, <!tc., 526 

March 13. Letter of M. Coquart to the Minister, 627 

Letter of the Reverend CL Geof. Cocquart, S. J., to his brother — narrative of the state of affairs in 

Canada— complimentary verses to M. de Vaudreuil 52g 

March 20. Letter of M. de Paulray to M. de Vaudreuil — approval of his conduct, Ac 535 

Marcli 20. Letter of M. de Paulrny to M. de Montcalm — approves his conduct, Ac, 536 

April 7. Letter of Baron de Dieskau to Count d 'Argenson, dated Bath ( England )— state of his health, Ac 537 

April 15. Letter of M. de Panlmy to M. de Montcalm — necessity of a good understanding between the Regular 

troops and the Canadians, Ac 538 

April 19. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to M. de Machault — negotiations with the Western Indians, Ac., 539 

April 19. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to M. de Machault— Indian incursions into New Jersey, Ac 541 

April 22. Letter of M. de Vaudienil to the Keeper of the Seals— an expedition against Fort William Ileury in 

January and March 642 

February An account of an attack on Fort William Henry by a detachment under the command of M. de Rigaud, 644 

April 24. Letter of Chevalier de Levis to M. de Paulrny — detail of Military operations at Carillon, Ac, 540 

April 24. Letter of M. de Montcalm to Count d 'Argenson — military operations during the winter — sufferings of 

the soldiers, Ac 647 

April 24. Letter of M. de Montcalm to Count d 'Argenson — conduct of the French officers in Canada — details of 

service, Ac 550 

April 24. Letter of M. de Montcalm to M. de Paulrny — Indian embassy to Montreal — military operations on the 

frontier, Ac So.'} 

April 24. Account of the embassy of the Five Nations to Montreal, in November, 1756 555 

May 7. Letter of M. Doreil to Count d'Argenson — military and commissariat details 603 

May 23. Letter of M. de Montcalm to Count d 'Argenson— want of provisions, Ac 505 

Juno 1. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to M. de Moras— consequences of the expedition against the English last 

winter — preparations for attacking Fort William Henry are all made, but he wants provisions, Ac, 665 

June 16. Letter of M. de Malartio to Count d'Argenson — movements at Carillon and on the lake, Ac. 567 

Account of two expeditions at Carillon against the English in the winter of 1757, 609 

July 1. Intelligence from Cape Breton 672 

July 11. Letter of SL de Montcalm to M. de Paulmy — want of reiuforcements and of provisions — commencement 

of the campaign — prospects 673 

July 11. Letter of M. de Montcalm to M. dc Moras, requesting that he be authorized to act as OovernorGeneral in 

case of M. de Vaudrcuil's death 676 

July 12. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to M. de Moras — affairs at Carillon and the lake — Lord Loudoun— Fort 

George, Ac, , 579 

July 12. Letter of M. do Vaudreuil to M. de Moras— alTairs on the Ohio— Fort Duqutsno— the Indians, Ac 680 

July 12. Letter of M. do Vaudreuil to M. de Moras — details of his arrangements for the conquest of Fort William 

Henry— iiiBlructiouB to M. de Montcahii, Ac, , 064 


1757. Tage. 

July 13. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to II. de Moi'as— negotiations with the Indians— intrigues of the English, <tc., 5SG 
July 13. Letter of M. de Vaudrcuil to M. de Moras— negotiations with the Indians on the Ohio — frontiers of 

Maryland and Pennsylvani-i, &e 588 

July 27. Letter of M. de Montcalm to M. de VauJreuil, with an account of M. Marin's succesful expedition 

agaiust the English near Fort Lydius — victory on Lake St. Sacrement, cfee., 591 

July 26 List of killed, wounded and missing, in the engagement at Sabbath D.iy Point, 2fith July, 1757 592 

July 31. Letter of M. Doreil to M. de Paulmy — M. Marin's expedition— n.aval victory on Lake St. Sacrement — M. 

de Montcalm in full march to attack Fort William Henry — his arrangements, &c 593 

July 31. Ministerial Minute upon the negotiations of M. de Vaudreuil with the Indians — their results — precau- 
tions against the extension of the English influence, &c 595 

August 14. Letter of M. Doreil to M. de Paulmy— news of the surrender of Foit William Henry, itc., 69G 

August 15. Letter of M. de Montcalm to M. de Paulmy — capitulation of Fort William Henry — he cannot 

" that it has unfortunately suffered some iufriictions on the part of the Indians," cte. 597 

August 16. Journal of the expedition against Fort William Henry, from 12tli July to IGtli August 593 

August 19. Letter of M. de Bougainville to M. de Paulmy, with full details of M. de Montcalm's expedition against 

Fort William Henry COS 

Articles of capitulation granted the garrison of Fort William Henry, 617 

August 14. Letter from M. de Montcalm to Brigadier Webb — conduct of the Indians towards the prisoners, Ac.,. . 618 

August 14. Letter from M. de Montcalm to Lord Loudoun— same subject, 619 

jnly 30. Order of march of the two columns of the French army against Fort William Henry, 620 

August 9. Return of the garrison of Foit William Henry and of the troops encamped there, 621 

Return of the army under the command of M. de Montcalm, at the siege of Fort William Henry 025 

August 9. Statement of the munitions of war and of the provisions, &c., found in Fort William Henry after its 

capture 626 

September 4. Detail of the operations in the campaign of 1757, from 30th July to 4th September 627 

Names of the Indian Nations attached to the French army at the siege of Fort William Henry 629 

September 8. Letter of M. de Montcalm to M. de Paulmy — conduct of the Indians after the capitulation of Fort 

William Henry ; 631 

September Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to M. de Moras ( drawn up by M. de Montcalm), explaining the conduct of 

the Indians, and seeking to exculpate tlie French, <fec., 631 

September IS. Letter of M. de Montcalm to M. de Paulmy — details of matters since the surrender of Fort William 

Henry 635 

July 25. Circular of M. de Montcalm to the Commandants of battalions 637 

Se[itember IS. Letter of M. de Montcalm to M. de Paulmy — remarks upon the character of the French officers in 

Canada — great want of supplies, &e., 638 

October Account of the campaign in North America in 1757, '. 640 

October 18. Summary of the preceding accounts 644 

October 18. Account of the capture of Fort William Henry, with'the events of the war in Canada this year — 

( printed by the French Government) 645 

October 25. Letter of M. Doreil to M. de Paulmy — Commissariat details, &c 651 

October 30. Memoir of Chevalier Lemercier of the artillery in the various ports and garrisons in Canada 655 

November 1. Cabinet memorandum upon a scheme for the English to attack Quebec, proposed by a Canadian in 

Holland 657 

August 13. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to M. de Moras upon the subject of the above proposed plan, Ac, 657 

November 1. Cabinet memorandum upon the subject of the expedition against Fort William Henry and the non- 
attacking Fort Edward, (fee, 659 

August 7. Extract of a letter from M. de Vaudreuil to M. de Montcalm, urging him to reduce Fort Lydius 600 

July 9. Instructions of M. de Vaudreuil to M. de Montcalm, for the expedition ag.ainst Fort William Henry, . . . 661 
August IS. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to M. de Moras — disappointment at M. de Montcalm's expedition terminating 

with the reduction of Fort William Henry, only — his accounts of the affair defective — M. de 

Vaudreuil's remarks thereupon, &e 663 

November 3. Letter of M. Bigot to M. de Moras— expenses in Canada, itc. , 666 

November 3. Letter of M. Pouchot to M. de Paulmy— Fort at Niagara, &C. 667 

November 4. Letter of M. de Montcalm to M. de Paulmy — great want of provisions— news from the outposts, &c, ... 668 

Memorandum of requisitions for articles to be sent to Canada, 672 

November 28. Summary account of M. de Bellctre's expedition against the Gorman Flats, i?-c. 672 

Topographical description of the Country between the muulh of the Oswego river and Albany, etc., 074 



1758. Pagh. 

January Cabinet memoranJam respecting the militia in Canada, and the means of deriving the greatest advantage 

from it, in the approaching campaign, C82 

List of British foot Regiments in America, in 1758, 682 

January 26. Letter of Baron de Dieakau to M. de Montreuil, dated Bath — testifying to his good conduct in the battle 

of September, 1755, &c., C82 

February 18. Letter of M de Vaudreuil to M. de Moras — negotiations with the Indians 683 

February 19. Letter of M. de Montcalm to M. de Paulmy — surprise of the Palatine Village, Ac, 684 

February 19. Letter of M. de Montcalm to M. de Moras — details of military affairs — scarcity of provisions — his own 

pay insufficient, &c., 686 

February 20. Letter of the Chev. de Levis to .M. de Paulmy — distresses of the officers in Canada, Ac, 6S8 

February 23. Letter of M. de Montcalm to M. de Paulmy — Councils with the Indians — proposed limits between the 

French and English in America 690 

February 26. Letter of M. de Paulmy to M. de Montcalm — Marshal de Belle Isle appointed Minister of War, <fec., ... 691 
April 10. Letter of M. de Montcalm to M. de Paulmy — defeat of Major Rogers and his detachment — designs of 

the English, <feo , 692 

April 14. Letter of M. Pouchot to Marshal de Belle Isle 694 

General observations upon the boundaries of Canada, by Captain Pouchot, <tc., 695 

April 18. Letter of M. de Montcalm to Marshal de Belle Isle, 696 

Bulletin of the most important operations in Canada, itc, 1757, 8 697 

April 18. Letter of M. de Montcalm to M. de Paulmy — Proceedings of the English with the Indians — counter 

negotiations of the French — situations of the troops — small pox among the Indians in the West 

occasioned by their pillaging the English at Fort William Henry, &c., 698 

April 21. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to M. de Moras — Colonel Johnson's negotiations with the Indians, <tc. 70O 

April 30. Letter of M. Doreil to Marshal de Belle Isle — great distress in Canada for want of provisions — situation 

of the troops — defeat of an English detachment under Rogers, &a., 701 

May 19. Letter of M. Daine to Marshal de Belle Isle — deplorable situation of Canada for want of provisions, <fee., 704 

June 1. Letter of M. d'tlughes to Marshal de Belle Isle 706 

June 1 Remarks upon the situation of the fort at Carillon and its approaches, by M. d'Hughes, 707 

June 2. Memorandum of News from Carillon 710 

June Memorandum of the price of the principal necessaries of life, in Canada 711 

June JO. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to M. de Moras — exchange of prisoners, <fec 711 

March 22. Proposition of Captain J. Corriveau, and other Canadian prisoners, to General Abercromby, for their 

exchange, 712 

April 24. Letter of General Abercromby to M. de Vaudreuil, 713 

April 24. Letter of General Abercromby to M. de Vaudreuil, 713 

June 4. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to General Abercromby 714 

June 5. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil ti) the commandant at Fort Edward, 716 

Juno 16. Letter of M. Doriel to .Marshal de Belle Isle — opening of the campaign — supplies, Ac 717 

Juno 17. Letter of Chevalier de Levis to Marshal de Belle Isle — about to set out on his expedition — its objects, 

Ac, 719 

July 8. Memoir on Fort Carillon, by M. le Pont le Roy 720 

July 10. Journal of the military operations before Ticonderoga 721 

July 12. Letter of Major-General Abercromby to Mr. Secretary Pitt — English account of the battle of Ticon- 
deroga •. 725 

Names of the British officers killed and wounded at Ticonderoga, 728 

July 12. Letter of M. de Montcalm to Marshal de Belle Isle — account of the action of 8th July at Carillon, 732 
July 14. Another account of the operations at Ticonderoga, 8th July, 1758, by an officer in the British army — 

" What will our posterity say f " 734 

July 20. Letter of il de Montcalm to Marshal de Belle Isle, with 7;;7 

Report of M. de Montcalm of the victory gained over the English at Ticonderoga, 737 

French account of the battle of Ticonderoga, printed at Rouen, 741 

July 28. Letler of M. Doreil to M. de Moras— details of the affair of the 8th July, ic, 744 

July Account of the descent of the English into Canada, and the victory gained over them by the French, Ac, 747 

July 9. Letter of M. de Montcalm to M. de Vaudreuil 748 

Rediirn of the French officers killed and wounded, 6th and 8lh July 750 

July 28. Letter of M. Doreil Iq Marshal Belle Jslo— battle of Ticonderoga. Ac, , '?02 



1758. Page. 

July 28. Letter of M. de Montcalm to M. de Massiac, ^SO 

July 12. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to M. de Montcalm, -757 

July 16. Observations of M. dc Montcalm, on the atiove letter, 757 

Extract of a letter from M. de Montcalm to .M. de Vaudreuil, accompanying the preceding Observations, "768 

July 15. Extract of a letter of M. de Vaudreuil to M. de Montcalm, 759 

July 18. Extract of a letter of M. de Montcalm to .M. de Vaudreuil, in reply, 7,59 

July 17. Extract of a letter of M. de Vaudreuil to M. de Montcalm 760 

July 26. Extract of a letter of M. de Montcalm to M. de Vaudreuil, in reply, 760 

July 28. Letter of M. de Montcalm to M. de Massiac— critical situation of the Colony 761 

July 28. Letter of M. Doreil to M. de Cremille — M. de Montcalm above all praise, <tc 762 

July 30. Letter of M. Doreil to M de Puulmy — general details— bravery and modesty of Montcalm, &o., 766 

July 31. Letter of M. Doreil to Marshal de Belle Isle, with remarks of Jt de Montcalm upon the urgent necessity 

of a peace, &a 767 

August 2. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to M. de Massiac 77 1 

June 26. Letter of General Abercromhy to M. de Vaudreuil 772 

July 21. Parole of honor of Captain J. Corriveau 772 

July 21. Power from General Abereromby to Colonel Schuyler to treat for an exchange of prisoners, 773 

July 21. Letter of General Abereromby to M. de Montcalm 774 

July 24. Letter of M. de Montcalm to General Abereromby in reply 774 

August 1. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to General Abereromby 776 

August 8. Letter of M. de Montcalm to M. de Massiac, complaining of the want of harmony between him and 

M. de Vaudreuil 777 

August 2. Extract of a letter from M. de Montcalm to M. de Vaudreuil, on the subject of the disunion which 

notoriously exists between them 778 

August 4. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to M. de Massiac — differences with M. de Montcalm, &c., 779 

June 23. Instructions from M. de Vaudreuil to M. de Montcalm 783 

June 23. Letter of M. de Montcalm to M. de Vaudreuil, thereupon, 786 

June 23. Memoir of M. de Montcalm containing his observations on M. de Vaudreuil's instructions 786 

July 8. Account of the victory of M. de Montcalm over the English on July 8, with M. de Vaudreuil'B 

Observations thereupon, ( in parallel columns) 788 

July 8. Another return of French officers killed and wounded, July 8, in the battle of Tioonderoga 798 

July 12. Letter of .M. de Vaudreuil to M. de Montcalm (with) Observations of M. de Montcalm, on that 

letter, ( in parallel columns, ) 800 

July 21. Letter from de Vaudreuil to M. de Montcalm, commenting on the above Observations, 803 

July 30. Speech of the Iroquois and other Indians, to M. de Vaudreuil, complaining of ill treatment at the hands 

of M. de Montcalm, and his reply, 805 

August 5. Letter of M. de Dieskau to Marshal de Belle Isle — his wretched situation at Bath, <fec 806 

August 6. Letter of Marshal de Belle Isle to M. de Montcalm- non-reception of his despatches, &c 807 

August 6. Letter of Marshal de Belle Isle to M. de Montcalm — sufferings of the troops and officers in Canada will 

be attended to, ifce. 807 

August 6. Letter of de Vaudreuil to the Duke de Noailles — gives an account of his measures in Canada, <tc., 808 

August Letter of M. de .Montealm to M. de Massiac 810 

August 1. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to M. de Montcalm, recommending him to be indulgent to the Indians 811 

August 6. Letter of M. de Montcalm to M. de Vaudreuil in reply 811 

August 13. Letter of M. Bigot to M. de Massiac — differences between M. M. Vaudreuil and Montcalm 812 

August 17. Letter of M. Daine to Marshal de Belle Isle— details of the campaign, <fec 813 

August 31. Letler of M. Doreil to Marshal de Belle Isle — detail of affairs since 8th July — successes of the English 

on Lake Ontario, <tc., 818 

September 2. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to .M. de Massiac- details of his proceedings, &,e., ■•••••• • 822 

August 27. Articles of capitulation at Fort Frontenac, between M, de Noyan, and General Bradstreet, 826 

August 13. Instructions of Colonel Bradstreet to the commander of a .scouting party, , , . . . 826 

August 11. General orders of Brigadier Stanwix for a detachment to accompany Colonel Bradstreet. 827 

September 3. Letter of M. Doreil to M. de Massiac— gloomy prospects of affairs in Canada, &a 828 

September 6. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to M. de Massiac— critical situation of Canada, <fec 830, 

September 2. Letter from General Abereromby to M. de Vaudreuil i • < • • • i 830 



1758. Pao»- 

September 9. Letter of M. de Montonlm to Marshal de Belle Isle— severe loss in the surrender of Fort Frontenae— 

not to be imputed to bim, i'0 831 

September 23. Letter of Marslial de Belle Isle to M. de Vaudi-euil— hopes he will act in conceit with M. de Montcalm, 

&e 832 

September 23. Letter of Marshal de Belle Isle to M. de Montcalm— praises his good conduct, &c. 832 

September 23. Letter of the Chev. de Drueour to M. de Massiac — Louisburg, <fec. 833 

October 17. Letter of M. Daine to Marshal de Belle Isle — Fort DuquSsne — Frontenae — Lake Champlain, &C 834 

October 20. Journal (by M. de Malartic,) of the occurrences in the garrisons and eamps occupied by the regiment 

of Beam— from 20th October, 1757 835 

October 21. Letter of M. de Montcalm to M. de Oremille — affairs in Canada — his health is decaying— his means 

exhausted, <tc 855 

October 26. Abstract of despatches received at the war offiee,"complaining of M. de Vaudreuil 857 

October 27. Letter of de Montcalm to Alarshal de Belle Isle— military arrangements, &c SOO 

October 30. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to M. de Massiac — in behalf of M. de Levis, 862 

November 1. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to M. de Massiac 863 

November Statement of stores, <tc., indispensably necessary to be sent to Canada, &a 864 

November 1. Prices of provisions, etc., in Can.ida, at this date 865 

November 1. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to the Minister, consultation with M. de Montcalm, &a., 866 

November 1. M. de Vaudreuil's project of operations upon Lake Ontario, Ac 868 

November 1. M. de Montcalm's observations on M. de Vaudreuil's project for Lake Ontario S70 

September 12. M. de Vaudreuil's remarks upon M. de Montcalm's observations 872 

September 12. Memoir of M. de Montcalm on the course to be pursued in regard to the frontiers of Lake St. Sacrement, 873 

September 12. M. de Vaudreuil's remarks upon the question of the affairs at Carillon, &c 873 

September 12. M. de Montcalm's general reflections upon the measures to be adopted for the defence of Canada, &c., 874 

September 12. M. de Vaudreuil's observations upon the above 877 

November 3. Letter from M. de Vaudreuil to M. de Massiac 877 

October 1. Letter of General Abercromby to M. de Vaudreuil, complaining of the non-execution of the capitulation 

of Fort Frontenae 878 

October 1. Letter of General Abercromby to Colonel Schuyler 878 

October 19. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to General Abercromby 873 

October 24. Parole of honor of Samuel Woodward, Captain in the ^ ew-Jersey Regiment ■. 880 

November 1. List of English prisoners delivered to Colonel Schuyler, <tc 881 

November 3. Letter of M. Daine to Marshal de Belle Isle— English detachment repulsed at Fort Duqudane, &c 884 

November 4. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to M. de Massiac — complaints of the officers and troops, &c., 885 

October 8. Letter from M de Montcalm to M. de Vaudreuil 886 

November 4. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to M de Massiac— English have evacuated Fort William Henry— complains 

of M. de Montcalm's conduct, 887 

November 8. Letter of M. de Bougainville to M. de Cremille — events and occurrences since 21st of October, 887 

November 11. Letter of M .Lotbiniere to Marshal de Belle Isle, with the Minister's minutes thereupon, 88o 

November 1 1. Condition of Canada in May, 1758, and extracts of the most interesting occurrences of the year, 899 

November 13. Letter of Brigadier Prevost, Commandant at Fort Edward, to M. de Becourt, Commandant at 

Ticonderoga, 897 

November 16. Memoir by M. Pean, upon the present situation of afliirs in Canada, &c 897 

November 15. Letter of M. de Montcalm to Marshal de Belle Isle— early and severe frost, etc., 900 

November 21. Letter of M. de Montcalm to M. de Cremille— miseries of the troops— news from Fort Duquusne, etc.,. . 901 

An account of Major tirant's defeat near Fort Duquiisne 9o2 

November 20. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to M. de Massiac— details of military services, A-c., 903 

November 26. Brigadier-General Forbes to Governor Uenney, communicating to him the abandonment and burning of 

Fort Duqufesne by the French 905 

December 28. Ministerial note upon the differences between Messrs. de Vaudreuil and Montcalm — Montcalm's recall, 906 

December 29. Plan for the operations of the British forces for tlie campiiign of 1759, submitted by Colonel Montresor, 907 

Au account of the French campaigns in North America, from 1755 to 1758, by Chevalier de Montieuil, 912 
November 28. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to M. de Massiuc— remarks upon M. Bellfistre's expedition last year— posts on 

the Ohio— Louisburgh— wants of the Colony, io. 923 




Jauuary 11. 
January 19. 
January 28. 


February 8. 
February 1 9. 













July 26. 
August 8. 
September 15. 
September 13. 

eptember 15 

September 19. 
September 21. 

September 18. 
September 22. 
October 9. 

Memoir on the position of the English and French in North America, and upon is absolutely 

necessary to send and do there for the defence of Can.ida 925 

Memoir ou the affairs of Canad.i — wliether it is important to preserve it — whether it can be defended 

if tlie war continue this year — whether it can be easily succored 930 

Memoir on the artillery in Canada, and the arrangements for the approaching campaign, 935 

Letter from M. Berryer to M. Bigot — war and other expenses in Canada 937 

Cabinet memorandum providing for the succession of the command in Canada, in case of M. de 

Vaudreuil's death, &c 939 

Cabinet memorandum — M. de Montcalm made Lieutenant-General — .M. de Levis Major-General — and 

M. de Vaudreuil Grand Cross of the order of St. Louis, 94U 

Letter of M. de Silhouette, upon the importance of preserving Canada, <fee 940 

Letter of Marshal de Belle Isle to M. de Montcalm — his promotion to the rank of Lieutenant-General 

— reinforcements cannot be sent to Canada — hopes that the English may, notwithstanding, be 

resisted, &c., 943 

Cabinet memorandum respecting supplies procured in Spain, for Canada, 944 

Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to M. Berryer — details of his proceedings — state of the garrisons, <fec 945 

Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to M. Berryer — affairs on the Oliio, etc., 948 

Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to M. Berryer — affairs in Louisiana, <te. 950 

M. de Vaudreuil's plan of opei ations for the campaign of 1759, in North America 952 

Letter of M. Malartic to M. de Cremille — situation of Canada, <te , 956 

Letter of M. de Montcalm to M. de Cremille — English under General Amherst, about to commence the 

campaign in great force— disagrees with M. de Vaudreuil as to the military operations, &c 958 

Letter of M. de Montcalm to Marshal de Belle Isle — Canada will be taken this year unless the English 

commit great faults — Quebec once taken, the Colony is lost — whole population of Canada 82,000, of 

which 7,000 only can be brought into the field, and 3,200 regular troops — what is this against at 

least 50,000 Ku. lish ? &a., 9*50 

Letter of M. de Montcalm to M. le Normand — military details, &c 962 

Letter of M. Bigot to . . Berryer — military and other expenses in Canada, ifee 966 

Letter of M. Bernier to M. de Cremille — has succeeded M. Doreil as commissary — situation of affairs in 

his department, <fec. 963 

Letter of iL de Montcalm to Marshal de Belle Isle — the English not yet in movement — escape of 

Robert Stobo from Quebec, (fee, 970 

Letter of M. de Montcalm to Marshal de Belle Isle — preparations for the defence of Quebec, which is 

menaced by the English, (fee 97 1 

Letter of M. de Montcalm to Marshal de Belle Isle — arrival of the English fleet sixty leagues below 

Quebec — preparations for defence a little retarded, iSrc., 971 

Abstract of despatches from Canada — M. de Vaudreuil's negotiations with the Indians — his difi'erences 

with M. de Montcalm, (fee. 972 

Plan of Fort Niagara by M. Pouchot, 976 

Captain Pouchot's journal of the siege of Niagara, with the articles of capitulation, 977 

Narrative of the siege of Quebec, published by the French 993 

M. Bernier's summary account of the campaign in Canada, from 1st June to 15th September, 1001 

M. de Vaudreuil's instructions to M. de Ramezay, commandant at Quebec, inclosing draft of articles of 

capitulation to be demanded of the English, with observations and terms granted, 1004 

Minute of the Council of war previous to the surrender of Quebec, with the opinions and signatures of 

the members 1007 

Letter of M. Bernier to Marshal de Belle Isle— courtesies of the English towards him, <fec. 1009 

Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to M. Btrryer — M. de Montcalm attacked the enemy too hastily — he saw 

his own defeat— and was mortally wounded before M. de Vaudreuil could join him— surrender of 

Quebec, &o 1010 

Articles for the capitulation of Quebec demanded by M. Ramezay, with those granted by Genera! 

Townsliend and Admiral Saunders 1011 

Letter of the Chev. de Moutreuil to Marshal de Belle Isle— if M. de Montcalm had del.iyed his attack 

the enemy's position would have become impregnable— great grief at Montcalm's loss, <tc 1013 

Letter of M. Daine to Marshal de Belle Isle— detail of ihe surrender of Quebec- the capitulation was 

the must honorable ever made — " never was there a more perfect rout than that of the French 
army," &c 1^*1* 



Jane, July 













































July 14 

August 7 

Auguit 29. 

Journal kept in the army commanded by the late M. de Montcalm, containing the operafionB before 

Quebec from the 23d May to October 1016 

Two proclamations of General Wolf alExed to the dooi-3 of churches below Quebec, 1046 

Return of iirovisions, Ac, remaining in the camp at Beauport, 1048 

Letter of M. Bigot to M. Berryer— civil officers in the Colonj-, &e 1048 

Letter of Messrs. de Vaudreuil and Bigot to M. Berryer — superiority of the English over the French 

pilots, <tc 1050 

Letter of M. Bigot to Marshal de Belle Isle — events of the campaign — M. de Montcalm wounded whilst 

retreating — surrender of Quebec — observations, &c 1051 

Letter of M. de Bourlamaque to the Marshal de Belle Isle — events on lakes Champlaiu and St. 

Sacrement, itc, 1054 

Letter of Mouseigneur de Pontbriand, Bishop of Quebec, 1 087 

Imperfect description of the miseries of Canada, by the Right Rev. Bishop de Pontbriand 1057 

Impartial opinion of the military operations of the campaign, in Canada, in 1759, by the Right Rev. 

Bishop de Pontbriand, 1059 

Letter of M. Masse de St Maurice to M. Berryer, 1062 

Memoir of M. de St Maurice on the subject of the defence and preservation of that part of Canada 

remaining to France 1063 

Memoir by the Chev. Lemercier, relative to the fituation of Canada, and of the necessity of its preser- 
vation, 1065 

Letter of Marshal de Belle Isle to the Chevalier de Levis — the King is much touched at the death of JL 

de Montcalm — Quebec was surrendered too inconsiderately, <te. 1068 

Instructions from M. de Vaudreuil to the Chevalier de Levis 1069 

Letter of M de Vaudreuil to the Parish Priests within the district of Quebec, 1072 

Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to the Captains of militia in the district of Quebec 1073 

Ordinance of M. de Vaudreuil, procUiiming an amnesty in favor of all deserters, &o., .... 1074 

Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to M. Berryer — movements of the ormy — battle near Quebec — victory of 

Chevalier de Levis, iSsc, 1075 

Account of the expedition against Quebec, under the orders of Chevalier de Levis, with the lists of the 

officers killed and wounded, ' 1077 

Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to M. de Berryer — Movements of the English on the Lakes very undecided — 

precautions he has taken, (fee, 1089 

Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to M. Berryer — situation of affairs on the Ohio and the Illinois, 4c. 1091 

Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to M. Berryer — negotiations with the Five Nations of Indians — Colonel 

Johnson, Ac, 1092 

Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to M. Berryer — French garrisons withdrawn from the Ohio to Detroit — 

Movements of the English in the west, Ac. 1003 

Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to M. Berryer 1096 

Letter from General Murray to the Chevalier de Levis 1095 

Letter of Chevalier de Levis in answer to General Murray 1096 

Reply of General Murray to Chevalier de Levis 1096 

Letter of General Murray to Chevalier de Levis 1097 

Answer of Chevalier de Levis to General Murray, 1097 

General Murray's reply to Chevalier de Levis 1097 

Rejoinder of Chevalier de Levis to General Murray, 1098 

Letter of Chevalier de Levis to General Murray 1093 

Letter of General Murray to the Captains of militia at Quebec, <feo., 1099 

Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to Marslial de Belle Isle — Chevalier de Levis' good conduct at Quebec — 

he has ocquired as much glory n.s if he had reconquered it, &c., 1099 

Letter of Chevalier de Levis to Mar^hal de Belle Isle — Details of the campaign — Necessity of 

supplies — Inhabitants of Canoda have sacrificed their all for its preservation, Ac, 1100 

Letter of Chevolicr de Levis to Marshal do Belle Isle— Lake Champlain, Ac, 1 101 

Letter of Chevalier dc Levis to de Belle Isle — Ihe English in march for Montreal — if he cannot 

preserve the country lie will, at least, the honor of the French arms 1102 

Letter of M. Bigot to Marshal de Belle Islu— success of the English, Ac, 1 103 


1760. Pack. 

September 1. Letter of Major-General Amherst to M. de Vaudreuil, refusing to make any change in the proposed 

articles of capitulation 1 105 

September 8. Protest of Cbeyalier de Levis to M. de Vaudreuil, against the clause in the articles of capitulation of 
Canada, requiring the troops to lay down their arms ifec. — and Order of M. de Vaudreuil thereupon, 

requiring M. de Levis to conform to the capitulation proposed, 1106 

September 8. Articles of Capitulation for the surrender of Canada to the English 1 107 

September25. Letter of M. Bernier to — statement of the French troops at the capitulation, Ac 1120 

K ovember 27. Letter of Chevalier de Levis to the Marshal de Belle Isle — details of the campaign and of the capitula- 
tion of Canada — his return to Rochelle, cfec. , 1122 

November 27. Letter of Chevalier de Levis to — M. de Vaudreuil has done everything that human 

prudence and experience could, Ac 1125 

November 27. Return of the French troops embarked at Quebec, 1 1 27 

November 28. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to M. Berryer— his arrival at Brest 1128 

December 10. Letter of M. de Vaudreuil to M. Berryer, dated at Brest, 1128 

Observations upon certain Peculations in Canada, 1760-1760 1129 


April 6. Memoir by M. Dumas upon the Boundaries of Canada 1 134 


August 1. Letter of M. Bourlamaque ( ■with), 1139 

August 1. Memoir on the subject of the importance of Canada to France, and Plan for its future government, <tc., 1139 

Abstract of a Plan to excite a Rebellion in Canada 1165 


November 9. Letter of M. St. Ange, commandant in the Illinois, to M. d'Abbadie, Governor of Louisiana, 1167 


October 10. Minute of the surrender of Fort Chartres to Captain Sterling, 1151 

October 28. Count d'Estaing's Proclamation to all the former subjects of France in North America, 1165 



Mr. de BeauJiarnois to Count de Maurepas. 

My Lord, 

This despatch was We have just received a letter from Messrs. du Chambon and Bigot on the 
wUhThl^excepuon subject of the revolt which occurred at Isle Royale, in the month of December 
Italic." "" * '° last, among the Swiss and soldiers of the garrison. Although they have signified 
us that tliey had the honor to inform you, by two vessels, they were proposing to dispatch in 
the beginning of May, of the importance of the affair, our uncertainty as to whether that 
garrison will not have opposed the departure of those ships, joined to the risk these are exposed 
to in consequence of the number of privateers which were to leave Boston to cruize in the 
latitude of Isle Royale, has caused us to determine on sending a vessel hence to advise you of 
this news, so that you may issue your orders for changing that entire garrison, according to the 
request of those gentlemen, and whatever other instructions you will deem proper to be sent 
for its disposal, as its continuance in that quarter is not advisable, as it has, according to those 
gentlemen's despatch of the 12"' of April, pushed matters so as to cause every apprehension to 
be entertained up to the present moment. We have the honor to transmit you the particulars 
of the revolt, but as the captain of the vessel has orders to throw the despatches into the sea, 
in case he be hard pressed, M' Hocquart is to inform him of the subject of his voyage, so 
as to enable him to have the honor to render you an account thereof, should he escape 
the enemy. 

News has reached here both by the domiciliated Indians and those of Acadia, that forty to 
fifty ships were to leave Boston for the purpose of blockading Isle Royale, or coming to Quebec. 
The first would be feasible, hut I can scarcely believe the other. However, I have done all in 
my power to receive them ; but Isle Royale appears to me in some danger, unless his Majesty 
send a fleet sufficient both for the conquest of Acadia and for driving off the English privateers 
who would assuredly annoy our merchantmen. 
Vol. X. 1 


The party I have sent to Acadia is waiting at Minas, by M"" du Chambon's orders, for 
those he is to send by your commands, which he is expecting in answer to what he has had the 
honor to address you, and the more impatiently, as he feels as much uneasiness from his garrison 
as from the enemy. 

In other respects everything is quiet on this side. I am on my guard, and merely on 
the defensive, not being able to act offensively, as I had the honor to inform you, either against 
New England or the posts on Hudson's bay, in consequence of the want in the King's stores 
and even in those of the merchants, of the supplies necessary for such expeditions, a 
circumstance I was not informed of last autumn. Besides, the preservation of our possessions 
and forts, in the interior of the Colony, being my principal object, I considered it more prudent 
not to divest ourselves of our small means of resistance in case of attack, and to suspend the 
other projects, until I be in a condition to execute them. 

I am in daily expectation of the Five Nations, who sent me word early this winter, that they 
would come and see me this spring, with the exception of the Mohawks, who, I am told, have 
accepted the hatchet from the English. They continue disposed to remain neutral as they 
have promised me. The Mohawks, however, are to come down with the rest, hut the few there 
are of that tribe are not to be feared. 

It has been very difficult to derive any profit from the Posts this spring, and there have been 
fewer licenses than last year. The scarcity, as well as the high price, of goods is the cause of 
this falling off in the trade which may bea/*o looked upon as entirely lost for next year ; should 
our ships not arrive in safety, it is to be feared that even this year the Indians will be disgusted 
on account of the few goods sent up to Niagara and the other posts, and be thereby induced to 
take sides with the English, in order to obtain their necessaries. I observe all these things 
with very considerable pain, in consequence of my inability to apply a remedy, and I see no 
other means of correction, except in the particular attention you will have been pleased to pay 
to the procuring for us the supplies I have taken the liberty to ask of you for the defence of the 
country, and in favoring, at this critical juncture, the trade the merchant vessels are prosecuting. 

Rejlecling, ?ny Lord, that Isle Royale may be invested or besieged, those gentlemen will not 
be able to [dispatch] the ships they proposed, I write to Mr. Hocquart to send you two, if 
possible; and as that requires prompt expedition, he will come to a decision all alone, as the 
expected arrival of the nations, and my other occupations put it out of my power to go down, 
unless in case the enemy approach Quebec. 

I am with most profound respect.'My Lord, 

Your most humble and 

most obedient servant, 

Montreal, the IS"" of June, 1745. Beauharnais. 

General Duchamhon tn Cotnit tVArgenson. 

Belle Isle Road, IS'" of August, 1745. 
My Lord, 

I have the honor to inform you that I was obliged, on the twenty-seventh of June, to 
surrender Louisbourg and its dependencies to the English, after having sustained a siege of 


forty-seven days. 1 employed every means to save that Colony for the King, but it was 
impossible for me to do it, being in want of powder and people for its defence, as you will see 
by the decision of the Councils of War 1 have held previous to the surrender of that place. 
The enemy was greatly superior in number to us, having about thirteen thousand sea and 
land forces, and I had, at the commencement of the siege, including good and bad, but twelve 
to thirteen hundred men, who have been reduced to eleven hundred. 

M' Bigot has informed me that he was sending you a copy of the capitulation, and of all 
the letters that have passed between the English generals and me. Ashe is about to repair to 
you as soon as possible, I shall give hitn the originals, in order that he may have the honor 
to present them to you, as I consider them more secure in his hands than if I had placed them 
in the post. 

The troops are, for the most part, embarked in the Launceston, an English man of war, on 
board of which I went ; another portion is in two vessels we have spoken at sea ; the remainder, 
consisting of three French companies and that of artillery, were to leave Louisbourg a few 
days after our departure. 1 left M"' D'aillebout to attend to their departure. 

I shall await at Rochefort whatever orders you will be pleased to give me respecting the 
troops and myself. 

I flatter myself. My Lord, that you will condescend to examine the defence I have made, 
and I hope that whilst doing me justice in your opinion, it will assure me the continuation of 
your protection, with which I pray you to be pleased to honor me. 

I am, with the most profound respect, my Lord, your most humble and most obedient 

(Signed,) Duchambon. 

rs. de Beaiiliarnois and Hocquart to Count ch Ilaurqxts. 

Quebec, 12 September, 1745. 
My Lord, 

You will have been informed, long before this reaches you, of our loss of Louisbourg. The 
officers of the garrison, and particularly those who may be deserving of your confidence, will 
have rendered you an account of all the circumstances which have accompanied the blockade, 
the siege and the surrender of that place. We have not been able to learn any particulars 
thereof, except from some seamen who made their escape, from time to time, from the different 
harbors of He royale, and have arrived at Quebec, the major portion of them in Biscayennes 
(longboats;) among the rest one Lacroix Girard, ship master, a native of St. Malo. This 
individual was in the place during the whole of the siege ; his journal of it has appeared to us 
true, because of its simplicity, and this circumstance induces us to address you a copy of it. 
According to what M. Duchambon has communicated to Sieur Marin, in his letter of the 29th 
of June last, that commandant was obliged to capitulate, on account of want of men and 
powder. It is not for us, my Lord, to examine his conduct, nor that of the officers of the 
garrison, in the defence of the place; 'tis for his Majesty to judge of it; we shall confine 
ourselves merely on the occasion of this unfortunate affair, to submitting to you the different 


means that might be employed to recover Louisbourg, and conquer Acadia; the preservation 
of Canada depends tiiereon. 

The English, by the situation of their Colonies, have had facilities which we do not possess. 
Boston is only 160 (Si. 180 leagues distant from Louisbourg ; the passage is usually made in 3 
or 4 days ; therefore, after landing at Gabarus, they are within reach of supplies for their troops, 
and are able to replace whatever ammunition they might consume in the progress of the siege ; 
they have made an entrepot at the island of Canso, which they have commenced fortifying; 
the details of their arrangements, and the motives of the expedition, are fully set forth in their 
Boston gazettes; we annex them hereunto: Their diligence, and the success of the measures 
they adopted to obtain from Antigua and Old England the naval forces that have been 
employed in the blockade, are truly surprising. They have, moreover, been extremely 
favored by the fair weather and calms which have prevailed on the coast of He Royale, during 
the months of April, May and June last. The latest intelligence we have from that country 
is of the 17"" July. The same Girard, who left Louisbourg on the 15"", told us that the English 
had begun to remove to the ramparts the artillery tliey had taken out of the Vigilant. We are 
to expect that the English will use all possible care to preserve that place ; they regard it as 
of the greatest importance for the security of their coasts and fisheries ; these views may the 
more reasonably be ascribed to them as, in order to rid themselves of all future uneasiness, 
they have not been willing to annul the severe condition of quitting the island which they 
imposed on the settlers ; they even refused permission to them and the troops of the garrison 
to remove to Canada, doubtless in order not to strengthen a Colony they designed to invade ; 
this they did not conceal ; it constitutes the topic of the every day conversation of the people 
of New England, and particularly of those of Boston, Fort St. George, Chouaguin, &c. What 
is there, in fact, of more interest to them, than to occupy the entire of this continent? They 
would thereby become sole masters of the fisheries, and of the whole of the trade of this 
country, without any apprehension of being troubled by France, who would no longer possess 
any establishment in this part of America. 

The English being now masters of He Royale, will become still more jealous, and more 
careful than ever to secure Acadia to themselves. That beautiful and fertile Province is 
essential to the maintenance of their new conquest, in which the English have not made any 
establishment, of importance, since the peace. 'Twas only last fall, and particularly during the 
present autumn, that they have put Port Royal into a state of defence, and have a garrison of 
about 300 men in it. All the rest of Acadia is inhabited exclusively by French people, and 
according to the information we have received of their numbers there may be about 2500 men, 
capable of bearing arms at Beaubassin, Minasand Port Royal, the three most populous places. 
As regards the dispositions of the inhabitants towards us, all, with the exception of a very 
small portion, are desirous of returning under the French dominion; Sieur Marin, and the 
officers of his detachment, as well as the missionaries, have assured us of this ; they will not 
hesitate to take up arms as soon as they see themselves at liberty to do so ; that is, as soon as 
we shall become masters of I'ort Royal, or they have powder, and other munitions of war, and 
will be backed by some sedentary troops for their protection against the resentment of the 
English. If, notwithstanding this preliminary, any settlers should still be found to hesitate 
declaring themselves, all difficulties would be overcome by the employment of menaces and 
force. The reduction of Louisbourg has, meanwhile, disconcerted them. M. Marin has 
reported to us that the day he left Port Royal all the inhabitants were overpowered with grief; 


this arose only from the apprehension of remaining at the disposition of the enemy; of losing 
their property, and of being deprived of their missionaries. The English might probably 
have recourse to such policy, or at least adopt measures to keep them in a strict and severe 
subjection. They will not experience any great difficulty in that, and consequently v^'iil not 
have to observe any delicacy, because the supplies of powder and lead, and other munitions, 
which the Acadians and Micmacs of the country were in the habit of drawing from Louisbourg, 
will be no longer forthcoming. These Indians, irreconcilable enemies of the English, cannot 
have any other place of refuge than Canada, or Ristigouche and Miramichi. This is what 
we have now to fear, and with a view to retain them, have thought of remedying it by 
transmitting to Miramichi some powder and lead, to which we add some provisions and 
other supplies. 

We have just explained the conduct the English will probably observe towards the Acadians. 
We cannot imagine that they could entertain the idea of removing those people, in order to 
substitute Englishmen in their stead, unless the desertion of the Indians would embolden 
them to adopt such a course, utterly inhuman as it may be. The evacuation, exacted and 
agreed to by the capitulation of Louisbourg, excites a prejudice which must increase our 
distrust. The Acadians have not extended their plantations since they have come under 
English dominion ; their houses are wretched wooden boxes, without conveniences, and without 
ornaments, and scarcely containing the most necessary furniture ; but they are extremely covetous 
of specie. Since the settlement of He Royale they have drawn from Louisbourg, by means of 
their trade in cattle, and all the other provisions, almost all the specie the King annually sent 
out; it never makes its appearance again, they are particularly careful to conceal it. What 
object can they have, except to secure for themselves a resource for an evil day? Already 
many of them have caused inquiries to be made whether they could find lands here to settle 
on, and whether they would be admitted to enter on them. We have avoided all answer. 

These reflections will not be without their use in throwing light on the principal object of 
retaking Louisbourg, or procuring for us an equivalent. But before entering into any detail, 
permit us again to submit some reflections in case the affairs of Europe happen to change their 
aspect in the course of this year, or a peace be concluded. The restoration of Louisbourg 
will, doubtless, be one of the articles to be discussed. The English are greatly interested that 
France should not possess a place of such consequence in their vicinity ; their northern Colonies 
have heretofore regarded it as another Dunkirk which would keep them always in check. 
That harbor, fortified, would afford an asylum for our fleets and privateers, which would 
thereby be at hand to cut off" their fisheries, the branch of trade of the greatest interest to New 
England and the Province of Piscataqua; Canso seemed to them a fishing post of such 
importance, that its capture by the French particularly led to the expedition against 
Louisbourg. It can hardly be expected that the English will give up their conquest, unless 
the King have gained advantages over them in Europe, which would induce them so to do ; 
these will have to be considerable, otherwise we do not believe that they will surrender it, 
unless on condition that its fortifications be razed. This clause, and its execution would 
relieve them of all uneasiness; the battery or fort of L'llet would have, nevertheless, 
to remain. 

The other maritime powers are interested that the benefit of the cod fishery do not fall 
exclusively into the hands of the English. Were these the sole masters of it, Spain, Holland, 
and even France would become, so to speak, their tributaries. 'Tis true, we would still 


possess the Gulf of St. Lawrence towards Gaspe, Labrador or Petit Nord, and the portion of 
the Island of Newfoundland ceded by the Treaty of Utrecht for purposes of fishing only. 
But all these put together do not amount to anything of sufficient consideration in regard to 
the consumption and trade of the Kingdom. We make no mention, my Lord, of the interest 
of this Colony, lie Royale furnished it with a market for its provisions; that being no longer 
in existence, our products will necessarily fall in price. We already feel the inconveniences 
of this. Last summer flour kept up to 10 (ai 12" the quintal; no sooner did we receive the 
news from Louisbourg than it fell to 6 and 7". We have, according to all appearances, a fine 
harvest; wheat will not be worth 30 sotts the minot, consequently there will be no more 
encouragement for the farmer. In fine, the two Colonies supported each other; ours, now, has 
no longer any support. A post could indeed be established at Gaspe. At the head of the bay 
of that name, is a fine harbor called Penouil bay, where the largest ships would ride in safety : 
its mouth is not difficult and may be about a quarter of a league in width. Gaspi5 bay is a 
secluded roadstead ; its anchorage is good, and up to this time we have not heard of any ships 
having been wrecked there. 

As many as 40 (ai 50 fishing vessels have been seen at Gaspe and in its vicinity. Fishing 
commences there ordinarily between the IS"" and 20"" of June, and closes from the IS"" to the 
20"' of November, and even later; but there are not enough of fish-flukes (galct) for drying; 
the fishermen supply the want by vignaux. The climate is nearly the same as that of Quebec. 
The lands at the head of Penouil bay are represented as pretty good. A Canadian, named 
Harbour, has a farm there, on which he has raised wheat that has come to maturity, also 
buckwheat and vegetables of every description ; a quantity of hay is also raised there. The 
lands along the river that flows into that bay, are represented as capable of improvement. 
We mention this matter, my Lord, only incidentally ; the Basque and St. Malo captains 
who visit that quarter every year, will be able to furnish you with more precise information of 
the advantages to be derived from the settlement in question, and we would have it in our 
power from this place, to perfect them when necessary. One obstacle, however, will always 
oppose its execution ; that is, the passage of the gulf which is now barred. The English 
continue the same policy ; they wish to occupy all the passages, and do in fact occupy them. 
In America they possess Antigua and Jamaica, in addition to Louisbourg; in Europe, Gibraltar 
and Port Mahon. We have learned indirectly that they have organized an expedition against 
Dunkirk; in the last wars they made an attempt on Cadiz. We ought to counteract and 
break up their plans. Excuse, my Lord, these digressions. We return to what more 
particularly interests this Colony. 

His Majesty will, perhaps, confine himself simply to the conquest of Louisbourg, and 
postpone that of Acadia ; but that project is as liable to mischance as to success ; whatever 
measures are adopted must be very hazardous. We shall suspend the discussion of the matter 
only to refer to a second project in which Acadia will enter. 

The enemy possessed, for his expedition, facilities we shall not have; Boston has been the 
first rendezvous; Canso, which they first established and fortified, was the second ; this formed 
for them a place of retreat in all events, and from these two points they have been masters to 
choose their time for proceeding to Gabarus and landing tlieir troops and ammunition there ; 
they have had their vessels cruising before Louisbourg, according as the season and the ice 
permitted. It is to be observed that their first privateers were doubled and strengthened like 
the ships that go to the north, whale fishing ; they have been so fortunate as to find the sea 


open on the south coast of He Royal as early as the 15"" of March ; a squall from the S. E., 
which is very usual in the spring, would have thrown some of their ships ashore. Such 
accidents may reasonably be apprehended, but if the contrary could be expected, we presume 
that the English will have erected fortifications or retrenchments at Gabarus bay to correct 
the defects of the Royal battery by constructing a cavalier or some blockhouses on the hill, 
for the purpose of preventing that work being taken in the rear. This will be an additional 
difficulty to be surmounted independent of the strong garrison that they will have stationed 
in the place. 

On the east part of the Island are two convenient harbors. Port Dauphin ' and Spaniards' 
bay;' the one or the other might serve as an entrepot for the ships, troops and munitions 
of war which his Majesty would send from France. We should prefer Spaniards' bay ; 
it is 2ths of a league wide at the mouth ; vessels would be secure in that bay by means 
of some gun batteries that could be erected thereabout. It is only 18 leagues distant by 
sea, and only 11 by land, from Louisbourg. Its environs abound with hard wood of every 
description, beech and cherry, some oak and pine. It was from this place particularly the 
inhabitants of Louisbourg procured their firewood. Some limestone and freestone are found 
there, and coal is not far oiT. Quite convenient is the mouth of the river called the Little 
Brador, which extends twenty leagues into the interior of the island, where it forms several 
lakes abounding with fish ; on the northern borders of these lakes were the hunting grounds 
of the Micmacs, who reside on the island. The territory on the south abounds in prairies and 
is, 'tis said, well adapted for the growth of some products such as vegetables. On the coast, 
outside Spaniards' bay, cod is abundant and the fish good. 

It is, then, in this bay that the King's troops, to the number of 2000(^2500 men, destined 
for the expedition, would remain during next summer ; we would reinforce them by 2 or 3 
hundred Canadians and as many Micmac Indians belonging to the missions of Miramichi 
and Acadia, and according to this arrangement, we should set out in the course of the 
following winter. It may be about 5 or 6 leagues from the head of Spaniards' bay to Mire bay. 
There is no road, but we are assured that one is practicable ; from Mire bay to Louisbourg, 
the road is constructed ; it may be about five or six leagues in length. This bay freezes 
and the ice is always strong enough to bear artillery. In the summer our troops would erect 
fortifications and provide themselves with quarters. The fall is the proper time to make the 
road in question ; a portion of the soldiery and Canadians would be employed on this work; 
the remainder would guard the intrenchments. Our ships would protect the mouth of the 
harbor or cruise in the gulf on the south side of lie Royale and along the coasts of Acadia and 
New England. Thus, 'twould not be until the course of the winter, after the ice had taken, 
that our troops would move towards Louisbourg with a few pieces of light artillery and two 
or three mortars of 5(a 6 inch calibre, to be used in case of need. At that season, the place 
might best be carried by scaling. On the other hand, 'tis to be presumed that the enemy, 
aware of our preparations, will reinforce the garrison so as to be able to resist all attacks. 
The general in command of the expedition will be informed of this by the crews of the 
English coasters, sloops and other of the enemy's vessels which will probably be captured off 
the coast. 

In case there should be, owing to difficulties, too much risk of compromising the King's 
arms, his Majesty might content himself with, or confine himself to, settling Spaniards' bay 

' St. Anne's. ' Sydney, C. B. — Ed. 


by leaving the 2500 troops there with implements, ammunition and provisions necessary for 
their support during one year. Canada is, however, capable of supplying this new post, from 
the commencement of next year, with abundance of provisions and the same comforts that 
Louisbourg was in the habit of drawing formerly from this colony; but in all cases 'tis proper 
that there should be one year's supplies in advance. 

We have, in consequence, prepared the estimate of munitions of war and provisions, 
merchandise and tools necessary for the execution of the project in question, including a 
military chest of 3 or 400 m". We suppose that the King will destine ten ships of war, 6 of 
GO guns and upwards, and 4 others of 50 guns, 4 frigates of 20@. 26 guns, two bomb ketches 
and a sufficient number of transports. 'Twill be proper to cause all these munitions, if possible, 
to be placed on board the armed ships; if, however, the 14 could not take them all, what 
remains could be put on board the merchantmen. 

We shall not allude, my Lord, to the number of military officers destined for the land forces ; 
we are equally persuaded that you will pay attention to the selection to be made of these, 
and of the military corps that will be employed in the operations. The staflf will require 
one experienced commissary, one good storekeeper, with two or three intelligent clerks, one 
treasurer and a clerk, one surgeon-major and two assistants, versed in the composition of 
remedies, eight ship carpenters and two chaplains. It will be requisite to send, in addition to 
the 2500 regulars, some house carpenters, 12 or 15 at least, six joiners, six smiths and tool 
makers, as many locksmiths to act as armorers, 3 or 4 bakers and some masons, one blockmaker 
and two sailmakers. We add, that even should his Majesty confine himself to settling Spaniards' 
bay, the uneasiness and expense this new settlement would entail on the Crown of England, 
would inevitably induce it to surrender Louisbourg to us on the return of peace. 

Sieur Dubois, the commander of Le Castor, who is well acquainted with He Royale, pretends 
that the expedition against Louisbourg could be undertaken in the month of May of next 
year; that a fleet could find shelter under Scatari and in its vicinity, and that the landing of 
the troops and artillery could be effected without much difficulty at the mouth of Mire bay, to 
proceed thence to the south of the lake of the same name and take up a convenient position 
for marching to besiege the place. Should his Majesty intend the expedition to proceed in 
spring, a greater number of vessels and troops would be necessary ; 7 orS privateers of 20 @^ 24 
guns would be of essential aid to the squadron ; 2 or 3 would be detached to Quebec for 
provisions and bring back 4 or 500 young Canadians. Messengers should not fail to be sent 
to notify the Lidians of Miramichi and Risiigouche, and to conduct them to the rendezvous; 
their missionaries will be simply informed, beforehand, that they might receive news in the 
month of May from France, and of the course to be adopted in relation to He Royale and 
Acadia, in order that their Indians may be employed, if necessary. 

In the annexed estimate of munitions of war those that can be drawn from Quebec are 
entered in the margin ; it is not the less necessary to send some from France, say about half, 
lest the supply should fall short. 

Success in the execution of the project will depend particularly on the fitness of the measures 
and on the diligence that will be used in carrying them out. They all appear to us of 
consequence ; and you will, moreover, have an opportunity, in the examination you will make 
of them, to perfect them by the information the principal officers of Louisbourg will furnish 
you. Messrs. Bigot and Morpain ought to be perfectly conversant with everything practicable; 
but if it be his Majesty's design to carry the place decidedly, and if the English, as they seem, 


keep a strong garrison there, 'twill then be proper to double and even to triple the landing 
force and all the stores, with the exception, however, of the powder, artillery and muskets. 

We resume the second project, that against Acadia. It must be considered under a different 
point of view from last year's; circumstances have changed since the reduction of Louisbourg. 
It is very probable that the English no longer entertain the same regard and the same 
complaisance as formerly for the Acadians, and that the latter will eventually be more reserved 
in favoring our projects against that province. Sieur Marin has informed us that when he was 
last leaving Beaubassin, he was assured that two English men of war had entered the basin of 
Port Royal. The enemy will not fail to stock the place abundantly with all the stores 
necessary for its defence and to strengthen its garrison. This consisted of 300 men when 
Sieur Marin left the place in the beginning of June. There were, then, six 24 pounders 
pointed towards the river, one 12 inch mortar and 30 pieces of cannon on the rampart. The 
fort is a square with 4 bastions, being about 180 toises^ from one point of the bastion to 
the other; the wall is of earth faced with squared timbers 10@^12 inches in width, and 
18 feet long, joined together and set up perpendicularly ; the embrasures of the parapets 
are very open ; the top of the parapets is set off with round sticks 12 inches^in diameter, 
fastened with rope ends; these sticks being so disposed as to admit of being loosened and 
slipped over the talus of the parapets with a view to break the ladders which would be 
employed in scaling. The ditch may be 10 @^ 12 toises in width, and 5 or 6 in depth ; in its 
centre is a cunette with a palisade; the covertway is nothing else than the counterscarp; 
the glacis, with well defined, salient and entering angles, may be 15 toises. The outworks 
consist of the three blockhouses;* one situated between the mouth of the Little river and 
the fort, and defends the plain ; the other two, E. N. E. of said fort, defend the approach 
of the Lower town. 'Tis to be observed that during M' Marin's sojourn, all the houses of 
tiie Lower town were abandoned. The most part belong to the officers of the garrison. The 
English, however, have a large frame house (maison de colombuge) there, to lodge their Indian 
allies ; this house was defended by 4 guns. In regard to the blockhouses, they are square 
towers of the annexed figure, wherein their use is explained. 

The English were informed, in the month of April, by three Indians whom one of their 
privateers, sailing under French colors, had surprised at Cape Sable, that M"' Duvivler was 
expected at the end of May with several men of war. It was in consequence of this advice, 
or even of previous information, that W Mascarin,^ commandant of Port Royal, redoubled 
his precautions in order to place himself in a state of defence. You will see, my Lord, by the 
annexed journal, that M' Mascarin had commenced, on the 12"" or IS"" of May, to have the 
north side of Goat island cleared, either with a view to discover, at a greater distance, the ships 
that enter the narrow mouth of the harbor, the view of which is intercepted by trees, or 
rather to erect a battery on it to defend the only ship cliannel between that island and the 
mainland, and by tiiat means prevent vessels going up as far as the fort. 'Tis to be presumed 
that the English have now erected that battery, and tiiat they will, on the receipt of the first 
news of preparations against Acadia, construct, perhaps, another battery at the entrance of the 
Strait.^ Should they erect one on Goat island, it will not prevent ships entering and anchoring 
in the basin, nor troops landing on the south shore, opposite the anchorage ground. 'Twill 
be very easy to render the road, from that point to Port Royal, passable for the artillery 
destined for the attack ; the distance is about 3 leagues. 

' 1080 feet * A species of redoubt a machicoulit. Note in original. ' See VL, 482, note. ' Digby's Strait — Ed. 

Vol. X. 2 


The same estimate for the first project will answer for the second. One of the principal 
items still is that of the Military chest, to contain specie in silver coin of ecus, half-eci« and 
pieces of 30 sous, for the purchase of provisions and refreshments, the product of the country. 
We have made no reduction in the amount of provisions included in said estimate. Were the 
province to supply all that is required, it could not do so without being totally exhausted in 
less than a year. If his Majesty approve this second project, it will be proper to use such 
diligence in its execution as to enable the King's forces to be at the rendezvous by the first of 
May at latest, so as not to be anticipated by the enemy. With these precautions, success 
may be expected. 

The success of the English in their expedition against Louisbourg, was owing to their 
extreme activity; they had been making preparations since the fall ; their attempt against 
Canada in 1711, failed in consequence of their neglecting to adopt measures sufficiently early. 
Their old gazettes and journals attribute the ill success of their fleets in the West Indies, to 
delays which the government ought to have foreseen and prevented. 

'Twill not be necessary that the ships to compose the King's fleet should meet on the same 
day in the basin of Port Royal, but only those having on board the landing forces and the 
munitions for the siege. The remainder could be employed in preventing the entrance of any 
reinforcements, and even in cruising along the coasts of Boston and the east coast of Acadia. 
These vessels will not fail, at this season, to capture some prizes that will inform them of what 
will be transpiring in New England and He Royale. 

We have likewise left untouched, in the estimate in question, the different goods and 
implements required to meet the wants of the settlers and Indians of the country. It will be 
necessary to send enough of them every year until the possession of Acadia become peaceable 
and the French ships be able to bring thither from Europe the necessaries of life. 

Port Royal is, in truth, advantageously situated for the security of the ships which will 
come to fish on the coasts, but the entrance to the basin is narrow, and the currents there are 
strong ; besides, the fishery is much more abundant on the east coast, which has 3 or 4 very 
excellent harbors capable of accommodating the largest sized vessels, viz' La Heve, Chibouctou,' 
and Port la Tour.^ This coast is not settled ; at Mirligueche,^ a small harbor 3 leagues east 
of La Heve, are only eight settlers, among the rest one Paul Guidry alias Grivois, a good 
coast pilot; again, west of La Heve, at the place called the Little river, are two more settlers. 
Germain Lejeune, one of these, is intimately acquainted with the coast ; the man named 
Boutin and his children live three leagues east of the entrance of Chibouctou. The attachment 
of these people to P^rance can be relied on. 

Should the difficulty in getting the King's fleet into Port Royal basin be greater than we 
anticipate, by supposing that the English might have been beforehand with us, the landing 
could take place at the head of St. Mary's bay, but 'twould require fine weather, as the 
southwest winds there are strong. There is only a short portage then to Port Royal basin ; 
this portage is used by the Indians. 

Again, supposing that the English might have thrown supplies into, and increased the 
garrison of, that place, to the degree that our attempt would be too hazardous with the 2500 
regulars we propose to have conveyed into that province, we might settle La Heve and 
Chibouctou, and intrench ourselves there. Chibouctou is not far from Minas, the most 

' Halifax. ' Barrington. Tliese are on the eouUi anJ not oa the east coast 

' Signifying Milky bay. Ilalibitrlon's JJislory of Nova Scotia, II., 132. — Ed. 


populous district of Acadia, and consequently that in which resources are most abundant. 
The Indians travel this distance in a day and a half. But 'lis to be hoped that the English 
will not anticipate our design on Port Royal ; this is the principal object, and if the French 
flag can be hoisted there, all Acadia surrenders, and 'twill be no longer difficult to get the 
settlers to take up arms; reserving the eventual razing of that place and making a more 
considerable settlement at La Heve or at Chibouctou. We are very much inclined to believe 
that a settlement at the east would be better, because the fishing there is extremely abundant ; 
at Canso alone, and its vicinity, the English have annually 2 or 300 fishing boats and 40 ships. 

The English do not dry any fish on the east coast of Acadia since the war, through fear of 
being surprised there and killed by the Micmacs. These Indians rove along that coast from 
spring to autumn in quest of a livelihood. Lately, a boat belonging to an English 
merchantman having landed at La Heve for wood and water, these Indians killed 7 of the 
crew and brought their scalps to Sieur Marin ; they can be depended upon to pursue the same 
course as long as means will be found to furnish them with arms, powder and ball. This is 
also the opinion of M. Loutre,' their missionary at Chibenacadie,^ who arrived at Quebec on 
the 14"" of September. He brought with him 5 of these Micmacs, deputies from that nation. 
We will report to you, my Lord, their resolutions and what will take place between us. This 
missionary has laid before us, on his arrival, the letter Sieur Dailleboust wrote him on the 
22'"' of July, indorsed on which is a sort of passport from Generals Warren and Peperel, 
enjoining him to repair to Louisbourg, in default whereof his life is threatened. The 
missionary has paid no attention either to the letter or passport, and we are about sending 
him back to his mission. He has handed the Marquis de Beauharnois a letter from Sieur 
Iriard, a merchant at Louisbourg, dated the 22'"' July, which is interesting, and the intelligence 
it communicates can the rather be relied on as it corresponds essentially with what we have 
received from Acadia and other places, except that the information furnished by Sieur Iriard 
is more in detail. There is no doubt, at present, but it is well founded, and that the English 
intend to attack this colony next spring. 

15"" 7''" The delay of our ships makes us fear they are intercepted, and that we shall be 
this year deprived of every description of supplies that we demanded formerly, particularly 
last year, for the defence of the country. We flatter ourselves, however, until the IS"" of next 
month, with the hope of receiving them, because we presume his Majesty, having been 

' Reverend Louis Joseph de la Lodtbe was sent to Canada in 1737 by the Society of Foreign Missions, Paris, and became 
missionary to the Aeadians and Micmacs of Nova Scotia, where he is found heading an attack on Annapolis as early as 1744. 
Williamson's Maine, II., 216. His principal residence was at Messogoucbe, now Fort Lawrence, N. S. He had become so 
odious to the English as early as 1745, that a reward was offered for his arrest. He revisited France, where 'tis said he was 
considered of sufficient importance to be intrusted with a large sum of money for the improvement of his mission, and on his 
return was appointed Vicar-General of Acadia. Pride and vanity were his predominant failings; affairs of state engaged 
his attention more than religion. After ruining the Aeadians or Neutral French by his unwise counsels, he abandoned them in 
the moment of their distress. For fear of falling into the hands of the British he left Fort Beausejour, in disguise, before iU 
surrender (16th June, 1757), crossed over to the River St. John, and went thence to Quebec, where, instead of a welcome, he 
received bitter reproaches from his Bishop, and embarked for France the following August. Memoires sur les Affaires du 
Canada, in Collections of the Quebec Literary and Historical Society, 1838, pp. 69, 60. He could not avoid, however, falling 
into the hands of those from whom he had tried to escape. On the passage, the ship was captured by the British and Abb6 
de la Loutre was taken prisoner, sent to Elizabeth Castle in the Island of Jersey, where he remained eight years in confinement 
{Knox's Journal, I., 114) ; he returned to France at the conclusion of the peace of 1703. The Ziate Chronologique, No. 685, 
places the arrival of M. de la Loutre in Canada in 1747, but this must refer to his return to that country after visiting France ; 
otherwise 'tis a manifest error. — Ed. 

' What is now called the Shubenaoadie, a river which empties into the east end of Minas basin. 


informed sufficiently early of the mutiny of the garrison of Louisbourg on the 27"" of December 
last, and of the English expedition against that place, will have been pleased to reinforce the 
convoy which he will have ordered to be furnished to the ships from Europe for these parts. 
We shall annex to our last dispatches the estimate of the munitions we'll require ; we cannot 
prepare it until we shall have received those we expect this year, or at least until we have 
abandoned all hopes of receiving them. 

The project of the English modifies those plans we have submitted in the course of this 
dispatch against He Royale and Acadia. Sieur Iriard's letter explains, in a very positive 
and probable manner, the measures the enemy will adopt, if we except the 25 or 30 thousand 
men ; 'tis difficult to imagine that they would be able to organize so large an expedition unless 
it include the land and sea forces. In 1711 they had about 6000 regulars from Old England, 
exclusive of tho 16 companies levied at Boston of 100 men each (we do not know the precise 
number), and the crews of their ships. General Walker* sailed from Plimouth on the 15"" of 
May with 11 ships of 60 (ai SO guns, 2 bomb ketches and 52 transports, fly boats and hospital 
ships, making, altogether, 65 sail. He arrived at Boston on the 30"" of June, whence he took 
his departure only on the 10"" of August with 14 small vessels, brigantines and barges, and 40 
sloops or galleys with oars. This fleet was considerable for that period, and we must suppose 
that the English, being aware that this Colony has at least doubled within 35 years, will 
employ a proportionate force to conquer it. According to Sieur Iriard's information, they 
will avoid the inconveniences which caused their destruction on Egg island. They are aware 
of the difficulties and danger large vessels are exposed to in sailing up the river, and will not 
send any but middle sized ones; the others will cruise at the lower end of the river. Gaspe 
is a good place of retreat, and a safe entrepot. 'Tis natural to suppose that they will fortify 
it as they have done Canso. The winds from the N. W. prevail during the whole of the 
month of May ; the river can be ascended at that season in 7 or 8 days, and more than ordinary 
care will be necessary to avoid being surprised. 

Sieur de Cannes, one of the captains of infantry who remained at He Royale until the 
evacuation was completed, has, by his letter of the 2:i"'' of July, communicated the same 
intelligence to us as Sieur Iriard. Our scouts towards the Mohawk country were told on the 
20"" ultimo, even by some of the English themselves, that Quebec would be attacked in 
the spring from the sea, Fort Frederic and Montreal from above ; that they would content 
themselves, this year, with weakening us by intercepting all the ships destined for Canada. 
This event must then be expected, and it appears to us indispensable for the preservation of 
the country, that his Majesty detail a fleet for these seas sufficiently powerful to oppose their 
expeditions. Their first rendezvous will probably be at Boston or in the adjoining harbors, to 
refresh their crews, and this will be in March and April, and perhaps partly in the month of 
May. The harbors of La Heve and Chibouctou, which are easily entered and quitted, are 
situated advantageously for observing the enemy, and conveniently for seizing their vessels, as 
well those destined for the expedition as for Louisbourg. We have already said it; success 
depends particularly on diligence; this is the most necessary; if it fail and the enemy's fleet 

' Sir IIovKNDiN Walker, Kt, of Somerslinm, Iluntingdonshire, England, was commiseioned n Captain in the navy about 
1688, and became Rear- Admiral of the White in 1710. He commanded the sea forces in the expedition against Quebec in 
1711. On his return his ship, the Edgar, 76, blew up at Spithead, and all on board perished. lie was suddenly dismissed 
tho service in 1715, whereupon he thought it much more advisable to retire to a plantation he had purchased in Carolina, 
where he prepared an aecount of bis expedition, which was published in 1720. Ue died in I72A. Beation't Political Index, 
IL, a ; Introduction to Walkert Journal. — Ed. 


and transports pass the gulf on their way to Quebec, without opposition, we should be 
embarrassed in providing against every casualty. Tn our opinion, the vessels which will bring 
us reinforcements should pass Gaspe in all April and the beginning of May, so that we might 
receive them here about the 15"". The season then is not so dangerous as people think. The 
late M. de Vaudreuil arrived at Quebec in the year 16S6, on the ^Q"" of May, with 5 or G ships 
which brought to the country regulars. M'' de Beauharnois has repeatedly, and 

we have also conjointly, represented to you the necessity of increasing the troops in Canada; 
this necessity makes itself felt more than ever by that which exists for fortifying the garrisons 
of forts St. Frederick, Niagara and Fort Frontenac. There remain no more than 400 men in 
the 3 towns o( the Colony, and if we be attacked above and below, 'twill be necessary to 
divide our forces. 'Tis true that the Colony can furnish 10(a 12 thousand active and brave 
men capable of bearing arms, but only 6 thousand of them, or thereabouts, could be considered 
well armed. Notwithstanding the attention paid to disciplining them, 'twill be necessary to 
intersperse them among, and to have them cooperate with, the regular troops. The number 
of the latter is too small to form with our militia a body capable of intimidating and certainly 
overcoming the enemy. We consequently demand of you o?ie thousand effective men. Another 
very important consideration is, that M. de Beauharnois has need of being seconded by officers 
of experience, and hereupon he will explain himself more particularly to you. He flatters 
himself that he will be able to preserve this Colony for the King by means of the reinforcements 
and of the supplies of munitions of war we have demanded of you last year, and whose 
arrival we expect, as well those we shall require of you for next year ; otherwise the country 
will run great risk. 

These are a great many objects to be attended to all at once, inasmuch as offensive and 
defensive operations are in question. 'Twill be for his Majesty to decide whether his naval 
forces will admit of his attending to both. The preservation of Canada must appear the 
object of most interest. Should the enemy once master it, 'twould, perhaps, be necessary to 
renounce this continent forever. 

Under the apprehension that the supplies expected this year from France may be intercepted, 
and that the like may be the case next year, Sieur Iriard proposes in his letter, copy whereof 
we annex, to come to the River St. John next year with a vessel loaded with munitions of 
war to be afterwards conveyed to Quebec; he pretends to be conversant with that river; he 
is a man of sufficient discretion to avoid running any risk in that quarter; but the means 
be indicates for the conveyance of these supplies are not, in our opinion, very sure, still less 
are they feasible, on account of the distance, and of the difficulty of several portages, amounting 
to eleven, between the River St. John and the first French settlements, 40 leagues below 
Quebec. 'Tis confidently stated that vessels of 150 (3^200 tons can ascend two leagues up the 
River St. John to the first fall. Should there be any design against Acadia or against lie 
Royale, or should the English persist in carrying out their plans against Canada, Sieur Iriard 
could be detached from the fleet, to convey to the place designated some munitions of war to 
be deposited with and confided to Father Germain, resident missionary at that place, for the 
purpose of arming the Indians of those parts, those of Medoctet, the Canibas and the Indians 
of Ristigouche and Miramichi, and to fit them for marching wherever deemed necessary. 
'Twill be easy to distribute this ammunition among the neighboring Indians, and means will 
be found, by bark canoes, to convey another portion of it to Indians at a great distance. We 
have advised Father Germain of these circumstances. We simply annex the memorandum of 


the stores to be sent, if this project be carried out. We have included therein some provisions, 
some cloth and other goods suitable for the Indians. At all events, we shall be promptly 
advised of whatever will occur on the River St. John, and whether Sieur Iriard will repair 

We have held a council with the deputies of Sieur Leloutre's village; they stated in 
substance that being surrounded by the English after the loss of their stores at Louisbourg, 
they had come to inquire their Father's orders, for the purpose of punctually executing them 
afterwards, and to request him to prescribe to them the course they should subsequently have 
to adopt. We annex copy of the answer sent by the General to the village. The attachment 
of these Indians may be depended on ; we send by sea as far as Miramichi, 4000"' of powder, 
and lead in proportion, and some cloth to cover them. It were to be wished that we had 
been in a condition to supply them with more ammunition, but in our present position 'twould 
not be prudent to strip ourselves. We made up the deficiency with i^OOO'' in specie, which 
we have intrusted to M. Loutre for the purpose of relieving their more urgent wants. It is 
highly important to preserve these Indians attached as they have always been to France; the 
English have been deterred from forming any settlement in Acadia solely by the dread of 
these Indians ; and though the latter do in one respect embarrass the French, whose cattle 
they from time to time even publicly carry off for their support, the French are not sorry to 
see them residing in the Province, and themselves, as it were, under their protection. The 
English forbid the French selling or giving them any thing, and the latter excuse themselves 
to the governor of Port Royal, that they cannot help doing so to avoid being robbed. Permit 
us, my Lord, to report to you a late instance of the attachment of these Indians to us. The 
commandant of Louisbourg has recently caused notice to be given to the French of Acadia, 
that they should bring cattle there the same as before; the Micmas have plainly told the 
French that they would not suffer any to be conveyed there ; that they would kill and eat all 
they should catch on the carrying place between Cobeguit to Tagmegouche,^ which is the 
cattle road ; none had been transported up to the 15"" of August last. 

21" 7^' M. Loutre left, with his Indians, on the 21". He is to go to the River St. John, to 
Beaubassin, and thence proceed to his mission. He has been particularly recommended 
to inform us of every thing he will learn of interest. We have furnished him with a signal, 
by means of which the French inhabitants on the east coast, already mentioned, will recognize 
the King's ships. It is this : A White flag at the main, with the discharge of one gun, immediately 
folloued hij two others in quick succession. If the signal be not perceived and no canoes come on 
board, the same signal will be repeated in an hour. Sieur Loutre will send a letter to the 
captain of the ship who will have made the signal, to inform him of all that will occur in 
Acadia in regard to Port Royal, and of every ascertained movement on the part of the enemy. 
Some accident, however, may occur next spring, or even this winter, to Sieur Loutre, on 
whose head the English have set a price. In this case the signals become useless. W^e have 
furnished the same signal to Father Lacorne : if the news boat which will be sent him have no 
guns, the signal will be the fiag at the main with three shots from a swivel, or 3 musket shots 
fired in the same order and repeated, if necessary. This last missionary left on the 22"'' in a 
small sloop which we had equipped and loaded with provisions. She will be out of all danger 
if she can double Gaspe without encountering the enemy. It is well, my Lord, that you be 
informed of the number of Micmacs spread throughout all those parts. 

' Now, Tatmagouah (Haliburlon't Nova Bcotia, 11., 66). "TiB a town in Cnmberland count}', opposite P. E. Island. — Ed. 


To wit : 

In Acadia, proper, belonging to Sieur Loutre's mission, 200 

He Royals ; M. Maillard, missionary ; they will have removed to Miramichi and 

Mistigouche, SO 

Miramichi mission, Father Lacorne, missionary, 195 

Ristigouche mission. Father Lestage, missionary, 60 

Total, 535 

When we received the first intelligence of the preparations making at Boston last spring, 
we were informed by our spies that the fleet was intended, in the first place, for Louisbourg, 
and that the English would come next to Quebec. We had the more cause to apprehend this, 
as, according to what Mess" du Chambon and Bigot had written us on the 13"" of April 
respecting the disorders among the garrison of He Royale, that place was, through the 
defection of the troops, untenable. We lost no time then to prevent all surprise, and to place 
ourselves in the best possible state of defence. Some fire-rafts have been diligently constructed 
about a league above Quebec, at He aux Coudres and other places, whence they could be 
easily drifted against the enemy's ships. We have caused a new retrenchment of fraized 
stockades to be built from the mill of the River St. Charles, near Quebec, to the powder 
magazines, and a new battery of 21 guns at Point a Carey. Finally, in consequence of the 
deliberation of the 12"" August, a wall of masonry has been commenced, which will inclose 
the town on the land side. We shall submit, in a special despatch, the motives that induced 
the Marquis de Beauharnois to have this work done, and annex the plan thereunto. 

We have fixed, as last year, signals between S' Barnabe and Quebec; a sloop at Rimouski, 
and another at the Seven islands on the lookout. At Gaspe we had Sieur Beliefeuille, a 
worthy farmer of the place. He proposes going to St. Malo this year on a visit to France. 
The General has considered it necessary to move a portion of the militia of the government of 
Montreal down to Quebec immediately on learning the surrender of Louisbourg. Uncertain as 
we were of the enemy's proceedings, we had the Indians belonging to the villages of the Saut 
and the Lake of the two Mountains, and even those of the Upper country who were then at 
Montreal, brought down in like manner ; we sent them all back at the close of August. This 
movement has occasioned an extra expenditure of 12 @^ 15 m ''. As for the rest, M. de 
Beauharnois will have the honor to inform you, in a private despatch, of the dispositions in 
respect to present circumstances, of the Iroquois of the 5 Nations and of the Indians of the 
Upper countries, as well as of those who are not domiciliated. 

To return to Acadia ; M. Hocquart will inform you by one of his despatches of the amount 
of expense incurred by Sieur Marin's party. This officer has received from that Province 
all the assistance it could afford, and by means of a letter of credit furnished him by M. 
Hocquart, engaging to pay at Louisbourg or Quebec, in specie or bills of exchange, all the 
moneys stated in the receipts which he gave, signed by him and Sieur Lignery, Major of 
the detachment. The Acadians readily seconded this expedition. Louisbourg being now no 
more, they find in their hands certificates of which they cannot make any use, as bills of 
exchange cannot be issued in their favor. It struck us that this will cause them much anxiety. 
We have given them assurances that all would be punctually paid next year, at Quebec. In 
order that we keep our word with them, 'tis necessary that you be pleased to authorize SO (& 


100 m" in silver to be remitted hither to pay this sort of service already, or hereafter to be 
rendered. Otherwise, future difficulties must be expected which would cause the Acadians to 
look upon us as real enemies. 'Tis even fitting that, without being obliged to have recourse 
to this country, those who will have funds in the King's fleet should satisfy, if occasion present, 
the expenses in question, at the rate of 8" 8% the value of the (:cu in Acadia, (ai G", the value 
of the same I'cu in France, and to take up as many certificates as will be offered. This 
punctuality will maintain the King's credit. 

We shall have some boats of observation again next spring at the lower part of this river; 
at Saint Barnabe, at La Trinite, at the place called Pointe des Monts, and at Seven Islands ; 
the ships his Majesty may send, and even the merchantmen, will learn from them whatever 
will occur of interest either in this Colony or among our neighbors; and should his Majesty 
be pleased to have us furnished with some advice or orders, those intrusted therewith will be 
able to confide them to the commanders of said boats, who will be careful to convey them to 
the nearest settlements on the south shore. The first militia officer will afterwards have them 
forwarded to us by means of the post. This is the signal for our ships when on our coasts in 
order to make themselves known : hoist a white flag on the main yard, and the jack forward, and 
fire one gun, and a moment afterwards, two others in quick succession. A response will be made on 
shore by a fire, and when the vessel will have perceived the fire she will discharge a gun, 
when a boat or canoe will go on board. 

We have communicated to you, my Lord, our different views respecting the expeditions to 
be organized next year. Among the officers belonging to He Royale who have gone to France, 
some will be found qualified to complete, and to throw more light on, them, especially as 
regards Louisbourg and Acadia ; they must be still better instructed than we are as to what 'tis 
possible to effijct. Pilots, conversant with the places, cannot be wanting at Rochefort, 
especially after the evacuation of He Royale. We presume even that some will be found 
acquainted with the coast of Boston. We annex hereunto, at all events, the copy Ensign 
Mercier has faithfully drawn of an engraved map found on board a schooner captured at Port 
Royal by Sieur Marin ; on it is another of the harbor of Boston and its environs. We shall 
not enter, my Lord, into any project against that place, not being able to indicate to you the 
precise measures to approach and master it. We will merely observe that there is a tower, or 
lighthouse at Point Alderton, with a battery of 7@;8 guns. When ships are perceived from 
this tower, they are signalized by flags which are repeated at Castle island and thus reach the 
town. The coast from Bantry' to the Tower and Marblehead, furnishes pilots to the ships 
that propose entering. These pilots frequently go on board of their own accord without it 
being necessary to fire a gun for them ; probably they are more on their guard since the war. 
Castle island is mounted with about 30 large guns which defend the channel. West of Boston 
and adjoining the town is a fort of 4 bastions with several batteries, one above the other, 
commanding the roadstead. Lastly, the English have erected, on the east point, a battery 
of guns which defends the harbor between Boston and Charle Town. 

Permit us, my Lord, one last reflection. Should his Majesty order preparations this winter 
for the execution of any one of the projects mentioned in tiiis despatch, we believe, that, with 
a view to throw the enemy on a wrong scent, 'twould be well to have the arrangements 
made partly at Brest, partly at L'Orient, Rociiefort and Bayonne, and to fix on some Spanish 
port, either Corunna, Ferol or some other place, as the rendezvous of our ships. They could 

' Braintree. — Ed. 


repair thither ia succession and, according as they would be ready, afterwards sail together for 
the place of their destination. 

Annexed, in cipher, is the extract of the general census of the Colony for the year 1744; it 
is extremely exact. 'Tis the summary of the several parochial returns ordered to be made 
last winter by persons whom we sent expressly for the purpose. 

Hereunto also annexed, is the abstract of the marriages, births and burials in this Colony 
for said year 1744. 

27"» 7'*'' M. Germain, missionary on the lower part of the River St. John, arrived here 
yesterday with the Chief and 24 Indians of his mission, the most of whom served in M' 
Marin's party. They spoke to us to-day, and we have cause to be as much satisfied with 
them as we are with the Micmacs of Acadia, belonging to the Missions of M. Loutre and of 
Father Lacorne, the Recollet.' We shall endeavor to render them content, notwithstanding 
the want we experience of all sorts of ammunition. It is of consequence to keep them in 
their present good dispositions. This Missionary has assured us that he had learned from a 
sure source, that the deputies from the different parishes of Acadia had been well received by 
M' Mascarin ; that this Governor had caused to be rebuilt the church at Port Royal, which 
had been burnt last year by the English Indians ; that the deputies from Beaubassin having told 
him that they no longer had any missionary, he answered them, that if they could procure one 
he would willingly consent to it, as they had sent the other away. These same deputies have 
reported that they had never been so well received by the English, as on their last visit. This 
policy appears to us extraordinary in the present conjuncture. We do not clearly perceive its 
motives, unless M'' Mascarin calculates that mild measures will be more effectual than any 
other to detach the affections of the Acadians from France, or that the reported success of the 
King over the English in Europe will have caused the change. The said deputies said that 
they had learned at Port Royal, that the King had achieved many important conquests even in 
England, where he had landed a considerable body of troops, which were headed, even by his 
Majesty ; this news is so good, that we dare not look for its confirmation. However that be, 
it has diffused great joy among the inhabitants of Beaubassin. The missionary adds, that the 
English have permitted M"' Maillard, priest and missionary at lie Royale,^ to remain at St. 
Peter's in charge of the inhabitants of that place who remained after having taken the oath 
of fidelity the same as the Acadians did formerly. The Micmac Indians belonging to tiiis 
mission, numbering SO families, are on their way to Quebec. We shall endeavor to locate 

' " Better known by the nickname of Captain John Bartbe. In truth, there was nothing of his order about him but his 
coat; he was a trader; visited Quebec in his own sloop, navigated by himself, only to sell his goods and purchase his supplies. 
When he had acquired vast sums of money, he abandoned his mission and applied for leave to return to France on pretext 
of ill health. Meanwhile, his money enabled him to keep a carriage; he mixed in ladies' society and thought no more of his 
convent. He went to France [ in 1757 ], where he became secularized." Collecliom of the Quebec Literary and Historical 
Society, 1838, p 82; Smith's History of Canada, I., 246. 

' Rev. AsToiNE Simon Maillard was sent by the Society of the Foreign Missions of Paris, to Canada, about the year 1734, and 
proceeded, as Indian Missionary, to Nova Scotia and Cape Breton. lie afterwards was appointed Vicar-General of Louis- 
bourg, but, on the fall of that place, retired into the woods, attending the few Acadian and Indian villages between that and 
Miramiehi; he thus remained until 1759, when he made his peace with the English, and was invited by the Governor of 
Halifax to settle at that place, where a church was afterwards erected for his use, and to use his influence to quiet the 
Micmacs, for which service he was allowed a salary of £200. Surrounded by the respect which his virtues and influence 
gained, he lived many years at Halifax, where he died in October, 1768, and was buried with the greatest honors. Bourbourg. 
He was the first Catholic clergyman in Halifax, N. S. — Ed. 

Vol. X. 3 


them when they will arrive. He has been informed also, that the deputies of the Island of 
St. John' who went to Louisbourg to submit to the English, had been sent home without any 
positive answer. 

We have informed Father Germain of Sieur Iriards's project, and that it might be executed ; 
he will, consequently, attend to putting in a place of safety whatever property might be sent 
and confided to him for distribution according to our orders, or by whomsoever the duty shall 
be assigned to. We have provided him with a signal by which to recognize the French vessel 
destined for the River St. John : A white flag at the mizen mast, and two shots succeeding each other 
at some little i9iterval, and a moment afterwards two other shots in quick succession. It will be 
responded to from the shore by a fire or a smoke. The signal will be repeated should it not be 
perceived at first, and a canoe will go on board. 

We have not spoken, except incidentally in this despatch, of the island and harbor of Canso. 
The Boston Gazette of the 6"" of May, reports that the English have erected a block-house on 
the island, in the immediate vicinity of the old fort, and that they had inclosed it by a ditch, 
with a rampart and palisades fortified by a battery of 8 guns and a detachment of 80 men. 
They speak of the harbor as a retreat for transports, where armed vessels cannot enter. 
Should the English have held on to that post, it would not be difficult to dispossess them of it; 
Sieurs Duvivier, Dolabara, Morpain and other officers of lie Royale, must be perfectly 
acquainted therewith. 

4ih gber \Ye learn to-day, by way of Orange, that the English have captured 10 of our ships 
in all, two of them large ; that French blankets and cloths made their appearance and were 
even common in that town, which leads us to apprehend that our ships from Rochelle are 
among the number of the prizes. 

'Tis added, that the Governors of Boston, New-York, Carolina and other Provinces are to 
meet at Orange, on an early day, for the purpose of treating there of present affairs; the 
Iroquois of the 5 Nations are to attend ; the Mohawks have promised to inform the Commander 
of Fort S' Frederic of what will take place on that occasion. The same talk continues 
respecting the project of attacking Canada next spring, at the upper and lower extremities of 
the Colony, and that preparations were already begun. They are not explained. 

G October. The strong winds from the northeast, which led us to expect some ships, have 
ceased ; we must make up our minds to dispense with them. We are consequently going 
to work. 

We have remarked in the Boston newspapers that the Governor of New England had, in 
order to insure the success of the expedition against lie Royale, dispatched an express in 
February, or March, to Antigua, to invite Admiral Warren to come to Louisbourg to intercept 
whatever relief might enter the place ; " that this officer, without awaiting the orders of the 
" King, his master, had accepted the invitation," and that consequently he had come with the 
men of war, the Superb, the Launceston and the Mermaid. We were of opinion that we could 
mask our proceedings in the same way, and make use of the same ruse. We write, in 
consequence, to M' de Callus, in triplicate, and annex copy of our letter. The English will be 
informed of the measures to be adopted in France for the security of this Colony, but they will 
not imagine that the ships which will sail in the month of January or February can have that 
direction. We believe, then, that this would throw them off the scent. They will suppose 
us weak, and we shall be strong. 

' Now, Prince Edward's Islnnd. — Ed. 


13"" October. The Marquis de Beauharnois had sent two Indians of the Saut S' Louis to 
Orange, at the end of August, to transmit from that place to Boston a letter he wrote to M"' 
Shirley with a proposition to exchange the prisoners taken by M. Marin, at Acadia, and some 
others belonging to the two prizes taken by Uheuretise Marie, for the crew of the schooner 
La Marguerite, commanded by Sieur Lagrois of Quebec, which has been captured last summer 
off the coast of Isle Royale. The two Indians have not been well received at Orange ; 
however, the Mayor' of that city has forwarded the General's letter to the Governor of Boston, 
who will probably reply to the proposition. These Indians, who are reliable, adroit and well 
acquainted with the English language, have reported the news contained in the annexed letter 
of Father Tournois, the Jesuit missionary of the Saut, on which the more reliance can be 
placed, inasmuch as it contains particulars that they could not imagine. We can hardly 
believe, nevertheless, that the English have fifteen thousand men at Louisbourg. 

We are, with most profound respect. My Lord, 

Your most humble and most 

Obedient servants, 

(Signed) Beauharnois. 


4"" November, 1745. 

P. S. On reflection, we have abstained from communicating to M. de Cailus the idea we 
have had respecting the assistance we might be able to derive from a fleet to be sent to the 
Island of Martinico; and we have thought that on receipt of this letter his Majesty would 
have time to issue whatever orders he should think proper on this subject. The fear of our 
letter being intercepted has, likewise, determined our change. Had we had a cipher with 
M. de Cailus we might have possibly persisted in our first project. 

(Signed) Beauharnois. 


M. de Beauharnois to Count de Manrepas. 

My Lord, 

In my letter of the 19"' of June I had the honor to inform you that I was daily expecting the 
Five Nations, as they had sent me word that they would come down to see me at the opening 
of the spring. They did, in fact, arrive at Montreal on the 16"" of July last, except the 
Senecas, who did not accompany the four other Nations, but who came down on the eighteenth 
of August last to Quebec, whither I had been obliged to repair on receipt of the news, whi h 
had been transmitted to me at Montreal, of the departure from Louisbourg of the English fleet 
for this country. 

As regards the Five Nations, I have held a council at Montreal with the Onondagas, Cayugas, 
Oneidas and Mohawks, who numbered more than 150; it was attended by the Indians from 
the different posts of the Upper country, who were at Montreal ; so that this Council was 
composed of more than 600 Indians ; the Iroquois alone spoke at it. I annex their speeches 
and my answers ; also the address of the Senecas, who came down to Quebec. 'Tis to be 



wished that the one and the other perform their promises. What I can say at present is, that 
when my departure from Montreal for Quebec was mentioned, on the receipt of the news of 
the English fleet, all the different Nations that were at Montreal followed me hither, and 
several Onondagas joined the party. I have since been informed that they passed Chouaguen 
on their return to their villages ; that they arrived at that post with the French flag, and had 
started from that place in the same style, without making any change. At their request I 
have sent Sieur de Joncaire to their country ; he is to preserve them in their apparent dispositions, 
and to render me an account of the smallest change that may be effected by the urgent 
solicitation of the English, and by the resolutions to be adopted at a great Council to be held 
in the course of this month at Orange, which the Five Nations are to attend, on the invitation 
of the Governors of Boston, and of the other prominent governments of New England. 

As for the other Nations belonging to the posts, the ardor manifested by those who were at 
Montreal and who accompanied me down to Quebec, and their conduct towards the English 
on other occasions, are proofs of the sincerity of their promises to me, when accepting the 
hatchet I presented, and caused to be presented to them. None were willing to accept 
the underground belts the English caused to be introduced into their villages, to induce them 
to declare against the French ; and there is no suspicion of their assisting at any English Council. 
Several parties of the Detroit Indians which had been formed, as I had the honor to inform 
you, for the purpose of falling on the English settlements towards Carolina, have returned 
without striking a blow. Chevalier de Longueuil wrote me on the 27*'' of August last, that 
they passed five entire days at the entrance of English villages without any success ; that the 
men did not come out, so that nothing was killed but a large number of horses, and hunger 
obliged the Indians to abandon their expedition ; that, however, two parties of Hurons were 
unwilling to return without effecting something, and were going to try to penetrate into some 
places that were less on their guard, and where they will probably strike a blow. Although 
these movements have been, hitherto, unattended with any success, and none of any consequence 
can be expected from the operations of those parties, M. de Longueuil will prevail on these 
Nations to organize others, in order to foster a continual spirit of hostility against the English, 
who, in consequence of their distrust of the Indians, will not be able to corrupt and gain them 
over to their side. 

Sieur de la Come, the elder, whom I have sent to command at Missilimackinac, writes me 
on the 27"' of August last, that as soon as he had raised the war-song at that post, 60 
Outaouacs and Saulteux, applied to him for M. Noyelle, junior, who is deputy there, to 
conduct them to Montreal, in order to attack the English in conjunction with our domiciliated 
Indians. According to what he writes me of their departure, I have reason to expect them 
from day to day, and they will do good service in divers places. 

The emigration of the Chasanons has at length taken place; they have removed from their 
former location to the place I allotted them at the prairie of the Maskoutins;', they have even 
tied and plundered the English traders on the Belle Riviere to the number of eight, and advised 
M. de Longueuil to send in search of them. But the detachment of 15 or 16 Canadians 
dispatched thither by that officer, discovered only one, and the Chatianons have said that they 
had carried the others along with them to their winter quarters, and would bring them to me, 
themselves, next year. I would have wished they had acted otherwise and sent M. de 
Longueuil, as they had proposed, these prisoners, who possibly will escape from, or 

'See IX., 92. J\^o/«. — En. 


perhaps be liberated by, them ; possibly even they may form a new alliance with, in order to 
obtain their supplies from them. This is the more to be apprehended, inasmuch as, 
independent of the little reliance to be placed on the inconstancy of Indians, the prevailing 
scarcity of goods and articles they require, may produce among them great change towards 
us, and you will form a more correct opinion of our situation and of the difficulty we 
experience in supporting the posts in the Upper country, from the report M'' Hocquart and I 
have the honor to submit to you on that subject. What I specially have to inform you, and 
took the liberty to communicate to you in my despatch of the 19"" of June last, is, that there 
has been a great falling off in the amount of goods taken up this year for the trade 
(r exploitation) of the posts, in comparison with what has been sent there in previous years. In 
consequence of the small quantity of goods in the hands of the merchants who furnish outfits, 
the ruling high prices, and the low rates obtained for peltries brought in return from the Upper 
countries, the Indian traders have been discouraged from supplying themselves with goods, 
and notwithstanding I offered licenses for nothing — especially to Detroit, in order that there 
should be abundance of goods at that post — only ten went up this year; I was obliged to 
give seven of these licenses gratis, in return for conveying the effects of the Commandant 
and of the garrison which could not otherwise be carried up without great expense to his 
♦ These effects hare Majesty.* I have not been able to find sale, either for the usual number of 
rbt°w°ight ' licenses for the post of Missilimakinac, to which place only nine canoes have 
gone, after considerable solicitation ; for the same reasons that I have just had the honor to set 
forth, which apply equally to all the other leased posts ; also to those of Niagara and Fort 
Frontenac, which are hardly better provided with goods necessary for the Indian trade there, 
and will be much less so next year, no supplies of any description having reached us this year. 
If these unfortunate circumstances, ray Lord, give a considerable check to the general trade of 
the Colony, they become of still greater interest in the indubitable loss of the Indians, who no 
longer finding their necessaries as usual at our posts, will assuredly abandon them to seek from 
the English their supplies, which will not be obtained except on conditions entirely opposed 
to the interests of the French, and to which it is to be feared, the Indians will be obliged to 
submit. Whatever attachment they may entertain towards the French, (a feeling I have 
preserved them in since I am in this Colony, ) 'tis impossible for me to flatter myself with 
continuing them in it when the posts will be stript of every necessary, as I expect they will 
be entirely next year; ammunition and arms are the principal articles they desire, at the same 
time that they are what we can furnish the least of, in our present circumstances ; and the same 
is the case with other articles of merchandise. Nevertheless, despite these inconveniences, 
which his Majesty alone can remedy by the aid he may send to the Colony next year, and 
which we expect, I will seek the possible, even in the impossible, so as to avoid wholly 
disgusting the Indians, and to stop the course they, 'tis to be feared, will adopt of abandoning the 
posts and of going over to the English. 'Tis not without considerable repugnance, my Lord, that 
I have taken the liberty of entering with you into these details; not only do my obligations 
require it, but it is also my duty to forewarn you of what may occur in this regard, against 
which 'twill, perhaps, not be possible for me to guarantee the Colony. 

I am, with the most profound respect, 
My Lord, 

Your most humble and 

most obedient servant, 

Quebec, SS"" October, 1745. Beauharnois. 



Conference between M. de Beaitlmrnoh and .same of the Five N^ation-'i. 

Speech of the Onondaga and Mohawk The General's Answer. 

Iroquois to the General, on the 26"" 
of July, 1745. 

After the usual compliments. 
By a Belt. 

Father: We see you are in a fog; that the 
sun is about to be hid from you ; by this Belt 
we dispel the mist, and brighten the sun, so 
that he may give you light, to enable you and 
your children to labor in the good cause. 

By a Belt. 
Children : You know that I love the clear 
and quiet sunshine ; I have never troubled it 
ou any one ; woe to them who will disturb 
it. As for me, by this Belt I clear away and 
dispel all the darkness that you may have 
found, and exhort you to labor, on your side, 
in the good cause, as I shall do, likewise, on 

By another Belt. 
Children : I have neither forgotten nor aban- 
doned the Tree of Peace I planted in your 
villages. You cause me pleasure when you 
speak of it. You desire, no doubt, to sustain 
it. By this Belt I lay hold of it, and again make 
it firm. I have no fear of its falling on my 
side, nor on that of my children, but take heed, 
lest on your side some blockhead may, un- 
known to you, break some of its branches ; I 
warn that I will not then be able to preserve 
its trunk. Be on your guard, then, in order 
to avoid this misfortune. 

By another Belt. 
The name you have conferred on me affords 
me pleasure. You perceive, by my mode of 
proceeding, that I have responded to it, and 
that I have trod in M' de Callieres' footsteps. 
To strengthen this Tree of Peace I bedeck it 
with new leaves, in order to be able to sit un- 
der its shade along with all those of my chil 
dren who will labor with me in the good cause- 
By another Belt. By another Belt. 
Father: Roots were forgotten for this tree ; I strengthen, in like manner, the roots of 
our father omitted them on the south and on this Tree of Peace from you to me and my 
the west sides, and promised us to prevent any children ; but take care, lest those whom you 

By another Belt. 
Father : By this Belt we water the Tree you 
planted with us ; so that its top may touch the 
heavens, and M' de Callieres added that its 
summit must pierce the sky. In order that 
nothing may shake it he confided the care of 
it to M' de Longueuil. Father : We this day 
ratify it, so that nothing may throw it down. 

By another Belt. 
Father : We renewed M' de Callieres' trea- 
ty with M' de Vaudreuil ; we expect to do the 
like with you, and that you will be pleased to 
adopt the name we have conferred on you. 
We add some leaves to this Tree of Peace, so 
that it may be large enough to afford us shel- 
ter, whilst laboring in the good cause. 



do not sufficiently distrust, go secretly and cut 
some of its roots under-ground, so that it may 
fall. That would grieve me, as your tranquil- 
ity is dear to me. You know that I have al- 
ways labored to procure repose for you ; if any 
of my children have sometimes disturbed that, 
I have immediately repaired, to the best of my 
power, the harm that had been done. 

By a black Belt. 
Son : Your assurance that you will die, 
rather than abandon the good cause, affords 
me pleasure. I believe you sincere, but I'm 
afraid you will be imposed on. Distrust all 
those who do not love your Father. Who- 
ever does not love him is not attached to his 
children. In order to strengthen you in your 
good sentiments I shall bestow on you, with 
pleasure, one of your children. Mess" de Lon- 
gueuil, de Noyan and LaChauvignerie, but you 
must wait until the path be open, and affairs 
less entangled. I have need of their services 
here, to unravel them. 

By another black Belt. 
Children: You must be aware that I have 
no desire to trouble your country. You know 
I never tried to do so, and that I have observed 
what I have promised you. The English, 
to whom you have given new territory to make 
a beaver-trap, have, on the contrary, in spite 
of your prohibition, erected a considerable fort 
on it, furnished with good cannon, and a strong 
garrison. Such is the result of the promises 
they have given you. I now learn that they 
are collecting arms and provisions there. I'm 
told, even, that they wish to attack the forts 
of which you speak to me, and that you are 
pledged to assist them. Whilst you are here, 
expressing your sentiments to me, they are 
acting contrary to the treaties they made with, 
and the promises they have given to, you. If 
they act treacherously against me, in your 

' These rivers are ia Oswego couaty j the river Li Blanche is supposed to be Little Sandy Creek, and La Orotse Eeoree, 
Salmon Creek, as laid dowa ia Burr's Atlas of the State of New-York. Compare note in Letter XIIL, of Charlevoix' Journal 
Historique. — Ed. 

persons striking us ; some of your children 
have, notwithstanding done so, and we have 
not struck any person. 

By a black Belt. 
Father: I forewarn you that I retain in my 
hand the good understanding between you and 
me. I shall not cease to strengthen it as long 
as I live. Father : You can send us, from time 
to time, M' de Longueuil, M' de Noyan, and 
others ; they will not be in any danger by 
sending word when they are at La Grosse 
Ecorce, or at La Riviere a la Planche} 

By another black Belt. 
Father: Agreeably to the treaty of peace 
not to disturb Choueghen, Niagara and fort 
Frontenac, we pray you not to carry the war 
into our country. No war is declared between 
your children ; it is only between you and the 
English, and we are ignorant of the cause of 
it ; we leave you to fight, and we pray you to 
let the Nations belonging to our cantons alone, 
80 as to leave our hunting grounds undisturb- 
ed. We make the same request of the English 
by a similar Belt. 


presence and in your country, you will come 
and tell me, agreeably to your answer to my 
children of the Saut, that you have been but 
one night abroad, and that this misfortune has 
happened; do not think I shall be the dupe of 
it; I forewarn you; I shall not attack your ter- 
ritory, but should the English touch mine, from 
that point, and you defend me not, what 
opinion do you wish me to have of your conduct, 
other than that you have sold me, and struck 
me, by means of the English, whom you sup- 
port, inasmuch as you require of me to spare 
Choueghen. Reflect well, I pray you, on that 
word you express, in the presence of all my 
children, your brethren. 

The General's speech, after the Council. By a Belt. 

Children. I cannot pass over, in silence, your apprehension that your brethren will declare 
against the English, and the manoeuvres to which you have recourse to turn them aside from 
such a course. Some of you have given underground Belts to those of my children who have 
accepted my hatchet, with a view to engage them to remain neutral, and here is the proof: 
This message that you have given and which I give you back, because neither I nor my children 
can retain it. You did not even confine yourself to that ; and you push your tenderness for 
the English so far as to exhort all my children in my presence to leave me to fight that nation 
all alone. Wherefore do you meddle with the matter I ask you? If your heart be English, 
and if you feel not your bowels yearning towards a Father, wherefore do you wish to 
disturb the obedience and tenderness good children must entertain for a good Father, when 
they are as much interested as I in the matter? I should very much wish you had remained 
quiet on your mats, when you cannot feel the interest you should have in acting otherwise. 
But I tell you that you will become suspected by me if you continue such speeches, and 
underground Belts against ray interests. Should it happen that you hereafter give any, I 
engage all my children here present to bring them to me, and I rely upon their fidelity and 

Speech of the Senecas to the General. Answer of the General to the Senecas ; 

25 August, 1745. third 'of September, 1745. 

By a Belt. By a Belt. 

Father: Be not surprised if we have not Children: lam delighted at the desire you 

come to see you on our arrival. We knew fee! to see me. You must not doubt but I 

you had a great deal of business. We met on felt an equal desire to see you. 'Tis true that 

the road our brethren, the Onondagas. We business is rather considerable just now, but 

should be very glad to know what you said to it will never prevent me seeing children who 

them and what are your sentiments. We afford me pleasure. 



have seen M' de Beaucours at Montreal, who 
told us to come and see you, and that you 
would be very glad of the visit. We had 
nothing more urgent than to execute his word. 
We asked him for a little vermillion to appear 
before you, lest our Father should take us for 
ghosts, having the face pale, the rather as we 
do not know how we shall find him, and as, 
perhaps, he will be fighting the enemy. If 
that were the case, I should not remain quiet. 

By another Belt. 
Father: We have learned that a house be- 
longing to you has been pulled down;^ this 
Belt is to restore your spirits, and we are per- 
suaded that you will find the secret of avenging 
yourself, being a great warrior. This we wish 
you may do, and we hope you will succeed. 

By another Belt. 
Father: When you restored peace to the 
earth you told us not to meddle with whatever 
you may have to do with the English ; this 
we always conformed to, our word being 
inviolable. Father, in proof of the truth of 
what I said, there is a man who has been 
taken by your children, the Ouyatanons and 
Peanguichias, since peace was concluded. 
This spring your children, the Miamis, Ouya- 
tanons, Peanguichias, have struck me; I did 
not carry their hatchet back to them, as I 
always bore in mind what you recommended 
to me, to cooperate in the work of peace. 

Your son, Joncaire, will inform you of every 
thing that has transpired in the Council of 
your brethren, the Five Nations, and of my 
sentiments in your regard, which will ever be 
the same. 

You have done well to follow M' de Beau- 
cours' advice when he told you to continue 
your journey to me at Quebec. However 
you may appear before me, you would have 
always been well received. 'Tis not the face 
I regard ; that is often deceitful ; but the heart, 
which alone can give me pleasure. The 
uneasiness you felt in regard to the situation 
you might find me in on arriving at my house, 
affords me assurance of your attachment and 
fidelity. You owe me the one and the other, 
in return for the care I have always taken that 
you should live in peace with all your brethren. 
Children, I will continue in the same course 
as long as you will afford me evidence of a 
perfect submission to my will. 

By another Belt. 
Children : 'Tis true the English have de- 
prived me of a beautiful residence;^ but I hope 
that the Master of Life will avenge me. That 
enemy has no views but to overpower you. 
Listen to my voice. Be on your guard, and 
distrust those who seek only to deceive you. 

By another Belt. 

Children : You have done well not to med- 
dle with any of the affairs between me and 
the English, since I gave you peace. 

I have taken good care to have restored to 
you the man belonging to your Nation who 
has been taken by my children, the Ouyatanons. 
I shall reprimand my children, the Miamis, 
Ouyatanons and Peanguischias for having 
struck you. You have done well to let your 
hatchet be ; and I will recommend them not 
to forget that you are, like themselves, my 
children and consequently their brethren. 

Children : In regard to the road of peace 

Vol. X. 

' Meaning, Louisbourg. — Ed. 



Father: We ask of you that the road of peace that I have laid out between my house and 
to Choueghen and Niagara, which you have yours, my end has been always cleared; I 

cleared, be always open and unobstructed. 

By another Belt. 
Father: Be not surpised if I repeatedly 
begin my speech ; I have no sense, but you can 
always rely, Father, that we shall be always 
peaceable, notwithstanding the invitations of 
the English, who have frequently endeavored 
to induce us to go and guard Choueghen, 
which we would not do. We are not like our 
brother, the 'Nondague, who readily listens to 
their proposals. I am very glad that he hears 
me ; 1 never speak in secret. 

By another Belt. 
Father: We have planted a Tree of Peace ; 
we had made it as high as the clouds; you 
have raised its branches as high as the heavens, 
whilst its roots strike the centre of the earth, 
so that nothing can shake it. We beg of you 
to preserve it always in the same condition ; 
on our side we will take care that nothing can 
damage it, so that all your children may be 
able to smoke undisturbed under its shade, 
and labor in the work of peace. 

By three Strings of Wampnm. 
Father: We have a child* who heeds us 
not; he never ceases threatening us that he 
will leave our country; with that intention he 
has pulled down his house. Father : We pray 
you reprimand him. When he is among us 
everything goes well, and when he talks of 
going away, even the children are alarmed, all 
confiding in him for good times. Father: Be 
assured that no insult will ever be offered him ; 
we are all ready to place ourselves in front of 
him, and will defend him on all occasions. 

have taken care to remove from it all the tufts 
(fredoches) that might incumber it ; do the same 
at your end. The paths will be always free to 
you, and remember that you are always my 

By another Belt. 
I never weary of hearing my children talk 
when they speak well ; they have sense enough 
to come to an understanding with their Father. 
This is evident, Children, from your refusal to 
listen to the solicitations of the English to guard 
their fort of Choueghen ; if your brother, the 
'Nondague, has been there, he has allowed 
himself to be seduced. I think you will not 
follow his example. But I am persuaded that 
he will never return there again. 

By another Belt. 
Children : You cannot do better than to 
preserve the Tree of Peace which 1 have plant- 
ed in you country ; the loftiness of its branches, 
the verdure of its leaves, and the depth of its 
roots, prove that, oh my side, I have done all 
that depended on me to preserve it in all its 
splendor; do the like henceforward, and 
nothing will ever shake it. 

By three Strings of Wampum. 
You, it is, who reared the child of whom 
you now complain. He will remain with you 
as long as the good of the service will not 
require me to recall him. I am persuaded of 
your affection for him, and of the quietness he 
secures you when in your country. 

M. de Joncaire. — Ed. 


M. de Beauharnois to Count ck MaurqxM. 
My Lord, 

We have the honor Jointly and severally to render you an account of the actual situation of the 
Colony ; it is sad enough, and too interesting an object for us not to hope that you will 
condescend to apply serious attention to it. 

The progress of the English in the lower part of the River St. Lawrence, informed as they 
are, of our not having received any aid, the advantage they have now over us in consequence 
of the capture of Isle Royale and the desire to achieve the conquest of Canada, leave no room 
to doubt that they will resume operations next spring. We are even openly menaced by them. 

You, my Lord, are acquainted with our forces and their weak point ; I calculate on the 
bravery of our Canadians and Indians. I flatter myself that you will do justice to my zeal, 
but notwithstanding all these advantages, if his Majesty be not so good as to send early 
supplies of powder, ball and at least eight thousand muskets, the force which the English 
propose to employ would make me entertain apprehensions for the Colony, though I might 
promise myself that it will be bravely defended as well by our few troops and our Canadians, 
as by all the Indians from the Upper country, who are to come down at the opening of the 
spring, and whom, with that view, I sent Sieur de Villiers to call out ; the greater part of 
them will, however, be without arms. I am, with most profound respect, My Lord, 

Your most humble and 

most obedient servant, 

Quebec, this 4"" of November, 1745 Beaxjharnois. 

Arrarigements for the Battalions in the Drike d''AnvilWs fleet. 

Memorandum of the arrangements adopted for the four battalions of the regiment 
of Ponthieu,' and of the militia of Fontenay le Comte= and of Saumur, 
embarked in the Duke d'Enville's fleet. 

[ Dep : de la Gaerre ; Paris. ] 

These arrangements have had three principal objects : the embarcation of the four battalions ; 
their treatment both afloat and ashore ; their command and service. 


Both battalions of Ponthieu are embarked on board the men of war with the exception of 
some companies belonging to the second battalion, which, as well as the two battalions of 
militia, will be put on board the transports (navires Malouines), and these troops have been 
distributed in such wise as to be very comfortable during the voyage. 

The majors of Ponthieu, and the two colonels of militia, will be on board the men of war; 
but the majors and adjutants of militia will be in the transports ; the captains and other 
inferior oflBcers will make the voyage along with their companies. 

In regard to the engineers, they will be put on board the men of war. 

' A county in the Province of Picardy. ' The capital of Lower Poitou, on the Rirer La Vendee. Moriri. — Ed. 



At sea, the officers in the men of war will, like those of the navy, eat at the tables of the 
commanders of the ships ; those on board the transports will have tables which the purveyor 
will keep in the same style as those of the captains of the men of war ; and the servants of 
the one and the other will have one ration and a half per day, the same as those of the naval 
officers. In regard to the noncommissioned officers {officiers-soMats) and privates, the first 
shall have a ration and a half and the others one ration per day. 

On shore the officers' allowance shall be on the same footing as at sea, for which purpose eight 
months' supplies have been put on board the fleet. The arrangement of their tables on shore 
has not been regulated, as it depends on circumstances and the distribution of detachments; 
it is to be settled on the spot. As for the noncommissioned officers and privates, their 
allowance will be the same as at sea. 

The soldiers shall not suffer any deduction in regard to this item, it being the custom of the 
navy to give the pay in full, exclusive of the ration during a campaign. But some part of 
the pay may be retained for the different articles which may be furnished the soldiers according 
to their demands ; for care has been taken to put on board the fleet a considerable quantity of 
shirts, breeches, stockings, gaiters, shoes, officers' and soldiers' tents, canteens, wooden bowls, 
spoons, knives, and other store goods. No deduction has, howevei', been yet prescribed, and 
these articles have been left at the disposition of the commandants and commissaries, who 
are even at liberty not to retain anything for this first expense, should the accommodation 
proper to be afforded the soldier on such occasion, demand it. 

Each soldier shall be furnished, before embarking, with 4 shirts, one jacket, one cap, and 
one blanket. The four battalions will receive, like the marines, three months' pay in advance. 
The funds necessary for the remaining five months' pay are on board the flag ship. The eight 
months' pay has been furnished by the treasurer-general of the Extraordinaries of war, and it 
is M. le Brun, naval commissary, who has charge of the money, as well as of the funds put 
on board by the treasurer-general of the navy. 

This commissary is also instructed to perform the the duties of commissary of war to the 
four battalions. He has a general instruction to that effect in addition to a special one for 
the payments to be on account of the treasurer of the Extraordinaries of war. 


M. de Meric is appointed, by special commission, commander of the four battalions, and 
another has been transmitted to him to command also the marine and colonial troops. He is 
to command likewise in Canada, subject to the governor's orders, should he go thither, and at 
the sieges that will possibly be undertaken in the enemy's Colonies under orders from the 
Duke d'Enville, or in his absence, from the commander of the squadron. 

The two battalions of the regiment of Ponthieu are to march before the marine troops, 
which will take precedence of the two battalions of militia. And it is in consequence of this 
arrangement that the officers of the different corps are to roll in duty' among themselves 
respecting their command. But if the four battalions be in Canada the two battalions of 
militia and their officers will rank before the troops and officers of that Colony. 

' When officers of tlie same rank take their turns upon duty, pursuant to some established roster, as captains with captains, 
and subalterns with subalterns, and command according to the seniority of their commissions, they are said to roll in duty. 
It corresponds with the French term, rouler. James' Military Dictionary, London, 1816, p. 762. — Ed. 


M. de Meric is authorized by his instructions to remain in America and retain there the 
whole or part of the four battalions of the land forces, according as the Duke D'Enville will 
think proper. 

Return of the Orders respecting the four battalions, issued by Count d'Argenson.* 

Order to M. de Meric to command the four battalions. 

Another order to M. le Brun to act as commissary of war, with an instruction for the 
performance of the duties thereof, and a letter accompanying the same. 

Instruction to M. de Meric respecting the course he is to pursue during the campaign, with 
a letter accompanying the same. 

Regulation respecting rank between the four battalions of land forces and the marines, and 
between the respective ranks of the one and the other. 

Orders of the King to prevent the land detachments on board private ships, obliging the 
captains of these vessels to put back in case of being separated from the fleet. 

Letter to M. de Meric accompanying these orders and regulations. 

Another letter on the same subject to the Duke d'Anville. 

By Count de Maurepas. 

Orders for the treatment of the land forces at sea and whilst landing. 

Order to M. de Meric conferring on him the command of the marine and Canadian forces, 
and the supervision of sieges. 

Copy of the regulation respecting the rank of the troops and their officers. 

And a special regulation ranking the two battalions of land militia as well as the regiment 
of Ponthieu over the Canadian forces and militia. 

Instructions to M. de Meric. 

Sieur de Meric will embark, agreeably to his Majesty's orders, on board the fleet commanded 
by the Duke d'Anville. 

The object of the equipment of this fleet is to accompany the two battalions of the regiment 
of Ponthieu and the two battalions of militia of Fontenay le Comte and of Saumur, which 
are to be shipped at the same time for the defence of Canada, on the supposition that this 
Colony is attacked by the enemy, or to attack their North American Colonies. 

Should the fleet proceed to Canada, Sieur de Meric will assume the command there not 
only of the four battalions of the regiment of Ponthieu and of the militia of Fontenoy la 
Comte and of Saumur, but even of the marines which will happen to be landed, of the troops 
in the Colony and of all the militia of the country, agreeably to the orders his Majesty has 
caused to be issued and which are to be sent to him. He will employ all these troops in such 

' Mabo PraEKB DE VoTKB, Count d'Argenson, was born at Paris 16th August, 1696. After filling several honorable ofiices 
he was appointed member of the Council 25th August, 1742, and in the forepart of the following year succeeded the Marquis 
de Breteuil as minister of war. He filled that post, with great credit tohiraself and advantage to his country, until February, 
1757, when he was sacrificed by Louis XV. to Mde de Pampadour, and banished the court. His disgrace was severely felt 
by men of letters, of whom he showed himself constantly the protector. He remained in retirement until 1764, when he 
obtained permission to return to Paris, and died on the 22d August, of that year, aged 68 years. Biographic UmvenelU ; 
Verbo, Voyer. — Ed. 


operations as will appear to him the best, according to circumstances. But he will take care 
to execute all the orders he shall receive in this regard both from the Duke d'Enville and the 
Governor Lieutenant-General of Canada. 

In case the fleet do not proceed to that country, and that the Duke d'Enville should have 
it in his power to employ them in some expedition against the enemy's colonies, Sieur de Meric 
will land with the troops at the places determined on by the Duke d'Enville for executing the 
operations he will have to carry on there. He will have everywhere on shore the command 
of the troops which will be employed there. He will, in like manner, command at the sieges 
he will have occasion to undertake there, but always subject to the orders of the Duke 
d'Enville, or the commander of the fleet, in case of the death of the Lieutenant-General. 

If, after executing the operations with which the Duke d'Enville is entrusted, he thinks it 
necessary for his Majesty's service to leave in Canada, or elsewhere, the four battalions of 
land forces, or only a part of them, M. de Meric will conform to all the arrangements this 
lieutenant will make therefor. And in case he should determine to leave only two battalions 
of the regiment of Ponthieu, M. de Meric will complete them with the soldiers he will draw 
from the battalions of militia. 

His Majesty also permits M. de Meric to remain in America to fill such command as the 
Duke d'Enville will deem suitable for him, in virtue of the power his Majesty has conferred 
on him ; and He will retain even in particular consideration the services he shall render in 
that country. 

Finally, he will be informed by a regulation that his Majesty has made, of the rank the 
officers of the land forces, of the marines and of Canada are respectively to hold, and that to 
be observed between these different troops in the movements they will make together. 

Count d'Argenson to M. de Meric. 25 March, 1746. 

I transmit you an Instruction wherein the King explains to you generally the conduct you 
have to observe in the campaign you are about to make with the Duke d'Enville's fleet. 
Should there be any particular orders to be given to you respecting the operations of this 
campaign, Count de Maurepas will cause them to be transmitted to you either directly or 
through the Duke d'Enville. 

It only remains for me to wish you opportunities to respond to what his Majesty expects 
from your zeal and experience, and you need not doubt my attention to set your services in 
the best light, nor the pleasure I shall feel in contributing to obtain for you their reward. 

Count d'Argenson to M. de Meric. 1" April, 1746. 

I send you, Sir, copy of the Regulation issued to arrange both the rank of the four battalions 
of land troops to be embarked on board the Duke d'Enville's fleet, with the troops of the 
marine, and the respective command of the officers of these difTerent corps ; and Count de 
Maurepas addresses another copy thereof to the Duke d'Enville. 

I transmit also to you the King's orders which you required to prevent the detachments of 
troops embarked on board private ships, obliging the captains to return in case of separating 
from the fleet. You will be so good as to distribute these orders to the commanding officers 
of these detachments. 

I am truly, Sir, your most humble and most obedient servant. 


Abstract of Despatchea from Louisbotirg. 

All the accounts received concerning Louisbourg, show that the English have not sent any 
considerable force there. 

It appears by those of the IS"" of April, that Commodore Knowles' pretended to give out 
that he was destined to be Governor of Louisbourg, only with a view to conceal the object of 
his mission to the South sea, whither he proceeds with three ships. 'Tis known that he has 
passed from the command of the Yarmouth, of 70 guns, to that of the Norwich, of 50, and there 
is every reason to believe that the vessels destined for Louisbourg have really to escort them 
to the Colony, only the three frigates of 40 guns designed for service in the department of the 
Northern Colonies. 

In regard to the regular troops, it has been observed that there are going on board only 
three hundred of the men belonging to the regiment that was reported to be wholly destined 
for Louisbourg ; and that the reinforcement to this detachment of three hundred men amounts 
to no more than a like number of three hundred, making, in all, six hundred men. 

The two regiments which sailed from Gibraltar at the end of November, were not to be 
more than eight hundred and fifteen men each, on the ordinary establishment, making, 
altogether, one thousand six hundred and thirty men ; but the last advices from Cadiz state 
that the troops which embarked at Gibraltar for Louisbourg are, at most, one thousand men, 
and a captain of an English vessel coming from Virginia, who was taken by Count Duguay, 
declares that the convoy from Gibraltar, which put into Virginia, carries only eight hundred 
men to Louisbourg. 

The united forces are not in a condition to resist those embarked in the Duke d'Enville's fleet. 

As to Naval forces, there remain at Louisbourg only the Vigila7it, 64, and the Chester, 
50. Townsend's fleet, which consisted of six ships, is reduced to four by the return to 
England of the Princess and the Ipswich, each of 70 guns ; and it is, moreover, expected that if 
Townsend^ is able to reach Cape Breton it will be only in a very poor condition. 

It does not appear that the English are disposed to send any fleet from Europe to that 

26 April, 1746. 

' Sir Charles Knowles, Baronet, was commiasioned Captain in the navy February 4, 1737, and in 1739 served in the 
expedition against Portobello ; in 1740 he commanded the Weymouth, 60, in the fleet sent under Sir John Norris against 
Ferrol; and in 1741 was attached to the expedition against Carthagena. He was afterwards Governor of Cape Breton, 
and commanded at Jamaica in 1747 ; beat the Spanish fleet under Admiral Reggio, near Havana, in 1748. He was Vice- 
Admiral in 1757, in which year he attacked Aix; Admiral of the Blue in 1763, and raised to the dignity of a Baronet 19th 
October, 1764. He was Rear-Admiral of England in 1765; went, afterwards, into the Russian service, but returned to his 
native country and died in 1777. Bealson. 

' Admiral Isaac Townsend was commissioned Captain in the Royal navy in 1720. In 1740 he commanded the Berwick, 70, 
in the blockade of the Spanish fleet at Cadiz. In 1746, having become Vice-Admiral, he commanded the fleet in the Leeward 
Islands, and drove a French fleet ashore at Martinico in 1746. In the latter year he was in command of a fleet at Louis- 
bourg. He was next appointed Admiral of the White and Governor of Greenwich Hospital ; was struck with paralysis 
November, 1763, and died in 1768. Beataon. — Ed. 


Operations of tlie French in New England and New ■ Yorh. 1Y45, 1746. 

Abstract of the different movements at Montreal, on occasion of the war, from 
the month of December, 1745, to the month of August, 1746. 

1745. December 30"". Liutenant S' Pierre left this town with a detachment under his orders, 
consisting of two lieutenants, 2 ensigns, on full pay, 4 seconded ensigns, 7 cadets, one surgeon 
and an interpreter, 3 volunteers and 105 colonists, making, in 'all, 126 Frenchmen and 37 
Iroquois and Nepissings, to encamp in the neighborhood of St. Frederic, for the purpose of 
opposing the enemy's attacks against said fort. 

1746. January 24"". Sieur St. Luc de la Corne was sent to reinforce Sieur de St. Pierre, 
with a detachment composed of one seconded ensign, 6 cadets, 2 volunteers, 100 colonists 30 
Iroquois, who have remained under M' de St. Pierre's orders until the first of April, when they 
arrived in this town, after having made divers scouts on Lake St. Sacrament and in the 
neighborhood of the above fort. 

31" Captain Desabrevois has been detached with Chevalier de Niverville, ensign, and 63 
Iroquois to the South river, in Lake Champlain, on occasion of an alarm. 

March 16"" Chevalier de Niverville, officer, and Sieur Groschesne Raimbault, cadet, left this 
town with some Abenaquis Indians, on their way towards Boston, and returned with some 
scalps and prisoners, one of whom he took with his own hand. Sieur Duplessis, Junior, an 
officer, started at the same time with 6 Algonkins and Nepissings in the same direction, and 
joined the preceding party, with whom he returned, bringing in a prisoner, who was captured 
at the same time, &c. 

29"" A party set out, consisting of 14 Iroquois, belonging to the Lake of the Two Mountains, 
who have been in the country of Orange, and returned with some prisoners and scalps. 

April 20"' A party set out composed of 14 Iroquois, belonging to the Sault St. Louis, 
commanded by Ontassago, the son of the grand Chief of that village, who sojourned at Fort St. 
Frederic, and made several scouts to Sarasteau.^ 

Theganacoeiessin, an Iroquois of the Sault, left with 20 Indians of that village, to go to 
war near Boston ; they returned with 2 prisoners and some scalps. 

Thesaotin, chief of the Sault, left with 22 warriors, belonging to that village, to make war 
in the direction of Boston; they returned with some scalps; one Iroquois was killed and two 
wounded of the party. 

Ganiengoton, chief of a party of 8 Iroquois, belonging to the Sault, set out in the direction 
of Boston, and returned with two scalps. 

26th. A party of 35 Iroquois warriors, belonging to the Sault, set out; they have been in 
the neighborhood of Orange, and have made some prisoners, and taken some scalps. 

A party of 20 Abenakis of Missiskouy, set out towards Boston, and brought in some prisoners 
and scalps. 

27"" A party set out, consisting of 6 Iroquois of Sault St. Louis, who struck a blow in the 
neighborhood of Orange. 

May 7"" Six Nepissings started to strike a blow in the direction of Boston, and returned 
with some scalps. 

' Saratoga. — Ed. 


lO"" Gatienonde, an Iroquois of the Five Nations, who has been settled at the lake for 2 or 
3 years, left with five Indians of that village and Sieur S' Blein, to strike a blow in the 
neighborhood of Orange; this small party brought in one prisoner; Gatienonde, the leader of 
the party, has been killed and scalped by the English on the field of battle. 

12"" Six Iroquois Indians of the Sault set out towards Boston, and returned with some scalps. 

IS* Ten Indians, part Iroquois of the Sault, and part Abenakis, set out to strike a blow in 
the direction of Boston ; they made an attack, and brought away some scalps. 

17"" 31 Iroquois, belonging to the Lake of the Two Mountains, set out, and struck a blow 
in the neighborhood of Boston, and brought back some prisoners and scalps, and laid waste 
several settlements on their way back. 

IS"" 10 Nepissings left, who struck a blow towards Boston. 

A party of 8 Iroquois belonging to the Sault has been fitted out, and has been to make an 
attack in the same direction. 

22°'* 19 Iroquois, belonging to Sault St. Louis, have been equipped ; they have been to strike 
a blow in the direction of Orange. 

24"" A party of 8 Abenakis of Missiskouy, has been fitted out, who have been in the 
direction of Corlard, and have returned with some prisoners and scalps. 

27"' Equipped a party of 8 Iroquois of Sault St. Louis, which struck a blow near Orange, 
and brought back six scalps. 

28"" A party of 12 Nepissings who made an attack in the neighborhood of Boston, have 
brought away 4 scalps and one prisoner, whom they killed on the road, as he became furious 
and refused to march. 

A party of Abenakis of Missiskouy, struck a blow near Orange and Corlard, and brought in 
some prisoners and scalps. 

Equipped a party of 10 Iroquois and Abenakis, who joined together to strike a blow 
towards Boston, and returned with some scalps. 

June 2'^ Equipped a party of 25 warriors of the Sault and three Flatheads, who joined the 
former in an expedition in the neighborhood of Orange, and who returned with some scalps. 

3"* Equipped a party of 18 Nepissings, who struck a blow at Orange and Corlard. 

4"" Equipped a party of 16 Iroquois of the Sault, who return to where they have already 
struck a blow. 

5"" Equipped a party of 11 Nepissings and Algonkins, who have struck a blow in the 
neighborhood of Boston, and have brought in some prisoners. 

e"" Equipped a party of 17 Nepissings, who have struck a blow in the direction of Boston 
and brought back some scalps. These Indians have had 2 wounded. 

8"" Equipped a party of S Iroquois of the Lake, who have struck a blow near Guerrefille.* 

12"' Equipped a party of 10 Abenakis Indians, who struck a blow in the direction of Boston. 

13"" Equipped a party of 6 of the same Indians, who made an attack in the direction 
of Boston. 

Equipped a party of 9 Nepissings and Algonkins, who have struck a blow in the Boston 
country. One of these Indians was wounded. 

17"' Equipped a party of 10 Abenakis, who went to make an attack at the River Kak^coute,* 

' Deerfield. 

' The River Coutooeeok {aWa into the Merrimack, north of Concord, N. H. Belknap, HUtory of New Hampthire, HI, 186, 189, 
•ays the present name of the place is Boscawen. — Ed. 
Vol. X. 5 


and were defeated near a fort ; their chief Cadenaret, a famous warrior, has been killed ; the 
remainder returned with some scalps, and left others which they were notable to bring away, 
the dead having remained too near the fort. 

19"" Equipped a party of 25 Indians of the Sault St. Louis, who struck a blow near Orange. 
One or two of these Indians were wounded. They brought away some scalps. 

20"" Equipped a party of 19 Iroquois of the Sault St. Louis, who went to Orange to strike 
a blow 

21" Equipped a party of 27 Iroquois of the same village to go to Orange; Sieur de 
Carqueville, an officer, and Sieur Blein, a cadet, have been of this party, which has brought in 
a prisoner that was on the scout to Sarasteau, and some scalps. 

July 16. Lieutenant Demuy left this town with a detachment under his orders consisting of 
5 ensigns, 6 officers of militia, 10 cadets, 48 settlers and about 400 Indians, partly our 
domiciled Indians and partly some from the Upper country ; this party tarried at Fort St. 
Frederic, and has been employed scouting, and working on the River au Chicot,' where they 
have felled the trees on both sides to render its navigation impracticable to our enemies. 
Several of these Indians have formed parties and been out on excursions, M' Demuy having 
been ordered to wait for the party commanded by M' de Rigaud, whom he joined. 

June 30. 38 Iroquois of the Five Nations came to speak in Council. 

July 23. 31 Outawois of Detroit, some of whom returned home being unwilling to go to war. 

16 Wild Rice Indians {Folks Amines). 

14 Kiskakons of Detroit who gave proofs of their fidelity to the French, and 

who have all been to war. 
4 Sioux came to the council to demand a commandant, who could not be 
granted them. 
[Aug.] 2 50 Poutewatamies came to go to war. 

15 Puans came to go to war. 
10 Illinois d" 

6. 50 Outawois of Michilimakinac, ] 

40 Outawois of the Forks, ] ^^^° ^^"^ ^e^" «° ^^^ ^^' P^'^. 

10. 65 Mississaguez from the head of Lake Ontario ; idem. 

SO Algonkins and Nepissings from Lake Nepissing, near Lake Huron, who have 

been to war. 
14 Sauteurs came with the Outawais from Michilimakinac, to go to war. 
2i. 3S Outawois of Detroit,\ 

17 Sauteurs, / 

24 Hurons i ^ portion of whom were of M' Rigaud's detachment. 

14 Poutewatamis, j 


The Outawois Indians, who were with M' Demuy, have taken an Onondaga and a Mohawk 
Indian, who were on the scout. These Indians have been sent back ; the Mohawk immediately, 
and the Onondaga has been conveyed to Montreal, and sent home by 8 Iroquois of the lake, 
with a Belt. 

' Wood Creek, Washington county, New-York. — Ed. 


Note. — Munitions and presents have been sent to Sieur Joncaire, to enable him to 
negotiate with the Iroquois, of the Five Nations, and to retain them neutral. 

August S"*. ISr de Rigaud de Vaudreuii, town major of Three Rivers, set out with a 
detachment under his orders, composed of 2 captains, 1 lieutenant, 3 ensigns, 2 chaplains, 
whereof one is for the Indians, 1 surgeon, 10 cadets of the regulars, 18 militia officers, 3 
volunteers and about 400 colonists and 300 Indians, including those domiciled and those from 
the Upper country. This party has been on the River Kakekoute, where it attacked a fort 
near Brockfil containing a garrison of 22 men, with 3 women and 6 children. After a fight of 
26 hours and the loss of one killed and several wounded in the fort, the garrison surrendered 
prisoners of war. M. de Rigaud, the commandant, has been wounded by a shot in the right 
arm, and 3 of his Indians killed on the field of battle; one of these was an Iroquois of the 
Lake and one an Abenakis; 4 Frenchmen and 11 Indians have been wounded. Considerable 
devastation was committed by the party on its return ; it set fire to all the houses and grain 
found standing within a space of 15 leagues, with barns, mills, churches, tanneries, &c., and 
finally returned with its prisoners to Fort St. Frederic, where it remained awaiting the orders 
of the General, who recalled the whole party. 

Sixty Abenakis, belonging to this force, went, after the fight, to lie in wait for 20 Englishmen 
who were to come to the said fort, according to the report of the prisoners; but not having 
met them, went farther, and some returned with 7 scalps, 1 Englishman and 1 Negro. 

Seventeen Mississaguez who left this party before the capture of the fort, have been 6 leagues 
below Orange and struck a blow and brought back 4 scalps. 

Note. — All the expeditions of our enemies have, up to the present time, amounted 
to some Mohegans (Loups) scalping a soldier belonging to the garrison of Fort St. 
Frederic, who had gone out unarmed, and who had been at a pretty considerable 
distance, where these Indians were concealed ; the English had promised them a 
considerable sum of money, which alone gained them over, it being the only blow 
they were willing to strike, notwithstanding all the importunities of the enemy. 

3l8t. Equipped a party of Iroquois of the Sault consisting of 6 men. J-XooX'> 7 

Equipped a party belonging to the same village of 8 warriors who have not returned. 
M' de Montigny, 2 cadets and 25 Abenakis and Iroquois of the Sault, were sent, subsequent 
to M' de Rigaud's fight, on the scout to Sarasteau.' A portion of the Indians having gone off", 
Sieur de Montigny, who saw no hostile movement nor preparation in that fort, made an attack 
with 14 men who remained by him, on 20 soldiers belonging to that garrison who were 
escorting a cart loaded with clay to build a chimney, and killed at the gate of the fort 4 men 
of the detachment, who were scalped by the Indians, and took 4 prisoners. 

' Saratoga. — Ed. 


M. de Beauharnois to Count cle Mcmrepas. 

My Lord, 

I have received the letters you did me the honor to write me on the 26"' and SS"" of April 
1745, and on the 7"" March of this year. 

I have observed by what you have been pleased to communicate to me, that his Majesty 
has approved the work effected in 1774' for the defence of Quebec and Montreal, and in the 
different forts of the Colony. I have jointly and individually reported to you, my Lord, 
the condition of these forts last year. 

The garrison of Fort Niagara is actually composed of 
Captain Duplessis faber. 
Lieutenant De Contrecour. 
Ensigns De Boulascry, Chev. de Garner, 
a""* Ensign, Duplessis, Jun' 

4 Serjeants and 33 soldiers, two of whom are gunners. 

The garrison of St. Frederic consists of 
Captain De Noyas. 

Lieutenants Dumont, De Boucherville, Herbin. 
Ensign De Millon. 
2"'' Ensign De Mpntigny. 

5 Serjeants and 88 soldiers, including 6 gunners. 

The fort is abundantly supplied with provisions and munitions of war, with the exception 
of artillery. 

The garrison of Fort Frontenac consists of 
Captain De Tonty. 
Lieutenant De Cabanas. 
Q""* Ensigns Le Borgne, Depeux. 
Two Serjeants, 33 soldiers and 2 gunners. 
These garrisons will be reinforced, when necessary, on the first movement of the enemy. 
At Fort Chambly are Sieur de Beaulac, a reformed lieutenant, one Serjeant and 6 soldiers, 
as you have ordered ; and I am unable, for want of sufficient troops, to increase its garrison, 
which, however, would be very necessary in the present conjuncture. This fort serves as a 
store or entrepot for all the munitions destined for Fort St. Frederic. 

I have already acquainted you, my Lord, with the disposition of the Five Nations as respects 
Choueguen. The advantages we have gained in the interior of the Colony might possibly 
have created alarm, had we been in a condition to follow them up, by being supplied with 
goods and effects necessary to fit out new parties, and to meet the wants of the trade of the 
posts. The circumstances in which we are placed by the want of these supplies, must make 
us desire more than ever that the 6 Nations should observe the neutrality they promised. 
Nevertheless, I shall neglect no means possible to induce them to cooperate in what his 
Majesty appears to require of me in this regard. Sieur de Joncaire is already notified to give 
that matter all his attention. His activity and vigilance may be relied on, if there be any 

' Sie. 1744. — Ed. 


prospect of success. M. de Longueuil might have suited for that negotiation, but that officer 
is very corpulent, and illy adapted to make these sorts of journeys. Those nations, who 
adopted his oldest son in the council I held with them last summer, appear always much 
attached to that family. I expect to send him to assist Sieur de Joncaire, should circumstances 
become more favorable. 

On the 10"" instant I received news of M' de Vaudreuil by the arrival of Sieur Delinn,' a 
Louisiana officer, whom he permitted to come to Canada on some family affairs. He confided 
to him also several letters, in which he communicates to me what you were pleased likewise to 
state to me respecting the measures to be adopted to terminate the disorders Indian traders 
(Coureurs des bois) are continually committing among the Illinois, and to prevent the frequent 
desertion of the soldiers from that post. The distress of the Colony does not admit, for the 
present, of the establishment of the new posts proposed by M. de Vaudreuil; and as regards 
the limits of the trade of the two Colonies, which it might be well to circumscribe, that merits, 
nevertheless, an examination on which I cannot enter until after the departure of the ships, 
because it is necessary to reflect whether this arrangement would not be more prejudicial than 
profitable to the posts that are leased, in consequence of the separation of a portion of those 
posts that might follow; this would, in some degree, be injurious to the commerce of the 
Colony, by diminishing the revenue derived from them. But, as it is important to check the 
brigandage of the Coureurs des bois, and as this is one of the considerations of most interest to 
the commerce of the two Colonies, I shall take all the precautions which will possibly concur 
to that end, in making use, agreeably to your Lordship's wishes, of M. de Vaudreuil's 
reflections, and agree upon a plan on this subject that may put an end eventually to these 
^orts of disorders. As for the rest, on M' Bertet's complaining this year to me that deserters 
from Louisiana found free access to the posts adjoining Detroit, I have written to Chevalier 
de Longueuil to issue warrants in virtue of my orders, for the arrest and conveyance to Fort 
Chartres, of these deserters, without any sort of mercy. 

The man named Auge, one of the partners in the post at the Bay,^ has been killed by a 
Wild rice Indian. His misconduct and drunkenness have been the cause thereof. He, it was, 
who supplied goods to the Coureurs des bois, who afterwards retired to the Scioux. Sieur de 
Lusignan, who spent last winter among this tribe, has meanwhile ordered these Coureurs da 
bois to return. They gave him to understand that they were ready to obey and follow him ; 
they even set out, but either on reflection, or rather on learning that they would be arrested 
at Missilimakinac, they turned aside and abandoned Sieur de Lusignan. This officer brought 
with him, this summer, four Scioux chiefs of the Lakes and Prairies, who came down to 
solicit my pardon for 19 of their young men, who had killed 3 Frenchmen at the Illinois. The 
chiefs delivered up these young men, bound and tied, to Sieur de Lusignan, on his arrival at 
their village, seemingly evincing sorrow for the fault they had committed. This nation behaved 
well during the winter, and made peace with the Puants, Wild rice Indians and the Sauteurs 
of the Point, with whom they had been a long time at war. Sieur de Lusignan obliged them 
to restore the prisoners they had made, which produced tranquillity among the nations 
inhabiting that post. As regards the lessees of the post, they have made no complaint to me 
of Sieur de Lusignan, who favored their trade by every means in his power. These lessees 
wouldjhave done a very profitable business had they not suffered from fire, whereby they have 
lost considerably; the increase in the price of beaver has, however, indemnified them partly 

' Or, Delima. ' Green Bay. — Ed. 


for that loss. We jointly report to you the arrangement adopted relative to that post, the 
lease of which has expired, and to the others that are in a like position. 

Immediately on receipt of your despatch I sent to Chevalier de Longueuil the cross of St. 
Louis and his Majesty's license to wear it until he may he able to present himself for reception. 
I have every reason, my Lord, to be well satisfied with this officer's zeal and diligence in the 
management of the Indians of Detroit, so as to determine them to come down to Montreal. 
Some belonging to all the nations came, notwithstanding all the intrigues of the English to 
dissuade them from this voyage. I have not failed to recommend to Sieur de Longueuil to 
profit by the good dispositions in which these nations have returned, and to manage so as to 
induce them to make some incursions during the winter against the settlements the English 
have made in the direction of the Beautiful river, and of the White river. 

I have rendered you an account of the success of the party I sent out last fall to the borders 
of New England. The expeditions I proposed organizing towards Missilimakinac and Hudson's 
bay, have not, as yet, taken place, and I beg you, my Lord, to assure his Majesty that I will 
not relax in this, nor in any other parts of the service. 
I am, with most profound respect, 
My Lord, 

Your most humble and most 

Obedient servant, 

Quebec, 2S"' 5"", 1746. Beauharnois. 

Military and other Operatioihs in Canada during the years 1745-1746. 

Abstract, in form of a Journal, of whatever occurred of interest in the Colony 
connected with Military operations ; also of the various news received 
since the departure of the ship St. Rock, Captain Petrimoulx, which sailed 
for France the first of December, 1745. 

1745. November. The Minister has been informed of the fitting out of the party commanded 
by M' Marin, to attack the settlements on the River Connecticut. This detachment was 
composed of 300 Frenchmen, and of about as many domiciliated Indians, who set out from 
Montreal on the beginning of this month. The French arrived at Fort St. Frederic on the 
IS"" and 14"' of the same, and Indians not until the 17"". The latter, then, represented that 
the season was too far advanced to go to the River Connecticut ; that not being fitted out for 
the winter they would run great risks in returning from this expedition ; that, moreover, the 
settlements in that quarter were on tiie other side of the river, in which they might meet some 
ice. On these representations, and on the proposal of the Indians, M' Marin determined to 
march towards Sarasteau,' a post about 15 leagues from Fort St. Frederic. He attacked that 
village in the night of the SS'"" and 29"" of this month ; burnt and plundered all the houses, 
and took about 100 prisoners, men, women, children and negroes; part of these have been 
dispersed among the Indians, who took possession of them, and the remainder lodged in the 


prisons at Quebec.^ This officer returned to Montreal on the 9"" of December following, and 
his detachment a few days after. 

December. At the close of this month the General issued orders at Montreal for the fitting 
out a party of 160 men, including French and Indians, under the command of Lieutenant St. 
Pierre, to go on a scout towards New England, and to observe the enemy's movements. 
This detachment set out from Montreal in the forepart of January, and proceeded to Fort 
St. Frederic. . 

January 7th. On the receipt of various information by Indians coming from New England, 
that the English propose attacking Fort St. Frederic, the General has just ordered the fitting 
out at Montreal of a new detachment, consisting of 150 men, both French and Indians, under 
the command of M' de St. Luc la Corne, to join M' de St. Pierre's party, and to protect Fort 
St. Frederic. This detachment left Montreal between the 20"" and the 25"" of this month for 
its place of destination. 

On the same occasion orders were issued at Montreal to hold 1500 men of the district in 
readiness to march to the assistance of Fort St. Frederic on the receipt of the first intelligence. 

3 February. Captain de Perigny died at Montreal on the 24th ultimo, aged 85 years. 

8. The General deeming his presence necessary at Montreal, set out to-day for that place 
in a sleigh. 

March 2S"' Two Indians arrived from Acadia with letters from M"' le Loutre and Father 
Germain, of the 27"" of December and 30"' of January ; the first informs us that his Indians 
had, in the month of November last, intercepted letters written by the government of Louisbourg 
to that of Port Royal, directing M' Mascaren to dispatch a vessel to Boston, and to send him 
1000 to 1200 Bostonnois to replace the dead ; not to permit any Bosionnois to go into Minas 
basin to insult the settlers, and not to trouble the Indians this winter. It recommended the 
placing all the privateers, early in the spring, on the coasts of Acadia ; complains seriously of 
M' Loutre, missionary of the Micmacs ; requests M'' Mascaren to do all in his power to 
apprehend him, or to oblige him to quit the country, and to abandon the Indians. 

In regard to news from Louisbourg it appears certain that the English had not received 
any reinforcement up to the 14"" of November, and that sickness had been very rife there, 
since the conquest. 

These days past 21 guns have been removed from the rampart to the new Dauphin battery. 

14"" The General arrived from Montreal. 

15"" We receive a letter from Ensign Joncaire, of the troops, who was sent last fall to the 
Senecas, to retain the Iroquois, of the 5 Nations, in a strict neutrality. He informs us that 
some Mohegans (Loups) returning from Boston and Carolina, had reported that great preparations 
for war were making in those parts. 

Several prisoners, men, women and children, taken at Sarasteau, having fallen into the hands 
of the Indians of the party, were ransomed by divers individuals, particularly from the Indians of 
St. Francis and Becancourt ; they have been brought down and lodged in the barracks at 
Quebec, and the price of their ransom repaid by the King. 

19. An express dispatched by Sieur Lefevre Bellefeuilie, of Gaspe, arrived with intelligence 

' Not. 20, 1745. Last night I reeeiyed a letter from the Commissioner of Indian Affairs at Albany by express, dated the 
l^th instant, acquainting me, that the night before, the enemy had cut off Saraghtoga settlements upon our northern fron- 
tiers ; that only one family had escaped destruction by flight ; that they saw the fort and some other buildings in flames. 
Metaage of 'Governor Clinton to the New -York Assembly; Journal, II., 86. — En. 


that the ship Le Lion d^Or, commanded by Sieur Bionneau, anchored in Gaspe bay on the IS"" 
November; this vessel sailed from Rochelle on the S"" 7''" in company with the flyboat 
La Gironde, from which she separated eight days after her departure; on the 8"" November she 
found herself between the Grand Etang and Fox river, and was forced by bad weather to 
anchor in the Bay of Gaspe, which was already full of ice. 

21. 3 expresses are dispatched to-day to Gaspe, to bring up the letters Sieur Bionneau 
may have, as he has not sent any by the express which arrived on the 19"" 

23. Conformably to the project proposed last fall to send early to the mouth of the River 
St. John, a vessel loaded with ammunition and necessaries for the Indians of that quarter and 
vicinity. Ensign Dupont Duvivier, formerly commandant of the Island of St. John,* was 
dispatched to the'lower end of the St. John's river, to look out for and receive, in the absence of 
Father Germain who winters at Beaubassin, whatever ammunition might be sent, to distribute 
it among the Indians and also among the settlers of that river who will need it. That officer 
has taken his departure to-day accompanied by Serjeant Lambert, 2 soldiers, 2 Canadians and 
2 Indians. They are to remain at the River St. John until further orders. 

April 4. Sieur Cartier is sent off to-day to La Gribanne,^ near St. Joachim, to build 12 
additional fire rafts, with orders to inspect those constructed last year at He aux Coudres and 
its vicinity. 

5. Messrs. St. Pierre and St. Luc, having had orders to bring back their detachments to 
Montreal, have arrived to-day to render an account of their mission. 

8. M' Depleine is sent to arrange the signal fires along the south shore from Point Levy to 
Rimousky, the same as last year. He is entrusted with the orders issued to the captains of 
the said shore to construct cabins in the woods for the security of the families, and to send the 
settlers' to Quebec in case of the approach of the enemy's fleet. 

12. We receive by Indians from Beaubassin, letters from Father Germain and M' Le Loutre. 
The latter informs us, among other things, by his letter of the S** March last, that the settlers 
of Mirligueche had come to acquaint him that Matthew Ouinel, an Acadian, had arrived at 
Mirligueche at the end of February, and assured those settlers that he had escaped from lie 
Royale, and that that place had been retaken by M" Duvivier on the first or second of said 
month of February. This misssionary adds: That the same Ouinel having, without doubt, 
been to Port Royal with the same news, it has spread consternation in the fort ; that Governor 
Mascaren had, since that lime, forbidden the English of the fort to speak, on pain of death, to 
the settlers, and that this governor had immediately set at liberty some Acadians whom he had 
detained as prisoners a long time. The capture of Louisbourg appears to us imaginary ; it is 
impossible that M'' Duvivier, or any other commander, entrusted with the expedition, would 
not have endeavored to give us or Father Germain notice of it. 

By the same opportunity we receive a letter from Minas of the 2^ March, stating that the 
English have been obliged to withdraw the troops they were keeping at Canseau, in order to 
send them to Louisbourg, and that sickness was more prevalent than ever in the latter town. 
The rumor prevailed in Acadia that the Governor of Boston^ had been taken last fall on his 
way from Louisbourg to Boston. 

' Now, Prince Edward Island. 

' La Gribanne in a small harbor on the north shore of the River St Lawrence, about ten miles below Cape Torment, and 
some fort}- miles below Quebec. It is a very ancient name, being mentioned by Hennepin, who says that the grant to the 
Recollects extended from that point to our Lady of the Angels ( Notre Dame des Anges ), at present the General Hospital of 
Quebec. New Ditcmery, edition 1C90, cha|>tor XXVI., part 2, p. 161). — Ed, 

•It was Lieutenant-Governor Clarke of New-York. Uutcliinion's Ilitlvry of Maitaehuteltt, IL, 380. 


Several prisoners taken at Sarasteau and elsewhere, have assured, on the contrary, that the 
Governor had died at Boston, on his return from lie Royale. 

An Acadian farmer, a worthy Frenchman, writes us on the 20"' of March, from Tagnigouclie, 
near Beaubassin, that the people of St. Pierre, near He Royale, who had retired to Pomquitte, 
have reported that the English had abandoned, at Christmas, the grand battery and islet; that 
they then amounted to 600 men, that they were burning the timber of the houses, that they 
had constructed a citadel at the Dauphin bastion, on which they have placed 6 pieces of 
cannon; and, also, 3 barracks at the Queen's gate, for the accommodation of 2000 men who 
had not arrived. 

The captains on the Island of Orleans, are informed of the signal fires ordered along the 
South shore, with directions to send, on the first intelligence of the enemy's approach, their 
families and cattle, with all the provisions possible, to the North shore, and then to repair to 
Quebec to assist in the preservation of that town. 

18. Two biscayian boats are dispatched, one to convey Sieur de Rouville to St. Barnabe 
with the signals agreed upon and sent last fall to the Minister, to observe all the French vessels 
that will pass there, as well as the enemy's ships which might ascend the river, and to give 
prompt notice thereof by means of signals and expresses which he is to dispatch immediately; 
the other serves to convey along the South shore the men who are to keep the signals in the 
uninhabited places. 

22. We learn by a courier sent from IsleauxCoudres that the brigantine La Petite Marguerite, 
Cap' Chaboisseau, which sailed from Bordeaux on the 29"" of January, has arrived at said island 
on the 21". This vessel is freighted with 10 thousand weight of powder for account of the 
King, and the circumstance has begun to diffuse joy among the people. 

23. The brigantine La Petite Marguerite has anchored in the roadstead. Sieur Chaboisseau 
has assured us that Sieur Sallabery has sailed from Rochefort about the IS"" of November for 
Quebec in a sloop with SO" wt. of powder and some muskets. This Captain has added, that 
Sieurs Cheron and Monsegne, whom we dispatched in the month of June of last year, have 
fortunately arrived in France; that the vessels which sailed from Quebec last fall have also 
arrived, except the ships La Marie sans pareille of Marseilles, and the brigantine Le Perou of 
Quebec, whereof they have had no tidings. 

2 May. Sieur Joncair, who resides among the Senecas, sends us, in a letter of the first of 
April, confirmation of the neutrality of the 5 Nations; that the hatchet of the English, which 
had been accepted by some young Mohawks, has been returned to them by the chiefs of that 
nation, who have declared that they would remain quiet during the war. 

4''' Sieur Cartier being returned from La Gribanne, where he had 12 fire rafts constructed, 
has been sent back to-day to the He aux Coudres for the purpose of manoeuvering, if necessary, 
the rafts constructed on that island. Orders have been sent by him to Sieur Jean Peron to 
manage those of La Gribanne; to Captain Martel, of Bay St. Paul; to Sieur Bouchard; also 
to those of the Little river near Bay St. Paul, and to Captain Rancourt, to conduct those 
constructed at St. Joachim. 

G. Orders are issuing for the enrolment, in various places along the south shore, of J 75 men 
to assist in working the fire-rafts of lie aux Coudres and vicinity. These settlers have orders to 
set out at the first notice they will receive of the enemy's approach. Boats are being repaired 
at each of these places for their conveyance. 
Vol. X. 6 


Orders are likewise sent to the 7 Islands to post a guard at Poinle des Monts to watch the 
ships that will pass there. The commander of this corps has the same signals as Sieur 
Rouville at Rimousky. 

An e.xpress, dispatched from Isle aux Coudres, has arrived ; we learn by him the arrival of 
the ship Lclourncur, Captain Duhamel, sent from Brest with 7 thousand "' of powder and 1000 
grenadier muskets. It was by this opportunity that we received the Minister's despatch in 
cipher dated 24"" January, containing the King's orders for the fitting out 600 Frenchmen and 
an equal number of Indians for Acadia, to join the forces of the fleet which are to be on the 
coasts of Acadia about the 20th of this month. 

b"" Agreeably to the King's orders, we are taking the necessary measures for the levy of 
the 600 men as ordered ; to wit, 250 in the government of Montreal, as many at Quebec, and 
100 in the government of Three Rivers, to be commanded by Captain de Ramezay. 

The vessels for the conveyance of this detachment are being prepared. 

The census is taking of the Abenaquis and Micmacs of Acadia, who are scattered throughout 
different parts of the government of Quebec and in the villages of Becancourt and St. Francis. 
Orders are issued to bring down a portion of the warriors of these two villages to join the 

Crews are being looked up for the vessels ; they are very scarce. 

Also, pilots for the entrance of Bay Verte. 

Four months' supplies for 1200 men, including flour, biscuit, pork, vegetables and other 
refreshments, are preparing in the stores. 

Other arrangements, besides, are making for the most prompt dispatch, and M. Guillimin, 
com', who acts as commissary of the department, is instructed to attend to the details of fitting 
out of tlie expedition, and lie will make the campaign. 

We dispalcli Sieur Goguel, merchant, to purchase grain in the government of Montreal. 

13''' The expresses sent in March to Gaspe have returned. They do not bring any letters 
of interest. 

14"'' Ensign de Niverville has brought in to-day two prisoners, named John Spafford and 
Isaac Parker, wiiom he took about 30 leagues from Boston ;' they have been examined — say 
that two regiments are to be sent from Boston to lie Royale, to relieve the garrison of that 
place, where over 700 men have died ; that 2200 regulars arrived from London at New-York, 
towards the close of tiie winter, and have set out again for Louisbourg. 

^,, . That Lydius has been several times this winter to Boston, to represent the 

XOTE— Tlll» \» ^ J ' 

w'l'wn i2'i''ognM o'f necessity of taking P'ort St. Frederic; that at his instigation a consultation has 
wr«>'*houIe'' been held in the Assembly on this subject, but that it had fallen through ; that 
MT'Mirru'rpari/ the preparations making at Boston are for the relief of the garrison of He Royale, 
•jbcriMt. and that the Governor of Boston is not dead. 

Mess" Perthuis and Ba/in have started in two biscayennes, the first for Cape Desrosiers 
and the other for Cape Cliat, with orders to establish a guard at each place, to look out for the 
French vessels which will appear off those coasts, to inform the commanders of the two frigates 
that are to come there of whatever occurs. With this view an abstract has been furnished 
them of ail the news of this continent, with the signals agreed upon, by means of which they 
will recognize all the King's ships. 

' In Charlestown, Sullivan county, N. H. Belknap, IIL 187 ; Kea Hampthirt Uittorical Colltcliont, IV., 107. — Eo. 


We have entrusted to Sieur Pertliuis a letter we write to Father L'Estage, the Recollect 
Missionary of the Ristigouche Indians, wherein we request him to send all his Indians to 
Beaubassin, where they are to await the detachment from Canada, of which we inform him. 

IS* We notify Father Germain, hy a courier dispatched to-day to Beaubassin, of the King's 
orders, which we have just received, and of the preparations we are making at Quebec. We 
request him, in consequence, to cause the necessary carriages and other conveyances to be 
prepared for the conveyance from Bay Verte to Beaubassin of the provisions and ammunition 
of the detachment which we send off. 

We write by the same opportunity to Father Lacorne, missionary at Miramichi, to repair 
with the Indians belonging to his mission to Beaubassin, where he is to await our detachment 
of Canadians. 

The General likewise gives orders to M. Dupont Duvivier, who is at the River St. John, to 
repair to Beaubassin, where he will receive new orders for his destination, and to take with 
him whatever Indians will be within his reach. He will leave sergeant Lambert at the River 
St. John, to correspond with us, and take to Beaubassin the soldiers and Canadians we gave 
him at Quebec. 

A courier sent from Rimousky by M. Rouville has arrived, from whom we learn the arrival 
at said place of the ship La Ste. Julienne, of Bayonne, captain Monsegne, who sailed from St. 
John de Luz on the 20"" of February, freighted with 18 "" "' of powder, GOO muskets and other 
munitions and effects. We receive, by this ship, copy of the Minister's despatch of the 
24"" January. 

One of the prisoners taken last fall on the River Connecticut, told the interpreter, our 
confidential agent, that the Governor of Boston had returned very late from He Royale, and 
that M' Phips,^ his Lieutenant-Governor, was unwilling, pending his absence, to decide on 
the exchange of prisoners proposed by the General. 

22'' We are in receipt of letters from Montreal. That of the 20"' informs us that the 
Englishman named Bieke^ who had been taken prisoner near a fort situated on a river called 
Echiouelet, 50 leagues from Boston, had been brought in, who having been interrogated said 
that several persons had come, a few days before his capture, into his country to raise a force, 
and that vast stores of provisions had been laid in at Boston during the winter, that about 
2000 pairs of snowshoes had been made there and what Indian moccasins were necessary. 
He did not mention any other preparations. 

The ship Sle. Julienne anchored in the port. Captain Monsegne said that he had been 
chased five times in the course of his voyage. 

23'' We write to Father Germain, by a courier we dispatch to Beaubassin, respecting the 
precautions to be taken on the arrival of our detachment at Bay Verte. We write also to 
the Commander of the fleet. 

' Spencer Phipfs, whose DBme was originally Bennett, was the son of Dr. David Bennett of Rowley, Mass.; his mother's 
name was Spencer, and she was from Saco, Me. Spencer Bennett on being adopted by his uncle, Sir William Phipps, took 
by statute the latter name. He was elected a councillor in 1722, and afterwards reflected nine times; next Lieutenant- 
Governor of Massachusetts from 1732 to his death, which occurred on 4th April, 1767. He administered the government 
from September, 1749, to 1753, and in 1756 and part of 1757. Williatmou't Maine, II., 161; 1. ManmchuaeUt HiMurical 
ColUetions, HI., 194; HuUhinnon't Massachusetts, HI., 62. — Ed. 

' Nathak Blake, of Keene, on the Kiver Asliuelot, in N. H. He was detained 2 years in Canada. Belknap, IH., 188 ; 
New Hampshire Historical Collections, II., 89, 93, 94, 95. 


SS"" A party of Abenaki Indians bring in two English prisoners whom they took on the 
first of this month at Coram,' 8 miles from Casco and 120 miles from Boston. 

It is reported that a vessel arrived at Boston from London at the end of April, had given 
out that the King was equipping a fleet of 100 sail for North America. 

That 2000 regulars had arrived last fall at New York in 25 men-of-war and transports, and 
that these troops had sailed for Louisbourg on the first of March with 100 families which had 
embarked at New York. 

That six men-of-war and other vessels, the number of which he did not know, were at 
Louisbourg from the beginning of March, under the command of General Matthews.^ 

That Governor Shirley is at liberty to manufacture money to any amount he pleases for 
war purposes. 

The ship Le Lion d'Or, of Bordeaux, which had wintered at Gasp^, is arrived. 

The Micmacs of He Royale, to the number of 80 warriors, who have wintered in the 
neighborhood of Quebec, having been fitted out, departed yesterday in 8 biscayennes under 
the command of Cadet Marin, the younger, for Bay Verte, with orders to lie in a safe place 
there and to await the detachment of Canadians which is to set out in a few days; we gave 
him some signals which he is to make at Cape Tourment for the purpose of recognizing the 
ships which will convey our detachment. 

We write by this opportunity to Father Germain and to the commander of the fleet. 

SS"" Two prisoners, taken by a party of Abenakis on the S"* instant, SO miles from Boston, 
are brought down from 3 Rivers.^ 

'Tis said that a ship, arrived at Boston from London at the end of April, had reported that 
the Pretender had been put to route, that a portion of the prisoners taken had been hanged, 
that the remainder were massacred and^ driven to the mountains. 

That about 3000 soldiers had arrived at Louisbourg from London, who had first touched at 

That the English had a great desire to attack Fort St. Frederic, but it had passed off". 

That no troops had been raised in New England to attack Canada this spring, though there 
had been considerable talk about it. 

That a party of 150 men came from Dunstable, in the month of March, to within 2 days' 
journey of our villages of St. Francis and Becancourt, but finding themselves not sufficiently 
numerous, returned back. 

NoTK—Aii those ^^"^ ■'^" °^^ trustworthy prisoner, who has been gained over to our interests, 
?nyT"»verse'[l!^ comcs to inform us of what follows, which he has learned from the newly 
*'•■"'"■ arrived prisoners. 

That there are 15 men of war at lie Royale and a great many privateers. 

That the Pretender had been driven into the mountains of Scotland, and that 9,000 of his 
men had been destroyed or taken. 

' For an account of the attack on Oorhamtown, Me., see Williarmon, II., 244. 

' Viee-Admiral TnoMAS M*TrnKws, after a long and distinguiehed service, was tried by court-raartiHl, 16 June, 1746, for 
misconduct whilst Commander ia-Cliief of the fleet in the Mediterranean, in 1744, and sentenced to be cashiered. He died 
in 1718. The statement in the text is therefore correct. It was Viee-Admiral Isaac Townsend that commanded the 
Louisbourg squndron at this time. Beatton. — Ed. 

' At Lower Asheulot lliey took Timothy Brown and Robert Moflat, who were carried to Canada and returned. Belknap't 
llulory of Nev Uumpiliirt, III., 189. Lower Asheulot is now Swanscy, New Uampshire. 



That the Pretender's brother was in the Tow?r of London and several Lords with him, 
and it had been remarked that he had two thumbs on each hand. 

Note. — The above information respecting the rout of the Pretender has been 
verified by the conversation our confidential agent had with some of the principal 
prisoners; these last have added, that Captain Vaune,' who had formerly served in 
the expedition against Louisbourg, was in the affair against the Pretender's son, 
in which this captain had been killed. 

Same day, 29"" Pursuant to the last orders received from England by the Governor of 
Boston, he was preparing to make new levies of militia, not stating for what design. 

The rumor of the 2S"' and the news of the 29"" liave been sent to the commander of the 
fleet, and to Father Germain, by a courier who set out for the River St. John, and to Sieurs 
Perthuis and Bazin by a bark canoe which started to-day. 

30"" The Abenaquis Indians, including those of Acadia and those who are domiciliated, 
numbering about 300, having been equipped and having repaired to St. Michel, near Quebec, 
took their departure to-day in bark canoes under the command of Lieutenant St. Pierre. They 
go by way of the St. John's river to Beaubassin to wait there for the detachment of Frenchmen. 
We have given this officer a letter of credit promising to repay at Quebec, or in Acadia, the 
expenses to be incurred by the Canadian and Indian detachments which will reside in Acadia. 

June 3^ Sieur Cheron, commanding La Societc, which sailed from Rochefort on the 6"" of 
March, arrived to-day; she is loaded with some cordage and implements for the frigate of 22 
guns, and some goods for the stores. 

Sieur Cheron has handed us a third copy of the Minister's letter of the 24"" of January ; 
he informs us that the ship La Di'esse, commanded by Sieur Hiriard, was to sail two days 
after him, freighted with powder and other ammunition and merchandise. 

Some Abenakis of St. Francis have brought in a prisoner named Thomas Joseph,^ whom 
they took in the beginning of May, 20 miles from Boston. 

This prisoner has reported that 500 men have been sent to Louisbourg from New England. 

Heard that Prince Edward's brother has been taken on the 27"' of February last and sent 
to London, and that his army had been routed. 

4"" The detachment of Canadians, numbering 680, including the officers and cadets, having 
been equipped, embarked in the following vessels: 

Ship Letourneur, of St. Malo, Captain Duhamel. 

Brigantine La Petite Marg^ierite, of Quebec, Sieur Cery. 

' Lieutenant-Colonel 'William Vacghan, son of Lientenant-Goyernor George Vaughan, of New Hampshire, was born at 
Portsmouth, in that Province, 12th September, 1703. He was largely concerned in the fisheries, and had settled at Dama- 
riscotta, thirteen miles below Pemaquid. Here he had conceived the idea of the capture of Louisbourg and then repaired to 
Boston to suggest an expedition against that place. He was a man of good understanding, daring, enterprising and tenacious, 
and by his perseverance and enthusiasm succeeded in overcoming all objections to the expedition. Lieutenant-Colonel 
Vanghan conducted the first column through the woods within sight of Louisbourg and saluted the city with three cheers. 
At the head of a detachment, chiefly of New Hampshire troops, he marched, in the night, to the northeast part of the harbor, 
where they burned the warehouses and staved a large quantity of wine and brandy. The French were forced by the smoke 
to desert the grand battery, of which Vaughan next morning took possession and br.ively defended, and the city soon after 
fell. In the subsequent distribution of ministerial rewards he was forgotten, and went to England to seek a reward for his 
services, and died in London in December, 174B, of small-pox. Hutchinson's History of MattachusHts, H., 364 ; Holmes 
Annals, IL, 164, 165 ; Belknap's History of New Hampshire, HI., 154-174 ; Ward's Journal and Letters of Curwen, 452. — Ed. 

" Thomas Jones, of Boscawen, New Hampshire. He died in Canada. Belknap, IIL, 189. 


Brigantine VOimoni Succcz, of Quebec, Sieur Depleine. 
Briganline L" Emirillon, idem, Sieur Boucherville. 

Batteau Le Lovp Marin, id., Sieur Aubert. 

Schooner La Marie Anne, id., Sieur Chauveau. 

Schooner L'amiabU Marthe, id., Sieur Lacroix Girard. 

They are wailing only for a fair wind to sail. We have had put on board 6 barrels of 
powder and other munitions of war, a proportionate quantity of goods both for the detachment 
and for the wants of the soldiers, iron stoves, and bar iron, to be given to the Acadians in 
payment of the advances they will make, as it was impossible to find any specie here. Shovels, 
pickaxes, spades, and other implements necessary for a siege, have likewise been put on board. 
S"" The vessels conveying our detachment havo set sail with a light breeze for the S. W., 
except the ship Lelourneur, which could not get her anchors clear (deraper). The other vessels 
are to wait at Camouraska. 

6. The 22 gun frigate has been launched and brought safely into port. 

Sieur Sallaberry, commanding the schooner Marie, has arrived at Quebec, he has declared 
to us that he sailed from Rochefort on the 16"" of 9''" last, with 30i" of powder and about 
GOO muskets; that finding himself in the gulf on the G"" of January, he anchored at St. Peter's 
islands, the bad weather and other accidents obliged him to go back to Martinico, where he 
arrived on the 20"" February, remained at the islands where he had his vessel recaulked ; 
he could have sailed early, but for fear of the English privateers who were known to be in the 
passages.^ He was obliged to wait for the convoy of a privateer that was armed ; they sailed 
in company on the 20'" of April. It was only under cover of a battle which the Frenchman 
gave an English privateer, that Sieur Sallaberry escaped ; met nothing since. This captain 
has delivered us the Minister's letter of the first of November last. 

By this opportunity we receive letters from Martinico, and among others, the General 
receives one from M' de Caylus of the 12"' of April, stating that a cartel he had sent to 
Antigua, has reported to him that Admiral Thowsend = has returned there with 7 of his ships and 
a snow, in very bad condition ; that this Admiral had left there in the beginningof January with 
nine sail for Boston to join M"' Waren,^ and to attack us with their combined forces; that a 
squall had deranged this plan and forced this Admiral to return to Antigua, where he is busy 
refitting, and whence, it is expected, he will sail only to Europe; that the two ships which he 
misses, were separated in the abovementioned gale, and no news has been received from them 
since, and that it is even to be feared that they have been either captured or wrecked. 

7"" Strong gale from the N. E. and rain. Sieur Depleine, commander of the Brigantine 
UOrmond Succcs, of our little fleet, having lost an anchor and a cable, has been forced to 

' Debouquemens. Cliannels between two islands or an island and the main land, ore bo called. Jiichelel, Dictionnaire de 
la Langne Fravi^oise. 

' Supra, p. 31. 

" Sir Teter Warren, K. B., was born about the year 1700; was commissioned a Captain in the navy 1727; commanded the 
Leopard, 60, in 1734, and the Squirrel, 60, in the expedition against Carlhngena in 1741. In 1744 Commodore Warren 
commanded the fleet at the Leeward Islands, and in the following year at the siege of Louisbourg. As a reward for his 
services on the latter occasion, he was promoted to tlic rank of ResrAdmiral of the Blue, 10 August, 1745. He applied for 
the government of New Jersey on the death of Governor Morris, but without success. In 1747 lie was made Rear-Admiral 
of the White, and greatly distinguished himself in the sea fight off Cape Finisterre, whilst commanding the Devonshire, 66, 
and the same year was created a Knight of the Bath. In May, 1748, he was made Vice-Admiral of the Red. Admiral 
Warren was married to Susan, eldest daughter of Stephen De Lancey and Ann van Cortland, of New-York, and died in 1768. 
Bcatfon ; Ilnlgate ; Beilford Corretpondence, i, 28, 123, 217. — Ed. 


return to Quebec, and, on his representation, not only that this vessel was too small 
to accommodate the Canadians that were put on board of her, but that she, moreover, made 
considerable water, it was immediately determined to unload La Societe, just arrived, to replace 
L^Ormond Succez. This change is going on with much diligence. 

It was found necessary to land the IGO Canadians on board Letourneur; they were all 
seasick ; they will reembark on the first favorable wind. 

S"" Sieur Douville, of the Island of St. John, who left that place on the 30"" ultimo, arrived 
here at Quebec to-day with his family in his battoe; he has abandoned his settlement on 
receiving advice that the English were shortly to visit that island. 

This individual has been on the scout in the month of May, to try and learn some news. 
Being at the gut of Canso, he met on the IG"" a craft (charrois), conducted by two men, 
named Briant and Poller, settlers belonging to the Island of St. John, on their way from He 
Royale, who assured him that 7 ships with 1500 regulars had arrived at Louisbourg from 
England at the end of April. 

That the garrison of that place, reduced to 5 or 600 men, including sick and well, on seeing 
this fleet and taking them for Frenchmen, thought only of surrendering; that the English had 
strengthened the exterior of the royal battery. 

That of the 7 ships from London, two were to cruise along the coast. 

That if Louisbourg had been attacked during the winter by 300 Indians, it might have 
been taken. 

That 5 armed vessels were at He Royale awaiting the breaking up of the ice, to go and 
seize the settlers on the Island of St. John, put on board all the cattle possible, kill the 
remainder and burn the settlements. 

That the English had several French pilots, to wit : Jasmin, an Acadian ; Brisson, of Nantes, 
who resides with his family at Louisbourg, and some others. 

Sieur Roma, former director of the Island of St. John Company, came in the same battoe 
with his family. 

June 9'^ The 160 Canadians have been reembarked on board Le tourneur ; the boat La Sociele 
is ready to sail. 

lO"" These two vessels set sail with a light breeze from the S. W. to join the 5 first, and 
then to pursue their destined voyage. 

The orders of M"^ de Ramezay, commanding the detachment from Canada, are to touch at 
Cape Desrosiers, where Sieur Perthuis will inform him of what has occurred at that post since 
he has been there ; thence he will repair to Bay Verte, keeping east of the Island of St. John, 
as the pilots on board these vessels cannot undertake to conduct them between the Island of 
St. John and the main. M' de Ramezay has been recommended to use every precaution 
possible during the voyage to insure his safe arrival at the Bay Verte. 

On arriving at said place he is to communicate the fact to Father Germain, at Beaubassin, 
and in case he should not find any order there from the commandant of the flejet, he is to execute 
the King's orders, divide his detachment into two, march the one to Canso, and the other to 
Port Royal, where he will receive the orders of this commandant. 

We hand M' de Ramezay a similar letter of credit to that we have given M"^ de St. Pierre. 

lO"" We are in receipt, by a courier sent from Father Germain, of letters from that missionary, 
dated the 25"' and 27"" of May. He informs us of the return of a vessel which sailed this spring 
from Port Royal for Boston ; that no news gets abroad ; that he has learned only that it was 


said at Port Royal that the expedition against Canada had fallen through ; that M' Miniac, 
missionary priest of the Acadians, wrote him to the same effect. 

11"" We have written to M' de Ramezay, who was still within 6 or 7 leagues of Quebec, and 
answered Father Germain by that opportunity. 

The General's presence being necessary at Montreal, on account of the different nations 
which have come down there, he set out to-day for that place. 

12"" A party of Abenakis of Panasamske just brings in an English soldier, whom they took 
prisoner on the 25"' ult° at Fort Lucia, at the mouth of the River St. George ; this prisoner has 
reported that Thomas Sanders, captain of a vessel, had taken on board 40 Flemish and Dutch 
families, about a month ago, at Grand Bay,' to convey them to Louisbourg ; that other families 
of Casco bay, Pemquet and other parts of the east coast, to the number of 170 persons, have 
been also conveyed to lie Royale. 

That an English fleet was expected in the month of April ; does not know whether it has 
arrived ; that he heard it said that Prince Edward's army had been defeated, and his brother 
taken in a ship ; he was recognized by the double thumbs he had on each hand. 

Spoke of the vessels that had wintered at New-York, with some soldiers, without knowing 
the number. 

That the garrison of Port Royal has been relieved by soldiers from Old England, and that 
place is in the best state of defence. 

] 5"" We are dispatching a courier to Beaubassin. We send to Father Germain the deposition 
of the last prisoners. This missionary is to communicate them to the Commandant of 
the fleet. 

17"" A parly of Abenakis, of Panasamske arrived, bringing an English prisoner, named 
Timothy Comains,^ aged 60 years, whom they took on the S""* instant, near Fort St. George. 

This prisoner has reported the same news of the 3000 men from Old England, who have 
gone to Louisbourg. 

That they are busy, day and night, at Boston, in preparations for defence against a French 
fleet, which is expected there. 

That the people of Boston have carried 20 guns to the island called Little Bluster, within 
3 leagues of the town. 

That about 100 English, Irish and Dutch families have been sent to Louisbourg from the 
east of Boston. 

A private person — our confidential agent — has had a long conversation with some of the 
prisoners, who are in the barracks, who told him that they learned, by the prisoner arrived on 
the 12"' of this month, that a great quantity of ammunition and provisions had been collected 
at Boston, and that a considerable English fleet was to arrive shortly on those coasts. 

IS"* This same individual has learned, by a trusty prisoner, arrived yesterday, that men 
were being raised from the east to the south of New England, Georgia, Pinsilvania, Maryland ; 
that volunteers are clubbing together, independent of those who are levied proportionably in 
the country to come against Quebec ; they are expecting ships from England every day. 

All the prisoners whom we have in the barracks, to the number of fifty, say, openly, that 
they will be soon set at liberty, by the siege and capture of Quebec, whither the English will 

' A Inrge body of Indiana in May attacked tlie German plantation at Broadbny [WalJoborougli] and reduced the habita- 
tions of the people to afheB. William$on$ Maine, II., 244. — Ed, 


not delay coming. Means of writing have been furnislied such of them as have been removed 
to the Hotel Dieu ; all these letters have been examined before they were transmitted, referred, 
invariably, to their approaching deliverance. 

29"' Arrived Sieur Delano, an officer belonging to the ship La Dccsse, who landed at He a 
Rassade on the 25"" This vessel is commanded by Sieur Hiriard, and sailed from He d'Aix 
on the 24"" of March; was forced to put into Ferol on the G"" of April for repairs; left 
Ferol on the 27"" of the same month ; is freighted with 30 " "" of powder, 3 @. 400 muskets 
and other ammunition and effects. 

By this occasion we receive the general and private letters of the Court of last year, and a 
fourth copy of the despatch of the 24"» January. Sieur Hiriard informs us that he had learned, 
at Ferol, that the fleet had not yet sailed from Brest on the 10"" of April. 

Arrived an express, dispatched in canoe by Sieur Perthuis from Cape Desrosiers on the 
16"' instant. 

An express was immediately dispatched to the General to inform him of the arrival of 
La Deesse. 

We receive letters from M"^ de Ramezay, informing us that he had arrived at Gaspe on the 
evening of the 15"" with the vessels belonging to his little Armada ; also letters from said Sieur 
Perthuis, who acts as a vedette at Cape Desroziers. 

The latter writes us that Michel Miguet, dit Deloyal, who escaped with his family on the 
12"" from the Island of St. John, arrived at Cape Desrosiers on the morning of the 16"", who 
reported to him that three English ships anchored on the 2"'' of the same month in Port 
Lajoie ;' one of them was rated at 66 guns, though she actually carried only 44, one a brigaatine 
of 20, and one a brig of 10 guns. 

That the opinion prevailed at L'lle Royale that some Canadians on the Islandof St. John 
were building a fort, in conjunction with the settlers on that island. 

That the Commander of these ships having ascertained the falsehood of this intelligence 
sent back the brig to Louisbourg, with information. 

That this Commander had declared that he would not do any injury to the settlers, which 
did not prevent thera retiring into the woods until the arrival of some assistance they expected 
to receive from Quebec. 

M'de Ramezay having arrived off" Gaspe on the night of the 15th, Sieur Perthuis went to 
see him on the next day, the 16th, and gave him an account of the report made to him by the 
said Deloyal on the same day ; whereupon that officer held a council with the officers of his 
detachment, to which he invited the captains of the seven vessels. After having considered 
that these vessels were exposed to great dangers by proceeding around the east point of the 
Island of St. John, and that none of the pilots could take upon himself to carry Le Tourneur, 
between the Island of St. John and the main, it was concluded that the little fleet should remain 
in Gaspe bay until news be received from Father Germain, who is at Beaubjssin. In 
consequence of this deliberation M" de Ramezay immediately dispatched a biscayenne to Bay 
Verte, under the command of Ensign Belestre. He requested Father Germain to let him know 
what is passing at the Island St. John, and in case there was any truth in the report of Sieur 
Deloyal, to send him some pilots to take him between the Island of St. John and the main, so 

' Now, Charlottetown, Prince Edward's Island. — Ed. 

Vol. X. 7 


as not to be perceived by the English ships, said to be at Port Lajoie. He expects the return 
of this boat in 10 (a, 12 days. 

SO"" M' Hocquart has dispatched a courier to Montreal, and communicated this news to 
the General. 

July S** Captain Baudoin, of the schooner Charlotte, arrived to-day from Martinico. He 
left there on the 10"" May ; met nothing on his voyage. 

Lieutenant de Raymond is just arrived from Montreal with 7 (a. 8 prisoners that were 
brought some time ago to that town by different parties of Indians. These prisoners having 
been interrogated said, news had been received that a French fleet was coming to attack Boston, 
as was reported, and that they were erecting fortifications in that town. 

That 2000 men were being levied at Boston in the forepart of May for Louisbourg. 
That he had heard at Boston, at the same time, that the Pretender had been routed and had 
retired into the mountains, and that his brother had been taken ; but it is, possibly, a story. 
4''' The ship La Deesse anchored in the roadstead. 

S"" On the 29"' June, on receipt of the news from M' de Ramezay, M' Hocquart took 
advantage of the departure of the sloop La Madelaine, Captain Chevery, to send to Gaspe, 
where we calculated our liltle fleet still lay, some ammunition, cordage and other effects, for 
the fitting out of tlie biscayennes, which will be found there or in the neighborhood, in case the 
detachment should, on account of the dangers they might run with the ships, be obliged to 
go to Bay Verte in those craft. 

We write to M' de Ramezay by this opportunity. 

Sieur Dubois, who is to command the 22 gun frigate named La Martrt, arrived at ten o'clock 
this evening. He landed at Bio on the 4"" from the ship L'Augusle, of St. Malo, commanded 
by Captain Vincent Desmarais; this vessel sailed from Brest on the 7"" of May, and brought 
out the crew of that frigate, 30 ■" »" of powder, 3 (3. 400 muskets and other munitions. Sieur 
Dubois has informed us that the fleet which had arrived at Brest, was to sail on the 8"" of May 
for Port Louis. 

We receive a part of the joint and special letters of the Court of this year, 
e"" A courier is sent to Montreal to inform the General of the arrival of UAvgvste. 
7"^ Agreeably to the King's orders, contained in a letter from M' de Maurepas, the work at 
the walls (enceinte) of Quebec has been suspended until the decision of the General Assembly 
that is to be held. 

8"" By a courier sent from Beaubassin, we receive letters from Father Germain of the 19"" 
ult°, by which we learn that the frigate UAiirore, commanded by M' du Vignan, had arrived 
in the harbor of Chibouctou' on the 12"' of the same month; that Le Castor, commanded by 
M'' de Saillies, was on a cruise ; that the two frigates had sailed from Brest on the 9"' of April ; 
that they had orders to await the fleet, and that they had taken 4 or 5 brigs and schooners in 
the course of their voyage, freighted with oxen, sheep and other stock and supplies, and that 
M' Le Loutre is with them. 

Father Germain confirms the news of the three English vessels at Port Lajoie^ and the Island 
of St. John. 

The ship L'Augusle, anchored in the harbor, as well as the brigantine, La Brunette, of 
Bourdeaux, Captain Clement, freighted with wine and brandy. 

' Ualifax, Nova Scotia. ' Clinrlottctown, Prince Edward's Island. — Ed. 


10* Mr. Hocquart dispatches to-day Le St. Jacques, Captain de Vitrd, to carry to our 
dttachment at Gaspe, if still there, similar munitions and effects to those put on board the boat 
La Madelaine, which sailed on the 5"" instant ; should W de Ramezay have left Gasp6, M' de 
Vitre has orders to proceed as far as Bay Verte with the effects he carries. 

IS"" The General has returned from Montreal ; some days before he left he gave orders to 
fit out the detachment commanded by Lieutenant de Muy, consisting of 50 Frenchmen and 
about 300 Indians, Poutesatamies, Puants, Illinois, Outaaas, Sauteux, FoUes Avoines, who had 
come down a few days before, and the domiciliated Algonkins, Iroquois and Abenakis, to 
proceed towards New England to strike a blow according to circumstances, taking care to send 
spies out frequently to be informed in season of the expeditions the enemy may attempt 
against us. 

17"" By a courier that left Gaspe on the 1" instant, we receive letters from M"" de Ramezay, 
who states that M. Belestre, whom he sent on the 16"" of June to Beaubassin, had 
returned on the 30*'> of that month ; that Father Germain had sent him pilots to guide his 
vessels between the Island of St. John and the main ; that he was preparing to leave forthwith 
for his place of destination. By this occasion we learn the arrival at Beaubassin of M"" de St. 
Pierre, on the 21" of June, with the Abenaquis Indians whom he took thither, and of the 
arrival, on the 17* of June, of Sieur Marin, with the Micmacs at Bay Verte. 

18"" Lieutenant Falaise brings into Montreal an Englishman named John Bimant, taken on 
the 1" instant at Nortfilds, 14 miles above Dierfils,' by a party of Indians belonging to the Saull. 

This prisoner has stated that it was reported at that place that the English were to come 
this year to attack Canada, presently by the river, by way of Fort St. Frederic, and on foot 
and in canoe by the River Connecticut ; that no canoes were making in his quarter. 

That 30 pieces of their money were given each man destined for the companies, which, they 
say, are to come to Canada in a month. 

20"" The ship St. Croix of Cherbourg, Captain Alzouet, has arrived freighted with wine 
and brandy. 

21" An English prisoner, who is a trusty friend of ours, has informed our confidential agent 
that the man named John Bimant, who arrived on the IS"", had told his comrades that active 
preparations were making to come and attack this country; that 15 men of war and a number 
of privateers were all ready; that all the force possible was being collected; that they had 
orders from the King of England to spare no expense in this matter; that great encouragement 
is held out to the farmers by giving them 30", a blanket and a gun in addition to their pay, 
and that the orders to the Governor of Boston are, to force the other governments as far 
as Virginia. 

On this news we have written to Sieur de Muy, who is on the road to repair to Fort St. 
Frederic, not to scatter the tribes under command, so that they may be easily collected together 
at the first warning, and to postpone his march until that time. 

22'' Ensign de Carqueville, who had been sent from Fort Frederic, arrived this morning 
post-haste. He reached Fort St. Frederic on the 16"" of said month with a party of Indians, 
and brought in a Dutchman whom he took on Lake S' Sacrement, who having been 
interrogated by the commandant of Fort St. Frederic, stated that he had left Orange 10 days 

' June 23d, 1746. A certain small number of Indians, a little below Bridgman'a fort, run upon a number of men at work. 

They took one Roberts and Howe, and one Jo/in Beaman, a Northfield man. JVew England General Register, II., 

208. Bridgman'a fort was on the site of the village of Vernon, in the present town of Hinsdale, Vermont. — Ed. 


before with letters for Sarasteau,' notifying the departure of the main body of the army 
composed of 13,000 men, designed to attack Fort St. Frederic, GOO of whom had already 
arrived at Sarasteau ; that they were even beginning to transport the provisions; that they 
have six pieces of cannon. 

That six schooners loaded with bombs and other munitions of war destined for the siege, 
had arrived at Orange. 

That proclamations were affixed throughout all the New England towns, to persevere in the 
subjugation of Canada, and that if it be not conquered in one year, several must be spent in 
the work until the object of that enterprise be attained. 

That the battoes which are to bring a part of the army have been built at Orange and 
Menade, that some are to come by Lake St. Sacrament, and the remainder by the River du 

That they are to be accompanied by the Five Nations. 

That he had heard that there were at Boston, 32 men of war and a quantity of transports 
destined for the attack on Quebec, and that some of them had already sailed to cruise in the 
river. This Dutchman had been taken from the Mohegans {Lovps) who were out scouting in 
Lake St. Sacrement. They offered no objection to letting this prisoner go. 

I\r de Croisilie, the commandant of Fort St. Frederic, writes us on the 17"" that some Indians 
of M' de Carqueviiie's party having been scouting near Orange, before capturing their prisoner, 
had reported having seen in a large pasture before that town, 3 British flags with a number of 
people and battoes. 

We send by an express to Father Germain the reports of the IS"", 21" and 22"'' instant, in 
order that he may communicate them to the commander of the fleet and to M' de Ramezay. 

In our present uncertainty as to the designs of the enemy, we have judged it necessary to 
adopt measures to strengthen Fort St. Frederic; though we should not suppose the English 
would march to the number of 13,000 men, the armament being too considerable, we have 
believed it best to anticipate them should they make any attempt on that fort. The Marquis 
de Beauharnois, consequently, issued orders at Montreal to fit out with all diligence a 
detachment of 400 men under the command of M' de Rigaud, major of 3 rivers, to join M' 
de Muy, at present at Fort St. Frederic, and together to oppose whatever the enemy may 
undertake against that post. 

M' de Lery, Jun', deputy Engineer, is sent to Fort St. Frederic with two gunners taken 
from the ship UAiiguste. 

The general issues orders at the same time in the government of Montreal for the levy of 
15 (S). 1600 men, to be ready to march to the aid of Fort St. Frederic at the earliest reliable 
notice we shall receive of the attack of that fort. 

12 fire rafts more have been ordered at L'Anse des Mers, near Quebec. 

Those of S' Joachim, Bay St. Paul, He aux Coudres, and vicinity are ready to go on board 
to work them, if necessary ; we write to Sieur Cartier calling his attention in this regard. 

25"" Information furnished us by an Irish prisoner. 

The prisoner arrived on the 18"" instant has assured him that the English were on their 
way to Quebec. 

That 15 men of war intended for this country had arrived at Louisbourg, and that all the 
American governors were told that they must coi)perate with the Governor of Boston in this 

'Saratoga. 'Wood creek, Washington county, New-York. — Ed. 


expedition. The prisoner with many of those who are enlisted, have received 30" in current 
money of the Province, a gun and blani^et. 

From 28 to 29"" M" de Cery, commanding the brigantine La Petite Marguerite, one of the 
vessels that conveyed the Canadian detatchment to Bay Verte, arrived post; he left his vessel 
at Rimousky; left Bay Verte on the IS"" instant. 

We learn by letters we receive, that our little fleet which sailed from Gaspe on the 2°'' instant, 
had arrived in safety at Bay Verte. Mr. de Ramezay writes us on the 17"" that he had just 
received a letter from M' le Loutre, missionary at Acadia, who proposes to him on the part 
of M"" Duvignan, who commands the two frigates at Chibouctou, to lay siege to I^ort Royal, in 
case the fleet do not arrive in the course of this month. But M"" de Ramezay having orders to 
divide his detachment into two, on his arrival at Beaubassin, he called his officers together 
to confer with them as to which course would be best, to accept M' Duvignan's proposal made 
by M"' le Loutre, or to march half the detachment towards Canso. The officers thus assembled 
having been informed by Father Germain and by scouts who were returning from the 
neighborhood of Canso, that it was impossible to repair to that post with provisions and 
ammunition necessary for the detachment destined thither; that the route was absolutely 
impracticable; that it was not possible to construct any sort of canoes at Beaubassin to convey 
the detachment by water; that, besides, information had been received that there was nobody 
at Canso and that the English had taken away the garrison for the purpose of transferring it 
to Louisbourg. On consultation, it has been decided that the entire detachment, including 
French and Indians, should march to Port Royal pursuant to M' le Loutre's proposal to ftp 
Duvignan. AP de Ramezay writes that he is consequently at work, and is sending the provisions 
and munitions to Beaubassin, in order to transfer them thence to Minas. This officer demands 
a mortar and some shells for the siege of Port Royal. 

He adds, that he has sent a scout to Port Lajoie,' to observe the movements of the English 
there, and is awaiting his return. In M" de Cery's vessel are 3 Frenchmen and one Englishman 
whom M" de Ramezay stopped off" Gaspe in a craft {charrois) which left Louisbourg on the 17"" 
of June. 

31. The brigantine La Petite Marguerite, from Bay Verte, has anchored in the harbor. The 
3 Frenchmen and the Englishman, arrested by M' de Ramezay, have been brought before 
us. They state that on the 17"" of June, the date of their departure, there were at Louisbourg 
more than 40 men of war, transports and merchantmen. Among these were the following 
men of war, according to their declaration : 

The Vigilant, 64 guns. The Norwich, 50 guns. 

Kingston, 60 Fowey, 40 

Canterbury, 60 Dover, 40 

Chester, 50 Lynn, 40 

The Kimale, 40. 

That the number of men at Louisbourg, afloat and ashore, was estimated at 7 thousand ; 
that Admirals Knowles, Townsend and Waren are there ; that the first named is in command ; 
that it was openly said at lie Royale that a French fleet was coming there; that the place is 
well supplied, and that 24 men of war and 14 transports, with military, were still expected there. 

• CharlottetoWD, P. E. Island. — Ed. 


August 1. Lieutenant Chatelain, of 3 Rivers, arrives with the Englishman named John 
Richard v?ho was taken prisoner by a party of Abenakis of St. Francis 23 days ago, near 

This prisoner reports that Proclamations had been issued throughout the entire country for 
the levy of 1000 or 2000 men, more or less, in each Province ; he says, that will amount to 
40 (ai 50,000 men for the attack on Canada. 

That the King of England had sent word that he would furnish ships, and that they had 
only to raise the men. 

That several vessels had already arrived at Cape Breton. 

That there are a number of transports in their harbors. 

That they are collecting provisions ; giving a hundred pieces to the settlers who will fit 
themselves out completely, and 30 to those whom they have to furnish. That they do not 
press any person to go to the war; that goods are very dear with them, powder being worth 
3" the pound there. 

On the interpreter observing to him that the season was much advanced to send an 
expedition against this Colony, he answered, that the English were making preparations ; tliat 
they were not yet altogether ready, and that Admiral Waren was to command this expedition. 
He adds, that they have 1500 Moak Indians in their party. 

The intelligence we have received on the 22"'', 25"" and 31" ultimo, and the report of the 
prisoner just arrived, appears to us serious; we learn, besides, from Indians arrived at Fort 
Frontenac, who have returned from the southern part of the Continent, that the Governors of 
Carolina and Pensilvania have set out with a large force for Boston to embark there for lie 
Royaie. We have supposed that so many men are not necessary to secure Louisbourg, the 
rather as 7 (3^ 8 thousand had already arrived there in the beginning of June. Despite 
the diversity of these views, it appears to us certain that the enemy is making extensive 
preparations, and we have come to the conclusion that it would be prudent, so as not to incur 
any risk, to recall a part of the NP de Ramezay's detachment with our domiciliated Indians. 
We, consequently, dispatch an express to Beaubassin, and communicate to Father Germain, 
missionary there, our actual situation. We request him to transmit these news without delay 
to the commander of the fleet, in order that he may adopt, without loss of time, the best 
measures for the security of this Colony, which is greatly menaced ; also, to recall part of our 
Canadians and our domiciliated Indians, who are at present in Acadia. We add, that M' de 
Ramezay might leave, at most, in Acadia, 2 or 300 Frenchmen and the Micmac Indians, for the 
protection of the Acadians, and return here, either by sea or by the River S' John, with 
the remainder of our Frenchmen and all our domiciliated Indians, including those of the River 
St. John and Pannaaamski. We send to the commandant of the fleet and to M"" de Ramezay, 
copy of a letter to Father Germain and request him to act accordingly. 

Before sealing our despatches for Beaubassin our express arrives from Montreal, bringing us 
the declaration of 3 prisoners brought in and interrogated in said town on the SO"" ultimo. 

' On the 27th June, old style, in the jear 1746, fonr men were killed by the savngcs in this town, on the main road to 

DoTer, about a mile below Norway-plain brook On the same day, another person, by the name of Jonathan 

Richards, was wounded, taken prisoner and carried to Canada, but soon returned, and died in Rochester in 1793. Haven's 
Nolictt of the Toim of Roehenter, in Farmer and Muore't New Hampshire CoUeeliont, II., 170. Belknap gives the name John 
Richardi. Hiittry of New Hampshire, HI., 191. — Ed. 


NoTK—This iB the 0"6 of t'l^se prisoners, named Robert d'Sinbart,» who was taken 18 days ago 
m.X ''[h^"de()"»'i- in the neighborhood of Sarasteau, has reported that 900 men were already 
fr^ericon'theiTth arrived at Orange, and that the remainder of the army designed to attack Fort 

of July; he docs f, t> i J n 

iKrtcoDtradkt him- St. Frederic was expected there, and that this army was to march on the 1" or 
2"'' of this month, to the number of 13 thousand men. 

That 500 grenadiers had arrived from Old England, on their way to He Royale; that 250 
had wintered at York, and the remainder at Philadelphia. 

Assures that when he was taken there were at Boston 32 ships of the line ready to sail with 
the other transports for Canada. 

That canoes are making at Menade and Orange, and that people are busy on them at present ; 
that the army is to come by the River du Chicot and Lake St. Sacrament. 

We annex this report to our despatches. 
Note— These In- The last intelligence we receive to-day from Montreal, dated 31" ultimo, 
Iroquois Naiion.. confirms the preceding. A Mohawk and an Onondaga, who were out scouting, 
have been taken by our people, 15 leagues from Fort St. Frederic; they have reported that 
300 officers had already arrived at Sarasteau; that all their troops were on the march ; that 
they are coming by ditlerent routes, namely, by Choueguen, by Lake St. Sacrament, and by 
the River Chicot, to attack us from all points above ; that they are bringing with them six 
18 pounders ; that 60 vessels had sailed 23 days ago for He Royale, to come afterwards 
to Quebec. 

M' de Croisille writes us from Fort St. Frederic on the 14"" of July, that some Mohegans 
{Loups) had killed and scalped a French soldier, who had gone out unarmed some distance 
from the fort, where these Indians lay, in ambush. 

All the English on this continent must be under arms, if all these rumors be true. 

Under these circumstances we dispatch a second express to Acadia, in case the first should 
happen to fail, informing M' de Ramezay of this last news. We repeat to him our orders 
contained in our despatches of yesterday, directing him to return to Quebec, in all haste, 
with his detachment and all our domiciliated Indians, including those of the River St. John 
and Panasamskg, and to leave only 200 @. 300 Frenchmen with the Micmacs of Acadia, to 
quieten the Acadians; he will receive, nevertheless, on the whole, the orders of the Commander 
of the fleet. 

We write to this Commander in the same sense ; we request him to come with all dispatch 
to the relief of this colony, which is menaced by a general attack; we add, that he can send 
back the 2 or 300 Frenchmen, who are to remain at Acadia, if he think they be not absolutely 
required there. 

We communicate the whole to Father Germain, to whom we send our despatches, in order 
that he may transmit them by safe hands to their address. 

We consequently adopt, at Quebec, every precaution to put ourselves in a state of defence. 
NoTB.-This order We issue ordcrs to all the Captains of the settlements (cotes) within this 

has been executed, 

?onfc'"!ir"i'''b" "' government to send expresses to receive the powder and ball, which we shall 
capiL'ins'of the set- ^^^^ delivered to them to be stored, and to be by them distributed to the farmers 
tiemenis. jjj their respective commands, on the first notice we shall give them of the 

enemy's approach, so that they may then repair to Quebec in a state to defend themselves. 

' Duaenbury. — Ed. 


4"" In a council held at the General's, which was attended by all the principal officers of the 
Thu has been done, garrison, and the captains of the merchantmen in port, we have resolved that 12 
small vessels be prepared as fire ships, in case the enemy's fleet appear in this river. 

It was also resolved to prepare some houses in the interior of the country around Quebec 
for the storage of provisions and ammunition for the wants of the different detachments that 
will possibly be sent without the town. 

We write to Sieur Cartier, commanding the fire rafts at He aux Coudres to redouble his 
attention in observing the vessels that will happen to come up the river, and to keep his rafts 
and those of the neighborhood ready to be manned, in order to be worked, if necessary. 

The same notice to M' de Rouville, who is on the watch at Rimouski. 

New battoes are ordered built to supply the wants of the service. 

Provisions are being prepared for every emergency. There is not a particle of salt pork, 
and M"' Hocquart is obliged to have beef cured for the subsistence of the militia, should they 
come to Quebec. 

The General issues orders to the government of Montreal to hold 1500 men ready to come 
down to Quebec at the first notice we shall receive of the enemy's approach. 

We adopt, moreover, the best measures of defence against the enemy's attacks, should they 
dare to make any attempt. 

M' de Rigaud's detachment is fitting out with all expedition at Montreal; the 10th of this 
month is indicated to us as the latest. 

G"" Sieur Sallabery is sent in a biscayenne* to cruise and make observations from Cape Chat 
across to Trinity, with orders, should he perceive any vessels which he may have reason to 
suspect belong to the enemy, to come and report the matter to us. 

9"" We dispatch to-day the brigantine La Petite Marguerite, commanded by Sieur Cery, to 
Bay Verle, to convey to our detachment there some provisions, consisting of 250 quintals of 
biscuit, 100 barrels of flour, 30 barrels of pork, 200 quintals of vegetables and other 
refreshments; we send also by this opportunity one thousand pounds of powder, 2000' of ball, 
200 Liege muskets and other small stores. 

We write by this opportunity to the Commander of the fleet, and inform him, in our letter 
of the G"", that possibly he might be better informed than we of the enemy's movements and 
strength, and that it is for him to dispose of our forces at Acadia; either to send them back, or 
to retain them in whole or in part ; we add to him, that if we be attacked we have reason to 
apprehend that our people will return too late, or that we will derange plans, should he prevent 
our being attacked. 

We write, in consequence, to M"' de Ramezay, so that he may follow, in all things, the orders 
of the Commandant of the fleet, and add, that not only do we not think that he will be in a 
condition, with the 2 royal frigates, to undertake the siege of Port Royal, but that, besides, 
we cannot, under existing circumstances, spare the mortar he asks for this expedition. 

The preparations which iiave been commenced, and are already spoken of, are continued. 

11"" An express from Beaubassin has arrived via the River St. John. We receive letters 
from W de Ramezay and Father Germain of the 22'"' of July. The former informs us that he 
continues to forward to Beaubassin the provisions and ammunition of his detachment; that he 
is in receipt of a letter from M"^ du Vignan of the l?"" wherein this officer makes no mention 
of the siege of Port Royal ; M' de Ramezay hence infers that M' Le Loutre went too far, when 

* See IX., note. — Ed. 


he made such a proposition to him, on the part of M' du Vignan. M' de Ramezay is waiting 
for the latter's answer to the account he had given him of the state of his detachment, and of 
the measures he was taking in consequence of this pretended proposition. 

M' de Ramezay adds, that the Acadians are very uneasy on account of the delay of the fleet, 
and that if Port Royal be not taken they will be obliged, in the most part, to abandon the 
country, having been already menaced. 

M'' du Vignan proposes to send to this officer 100 prisoners belonging to the prizes taken by 
L'Aurore and Le Castor. 

M"' de Ramezay having also adopted the resolution of dispatching his detachment to Minas, 
has been able to send only a detachment of Micmacs to Port Royal, ^ under the command of 
Ensign de Montesson, who set out in boats from Bay Verte, on the 21" of July, to endeavor to 
surprise the English ships from the shore. 

12"" By another express sent from Beaubassin we are in receipt of despatches from M' de 
Ramezay and Father Germain of the 25"" July. The first informs us that he learns from 
Port Royal that M' Mascaren had demanded from Boston 4 vessels, with men, to oblige the 
Acadians to take up arms for the English, and that they would burn all the settlements. All 
the people are trembling with fear of the failure of our projects ; they say that in such case 
they are all lost. 

We are informed of the success of the Micmacs, who have been at Port Lajoie to the number 
of 200 under M'' Croisille de Montesson's command. These Indians attacked about 40 (ax_ 50 
men, 30 of whom were soldiers, who were on shore ; they killed or made prisoners of all of them, 
except a few who escaped by swimming. Only 3 prisoners had as yet arrived, and the man named 
Brisson, a Frenchman, who is said to be the pilot of one of the vessels. There were in Port 
Lajoie, one 24 gun frigate and a transport of 700 tons, in which may be still 200 men. These 
vessels could be mastered had the officer been able to control the Indians who would not 
remain, though they had been told that all the officers and soldiers belonging to the frigate 
were about to come ashore, to place a guard there. The Indians have killed a quantity of 
oxen and other cattle that the English had in a park on shore for provisions. 

Pierre Brisson and the 3 prisoners having been interrogated by M' de Ramezay, have 
reported that 8 50 (3^ 60 gun ships had arrived in the month of May at Louisbourg from 
Gibraltar with ISOO regulars. 

That previous to the arrival of these ships, there had been at Louisbourg 3 regiments of 
militia, consisting of 30 companies of 70 men each, from Boston, and that 7 companies more 
were expected there to complete another regiment, three companies of which had arrived. 

That the English vessels at Port Lajoie designed only to take all the cattle belonging to the 
settlers on the Island of St. John, on paying for them, for which purpose the captain had 
brought money. 

That they were expecting at Louisbourg 14 ships and 3 bomb ketches for Quebec, and that 
Admiral Waren had gone to New-York to collect the militia of that quarter for the same place. 

That the Frenchman, named Baptiste Dion, had told him that he was to have 2000" for 
piloting the English fleet to Quebec, and that the man named Jasmin, also a Frenchman, had 
1000" for the same business. 

That these vessels expected to return to Louisbourg on the 24"" July, with the cattle which 
had been collected together. 

' Sic. Port Lajoie. — Ed. 

Vol. X. 8 


That Louisbourg was well provided with munitions of war and provisions, as the approach 
of a French fleet was somewhat suspected. 

The 3 prisoners said that said Brisson had piloted the frigate of his own free will, and that 
it was he who conducted the captain to the settlers' houses on the island. 

IQ'* An express dispatched by Sieur Perthuis, who is on the watch at Cape Desrosiers, 
brings letters dated the 6"" of August, to the effect that he had seen 4 vessels that day about 6 
leagues off Cape Desrosiers, but that the wind having died away, and the tide running out, he 
had lost sight of them. 

21. We receive letters from M"' de Ramezay from Beaubassin, dated aQ'"" and 30"" of July. 
He writes us that he had just received a letter from ftP du Vignan, dated Chibouctou 26"" of that 
month, informing him that his object in speaking to M"' Le Loutre about Port Royal, was 
merely to learn the state of that fort ; what force had come from Canada, and how many would 
be required to make us masters of the place, so as to render an account thereof to the 
commander of the fleet; that he had never thought of undertaking such an expedition; that, 
besides, such were not his orders, he is not in a condition to attempt it. He adds that 
Le Castor sails on the S?"" for his mission, and as regards himself, he will await the fleet as long 
as provisions will permit him ; he had then a supply only for 50 days ; he observes to M"' de 
Ramezay, that he concludes on sending to Minas tlie prisoners taken on board the prizes 
captured by Le Castor and himself, with a view to their removal to Quebec. 

M"' de Ramezay adds, that all his detachment has gone to Minas; that he will transmit to 
Quebec the prisoners M' Duvignan sends him ; he represents that the settlers of Acadia would 
be much to be pitied were the expedition abandoned in case of the non-arrival of the fleet ; 
asks for orders so that he may take precautions, if he or a part of his detachment be to winter. 

Sieur de Vitre, commanding the battoe St. Jacques which sailed on the lO"" of July with 
ammunition to our little fleet, arrived to-day; he reached Bay Verte on the 24"" of said month 
of July, and left on the 29"'. By this opportunity we receive letters from M' de Ramezay and 
Father Germain, of the 28''', informing us that the first named had sent that day 3 oflicers to 
Chibouctou, to confer with M" Duvignan on the expedition against Port Royal, in case of the 
non-arrival of the fleet. 

On the 21" of this month we received additional later intelligence. 

W de Ramezay had put on board this vessel 7 English prisoners, taken in the attack at Fort 
Lajoie,' along with Pierre Brisson, the Frenchman taken on that occasion. These prisoners 
have been interrogated anew on their arrival. They added, that the settlers of the Island of 
St. John had agreed with the English for the sale of their cattle; that the former have sent 
this spring to Louisbourg two deputies, of whom Pierre Brisson was one, to demand the 
protection of the English against some privateers that had been laying waste their plantations. 

That a sort of agreement had been entered into, stipulating that no injury was to be done 
these settlers, who would furnish cattle for cash, and that it was in consequence of that 
agreement that the two vessels in question had come to Port Lajoie. 

Some said tiiat the army of the Pretender had been sent to the route by the Duke of 
Cumberland, others knew nothing of the matter. 

After that attack several settlers of the island of St. John came to demand provisions from 
M"' de Ramezay, who gave them what he could. 

' Charlottetowa, Prince Edward'e Island. — Ed. 


Douville, who is with Sieur Vitre as mate, told us he has been at the Island of St. John 
since the descent at Port Lajoie ; that the 2 vessels had sailed on the next day ; that the 
captain of the English frigate had, indeed, paid some of the settlers the price of the cattle 
they had furnished in consequence of the agreement; that on the day following, tlie other 
settlers who had furnished supplies in like manner, were to go on board his ship to settle and 
be paid ; that the English had on board with them six settlers of the island as hostages. 

We are in receipt of letters from Montreal whereby we learn that some scouts arrived from 
Sarasteau, where they have been several days, have reported, that no person went outside 
that fort unless in parties of thirty; that they have no more Indian scouts with them; that 
they saw no more trails ; and they added, that there were at that fort, no canoes nor appearance 
of preparations ; no bridges nor roads. 

Also, that all our Indi'ins from Micliilimakinac and that neighborhood who were with M. de 
Muy, had returned to Montreal with a party of our domiciliated tribes; the one and the other 
had made attacks in different places, and brought in some scalps ; they asked to return home 
immediately. They promise to come down next spring in a larger number; some of these 
parties struck a blow near Orange, where they saw nothing extraordinary. 

M. de Rigaud, who repaired to Fort St. Frederic about the 15"" of this month, having no 
intelligence that the enemy would make any movement, set out from said fort on the 20"' with 
the remainder of M. de Muy's party, consisting of 500 Frenchmen and about 400 Indians, to 
seize the forts, 4 leagues from Sarasteau. 

27"" An express arrived from Sieur Perthuis, who is on the look out at Cape Desroziers ; he 
writes us on the ll"" of this month that he had seen on the 6"", 7"", S"", 9"" and 10"" of said 
month, as many as 10 vessels, 4 of which have cruised as far as Gasp6 bay, where he saw 
them tack ; that he concluded they were Englishmen, inasmuch as they had a favorable wind 
to enter the river, and as people who came on the 10"" to his post, reported to him that these 
vessels had appeared some days ago lo the number of 12, at Pabo.' 

Sieur Perthuis informs us that he sent a bark canoe to Beaubassin with word to M"" de 
Ramezay of what he had seen. He asks a biscayenne boat and crew, having only 2 men at 
his post. 

We learn from our confidential agent who had, this morning, a long conversation with the 
prisoners taken at the Island of St. John, and brought hither yesterday by M. de Vitre, that the 
2 vessels at Port Lajoie did not intend returning to Louisbourg, but were to sail in two days 
after the attack, for some other place known only to the Caramander, Captain Rouze.' 

' Pabos bay in the district of Gasp6, is about nii(l\ray between Cape Despair and Point Maquereau. BouchetU'a Topography 
of Canada, 8vo., 586, or between Gaspe Bay and the Bay des Chaleura. — Ed. 

' Captain John Rouse. The earliest mention we find of this officer is in August, 1744, when he commanded an expedition 
sent to cut out a fleet of French vessels of force from the harbor of Fishotte, in Newfoundland, which duty he successfully 
performed, and laid waste all the French posts on that coast. Beatson says that expedition was under the command of a 
lieutenant of H. M. ship, the Kinsale. (Compare Beatmn's N'aval and Military Memoirs, I, ISV, and Otis Liitles State of 
Trade, 40, note.) The next service he was engaged in, was in the expedition against Cape Breton. As soon as the General 
Court at Boston had determined on the reduction of that place, a vessel was purchased and called the Massachusetts frigate, 
of which Colonel Edward Tyng was put in command and named Commodore of the flc-et, and Captain Rouse was appointed 
second in command. His was a bilander or small brigantine, called the Shirley, hired at Boston and carrying 24 guns, in 
which General Pepperell sailed 24th March, 1745, convoyed by ten other stout privateers. On the night of the 18th of May, 
the Massachusetts frigate captured Le Vigilant, 64, the command of which Commodore Warren offered to Colonel Tyng with 
the rank of Captain, which he declined and recommended Rouse for the berth, who, after the reduction of Louisbourg, was 
dispatched by Governor Shirley, to England with the news, and as a reward for his gallant service received a commission of 


We suppose that these vessels had orders to carry their cattle to the ships which are cruising 
off' Cape Despair, or even to a fleet they were daily expecting to come and attack us. 

All our prisoners appear so persuaded of the certainty of this design that they are extremely 
surprised since the arrival of the last (prisoners), that it does not progress. They are, therefore, 
apprehensive that the project has fallen through. 

We write to Beaubassin and inform the commandant of the fleet and IVr de Ramezay of all 
that occurs on this Continent. 

The General informs the latter that in case his letter of the G"" of August, and our despatch 
to the commander of the fleet, which were sent by M' de Cery, should have reached him, he 
will wait for orders from that officer and news from us, before sending back a portion of our 
militia and domiciliated Indians, as we had directed him to do by our letters of the 1" and 2°^ 
of this month. 

We write, in consequence, to the commander of the fleet; we tell him, in addition, that he 
will have been better informed than we of what is passing at sea, and will have been at liberty 
to carry out his plans, notwithstanding what we had communicated to him on the first and 2'"' 
of this month. 

M' Hocquart sends by this express 1000 dollars (piastres) to M' Guillimin, for the wants of 
the detachment. 

September 2. Jacques Hamelin sent by Sieur Perthuis from Cape Desroziers, is arrived, with 
letters from the latter, dated the IS"" of August, stating that he had not seen any more vessels 
about his post ; that having sent this same Hamelin some leagues from Cape Desroziers to 
look for a boat, he reported having spoken to one George Leroux, alias Big George, a former 
acquaintance of his, who had been taken by one of the cruisers off" Cape Desrosiers; we have 
interrogated said Hamelin and he has related to us as follows. 

That he learned from Big George that he had been taken by an English ship near Anticosti, 
15 to 20 leagues from Cape Desrosiers, about the 15"" of July, coming, he the 4"", in a small 
craft with a cargo' of salt from the 3 Islands^ (Island of Newfoundland); that this ship 
carried him to Louisbourg, where, on arriving and about to cast anchor, she was sent back by 
the Governor of the place with two other sail, of which the Vigilant is one, and a small 
schooner, to capture 5 vessels, that, as he had been informed, were fishing at Gaspe. 

That on their way to lie Royale they captured, on the Orphan's bank, a fishing sloop 
commanded by a man named Raymond, a Basque, whom they retained, and, on the 11"" of 
August, sent back, overland to Gaspe, the two other men belonging to that sloop and the 4 
belonging to the craft {charrois). 

Captain in the Royal Navy, 24tli September, 1745. He returned to Louisbourg in command of the Shirley, and in 1746 was 
attoched to Vice- Admiral Townsend'a fleet, and in 1747 was doing duty near Annapolis and Minas. In 1766, he commanded 
the little eqondron which convoyed the expedition agninst tlie French forts at the head of the Bay of Fundy, and afterwards 
sailed to the River St. John's, wherc^ie destroyed all the French forts and houses. In 1756, he was changed to the Succe's, 22 ; 
in 1757, commanded the frigate Winchelaea, 20, in the unsuccessful expedition against Louisbourg, and captured a French 
sloop of 16 guns, after a stout resistance. He commanded the ship Sutherland, 60, the next year at the siege of Louisbourg 
and in 1759 at the siege of Quebec, where he did good service. It was from this ship that General Wolfe issued his last 
order before ascending the heights of Abraham. After a career of activity and distinction. Captain Rouse died in 1760. 
1 Afatsaehusetti Ilittorieal Collections, I., 1 6, 23, .38 ; X., 1 82, 1 8S ; Hnlchinton's MaxfaehuneU', II., 369, 37 1 ; Bea/fim't Naval and 
Military itemoira,!., 276, 426, 427; II., 63, 67, 293; III., 67, 113, 162, 177, 225, 293; BeaUon't Political Index, IL, 48; 
Entick, I., 140; London Magazine, 1760. — Ed. 

' In the Bay of Islands on the west coast of Newfoundland. 


Said Leroux also told Hamelin that the English had reported, on leaving Gaspe, where 
they did not find anything, that they were going to Bay Verte, to capture the ships Lctourneur 
and Le Castor ; that they had 5 large men of war at Port Royal waiting for the French in case 
the latter would come to besiege that place ; that they were daily expecting the arrival of a 
fleet to attack Quebec. The English told said Leroux that they would cruise in the gulf until 
the end of autumn, to prevent the passage of the vessels from Canada. 

Sieur Perthuis adds, that he will stop Sieur de Cery when he passes Cape Desrosiers ; 
prevent him proceeding, and will even send him back to Quebec, in consequence of the risks 
he would be running to get into Bay Verte. 

We dispatch a biscayenne and a bark canoe tc Sieur Perthuis ; the master of the biscayenne 
has orders to observe the vessels that will happen to enter the river, and should he discover 
any of the enemy's ships, to come and report tlie fact to us. 

We write to Sieur Perthuis that we do not expect him to stop M' de Cery, who, it is of 
consequence, should reach Bay Verte with the provisions destined for our detachment there, 
which needs succor, and that we think rather that he will have sent out scouts to discover 
what is going on. 

S"" An express arrives from Acadia. 

The General receives a letter from M' Duvignan, commander of the frigate L'Aurore, dated, 
Chibouctou the ll"" of August, informing him, among other things, that he sailed from Brest 
on the Q"" of April, in company with the frigate Le Castor, which arrived at Chibouctou on 
the 12"' of June ; that he took G small craft, 3 of which were freighted with cattle, and the 
remainder with provisions, part of which he gave M"' le Loutre, who asked some of them 
for his Indians ; that Le Castor, which had orders to cruise, had entered Chibouctou on the 9"" 
of July with two craft loaded with cattle and codfish ; that this frigate sailed again on the 
29"" of said month on her return to her cruising ground, and thence to France, having only 
five months" provisions when she took her departure, and that she has supplies for 5 months and 
a half; that this frigate had returned on the first of August with an English Snow, commanded 
by a lieutenant of the navy, and carrying ten guns, 12 swivels and a crew of 75 men, which 
was going to Boston for the purpose of convoying thence to Louisbourg some vessels that 
were to carry provisions to that place ; that he had learned from prisoners that there is in 
He Royale a garrison of 4 thousand men with 18 men of war, which have sailed (except 3 that 
are cruising at Newfoundland and on the coast of Acadia), on receiving intelligence that our 
fleet had been chased by Admiral Martin^ and had taken refuge in the Island of Aix, where it 
is blockaded ; that this news is but too probable, inasmuch as the fleet does not make its 
appearance on the coast of Acadia, and that being at the end of his provisions, he has 
concluded on returning with Le Castor to France. 

That he is unable to put into separate vessels, agreeably to the King's orders, the prisoners 
he has, to the number of 16S, and to convoy them to the mouth of this river, in consequence 
of the number of sick on board the 2 frigates ; that in like manner he has been unable to take 
them on board his ship, as he would not be able to defend himself, should circumstances 
require it ; that he handed over his prisoners to M"" de Ramezay, and left them sufficient provisions 
for their subsistence, and some munitions of war and 5 vessels ; he adds that the port of 
Chibouctou is favorably situated for the stoppage of any supplies the English send from Boston 
to Louisbourg, and very easily fortified. 

' Admiral William Martin. He died in 1756. Beatson's Political Index. — Yv. 


M' Duvignan informs us that he has opened our despatches to the commander of the fleet, 
which he had received for transmission to that officer on his arrival, in order to ascertain if 
there were any duty that he could perform in the commander's absence, but having found 
nothing for him to do he had resealed the letters, and returned them to M'' le I^outre. 

Sieur de Ramezay informs us, under date of Minas, 14"" of August, that Sieur de Gay, 
lieutenant of the frigate L'Aurore, had come to Minas some days before W Duvignan's departure, 
to request him to take charge of the 1G8 prisoners, for the purpose of sending them to Quebec ; 
that through fear of running out of provisions he had resolved to send a detachment of 150 
Frenchmen to Chibouctou, under the command of Sieur Repentigny, to guard their prisoners 
there, and place them in the hands of the commander of the fleet, when he should arrive, and 
that if they received within 15 days no news of the fleet, to send them all back in one of their 
vessels with a pass from INP Duvignan, who is to leave provisions for them and the detachment 
during the whole of this time. 

M' de Ramezay informs us that an express has reached him from Chibouctou, informing him 
that the 2 frigates had sailed on the 12"" of August; he receives a letter from M' Duvignan of 
the ll'", who writes him that he has left the prisoners with Sieur Repentigny, with sufficient 
provisions for them and a part of the French detachment of 150 men; that 'tis absolutely 
necessary that Sieur de Ramezay adopt measures to send these prisoners to Canada ; that it 
would be of fatal consequence to send them to Louisbourg, where they would furnish an exact 
journal of all our measures. M' Duvignan adds, at the close of his letter, an order, by way of 
command, to M^ de Ramezay, to take charge of these prisoners for the purpose of forwarding 
them to Quebec. 

M'' de Ramezay communicates to us returns of the provisions M' Duvignan says he left at 
Chibouctou, which barely suffice to support the prisoners and detachmentof the French at said 
place until he receive our orders, even if the provisions of which he is in want permit him to 
wait for them, as it is not possible to convey to Minas the provisions which would remain 
unconsumed at Chibouctou at the departure of the prisoners. 

M' de Ramezay annexes the report of 3 Irish soldiers, who had deserted from Port Royal on 
the 9"" of August, who said that the garrison of that fort consisted of 300 men with 12 or 15 
officers; that more than 30 Irish soldiers were desirous to follow their example; that there is 
at least one year's provisions in the fort, but very little firewood ; that there is a frigate of 40 
guns off Goat Island, that they heard the workmen and soldiers say that Sieur Mascaren' had 
demanded 40 thousand men of New England, to force the Acadians to take up arms, to embark 
with them, and to come to Quebec, and that those who would refuse should be imprisoned, 
their houses burnt, their property confiscated, and themselves finally transported to Boston ; 
that 14 men of war were expected from Old England at the latter place, to convey the troops 
destined for Canada ; that they had received nev?s from Boston only two days before, and that 
these vessels had not arrived as yet; that Sieur Mascaren was aware that there was a 
detachment of French and Indians at Minas, but he did not know how many. 

Joseph Grange, who lives at the River Aux Canards,^ in Acadia, arrived at Minas on the 11"" of 
August, and reported to M' de Ramezay that within two months he had stopped at Port Royal, 
where the commandant had forced him to work; that he heard the English at Boston 

' See VI, p. 482. 

' The Canard river is nbout ten miles in length, and falls into the basin of Minas, on i(8 cast side. JIaliburton'a Xova 
Scotia, II., 122. — Ed. 


were taking up arms against Canada ; that he had also heard, recently, that 14 ships belonging 
to our fleet had been blockaded in Brest by 18 English men of war, and that Sieur Mascaren 
had demanded 3000 men at Boston, for the purpose of laying waste all the settlements from 
Minas unto Beaubassin. 

M'' Duvignan transmits to M'' Hocquart the returns, both of provisions and ammunition, taken 
from the prizes o{ L'Aurore and Le Castor, as well as of those he caused to be delivered to M' 
le Loutre for distribution to his Indians, and of those left by that officer to Sieur de Repentigny 
for the subsistence and other necessities of his detachment, and of the prisoners he handed 
over to him. 

J\P Guillimin informs M' Hocquart on the 13"" of August that the detachment is on the point 
of getting out of provision ; that the inhabitants object to furnishing any on notes promising 
to pay all these expenses at Quebec or in Acadia. M' de Ramezay has even been obliged to 
have an ordinance published which we have transmitted to him, to oblige the Acadians to 
furnish necessaries to our detachment. 

5. Li6Putenant-Major de Lanaudiere, of M' de Ramezay's detachment, has just arrived ; he 
left Minas on the 21*' ult°. We receive a letter of the same date from M' de Ramezay, who, 
in consequence of our despatch of the first of said month, is taking measures to collect his 
people, and to leave with the greatest diligence possible for Beaubassin, where he will learn 
the route that is best for him to take on his return, observing all possible precautions; he is 
sending for the prisoners at Chibouctou. Another deserter from Port Royal has come over to him, 
whose declaration is similar to that of his predecessor ; our domiciliated Indians were to leave 
on the following day for Quebec by the River St. John. In our present uncertainty as to 
whether M"' de Ramezay's detachment will come by sea, or by the River St. John, M"" Hocquart 
is having prepared 20 quintals of flour, lard, sugar, Indian corn and some other articles to be 
sent to the River du Loup, 35 leagues below Quebec, in order, on the first intelligence received 
there of the approach of our people, to dispatch 50 settlers to carry those provisions across the 
woods as far as Lake Temisquata. 

M' de Cery, commander of the brigantine La Petite Marguerite, which sailed from Quebec 
on the 9* of August, arrived at seven o'clock in the evening, in a sloop from Cape Desrosiers ; 
he left that place on the 18"" of the same month. 

Reports that he touched at Cape Desroziers on the IG"* of August, to leave provisions with 
Sieur Perthuis, and to learn from him what was passing; that the day following his arrival he 
was at anchor close to the shore, to avoid being seen by an English vessel, which had made her 
appearance the evening before, in case she should return that day ; that the same craft was, in 
fact, seen in the offing about 5 or 6 o'clock in the morning, with a light wind from the east; 
that she was heading towards Cape Desrosiers, with very little wind, and was approaching very 
slowly, whereupon Sieur Cery, who was on board his own vessel, proceeded in quest of Sieur 
Perthuis ; they both concluded that should his vessel happen to be discovered 'twere better to 
run her ashore than to allow her to be taken ; and that should the ship intend to carry her off', 
the brigantine should be set on fire ; that the enemy continued his course, and about four 
o'clock in the afternoon came in sight, and turned out to be a large ship. When about a 
league off' Sieur Cery hoisted his flag, and fired a gun, to be sure of him, and the ship ran up a 
streamer (Jlamme) and a French flag, but did not confirm it. This ship continuing to approach, 
Sieur Perthuis perceived, with his glass, that she had a boat on board in slings (palans), 
and another afloat on her starboard side, and he distinguished, ready to be hoisted, an English 


flag, which scarcely appeared above the railing; the vessel continued her approach very slowly, 
for want of wind, and came under French colors within half a gun shot of the brigantine, 
without showing any signals ; this determined Sieur de Cery to cut his cables and run ashore; 
after which he and his crew landed, armed, and laid in ambush, in a favorable position. The 
ship cast anchor in the brigantine's berth, within half a quarter of a league of the land, and 
when she discovered the latter ashore pulled down his French streamer and colors, and 
immediately run up an English streamer and flag, and discharged 7 guns, loaded with grape 
and canister, which did no harm ; he thereupon manned both his boats with an armed party, 
to cut out the brigantine. Sieurs de Cery and Perthuis seeing, at this moment, that with their 

men, who numbered , they could not resist these two boats, which were, besides, armed 

with swivels, resolved to set fire to the brigantine. This was efTected, and when the boats, 
which were approaching under cover of the ship's guns, saw her on fire, they, as well as our 
people, let fly some musket shots, put off again, and went to raise the brigantine's anchors, the 
cables of which had been only cut. As there was some powder on board the brigantine, and 
it was dangerous to remain near, our men retired to the Cape, to observe the manoeuvres of 
the ship. The wind having shifted to the S. W., somewhat fresh, and the ship being quite in 
shore, and even in danger of being unable to get off, should the wind come to blow, being 
riding only with one anchor, she fired 2 or 3 guns, and her boats, which were in the offing, 
returned on board ; the night fell, and about 9 o'clock the ship set sail and doubled Cape 
Desrosiers in 5 or G fathoms. 

In the course of the day some provisions and other articles were saved from the brigantine, 
and Sieur Perthuis took charge of them. On the day following Sieur de Cery had some gun 
barrels and locks taken out of tlie hold, and has brought them away. 

S"" We dispatch an express to Acadia ; we write to Sieur de Ramezay respecting the 
different precautions necessary to be observed on his return, in consequence of the dangers he 
may run in coming by sea, and the difficulties to be met, if the route by the River St. John be 
taken ; but we are always in hope that the fleet will arrive at Acadia before his departure. 

At all events the General sends his orders to Captain Coulon, who is to command the 
detachment of 300 Canadians that is to winter in Acadia, to satisfy the Acadians and protect 
them against the resentment of the English. 

We inform said Sieurs Coulon and de Ramezay, as well as the Commandant of the fleet, of 
the accident that has happened to W de Cery, which must render M' de Ramezay more 
embarrassed in respect to his return, for he informs us in his last letter that he was awaiting 
the arrival of Sieur de Cery, in order to determine what route he should select for his return. 

We send to P'ather Germain informing him of everything ; of the new signals that the King's 
ships will make next year, should any of them come to Chibouctou,' in order that M' le Loutre 
may be able to recognize and communicate with them ; we request Father Germain to remain 
at Beaubassin, where we believe his presence of use for the good and advantage of the service. 

ll"" The schooner La Ch/irmnnle Na7ienc,Cnpta\n Maillet, is arrived ; she sailed from Rochefort 
on the 21" of June, in company with the squadron and fleet commanded by the Duke d'Enville. 

12. Dispatched a boat to Sieur Perthuis at Cape Desroziers with some rigging that he has 

We write him not to quit his post until the last moment possible. 

' Ilolifax, Nova Scotia. — Ed. 


We permit Sieur Bazin, who is on the lookout at Cape Chat, to leave on the lO"" of S""" for 
Quebec. We hope our ships will have passed by that time. 

Same permission to M' Rouville, who is at Riraousky. 

13. Captain de Sabrevois, who was dispatched on the S** of this month by M"' de Rigaud 5 
leagues beyond Fort St. Frederic, has arrived. Sieur de Rigaud informs us that he has burnt 
Fort Massiachusetts,' taken 22 soldiers and some women, destroyed the grain, killed the oxen, 
horses and other cattle on both sides of the river^ coming down, for the distance of 12 leagues. 
He has been wounded in the arm ; 5 Frenchmen and ten Indians have also been wounded; he 
lost only one Abenaquis. 

An express is arrived from Acadia ; we are in receipt of a letter from M"' de Ramezay, dated 
Minas, the SS""* ultimo, wherein he acknowledges the receipt of our despatch of the 2°'' of the 
same month ; he informs us that Sieur de St. Pierre took his departure on the same day, the 
22'"', with 30 Frenchmen and our domiciliated Indians, for this place by the River St. John ; 
he is waiting for the prisoners from Chibouctou, to bring them along with him, if possible. He 
hopes that on M"' de Cery's return to Bay Verte it will be in his power to take measures to 
insure the safe return of the detachment by sea. He flatters himself that this captain will be 
loaded with provisions; otherwise he would find a rapid return somewhat difficult. 

No news of our fleet. 

Father Germain writes us on the 25"" ult" about various matters relating to current affairs. 

The vessel fitted out to convey to River du Loup the provisions destined for M'' de Ramezay's 
detachment, which will possibly return by the River St. John, has not been able to leave until 
to-day by reason of contrary winds. 

14"" We write to M"" de Ramezay in answer to his letter of the 22"'', and continue to keep 
him advised of every occurrence on this Continent. We inform him that we hope our fleet 
will have arrived in sufficient time to make some demonstration, and that he will find himself 
in season to second it with his detachment. 

That if, unfortunately, our fleet should not have arrived, we will shortly know the fact by 
the King's ships that, 'tis said, are detailed to escort our principal merchantmen as far as 
Quebec, and that the General will determine, according to the news, either to recall the 
detachment, if proper, or to cause a part of it to winter ; that M' de Ramezay will, until then, 
be guided by the last orders he had previously received ; but we add, when the fleet shall 
have arrived, and Sieur de Ramezay will have received the commandant's instructions, he is 
to act accordingly. 

We advise him that M' Hocquart has had flour, biscuit and vegetables prepared, to the 
amount of nine or 10 thousand quintals, which we shall send to the orders of the Admiral of 
the squadron by our vessels on receipt of the first intelligence of the arrival of the fleet, and 
according to the requisitions which will be made on us for them. 

IS"' Arrived, Sieur Ricard, commanding the Tartan^ Le St. Antoine of Agde, from Brest, 
with wines, brandy and dry goods. 

Same day, IS"" Arrived, the brigantine Le St. Esprit, Capt. Abel, from Bordeaux, with wine 
and brandy. 

Also, the ship Les 2 Cousins, Captain Fourneau, from Rochelle. 

' In tlie town of Adams, Berkshire county, Mass. ' Hoosic river. 

' The Tartan ia a species of Mediterranean craft carrying only one main and mizen-maaU The sail is three-cornered, but 
in a strong breeze it ia ac^uare. Richelet. — Ed. 

Vol. X. 9 


These three vessels left with the fleet ; were ordered, when 150 leagues from the coast of 
France, to separate and proceed on their voyage. 

22. The General issues orders to relieve the guard of the heacons set up on the South shore. 

Orders Sieur Cartier at He aux Coudres to put the rafts in a place of safety, as well as the 
provisions, ammunition and eflects, until next spring. 

An express arrived from Beaubassin, which place it left on the 4"" instant. We receive a 
letter from M' de Ramezay, dated Minas, the 27"" of August, informing us that he has learned, 
from Jacques Coste, an honest man coming from Port Thoulouse, who said he had a conversation 
with his brother, who had arrived from Louisbourg 16 days ago, that 9 large ships had sailed 
from that port, and that he knew not what course they steered ; that there remained still at 
He Royale 4 or 5 other pretty heavy ships, including the Vigilant, with about fifty small craft; 
he had no knowledge of the English expedition against Canada. 

Sieur de Ramezay transmits the General a petition handed to him by divers inhabitants of 
Minas, to the number of ten, wherein they represent their poverty, and if a detachment 
of French and Indians be left with them, 'twill complete their ruin, as they cannot furnish any 
more supplies to the troops that have been sent thither. 

Other inhabitants of Minas have since handed M' de Ramezay another petition, wherein 
they supplicate the General to leave a detachment at the said place to protect them from the 
incursions of the English, which detachment they will supply with everything they can for 
its support; that those who made contrary representations to theirs, are attached to the 
English, with whom they desire to preserve their trade and do not care about living under 
them. Sieur de Ramezay adds, that should he receive provisions or money, 'twould remove 
every difficulty on the part of the settlers. 

That officer is expecting the prisoners from Chibouctou, on their way to Beaubassin, to 
embark for Quebec on board the vessels he had left at Bay Verte. 

Father Germain in his letter of the 4"' of this month, informs us that it would be necessary 
to send a vessel with provisions as far as Gaspe to meet the detachment, as he foresees they 
will run the risk of falling short of food before they reach Quebec. 

He represents to us, also, the necessity of sending provisions to Acadia for the support of 
the detachment which is to winter there, as the country is not able to furnish any more, and 
as the inhabitants, moreover, object very much to advance any in their hands on the notes 
issued by the commandant. 

This missionary addresses us an extract of a letter that Sieur de Ramezay wrote him on the 
27"" of August, in which the latter advises him that he then learned, by a courier he had sent 
to Port Royal, that a privateer was about to sail from that place to Beaubassin, or Minas, 
Grand Pree, Pequinguil,' etc., and to be on his guard ; that Sieur Mascaren is very uneasy ; 
that he intends making a prisoner in order to ascertain what is going on at Minas, and 
recommends him to send, as he shall do, some Indians to the cape to scout. Sieur de Ramezay 
adds, that he has just received 16 prisoners from Chibouctou; that the remainder will arrive 
next day, and that he will then depart. 

23'^ 19 Micmac Indians have arrived who were at the affair of the Island of St. John ; they 
brought one prisoner and some scalps. 

'la Charlevoix' map of Acadia, Pigiguil; in Mitohel's map of Nova Scotia, Pesaqued ; in Haliburton's, Pisiqued; in 
Bouchette'8, Pitiqua. Its modern name i< Windnor, and the River Pisiquid is called Avoti. Ilaliburton't Nova Scotia, IL, 


Lieutenant S'Ours arrived this evening; he left Minas with Sieur S* Pierre and the Abenaquis, 
whom he left at Camouraska on the 22'"' of August. 

This officer reports that having left Minas with the Abenaquis in a bark canoe, they had 
loaded a small vessel with provisions to go to the mouth of the River St. John; that when 
about 1-5 leagues from Minas this little vessel was chased by an English privateer of about 16 
guns, from Port Royal, and was forced to run ashore at lie haule,^ where the vessel went to 
pieces and the provisions were lost ; that M' de St. Pierre and all the Indians who were on the 
mainland, could not give any assistance to their friends because it blew too strong for small 
canoes; that the privateer seeing the vessel ashore, returned. In consequence of the loss of 
the provisions, they subsisted along the entire route exclusively on fish, which they fortunately 
found in sufficient abundance. 

24"" We receive letters from M' Joncaire, dated at the Senecas the S""* instant ; he informs 
us that no dependence is to be placed on the conduct of the Iroquois of the 5 Nations, until 
they had returned from Orange, whither they had gone 40 days before to attend a meeting, to 
the number of more than 400, and were soon expected to return. 

We learn from Fort Frontenac that the Onondaga formerly taken prisoner in the 
neighborhood of Fort S' Frederic, where he was on the scout, and who had been sent back to 
his village by some Iroquois of the Sault, had arrived there in safety with the latter, which 
cannot fail to have a very good effect on the 5 Nations, to whom this Indian belongs. 

The General is issuing orders at Montreal for the dispatch of divers parties of Indians towards 
New England, under the command of some Frenchmen, for the purpose of harassing the enemy. 

M'' de S' Pierre has arrived with the Abenaquis, including those domiciliated and belonging 
to Acadia, to the number of 150. 

25"' According to information received from Father Germain in his letter of the 4"' 7''", we 
fear that the half of M' de Ramezay's detachment, which will be able to get away on the 12"" 
or 15"» of this month, will be in want of provisions on the way. We, in consequence, send to 
Gaspe the sloop St. Jacques, Captain de Vitre, with some provisions and refreshments, with 
orders to wait for our little fleet there; but in case he should learn, on the voyage, that our 
vessels have passed on their way to Quebec, he is to repair to Bay Verte, where he will 
deliver his cargo acceding to Father Germain's orders, so as to provide so far for the 
subsistence of the detachment of Frenchmen and Indians who are to winter in Acadia. 

We inform Sieur Perthuis, at Cape Desrosiers, of this expedition ; we request him to 
secure the vessel in the Bay of Penceuil whilst waiting for Sieur de Ramezay, and should Sieur 
de Vitr6 continue his voyage as far as Bay Verte, to notify Father Germain of the circumstance 
and inform him that we shall dispatch, in a few days, to Bay Verte, a vessel of 90 tons, with 
provisions and as much cloth as we shall be able to procure, for the relief of our Canadians 
who remain in Acadia, as well as of M"' le Loutre's Indians and the inhabitants of Port 
Thoulouse, &c. 

M' de Rigaud has arrived from Montreal ; the wound he received in the right arm is not 
dangerous, the ball having merely pierced the flesh. 

The prisoners he made in his last expedition have been sent to the barracks to the number 
of 27 ; to wit, 22 men, the remainder women and children. One of them, the Minister,' having 

' In Bay of Fundy. — Ed. 

' Reyerend John Norton wat born in Berlin, Conneotient, in 1*116, and was graduated at Yale College in 1737. He was 
ordained at Deerfield in 1741, and had been settled at Bernardstown, Mass. He was chaplain at Fort Massachusetts at the 


been interrogated, reported that Prince Edward's army had been defeated on the l?"" of May; 
that the sailing of the French fleet was known at Boston; that it had been seen, and that 
Admiral Bing and Admiral Martin had gone to fight it and oppose our enterprise. 

We have had advice that a party of Abenaquis, headed by Ensign Monsigin, who had been 
detached from Sieur Rigaud's party after his attack on Fort Massachusetts, proceeded towards 
Fort Sarasteau ; that they had met 17 soldiers belonging to the garrison, took 4 of them, 
scalped 4 others ; the remainder threw themselves precipitately into the fort, pursued by our 
people, who killed some of them. 

M' de Rigaud has also informed us that several Abenaquis, belonging to his detachment, 
had set out, after his expedition, to make an attack towards Deorfille and Corsac, and have 
taken 56 scalps. 

27"" Ensign Croisille de Courtemanche has arrived ; he left Beaubassin on the 7"' instant. 

We are in receipt of letters from M' de Ramezay, dated Minas, the G"", informing us that 
when he was about to set out from that place for Beaubassin, Father Germain had informed 
Note -It is a dif- ^'™ °^ ^^^ privatcer which was cruising in the Bay of Fundy and had chased 
rae™l™Tby°sieuf the vesscl on board of which he had put a part of the crew belonging to the 
81. Ours. detachment and Sieur Guillimin had embarked, who had been forced to return to 

Minas ; that this privateer deranges the plans he had taken for the conveyance to Beaubassin 
of the provisions he had prepared for his return and for the subsistence of the 135 prisoners 
whom M' Duvignan had handed over to him, and who seriously embarrass him ; that unable 
to effect this arrangement he had resolved to proceed overland to Beaubassin where he arrived 
on the 4"" instant with his men, amounting to 500, with only eight days' provision, and without 
any expectation of obtaining much at Beaubassin. 

What causes him most disquietude is, the eight ships that are cruising at the mouth of the 
river, according to the report to be mentioned hereafter. This has determined him to return 
in boats ; when he will be at Bay Verte, he will consult with the ship captains what course he 
is to adopt to protect his men from the enemy. 

He adds that he greatly fears being obliged to leave the prisoners at Beaubassin until 
further orders. 
Non-sienr Tiirfe ^^ Tequcsts US to Send a vessel loaded with provisions as far as possible to 

tailed the 24lh in- _,„„* u:„ 

»iant fur Giispe. meei mm. 

meet" Mr. ''de Ba'^ No ncws from the fleet. 

The following is the report M'' de Ramezay mentions : 

Francois Brillant, John Baptist Martel and John Marchand, a farmer of FortThoulouse, who 

set out from said place on the 27"' of August, and arrived at Beaubassin on the 5'^ of this month, 

have declared that they spoke to Nicholas Norman, an honest man of their acquaintance, who 

had left Louisbourg on the IS"" or 20"' of August, who assured them that eight ships had sailed 

time of its capture and carried priaoner to Canada, where he remained one year, and arrired in Boston in August, 1747. 
The following year he went to East Hampton, Middlesex county, Connecticut, and was installed Pastor of the Congregational 
church at that place Novemhcr 30th, 1748. lie labored nearly thirty years in the ministry there, and died of small-pox 
March 24th, 1778, aged 62 years. Field'' Statialical Account of Middlesex County, ConnectimI, 61, 138; History of Berkihire, 
424. The following is from his pen : " The Redeemed Captive : Being a Narrative of the taking & carrying into Captivity, 
the Rev. Mr. John Norton, when Fort Massachusetts surrendered to a large Rody of French & Indians, August 20th, 1746. 
With a particular Account of the Defence made before the Surrender of that Fort, with the Articles of Capitulation, Ac 
Together with an Account, both entertaining <fe affecting, of what Mr. Norton met with, <t took Notice of, in his travelling 
to, while in Captivity at Canada, <fe till his Arrival in Boston, on August 16th, 1747. Written by Himself. Sold opposite the 
Prison in Queen et" Boiton Newt-Letter, 26 Augt., 1748. — Ed. » 


from He Royale, the smallest carrying 40 guns, to cruise at the mouth of the river between 
Gaspe and the North shore ; that he had seen two large vessels going to the Island of S' John, 
where they were intending to erect a fort, should the place be convenient for their design ; that 
8 ships of war were expected at Louisbourg from Boston with Captain Warren, who is to 
command the fleet destined next spring for Canada, which is the common report in town ; that 
there were 8 men of war, and some forty smaller craft there, with a considerable force ; 
that the English at Louisbourg have constructed four covert ways, one at the postern gate, 
another at the Maurepas gate, and the 3"" at the murs grclcs, and a citadel with two batteries at 
the Dauphin gate, repaired the little island, which had been much dilapidated ; also two 
subterraneous passages at the grand battery, and placed 12 pieces of artillery on the quay. 
They have not done anything at Gabarus. 

Father Germain writes us on the 6"» that the English will eventually be informed of the 
arrival of two frigates at Chibouctou, and that it is to be feared they will anticipate us next 
spring, and seize that harbor. 

Sieur de Coulon, commanding the 300 Canadians that are to remain in Acadia, writes us, 
the first of this month, that it is absolutely necessary to send to Bay Verte some provisions for 
the subsistence of our people, together with some woolens, and other articles of clothing 
for them. He does not yet know where he will winter, whether at Minas, where he is, or at 
Beaubassin ; that a portion of tlie farmers at the former place are not disposed to furnish him 
the supplies he will require ; that he will possibly go to Beaubassin, where the inhabitants 
appear more inclined to furnish supplies to the Canadians ; that he is waiting, before he decides, 
for news from M"' de Ramezay, who is to sound the farmers at Beaubassin. He adds, that the 
principal cause of all these difficulties is the want of money, and that the settlers are always 
apprehensive that it will be a long time before the notes will be taken up, which they have 
received in payment for what they have furnished. 

2S"' Rausin, who has been the entire summer at Point des Monts, has arrived. 

He reports that he has seen, on the 3, 4 and 5 of this month a large ship cruising from north 
to south ; that it is probably only an English vessel, for during the heavy northeast blow, 
which prevailed the last two days she was in sight, she was laveering and standing close in 
shore ; that he heard, on the e"", 12 guns fired in the dusk of the evening, at a great distance ; 
but does not know what it meant. He has seen nothing in the river since the 16"", when he 
left Point des Monts. 

29"" Sieur Sallaberry, who had been sent on the 6"" of August, in a biscayenne to cruise, and 
look out between Cape Chat and La Trinity, arrived this morning ; he also saw the ship spoken 
of by Rausin. He has perceived nothing since the 18"", when he left La Trinite. 

30"^ We learn that M"' de Cannes, Deputy-Governor of Montreal, died on the 26"' of this 

October 1. Ensign de Belestre, who left Beaubassin on the 8"" of l*"', arrived to-day. Sieur 
de Ramezay writes us from the same place, that, in consequence of the intelligence he has 
received that 8 English ships were cruising at the mouth of the river awaiting our detachment, 
and of his inability to pass with the vessels without evident danger, he has proposed to Sieur 
Duhamel, Captain of the ship Ldonrnetir, to take charge of the 100 prisoners to convey them 
to the enemy's country or to France if possible, so as to prove to this ship that he cannot, for 
want of provisions, remain any longer. The other prisoners will come in the vessels as far 
as Pabo, in the expectation that our Canadians and those small craft will not run any great 


danger so far. He adds, that he is starting for Bay Verte, where he will adopt the best 
measures for his return, being short of provisions; that some might, however, be had in the 
country for money, but, with notes, it is necessary to force the farmers to furnish the most 
urgent succors. 

In order to facilitate his return, he has permitted some 40 officers and Canadians to proceed 
by way of the River S' John. 

We are sending to Bay Verte a schooner of 90 tons, commanded by Captain Cheron, which 
we are loading with provisions, some cloth, linen and other articles and necessaries, for the 
support and clothing of the Canadian detachment which is to winter in Acadia. The General 
writes to Captain Coulon, who is in command of this detachment, so to manage as to prevent 
the English making any new settlements in Acadia; to come to an understanding with M"' 
le Loutre, missionary at Chibenaccadie,^ so that the latter may cause his Indians to scour the 
country towards the port of Chibouctou and La Heve,^ in order to prevent the formation of 
any settlements there by the English, should they make their appearance, as they will certainly 
be informed of the arrival of the King's ships this summer at the former port, it being of 
consequence to us to keep possession of these two places, which are the only ones in Acadia 
in which ships of war can lie in safety. 

The schooner will sail with the first fair wind. 

2^ Arrived Lieutenant Pean, who sailed from Bay Verte on the 14"" ultimo, with 6 
biscayennes and 2 skiffs, containing 2 officers, 172 Canadians and 4S prisoners; they are 
absolutely out of provisions, having had, when they sailed, only enough for 8 or 10 days. 

This officer brings us some letters from the ship Lctourneur, which he boarded at S' Barnab^. 
They are from M'' Guillimin, dated said place the 2S"' ult", who sends us a letter from M' de 
Ramezay, dated Cape Tourmentine,^ six leagues from Bay Verte, 17"" 7''", wherein he informs 
us that being obliged to leave Bay Verte, being out of provisions, he had gone on board our 
little fleet to proceed to Quebec, notwithstanding all the dangers he was incurring; that he is 
just in receipt of a letter from M' Girard, missionary priest at Copequit, addressed to Father 
Germain, dated 15"" of said month of September, whereof the tenor is as follows: 

" I send you an express to let you know that twelve or thirteen days ago there arrived in a 
harbor called Au Castor,^ 15 leagues from Chibouctou, a ship that had separated from the fleet 
14 days previously, when three hundred leagues from France. After leaving the fleet she 
fought eight days with two English privateers, having lost the mate and 11 men. She sent 
her boat to Chibouctou whence they sent me an express for M' le Loutre to convey the King's 
despatches to the ships arrived at Chibouctou, and which, to their great surprise, had sailed 
for France, as you are aware; the ship, after refitting, is to be in Chibouctou. The fleet 
consists of 250 sail, whereof 30 are ships of the line, exclusive of the Toulon and Spanish 
fleets which are to join them, but had not done so on the departure of the ship already arrived; 
the fleet is to winter. I learned all that I tell you from the express who saw and conversed 
with the boatswain {Scrjent de la chalojqie) at Chibouctou. Mr le Loutre is about Minas. I 
have sent him the letters from Chibouctou by express from Copequid." 

Sieur de Ramezay having held a council on this letter, it has been decided that he should 
return to Minas with all his officers who had embarked on board the vessels, except two and a 

' Tlie Shnbenacadi river falls into the boy at Minas, about 54 miles northeast of Chibonctoii or Halifax. 

' Now, Lunenburg. 

" North cape of Bay Verte, in Nova Scotia. 

' Not called Beaver harbor, about 80 miles east of Halifax. — Ed. 


detachment of militia, to repair with greater facility to and rejoin M' Coulon's detachment 
which is at Minas; that he had left the rest of the Canadians on board the vessels to escort 
the prisoners, who number 100 and upwards, and that when he shall have arrived at Bay 
Verte, he will give us fuller information by couriers he is to send overland. 

Sieur Pean adds, that Father Germain had left Beaubassin for Quebec, by way of the River 
St. John, 4 or 5 days before him, and had Pilotte, who left Quebec on the 27"' of August 
with 6000" in specie, arrived before his departure, the whole of the detachment would have 
still remained some days at Beaubassin; and that the cause of M' de Ramezay's sending him 
with 160 men in a biscayenne, is the absolute impossibility of having any more provisions from 
the Acadians except for cash. 

Sieur Guillimin states that the detachment and prisoners had gone on board the ship 
Letoumeur, and the 5 small vessels belonging to our little fleet, that the latter are coming up, 
that he met Sieur Vitr6, whom we had sent to Gaspe with provisions, part of which he took, 
and sent him to meet the other vessels and boats under the command of Sieur Pean, which 
are in want of some. 

Sieur Pean informs us that he has left 3 of his biscayennes at Matanne, without any 
provisions; that he has learned that the five others had been thrown ashore, on the coast 
towards Gaspe, where they had been obliged to wait for high water to get off; that this 
detachment must suffer more than the others, for want of provisions ; that 'tis, consequently, 
necessary to send a small vessel with relief for all these boats. 

He adds that some days before his departure. from Beaubassin, an express, which had been 
sent to Port Royal, had returned with news that he heard some people tell the English of the 
fort that they had advice of four Spanish men of war, cruising off the mouth of Boston harbor. 

S"* We are dispatching two biscayennes with provisions to meet the boats left behind by 
Sieur Pean. 

4"' The schooner we are sending to Bay Verte with provisions, sailed this morning. 

We write to M' de Ramezay that we approve of his conduct, and add that he will not have 
been long in possession of positive news of the fleet before he will have the Duke 
d'Enville's orders. 

We instruct that officer to inform himself of everything passing here, and of the return of 
our Indians, and a portion of our Canadians. 

Father Germain having left Beaubassin we address our despatches to the commanding officer 
at that place, who will forward them to M' de Ramezay and the Commandant of the fleet. 
We inform the Duke d'Enville that on the earliest intelligence of his arrival in Acadia we 
shall freight the vessels here with provisions ; that he can calculate on ten or twelve thousand 
quintals, but that he alone can provide for the safety of the transports which we shall send him. 

We receive a letter from Father Germain dated Pekoudiak,' ten leagues from Beaubassin, 
dated 19"" of?''" ; he informs us that after he had left the latter place for the River S' John an 
express brought him a letter from M"" de Ramezay, dated Beaubassin the 1S'^ wherein he requests 
him to return, and that he will communicate to him some news he has just received of the 
fleet. Before leaving Pekoudiak, where he was. Father Germain dispatched this express to 
us, to inform us of M" de Ramezay's putting back. Pilotte, who left here on the 27"" of August 
with 6000" in specie had arrived. 

' Peticodiak river falU into Chepoddy bay in the southeastern part of New Brunswick. — Ed. 


e"" The brigantine V Emerillon, commanded by Sieur Boucherville, is arrived from Bay Verte 
with twenty Canadians and sixteen prisoners. 

Item. The bateau Le Loup marin, Captain Aubert, with twenty Canadians and 13 prisoners. 

Item. The bateau La Sociele, Captain Depleine, with forty-one Canadians and eighteen 

The season which begins to advance, makes M' Hocquart afraid that there will not be time 
to unload the vessels which will come from France, in order to load them afterwards with 
provisions for the fleet, whereof reliable news must be shortly received. He has concluded 
that two or three of those here should begin to load for that destination, whilst waiting the 
first news. 

7"" Sieur Guillimin, commissary to the detachment from Canada, has just arrived overland ; 
he left the ship Letourneur at St. Jochim ; this vessel anchored in port this evening ; she brings 
34 Canadians and 43 prisoners. 

On this evening also arrives Father Lacorne, the Recollect Missionary at Miramichi ; he left 
Bay Verte in the beginning of last month; represents to us the melancholy condition of the 
Indians of his mission, in consequence of the want of provisions and clothes, at a time when 
the season begins already to be severe ; that they have all abandoned Acadia and returned to 
Miramichi, highly dissatisfied at not meeting in that province the succor we had led them 
to expect. Though the season be advanced, we shall endeavor to send back Father Lacorne to 
his mission, with some relief, in provisions and effects, to clothe his Indians, in order to induce 
them to return to Acadia, should they be required for any expedition. 

Arrived Sieur Jean Darat, Captain of the ship VHeureux, one of the five vessels which the 
Duke d'Enville sent off on the 14"" of July. He tells us that having come by the Straits of 
Belisle the ship struck on the point of Castle Bay {Bale des Chateaux) on the 20"' of August, in 
the day time, but in foggy, almost calm weather : that the crew got off and he could save 
from the vessel only about eighty barrels of brandy. 

S"" Arrived Captain Lacroix Gerard of the schooner L'Aimahle Martre, from Bay Verte, with 
thirty-five Canadians and fifteen prisoners. 

lO"" Ensign de Linot, of Louisiana, has just arrived. He left there in the month of 
February last. 

We are in receipt of letters from M' de Vaudreuil, the Governor. Everything was then 
quiet in that country. 

The man named Pierre Heve is arrived from Gasp6 ; has declared that being at Kerpont, 
on the North shore, he saw, in the middle of August, two ships cruising in those roads, and 
that when he was at Mount Louis, on the South shore of the Gulf, he had likewise seen, on 
the IS"" ultimo, a large vessel and a brigantine or schooner, cruising between that place and 
Seven Islands. Assuredly, these are not French vessels. 

Pilotte, sent express from Beaubassin, has arrived ; we receive letters from M"" de Ramezay 
and Father Germain, dated SS"*" ultimo, containing nothing but what reached us on the S"* 
instant respecting the ship arrived in Beaver harbor, in Acadia, announcing the fleet. 

14"' Two more couriers have arrived from Beaubassin ; they bring us, at length, the agreeable 
tidings of the arrival of the fleet at Acadia ; wc are sent copy of a letter from M" Bigot, 
Intendant of the fleet, to M' le Loutre, missionary priest at Acadia, dated Chibouctou, the 
twentieth of September, wherein the former informs this missionary that the fleet commanded 
by the Duke d'Enville had anchored in Chibouctou on that day; he requests him to procure 


for him at least some fifty beeves for the wants of the fleet, for which he will pay cash ; he 
asks him to come to Chibouctou and to give notice to the inhabitants of Acadia, who will be 
in possession of promissory notes for supplies furnished the detachment of French and Indians 
who have sojourned there, to send in said notes to Chibouctou, where he will pay their amount. 

This news has diffused great joy throughout Acadia ; the inhabitants of that Province dared 
no longer hope for the arrival of any force from Europe. They refused the most urgent 
supplies even to the Canadians and Indians, who are to winter there, apprehensive that they 
would not be paid, or be a long time out of their money for the supplies they furnished on 
certificates. 'Tis hoped that there will be, at present, no more difficulty in this regard. 

M" Hocquart continues to have provisions put on board 3 or 4 of the stoutest vessels in the 
harbor, to be sent to the fleet on the first notice we receive from the Duke d'Enville.^ 

14"' We send an express to Camouraska with the necessary orders to cut a road, or path, of 
about 3 feet over the carrying place from River du Loup, forty leagues below Quebec, to Lake 
Temisquata, whence people go in canoes by way of the River St. John as far as Beaubassin ; 
this is with a view to facilitate the communication with Acadia, and to transport thither some 
detachments of Frenchmen and Indians, if necessary. 

We learn from Montreal that M'^Largenterie, a half-pay captain, died on the of this month. 

Father Germain writes us finally that the settlers of Port Thoulouse^ in He Royale, and 
other Acadian farmers, worthy Frenchmen, were absolutely in want of provisions, which has 
induced us to send to Bay Verte a small detachment, under the guidance of some of the 
inhabitants of Port Thoulouse, with 120 barrels of flour and some other provisions, and a 
small quantity of ammunition, for the relief of those settlers, a portion of whom have joined the 
Canadian detachment that is to winter in Acadia. This vessel has sailed to-day ; we consign it 
to Father Germain, who is to distribute these provisions among those most in need of them. 

The lateness of the season has not prevented Father Lacorne accepting the proposal we 
made him to return to his mission at Miramichi, in Acadia, in order to convey provisions, 
ammunition and clothing to his Indians, who are in great want of these supplies. 

It is most important for us to preserve these Indians at the present crisis. With this view, 
M"' Hocquart has had purchased, for account of the King, a vessel of 45 tons, on board which 
these provisions and aminunition will be placed. People are busy equipping her and she will 
sail in a few days. 

Arrived, the schooner La Marie, commanded by Sieur Chauveau, freighted with 27 Canadians 
and 14 prisoners, two of whom died on the voyage. She is th-e last of those that carried the 
detachment of French and Indians which we sent to Acadia last spring. These prisoners, as 
well as those arrived by the last vessel, making, in all, 106, have been lodged in the barracks 
at Quebec. They amount, at present, to 240, including those of this and of last year. 

15111 Five prisoners are brought down to us from Three Rivers; two of those who have been 
taken in the beginning of September in the direction of Boston say, that they were talking in 
that town of attacking Canada; that the project has aborted, and that there were at Boston, 
at the close of August, eight vessels of war, large and small. 

' N. DE LA Rochefoucauld, Duke d'Anville, was born in the beginning of the 18th century and entered early in the French 
navy. He preserved in that severe service a taste for letters and an elegance of manners which characterise his illustrioua 
family. He was sent, in 174:5, with a fleet of fourteen ships of the line to recover Louisbourg, but a violent tempest dis- 
persed his squadron, and he died, overwhelmed with grief, 16th September, 1746, *t Chibouctou, where the English have 
since built the city of Halifax. Biographie Universelle ; Hutchinson' t Massachusetts, II., 348. — Ed. 

' St. Peter's, Cape Breton. 

VoL.X. 10 


20"" The three merchantmen that M'Hocquart had loaded with provisions are ready to sail. 

The five sloops of the eight that started from Acadia under the command of M' P6an, and 
which had fallen behind, have arrived. The Canadians and the prisoners have suffered 
extremely for want of provisions. 

omiticd to be en- 16'' We are dispatching couriers to Beaubassin. We inform the Duke 
itoreguiaTda'kif ° d'EnviUc of the news we have received of his arrival at Chibouctou. We 
advise him that M' Hocquart has put provisions on board some merchantmen to be sent on the 
first advice we shall receive from him, when others will be loaded and joined to the former, 
and sent to the same destination. 

M' Hocquart sends Father Germain, by this opportunity, 2000" in specie to provide for the 
special wants of the service at Beaubassin. 

23** Sieur Barin,' who has been all summer on the lookout at Cape Chat, is returned ; he has 
Been nothing in the river. 

Father Maurice Lacorne, missionary to the Micmacs of Miramichi, left to-d<iy in the vessel 
that we have had armed. He is supplied with provisions and goods for the relief of his 
Indians, who are in extreme want, This missionary is to obey the Duke d'Enville's orders 
to send the Micmacs wherever he will think proper; he is even to accompany them. 

We write by this occasion to the commander of the fleet respecting the uneasiness we feel 
about the arrival of our ships from Rochelle, and how necessary it is for the welfare of the 
Colony that they reach us. 

We adopt measures for wintering the frigate La Martre in the little River St. Charles. 

25"" Arrived a schooner from Martinico; left Port S' Pierre on the IS"" of August; she was 
commanded by Sieur Dailleboust de S' Vilme, who died on the passage. 

27"" It is a fortnight to-day since we received news of the arrival of the fleet at Chibouctou, 
and it is 37 days since it anchored in that port; 'tis impossible that no new couriers have 
been dispatched from Beaubassin with letters from the Duke d'Enville, since the 27"" of 
September, the date of the last dispatches from that place. We fear that some accident has 
arrived. In our uncertainty as to the necessities of the fleet, through want of advice, which, 
however, we expect every moment, we have not considered it our duty to defer any longer the 
Bending to Chibouctou some supplies in provisions and refreshments. These supplies consist 
of G thousand quintals of flour, 200 ditto of codfish, 500 minots of oats and 40 tons of iron. 
They will be put on board the following vessels : 
NoT£.-i>/jo7iwM Ship La Dcesse, Captain Iriard. 

provisionTforVo " La Sle. Croix, Captain Alzouet. 

count of llie owner: -r n t ?• •« r 

the wo« destined " L.a bit. Juiienne, " Monsegue. 

for Martinico. Mr. ° 

Hocquart stopped «« £,e Lioii, " Biouncau. 

nrr ana tbe cargo, 

^rrn'./Sru.'-r. Brigantine Le Soldi, 

pur°chaM,""i4"idM Snow, belonging to M' Hiriard. 

*'"' "'^ '■ Brigantine St. Esprit, " Sieur Sallaberry. 

Of all these vessels the brigantine Le St. Esprit only remains to be loaded. We calculate 
on dispatching them within 8 or 10 days at farthest. Of the provisions which had been 
prepared for the fleet, there will remain at Quebec about 2000, 3 or 400 barrels of flour and 
vegetables, which we will be able to forward this year if circumstances permit; if not, next 
spring, and others can be prepared during the winter according to the requisitions the Duke 
d'Enville will make on us. 

' Sit. Qu ? BaziD. See tupra, p. 66. — Ed. 


We send off to-day Ensign Beaujeu de Villemonde, by way of the River St. John, with 
despatches to the commander of the fleet, whom we advise of our resolution to send him some 
supplies to Chibouctou, and of all our consequent arrangements. 

November 4. Chevalier de Beauharnais is arrived; he left Chibouctou on the 2"^ of last 
month. We report what we have learned through him. 

IS"* November, 1746. Report of M. de Repentigny, wiio arrived this day at Quebec. 

This officer being, twenty-one days ago on the high road between Orange and Sarasto, with a 
party of thirty-seven men, four of whom were Frenchmen, heard a great noise ; they halted and 
concealed themselves in a wood thirty paces from the road. The chief Nautagarouche, of the 
Lake of the Two Mountains, was dispatched to find out what the matter was ; on his return, 
reported having seen a number of men on horseback and on foot, and a great many wagons. 
Our party withdrew into the wood and, whilst there, heard wagons and horsemen continually 
passing until one o'clock in the afternoon. Chevalier de Repentigny went forward with 
a cadet, two Iroquois and an Outasas, about a quarter of a league in the direction of Orange, 
and lay in ambush about fifteen paces distance from the road, where he saw a wagon passing, 
under an escort of eighteen fusileers, in which were some barrels that he thinks contained 
powder ; others followed to the number of eighty or ninety, each escorted by three or four 
armed men; they were loaded with casks, barrels, sacks, mattresses and muskets behind. 
Among these vehicles were ten or twelve caleches containing some well dressed persons, 
apparently officers, with laced coats. When this manoeuvre and observation was concluded, 
Sieur de Repentigny withdrew into the wood, and at sundown heard several drums beat ; 
it was the head of the enemy's camp; some attentive Indians heard that night, and next 
morning, the noise of drums in the direction of the head of said camp, and at its extremity, 
which was three-quarters of a league distant from th(! head. 

There was a fresh scout next morning. Chevalier de Repentigny went forward in person 
to ascertain the cause of the noise heard by the Indians: from the top of the hill he saw a 
large force collected and heard the roll of the drums. He, then, came down with all his party, 
and went and lay in ambush about fifteen paces from the road where this force was to pass ; 
he saw about one hundred and fifty men march in good order, four deep, on the main road, 
whom the Indians would not attack ; next came, at a distance of about half an arpenl, two 
carts followed by twenty others. The Indians then determined to attack the two first, and 
killed two men attached to them, one of whom remained in one of the wagons that they 
pursued to the top of the hill at the bottom of which they had attacked them. The wagon 
having upset, they scalped one of the men they had killed. Sieur Deselle, who was following 
them with another Canadian, perceived, on the top of the hill, a number of men on horseback 
and a-foot, and some loaded wagons proceeding to the head, and other empty ones returning 
to the tail of the camp.i 

The blow being struck, the Indians retired into the wood, where Chevalier de Repentigny 
proposed to them to follow the enemy until the latter would appear to make a decisive stand ; 
but the Iroquois having refused the belt he offered them for that purpose, he determined to 
send three well disposed Outaouacs after the enemy. On rejoining him, four days after, these 
Indians reported that they had left the camp at the same place, always engaged in the same 
manoeuvre. 'Tis about thirty leagues from Fort St. Frederic. 

' The head of a camp is that part which fronts the enemy, or the open country ; the tail is the line drawn in the rear, 
directly opposite the head of the camp. Jama. — Ed. 


Ab-sfraS of the De-spatcJies received from Canada. 

Canada. — News. 

No sooner was the Marquis de Beauharnois, Governor-General of Canada, informed that 
war had broke out with England than his first care was to endeavor to secure to himself all 
the Indian nations of the Continent. 

These nations having appeared in general disposed to side in this war with the French 
(except, however, the five villages of Iroquois, who, up to the present time, adhered to their 
system of neutrality), he organized, in the month of December,* one thousand seven hundred 
and forty-five, a detachment of five hundred men, partly Canadians and partly Indians, under 
the command of Sieur Marin, to attack the English settlements on the River Connecticut, 
which are not very considerable. 

Sieur Marin set out from Montreal on the first of the said month of December, and marched 
until the eleventh, without communicating his destination to the Indians. But so soon as 
they were informed of it the Iroquois and domiciliated Hurons, who acted as guides to the 
detachment, set up so many difficulties to the execution of the enterprise that Sieur Marin, in 
order not to repulse them on an occasion when there was question of engaging them seriously 
in the war, agreed to the proposal they made him to proceed towards Orange, called by the 
English Albany, where, it appeared by a map they drew for him, they would have an opportunity 
of capturing three little stockaded forts built by the enemy. 

He consequently marched until the twentieth, when the Indians again changed their 
mind, and asked to go towards Sarastau, where there was a fort of that name, and some 
considerable settlements. 

Sieur Marin, whose principal object always was to get them to attack the English, consented 
to the new change. 

Arrived at the English settlements he learned that the fort at Sarastau was garrisoned by a 
pretty strong force, whereupon he prepared to approach it with caution, in order to carry it 
by escalade, but the Indians, too impulsive, having attacked the houses in the vicinity too 
soon, the fort was secretly evacuated, and Sieur Marin found no person in it when he wished 
to make the attack. 

After having burnt this fort he ordered the adjoining settlements to be laid waste, which 
order was so well executed, particularly by the Indians, that in a single morning the whole 
of the buildings, the principal of which consisted of four mills, were burnt, the cattle killed 
killed, and all the provisions destroyed within a circle of four leagues. One hundred and 
nine persons were taken prisoners, but only twelve or fifteen men were killed, the English, for 
the most part, having oflered no resistance. 

The Indians feeling vexed, after the expedition, that they had not had an opportunity 
of fighting, required of Sieur Marin to send two of the prisoners to Orange, to tell the 
Commandant at that town that they were about to return by short marches, in order to afford 
him time to pursue them, if he were disposed, but they returned undisturbed. 

Since that time twenty-seven detachments of Indians have been formed, with a certain 
number of Canadians always at their head, to make incursions on the enemy's flanks, and not 
one of those has returned without killing or capturing some persons. The number of prisoners 
was, at the date of the departure of the ships from Quebec, about two hundred and eighty. 

• Ought to ba November. Se« supra, p. 38 ; al»o, Smith'z New -York, H, 76. — Ed. 


But of all these parties the most important one was that which the Marquis de 
Beauharnois organized in the month of August last, on the receipt, repeatedly, of intelligence 
that the English were preparing to attack Fort St. Frederic. This party was composed of 
about seven hundred men, both Canadians and Indians. Its command was conferred on Sieur 
Rigaud de Vaudreuil, Major of Three Rivers; it was designed at first to cover the fort, on the 
supposition that this was about to be attacked, but orders were issued at the same time to go 
in quest of the enemy to their own country, should it be ascertained that the attack on Fort S' 
Frederic was abandoned. 

Sieur de Rigaud repaired, at first, to Fort S' Frederic, and having been informed, on his 
arrival, that the news received respecting the attack on this fort had no foundation, he set out 
for New England. It having been deliberated, in a council held with the Canadians and 
Indians, that an attack should be made on the fort called Massachuset, after the name of that 
Province, Sieur de Rigaud arrived, after a march of ten days in the neighborhood of this fort. 
He commenced the attack on it on the morning of the 30"" of August, keeping up an incessant 
fire from both sides until the following day, when the garrison surrendered at discretion. 
Three women and five children were found in it. The loss on the part of the English, was 
not ascertained, as they had buried all their dead, except one. The French loss was one man 
killed and twelve wounded. Sieur Rigaud was among the latter. The fort was burnt on the 
same day, and the prisoner having stated that a reinforcement was to arrive from Dierfil, Sieur 
Rigaud detached sixty Iroquois and Abenakis on the route they were to come. These Indians 
having met this reinforcement, which consisted of only nineteen men, defeated it, and brought 
in four prisoners only, all the remainder having been killed. 

After this expedition Sieur de Rigaud ordered the pillage, and all the settlements were burnt 
and sacked and the harvest laid waste within a circle of twelve to fifteen leagues. Only fifty- 
six prisoners were, however, made in this foray, almost all the settlers having had time to take 
refuge in Boston, Deirfil and Orange. 

These incursions spread alarm throughout the whole of New England ; almost all the rural 
settlements were abandoned in the month of September last, and the Colonists no longer 
went abroad except in parties and armed. But, on the other hand. Mess" de Beauharnois and 
Hocquart state that the enemy were forming, last October, a camp between Orange and 
Sarastau. This camp has been reconnoitred by a detachment under the command of a 
Canadian officer,^ who attacked two loads of ammunition. The report he has made was 
annexed. There is no doubt but the troops which were being collected were destined for a 
winter attack on the Colony from the south. The Marquis de Beauharnois was engaged in 
measures to counteract these plans, and there is reason to hope, so long as the English will not 
have regular troops with them, that the Canadians will not succumb. From the course they 
observe, it appears that they have lost nothing of their ancient valor, whilst the Indians, on 
their side, act better than they used to do in the last war, for they fight well in the open field, 
which they did not formerly do ; and it is to those who compose the village of the Lake of 
Two Mountains that we are indebted for this. 'Tis they who have given the example both 
in that regard and in taking up the hatchet when the Marquis de Beauharnois proposed it to 
all the nations. 

17 January, 1757. 

' See Mr. de Eepentigny's report, tupra, p 75. — Ed. 


Capitulation of the Garrison of Grand Pre^ Nova Scotia. 

Capitulation granted by His Most Christian Majesty's troops to those of His 
Britannic Majesty at Grand Free. 


A detachment of his Most Christian Majesty's troops will form themselves into two lines in 
front of the stone house occupied by his Britannic Majesty's troops, who will take their 
departure for Annapolis-Royal within twice twenty-four hours, with the honors of war, six 
days' provisions, haversack, one pound of powder and one pound of ball per man. 

The English prisoners in the hands of the French, will remain prisoners of war. 

The shipping seized by the troops of his Most Christian Majesty, cannot be restored to his 
Britannic Majesty's troops. 


As pillage was committed only by the Indians, the booty cannot be restored. 

The sick and wounded belonging to the English, actually in his Britannic Majesty's hands, 
will be conveyed to the River Aux Canards, where they shall be lodged by orJfer of the French 
commandant, and supported at his Britannic Majesty's expense, until they be in a condition to 
be removed to Annapolis Royal ; and the French commandant shall furnish them with letters 
of protection, and they shall be at liberty to retain one of their surgeons until they be 
restored to health. 

His Britannic Majesty's troops, actually at Grand-Pr^e, will not be at liberty to bear arms 
at the head of the Bay of Fundy, that is to say, at Minas, Cobequitte and Beaubassin, during 
the term of six months from the date hereof.' 

On the acceptance and signing of these conditions on the one side and the other, his 
Britannic Majesty's troops will bring with them a flag, and march to-day from their guard- 
house, of which his Most Christian Majesty's troops will take possession, as well as of Grand 
Pr^e and all the munitions of war, provisions and artillery which his Britannic Majesty's 
troops now have. 

Done at Grand-Pr6e, the 12"" of February, 1747. 

(Signed) Coulon de Villier, commanding the French party. 
Benjamin Goldthwait, commanding the English, 
who has signed with thirteen others. 
For copy. 

(Signed) De Ramezay. 

' Hutohiaion layi, incorrectly, " one year." Hittory of MauaehuuUt, II., 886. — Ed. 


Expedition against Fort CUnton, Neio-YorTc. 

An Account of an Expedition commanded by M. de la Come St. Luc, who had 
under him Mess" de Carqueville and St. Ours, Jun'., twenty Frenchmen, or 
thereabouts, and two hundred Indians of different nations. 

1747. 23*' June. Started from Fort St. Frederic at midnight for Sarratau, to endeavor to find 
an opportunity to strike some good blow on the English or Dutch garrison at Fort Klincton,' 
as they call it. 

26"" Left his canoes and slept near the River of Orange', which he crossed, the first in a little 
pirogue. Had five canoes made of elm bark {ecorce d'orme). Left Mess" de Carqueville and 
St. Ours to cross their men ; all were over at two o'clock in the afternoon. 

28"" At early dawn the Abenakis told him he was exposing his men very much, and they 
wished to form an ambuscade on a little island in front of the fort, in order to try and break 
somebody's head. He told them they must go to the fort. 

He addressed the Iroquois of the Saut and the Hurons and Nipissings, who made answer 
that they had no other will but his, and that of Ononthio. He sent Sieur de Carqueville with 
seven Indians of the Saut and Nepissings, to see what was going on at the fort. 

They reported that some forty or fifty English were fishing in a little river which falls into 
that of Orange, on this side of {en deca) the fort. He sent Sieur de Carqueville, a Nepissing, 
and an Abenaki to examine where the fort could be approached. M. de St. Luc said he should 
give his gun, which was a double barrel, to the first who would take a prisoner, and told them 
that after the first volley they should charge, axe in hand. He said the same thing to the 
French. Sieur de Carqueville arrived, and said that the English had retired into the fort. I 
sent M. de St. Ours to see where the river could be crossed, and to watch the movements of the 
fort. He returned to say that he had found a good place ; that several Englishmen were out 
walking. They crossed the river and spent the remainder of the day watching the enemy. 

29"" The nineteenth^ they all crossed, half a league above, though the Abenakis were opposed 
to it. Waited all day to see if any person would come out. Sent twenty men on the road to 
Orange, who returned, under the supposition that they were discovered, passing near the fort. 
Made a feint, to induce them to come out. He demanded of the Chiefs six of their swiftest 
and bravest men ; commanded them to lie in ambush, on the banks of the river, within eight 
paces of the fort at daybreak, to fire on those who should come out of the fort, and to try and 
take a scalp, and if the fort returned their fire to pretend to be wounded, and to exhibit some 
difficulty in getting off, so as to induce the enemy to leave the fort.' Those in ambush [neither 
saw any persons] nor heard any noise ; they came to say they thought they were discovered. 
The chiefs assembled around the officers and said that they must retreat; that they were 
surrounded by four hundred men, who had just come out of the fort. These gentlemen told 
them that it was not the custom of the French to retire without fighting, when so near the 
enemy, and that they were able to defend themselves against this number of men, should they 

' Fort Clinton was situated on a hill a little south of Batten Kill, in the present town of Easton, "Washington cc, N. Y., as 
appears by a MS. Map of the Province, by Cadwallader Golden. A description of the fort is to be found in K<dm't 
Travels, IL, 289. It was burnt by the English themselves in 1747. — En. 

' 8ie, but evidently a mistake for the twenty-ninth. 

' Kalm corroborates this. Travelt, IL, 288, 90. 


be so bold as to come and attack them. The young braves of the Sault, Iroquois, Nepissings and 
Hurons said that they would not abandon him ; they were ready to die for the French, 
and should give him a proof of it. The Abenakis of several villages were constrained to say 
the same ; but it was only the good example of the Iroquois, in whose praise, as well as in that 
of the Nepissings and Hurons, on this occasion, too much cannot be said. 

They sent out six scouts to lie in ambush at their appointed place, and to pass the night on 
their arms. He commanded the French and Indians to discharge their pieces, in case a large 
number of people came out, and to let them return the fire, and then to rush on them axe in 
hand, which was done. 

30''' Those who lay in ambush fired on two Englishmen, who came out of the fort at the 
break of day on the thirtieth, and who came towards them. The fort made a movement to 
come against our scouts, who withdrew. About a hundred and twenty men came out in order 
of battle, headed by two lieutenants and four or five other officers. They made towards our 
people, in order to get nearer to them by making a wheel. They halted at the spot where 
our scouts had abandoned one of their muskets and a tomahawk. Sieur de St. Luc arose and 
discharged his piece, crying to all his men to fire ; some did so, and the enemy fired back, and 
the fort let fly some grape, which spread consternation among the Indians and Canadians, as it 
was followed by two other discharges of cannon ball. [Our men then rushed on them axe in 
hand]' and routed the enemy, whom they pursued within thirty toises of the fort fighting. 
Some threw themselves into the river and were killed by blows of the hatchet, and by 
gun shots. 

Forty-five prisoners were taken and twenty-eight scalps. The number of those drowned 
could not be ascertained. One lieutenant, who commanded, with four or five other officers, 
was killed, and one lieutenant was taken prisoner. Only one Iroquois of the Saut was killed. 
He was attacked by three Englishmen ; five were slightly wounded. 

The attack being finished, Sieur de St. Luc collected the arms and withdrew his men. He 
remained with three Frenchmen and as many Indians, watching the enemy's movements. 
About one hundred and fifty men, as well as they could judge, came out of the fort, without 
daring to advance. Of the hundred and twenty or thirty who might have been in the sortie 
from the fort, some twenty or twenty-five only appeared to have reentered it. 

The fort might be one hundred and fifty feet long by one hundred wide, with six wooden 
redoubts, for barracks ; four in the angles of the fort and two in the centre of the two main 
curtains, which have been protracted to enlarge the fort that was one-half too small when it 
was first visited by Sieur Marin ; but experiencing such harassing from the French and 
Indians, they apprehended some new attacks from us ; however, it had not been rabbetted 
when M. Marin was there. 

'Twill be seen by this account, that Mess" de Carqueville and Ensign St. Ours, Jun', have 
acquitted themselves very well [on this occasion] as well as on the other expeditions in which 
they happened to be. They deserve to be remembered. 

Lieutenant Herbin and his parly took, in one instance, three prisoners and nine scalps ; one 
was killed whose scalp could not be had. On another occasion they defeated ten persons, 
including those taken prisoners and those scalped. He has frequently been in expeditions 
towards Sarrantau. 


' The words within bracltcU in this Document are supplied by the Editor. 


Indian Incursions into the Island of Montreal. 

Report of an incursion into the Island of Montreal by a party of English, Dutch, 
Mohawks, Senecas and Oneidas of the Five Nations. 1747. 

June 14"' Four Indians belonging to the Sault S' Louis, having noticed in the little Lake St. 
Francis, fifteen leagues from Montreal, seven large elm canoes and a small bark one, hid in the 
wood extending to Chateauguaye (in which canoes, according to their calculation, from a 
hundred and twenty to a hundred and thirty of the enemy might have passed on their way to 
attack the Montreal settlements), came on the same day to notify the fact to Captain de 
Lavaltrie, the commandant at Sault S< Louis, who informed M"' de Beaucours, the Governor, 
thereof; the latter issued his orders on the fifteenth of the same month, at one o'clock in the 
morning; he had three guns fired and the drums beat to arms. The people assembled in 
the Place d'Armes, where a detachment was formed consisting of two hundred men, whereof 
I had the command ; I marched at six o'clock in the morning in pursuit of the enemy, with 
ten canoes equipped with twenty men each and twenty officers. On arriving at La Chine, I 
detached M"' de St. Pierre with five officers, fifty militia and one hundred and twenty Indians 
of the Sault, whom he was ordered to go and get there for the purpose of scouring the woods 
next day between the Sault and the Cascades, where I had fixed his rendezvous, which was 
well executed. For fear of being discovered by the enemy, I waited until night to set out from 
La Chine for the Cascades. Two leagues from La Chine I inquired of a man who was passing 
on horseback, whether there was any news ? He told me he was carrying a letter from M' 
Perthuis,' parish priest of St. Anne, to M'' de Beaucours, with information that three 
Frenchwomen belonging to his parish had been captured at three o'clock in the afternoon of 
the same day, above Fort Senneville.^ I told him to make haste and to tell the Governor that 
I was going to blockade the passage across to the Cascades. I landed at Point Claire fort, and 
sent an order to all the captains of the concessions, to march to Bout de I'lsle, to seize the 
enemy's canoes in case they were still there. I diligently continued my route towards the 
Cascades, and at one o'clock in the morning, about a league off {au large des) the Cascades, 
saw a canoe and paddled with all speed towards it. When within sound of the voice, I cried 
out to them Oukaneguen, Who are you?^ To the third challenge they answered, Seneca. 
Seneca ho! 'Tis for you we are looking. The Indians cried Oukanisse, who are you? Reply. 
Onnontio <Sago;'e?t, Onnontio's children.* The Indians answer; we're dead. I overtook them 
with much difficulty ; they were moving as well as I. As soon as I overtook this canoe, the 
three women who had been captured the night before, rose up and threw themselves into my 
canoe crying and laughing all at once. In that canoe were four Senecas, one Oneida and a 
Dutchman. This last spoke Indian like themselves; he had his hair arranged, and was 
dressed like them. When the nine were embarked I proceeded to the Cascades, where 

' Rer. SmoN Louis Pbktuuis arrived ia Canada 2l8t July, 1742, and left that Province 18th August, 1776. LisU 
Chronologique, No. 605. 

' On the northwest end of the Island of Montreal, about midway between the Islands Perrot and Bizarre. 

' Literally, who goes there in the water? from Agannon, to go, and onnega, water ; or, Who goes there in a canoe 1 from 
gannio, to pass in a canoe. Bruyas. — Ed. 

* Literally, Onnontio, his sons, Sagojen being derived from Sa, his, and gaienna, son. 

Vol. X. 11 


arriving, day began to break, and I recognized the Dutchman who was closely interrogated as 
well as the Indians and the three women. Each, individually, said that no other than that 
canoe, containing six men, visited the Island of Montreal, where they captured the three 
women ; that Tkoianoguen,^ White Head, a Mohawk, had gone with four Dutchmen and thirty- 
two Indians of the Five Nations, near Chateauguay, to make canoes to cross to the Island of 
Montreal and make a foray there. As I had sent M' de S' Pierre opposite the Cascades, 
nothing more urgent was left for me than to go to their cache on the South shore of the little 
Lake St. Francis, where I arrived at three o'clock in the afternoon, and found seven elm 
canoes capable of carrying, each, fifteen (a), twenty men; all their provisions, powder, ball, 
deer skins, shoes, awls, blankets, wampum-belts, kettles, &c., which I gave to the nine Indians 
of the Sault S' Louis and sixteen Nepissings of the Lake of the Two Mountains who had 
accompanied me. I had the canoes cut ; had mine also concealed in the woods, and I lay in 
ambush until two o'clock in the afternoon of the next day, when I received two Frenchmen 
and three Indians sent me by M' de S' Pierre, to inform me that he had heard nothing of any 
enemy. I sent back the five men to M' de S' Pierre, with word to range along the bank of 
the river for about half a league, opposite the island, where the enemy were to pass, in case 
some canoes should escape me ; that I was going to pull up (me metlre enimnne) at the Cascades 
at nightfall to wait for them, and if they did not make their appearance in the course of the 
night, I should conceal myself in the island with my canoes during the day. At two o'clock 
in the morning I heard and saw M' de S' Pierre firing at four canoes which were landing at the 
place where he lay in ambush. I immediately repaired thither with my whole force. M' de 
S' Pierre had taken nine men prisoners, two of whom were English, one Dutch and six Indians. 
An Indian who accompanied me in my canoe made another prisoner on arriving there ; two 
others of the enemy's canoes made off higher up at daylight; the two canoes were found but 
the men had escaped. Thcjanogucn, with three Dutchmen and ten Indians in two canoes, 
separated in the traverse, and had been to Chateauguay to strike a blow, having missed doing 
so on the Island of Montreal, whence they were coming. Being perceived by the Indians of 
the Lake of the Two Mountains, they abandoned the canoes on the South shore. As 
Thejanoguen was about landing at Chateauguay, he saw M' de S' Pierre firing on his people, 
whereupon he went ashore and abandoned his canoes, which were found, and he struck 
into the depths of the forest. Of twenty-four men who escaped in all, only eight reached 
Corlar ; the rest died of hunger on the road. Thejanoguen got there with two Dutchmen who 
have been a month sick unto death, as we have learned from a number of prisoners from those 
parts. After all was done, I proposed to the Indians of the Sault S' Louis to go all together in 
pursuit of the enemy; they told me 'twas useless, that they would die on the way, and, 
moreover, that we had no provisions, which was the truth. The Indians of the Sault have 
done wonders, having tied their brethren of the Five Nations and repaid one hundred and 
twenty-five livrcs which the King gave them. It is one of the greatest strokes that could 
ever be made to get them to attack the Five Nations, who openly threaten them. I arrived 
to-day at Sault S' Louis at eleven o'clock of the forenoon, and handed over all the prisoners to 
the chiefs who asked them from me, to make them sing after their fashion. At one o'clock 
in the afternoon I demanded them back ; they were brought to me, and I arrived at Montreal 
with the sixteen prisoners, whom 1 surrendered to M' de Beaucours, Governor, who detached 

' From Anonjte, a head. Trantacliont of tkt American Antiquarian Society, IL, 312. — Ed. 


me to proceed with them to Quebec and to deliver them to the Marquis de Beauharnois, which 
I did. They are in prison, in irons, since three months. We hear no more of the enemy. 

Note. — Before this last blow, these Indians captured and killed thirty to forty 
persons and scalped one, who is still living, whom they left for dead at Chateauguay. 
His wife, who was with him, was killed at his side and scalped. 

Done at Montreal, the 8"- of October, 1747. 

(Signed) Chevalier Delacorne. 

Refport of M. JBohsTierhert on Indian Affairs. 
Expeditions against the Indians. 

I shall not be able to have the honor to make a fuller report to his Grace this year, being too 
much troubled by the French and Indians. I shall begin with the subject of most interest to 
this country, namely, a great confusion caused by a general conspiracy of the red skins against 
the whites. Though manifestly known, we continue still to dissemble, and endeavor to arrange 
matters as well as possible. Our domiciliated Indians refuse us their assistance, not being 
willing to strike those who have killed us. One of the Iroquois cantons adjoining the Dutch, 
that on slender pretences came here to speak, met on their way home, loaded with presents, 
some carpenters at He de la Mothe,* beyond our frontiers. They were nine, who took one of 
our carpenters, killed one, and wounded another. Their comrads fled. The reason of this 
is, that our Indians of the Saut, especially, were the first to leave the Mohawks, who have 
established this village ; as the Iroquois are most feared and respected by all the nations as 
well as the Hurons, they possess a great ascendency over all the rest. The Five Nations are 
long since sending Belts to all the other nations as well as the Hurons, with whom they are 
intimately connected. At length, they have recently been wishing to raise the hatchet at 
Detroit, where Sieur de Longueuil commands. 

The Hurons were ready to massacre all the French were it not that a Squaw, going into a 
garret in search of some ludian corn, overheard their conspiracy below. She went immediately 
to advise the Jesuit lay brother thereof, who informed M'' de Longueuil, the commander there, 
of the danger. They were to sleep that night in the fort, as they often did before, and each 
was to kill the people of the house where he lodged. 

M' de Longueuil called together all the principal chiefs ; spoke to tbem so as to stop them 
and they excused themselves the best way they could. We, too, have Indians on our side 
who appear much attached to us. M' d'Enyel came down with a Father ; they bring news 
that the Sauteurs had attacked two French canoes, one of which was entirely destroyed, the 
men killed, and the merchandise pillaged. The other escaped by throwing the merchandise 
overboard, in order to be more light. M' d'Enyel was near being destroyed also by the same 

' In Lake Champlain. — Ed. 


This conspiracy is fomented by the English, who, by force of presents and lies, excite the 
Indians against us, insinuating into their minds that we are not in a condition to furnish them 
with any supplies ; that we have no goods, as they take all our ships, and that Quebec has 
been already captured. This is their ordinary language, the falsehood of which they shall, 
please God, soon learn by the arrival of the convoys commanded by Ensign Dubuisson, of the 
infantry, who is well escorted ; besides the conductors of the canoes, all the Indians return 
hence loaded with presents, which will have a good effect. 

Shortly before the Detroit conspiracy, the Hurons had assassinated five Frenchmen at 
Sandesque, sixty leagues from Detroit, where the Hurons plant, and frequently go to concoct 
plots against us with other Indians and, may be, with the English. 

Of all the Indians who are going home, there are many very faithful ones who are most 
anxious to get back to their own country to labor, as was seen here, to reestablish peace. 
They belong to the River St. Joseph, and are principally the Poueatamis, who are all allied 
with the Miamis, Sacs, Foxes and Folle Avoine. Their first harangue was delivered with 
energy to convince us of their fidelity and attachment to the French, whom they would rather 
die with than ever abandon. The Outaouas are divided. The whole of them were to come 
down [but] their acquaintances stopped them; otherwise they would all have descended; 
they had faithfully promised M' de la Come to do so when he visited them that winter; he 
was commandant at Michillimakina. Should affairs not be arranged by Father La Richarvie, 
ancient missionary of the Hurons, who is going to form a new establishment in that country, 
Canada would be to be pitied; we should be in need of great assistance from France to support 
ourselves here. 

The French are in the midst of an immense forest, which is intersected by the great River 
St. Lawrence, and many others that disembogue therein. When ascending those rivers that 
are very rapid, 'tis necessary to go close to the shore. The enemy, lying in ambush in the 
woods, can easily defeat us. When they want to attack the French they descend these rivers 
and conceal their trail and canoes in the woods, then, marching in the rear of the settlements, 
they pounce on them, kill men, women and cattle of all sorts, burn the houses and barns, as 
we do theirs. It consequently requires a large force to preserve a country in which it can with 
difficulty be ascertained when and where they will strike. 

Good officers are stationed at the frontier posts where we keep garrisons. As, for example, 
at Fort S' Frederic, the seat, at present, of the hottest of the war ; it adjoins the Dutch, and 
is passed also on the way into the Boston government on the east, and that of Orange towards 
the S. W. M' de Celeron is commandant there ; an officer of great capacity, who has 
commanded with distinction in several posts, at Michilimakina, where he preserved good 
order among the Indians, who are all around, and the French, making himself loved, both by 
the one and the other. He was sent thence to the Chicachas in 1739, and was the only officer 
commanding the party that went with the Canadians and Indians to that village. He came 
down to Quebec, was ordered next year to go to command at Michilimakina, and to make the 
establishment there such as the General desired ; thence he went to command at Detroit. 
He came here ; war broke out ; was sent to Niagara, where he remained two years; returned 
to Montreal; was sent by the General to Fort S' Frederic, where he has been during the last 
six months. He has acquired the esteem of everybody ; deserves promotion, being one of 
the best officers we have, and even one of the oldest Captains. 


Captain de Vercher has had orders to command at the Bay. He is a worthy officer, who 
has often commanded in the upper posts, and has so well acquitted himself that he has been 
always employed by the General, whenever his services were required. It is the opinion that 
he could return to Michilimakina were M'' de la Corne employed elsewhere. He has managed 
the Indians equally well during his sojourn, and went this winter with some influential 
domiciliated Indians to invite the Nations down,' who were very quiet. 

Captain de Noyan has also been in command at Fort Frederic. He is a man of talent, who 
has governed well on two different occasions ; a proof of his capacity. 

Sieur D'Enyelle, Jun^ commanded at Michilimakinac, M"^ de la Corne, the commandant at 
that post, having been recalled by the General for duty. Affairs were very bad when he left, 
and M' de Vercher was sent to prevent a more serious difficulty, which was caused by the 
Hurons of Detroit having stopped them up there; and since this officer's departure we are 
ignorant of the situation of affairs. 

Sieur de Belletre, known and loved by the Indians of the River St. Joseph, accompanies 
them to that post; he is an Ensign of excellent conduct, who served through the Chicaches 
campaign, and marched to the villages under M"^ de Celoron, an officer of whom I could not 
speak too highly, as he deserves great praise. Sieur de Belletre is a brave fellow, who pleases 
every one that is with him. He accompanies Father de la Richardie as far as Detroit. 
Lieutenant de St. Pierre, of the infantry, went through the Chicaches campaign, and was sent 
by the [French] to the village to negociate with the Chiefs, accompanied by our domiciliated 
Indians ; I saw some of their chiefs^ at Fort L'Assomption. The negotiation seemed prosperous 
and pacific, and would, to all appearance, have been permanent, had not our Iroquois broken, 
by a foolish act, what had been so well concluded. But on quitting the camp of L'Assomption 
they encountered some Chicachas men and women, who were going to their hunting grounds, 
and killed a number of them, which left things in their previous bad condition. 

Captain Duplessy, commanding at Niagara, where he fell sick of fatigue, conjoined to bad 
diet, having been in want of fresh meat, as the Senecas no longer supplied him with any, has 
been obliged, through bad health, to ask leave to come down to recruit. He is a good officer, 
well sustained among that nation in a very critical time, when it was impossible to calculate 
on anything very settled ; though they have always appeared to get along very well with the 
French, we doubt, at present, their fidelity. Sieur de Joncaire, who has resided so long among 
them, having become dangerously ill, sends us scarcely any news from thence at present ; they 
have not come down to Montreal, and some of their people have been in the parties that made 
attacks on us this year. 

M' de Contrecoeur, who was his Lieutenant, remains commandant of the place. He is a 
reliable officer, being wise, possessing a talent to command well, and to maintain good order 
in his fort. Of the Iroquois cantons, it is the farthest from the French. He is vigilant, and 
will omit nothing that can contribute to the security and preservation of his post ; he may be 
confidently relied on. 

He has good officers with him, to whom he can show a good example for the proper 
performance of their duty, in the execution of the orders he will have to give them. M' P^an,^ 

' " Courirs les nations a descendre." I suppose the original is convier. — Ed. 

' " dont je vint quelques chefs." Dont je vii i 

' HncuES Pean was a native of Canada ; his father had been Adjutant, or Town Major of Quebec, a situation to which the son 
Bucoeeded, on the arriyal of M. de JonquiSre. His wife was young, lively, spiritual, mild and obliging, and her conversation 
amusing. She succeeded in obtaining a considerable influence over the Intendant, M. Bigot, who went regularly to spend 


his nephew, is in the post of Major at Quebec, since he went to Montreal, and has been on an 
expedition in our enemy's territory, where he behaved very well ; he is very active and 
vigilant, as an officer ought to be on such business. He has been on all occasions in Acadia, 
where it was necessary to do the King good service, and acquired honor by the manner in 
which he acted. 

Captain de Cabanac is at Fort Frontenac, where he has some good officers. He sees every 
day some Iroquois there, especially Onondagas, who, so to speak, occupy the front rank. 
Some of them even reside thereabouts who hunt, and supply the French with venison and 
game, for which they are paid in small wares, according to their custom. All the Five Nations 
appear quiet, and live in good understanding with the French. But being neighbors of the 
English, our rivals and enemies, they must be distrusted. Many of the Chiefs of that village 
came to see us ; there is a number of them at Quebec who see a great many ships there. 

The Mohawks began early in the summer to declare themselves, and to attack us; at the 
Cedars, the last settlement on the river going up, some fifteen {quintes) Mohawks, made an 
attack on as many men, women, girls and children, a portion of whom they carried away 
prisoners; others, who were unable to walk, they killed, and removed their scalps, which 
they have been as far as Orange to exhibit. 

In the posts bordering on our frontier settlements we also have some small garrisons where 
some soldiers are stationed with their officers to maintain good order for the defence of those 
places. Some militia are adjoined to them, to increase the number. Lieutenant de Sablay 
commands at S' Therese ; he is a veteran officer, considered capable of doing his duty. 

Lieutenant de Rouville is at Chambly ; a good officer, very vigilant and active, ever ready 
to do his duty exactly. Of late, there is only one officer in those small posts with a few 
Indians to act as scouts when they are willing to cooperate with us, for since the alliance 
contracted by all the Indians, they serve us so badly that they are suspected of having favored 
our enemies in their attack on us. 

The enemy has frequently made his appearance at Chateau[guay], a small fort near the 
village of Sault S' Louis ; they have, however, killed only one woman, whose husband has 
been scalped, though he is not dead, notwithstanding he received several wounds as well on 
his head as on other parts of his body. 

M. de Valterie, a brave captain and a worthy, quiet man, has had the command at Saut S' 
Louis, with a resident officer under him. It is the largest village of our domiciliated Indians, 
and inhabited by Iroquois. One officer only is left in the other posts, the deputies having been 
withdrawn in consequence of the scarcity of officers among us. The Indians at that post had 
some difficulty in receiving that little garrison of twenty soldiers, owing to divers bad reasons 
that were alleged, into which certain secret interests entered. They live quietly there at 
present, only on condition that the General will withdraw that garrison so soon as peace shall 
be concluded ; this feeling never existed before, and the majority is strongly of a contrary 
opinion, and [I am] very glad to see it. 

his eveninga with her. She became at length the channel throwgh which the public patronage flowed. P6an in a short 
time saw himself worth fifty thousand crowns. Bigot, the Intendant, requiring a large supply of wheat, gave P^an the 
contract, and even advanced him money from tlie treasury with which the wheat was bought. The Intendant next issued 
an ordinance, fixing the price of wheat much higher than Ptan purchased it. The latter delivered it to the government at 
the price fixed by the ordinance, whereby he realized immense profit; obtained a seigniory, and became very wealthy. 
ColUelioni of Quebec Literary and llittorical Society, 1838, p. 68. He was afterwards created a Knight of St Louis. 
Smith's Canada, L, 221. — Ed. 


And since a very long time soldiers have constantly been there, with vphom the Indians 
were well pleased, and [now] were any detachment ordered out, all the men would exclaim 
that their wives and children were abandoned ; even the women join in the cry, which proves 
that evil councils prevail. 

Lieutenant Dumui,i whose father had been appointed Governor of Mississippi, has been 
sent to command at the Lake of the Two Mountains. He is a prudent, wise and sedate man, 
and a very exact officer in all that appertains to the King's service. He has returned from 
there a few days ago, in consequence of indisposition with which he was attacked. He was 
well received by the gentlemen of S' Sulpice, who superintend the Indians in the capacity of 
Missionaries, and on the part of all the Indians. His deputy, Sieur de Beaudicourt, a lad 
of discretion and mildness, and a good officer, remains there, in command, until further orders. 
He it is who carried the colors in the Chicachas expedition, and performed all those duties 
during that campaign with perfect correctness. 

I can name some other good officers who have also faithfully performed and executed their 
duties, among whom are a number of gentlemen cadets, whom it has been more difficult to 
restrain than to stimulate. Of these are the three young Mess" Bleins, grandsons of M.Raimbeau, 
Lieutenant-General of Montreal, who used to return only to go back, as well in winter as in 
summer. Such was their ardor to go in search of the enemy that they even incurred expenses, 
in order to muster Indians to accompany them on war excursions. When there is question 
of commanders for Indians, 'tis well to bear in mind that these never submit to observe any 
regularity on the march ; that is to say, they are not commanded like the French, and ordinarily 
do as they please, and it takes a good deal of persuasion to induce them to march. 

We must examine what sort of people these are, and the need we stand in of them. They 
are conversant with the forests and the paths through those vast wildernesses, and follow the 
trail of men, as of wild beasts; and whether in wet or dry soil, calculate on the autumn 
leaves, their number pretty nearly as correctly as if they saw them. Their knowledge, in this 
regard, surpasses all imaginable ideas ; but they often abandon you when the fancy takes 
them, or they have got all they can. They act bravely when they please ; risk much to secure 
the scalp of a man they have killed, which they have sometimes taken amidst a storm of musket 
balls, and are very adroit in surprising their enemies. They would be a great assistance to 
us, were they willing to serve us faithfully, and we are always in need of some of them. But 
with them we must always be the strongest, and be giving them [presents]. 

I think I have stated that they serve us badly ever since the Red skins made a treaty some 
years ago not to kill one another, and to let the whites act against each other, we have a certitude 
that they have favored the parties of our enemies who attacked us, without putting themselves 
to the trouble of defending us, but we do not suspect them of having struck us on those 
occasions up to the present time ; 'tis presumed that such will be the case even among our 
domiciliated tribes. 

The Hurons of the Upper country have, as has been seen, killed five Frenchmen at 
Sandosque ; the Sauteurs have defeated one French canoe and plundered the goods, and the 
other has escaped ; the Outaouas have killed some ; the Foxes at the Bay, the Scioux and 
the Sacs, in a word, all the nations, so to speak, have struck whenever an opportunity 
presented ; we dissimulate, as we are unable to do anything else ; their bad excuses are 
received as sincere and ours refuse to do the like {de lefaire). 

■ See IX, eW, note 2^— Ed. 


This Detroit conspiracy has proved it ; efforts are making to re-plaster the matter as well 
as possible, in order to gain some repose. Sieur de Belletre is, as I have said, about to 
accompany the Rev"" Father de la Richardie, who is going to Detroit. I am often guilty of 
repetition in collecting a few of the different facts, having no time to place them together in 
their true point of view. I am too much beset by different persons who think only of their 
own interests, and not at all of what is paramount. I hope his Grace will make allowance 
for my embarrassment, by procuring for me, in fine, the favor I take the liberty of soliciting, 
that is, my discharge agreeably to my necessities and services, and not to forget therein 
my wife. 

The Rev"* Father de la Richardie' left Montreal for Detroit on the G"- of V", 1747, as I have 
already observed. It is to be wished that he may succeed. Things are in a bad condition in that 
country ; their consequences may be unfortunate if we do not obtain a reinforcement of troops. 

The expenses necessary to maintain trade, and which are very heavy, are not to be thought 
of, and those people are always craving without its being possible to satisfy them. The Rev. 
Father de la Richardie told me he was so infirm as to make him fear that his arrival would be 
very late, and that he should suffer considerably from the lateness of the season, but that 
nothing had obliged him to attempt going but superior orders. Others have said, that when 
at Quebec he appeared to like to go, and that he goes thither only to show his importance 
{■pour sefaire valoir). He goes well equipped, in order not to lose his time, and will be sure to 
sweeten his troubles by the profits he will realize. 

M' de Ferrelle is an excellent officer ; he acted as Adjutant at Rochefort and Isle de Re. I 
continue to employ him, having remarked great capacity and special talent in him to discharge 
the duties of that office ; he, moreover, is a very neat draughtsman. He has executed several 
designs of fortifications both in whole and in part, and has been very correct in their details. 

Inclosed are the military operations perfomed by Lieutenant Herbin, Jun'., of the troops 
on the 7"" of April, in the direction of the Dutch, with thirty Canadians and four Indians. 
They brought in four prisoners and six scalps to M' de Noyan, commandant of Fort S' Frederic. 

On the 22"* April, with 50 Canadians and seven Indians, they took three prisoners and 
twenty scalps, and brought them to Montreal with a great quantity of English letters. 

M' de Lignery has made the campaigns of the Foxes, the Chicacas at Fort L'Assomption* 
and Acadia; was at the defeat of the Mohawks and Dutch by Chev. de la Come and M' S' 
Pierre at the Cascade^ of the Island of Montreal. M' de Biainville, the senior ensign of 
Infantry, commanded at the River S' Joseph. He was with M' Riguaud, when they captured 
a little English fort in the Boston government. 

During the late troubles among the Upper Nations, there was imminent danger of being 
assassinated, not knowing the secrets of their hearts. They are, in truth, all very treacherous, 
without our being hardly able to distinguish the bad from the good, for, in fine, all are bad. 
It is very difficult to protect oneself against them. They are numerous, and are everywhere, 
frequently in the place where they are by no means expected, so cunning are those people. 


November, 1747. 

' Rev. JosTiHUN DK LA RicHAaDiB, S. J., came to Canada ( occorJing to the Liatc Chronologique, No. -129 ) in 1716. lie Berved 
many years in the Huron country, also in the Illinois, and died in Kebruar}', 1768. Ibid. 

' 8ce VH., 777, note 1. It was called the Fort of the Aeaumption, because 'twas on that day ( 15 August, 1739 ) the army 
laoded. Memoiret Iliitoriquet «ur la Louiiiane, par Dumont, II., 233. — Bj>. 

• «n carcade. Text. 


Journal of Occurrences in Canada; 1746, 1747. 

Abstract, in form of a Journal of the most interesting occurrences in the Colony, 
in reference to military movements, and of the various intelligence received, 
since the departure of the ships in November, 1746. 

1746. November. In our last letters in the fall we informed the Minister of the attack, by 
a party of Mohawks in the beginning of this month on Soulange, wherein 3 or 4 persons had 
been killed and 5 or 6 carried oft". We also informed him that the second attack at lie a la 
Mothe on the 12"" of this month, on 15 carpenters employed in getting out some building 
timber, was made by 9 Indians, also Mohawks, on their return from Montreal, where they 
came as a deputation in the beginning of this month ; in this last attack one man only was 
killed, three were wounded, and one taken prisoner by these Indians. 

ig"" 100 Indians of the Acadian village who are wintering in the neighborhood of Quebec, 
are sent by the General under the command of Lieutenant de Villiers to Montreal to be thence 
distributed among the diflerent garrisons established on our frontiers towards Fort S' Frederic, 
and to be employed as scouts in observing the enemy, in case any movement be made in that 

25"' The brigantine Le S' Esprit, one of the vessels that was loaded with provisions for 
Bay Verte, has returned to Quebec, having been forced back by the ice. We reported this 
circumstance to the Minister by our letter to M. de la Jonquiere of the 30"" instant, copy 
whereof we have addressed him. 

Note. — These despatches have not been sent from Beaubassin until the 7"" of April, 
1747, by Sieur Cheron, in consequence of the fleet having sailed when they arrived 
at Beaubassin. 

S** December. A party of Abenaquis belonging to Medoctet,' brings us in a prisoner whom 
they took 50 miles from Casco, a little before All Saints' day. He reports that there is 
considerable talk at Boston of an expedition against Canada. 

At the close of this month the commandant of Fort St. Frederic sent 3 cadets and some 
Indians on a scout towards Fort Sarastau, to ascertain what was going on there, and whether 
the troops encamped at that place in the beginning of the month, were still there. They 
reported that there was no longer any camp, but that the fort had been enlarged by more than 
one-half; that the English had a large storehouse erected quite convenient to it, and that the 
garrison in the fort might consist of 300 men. 

1747. January 13"* We learn by couriers from Beaubassin that the fleet has returned to 
France in consequence of the sickness of the crews and the lateness of the season ; that M' 
de Ramezay's detachment, which had reached Port Royal, had retired to Beaubassin where 
he is awaiting orders ; that the brigantine La Judith, which had been loaded with the rigging 
of the frigate La Marthe, was captured off Mount Louis ; that the two vessels with provisions 
for Bay Verte have arrived there ; that Sieur Leiarge, commanding a snow, had returned to 
Beaubassin, whence he was to sail in a few days ; that M. de Salies, commanding La Sirme, 

' Seo IX, 733, note 1. — Ed. 

Vol. X. 12 


made his appearance off the East coast at the end of November, and had returned on learning 

that the fleet had sailed. 

In the existing scarcity of salt in the Colony, the Intendant has resolved to send Sieur 

Perthuis, the elder, to Camouraska, where we are assured there are saline springs. He is to 

test them. 

24"" Sieur Perthuis, the elder, has returned ; he brings samples of salt that he has made. It 

is an excellent but a feeble resource on account of the slowness and expense of the operations. 

Nevertheless, the Intendant issues orders for its manufacture ; 'twill be always a trifling aid in 

case the vessels from France do not arrive in season. 

The General is dispatching Captain de Lalorne, the elder, from Montreal, in company with 

Mess" Dubreuil, Lalorne and Belestre, to visit all the Upper Nations and to invite them to 

come down next spring to Montreal, to fight the common enemy, should he make any attempt 

on this Colony. 

SO"" We are sending expresses to Beaubassin. The General is determined that the 

detachment of Canadians, composed of about 300 men, which remained there, shall winter in 

that country, not only to protect the inhabitants of those parts against the English, but also 

in the hope that his Majesty will be at liberty to continue his designs against Acadia and 

succeed in executing them. 

February 4"" In consequence of what we have written to the Minister last fall, regarding the 

guards to be established next winter on the river at different points, we dispatch the man named 

Olivier with three others, across the woods to the Grand river, where he is to take a boat to 
proceed to Cape Desrosiers, as soon as the navigation will permit, with orders to observe the 
ships which will pass or appear oft" that coast, and give us notice thereof; we have handed him 
the extract of the news we have received, in order that he may communicate it to the captains 
of the King's ships, if any appear off Cape Desroziers. 

7ih w^g receive letters from M' de Ramezay and Father Germain, dated Beaubassin, 9"" of 
January; they inform us that 200 @^ 250 English arrived overland at Minas at the end 
of December, under the command of Mess" Gorham* and Phips, with the intention of erecting 
one or several blockhouses there; that they even had conveyed to that place in two small 
craft, the timber necessary for that structure; that they were calculating to pass the winter 
there, and to wait for a reinforcement in the spring ; that the enemy think the detachment of, 
Canadians has returned by the River St. John, having seen Sieur Lelarge's snow passing that 
way; that the Acadians who remain faithful to us, have taken refuge with their families in the 
woods. M' de Ramezay adds, that he is preparing to send his detachment to Minas, to drive 
the enemy thence if possible. We have, likewise, advice that the ships La Dcesse and La S" 
Croix, two of the three vessels loaded with provisions and destined for Chibouctou, had entered 
that port on the G"" of December ; when having been informed of the departure of the fleet, 
they set sail again on the O"" for Martinico, according to .the orders we had given them ; the 
ship Le Lion d'Or, the third vessel destined for Chibouctou, did not, as yet, make her 

' Col. John Gorham was a native of Massachusetts. In 1745 he was otationed at Annapolis, Nova Scotia, which being 
threatened by tlie enemy, he was sent to Boston to recruit He was then invited to raise a number of men and join the expe- 
dition a"iiiBsi. C«|ie Breton ; was appointed Lieutenant-Colonel in his father's regiment, and put in cliarge of the whale boats. 
He accompanied the expedition, and on the death of his father at Louisbourg, was promoted to be Colonel. Ue returned to 
Annapulis, and in 1749 was appointed a member of Cornwallis' Council at Halifax. Oorliain, in Maine, is called after the 
family. MasmchuuUt Genealogical RtgiHtr, IX., 110; Ualiburlon't Jfova Scotia, I., 139; Williamion'i Maine, IL, 226, 374; 
Fartoni' Ufeof Pepperell, 240. —Ed. 


appearance, having been separated a few days before. It is supposed tbat this third vessel had 
been forced to continue her route to the islands. 

24"" We send back the couriers to Beaubassin ; we direct M' de Ramezay to adopt the best 
measures for the expulsion of the English from Minas, where they would not fail to form a new 
establishment with a view to cut off all our communication with Port Royal ; that this is of 
so much the more consequence as we are always in hopes that his Majesty will make a new 
attempt on Acadia this year. We add, to dispatch a vessel to France as soon as the season 
will permit, to inform the Minister of his situation and of the success attendant on this 
expedition against the English at Minas. Uncertain of the circumstances in which M' de 
Ramezay's detachment will be placed after the Minas expedition, and fearful that the enemy 
obliged him to return to Quebec by the River S» John, we send to Lake Temisquata, in the 
interior of the country, 25 leagues from the St. Lawrence, about a hundred quintals of flour 
and other provisions to be forwarded at the very opening of spring to that detachment, should 
it have been obliged to quit Beaubassin. 

March 5"" After all the hostilities committed by the Mohawks on our borders around 
Montreal, the General did not hesitate to declare war against them, on the 8"" of this month, 
in a council held at Montreal, which was attended by the major portion of the Iroquois of the 
Saut and of the Lake of the Two Mountains, who have accepted the hatchet against 
the Mohawks and promised to make use of it. The domiciliated Abenaquis, the Nepissings, 
Algonquins, some Poutouatamis, Outaouas, Puans, Sacs, Illinois and Hurons, who were also 
present at Montreal, have done the same ; ail these Indians, with the exception of the 
domiciliated Iroquois, have gone out to fight in different parties to the number of 8 or 10, ia 
the direction of Connecticut, Corlac and Orange. The General has detached, at the same 
time, M"" de la Chauvinerie, interpreter of the Iroquois language, to the four other Iroquois 
cantons, with instructions to enable him to explain to them the motives of his late proceedings. 

e"" We are in receipt of intelligence from Beaubassin ; we learn the details of the occurrence 
at Minas on the ll"" of February last, which are as follows: 

M'' de Ramezay being unable to march, in consequence of a severe bruise he had received on 
the knee, on his journey to Minas, the detachment of Canadians, consisting of about 300 men, 
including French and Indians, under the command of Captain Coulon, started on snow shoes 
from Beaubassin on the 23d of January for Minas, to drive off the English, who had come to 
settle there. It arrived at Pegiguit' on the lO"- of February. The commander having 
reconnoitred the enemy's position, divided his force into 10 detachments, for the purpose of 
making a simultaneous attack on as many houses in which the enemy was quartered to the 
number of 500, instead of 250, as had been already reported. After having marched all night 
he found himself, at three o'clock of the morning of the ll"", in a position to commence the 
attack, which he did. The enemy had sentinels at each house, and kept good watch. Sieur de 
Coulon, shortly after the first shock, received a musket ball in his left arm, which obliged him 
to retire, from loss of blood. The ten houses that were attacked were all carried, with 
the exception of one only, which had cannon, and had been abandoned by the Micmacs, 
four of their men having been put hors de combat by the first fire. The command having 
devolved on Captain Chevalier de la Corne, he attacked and carried the house occupied by 

' See tnpra, p. 66, note. — Ed. 


Colonel Noble' and his brother, with M"' Haw ,2 member of the Council at Port Royal. He 
remained in the house, and with a part of the detachment which rejoined him, prevented the 
approach of the enemy, whom he obliged to take refuge in a stone house, in which they had 
some cannon. The firing had been unceasing from the commencement of the attack in the 
morning until 3 o'clock in the afternoon, when the battle ceased. In this space of time the 
enemy have had 130 men, including 6 officers,^ killed on the spot, 34 wounded and 53 taken 
prisoners. On our side, we have lost 6 men, to wit, 3 Canadians, a farmer from Port Toulouse, 
and two Micmacs ; and had 14 wounded, including Mess" de Coulon, and De Lusignan, a 
cadet. Captain How being dangerously wounded, requested M' de la Corne to send for an 
English surgeon to staunch his wound, the French surgeon being at the time engaged in 
attendance on M' de Coulon. This occasioned the sending of hostages on our part, and a 
suspension of hostilities until the English surgeon was sent back. It was then that two English 
officers came out of the houses and advanced with a French flag towards the house where 
Sieur Lacorne lay, who sent out to receive them. They proposed to him a cessation of 
hostilities until 9 o'clock the following morning. He granted them their request, but perceiving 
at a very early hour next day that they were leaving their houses, and collecting the cattle, 
he sent to notify them that if they did not return to their houses at once the armistice should 
terminate. IVP Goldwhait,^ the English Commandant, came to see Sieur de Lacorne, in 
company with another officer, and after having excused himself ordered all his men to retire, 
asked to capitulate, and submitted his terms in writing ; Sieur de Lacorne agreed to a portion 
of these, after having taken the advice of his officers, and told M' Goldwaite to make haste with 
his decision, as a prompt renewal of the attack had been determined on. The capitulation 
was then signed, and the following is an abstract of the articles it contains : 

The French detachment being formed into two lines, the English troops, to the number of 
330 men, shall file off from the stone house into which they retired, within twice 24 hours, for 
Annapolis Royal, with the honors of war, 6 days' provisions, haversac, one pound of powder, 
and one pound of ball per man. 

Those who have been taken shall remain prisoners of war. 
The French will retain the two sea vessels they have taken. 
The booty is not to be restored, as it was taken by the Indians. 

The English sick and wounded in the house shall be conveyed to the River Aux Canards, 
and lodged by orders of the French Commander, and maintained at the King of England's 
expense, until in a condition to be removed to Annapolis Royal ; and until they recover may 
retain their surgeon, and all shall be furnished with letters of protection. 

His Britannic Majesty's troops actually at Grand Pr6 shall not be at liberty to bear arms at 
the head of the Bay of Fundy ; that is to say at Minas, Cobequit and Beaubassin for the space 
of six months from the date hereof. 

' Col. Arthdr Noble -was Lieutenant-Colonel of Waldo's regiment at the siege of Lonisbourg, in 1746. His brother James 
married the widow of Lieutenant-Colonel William Vaughan, tupra, p. 46. The town of Nobleborough, Lincoln co., Maine, is 
called after the family. WiUiamson' > Maine, II., 250, note. 

' Edwaed Howe was afterwards, in 1749, one of Gov. Cornwallis' Council at Halifax. Ualiburton' ) Nova Scotia, I., 139, 319. 
A Mr. Howe was killed near Beaubassin by Indians in 1760 or 1761, but whether he was the gentleman mentioned in the 
text w« have not the means of ascertaining. Compare ColUctiont of Quebec Literary and Historical Society, 1838, p. 14, and 
Smith' t UiHory of Canada, L, 217. — Ed. 

■ Colonel Noble, Lieutenants Lechemere, Jones and Pickering, and Ensign Noble. Haliburton, H., 132. 

* H« was from Maine and commanded a company in Colonel Waldo's regiment in the expedition against Cape Breton, in 
1745. Partont' Life of PepperetJ, 347. 


The King of England's troops thereupon marched out of their guard-houses, and the French 
troops took possession of them, as well as of Grand Pre, of all the provisions, warlike stores 
and artillery, consisting of two 4 pounders and 3 swivels. 

This expedition has had a good effect on the minds of the Acadians at Minas,' who at 
present make no difficulty in furnishing the detachment with whatever refreshments it requires. 
The enemy quartered at Grand Pre on the farmers; took the tenth of their grain and cattle 
from them, and hoisted their flag on the church, which proceeding irritated the greatest portion 
of the people. 

IVr de Ramezay adds, that he recalled the detachment to Beaubassin, which was the most 
convenient position to be guarded, and the one in which the provisions and ammunition are 
stored; that he sent an officer with a detachment to Chibouctou to receive the French ships 
that will appear in that harbor, and to inform them of what is occurring. 

SO"" We send Sieur Aubert, a captain of a ship, to Rimousky, where he is to arm a biscayenne, 
to go to Cape Desrosiers at the opening of the navigation. He is the officer who is to have 
the command of the guard to be posted there early in the spring to watch the vessels that will 
pass, and to transmit and receive intelligence. 

21" Ensign de Gannes, of the troops, has arrived from Fort S' Frederic. We learn that a 
party consisting of 30 Frenchmen and Indians, under the command of Lieutenant Herbin, 
had struck a blow near Fort Sarastau, killed 6 and took 4 Englishmen. The remainder, 
numbering 15, took to flight, and abandoned their arms; two of these four prisoners who 
remained behind at Fort St. Frederic, sick, have been examined there, and a third at Montreal. 
They report that there are 12 cannon at Fort Sarastau; 6 IS's and 6 S's; that the garrison 
consists of about 300 men ; that 5 or 600 bateaux had been built at Orange and about 100 at 
Sarastau, they think for Fort S' Frederic; that sickness prevailed all winter at Orange, where 
a great many people died ; that it is still raging there and at Sarastau, where a great number 
have died this winter ; that two pretty large vessels belonging to our fleet and pretty well 
loaded, have been taken and carried to New-York about two months ago ; that the prisoners 
taken at Soulange last November by a party of Mohawks, have been conveyed to New-York 
where they have remained ; those taken at He a la Mothe were carried to the same place by 
four Mohawk chiefs. And finally, that the 3 or 400 men who came last autumn to Sarastau 
were only to garrison the fort and protect it from the incursions of a large French force, of 
■which they were apprehensive at that time. 

22'* We send back to Beaubassin the couriers who arrived on the IG"" We write to M' de 
Ramezay on different subjects appertaining to Acadia; we recommend him anew to dispatch a 
vessel early to France, if he have not already done so, to inform the Minister of the particulars 
of the affair at Minas, of the situation of the detachment, and generally of whatever he will 
be able to learn of the movements of the enemy. 

S?"" Chevalier de La Cofne, Lieutenant Beaujeu, Ensign Mercier, and Cadet Marin, Jun% 
arrive from Beaubassin, which they left on their return from Minas. We learn by them that 
the prisoners, taken at Grand Pre, all say, that Canada will be attacked in the spring by land 
and by sea ; that a citizen of Boston writes to his son, an officer at Port Royal, that a force of 
9,000 men have been marched for Fort St. Frederic; that Admiral Waren had sailed from 

' In that part of the township of Horton which borders on the basin was sitnated the French village of Minas, of which 
frequent mention is made in the history of Nova Scotia. No traces of it are now to be seen except the cellars of the houses, a 
few aged orchard* and groups of willows, the never failing appendages of an Acadian settlement. Baliburton, IL, 115. — Ed. 


Boston for Old England in the month of December, to solicit the command of the fleet destined 
to ascend the Canada river; that the English who were at Minas, were intending, at the 
time of their defeat, to march against Beaubassin for the purpose of driving therefrom our 
detachment, which, they understood, was still there; seizing that place and Bay Verte, where 
they expected to go on board the ships which were to arrive there in the spring and convey 
them to Quebec. These prisoners say, and the same is stated by Acadians returning from 
Port Royal, that two English ships on their way from Boston to Port Royal, at the close of 
the season, were wrecked on Menane island and Mount Desert; that of 800 men who were on 
board of each, only 40 escaped, who wintered on the spot; and that a vessel has been 
dispatched from Port Royal to Boston, which was to pick them up on the way. We presume 
that these troops were to join the 500 men who came to Minas to seize all the posts in Acadia, 
and so deprive us of all means of renewing any attempt against that Province. 

April S"" We dispatch Sieur Depleine to establish, as usual, signal fires and smokes all 
along the South shore, from Rimouski to Quebec, to give notice in case of the approach of an 
enemy's fleet. We issue orders at the same time to the inhabitants along that shore, to 
prepare huts and parks in good season, in the rear of their lands, for the security of their 
families and cattle, in case the enemy should make any attempt, and as soon as the enemy's 
fleet will be discovered, to repair themselves to Quebec with their arms, blankets and one 
month's provisions. 

Orders are, in like manner, issued to the Captains of St. Barnab^, Green island, Camouraska 
and River Quelle, to stop any English packet boats that might land, take the letters and send 
them to us, and detain said packet boats until the receipt of our answer. 

IS"" The General sends Lieutenant de la Naudiere to the south side of this government, to 
enrol 175 men, to be sent to Isle aux Coudres, as soon as advice shall be received of the 
enemy's fleet, for the purpose of properly working the five rafts which have been constructed 
on that island and its neighborhood. He is to search for and impress the necessary transport 
for that service. 

21" We receive letters from Sieur de Joncaire, resident among the Senecas. He informs us 
that the Five Iroquois Nations have accepted the hatchet from the English ; they took it 
(they say ) only to get rid of them ; that the attack on Soulange was made by a party of 
Mohawks, with whom was one Onondaga, and that the affair of Isle a la Mothe was the work 
of Mohawks who have been to Montreal last fall ; that there are ten French prisoners, the 
proceeds, no doubt, of these two attacks; that there is a secret understanding between the 
Five Nations and our domiciliated Iroquois, to allow the whites to fight each other without 
interfering with them on either side; that the Dutch, with whom he had conversed, had 
assured him of the capture of a large ship belonging to M^ d'Enville's fleet, whose chaplain's 
name was M' Le Major; that the spy sent in February by him, Sieur Joncaire, to Orange, has 
reported to him that the artillery destined for Fort St. Frederic, "had left on the 15"" of that 
month ; that it consisted of twelve guns and 2 mortars, and that more than 200 persons have 
died at Orange of the fever. 

21" Mess" de Beaucourt and Michel inform us of the different precautions they are adopting 
against surprise, and to protect the Montreal frontier. They have established guards in the 
different outposts, to secure our settlements from insults both of the enemy and of the 
Mohawks, who might be tempted to strike a blow in that direction. 


27"' We dispatch two well armed biscayennes with 4 months' provisions to Cape Desrozier, 
to reinforce the guard posted there under the command of Sieur Aubert. 

We send Sieur Masse, a ship-captain, to Cape Chat, to command the guard to be posted 
there; we have furnished him the same as last year, with the signals the King's ships are to 
make, if any appear in that offing. He is to note all the vessels that will pass, and advise us 
of them. 

27''' We also dispatch Sieur Rouville, Lieutenaiit-General of the District of 3 Rivers, to 
command, as usual, the guard at St. Barnabe. He has the same signal. 

We destine Sieur Cartier to command and manoeuvre the fire rafts of lie aux Coudres, 
The Little river. Bay St. Paul and La Gribanne,* and to float them against the enemy's ships 
when they enter the river. The General issues to the captains of these 4 small settlements, 
similar orders to those of the South shore, to stop the packet boats; also, to the inhabitants 
of said settlements to build huts in the rear of their lands, to secure therein their families and 
cattle against all hazard. 

The General issues like orders to the captains of the five parishes of the Island of Orleans, 
explains to them the necessity of abandoning their settlements should the enemy ascend the 
river, in which case, and on the receipt of the first intelligence, they are to send their families 
and cattle, and the greatest quantities of provisions possible, to the North and South shores, 
according to the situation of the parishes ; that 40 bateaux will then be sent them to facilitate 
this removal, and to intimate, moreover, to the settlers the adoption of measures beforehand 
for the construction of holes {caches) in the woods, to contain what they will not be able 
to remove. 

May 4"" We receive letters from Beaubassin. They contain nothing of interest. 

7"' A party of Abenaquis, belonging to Becancourt, bring us in a prisoner' they took at 
Whiscasick, a village 150 miles from Boston, and 15 miles from the sea. Reports that he 
learned, personally, from a Captain of a merchantman at Whiscasick, that Admiral Waren 
was expected every day from Old England, with 18 ships of war, exclusive of transports, for 
the expedition against Canada ; that a master of a vessel which arrived at that place has 
reported, that two French men of war, complete wrecks, were taken near Martinico, belonging 
to the French fleet that had come to Chibouctou ; that he had heard that men were enlisting 
at Boston, and that several men of war were in that port, and that General Martin had done 
much damage in France. 

Lieutenant Herbia arrives with three more prisoners, one of whom he took in the neighborhood 
of Sarastau, in a journey he made at the end of April. This prisoner reports that there are 
about 300 men in that fort, but many are sick ; that the garrison is greatly dissatisfied, not 
having been paid, and being almost entirely out of provisions ; that he had heard that a 
French ship had been taken and carried to New- York last winter ; that there may be 100 
bateaux at Sarastau ; does not know how many there are at Orange. 

' La Gribanne landing U a few miles east of Cape Torment, below Quebec. 

' Captain Jonathan Williamson was an emigrant from the West of England, where he was born in 1718. He was one of 
the earliest and most respectable settlers in Wiscasset ; had already been taken prisoner in 1746, and detained in Canada 
six months. After his second capture he remained a prisoner until 1748, when he was exchanged, and returned home 
by way of Boston. Williamson's Maine, IL, 245, 252. He died in 1798. Wiscasset is situated in Lincoln count3-, Maine, 
on the western branch of Sheepseot river, about twenty miles from the Island of Seguin, which lies two miles off the neck 
or point of land that separates the entrances into the Kivers Kennebec and Sheepacot 1 Massachusetts Historical Collections, 
VII. , 164, 170.— Ed. 


Sieur Herbin handed us some letters written in English, which had been found in the clothes 
of an officer at Sarastau, who had been killed, and who commanded a small detachment that 
was going to Orange ; some of the letters mention an expedition whereof M' Livingston, the 
Commandant of this Sarastau,* is awaiting the result and execution ; he adds that all his soldiers 
are ill ; that the garrison is in a miserable condition ; that about 100 men only are fit for duty ; 
that he is in want of every succor, and expresses himself in these words : TVere tee killed in 
this expedition against Canada 'twould have been an honor for us. That the fort is in the worst 
condition that can possibly be imagined, and that he pities the man who is to come to relieve 
him. In another letter this officer says, I am content, as far as I am, myself, concerned, and 
would be so were I at the Carrying Place, and could I be of any use. [Note. Wood Creek. 
(Riviere du Chicot) is the only spot in the neighborhood of S' Frederic known as the Carrying 
Place.] Another letter written to Captain Trente at Saratoga says : The old story is always 
afloat. [Note. This is, doubtless, the expedition against Fort S' Frederic] That the clothes 
for the new levies are at Orange ; that a general meeting had been held there on this subject ; 
that some propositions were not agreed to ; that the articles concluded on were sent to the 
Governor of Boston ; a certified statement at the foot of a muster roll of Captain Trente's 
company mentions that the soldiers composing it have been levied by that Captain for the 
expedition against Canada. 

7th \^g learn by a courier just arrived from Montreal that in the last days of April a party of 
Mohawks and English had fallen on 21 French scouts near Fort S' Frederic, and killed and 
scalped five of them; Sieur Laplante, an officer, had been very badly treated on that occasion, 
having received 7 gun shot wounds. This unfortunate occurrence was the result of too much 
confidence on the part of the French, who have been surprised. 

11"" The Deputies from Sault S' Louis have returned; we have satisfied their demands 
respecting the stone inclosure they formerly requested for their village. Agarrison, composed 
of an officer and four soldiers, has been stationed there. 

Our uncertainty respecting the enemy's designs against this country, whether by land or 
by sea, the extraordinary consumption of provisions daily occurring in the Colony by the 
domiciliated and foreign Indians, who have wintered in the neighborhood of Quebec, for whose 
support provision has to be made, the hope which we always entertain of the possible arrival 
of ships at Chibouctou, this year, to execute operations already projected, to which fleet it 
will be necessary to send supplies of provisions ; the necessity of providing for the subsistence 
of the Canadian detachment at Beaubassin ; all these considerations have determined M' 
Hocquart to purchase all the vegetables and wheat that come down from Montreal to Quebec, 
belonging to the merchants who trade in these articles ; he has the wheat manufactured into 
flour, so as to be prepared for every event ; the merchants of Quebec, on the other hand, are 
notified that absolutely no provisions will be exported this year for the islands. 

12"' We send a small vessel to Mount Lewis, 80 leagues from Quebec, to take on board 30 
minots of salt which were left there last fall by a citizen of Quebec. The Colony is in absolute 
want of this article, and we have, as yet, no news of any vessel in the river from France 
bringing us a supply of it. 

14"" We learn that M' de Niverville, an officer who left two months ago with a party of 
French and Indians, consisting of about 60 men, has returned to Montreal. He brings no 

' Captain Livinoston oommancled at Saratoga from November, 1746 to Illarch, 1747. Journal of New -York Asaemhly, 
IL, 209. — Ed. 


prisoner, his party has only a few scalps, but he has committed great depredations in the 
enemy's country, and this is what occurred on his march : 

He proceeded, first to attack a fort on the height of land opposite the mountain called by 
the Indians Oquari.^ He fought there during 4 days, at the end of which the fort^ asked to 
capitulate ; the Lieutenant^ came out, and Sieur de Niverville granted him quarter for all his 
people who would be prisoners of war ; whilst this Lieutenant was conveying the answer to 
the fort, our Indians becoming impatient, fired some shots on the other side of the fort, which 
prevented the English surrendering; Sieur de Niverville has been obliged to retire with his 
force and to try his luck elsewhere beyond Dearfields, and below the White river ;"• and after 
having gone past several abandoned forts and hamlets, as far as a sort of village, situated near 
a fort, where, in like manner, there was not any person, but, which doubtless served as a place 
of refuge for the inhabitants in case of alarm, he ambushed his men in that place in the hope of 
striking a blow, and for fear of creating the least alarm, arranged with his Indians not to 
fire unless the enemy were more than S or 10; if less, they were to be attacked, tomahawk in 
hand, so as to take them alive; finally, two of the enemy made their appearance, but the 
young Indians, in emulation, one of the other, fired 30 shots at them, and alarmed the whole 
country; they were obliged to be satisfied with these two scalps, and to think of a retreat; 
on their return they burnt within 30 or 40 leagues, 5 small forts that were abandoned, 3 meeting- 
houses, about 100 dwellings, mostly of two stories, furnished, even to chests of drawers, the 
decorations of which the Indians carried off; several fine barns, and killed 5 (at 600 sheep and 
hogs, and about 30 horned cattle. This devastation is well worth a few prisoners or scalps. 

16"" We learn that Sieur de la Chauvinerie, Iroquois interpreter, whom the General had 
sent as a deputy to four of the Five Nations, returned to Montreal on the 13"" instant, with 
12 or 15 Onoudagas, exclusive of the women and children the Chiefs of that Nation gave him 
to convey back to Montreal in safety, whilst all the Chiefs of all the villages have assembled 
to come down forthwith. This officer gives assurances of the perfect neutrality of the 
Onondagas, Senecas, Tescarorins, Cayugas and Oneidas; that they are all very well disposed 
towards us ; that they are at variance with the Mohawks, the English and the Dutch ; more 
than that, they have not had any correspondence with them since the council was held last 
fall at Orange. The interpreter of the Dutch followed them into the villages, to induce them 
to make use of the hatchet they had accepted. The Iroquois would not listen to him ; they 

' Fall Moantain, Charlestown, New Hampshire. Dmght's Travels, II., 8S. 

' Called, at this time, "Number 4." lu 1736 a committee of the Geaeral Court of Massachusetts recommended the laying 
out a range of townships between the Merrimack and the Connecticut, and on each side of the last mentioned river. Tliese 
townships were numbered 1 to 9. Of these, "Number 4" was afterwards called Charlestown, in honor of Admiral Sir 
Charles Knowles. Collections of the New Hampshire Historical Society, IV., 102, 103, 113. 

' Captain Phinkas Stevess, of Charlestown, New Hampshire, was a native of Sudbury, Massachusetts (whence his father 
moved to Rutland, New Hampshire), and at tlie age of 16 was cariied off by the Indians to Canada ; he volunteered to join 
the projected expedition against Canada in 1746; was afterwards ordered to the frontiers and employed either at Fort Mas- 
sachusetts or at " Number 4," and at the latter post made the gallant defence in the latter end of March, 1747, against 
Niverville, whom the New England authorities persist in calling Debeline. Belknap's New Hampshire, III., 192; Dwight's 
Travels, IL, 90; New Hampshire Historical Collections, I., 184; IV., 109. For his bravery on this occasion he was presented 
with a valuable sword by Commodore Knowles, and continued in the command of the fort until 1750. In 1749 he was sent 
to Canada with letters from Governor Shirley, and has left a journal of his visit, which is printed in New Hampshire 
Historical Collections, V., 199. On the incorporation of the town of Charlestown, in 1750, he was elected one of the 
selectmen, and died in 1756, in the service of his country. — Ed. 

* In town of Hartford, Vermont. 

Vol. X. 13 


took the War Belt they had received in the council, and broke it under a large stone, and 
wholly rejected it. The interpreter has returned home. Such is the account the Indians have 
given to Sieur la Chauvinerie. Six Onondagas set out this spring for a meeting appointed at 
Orange, by the council of the Fall, but the Mohawks and English stopped them at a new 
settlement,' before coming to the Mohawk village, and told them they should speak henceforward 
only at that place, and not go to Orange. The Onondagas returned home. Some Indians of 
that nation told Sieur la Chauvinerie that a great many people had died at Orange, Corlac, 
and even among the Mohaw^ks. (There is reason to believe that they are unwilling to let the 

5 Nations see the bad state of their affairs.) The Governor of Philadelphia has offered 
considerable presents to the Flat Heads to take up the hatchet. The Chief of that tribe, who 
is Sovereign, laughed at him. 

M' de la Chauvinerie also reports that the 5 Nations have offered all possible insults to the 
people of Orange, pending the Council in the Fall ; they killed their oxen, cows, horses at 
their doors, within the town, and threw ashes on the members of the Council. 

The Onondagas stated, on arriving at Montreal, that they had been detached from their 
village to conduct Sieur de la Chauvinerie in safety, but only were preceding the Chiefs of the 

6 Nations, who were assembled for the purpose of coming down, and that they would all come 
to offer their bodies to, and run the same risks as, their Father. 

19"" We dispatch expresses to Beaubassin. We write to M' de Ramezay not to quit Acadia, 
unless forced, or so ordered by the Commander, who will be sent from France, or by those 
whom the General will send him. We continue to communicate to him news from our parts. 

May 20"" A courier from Montreal is arrived. Mess" de Beaucourt and Michel write us that 
two Mohegan squaws, who have been taken at Corlac, by a party of 22 Iroquois of the Saut, 
report that the English have abandoned all their small forts, and withdrawn all the families 
into the town, or large villages, with a view to collect all the men at Orange, in the design of 
coming to attempt an attack on Fort St. Frederic ; that all these people are collected from 
Orange as far as the Fort of the Half moon, which is midway from Sarastau ; that the 
Commander of this army was to set out on his march from Orange six days after that on which 
these squaws were taken. 

These two women also assure, that this body of troops is led by Mohawks and other Indians, 
who were told by the Commandant not to fatigue themselves on this campaign, as he should 
confine his operations to Fort S' Frederic, which he would take with less trouble than he did 
Cape Breton ; that he should form a considerable settlement there, so as to be able to come to 
Canada next year. 

We learn, likewise, that a party of Mohawks, consisting of 7 men, have just made an attack 
a league and a half from the Fort at Chateaugue, on a house occupied by a man named 
Brindamour, his wife and child ; the last escaped by throwing itself from the top to the bottom 
of the hill, and went to alarm the fort; during this time the woman was killed and scalped; 
the man.after having warded off seven musket shots, finally fell by the sword and the tomahawk; 
the Indians abandoned him after having removed his scalp ; this man was brought to the 
hospital at Montreal ; it is hoped he will recover from his wounds. {Note. This man has 
providentially been cured.) A detacliment was sent from Chateaugue fort in pursuit of these 
Mohawks. We are also informed that another party, consisting of 13 or 14 Mohawks, has been 

■ Jolmatown, N. Y. — Ed. 


discovered at La Prairie de la Madeleine. Sieur Marin, who commands a guard at St. Therese, 
has sent a detachment in pursuit of them. 

2P' From all that we have already learned of the enemy's movements in the direction of 
New England, conjoined to the report of Sieur de Niverviile, who found the forts and houses he 
passed, deserted, we are to presume that the enemy are really making preparations to attack 
Fort S' Frederic. The Onondagas, who have come down to Montreal, have again said on this 
occasion, that the Mohawks and Dutch object to their passing the line they had drawn above 
Corlac, and to their coming to Orange. It is to be hence concluded, that the enemy do not 
give the Onondagas any credit for favorable dispositions towards them ; they were unwilling 
to give them any cognizance of the preparations making there, and notwithstanding all this, 
the Onondagas constantly assert that they intend to come here next year. It appears, besides, 
from M'' Livingston's letter, whereof mention has already been made, that the enemy propose 
coming by the Wood creek carrying place. That creek was incumbered last August by the 
detachment under the command of M. de Rigaud, but it is not sufficiently obstructed to stop 
the enemy a long while, and to afford us time enough to oppose their designs. Under these 
circumstances we considered it indispensable to adopt the most effectual measures to reinforce 
Fort St. Frederic, in case of its being attacked, as is probable ; or to ravage the New England 
settlements, in case the enemy do not make any movement in that direction. The General 
issues his orders in consequence, for the levying at Montreal of 5 or 600 men, and even more, 
if possible, and for trying to unite to them the Upper country Indians now at Montreal. He 
sends orders, in addition, to Three Rivers for the levy of 100 militia and 30 to 40 Indians of 
the two villages; and to equip, forthwith, this detachment, to which is conjoined 30 or 40 
Indians belonging to the River St. John and Acadia, who have wintered in the neighborhood 
of Quebec. The General could not make up his mind to detach any settlers from the 
government of Quebec, being apprehensive that the first news will inform him of a meditated 
attack on Quebec by sea. The Marquis de Beauharnois has appointed M. de Rigaud, town 
Major of Three Rivers, to command the detachment. He has orders to repair direct to Fort 
St. Frederic to oppose any attempts the enemy may make on that Fort, and in case he ascertain 
for a certainty, by scouts he will send out, that the English are not making any movement of 
that nature, he is to direct his march towards New England and against such place as will 
appear most advantageous to him, particularly against Corlac, or even against the village of 
the Mohawks, exposing his men, however, as little as possible. 

21" The most of the voyageurs destined for the (Indian) posts are actually arrived at 
Montreal and ready to start. We have great reluctance to interpose to the Upper country 
trade any obstacles whereby the Colony would be deprived of a considerable commerce. But 
this profit does not enter into any comparison with the preservation of the country, for in 
saving the Colony we save all ; therefore, we shall not hesitate to issue orders at Montreal to 
employ in M. de Rigaud's detachment these voyageurs, or at least such of them as have 
deferred their departure ; except, only, we add, the canoes of the West sea,' of the Ouyatonons 
and of the Miamis. 

24"" A party of Indians belonging to Pannaouamske brings us an Englishman who was 
taken prisoner near Fort St. George 17 days ago ; he is 64 years of age, and by trade a 
shoemaker. They had no news from Boston at that fort since last fall. 

' " Mer de L'O." The head of Lake Superior was so called. — En. 


Evening of the SS"". Sieur Lagroix, taken on the 24"' of July, 1745, in a King's schooner, at 
the mouth of the Little Brador, returned with 5 other Frenchmen who were sent back from 
Boston to INr de Ramezay, in exchange for M' How, who was taken prisoner at Minas and 
sent home on his parole. 

Sieur Lagroix left Boston on the S"" of April, with a pass from Mr. Shirley ; he reports that 
the English had made preparations and collected provisions last July and August for an 
expedition against Canada, as they gave out; even the people of his suite have been employed 
in packing biscuit into dry casks. They then merely mustered 6 or 700 men from the country ; 
since winter, he has not heard when this expedition was to take place. Sieur Lagroix has 
counted 50 to 60 vessels, bateaux, schooners, snows, &c., in Boston harbor. The English do 
not deny that a great number of them have been taken by the privateers of Martinico and 
those of France. 

Evening of the 28"" Goods are exorbitantly dear at Boston ; the pound of bread is worth 3 
shillings, which is equal to 12 sous of our money, and meat is one shilling dearer than bread. 
Paper money is so common and so discredited there, that Lagroix assures us when he was 
first put in prison, he changed a dollar for 25 shillings, and at his departure he got 50 shillings 
for them. 

The English sent this spring some people to Louisbourg to replace those that died. These 
were so numerous that the first cemetery at the Maurepas gate was full, and they were carrying 
their dead to the White Point.' 

Mutiny and disorder had prevailed at Louisbourg; the soldiers are dissatisfied with the 
Governor ; the English say that the conquest of He Royal is fatal to them, ruinous to their 
people and provisions. 

That the battle at Minas created great- sensation at Boston ; the English have put it in 
their gazettes ; they were about to levy 2000 men to destroy or drive off the Canadians at 
Beaubassin, and to revenge the death of Colonel Noble, who has been sincerely regretted. 

Sieur Lagroix says that the English did intend, in the very beginning of this winter, to 
attack Fort St. Frederic ; they have sent a vessel from Boston to New-York freighted with 
artillery, bombs, snow-shoes and other stores; if there be any expedition, 'tis his opinion that 
it will be against that fort. 

Mess"^' Shirley and Waren conversed in Lagroix's presence about the Canada expedition ; 
the places where they could winter their ships ; spoke of Tadoussac Cove, St. Patrick's Hole ; 
that they would post themselves on the Island of Orleans, to prevent any succor being received 
from France ; that they would land at St. Joachim and lay waste the country as far as Quebec, 
and that they were aware we had fire rafts. They say, on this occasion, they would leave 
their large ships at Bic, and would send up schooners, bateaux and other small craft by 
the south. 

Evening of the 28"". Sieur Lagroix handed to the General a letter M' Shirley wrote him, 
dated the 18"" of March, O. S., in which he proposes, among other things, a cartel for a general 
exchange of prisoners. 

Sieur Lagroix hands us two letters from M' de Ramezay, the first dated the 12"" of April, 
wherein that commander informs us that he is in receipt of news from Chibouctou of the 28"" 
of March ; that only one English vessel had made her appearance at that place ; that she had 

' Pointo blanche or White Point, is on the east side of the mouth of Gabarus bay, one mile west of Louisbourg. — En. 


fired on 4 Acadians who had abandoned a pirogue, which the English subsequently carried 
off. On the 28"" of March, 2 large ships were seen sailing in the direction of He Royal ; he 
adds, that the vessel he designed for France, sailed on the T"" of that month of April, by which 
opportunity he had transmitted a report of every occurrence in Acadia, since the preceding 
autumn. Sieur de Ramezay informs us in his second letter, dated the 1'' instant, that the 
English had come on the 12"" of April to Minas with a 24 gun brig, commanded by M' 
Rowsse,^ and two armed schooners and 300 men. After being assured by the Acadians that 
there were no more Canadians in that place, they landed to the number of 150, posted 
themselves in the stone house which they formely occupied, hoisted their flag for an hour only, 
told the settlers that they re-took Grand Pre by force of arms. The enemy retired after a 
sojourn of four days, without landing anywhere else. M"' de Ramezay transmits us a return 
of the provisions remaining at Beaubassin for the subsistence of the detachment and Indians 
at that place ; he estimates having enough at most for one month ; adds, that he is obliged 
to feed a number of strangers from the Island of St. John and elsewhere, who have abandoned 
their settlements; that if he do not receive supplies of provisions in the course of this month, 
he will be forced to conclude on returning. This last circumstance has greatly surprised us ; 
we have always calculated according to the different quantities of provisions that reached 
Beaubassin last fall, that the detachment had, at least, one year's supply. In truth, the other 
settlers from the environs have augmented the consumption. Sieur Lebe, the Intendant's 
deputy, writes to him, in the month of March, that a great deal of provisions had to be in 
store, inasmuch as they had to be sold to all those who applied, in payment of the King's 
notes which were scattered throughout Acadia. 

Evening of the 2S'''. He again informs him, on the 1" instant, that the consumption of 
provisions is considerable in consequence of the number of strangers, exceeding 600, whom they 
were obliged to assist, so not to be left to perish of hunger ; that, notwithstanding this great 
outlay, the resolution that had been formerly taken to return, within a short time, to Canada, 
had caused the destruction of a large quantity of provisions and effects ; that he was, at 
present, entirely out of everything. We fear that M" de Ramezay will be obliged to resolve on 
returning. However, we hope by the measures that officer will have adopted for economizing 
the provisions, that he will be able to wait for those we are to send him, and for the transmission 
of which M"' Hocquart is about to make immediate arrangements. 

29"" Arrived, the schooner VAimalle Marthe, Captain Simonin, which sailed from Martinico 
the 15"" of April. This Captain gave the letters intrusted to his care to Sieur Aubert at 
Cape Desrozier, who has dispatched a canoe to bring them to us. Sieur Simonin has 
informed us that the three vessels loaded with provisions for the King's account, which sailed 
from Quebec last fall for Chibouctou, had arrived at Martinico ; that a ship had arrived 3 days 
before he left, with news that peace had been concluded between the King of France and 
the Queen of Hungary. Sieur Simonin has handed over to us 4 prisoners belonging to a prize 
he took on his voyage. 

29"' Arrived, an express from Montreal. Mess" de Beaucourt and Michel write us on the 
24"" and 25"". The following is whatever of interest their letter contains. 

The 200 men, levied by M"' de Beaucourt for Fort St. Frederic to be employed on scouting 
parties which are indispensable under existing circumstances, are to set out on the 25"' under 

' Supra, p. 69, note. — En. 


the command of Chevalier de La Come, who is to return immediately on the arrival of that 
detachment at the fort. 

Another levy is being made for M'de Rigaud's detachment, in the equipment of vrhich every 
diligence is used. 

The Mohawks have recently made another attack at the Buisson, 9 leagues from Montreal, 
where they have seized and carried off 3 men, viz', one Delisle, his son, and the last surviving 
son of the man named Montreuil, previously taken at Soulange ; some Nepissings and Iroquois 
of the Lake have gone in pursuit of them, but in vain. 

The Mohawks struck another blow at the same time at the Little Rapid, a league below 
Chambly, where they have killed a child, and taken 2 men, 2 women and 4 children. 
Lieutenant de Vassant, commanding a guard at St. Therese, immediately sent a detachment to 
the River Aux Sables,' to intersect the passage of the enemy; but it returned without having 
discovered any trail ; this led to the suspicion that the enemy are encamped above Chateaugu^. 
M' de Beaucourt, in consequence, detached Lieutenant St. Pierre, with SO voyageurs and citizens 
by the Cascades to Lake St. Francis, so as to surprise them, and return by Chateaugu6. 
Eight Abenakis of Missiskouy, have followed this officer; word has been sent to those of the 
Lake to go and meet him at the Cedars ; it was not thought proper to invite the Iroquois of the 
Saut, as 'twas feared at Montreal that they are treacherous, and favor the Mohawks in their 
incursions on our settlements ; they are even suspected of giving the enemy notice when we 
are in pursuit of them, by firing three shots when the detachments are approaching their camp. 
On this subject well studied messages have been sent to them, which they have respectfully 
received, and have come to Montreal to answer, in a Council held on the 25"', when they gave 
very lame excuses, and presented a War Belt, in the name of the entire village, in presence of 
some Onondagas, to affirm their intention of going to attack the Mohawks ; promising to behave 
better in future. They were told, in reply, that their promise was considered sincere, but 
constant and palpable proofs were necessary to confirm it, and to this end several joined M'' de 
St. Pierre's detachment. 

Those gentlemen inform us that the government of Montreal is wholly stripped of people, 
by the different considerable levies necessary to be made, as well for the guards on the frontier 
posts, and for the detachments sent to Fort St. Frederic, as for the convoy of the canoes of the 
hundred {du cent), which employ a great many men. Wherefore they request us to send to 
Montreal 300 men, from the government of Quebec, to garrison the posts and guard houses. 
This will enable them to furnish M' de Rigaud with a larger detachment, by adding to it the 
militia in the different posts. 

The merchants of Montreal are very reasonable on the subject of the postponement of the 
departure of their canoes for the Upper country. None of them expect to get away before we 
receive some favorable news. The majority of the voyageurs destined for these canoes are 
daily employed in the different detachments sent out in pursuit of the Mohawks. 

The Onondaga deputies have, of their own accord, requested to come down to Quebec, 
which renders it probable that they do not entertain any evil intentions. Mess""' de Beaucourt 
and Michel have induced them to send a portion of their people back to the village, so. that 
their brethren may not be uneasy, and to advise them that the deputies have been well received. 
These Indians have agreed to the proposition, and promise to tell the Mohawks to stay the 
fury of their people ; this cannot fail to have a good effect. 

' South boundary of Clioton County, New- York — Ed. 


We learn, by the same channel that the canoes of the Hundred {du cent) heretofore sent to 
Fort Frontenac, with provisions and goods, had safely reached there, and were about arriving 
at Montreal. 

"We also learn, through another channel, that the late attacks of the Indians at the Buisson 
and the Little Rapid, had caused a number of people of the River Chambli to abandon their 
settlements, and to remove their families to the North shore, where they feel more secure. 
Should these Indian incursions continue they will seriously injure the southern settlements, in 
the government of Montreal, but we hope that the frequent parties, sent in pursuit of the Indians, 
will eventually relieve us of their troublesome importunities. 

29"' We send back the courier to Montreal to notify Mess" de Beaucourt and Michel that the 
General is issuing his orders for the levy of the 300 men they require, and that these will be 
soon sent them. 

31" Another courier arrives from Montreal. Mess" de Beaucourt and Michel inform us on 
the 28th that by intelligence received from the Upper country posts, they learn that the 5 Nations 
are behaving well at Forts Frontenac and Niagara, and that the Senecas have also assured M. 
du Plessis, the Commander at this last post, that they would not intermeddle in the affairs of 
the Mohawks, even were these to demand aid. So much the worse for them, say they, if they 
get into trouble with our Father; that officer was expecting the Chief of that Nation. 

We learn by the same occasion, that a farmer named Desloge, who lived at He Perraut, 
within two leagues and a half or three leagues of the fort, has been carried off by the Mohawks, 
with his wife and seven children, without any person being aware of it ; his son who settled 
within half a league of his farm, was to see him on the previous Monday, the 22"*. No news 
has been heard of him since, and the neighbors discovered only on the 27"' that the house had 
been rifled, and that no person was in it. 

Great activity prevails at Montreal in fitting out M'' de Rigaud's detachment, which is 
composed of 400 Canadians recently levied there, of the 200 who have already started for Fort 
St. Frederic, and of the 100 others levied at 3 Rivers, exclusive of all the Indians, those sent 
from Quebec, domiciliated Abenaquis and Iroquois, &c., making, in all, eleven to twelve 
hundred men. 

June 1" The Onondaga Indians came down to Quebec to-day, only 9 in number, the other 
20 having been sent back to their village in consequence of what they had projected; we 
shall detain the latter as long as possible, until we see what course things will take among the 
other nations. We will treat them well, and have some festivities occasionally prepared for 
their amusement. 

S** The express entrusted with the letters from Martinico has arrived at last; there is 
nothing of interest in those letters, but we have received several New England Gazettes, which 
this captain has intercepted in the prize he has taken. Some of them make mention of English 
expeditions in Europe, attended, apparently, by no very great success ; others treat of different 
objects. The following are of the most interest: 

There are two paragraphs from Louisbourg. One states that Governor Knowles' had a 
stroke of paralysis, and was seriously ill ; another, that he has recovered and was about to 
leave for England immediately. This is all the papers contain respecting Louisbourg. 

A number of persons, including several lords and others, accused of high treason, have been 
executed in England on account of the Scotch rebellion. 

' Sir Charles Knowles. — Ed. 


The affair at Minas last February is related at length in the Gazette of the IG"" of March, 
but they admit only 70 men killed and 60 taken prisoners, and add, that on our side we have 
had 20 men killed and as many wounded. The English regard this expedition as the most 
daring that could be made.' 

An article dated New- York, S""* February, says : We learn that the brave Commodore Lee has 
returned frum Antigua without once approachirig the fleet coiivoyed by Le Magnanime. It was currently 
reported that he had received 5 ^ cent from the French for allowing it to fass ; it is to be hoped that this 
general will receive, on his return to England, the reward he merits.^ 

Another extract, of which the following is the tenor, has appeared to us of more interest: 

Extract from the Philadelphia Journal of the 24"' of February. 

New-YorJc, 16"' of February. Captain Witer, who arrived from Carraccas on Thursday last, 
touched at Turks' island, and took on board the effects taken outof a French transport destined 
for Canada, which was captured by the Castor, Pollux and Triton, privateers. These articles 
consisted of cordage, muskets, swords, soldiers' clothing, shoes, hats, camp-kettles, church 
bells, soap, oil, and divers other effects. 

This news is confirmed in a Pennsylvania Gazette of the 12"' of March. 

Article, dated Philadelphia, 10" of March. 
We learn from New-York that one of the ships captured by the Triton and Pollux, privateers 
fitted out at New-York, whereof we have already made mention, had arrived at that port on 
Thursday last. 

Note. — From the place where the vessel in question was captured and the nature 
of its cargo, we doubt not but it was Lefort Louis. 

The same express from Cape Desrosier hands us a letter from M' Aubert, who is on the 
lookout at the said place ; he reached his post on the 27"' of April, and found Sieur Barre 
there, who had organized a guard, pursuant to the orders we had already given him. Sieur 
Aubert sends us copy of his journal, which contains the declaration of one Jean Chicouanne, 
a resident of Point St. Peter, Malbay, who has reported that on doubling the (Island of) 
Forillon on the 24"" of November, on his voyage from Quebec last fall, and when Gasp6 bay 
had just opened to his view, he perceived a vessel in said bay, bearing N. N. W. from him ; 
the wind N. E., and, according to the account given him by one Arbour, a resident of that 
bay, that vessel had been two days tacking in said bay, her white flag hoisted, and when near 
shore occasionally firing a gun, and that she anchored every night at the Barachois,^ St. John. 
Said Chicouanne has added that this ship might be about 2-50 (& 300 tons, but he had not seen 
her close enough to distinguish the number of guns she might have; asserts she was deeply 
loaded or well down {bienras), to all appearance; that the wind always continuing north or 
northeast, a great deal of ice along the shore, nobody having gone on board this vessel, she 
determined to sail on the 3'''' of December; fired one gun, hoisted a white flag and shoved out 
her broadside, the wind being north, the Cape wearing southeast, and disappeared. This ship 
must have been an English privateer. 

' The article above referred to, is republished in the Massacliusetta Hintorical and OenealogicaC Jirgisier, IX., 108. 
' He was soon after ordered home. BeatsmCf Naval and Military Memoirft, I., 319. 

' The name Barachoia is applied, in this country, to small pools adjoining the sea from which they are separated by a 
Btrand or ridge of stones. Piehon'i Cape Breton, 18. — Ed. 


This same Chicouanne has again reported that being hunting at Point S' Peter on the 29"" 
of April last, he remained there more than three hours examining the manoeuvres of a three- 
masted, but apparently small, vessel that he had discovered. She steered towards {portrait son 
bord dans) Gaspe bay, the wind being northeast, the cape north-northwest. He kept her in 
sight as far as the other side of Whale head, which is inside Point S' Peter,i where she tacked, 
the cape bearing E. S. E., and disappeared. This must be an English ship. 

3"* We receive letters from Montreal. Mess" de Beaucourt and Michel inform us on the first 
instant that M. de St. Pierre's journey has been fruitless in consequence of a bad move of the 
Iroquois of the Saut. This officer had discovered a settlement formed by people of the Saut 
at the mouth of the River St. Louis, at the head of Lake St. Francis, the place where the 
Mohawks pass when they are coming to attack our settlements, which has created the suspicion 
that these same Indians might favor the Mohawks. What more surprised them was, that 
some of the Saut Indians who accompanied M. de St. Pierre endeavored to take the lead when 
they supposed themselves near the Mohawks, and were so bold as to fire the three shots again 
as a signal, which have been repeated whenever these Indians have been pursued. These 
gentlemen have sent some messages, expressive of their displeasure, to the people of the Saut 
who received them with much attention and have promised to behave better in future. M. de 
St. Pierre has brought back with him the Indians who had settled at Lake St. Francis, and 
had broken several bark and elm canoes there which had been constructed by Mohawks. 

Mess" de Beaucourt and Michel add, that M. de Muy, commanding at la Prairie, informs 
them that two couriers are arrived from a party of Saut and Lake Indians, who have had one 
man killed and one wounded. These two messengers report that the party had struck a blow 
in the vicinity of Corlac, where they have taken one prisoner, who states that Toyennoguen, 
the Mohawk chief who deceived us last year, had set out with seventy braves to make an 
attack on the settlements around Montreal. 

5"" The three hundred Canadians levied in the district of Quebec, have sailed this day for 
Montreal, where they are to serve, either in the frontier garrisons or as scouts, or otherwise. 

We receive a letter from M" de Tonnancourt, dated the 4"" of this month, wherein he 
informs us that the Indians of St. Francis had just arrived to the number of eighty warriors; 
that they are like lions; that they all demand to be equipped so as to avenge the blows the 
Mohawks have struck both on us and on them ; that M. Begon has done all in his power to 
oblige them to guard their village, but they had answered that they had left forty warriors 
there, who sufficed to protect it ; that they were desirous to take advantage of the fine season 
to drive off these insolent Mohawks, the most treacherous of all the nations, whose friends 
the Indians of the Saut Saint Louis, had better be careful, otherwise they should not 
spare them. 

We dispatch expresses for Beaubassin, to advise Mons' de Ramezay of the approaching 
departure of the vessel that M'' Hocquart is loading with provisions and ammunition for his 
detachment. We advise him that we hope he will have stretched the provisions until the 
arrival of the vessel now in course of dispatch ; also, that we have been informed of the 
necessities of the detachment too late to provide assistance for them as promptly as was 

' Whale Head and Point St Peter are the south limits of Gasp6 bay, in the Gulf of St Lawrence. — Ed, 
Vol. X. 14 


6"" Messengers arrive from Beaubassin. M' de Ramezay writes us on the 12"" of May. He 
informs us that lie has just received news from Louisbourg of the 25"" of December only; 
that sickness was prevailing there and carried off 6 (^ 7 persons a day ; that only one 
bomb-ketch had wintered there ; that he was also in receipt of news from Chibouctou, in which 
port only two English vessels had made their appearance, but did not land. We continue to 
have scouts and pilots there; that he has just been informed that four deserters from Port 
Royal had set out for Minas, who, having lost their way through fear of being pursued, three 
were forced by hunger to return ; the fourth, who is a sergeant, arrived«very ill at Minas. (He 
intended to send for him.) He learns, at the same time, that the sickness has penetrated the 
fort, where great numbers are dying. 

This officer adds, that M'' Coulon suffers considerably from his arm, which utterly incapacitates 
him from rendering any assistance when occasion requires ; he, therefore, requests the General 
to send him an officer to replace M' Coulon. He has not one month's provisions in store ; 
there is, however, a good deal of rice and peas, with which he has just assisted one hundred 
families of the Island of St. John, thirty of whom have come to represent their wretchedness 
to him. The detachment is in want of everything, particularly of shirts, stockings and shoes. 

Contrary winds have retarded until to-day the departure out of port of the schooner 
L'Angelique, Captain Gosselin, of sixty tons burthen, which we send to Bay Verte, with 
provisions, munitions and goods for the detachment. She sailed with a good breeze from the 
southwest, and we hope will have a quick passage. The Captain is to take good care to 
arrive at Bay Verte ; he has orders to touch at one of the ports on the southwest point of the 
Island of St. John, whence he is to send a scout to Cape Tourmentin, to ascertain whether 
there be any danger in entering the bay. M"' de Ramezay is advised of all by the couriers 
whom we sent him on the S"" instant. 

ll"" A. M. Messengers have arrived from Beaubassin. We are in receipt of M' de Ramezay's 
despatches dated the 23"" ultimo. He informs us that an English craft, carrying eight guns 
and as many swivels, came to the head of Beaubassin bay ; that he kept his people on the 
defensive during two days, but no persons came on shore ; that since the 22°"* of May, the 
detachment has no more provisions than will suffice to return, in case he be forced to leave 
precipitately. The Commandant has, consequently, been obliged to notify the settlers of 
Beaubassin, that he was about to go back, unless they adopted measures to furnish him with 
necessaries for the subsistence of his troops ; whereupon they made some effiDrts and gave a 
supply of bread for fifteen days, and a little more meat, on which provisions the detachment 
was then subsisting in the hope of the arrival of succors from Quebec, before the consumption 
of those supplies. 

Three settlers, whom he had sent express to learn news from Louisbourg, arrived at 
Beaubassin on the twenty-second of May. They have been at St. Esprit,' whence they sent 
three men to Louisbourg, who, on returning, assured them that there were, in that port, only 
one bomb-ketch, three schooners and two bateaux, which had recently arrived from Boston, 
where, it continues to be reported, a great famine prevails; that the English had lost about 
500 men at Louisbourg between the fall and Christmas ; since which time, however, sickness 
has pretty well ceased ; that tiie garrison consists of about two thousand men ; that the 
English publicly report at lie Royale that they will come this year to Canada, and will force 

' A small harbor oa the Island pf Cape Breton, west of Louisbourg. — Ed. 


the Acadians on board their ships. They appear dissatisfied with the latter, whom they 
accuse of having taken up arras against them in the battle of Minas. 

There was nothing new at Chibouctou, on the IS'*" May, except two small English vessels 
which go out in the morning and come back at night, without landing. 

Intelligence has been received that three vessels had appeared on the 24"" of said month within 
six leagues of Bay Verte, in the direction of Port Lajoie.' M'' de Ramezay sent a detachment 
of Frenchmen on the scout. On being informed in the evening that these vessels had entered 
the bay, he sent off a second detachment, composed of all the Indians, who would have been 
in time to receive them had not these privateers, not knowing that our vessels lay hid in a 
little river, retired in the course of the night towards Tamigouche. They have not been seen 
since. He learns from M' De Senclave,^ the missionary priest at Port Royal, who wrote him 
on the 6"" and l?"" of May, that news had recently been received from Boston to the effect 
that a vessel, arrived at that port, had reported that Admiral Waren had sailed from London 
with fifteen vessels of war for the Canada expedition, which was placed under his direction ; 
that he is expected to bring orders from the Court of London for that expedition ; that it is 
the opinion at Port Royal that forces will be sent from Boston to Minas and Beaubassin ; that 
'tis thought, however, that no movement will be made in this matter until after this Admiral's 
arrival ; that news had been received at Boston of the return to France of seven men of war 
and several transports belonging to the Duke d'Enville's fleet; that the English captured 
L" Ardent, Le Mercure and Le Mars, belonging to that fleet. It appears from this same letter, 
that the vessel which had arrived at Beaubassin came from Boston without touching at Port 
Royal, where it afterwards entered. This circumstance leads M'' de Ramezay to suppose 
that this vessel had come to see whether the detachment of Canadians was still at Beaubassin 
so as to bring a superior force there and execute their original design against the inhabitants. 
This Commandant adds, that he is under the necessity of giving us notice that should he not 
receive news from France or further orders from the General before the beginning of June, he 
will be under the necessity of immediately setting out for Canada, which he will be able to 
defer until the S"" of said month, when it will be no longer in his power to remain for want of 
provisions ; in which case he proposes to leave an officer at Beaubassin with thirty men and some 
Indians to block up all the roads and deprive the enemy of the knowledge of his departure. 

13"" The General sends Captain de Fouville to Beaubassin to replace M"' de Coulon, whom 
M' de Ramezay is to send back ; he adjoins Lieutenant de St. Vincent to him. We reply, by 
this opportunity, to M' de Ramezay's letters of the 28"" ultimo. We always expect that this 
Commandant will have found some assistance at Beaubassin to enable him to wait for the 
relief we have sent him by the schooner which sailed on the 9"" instant. 

li"" A party consisting of 14 Pannaouamske Abenaquis have arrived, who struck a blow in 
the vicinity of Fort Saint Georges on fifteen Englishmen, twelve of whom they killed, captured 
two, whom they have brought to us ; the fifteenth escaped.^ These two prisoners do not know 
anything new. 

' CharlottetowD, P. E. Island. 

' KeTerend Jean Bte. Desenclates belonged, originally, to the diocese of Limoges, in France. He is represented as having 
come to Canada in 1728. Ziste Chronologique, No. 606. He was parish priest of Port Royal as late as 1753 {Collection) of 
Literary and HiHorii-al Society, Quebec, 1838, p. 32), soon after which date he returned to France, worn out by age and 
labor. Rev. Mr. Tasehereau's MS. Notes on the Missions in Acadia. 

' A large company of about 100 (Indians) next made their appearance in the territory of Sagadahock, and on the 26th 
May commenced a furious attack on the fort and people of Pemaquid. Five soldiers of the garrison and five recrnita 
belonging to Purpooduck were killed, and three others, who were inhabitants of Falmouth, were taken prisoners, Lovel and 
a lad only escaping. Williamson' » Maine, U., 252. — Ed. 


IS"" Captain Vitre, of the St. Jaques, arrived from Bay Verte with seven militiamen, of 
whom two or three are sick, and eleven prisoners who were taken in the affair at Minas.' 

19"" Sieur Beaujeu de Villemonde arrives from Beaubassin ; he delivers us a letter from M' 
de Ramezay, who writes us on the sixteenth instant, that he is at Kimousky with his entire 
detachment of Canadians and prisoners; that he left Bay Verte on the 5'^ being unable to 
remain any longer without exposing his detachment to the danger of perishing of hunger, some 
of whom even are very sick. 

We learn at the same time that Sieur de la Fontaine, who is returned from his post at the 
North, had seen off Manicouagan a Snow from Bourdeaux, Captain Ducasse, which had sailed 
on the 20"" March, and told him that she was the bearer of the first despatches from Court. 

21" We receive an express from Montreal. Mess" de Beaucourt and Michel inform us that 
the Mohawks had made another attack at the upper end of the Island of Montreal, on two or 
three houses beyond Fort St. Anne, from which they had taken and carried off three women; 
that Chevalier Lacorne had been immediately sent off with a detachment of one hundred men, 
and had arrived at Soulange on the morning of the sixteenth ; that this officer had seized a 
canoe full of the enemy, to the number of six ; to wit: five Indians, whereof 4 were Senecas 
and 1 Oneida, the sixth was a Dutchman, who speaks French and is dressed like an Indian, 
wearing even a scalp-lock. The three women taken on the previous night have been found in 
the canoe and liberated. 

These prisoners have reported that they had started 35 days ago from the Mohawk village 
to the number of 43, in 7 canoes ; had separated at Lake St. Francis. The other six canoes 
had gone to lie* d la Paix, near Chateaugue, for the purpose of crossing thence to the head of 
the Island of Montreal. On this intelligence Lieutenant St. Pierre was dispatched without 
delay with a second detachment of 150 men, and joined Chevalier de la Corne at the foot of 
the Cascades, where the two detachments formed a junction. Four of the enemy's canoes 
which had been discovered, fell on the night of the 17"" and IS"-, into an ambush laid by these 
gentlemen, who had forbidden any to fire before these canoes were pretty close ; but one 
Canadian, who was too anxious, having fired, all our people, who were then discovered, were 
obliged to fire in the dark, not knowing where to aim. Sieur Le Due, a voyageur, has been 
killed by one of them. Sieur Godefroy, a brave and strong young man, having thrown himself 
on the bow (lapince) of one of the enemy's canoes which was nearest the shore to stop it, 
received several mortal gun shot wounds from them. This canoe was the only one taken ; on 
board it were found two men killed and nine who are prisoners; of these, three are Dutch and 
six Indian ; the three other canoes of the enemy having put off and gone ashore in order to 
escape, our people pursued them, but were obliged to return to Montreal, having concluded, 
from the enemy's trail, that it was impossible to overtake them. Mess" de Beaucourt and 
Michel add, that the Indians of these three canoes went away without provisions, powder or 
shoes, and had left even their clothes behind. 'Tis expected that some of them will perish by 
the way. Mess" de la Corne and Saint Pierre give great praise to the Indians of Saut Saint 
Louis, who have behaved creditably on this occasion. Thus, they are determined to do what 
is expected of them. On the next day another canoe belonging to the enemy was discovered 
upset, floating on the water without any one being able to tell what became of those on board. 
Those prisoners, to the number of 15, have been conducted to Montreal where the Mohawks 
and other Indians have been imprisoned and put in irons. When the last of the enemy's 

' Now Cornwallis, N. 9. — Ed. 


canoes was attacked, a Saut Indian seized a Moliawk who was running towards the woods ; 
all these prisoners are to be sent down to us at Quebec, where we shall have them guarded 
until circumstances change in respect to these nations. 

Mess" de Beaucourt and Michel also inform us of an accident that has happened to one of 
our bateaux, which on her way down was wrecked in the Saut St. Louis. Nine or ten of the 
25 men on board were drowned. 

The inhabitants in the government of Montreal are more than ever on their guard; some 
detachments are always on the scout. 

M'' de Rigaud was still at Therese on the 18"" instant, where he was still recruiting for his 
detachment, which will consist of 11 (3. 1200 men, including French and Indians and the 200 
men that had set out some time before him. 

By the same courier we receive letters from Captain de la Come, who was detached by the 
General to all the Upper Nations ; he writes us from Michilimakinac, on the 6"" of May, that 
all the nations whom he had visited had voluntarily and readily offered to go down to 
Montreal, and that he had not met any difficulty in his mission, in which he succeeded beyond 
his most sanguine expectations. He expects to arrive at Montreal on the 20"" of this month at 
soonest; he does not tell us the number of Indians, nor the names of the tribes that are to 
follow him. 

We receive also letters dated Fort St. Frederic, the G"" of this month ; there is nothing new 
at that place, at least of interest ; M' de Celoron, the Commandant, merely mentions his 
sending a detachment of 40 (S. 50 Frenchmen and Indians on a scout towards Sarastau, to 
ascertain what is passing at that fort. 

22"" at night. M' de Coulon is arrived from Bay Verte in a skiff; his arm still embarrasses 
him. 10 militiamen came in that vessel. 

23"* M' de Ramezay arrives in the brigantine le Soldi Levant, with militiamen and prisoners. 
A courier dispatched by M'' de Rouville from Rimouski, brings us the earliest intelligence 
from Court, wherewith Sieur Ducasse was entrusted ; we receive by these letters the first orders 
from his Majesty. 

Mess" de Fouville and St. Vincent have returned. They had learned at the Temisquata 
portage, the return of M' de Ramezay's detachment. 

Arrived the schooner La Marie, Captain Laronde, one of our vessels coming from Bay 

Verte with 

24"' Arrived, also, La Ste. Julienne, Captain Monsegur, the third vessel from Bay Verte, with 
60 militiamen. 

Arrived a courier from Beaubassin, with letters from Father Germain, dated the 7"" instant. 
He acknowledges the receipt of our despatches of the 17"" May ; but M' de Ramezay, who left 
on the 5"" of May, had no knowledge of them. Sieur de Repentigny, who has remained at 
Beaubassin with a detachment of 30 men, did not expect to leave before the 20"' or 25"" instant. 
We wish much that the schooner with the provisions may arrive at Bay Verte before his 
departure, so as that he may receive those supplies and place them in security ; otherwise, 
Sieur Gosselin will be greatly embarrassed as to the course he will have to adopt, should none 
of our people be at Beaubassin. This circumstance causes us much uneasiness, having reason 
to fear that Beaubassin may be wholly abandoned. The English, who are already at Bay 
Verte, might return to the charge, and having no force to oppose them, will find no difficulty 
in seizing our schooner, which is not able to make any defence. 


The Acadians are now more exposed than ever to the resentment of the English ; the latter 
are aware that some of them had borne arms in the affair at Minas, and that several among 
them favored the French expeditions. 

2G''' We dispatch expresses to Rimouski, Cape Chat and Cape Desrosiers, to advise the 
commanders of these posts of the departure from France of a fleet for Canada under 
the command of M'' de la Jonquiere, so that we may be seasonably informed of its approach, 
in order to have an opportunity of sending it, in advance, some refreshments, of which the 
crews and troops on board will possibly be in want. 

We send the same message to Sieur Cartier, the commander of the Fire rafts at lie aux 
Coudres, so that he may not make any movement with these rafts until he be certain that the 
ships, which will probably appear in number, are enemies. 

We receive letters from Montreal. M'' Michel writes us, on the SS""*, that M' de Rigaud 
marched on the IQ"" instant from St. Therese with his whole force, consisting of about 600 
French and 300 Indians, exclusive of the 200 French already arrived at Fort St. Frederic. 

We send the necessary orders to Montreal, for the dispatch of the canoes destined for the 
posts of the Upper Country, which it is impossible to detain any longer in view of the necessity 
that exists of sending goods to the Indians who are absolutely in need of them. These canoes 
are to be convoyed by about 100 Frenchmen and Indians, for fear of surprise, principally from 
the Mohawks. Ensign Dubuisson, who commands this convoy, has orders to escort the canoes 
as far as Niagara. On his arrival there, he will leave half his detachment at that post, to 
provide the necessary firewood for the garrison, and pursue his voyage with the remainder of 
his men as far as Detroit, whence he will conduct the canoes destined for the most distant 
posts and places. 

26"" at night. The man named Douville arrives in a bateau, from Bay Verte, with 11 prisoners 
and 5 militiamen. This is the balance of the Canadian detachment that wintered at 
Beaubassin, except thirty, who have remained there under the command of Sieur de 
Repentigny. Ail these militia returned in a very wretched condition, and almost wholly 
naked, with nearly 50 sick. Two of them died on the voyage from Bay Verte to Quebec. 
We have these militia well treated to recruit them from the fatigues of the voyage, and pay 
them 30" each, in lieu of pay and clothing. This economzies so far the goods remaining in 
the public stores. 

The prisoners arrived from Beaubassin to the number of are partly sick ; they have 

been placed with their comrades in their new lodgings. 

Arrived, a schooner from Martinico, Captain Boulau ; sailed from Trinity the .. May, loaded 
with Rum and Molasses. Saw no vessel in the Gulf. 

The snow Le Jean Joseph, Captain Ducasse, of Bourdeaux, cast anchor in the harbor. 

28"' The Indians taken by Mess" de la Corne and St. Pierre, have been brought to Quebec to 
the number of 10, viz' 4 Senecas, 4 Oneidas, 1 Mohegan (Low/?), 1 Mohawk and 4 Dutchmen, 
dressed like Indians. We sent word to all the Indians around in Quebec, to the number of 
300, who were in attendance on the arrival of these prisoners, and have observed the 
ceremonies usual on like occasions. They promenaded them through the entire town, made 
them dance and sing ; we had these prisoners removed to the jail where they are safely guarded 
and in irons. One Mohegan has remained behind at Montreal sick, and one young Mohawk 
taken by those of the Saut. 


SQ"* We receive couriers from Beaubassin. Father Germain acknowledges, on the lO"" ins' 
the receipt of our despatches of the 20"" and 24"" of May. He informs us that there is nothing 
new since he wrote last ; that he does not intend to quit Beaubassin, until all hope be 
abandoned of receiving in Acadia some news from France, or 'till we recal him. We have, at 
present, some reason to hope that Sieur Gosselin, Captain of the schooner V Angelique, having 
arrived at Cocagne,* or some port of the Island of St. John, will have communicated his 
arrival to Father Germain. 

SO"" We dispatch couriers to Beaubassin ; we write Father Germain that we expect, 
according to his last letters, that he will be found at Beaubassin on the arrival of Sieur 
Gosselin, who will have immediately informed him of the circumstance ; that in such case we 
feel no uneasiness about the disposition he will have made of the schooner's cargo ; that should 
we be in time to indicate to him the employment of the cargo, it is desirable that he should sell 
at least a good portion of it, either for money, or notes he will have taken up ; that, moreover, 
the French settlers from other parts (etrangers) will stand in need of provisions and clothing, 
and he will be under the necessity of relieving them ; that the same will be the case with the 
Indians, as well his own as those of Father Lacorne, and even with the Micmacs who must be 
naked ; that, therefore, he will find opportunities in one way or the other, to employ the 
provisions and merchandise in a manner suitable to the interests of his Majesty, his subjects 
and his allies, and to the maintenance of friendly dispositions among the last. We add, that 
we cannot prescribe any more positive rule to him, and that we submit the whole to 
his prudence. 

The General informs Sieur de Repentigny that he supposes he is on his return march, 
agreeably to the orders he received from M"' de Ramezay. 

July 1" 8 o'clock, P. M. Midshipman de Real Boscal is arrived. He landed yesterday at the 
Pilgrims from the frigate UEmeraude, commanded by M" de la Jonquiere de TafFanel. This 
officer informs us of the unfortunate encounter M' de la Jonquiere had with 16 English men 
of war, to which he gave battle ;2 he could not furnish any positive information about it, being 
at too great a distance ; he adds, that he is in the river with 7 merchantmen, transports, &c., 
in which there are 14 officers, 150 soldiers and 30 Swiss, and that he had seen 3 more some 
days after the battle. 

4"" We receive a letter from M"' Michel, dated the 28"» ultimo, wherein he advises us that he 
learns at the moment, from M' de Sabrevois, commandant at He Perrot, that the deputies of 
the Five Nations, with the exception of the Mohawks, had arrived at his post to the number 
of 75 Onondagas, Oneidas, Tuscarorins and Cayugas, and that M"' de Joncaire was to arrive 
at an early day at Fort Frontenac with the Senecas in, probably, an equally large number. 
The Onondagas have kept the promise they had given to M' de la Chauvinerie. We expect to 
see all these Indians at Quebec ; there will be question of negotiating with them, and 
principally respecting their people whom we have prisoners. 

5"" The frigate L'Emeraude, the ship L'Auguste and Le Brillant, freighted for the King, and 
Le Louis Auguste, have cast anchor this morning in the harbor. 

Messengers are arrived from Beaubassin. Father Germain writes us on the 20"" June, that 
he had learned on the 18"" that the schooner L' Angelique, Capt" Gosselin, had arrived in a little 
harbor on the Main, named Cocagne, 15 to 18 leagues distant from Bay Verte. This 

' A harbor on the east coast of New Brunswick, opposite Prince Edwards Island. — Ed. 
' For an account of this engagement, see Bolmea' Annals, II., 174. 


missionary caused that vessel to remain in that harbor until he should receive orders for the 
disposal of the cargo ; he has merely drawn some effects for the wants of the detachment of 
30 men. Sieur de Repentigny expects to remain at Beaubassin with his little force until he 
receive further orders; M' Desenclave, the missionary priest at Port Royal, writes to Father 
Germain, V"" of June, that M' Knowles, Governor of Louisbourg, was then at that fort with 
two vessels of war, but the object of his arrival was not known. 

e"" The ship La Renommee, Captain Trolon, freighted by the King, anchored this morning 
in the harbor. 

7"" Expresses arrive from Acadia. Sieur de Repentigny and Father Germain inform us, 
on the 23'' June, that they have just learned by two settlers from Minas that 10 or 12 
Acadians who left Port Royal on the l?"" of said month, had reported at Grandprde that M"' 
Knowles, vpho had remained in the basin with his ships since the 10"", had, on the 15'S 
embarked for He Royal on board a vessel which had just arrived ; that this same bateau had 
been dispatched from Boston by Mr. Shirley to inform M'' Knowles that Louisbourg was 
already besieged ; that these same settlers report that two Acadians of Port Royal, named 
Suret and Poirier, have assured them that they had heard from the mouth of Dion, the pilot 
of the bateau in question, that the French had eflfected their landing on the 2'' of June ; they 
add that this Dion was engaged to convey, by day or night, the Governor to his post in a 
bark canoe with which he had taken care to provide himself. We have paid no regard to 
this news, and if it be true that a fleet has appeared before Louisbourg, it is probably only 
that of Admiral Waren, who is expected a long while in those seas, with 12 or 14 men of war 
destined, say the English, for the Canada expedition. 

We have reason to presume that when the Minister will have been informed of what had 
occurred to M'' de la Jonquieres on the 14"" of May, he will be anxious to learn what has 
become of the frigate L' Emeraiide and the two merchantmen freighted for the King's account, 
which had separated from the fleet. This circumstance induces us to dispatch the schooner 
L'Aimable Marthe, Captain Simonin, to France, to inform him of the arrival of some of those 
vessels and of the succors we expected. 

3ih We receive an express from Montreal. M'' Michel informs us, on the 4"', that five 
Malecites Indians of M'' de Rigaud's detachment had just arrived with an English prisoner; 
they report that M"' de Rigaud had, on arriving at Fort St. Frederic, detached M' de St. Luc 
with 200 Frenchmen and Indians on a scout to Sarasto ; that on coming to the vicinity of this 
fort he had sent 5 men towards it to ascertain what was passing ; that one of these scouts 
having inadvertently discharged his gun they were discovered, which made him think of 
sending all the Indians back. M"' de St. Luc profited by this conjuncture to make a feint, by 
showing 15 men in front of the fort in order to induce the enemy to come out, whilst our 
people wailed for them in ambush and concealed. This having been executed, M' de St. Luc 
saw 100 men leave the fort ; he surrounded them, and, according to the report of these 
Indians, took 41 and killed 29 of them ; others were drowned, and they assert that only 15 or 
20 had reentered the fort. The English prisoner reports that the English were in want of 
provisions and necessaries, and were beginning to despair of Admiral Waren. 

We are informed also that the 4 Nations of Iroquois had arrived at Montreal to the number 
of 70 men, women and children ; there remain but the Senecas, who, 'tis said, are on the 
road. The former appear well disposed and censure the conduct of those who have been 
taken ; they assure us that those prisoners joined the war party contrary to the advice of the 


villages, which warned them to be on their guard against the intrigues of the Mohawks and 
Dutch, who had seduced them whilst they were in liquor. 

We learn by a letter of the 6''' that M'^ de Lacorne, the elder, had just arrived with 192 
Indians from MichiUmakinac, River S' Joseph, and the Baie, about SO of whom are women 
and children. 

The ship La C/iimerre, the snow Le Dragon, and the brigantine L'Aimahle Jeanne have cast 
anchor in the harbor. 

S"" The 9 Onondagas who are here for the last 40 days, have finally left on their return 
home. They learned with pleasure the arrival of their chiefs, and those of the other cantons, 
at Montreal ; we made them many presents, and they appear to have left satisfied ; we expect 
that those who are at Montreal will be desirous to see the General and will come down to 

10"' The 5 Malecites Indians of M' de S' Luc's party have just arrived with the prisoner 
they took in the action. He confirms what occurred in S' Lacorne St. Luc's adventure, and 
adds that no more than 150 men remain in the fort ; that 21 months' pay was due to the 
soldiers, which excited general dissatisfaction. He was at Orange about 20 days ago ; he 
says that 40 companies of 100 men each had been formerly levied in the provinces of 
New-York, Pennsylvania, Jersey and Maryland, and they are now reduced by desertion to 40 
or 50 discontented men ; that these companies were dispersed in different forts; that the one 
at Half-moon, between Orange and Sarastau, has been abandoned, and that Admiral Waren 
was no longer expected. We will be able to be more certain when we shall have seen the 
other prisoners. 

12"" We dispatch, to-day, the schooner we are sending to France, under the command of 
Sieur Simonin. We inform the Minister, in our letter of the 7'" and 10'^ of the arrival of a 
part of the fleet separated from M"' de la Jonquiere's squadron, and of the most interesting 
occurrences in the country since the spring. Sieur Simonin has orders to make the first 
French port, where he will hand our despatches to the Intendant,or Harbor-Master, to forward 
them to the Court, by an extraordinary courier. 

7 English prisoners are sent down to us from Montreal ; one of them is an officer ; they are 
the result of Sieur St. Luc's attack. 

13"" Five or six Abenaquis, belonging to M'' de St. Luc's party, bring us an English prisoner 
taken in the same affair. 

le"" Sieur de Repentigny writes us from Beaubassin that he has just received, by a farmer 
coming from St. Esprit, intelligence from Louisbourg contradicting those contained in his letter 
of the 23'^ June. This man had had a conversation with some inhabitants of St. Esprit, who 
were returning from Louisbourg and had arrived on the 15"' of June, who told him that the 
Governor had not got back there ;* that the English continued of the opinion that a 
considerable French Fleet would sail, but they knew not when, nor whither ; that Admiral 
Waren was waiting to learn what course this fleet would steer to oppose it vigorously. This 
same farmer has brought to Beaubassin, from He Royale, 3 deserters, who had left on the 15"' 
of May ; they report nothing more precise ; they only confirm the general discontent of the 
garrison, which consists of about 1500 men. 

* NoTB.— He had gone to Boston, and was to proceed thence to Port Koyal. 

Vol. X. 16 


The General receives, by way of Acadia, a letter from M'' Knowles, Governor of Louisbourg, 
dated Annapolis, tiie S?"" May last, where he then was. He proposes to M' de Beauharnais to 
send to Louisbourg the English soldiers taken last year at the Island of S' John, who he has 
learned had been sent to Quebec; and proposes that he add as many other prisoners to them 
as he shall deem proper, on condition of giving in exchange as many, grade for grade, or to 
promise to do so when M Knowles shall have any in his possession. 

Mess" de Beaucourt and Michel write us the IS"", that they had just received a letter from 
M' de Rigaud, dated Fort S' P'rederic, the 8"" instant, informing them that a party of his 
Indians abandon him ; that the diversity of sentiment among them totally changes the plans 
he had laid down respecting his voyage ; that he has determined to proceed to the head oi La 
Grand Baie,^ where he will be in a position to execute his instructions, which are mainly to 
protect Fort S' Frederic; that he will send out frequent scouts to watch the enemy; that 
after having taken all these precautions, he will determine on what course he is to pursue la 
his subsequent proceedings. 

These gentlemen write us on the 15"" that they have heard and answered the Indians whom 
M' de La Corne had brought down ; that they intend to send them off immediately with that 
officer to join M' de Rigaud, or to make a special attack, should they not find iiim. These 
Indians number about 90, including those who have come down with M' de la Corne and the 
others who have wintered at Montreal. 

The vessels lately arrived from France bring very little salt ; it is distributed in the ratio of 
only a quarter of a ininot to each family. We dispatched, G weeks ago, 4 small armed vessels 
to the north coast of Newfoundland in quest of that article. We are informed that two of 
these 4 have put back to Gaspe, where they are to take in codfish. The apprehension that 
the King's ships belonging to M"' de la Jonquiere's fleet, which were loaded with salt, will not 
reach us this year ; the indispensable necessity of curing considerable provisions, for the 
movements which are daily occurring, and for the support of the people ; all these motives 
have determined us to dispatch a vessel of SO tons to Newfoundland for a cargo of that article, 
if any can be had in the different harbors, where the ships from St. Malo formerly fished. 
This vessel is fitting out, and will be ready for sea in 8 or 10 days. 

17"" Arrived, the snow L'Amiable Jeanne, Captain Iriard, which also had separated from 
the fleet. 

IS"" We send back some of the couriers who arrived within a ^ew days from Beaubassin ; 
we expect that Sieur de Repentigny is on his way back with the rest of his detachment. 

lO"" Father Maurice Lacorne, the Missionary to the Miramichi Indians, has just arrived by 
land; two English privateers having, on the 30"" ultimo, captured, within 8 leagues of Gaspe, 
the vessels in which he had embarked, he is content with having been able to escape on 
shore with his crew, numbering 10 men. The privateers consist of a large snow of 20 to 30 
guns and a bateau. 

20"" We are in receipt of letters both from Montreal and Detroit ; those from Detroit are 
very interesting. Chevalier de Longueuil, commanding that post, writes us, on the 23'' June, 
that some Hurons of Detroit, belonging to the tribe of the war chief Nicolas, who, some 
years since, had settled at Sandosku, have killed 5 Frenchmen who were on their return from 
the post at the White river, and stolen their furs ; that all the Indians of the neighborhood, 
except the Illinois, had formed the design to destroy all the French of Detroit on one of the 

' South Bay. — Ed. 


holidays of Pentecost, and afterwards to go to the fort and subject all to fire and sword ; that 
some Hurons, having struck too soon, the plot had been discovered by a Huron squaw who 
came to give Chevalier de Longueuil notice of it ; that this conspiracy is the fruit of the 
Belts the English have had distributed among all the tribes by the Iroquois of the 5 Nations ; 
that on this notification he caused all the settlers to retire within the fort in order to be 
prepared for any new treachery. The Outaouas have spoken at Detroit, and have given 
assurances that they had no participation in this bad business. Other Hurons of Sastaredzy 
and Taychatin's* tribe came, also, to speak to M" de Longueuil, and have, in like manner, 
assured him that they had no share in the misconduct of Nicolas' people, meanwhile, asking 
pardon, they endeavor to exculpate themselves, and propose settling near Detroit. M' de 
Longueuil has given them no positive answer, and has referred them to the General. Nicolas' 
tribe continues, nevertheless, to reside at Sandoske,** where, says M'' de Longueuil, they 
doubtless expect not only to maintain themselves but even to harass Detroit by small war 
parties. They have attached to them several families of vagabond Iroquois, Loitps, &c. 
'Tis even asserted that there are some Saut Indians among them. Father Potier,' the Jesuit 
Missionary, has abandoned the village on Bois Blanc island,^ and retired to Detroit, where he 
is to remain. M' de Longueuil adds, that if the Nations do not declare in our favor, even 
though they remain somewhat inactive, it will be out of his power to get the harvest saved ; 
that already the cattle of several of the farmers have been killed and carried off by the 
Sauteurs, some houses in the country pillaged by unknown Indians ; that the chiefs, 'tis true, 
disapprove highly of the misconduct of these wretches and endeavor to restrain them, but 
that affords no assurance of their good intentions. 

Mess" de Beacourt and Michel, in sending us the letters from Detroit, inform us of the 
arrival of M' de Belestre, who was sent last winter with M'' de la Corne ; he brought with 
him 8 or 10 Outaouas of Detroit, 4 Hurons of the same place, among whom are Sastaredzy 
and 2 Senecas, and some Hurons of Lorette, who acted this winter as his guides. 

Private letters mention the murder of the 5 Frenchmen, with circumstances which show 
that the Hurons of Sandoske have perpetrated the greatest cruelties on this occasion. 

Mess"^" de Beacourt and Michel write us, on the 20"", that M de S' Luc, who arrives from 
Fort S' Frederic, informs them that M' de Rigaud is returning with his entire detachment ; 
that he had been three days before Sarastau without having been able to accomplish anything, 
as the garrison, having already lost more than 100 men, did not any longer stir out of the fort, 
which could not be carried except by a regular siege, as it was provided with considerable 
artillery; the desertion of the greater portion of the Indians, and their indisposition to march 
against the Mohawks, have, besides, obliged M' de Rigaud to retire.*** 

22'' We answer M"' de Longueuil, informing him in detail of all the precautions he has 
to take in his future negotiations with all the Detroit tribes for the restoration of peace, if 

" Sasteradzy, the principal chief of the Huron Nation ; Tayehatin, another chief, were not present at tlie attack. 

** Sandoski is a lake to the south of Lake Erie, 40 or 50 leagues from Detroit 

• Louis Antoine Pothikr, in the Liste Chrenologique, No. 609. Mr. Shea gives the name Peter Potier. The former 
authority fixes his arrival in Canada in 1742. He was at St. Joseph's in 1751, and frequently visited the Illinois country 
down to his death, which occurred at Detroit 16th July, 1781. He is called the last Jesuit in the West. Shea'$ Mission; 378, 
432, 601. 

' At the mouth of the Detroit river. 

*** A Mohegan, named Germanean, had deserted from Mr. de St. Luc's party ; the other Indians were afraid that they 
should be surrounded by the enemy with a stronger force than ours, the said Germaneau having gone to Orange, where ha 
had given an account of the condition of our forces. — Ed. 


possible. We have great confidence in the adroitness of this officer to place the nations again 
in our interests. In regard to the Hurons, the General sends Messages whereby M' de 
Longueuil is to demand of them the surrender of the murderers, to be disposed of according 
to his pleasure; meanwhile they must declare against the English, who instigated them to 
commit the crime ; they must attack them, and furnish proofs of their repentance by a great 
many prisoners ; that, otherwise, their Father will become their sworn and irreconcilable 
enemy. We send orders to Montreal to dispatch immediately the canoes for Detroit and the 
other southern posts, with the convoy; this is of great consequence in order to place M' de 
Longueuil thereby in a position to act. This convoy will take the route by Niagara, where 
Sieur Dubuisson had orders only to land 20 men of his convoy, to cut wood for the garrison 
belonging to this fort, and to continue his voyage to Detroit with the remainder of his escort, 
so as, thereby, to secure the arrival of the canoes. We leave M' de Longueuil at liberty to 
retain at his post all the people belonging to this convoy, and even the voyageurs and servants, 
if there be cause to fear any treachery on the part of the Indians ; but he must not take 
advantage of this permission except in case of absolute necessity, and then it would not be just 
to subject the voyageurs and farmers to the expense of wintering there. Wherefore, we 
advise this officer, before hand, that we shall defray it. 

The ship St, Ursin, Captain Paris, has anchored in the harbor. 

23* The deputies of the 5 Nations, to the number of 61, accompanied by 4 Iroquois of the 
Saut and 2 of the Lake, have just arrived on business ; we are expecting the Senecas, whom 
Sieur de Joncaire is to bring down. 

Cadet Langi, dispatched by M' de Rigaud, is arrived. That officer, he informs us, has 
returned to Montreal with his entire detachment. 

Mess" de Beaucourt and Michel inform us, on the 21", that 66 warriors of the Lake of the 
Two Mountains, have just brought in 6 prisoners, of whom one is a young man, 3 are boys, 
one a woman and one a child, whom they took near Orange. These prisoners say that 
Admiral Waren continues to be expected, and when he will be near Quebec with his ships 
the English are to make a simultaneous attack on Montreal, by way of Fort S' Frederic, which 
they expect to carry in passing. 

24"' Sieur Belestre arrives from Detroit with 8 Outaouas Chiefs, 4 Hurons ( Sastaredzy, 
the principal Chief, and Tayachatin, another Chief, are among the latter), 2 Senecas and 8 
other Indians, some of whom are Hurons, from Lorette, who accompanied him last winter to 
Detroit. 8 other Outaouas, whom M'' de Belestre brought along, have remained at Montreal, 
and are to join the party commanded by M' de La Come. 

26"' We send Sieur Langi back to Montreal, whither we transmit orders to send 50 @. 60 
Frenchmen and 30 @. 40 Indians to Fort S' Frederic ; these ought to be more than sufficient 
to cut wood for the garrison next winter, M' de Rigaud having had the greater portion of it 
cut by his detachment. 

In the evening. An express is arrived from M'' Aubert, the commander at Cape Desrosier, 
who sends us what Sieur Barre, a resident of the Grand river,* wrote him under date, the 6"" 
of this month. This individual informs him, that on the 2°'' inst., 3 English vessels, to wit, a 
schooner, a snow and a sloop (that is Father Lacorne's), had passed Point Verte under a French 
flag and streamer ; that said Sieur Barre had fired a gun at them ; next inquired of them 
whence they came ; they answered him that they were from Guadeloupe, and were looking for 

• Qu ? ia the Bay of Chalcurs. — Ed. 


a pilot to go up the river; Sieur Barre told them to send a boat ashore, when he should 
ascertain who they were and send a pilot to them. This they did not do, whereupon Sieur 
Barrd caused the fishermen, who had collected there to the number of 30 @. 40, to give them 
a volley of musketry. The enemy made no reply; the schooner steered towards Pabo, but 
being annoyed by the discharges of musketry, was obliged to alter her course after firing two 
guns, and came to an anchor within pistol shot of the shore, where she furled her sails and 
discharged several guns and swivels, as well as some musketry. The Snow, which was farther 
off than the schooner, kept up a continual fire of 4 pounders; the little bateau kept always off. 
Sieur Barre did not cease firing at the two vessels, especially at the schooner, which was the 
nearest. The contest lasted 6 @; 7 hours, when the night fell ; these vessels then hauled off. 
They were within ear shot; wished Sieur Barre good night, and assured him that they would 
return in the morning to him, which, however, they did not do. Sieur Barre assures, that 
these two vessels have fired as many 300 cannon and swivel shots, exclusive of musketry, and 
that he, on his side, fired more than SO"' of ball within pistol shot. He thinks that he 
diminished the number of the schooner's crew, having seen the snow's boat coming to her 
three times full of people, and returning only with the crew. Sieur Barre asks ammunition 
from Sieur Aubert, as he apprehends that the English will return to the charge. At the same 
time that M' Aubert transmits us Sieur Barre's letter, he informs us that the latter had on the S"" 
instant, descried, about 5 leagues off, a 3 masted ship, the form of whose sails he could not 
distinguish, as she passed at a distance of about two leagues; she appeared to him to be steering 
South, on the starboard tack, carrying foresail and spanker ; she changed course two hours after, 
the cape bearing E. N. E., the wind blowing N. E. pretty fresh. This ship, though at a distance, 
appeared to him very large. At i past 9 in the morning she was hull down. He is of opinion 
that this vessel was English. In communicating Sieur Barre's adventure to us, Sieur Aubert 
states that he has very little ammunition, and is unable properly to assist Sieur Barre under 
existing circumstances, and requests us to send him ( M' Aubert ) immediately some ammunition 
as well as provisions for the people at his post, as his supply is nearly exhausted. 

We dispatch a biscayenne to-day with provisions for Cape Desrosiers, on board which we 
have put 200"" of powder and ball in proportion ; we write to Sieur Aubert to divide the 
ammunition with Sieur Barre, to enable him to retain his position at Grand river, should the 
English return and attack him. We express, at the same time, to Sieur Barre our satisfaction 
of his conduct in his affair, and exhort him to continue to oppose the attempts of the English, 
should they renew them at Grand river and its vicinity. 

29"' The vessel we have fitted out for Kerpont' to procure a cargo of salt, has not been able 
to get off until to-day. Sieur Boucherville, captain of this vessel, has orders to coast along the 
North shore, and to avoid all encounters. On arriving at Kerpont, he is to apply to 
the Malouin and other captains who fish there, to procure him his cargo, or, at least, to point 
out to him where he will be able to obtain it. 

We jointly address them a circular letter, exhorting them to assist in relieving the necessity 
of the Colony in this article, by mutually contributing to the loading of Sieur Boucherville, 
reserving to ourselves to report to the Minister the manner they will act on this occasion, 
when such vital assistance is in question. 

August 2** The schooner V Angelique, Captain Gosselin, sent heretofore to Bay Verte, 
returned to-day with a part of her cargo ; she sailed the IS"" ultimo. We learn that Sieur de 

' The Island of Quirpon, off the N. E. point of Newfovrndland. — En. 


Repentigny was to start, two days after, for the River St. John with his detachment, pursuant 
to the orders he had received. Father Germain's health appeared to be improving. 

Two English prisoners who were taken by the St. Francis Indians in iM'' de St. Luc's attack 
on Sarastau, are brought down from 3 Rivers. 

The ship le Philibert has anchored in the harbor; she formed part of M' de la Jonquiere's fleet. 

3^ We are in receipt of letters from Montreal dated the 31" inst. ; the convoy for Detroit has 
set out at last, not without considerable difficulty on the part of the farmers employed in that 
service, in consequence of the risks, and under the apprehension that they are to winter at 
that post. Threats, and even castigation became necessary to oblige them to march. 

4"" Died, Sastaredzy, grand Huron chief of those who came down from Detroit with M' 
de Belestre. 

7"" The ship La Vierge-de-grace, Captain Larregni, fitted out as a packet, sailed to-day for 
Boston with 180 English prisoners. 

8"" Sieur Lebe, storekeeper to the Acadia detachment, is arrived ; he informs us that Sieur 
de Repentigny will arrive in a few days with his detachment. Father Germain continues 
convalescent and remains at Beaubassin with a guard of 50 (|1 60 Micmac Indians. 

200 Indians, men, women and children, arrive from Father Lacorne's mission ; they come 
in quest of their supplies. They must be clothed, and we will send them back as soon as 
possible. We are over-crowded by all these people. 

9"" We receive letters from Cape des Rosiers. Sieur Aubert informs us that about 2 o'clock 
of the afternoon of the l?* ultimo, the wind being N. and N. N. W., a ship was distinctly 
seen coming down from the North, about five leagues off. The wind falling at twilight she 
was lost sight of about 6(^7 o'clock in the evening. He saw nothing afterwards until the 
20"', when he wrote us that he had been informed, by a settler who remained two months at 
Grand river, that 11 English prisoners, on board a Bayonne vessel, commanded by Sieur 
Samson, who was fishing at Port Daniel,' had escaped in one of the ship's boats which they 
had carried off; that it appears certain that this Captain had purposely connived at their 
escape to save whatever expense they might be ; for going ashore with his hands to work at 
his 6sh, he left only two men on board with a boat, which the prisoners carried off in open 
day with what provisions they required. It is not known what route they took. 

9"" The Hurons of Detroit have spoken in Council. They have requested, among other 
things, that Father Larichardie, their former Missionary, should return with them in order to 
labor effectually in the restoration of tranquillity among that nation. We concluded that this 
could have only a good efiect, under existing circumstances, considering the derangement of 
affairs at Detroit, and the special confidence these Indians repose in this Missionary ; we 
therefore have not hesitated to grant them their request. Father Laricharderie readily 
consented to the arrangement ; he is to leave in a few days for Montreal and proceed thence 
to Detroit. The General has just appointed Ensign de Belestre to command at the River St. 
Joseph. He will remain at Detroit, under the orders of Chev' de Longueuil, as long as 
that officer will deem it necessary for the good of the service, who will permit Sieur de 
Belestre to go to, and come from, the River St. Joseph whenever he shall think proper. This 
officer will accompany Father La Richardie. We send word of all this to Montreal in order 
to the preparation there of the provisions, ammunition and the effects necessary for the voyage 
and the winter's residence of both. We write also to M' de Longueuil, in consequence of all 

' Bay of Chnleur. — Ed. 


these arrangements, so that he may, on his part, contribute as much as will depend on him, 
to the restoration of everything if possible. 

lO"" Sailed to-day, for Louisbourg, the brigantine St. Espril, fitted as a packet, having on 
board about 80 prisoners. 

11"' Sieur de Repentigny arrives, with his little detachment, from Beaubassin. 

12"' Sailed, ship Andromeda, of Rochelle, for St. Domingo; she wintered at Quebec. 

Sailed, also, the snow Jea7i Joseph, for the same port ; she came this year from France. 

IS"" Captain de Noyelle and Sieur de La Verendrie arrive from Michilimakinac, and deliver 
to the General a letter dated at that post, on the 23'^ July, and addressed to him by Sieur de 
Noyelle, Jun", commanding in the absence of M'' de la Corne, Senior, and by other officers who 
arrived from the other Upper posts, and happened to be then at Michilimakinac. The General 
is informed by this letter of the confusion that prevails among all the Nations of that post and 
neighborhood, Outaouas, Sauteurs and Mississagues. The Outaouas of Saguinam, have killed 
3 Frenchmen who were coming from Detroit to Michilimakinac. Two French canoes, which 
had gone e?j prime from Montreal to the West Sea,' have been attacked by the Sauteurs, 
about the place called La Cloche,^ near Lake Michigan ; one, containing 8 men, has been 
wholly defeated ; the second, by striking out into the Lake and throwing its cargo overboard, 
escaped to Michilimakinac. Another Frenchman has been stabbed by the Sauteurs, at a place 
called La Grosse Ile,^ only 2 leagues distant from the post. These Indians have offered divers 
insults and threats at the fort, and in the vicinity; they killed all the horses and other cattle 
that they could not catch ; they designed to surprise the fort, but were discovered, and obliged 
to leave, by ringing the bell and beating the tap-too, as usual, and even by making some 
defensive demonstrations. There had been greater reason for presuming bad intentions on 
the part of the Indians, inasmuch as a crowd of young men had armed themselves with knives, 
in a council which had been held at their request, on the S"* of July, and which terminated in 
recrimination. The Indians have not been since permitted to enter the fort, except under 
certain restrictions. Some Frenchmen from Point Chagouamigon, and M' de Noyelle, Sen', 
on his usual return from the West Sea, arrived a few days after. Certain intelligence had 
also been received there from Detroit. This reinforcement will somewhat tranquilize the fort, 
which contained, before this arrival, only 28 men. An Outaoua Indian, named Nequiouamin, 
arrived on the 2""* of July, at the post, to communicate in secret to the Commandant and the 
Missionary that the Iroquois, the Huron and the Flathead, had come to an understanding with 
the English to destroy the French and drive them to the other side of the sea ; that the 
Outaouac of Detroit, is in the plot; that the Poutouatami will cooperate ; that the Mississague 
and Sauteur are gained over ; that the Outaouac of Saguinam, has already struck ; that the 
Outaouac of Michilimakinac, would have taken part against us had it not been for the portion 
of the village which is at Montreal, and that they would yet possibly declare against us on the 
arrival of 70 men from Saguinam, who are to be reinforced by the Sauteurs of Jle; that 
they were to leave in a few days, and to come in the night to speak to the Outaouas of the 
post, and that it were well to allow no person to go hunting, and to keep strict watch. M' de 
Noyelle, Jun', adds that he will detain, until further orders, at Michilimakinac, the canoes 
which were to come from Montreal to the different posts, unless affairs changed, and it became 

' La Mer de I'Ouest. In Carver's Map, the head of Lake Superior is called the West Bay. 

' An Island north of the Great Mantoualin, in Lake Huron. 

' An Island immediately north of Mackinaw Island. Map of St. Mary't Straits, in Charlevoix. — Ed. 


certain that the dispositions of the Indians at those posts were altered. We are cooperating 
in the adoption of the most effectual measures, either to restore tranquillity at the post of 
Michilimakinac, or at least to place it in a proper state of defence against all attacks 
of the Indians. 

IS"" The confusion prevalent at Michilimakinac being only weighed, we have made the best 
arrangements possible to maintain our possession of that fort. The particulars are as follows: 
1. M' de Vercheres, who is appointed commander at the Bay, and who has accompanied the 
convoy from Montreal to Michilimackinac, where he is to await the decision of the General, 
and to command until further orders, is merely to send word to those of the Bay that matters 
have not permitted his visiting them ; that their brethren stop the road on him ; that the 
canoes which were carrying goods to them, are arrived at Michilimakinac, where they will find 
their supplies; that the accidents which have just happened, have thus prevented their Father 
sending them goods, and he enjoins them absolutely not to allow any person to go to any other 
post than that of said Bay, until affairs be settled, 2'' After the departure of the canoes 
which are to bring down the peltries to Montreal, 100 @. 150 men are to remain as a guard at the 
post. It is presumed that they will be provided with food until next spring. Should that not 
be the case, and the Indians refuse to sell any, he has orders to have recourse to every 
expedient, even to force of arms, to procure a supply. But doubting, as we do, the possibility 
of collecting provisions necessary for the wintering of the people of the place, and of the 100 
men of the garrison, whom he is to retain, we issue orders to Montreal for the dispatch of 10 
good bark canoes, loaded with flour, Indian corn, peas, fat, suet, pork and salt beef, to the 
extent of 30 thousand weight. These 10 canoes will leave Montreal as soon as possible. The 
General intends that Lieutenant de Saint Pierre shall serve as M' de Vercheres' deputy, and the 
former is to remain in command at Michilimakinac, in case the latter visit the Bay. We add 
to M'' de Vercheres' instructions, that the voyageurs who will be detained at Michilimakinac, 
are to trade concurrently at the post, and should they make any representations, we shall pay 
attention to whatever is just. 

We send Sieur de la Verendrie, Jun'., back to Michilimakinac with our despatches to M' de 
Vercheres, in order that this commandant may be early advised of the arrangements we are 
adopting for the relief of that post. 

The sickness of Taychalin, the Huron chief, retards Father Larichardie and M'' de Belestre's 

19"" Sieur Papepiniere arrives from the north coast of Newfoundland with 5 @. 600 minots of 
salt; it is a very opportune relief. He informs us that he saw at Mingan' the schooner La 
Dorade that had separated from M'' de la Jonquiere's fleet; also a schooner from the Islands. 

20"' Arrived from Kerpont, an English ship taken by a Malouin vessel on her voyage from 
France to the North shore ; this ship is loaded with 6S0 tierces of rice. 

21" Schooner La Dorade, Captain Vincelot, has anchored in the harbor. 

Also, schooner Le Loup Mann, from Martinico. 

Idem. A brigantine, an English prize, loaded with sugar, and taken by a St. Malo ship, that 
fishes at Newfoundland. By this occasion we learn that the fishery there is very abundant, and 
that the 7 St. Malo vessels will have full cargoes. 

Idem. Sieur Tache's schooner, which sailed two months ago from Quebec for the North 
Coast, with a cargo of 600 minots of salt. 

' On the north coast of the Gulf of St Lawrence, opposite the Island of Anticosti. — Ed. 


We are in receipt of letters from Father Germain, dated the e"" instant; his health is almost 
entirely reestablished. There is nothing new at Acadia. 

A party of Abenaquis, from Acadia, brings us an Englishman, named William Hilton, whom 
they took prisoner at Piscatoue.' This prisoner reports that a vessel had arrived at Boston 
from Cape Breton, where, it reports. Admiral Waren had arrived ; the news is public at 
Boston, that, in the battle near France,^ 5 French ships had been captured and a 6"" sunk; 
that the New England levies were to be sent back immediately; that there was considerable 
talk of peace; that goods were very dear, but provisions abundant at Boston, where the pound 
of powder is worth 14 shillings. This prisoner also reports that the English had all the Upper 
country Indians in their interest. 

23"* The Huron Chief is convalescent; Father La Richardie and M' de Belestre started 
to-day for Montreal, and thence for their destination. 

as"" Arrived, Sieur Fresche, captain of the ship V Alexander, which sailed from Rochelle, 
with M. de La Jonquiere, reports that on the 27"' of July he calculated himself to be within 
16 or 18 leagues S. E. of the Island of Anticostie, the wind at noon being S. and S. S. W., 
with considerable fog, he steered W. N. W. to reach Bonaventure or Gaspe, and thereby to avoid 
Anticostie; that the current to the North was so strong, that about 4 o'clock in the afternoon 
his vessel touched the S. E. point of the Island ; that for two hours he did not know which 
way to turn, not knowing the ground ; that he, notwithstanding, made immediate efforts to 
save some articles from the ship, until the moment a sea struck the vessel a-midship and stove 
her in, and in an instant he was under water as far as his deck (plat bord) on the starboard 
side ; that he saved as much provisions as possible, and landed a league and a half from the 
ship, with a part of his crew, and sent back for the remainder. This Captain embarked in his 
canoe, on the eleventh, and proceeded to Cape Desroziers, whence Sieur Aubert, who commands 
at that post, has sent one of his boats, with some men, to the Island of Anticostie to save the 
remainder of this crew, numbering 17 persons, who, however, had 2 months' provisions when 
Sieur Fresche departed. 

We receive letters from Father Germain ; he demands some provisions and goods to pay 
the notes he has been obliged to give the Acadians to defray the various expenses which 
circumstances occasioned. This Missionary proposes a project for the capture of Port Royal, 
which is actually devoid of any garrison, the soldiers there dying daily. 

We receive, to-day, letters from Cape Desrosiers ; there is nothing new at that post. Sieur 
Aubert informs us only of the wreck of the ship V Alexander, on the Island of Anticostie. 

We are in receipt of letters from Mess" de Beaucourt and Michel, in answer to ours of the 
IS"" ; he informs us that they are about to dispatch, with all diligence, the convoy of the 100 
canoes of provisions destined for Michilimakinac, under the command of M'' de S' Pierre. 

28"" The General writes to M. de Vercheres ; he makes no change in the arrangements for 
Michilimakinac; he adds only, that should the Indians of the Bay appear to him favorably 
disposed towards us, of which he will be informed, he leaves him at liberty to send M' de 
Saint Pierre to that post, to sound them, and carry them some presents, should he be of opinion 

' Boston, August 11, 1747. We hear that a few days ago the Indians surprised and killed, at a place called Wiscasset, 
near Sheepseot, in the eastern parts, one Mr. Hilton, his son and another man, and carried him captive. Farmer and Moore' t 
New HampshiTe Collections, III., 386. — Ed. 

» Off Cape Finisterrc. 

Vol. X. 16 


that that officer might undertake the journey without danger, and that it is necessary to secure 
the fidelity of these Indians. 

We receive letters from Mess" de Beaucourt and Michel, of the 20"" and SS"* instant, of which 
the following are extracts: 

Extract of the letter dated 20'* of August. The Poutouatamies of M"' de La Corne's party 
having had some discussions with the Outaouas on the day succeeding their departure from 
Fort St. Frederic, went off to the number of 48, and have been in two divisions to make an 
attack towards Orange, where they took three prisoners and one scalp ; and the other, to 
Sarastaugue, whence they have returned with 2 scalps.* On being examined, the prisoners 
said, that they have had no news from Europe for nearly 3 months; that there is constant 
talk, in their country, of a great expedition against Canada, without any preparations, 
however, and that the best informed are of opinion that it is an imposition on the public; 
have had no news of M'' de la Jonquiere's battle. 

The FoUes Avoines and Nepisseingues, to the number of 14, who separated from M' de La 
Corne, whom the whole body left apparently in the vicinity of Corlac, arrived on the 20"' at 
Montreal with the scalps of two Mohawks and one Dutchman ; they say that being desirous 
to follow the Saut Indians who were ahead of them, and not being able to overtake them, they 
formed an ambuscade near a high road, where three others terminated. They were not yet 
concealed when a big and tall Mohawk made his appearance, carrying a kettle, a sword 
and a gun. No sooner did this Mohawk perceive them, than he uttered a loud cry. 
Lamothe, a Fol Avoine, chief of the party, called to his men to take him alive, but 
the man named Caron had already fired and killed him. According to the scalp they 
have presented, and the height, the voice and the marks (piqihes) they have described, 
there is every reason to suppose that they have killed Toyenoguen,** the Mohawk chief 
who deceived us. All the Indians maintain that it is his scalp, which is remarkable in being 
clean and white. After this attack, they covered the body and placed themselves in 
ambush a little further on, and at the same moment a Dutchman and a young Mohawk made 
their appearance, whose scalps they also took after having killed them. They say that this 
Dutchman had a great deal of money in his clothes, and they regard him as a man 
of consequence.*** 

The Poutouatamies demand leave to return home, for the purpose of putting an end to, and 
counteracting, the misrepresentations that may be circulated among their people and allies. 
They regard the attacks of the Outaouas and Sauteurs as if made against them, calling 
themselves good Frenchmen and asking for a commander. 

Extract of the letter of the 23"' of August. M' Dubuisson has met, at the upper end of Tonti 
Island,' in Lake Ontario, a canoe full of men, women and children, and a deserter from 
Choueguen, who represent tliemselves to be Irish and dissatisfied, and were coming to take 
refuge among us to avoid a punishment they say they have incurred for having infringed certain 
prohibitions. They all escaped with their baggage which is pretty considerable. These 
deserters have been interrogated, and assert for a certainty, that the expedition against Canada 

* These Indians ^vitccssed the arrival at Bara8taugu6 of the convoy with provisioDS for the garrison. 

** It has been since ascertained that it was another chief called the Hig Fish, a man of considerable influence in the Nation. 

*«* There is at Orange o Flninandkine called eiiually influonlinl among the Iroquois, ond who visits the villages 

of the 6 Nations every ycor. 
' Off Kingston, C. W. — Ed. 


was finally determined on and nearly ready ; but the Pretender having returned to Scotland, a 
fact certain, the Englisli have been obliged to direct their forces thitherward, and that in 
consequence, no sort of assistance has been received at this side ; they assert that for one 
man that is enlisted, 3 desert; all the Choueguen traders have retired ; only 60 persons 
remain there, including the garrison and officers ; the majority are children, the remainder old 
men, vpith 300"' of powder which is all their supply. He, the soldier, says that if he be allowed 
60 men, he will undertake to seize the fort. They have in reserve, in the redoubt, 25 (8^30"" 
worth of merchandise, blankets and other French goods, taken last year, which they show to 
all the Indians to persuade them that they are masters of the French, and that Canada is 
theirs ; they have not taken any prize this year, nor heard any news of M'' de La Jonquiere's fight. 

The Governor of Menade, according to his story, wished to corrupt M'' de Joncaire, to whom 
he oflTered a captain's commission ; but not being successful, he endeavored to corrupt a party 
of Senecas, who are all divided. M"' de Joncaire has retired with his party and separated 
from the other villages ; the other Iroquois Nations are, likewise, divided, part for the French 
and part for the English, who are endeavoring to corrupt them by all sorts of means. The 
chief of these deserters was answered ; what reliance could be placed on this intelligence 
since they were suspected by the English, who, doubtless, concealed from them what they 
had an interest in keeping them ignorant of. 

He replied : that he learned the particulars from the surgeon of the fort, who was his 
intimate friend during three years that he had traded at, and had not left, that post. These 
people appear to be sincere ; they are to come down here in the first vessel. It is proposed 
to examine each of them separately ; we look upon them with suspicion. 

September 1" We send back the major portion of the Micmacs of Miramichi and Ristigouche, 
men, women and children; they had to be provided with provisions and ammunition. We 
have exhorted them to make incursions against the enemy, either at He Royale or Acadia ; 
and to prevent, especially, the transportation of cattle or other supplies from Acadia to 

Arrived, Pindalouan, an Outaouas chief and nine others, and a Sauteur of Michilimakinac, 
who are come to see the General. 

Z^ Sailed, the snow L'Aimable Marguerite, Captain Foucher, for St. Domingo. 

i"" Arrived, the schooner La Brunette, from Martinico. 

We learn by a courier from Rimousky, the arrival, at that place, of M. de la Galissoniere, 
with Le Norlhumherland, UAlcion and La Gironde. 

6"" M"' Michel writes us of the death of Taychatin, second chief of the Hurons of Detroit, 
who had come down from Detroit with M' de Belestre. We fear that the death of this 
Indian and that of Sastaredzy, grand chief of that Nation, will create some unfavorable 
impression on the minds of the Hurons of Detroit in the present conjuncture of affairs at 
that post. 

Pindalouan and the other Outaouas of Michilimakinac have earnestly demanded permission 
to return home; we did not consider it our duty to induce them to remain, considering the 
lateness of the season. We have not failed to communicate to them the bad state of affairs 
at Michilimakinac. They appeared greatly surprised, and gave us to understand that their 
principal motive in returning immediately home, was to endeavor to put everything again in 
order. We have treated them well. 


There is no reason to apprehend any attack on this Colony by the enemy this year. This 
circumstance has determined the General to issue orders for the recall of the videttes posted 
last spring at Rimousky, Cape Chat and Cape Desrosier ; similar orders are issued to dismiss 
the guard of the signal fires posted along th South shore as far as Rimousky. 

The brigantine .S^ Esprit, fitted out as a packet, has returned from Louisbourg. Being off 
{par le travers de) Mire, with a favorable wind to enter Louisbourg, a schooner discharged 
several shotted guns to make her lie to, and she accordingly lay to. M' Knowles was in this 
schooner ; he had the brigantine taken to Portenove, and thence to Spaniard's bay,* whither 
the Governor proceeded. Two men of war, one of 50 and the other of 60 guns, joined them 
there. The English prisoners on board the St. Esprit have been transferred to the men of 
war. M' Knowles answers the General and informs him that there are no French prisoners 
at Louisbourg. Sieur Lefevre,* Captain of the packet, reports that he was only 3 days ashore 
at VEspagnol,' where he merely learned that there were no other vessels at Louisbourg than 
the above two, the Governor's schooner and a bomb-ketch. M' Knowles told him that he 
was expecting M' Waren with eight men of war. He was then aware of the capture of M. de 
la Jonquiere's fleet. 

ll"" Father Germain arrives from Beaubassin to make some arrangements for the subsistence, 
during winter, of the Indians of said place. 

Father Maurice Lacorne, missionary of the Micmacs of Miramichy, having lost his vessel 
at Gaspe, and having run the risk of being taken himself, did not feel disposed to return to 
his mission unless furnished with another vessel to be loaded with provisions, ammunition 
and goods required by his Indians for next winter. After having conferred together, we were 
of opinion that it was of consequence, under existing circumstances, to send Father Lacorne 
back. The King's brigantine, Le Soleil Levant,** which carried some codfish last fall to Bay 
Verte, was accordingly ordered by M" Hocquart to be fitted up for the conveyance, to Miramichy, 
of this missionary, with some provisions, ammunition and goods for tl>e Indians of that mission. 

ll"" Arrived, the ship Blankfort, Captain Dechateau Brilliant, from Morlaix, freighted on the 
King's account ; sailed from Abreverac, coast of Britanny, on the 30"" of July last. 

Sailed for Martinique the snow L'' Amiable Jeanne, Captain Hiriard. 

12* Idem. The brigantine Le Dragon, Captain Bisson, for the same place. 

"We learn from Montreal that Father La Richardie and M' de Belestre left that place on the 
10"" for Detroit, in company with the Hurons and Outaouas. M' Michel states that all 
the Upper Country Indians had left, after having emptied the King's stores at Montreal. We 
have still, at Quebec, the Indians of the Five Nations, whom we detain as long as possible. 
The Mohawks will not make any incursions as long as we shall have their brethren here, and 
we profit by this occasion to reinforce Forts Frontenac and Niagara. 

Sieur Guillimin, formerly Captain of the Corvet La Legcre, who was wrecked on Sable 
Island, in the month of September, of last year, has just arrived in an English packet sent by 
the Governor of Boston, which place she left on the lO"" of August, with 60 persons, men, 

' Port Novy, or Puerto Nuevo, is the most eastern part of the coast of Cape Breton. Haliburton, 11., 213. Spaniard's bay 
is now Sidney, C. B. — Ed. 

• Note.— Mr. Knowles had forbidden the Canadian named Dion, pilot to the English, and the man named Petitpas, to 
speak to Sieur Lefevre. 

' Sidney, C. B. 

** Nort — ^This brigantine has made several voj ages to the Islands and is worm eaten ; she is therefore almost unserviceable. 
The expense of fitting her out is trifling. 


women and children, the result, in part, of the evacuation of He Royale, with the seamen 
belonging to La Legere. This packet has been stopped at He aux Basques, 60 leagues from 
Quebec, by M' de Rouville, who had the General's orders to that effect. 

Sieur Guillimin has given us the details of his shipwreck, and what he had learned during 
his sojourn at Boston and Louisbourg, where the packet touched on her voyage hither. These 
are the particulars : He went ashore on Sable Island during the night of the 14 and 15"" of 
7^", after having thrown six guns overboard, and succeeded in saving only a little powder and 
lead, which were the means of preserving the lives of himself and crew during the winter. 
Four days after he discovered 3 Englishmen, who conducted him to a miserable cabin, in 
which he wintered. On the 5'" day an English schooner passed, on board which he put his 
pilot, in order to receive assistance from the port where this vessel should touch. He remained 
on that island until the 13"" June, when 6 English fishing smacks chanced to pass. They took 
him and his crew and carried them to Boston, where he arrived on the 22"^ of the same month. 
He has been very civilly treated there until he sailed. Heard at Boston that the Government 
had made a levy of 4000 men, for the Canada expedition, next year. The affair at Minas has 
made great noise, and the Canada Indians are greatly dreaded there. The packet touched at 
Louisbourg, where he remained S days. Sieur Guillimin has learned from some Frenchmen, 
who remain still at that place, that when M' de Ramezay was at Minas, last winter, the 
English were apprehensive that he would come also to Louisbourg; that under such 
apprehension, the soldiers were determined to run away from their officers, on the appearance 
of our people. 12 soldiers had been hanged on that occasion, and others shot in front of the 
regiment. Some time before Sieur Guillimin's arrival at that port, the garrison had again 
mutinied ; the soldiers had attempted to fire one of the powder magazines, and the confusion 
and revolt occasioned severe punishments every day. Sickness appears to have ceased ; Sieur 
Guillimin was assured that the garrison consisted only of 7 @^ 800 men. There were at 
Louisbourg a vessel of war, of 54 guns, and 3 schooners of 12 guns, with very deficient crews. 
Two of these schooners left the harbor in company with the packet, it is said, on a cruise. 
Whilst the packet remained at He Royale, all the French at Louisbourg, included within the 
capitulation, to the number of 60 people, men, women and children, applied to M' Knowles 
for liberty to proceed to Quebec by that opportunity ; he told them that he could not send 
them here, but would send them to France in a packet he should dispatch in a month. 
The people replied that they had been amused for a year past with this sort of answer, which 
had no effect. M' Knowles requested Sieur Guillimin to assure M' de Beauharnois, that he 
should send them. We are going to dispatch a vessel to He aux Basques to take on board the 
French prisoners, and shall send back by this packet 8 or 10 English, who had been taken 
at Sarastau and had not arrived at Quebec until after the sailing of the two packets we had 
already dispatched. 

1.5th -^vg receive letters from Montreal, dated the 12'^ informing us that the fleet from 
Michilimakinac, consisting of 30 canoes loaded with peltries, was on the point of arriving at 
Montreal. The Marquis de Beauharnois has received letters from Sieur Denoyelle, Jun', 
commanding at that post, where a little more quiet prevails. 

17'-'' Captain Boucherville, of a King's brigantine, who has been sent to the north coast of 
Newfoundland, has just arrived ; he could get only 6 to 700 minots of salt, notwithstanding 
all his efforts in the harbors of that coast, and with the aid of men and boats furnished him 
by the captains of the Malouine ships. 


A number of settlers have arrived within the last 15 days, in several skiffs, from Beaubassin 
and Port Toulouse, in search of provisions for the support of their families, who are in extreme 
want, without any resources. M"' Hocquart could not refuse furnishing them 115 barrels of 
flour, some vegetables and goods. 

Father Germain, who is here, has represented to us the necessity of immediately sending to 
Beaubassin, at least, 100 (iu 120 barrels of flour, for the support of the Malecites and other 
Indians of different villages belonging to Acadia, with some munitions of war and some 
merchandise. Should these Indians not receive some aid, it is to be feared that distress will 
force them to have recourse to the English. We yielded to these representations. M'. 
Hocquart has sent two skiffs to M"' Maillard, the Indian missionary, with 400"" of powder and 
1000"' of lead and ball, 30 blankets and some other articles, to be distributed among them by 
him, and 50 barrels of flour will be put on board Father Lacorne's vessel, to be kept at 
Miramichi, whither boats will be sent for them this fall from Bay Verte. All this consumption 
greatly increases the expenses, but it Is impossible to avoid them, without abandoning the 
Indians of Acadia and the Micmacs, who, of all the nations, are the most faithful to us. 

Father Germain has, in like manner, informed M" Hocquart that said Sieur Maillard was for 
the last year performing the functions of Indian missionary at Beaubassin, as he formerly did 
at St. Peter's, and had, during that time, been supported at the public expense, up to the 
departure of M'' de Repentigny's detachment, but now, as there were no longer any public stores 
at Beaubassin, this missionary was unable to subsist should no provision be made here for 
him ; that Sieur Maillard, besides, receives no salary as Indian missionary, wherefore it would 
be proper to send him goods to the value of about 600"; M"' Hocquart, consequently, sends 
said M"' Maillard, by a skiff, some goods from the public store to the amount of 600". 

Mention was made in this journal, in the month of March, of the provisions then sent to 
Lake Temisquata to remain there in store for M' de Ramezay's detachment, should it be forced 
to return by the River St. John. But this detachment having returned by sea, only a part 
of these provisions has been consumed by the couriers on their way from Beaubassin to 
Quebec, and more than fths of them still remain; but these have become partially spoiled, 
during the summer, in consequence of the excessive heat. As there is no longer any French 
detachment at Acadia, this stock of provisions is useless ; it would cost considerable to bring 
them back to Quebec, owing to the distance and the L'5 leagues of portage from Lake 
Temisquata to the River ( St. Lawrence). Moreover, Father Germain has represented that 
the settlers at the mouth of the River St. John were in extreme want of provisions, their 
harvest, this year, having totally failed. Under these circumstances, M' Hocquart has 
considered it best to relieve these settlers with the provisions at Lake Temisquata, than to 
have these brought back to Quebec ; the transport would cost as much as they are worth, and 
he has, in consequence, issued orders to the commissaries at the lake to hand over the 
provisions, such as they are, to Feather Germain, who is about to return to Beaubassin, in order 
that he may distribute them among the poor settlers on the River St. John. 

20"' A party of Indians belonging to the River St. John, who had wintered at St. Martin, 
near Quebec, applied to the number of 100, in the beginning of this month, for permission to 
return to their villages; they have been clothed and supplied with provisions to carry them 
home; also with some ammunition; 250 of that nation still remain here, they will be 
dependent on the King's bounty during the next winter. 

IS"" The vessel L'Alcion, and the flyboat La Giroiidc, have entered the basin. 


19'^ A. M. The Norlhimherland has also entered the basin, and cast anchor in the stream ; 
Count de la Galissonniere' landed at 4 o'clock in the afternoon. 

20"" Pindalouan, an Outaouas chief, having been to meet tiie men of war, remained on board 
of them 3 days ; he has been very well treated and greatly caressed there ; he has requested 
leave to return to Montreal to join his party, which left some days ago ; a bark canoe has been 
detailed to take him back, 

Sieur Cartier, commandant of the fire rafts at He aux Coudres and vicinity, has been written 
to, directing him to return home after he shall have secured the King's property of which he 
was guardian. 

21" Some 25 or 30 chiefs and Indians of Saut St. Louis, have come to Quebec to visit the 
Count de la Galissonniere. 

Father Germain, the missionary at Beaubassin, departed to-day on his return to his mission. 

The schooner which had been sent to He aux Basques to convey the English prisoners to 
the packet there, and to receive the French prisoners she had on board, has returned with 60 
Frenchmen, of whom 40 are sailors, who were forthwith distributed, part on board La Martre 
and the remainder on board L'Emeravde. 
Their speech and 24"" The Indians of the 5 Nations who have been a long time at Quebec, have 

Ihe answer are 

hereunto annexed, to-day received their presents: they made fine speeches and have been answered. 
They asked for an Oneida and_a Seneca whom we have prisoners, who have been given up 
to them. 

Francois Briant, a settler of Port Thoulouse, who has just arrived by sea, reports having 
seen oflFthe Bay des Chaleurs, on the 12"" of this month, 3 sail, one of which was a brigantine, 
one a schooner, and one a bomb-ketch, which were cruising in that roadstead. He presumes 
they are English vessels, whose design was to capture a Bayonne ship that was fishing off Port 
Daniel. He has added, that on leaving Bay Verte, he had heard that news had arrived of the 
sailing from Louisbourg of two men of war of 60 guns, on the IG"" of August, to attack, it was 
reported, the vessels that are fishing in the Gulf (la Grande Bale). 

29"" The Abenaquis of S* Francis and of Becancourt, and the Algonkins of 3 Rivers and 
of Missiskouy, and others, to the number of about 200, have come to see M. de la Galissonniere. 

A party of Abenaquis brings in a young child who was taken prisoner in the vicinity of 
Casco ; they report nothing of interest. 

October S** Twenty Abenaquis have just arrived from fighting in the direction of Fort St. 
George,^ where they happened to be 60 strong ; they had divers rencontres with the English ; 
they were unfortunate and allowed themselves to be surrounded. The missionary writes us 
that the two chiefs had lost, in the last engagement, two of their children, one of whom was 
the son of Sagouaurabb, and a third son of Louis Mescadoue, who were killed ; 4 other 
Indians have been wounded. Indians say they killed also some of the English ; those wiio 
come in subsequently bring 5 scalps.^ It is not to be apprehended that this ill success will 
discourage our people ; on the contrary, we are told it renders them more zealous. 

We learn the arrival of M' de Vercheres at Michilimakinac. This officer informs the 
General that he had met, on the way, 5 of the Indian canoes that had attacked the French, 
and that he had pursued them. The Indians landed and fled into the woods ; our Frenchmen 

' See VI., 532, note. 

' Fort Frederic, on the east bank of the Pemaquid river, near its mouth. Williamson's Maine, L, 51 ; 11, 254 ; Farmer and 
Moore's New Hampshire Collections, III., 386, 387. — Ed. 

' The Indiana killed four men, viz. : John Kilpatrick, Nathan Bradley, John Vose and Benjamin Harvey. lb. 


caught one of them, whom they tied, and have broken 5 canoes. Some property belonging 
to Frenchmen, and a scalp, were found in the prisoner's sack; he was asked how he got 
them ; answered, that those at the head of the Bay had made him a present of them. Finally, 
to other interrogatories, he persisted in saying that he was not guilty. 2 Outaouas' canoes 
that were in last summer's campaign, arriving next day from Montreal, claimed the prisoner, 
assuring M' de Vercheres that he belonged to the family of Koquois, a chief who is attached 
to the French and known to M'' de Vercheres, who released the prisoner, making the most to 
them of the favor he did them. 

5"" The St. Francis and Becancourt missionaries have come down to Quebec. The former 
has informed us of the return of the 3 parties of Abenaquis, with 5 scalps, from the English 
settlements towards Casco and Piscatou6. Several parties from these two villages, still in the 
field, are expected home. 

It is impossible to collect all the expeditions made by our domiciliated Indians belonging to 
these two villages and those of Montreal ; they have been almost continual. 

V"" We have removed the Micmac and Malecites villages that were at St. Michel, 3 leagues 
from Quebec, to the River du Sud,i 5 leagues further and one league in the woods. Being 
further off they will be less importunate, and less burdensome to us and the farmers. We 
would have wished to send them all home but have not been able to persuade them to go. 

The greater portion of the village of Pannaouamske and Medoctet are still at the River 
Etrechemins. We are about trying to send them to St. Francis and Becancourt ; we employ 
the missionaries of these two villages, who are actually at Quebec, to induce them to adopt 
that course. 

Arrive II Christinaux, who are come to see the Marquis de la Galissonniere. 

g"" We are in receipt of letters from Forts Frontenac and Niagara, from Detroit, from Sieur 
de Joncaire and Fort de Chartres, whereby we are informed that all the Nations in general 
continue to be very ill disposed towards the French. Chevalier de Longueuil writes, the ll"" 
of July, that those of the Lake, Sauteurs and Outaouas, are on the eve of attacking Detroit; 
that a new attempt was to be made about the time of the full moon ; that he has lost almost 
all the cattle ; and fears that they will perish, being all at the discretion of the enemy, and 
that it will be impossible to save the harvest unless aid arrive; that he is waiting impatiently 
for the arrival of the fleet, which he thinks to retain for the security of Detroit ; that he has 
learned nothing certain from Sandoske ; he has been told that Nicolas was abandoned, but 
does not believe it. On the contrary, he knows that he is in correspondence with the people 
of Saguinau and the Sauteurs to come and surprise Detroit; that, should that happen, 
Miquinac, an Outaouas chief, will declare against us ; he receives daily accounts of the ill 
dispositions of the Pouteouatamis who will side with the strongest, according to all appearances. 
The tribe of Quinousaki, an Outaouas, is the only one that remains faithful. Tahake, a 
Huron, who was supposed to have died among the English, has returned; he has treated the 
Nations of Detroit, which has had a very bad effect. The Outaouas and Pouteouatamis, who 
had promised to go and burn the village on Bois blanc island, are no longer willing to execute 
that project; they excuse themselves on divers pretexts. It is evident they avoid occasions 
of giving mutual offence, but he will eventually prevent the enemy seizing that post, which 
they covet in order to block up the passages on us. 

' River du Sud rises in the mountains southeast of Quebec, and, taking a northeast course, falls into the St. Lawrence ot 
the village of St Thomas. For description of it, see Bouchette, 614, 8vo. — Ed. 


M' Duplessis, commandant at Niagara, writes the 8"" of September, that Sieur Dubuisson 
has arrived with the convoy which left Montreal for Detroit; the portage was passed very 
promptly and quietly, except the last night, when some drunken fellows of the guard had 
gravely ill-treated the Grand Chief of the Senecas, who is very much dissatisfied in 
consequence; but he has sent Sieur Chabert to the village of the Little Rapid, with something 
to restore the temper of that Chief; that an Algonkin told Sieur Duplessis that M' de 
Longueuil had had a reinforcement of 100 Frenchmen, who must be the traders from the 
Illinois and other posts. A letter from M. de Longueuil states that he is engaged in the harvest, 
and that the Indians seem apparently greatly disposed in our favor, but he does not trust 
them. We expect that the arrival of the convoy will restore tranquillity, in one way or the 
other, to this post. 

That the Mohawks have been seven entire weeks in the vicinity of Fort Niagara ; that he 
persuaded the Senecas, at last, to fire on them ; they did so, but too soon ; that they had 
spoken very harshly to them for coming to create disturbance in their country, since which 
time he has neither seen, nor heard of them. 

M' Duplessis sends us a copy of a letter from Sieur de Joncaire, of the 12"" of August, 
wherein he says that the Chief, who had been to give back his crown, has been invited to 
Orange, and that the council of Boston has sent to Choueguin for him, and that he has left 
the Seneca Villages with 22 men, apparently to strike a blow on our frontiers, as is generally 
supposed ; moreover, two children, belonging to the Orator of the Village, having been taken 
prisoners at Montreal, he is very much afraid that their father, who leaves soon for Orange, 
will collect some warriors in the villages on the way, who, by the time they reach Orange, will 
form a large aggregate that might make some serious attacks on us ; that there is every 
appearance of war with the Five Nations; that the Choueguin merchants are withdrawing in 
bodies and are all escorted by detachments of Indians from each nation, all of whom remain 
at Orange ; this leads him to suspect that some considerable party is being organized ; he will 
not omit any opportunity of learning all the particulars, but had he not been up there all the 
nations would have been gone; besides, a Dutchman had assured him that no news had been 
received at Orange from England ; he suspects that the 100 Flatheads, which were coming 
against the Senecas, have returned, and that one-half of that, and of the Little Rapid, village 
is divided, one part being for war, and the other to remain neutral. 

10"' Arrived, the brigantine Le Dauphin, sailed on the lO"" of August, from Bayonne, with 
a cargo of wine, brandy and about 3 @^ 400 minots of salt. 

13"" Arrived, a brigantine from Martinico, Capl" St. Jean Darraq. 

We learn from Montreal that Ensign De Lery has been detached in the beginning of this 
month, with a party of 80 men, French and Indians, of Saut S' Louis, on an expedition against 
the Mohawks. 

M' De Noyelle, Jun', has also gone, with 40 other Indians of the Saut, on an expedition 
in the same direction. 

14"' Sieur Masse, who has been the whole year at Cape Chat, has returned. 

We receive letters from Michilimakinac informing us of the arrival of Chevalier de La 
Verendrye, who has found that post very quiet ; the Outaouas are beginning to be sorry for 
what occurred last year. 

Sieur Denoyelle, the commandant, sends the General the list of those who murdered the 
Frenchmen, at the entrance to Lake Huron. Two Sauteux Indians, in order to show that 
Vol. X. 17 


they were not guilty, have brought to Sieur Denoyelle their share in the division the murderers 
made; but, 'tis true, that on perceiving their people pursuing and firing on a canoe, they went 
in with them and did as the rest. 

States that Philippes Le Due, who arrived at Michilimakinac on the 23'^'' of August last, had 
been robbed by the Indians of Camanistigoya,' who took from him fourteen packages and 5 
fusils ; they were collected to the number of 100 and over, at the low lands (aux pays plals) on 
Lake Superior, waiting for the French, 

Sieur Denoyelle was advised, on the 24"", that the Sauteux had accepted the hatchet from 
the English, and were to prepare ambuscades in Lake Superior to prevent any Frenchmen 
leaving the next spring. Nevertheless, all the canoes have left for the different posts at the 
north, as usual, keeping one another company until they are past the most dangerous places ; 
they are to rendezvous in the spring to return in the same order, 
l?"" Arrived, a schooner from Martinico, Capt" Monrejau. 

31 Abenaquis arrive from an expedition towards Fort St. George, with only 2 scalps, have 
not been able to make any prisoners.^ 

Sieur Aubert is returned from Cape Desrosier with 30 men, who passed the summer with 
him. There is no more talk of English vessels in the neighborhood of Gaspe. 

22'' Le Northumberland, U Alcyon, La Gironde and L' Emeravde saWed at 8 o'clock this morning, 
with a fair wind from the S- W. ; they have been detained until now by contrary winds. 

23'' We learn from St. Francis that 28 Abenaquis, belonging to that village, have gone to 
New England on a war excursion. 

28''' A courier arrives from Acadia. Father Germain writes us, on the 14"" instant, that he 
dispatches this courier with information that he is positively assured the English would attack 
Fort St. Frederic this winter; that the news is a secret, and not much bruited ; that, moreover, 
two English deserters, who came to Beaubassin from Port Royal, have told him the same 
thing; that the garrison consists of only 250 old soldiers; that they had heard it said- that 
the Governor of Boston would not send any troops to the fort, because those he had sent last 
year had been defeated at Minas, or had perished by the way. 

Abbe Maillard, who is likewise at Beaubassin, communicates the same news to us ; he had 
received the supplies we had sent him and his Indians, whom he will get to act agreeably to 
Count de la Galissonniere's wishes, and hopes they will get up some expeditions this winter; 
that he will be obliged to incur some expense in provisions, &"; that the Commandant of Port 
Royal was aware of the arrival of some vessels at Quebec, and expects to be blockaded. 

Sieur Gautier writes to the same effect, &', and that 40 Englishmen belonging to the 
garrison of Port Royal, have been detached to Minas to surprise such of the settlers as have 
formerly taken up arms in favor of France ; that they had returned precipitately, on learning, 
on their arrival at Minas, that one of his children had been to notify the Indians. Sieur Gautier 
recommends his interests to us. 

We sent back the couriers to Beaubassin on the same day. 

' The French post of Caministigoya, or the Three Rivers, is now called Fort William ; it is situate on the Kaministiquia, 
which fulls into Thunder Bay, N. W. of Isle Royale, on the north side of Lake Superior. No place in the northwest, says 
Messrs. Foster and Whitney, presents a view of greater magnificence than the vicinity of Fort William. Rtport on the 
Otology and Topography of Lake Superior, 1850, p. 20. The river is laid down on Charlevoix's Map of the Lakes of Canada, 
and on Michell's ?ifap of North America. — Ed. 

' Compare Farmer and Moore'i New Hampshire Cotltetiont, III., 887. 


We learn from Montreal that 4 @^ 5 negroes, who had been taken from the English during 
the war, have deserted. Some of the Saut Indians have been sent in pursuit of them, who 
returned without having been able to overtake them ; they are suspected of having favored 
the escape of these negroes. It will be proper, henceforward, to send all these foreign negroes 
to the Islands to be sold there. 

The canoes of the Hundred have come down from Fort Frontenac, without bringing any 
news. The King's bark, which had sailed 25 days previously, for Niagara, had not yet 
returned. No accident is anticipated ; on the contrary it is supposed that it has been retarded 
by the arrival of the canoes from Detroit. 

31" Arrived the brigantine La Pupille, 120 tons burthen. Captain Curodeau, commander, 
who was sent to Martinico on the 25"" July last, brings a cargo of rum, sugar and coffee, and 
some English dry goods and 40 barrels of salt; this last article, though small the quantity, 
will be an essential relief in our present situation; it will be distributed as usual in small 
measures among the farmers who have not been able to obtain any in the first distribution. 
Sieur Curodeau has come through the straits of Belleile ; learned at Bay Phelipeaux, that two 
English frigates and one vessel appeared before Kerpont, and had carried off a St. Malo ship 
called Le Grand Joseph, Captain Deshayes, the crew of which escaped, but the captain would 
not quit. The Marquis de Caylus writes on the 25"' of July, that M"" Legs' is in the 
Windward Islands channel, with 12 men of war. Said Curodeau took off the North coast 
the crew of a schooner belonging to Sieur Pommereau, which sailed this fall for the fishery of the 
Great Mecatina,^ and was lost near that post. He saw about 4 days ago, the King's ships 
anchored at the Brandy pots; they were preparing to sail. 

November 2. We learn from Montreal that the 4 fugitive negroes have been overtaken and 
brought back to that place. 

6"" John Cannes, late mate of, the ship Si. Joseph, of S' Malo, commanded by Sieur George 
Deshayes, has arrived from Newfoundland in a boat, with 19 men belonging to the crew of 
said ship. The following is an extract from his journal. 

On the 20"' of September, wind S. W., perceived off the harbor of Grillet,^ at the distance 
of half the range of a cannon ball, one 64 gun ship, 3 frigates of 28 to 30 guns, and a 14 gun 
schooner, all of which set about sounding the points in the neighborhood of the harbor ; it was 
eight o'clock in the morning; after examining the depth of water, they began working up the 
two channels of the harbor for the space of 6 leagues, carrying no sail. In the evening 
the large vessel put a spring on her cable in order to bring her broadside to bear ; this 
determined the 3 captains of Vheureuse Marie, le Sauveur and le Joseph, to send an officer with an 
offer of a ransom on board the English commander, who would not listen to it. Sieur Deshayes 
and the other captains resolved on surrendering, and he, John Degannes and 19 men, left 
Grillet the same day at 8 o'clock in the evening, in a boat with some provisions for Kerpont, 
where they took a schooner ( double chaloupe ) which brought them to Quebec. 

' Hon. EnwARD Leqoe, 6th son of the Earl of Dartmouth, was born in 1710, and commissioned Captain in the Royal Navy 
Julj 26, 1738; in 1739 he accompanied Admiral Vernon in the eipedition against Portobello, and in 1745 commanded the 
Strafford, 60, on the Jamaica station. He succeeded Commodore Lee in the command of the West India station, and died 
therein 1747. He had been recently elected member of Parliament for Portsmouth. Beatson ; Debrell; Chatham Oorref 
pondence. — En. 

' On the coast of Labrador, latitude 50° 60' longitude 59° 10'. 

' Called Orignet in modern maps of Newfoundland. It is on the N. E. coast of that island. 


The ships Le Toiirneur, La Valeur and a sloop, sailed last evening from the latter port 
for France. 

9"" Arrived a party of Abenaquis belonging to St. Francis, who struck a blow near Fort St. 
George ; they have brought in a young lad about 15 years old, a prisoner ; he reports nothing ; 
they killed his father whose scalp they have with them. 

We learn that the King's ships passed Rimouski, on the 30''' of last month, with a 
favorable wind. 

Abstract of M. de la Oallssonieris 


8* January, 1748.i Count de Lagalissonniere, Commander-in-chief of the Colony, gives an 
account of the different war parties, consisting of Canadians and Indians, which had made 
incursions into the English Colonies during the late war. 

It appears from the details he enters into, that these parties have experienced their usual 
success in the enemy's territory ; the number of scalps they have taken amounts to one 
hundred and fifty, and they captured one hundred and twelve prisoners. Of all these parties 
only one was unsuccessful ; this was composed of ten Canadians and sixty Abenaquis Indians 
from the villages of Saint Francis and Becancourt, and was commanded by Chevalier de 
Niverville, Ensign tn second of a company of Colonial troops, who, having proceeded towards 
Boston, was discovered and surprised by a detachment of the enemy much superior to his. 
He would have been utterly defeated, but defended himself with so much bravery that he 
lost only two Indians and had only five others wounded. 

The most considerable of these parties has been commanded by Sieur Rigaud de Vaudreuil, 
Major of Three Rivers. It was composed of about twelve hundred men, including French 
and Indians, and was organized in consequence of repeated advices the Governor-General and 
Intendant received of the preparations making at Orange to attack Fort S' Frederic. M. 
Rigaud's orders were to proceed first to relieve that fort, under the supposition that it 
was attacked, and if it was not in danger, to employ his detachment in some expedition 
against Orange. 

Finding that Fort S' Frederic had nothing to fear, M. Rigaud determined to enter into the 
Province of Albany to try to take Fort Sarastau, which protects a part of the frontier of 
that Province. 

He first detached Sieur de la Corne S' Luc, Ensign of a company, with two hundred men, 
to attack the garrison. On arriving in the vicinity of that fort, M. de St. Luc sent out some 
Indians to ascertain what was going on there; but one of them, having inadvertently fired a 
gun, they were discovered. M. de St. Luc, not doubting then but the garrison would make 
a sortie, placed the greater portion of his men in ambush and left only fifteen exposed to the 
enemy, who did, in fact, come out to the number of one hundred. This detachment, 
proceeding some distance from the fort, found itself surrounded, and fifteen or twenty men 
only escaped, all the rest having been killed, drowned or taken. 

'This is the date of the Abslraot; not of the Despatch. — Ed. 


Sieur de Rigaud wished to march immediately with his entire force ; but the Indians who 
accompanied him, and composed the major part of the force, being divided in opinion as to 
what was proper to be done, finished by abandoning the party, and Sieur de Rigaud, finding 
himself thereby too weak, considered it his duty to return and protect Fort St. Frederic, 
fearing that the enemy might wish to profit by his retreat to try an attack on that place. 

Canada Indians. 

5"" April, 174S.' Count de Lagalissonniere being desirous to punish such of the Michilimakinac 
and Detroit Nations as had, at the instigation of the English, made incursions on the French, 
8ent,lastyear, strong detachments to those two posts; but before that destined for Michilimakinac 
had arrived, the Indians, who were complained of, came to sue for pardon from the Commandant 
of the post, and delivered to him the two principal chiefs of the revolted party. Those of 
Detroit had fled to a distant village of that post, whence they sent deputies to sue for pardon; 
so that there is reason to hope that peace will be soon established in the Upper country, these 
Indians being the only ones on this Continent who have made any hostile movements during 
the war. 

But the chiefs of the Michilimakinac rebels having been brought to Montreal, and Count de 
Lagalissonniere having resolved to send to Quebec, they were put on board a canoe, the crew 
of which consisted of a sergeant and eight soldiers. These were murdered on going down 
the river, and there was no doubt but the blow was struck by Indians, who, when drunk, had 
formed the design of rescuing the two prisoners. 

Since the defeat of the two principal parties sent to Canada by the Mohawks in seventeen 
hundred and forty-seven, these Indians have made no further attempts, and the other Iroquois 
Nations who came to visit Count de Lagalissonniere have assured him that they did not trouble 
themselves any more except how to deserve his favor. This Governor has taken advantage 
of the arrival of these Indians to reproach them with their conduct towards those of the Upper 
country, whom they wished to attach to the English party. This reproach seems to have 
made the more impression, inasmuch as Count de Lagalisonniere had given them to understand 
that it depended only on him to arm against them the most of these same Nations whom they 
had been seeking to gain over to the English. 

He afterwards spoke to them of the pretensions put forth on all occasions, to both their 
lands and themselves, by the English, who regard them as subjects of the Crown of England, 
and they have departed resolved to go and oppose this pretension. Count Lagalissonniere 
observes, thereupon, that they will have used the less management towards the English 
inasmuch as the latter had been treated with the greatest contempt in the two last Assemblies 
to which they had invited these Indians. He states, also, that, with a view to favor and 
increase the credit of the Cayugas, one of their Nations, which has almost always been in the 
French interests, he had ordered the surrender to them of one of the Senecas who had been 
taken prisoners in the two expeditions got up by the Mohawks. 

'See tupra, p. 15%, note. — Ed. 


M. de la Galissoniere to Count de 

Quebec, 1" September, 1748. 
My Lord. 

In answer to one of your last despatches dated the SS"" of April, and which reached me only 
by Le Zejihir, I believe I have spoken to you somewhat at length of our Illinois establishments. 

They possess this perhaps in common with all that relates to the Mississipi, that after having 
been praised greatly beyond their just value, scarcely a person can be found to-day who 
regards them as good for anything. I believe both extremes must be avoided, and here is 
what I think. 

I regard the profits of the mines as very uncertain, and besides as so remote and dependent 
on so many other antecedent establishments, that no calculation can be made respecting them 
without, meanwhile, forever despairing of them. 

I believe the fur trade carried on there one of the least advantageous in Canada, but I cannot 
speak with exactness. 

The most I hope to draw from the country of the mines, is some bundles of buffalo skins. 

I believe it extremely necessary that Louisiana be so settled as to derive flour and other life 
necessaries from points nearer than the Illinois. 

In fine, I believe that it will be a long time before the King will realize any actual revenue, 
or individuals any considerable profit, from the Illinois; on the contrary, 'twill cost the King 
something to settle it. * 

But for all that, I am very far from concluding that the whole of that little Colony ought be 
left to perish. On the contrary, I consider that the King must make some sacrifice for 
its support. 

P"" So as not to lose what has been already expended there as a Colony. 

2" Because it is one of the best situated barriers that can be opposed to the ambition of the 
English, to prevent them penetrating into our trading countries, and even into Mexico. 

3° Because, were that country well settled, it would render us formidable to all the nations 
on the lower division of the River Mississipi. 

4° Because bread, meat and other provisions will attract thither the Indians, whose alliance 
and trade will be useful to us. 

5° Had there been, for example, 400 @^ 500 men capable of bearing arms in the Illinois, this 
war, not only would our small posts of Bahache, &c., not have been disturbed, but the very 
nations who have frequently insulted us, would have been led even into the heart of the most 
flourishing English Colonies. 

And here it is well to remark, that we must not flatter ourselves that our Continental 
Colonies; that is to say, this and Louisiana, can ever compete in wealth with the adjoining 
English Colonies, nor even carry on any very lucrative trade; for, except peltry, the amount of 
which is limited, and whose profits are and will be always diminishing, we shall scarcely ever 
have it in our power to furnish any but similar commodities to those of Europe; we shall not 
be able to supply them at the same price, though mostly of inferior quality, and though ours 
is an immense country, we have no outlet except by two rivers equally out of the way, whose 
navigation is inconvenient and perilous. 


We are reduced then to make the most of the principal advantage of the country, which is 
its extreme productiveness and the facility of feeding a great many there without almost any 
foreign labor. 

France derives from itself and its other Colonies, every sort of production ; this one will not 
produce for a long time anything but men, but if wanted, 'twill produce in a sufficiently short 
time, so great a number of these, that, far from fearing English Colonies or Indian tribes, she 
will be in a position to dictate the law to them. And it is proper to remark that these Colonies 
are so precious to England, that if once Canada be sufficiently powerful in men to endanger 
them, this apprehension would rather have the effect of preventing the English making, as 
they so often do, a bad use of their maritime power. 

As these views, though remote, must, it appears to me, engage our attention, I see no 
settlement more urgent than that of the Illinois. It is a country easy to cultivate and to clear, 
and greatly coveted by our neighbors. 

Already there is a pretty goodly number of families there, and those who will follow by 
degrees are sure of provisions. • 

But it is very difficult, not to say impossible, to increase the Illinois much from the 
Mississipi, which itself is in want of population, and will, by the beauty of its climate and 
the vicinity of the sea, always rather attract people from the Illinois than the Illinois draw 
any from Louisiana. 

If to this we add the difficulties of ascending the Mississipi ; the facilities hostile tribes 
have of arresting your upward progress, and the convenience Canadian Traders possess of 
going to the Illinois by four or five different routes, which cannot be all blocked at the same 
time, it will be seen that it is Canada which is to furnish this population; and this, I think, is 
the manner it can be done. 

pmo "Pq send from Canada to the Illinois one or two officers, and a detachment of fifty or 
sixty soldiers, to serve under M"" de Bertet's orders. • 

2° To send down to Louisiana the two companies actually at the Illinois, that is to say the 
officers and young men of these companies, for all the married soldiers and those who would 
wish to become farmers there, must be discharged and left in Illinois. 

3" To send thirtyorforty salt smugglers, yearly, to the Illinois, by way of Canada, beginning 
as soon as possible. 

4° To afford some facilities to ten or twelve Canadian farmers, every year, to go and settle 
and take up land there. 

5° According as the troops here would fill up, to increase the garrison at the Illinois, as far 
as one hundred men or more. 

6° To recommend the officer, in command there, to favor agriculture much more than trade. 

7° To provide for the export of flour, which might be in too great abundance in the country, 
in consequence of the closing of the river. 

I have expressly provided that the officers to be sent thither should be under M' de Bertet's 
orders, for I do not think it easy to find an officer as capable as he of managing and perfecting 
this settlement. I know him only by the reputation I have heard of him, and from the 
accounts I have had of him since I came here ; and if there be anything valuable and true in 
what I have stated above, it is derived from his letters. 

It is there I also find a remark essential to the subject. Should populous Illinois be capable 
of harassing the English Colonies, these possess scarcely less facilities for seizing the Illinois, 


if left in their present languishing condition. Of all the countries in our occupation, this is 
the one which they can invade most easily with the smallest force ; and could they once 
succeed in thus intruding themselves between our two Colonies, the loss of the Mississipi and 
the ruin of the internal trade of Canada would be assured, and the Spanish Colonies, and even 
Mexico, be in very great danger. 

The result of all this is, that by connecting the Illinois with Canada, little will be gained in 
the item of the expense of the troops, the number of which, it seems to me, must rather be 
increased than diminished. In other respects, they are absolutely necessary there to restrain 
the Indians, and sometimes the settlers, and to increase in time the number of these latter. 

For want of sufficient soldiers M' de Bertet has been, during the entire war, in continual 
danger, from which he has extricated himself, principally by his good conduct, and in some 
degree by the help of the ammunition and goods transmitted to him from this place. 

It is to be also remarked that this post being situate at the extremity of our two Colonies, 
the Coureurs de hois and other bad subjects usually take refuge there, where they would 
possess opportunities of creating a great deal of disorder, should the commanding officer not 
have means at hand to repress them. 

Much is not to be expected from farming this post, which I believe would be completing its 
ruin ; some money, at most, can be derived from licenses, or those who will obtain them can 
be obliged to transport ammunition, and I know not if that even can be effected. 

I agree with you, my Lord, in opinion that it is a matter of indifference whether an officer 
from Canada, or an officer from Louisiana, command at the Illinois, as far as its settlement, or 
the defence or even the existence of Louisiana is concerned. 

He can always have orders to send down to New Orleans the largest quantity of flour 
possible, and to procure for that city, and whatever is connected with it, all the assistance in 
his power. 

In order that there should be abundance in that post, and that its settlement be promoted, I 
see no objection to the Governor of Mississipi as well as the Governor of Canada, granting, or 
even selling. Trading Licenses for that place, provided the price be low, as that will not give 
rise to any discussion (?»'?/ aiant aura point de discution). 

This, my Lord, is nearly what I can answer on the subject of the Illinois. 

I defer to a future time treating of all the posts of Canada, and, moreover, take the liberty 
of requesting you to consult M. Hocquart on that matter, though we may not be precisely of 
the same opinion. 

I am, with most profound respect, 
My Lord, 

Your most humble and 

Most obedient Servant, 

La Galissoniere. 


Occurrences in Canada during the year 1747-8. 

Journal of whatever occurred of interest at Quebec in regard to the operations 
of the war, and the various intelligence received there since the sailing of 
the ships in November, 1747. 

1747. November 8. The General issues orders to Chevalier de la Corne, who is about to 
start for Montreal, to repair, on his arrival, to Saut S' Louis and withdraw from the Indians 
certain Dutchmen at present in their hands, and who, it is suspected, transmit intelligence to 
their country. 

'News from Michilimakinac. 
lO"" We are in receipt of letters from Michilimakinac. Lieutenant de St. Pierre, who had 
been selected to command the convoy sent to that post, arrived there without any accident in 
45 days. Captain de Vercheres, appointed commandant at the Bay,' and who was to remain 
at Michilimakinac with his traders from Montreal, had taken his departure thence for his post 
with the voyageurs. M' de St. Pierre writes us, on the 22'' of October, that he has not been 
able to speak to the Indians, who were, when he arrived, all gone to their winter quarters 
without having given any token of repentance for the outrage they had perpetrated. It is, 
hence, to be presumed that they persist in their evil dispositions; that the Marquis de 
Beauharnois' orders, sent with Sieur de Laverendrie in the month of August, have been badly 
executed; that 'twas the only means of reducing those Nations; that he does not anticipate 
success otherwise than by depriving them of the supplies they derive for the support of their 
families, and which they cannot dispense with ; this might have been effected were the traders 
prevented going to the different posts, according to the Marquis de Beauharnois' intentions; 
and this officer takes this occasion of saying, that it would be well not to allow the canoes to 
leave Montreal next spring for Michilimakinac and other posts, until he have informed us of 
the sentiments in which the Nations of that country will then be, and as soon as he shall have 
learned their intentions he will take occasion to report them to us. 

M' de St. Pierre adds, that he has recalled a Pouteouatamie chief, who was going to Montreal 
with the French who were taking down their peltries; it is the only Nation to be relied 
on. He has spoken to this chief by two Belts ; the first, to congratulate him on the good 
conduct observed up to the present time by the people of his tribe, hinting to him that they 
ought not to listen to evil talks ; that they ought to hearken only to their father's words, 
which alone they ought to rely on. The second, to engage them not to leave their village, as 
he has been informed that M. de Bertet, the commandant at the Illinois, was using every 
appliance at his disposal to attract them, which would be very prejudicial to the public service, 
because, being sure of the fidelity of that Nation, it will always be a barrier in the way of the 
others, and the means to keep them in check. 

Sends back Sieur Laverendie, Jun% to Montreal in command of the convoy he brought to 

The General selects Captain de Sabrevois to command Fort St. Frederic in place of M' de 
Celoron, whom he has relieved. 

' Green Bay. — Ed. 

Vol. X. 18 


11"" The 4 Negroes and a Panis, who were captured from the English during the war and 
had run away from Montreal, as mentioned in the entry of the 2S"' of October, in the preceding 
Journal, have been overtaken and brought in to-day ; we intend to put them on board a small 
vessel bound to Martinico, the last in port ; these slaves will be sold there for the benefit of 
the proprietors. 

News from Detroit. 
14"' We are in receipt of letters from Chevalier de Longueuil, commandant of Detroit, 
dated 24"" and 25"" of August last, whereof this is an extract : 

The Hurons of Sandosket, and of Nicolas' band, continue insolent ; this chief is unceasing 
in his efforts to gain allies. 

Divers Huron war parties that had been against the Chicachas, Cohas, &c., have returned, 
and been to see M' de Longueuil, like people who have no share in Nicolas' affairs ; but the 
ambiguities of their talk afford nothing to be relied on. 

The same Nicolas sent back the people of the White river who were on their way to Detroit, 
on account of the death of the 5 Frenchmen killed by the Hurons. He likewise persuaded 27 
Chaouenons to turn back who were coming to answer M' de Longueuil's message, and as the 
sole result of the expenses incurred for that nation (of the village of Sonnioto), he saw one 
Chaouenon arrive on the 23'' of August, in company with 3 Iroquois, who, on landing, went to 
the little Huron village adjoining the fort ; being desirous, no doubt, to consult with the Huron 
and arrange the speech they were to deliver. These deputies had not been to visit M' de 
Longueuil until the next day, the 24"", giving as an excuse that they did not land at the fort; 
they had not yet spoken on the 25"", the date of this officer's last letter; and were not to do so 
until the 27"". Some trusty Indians have assured him that any secrets they would communicate 
to him would certainly be discovered by these deputies. Kinousaki, an Outaouas chief, who 
is attached to us, has said that no matter how things would turn, the Chaouenons will never 
consent to leave their village of Sonnioto, which circumstance would be favorable to us. 

M' de Longueuil had just learned underhand, through some Indians who were acquainted 
with the 4 deputies, that some Englishmen had come to Sandosket with ammunition to Nicolas 
and his men. The Hurons of the village on Bois blanc island, who are near the fort, have seen 
these two Englishmen, and have not spoken of them, which proves clearly their understanding 
with those of Sandosket, and that they requested leave to remain near the fort only for the 
purpose of watching our movements more closely, so as to inform Nicolas thereof, and to 
advise him of the preparations that may be making against him. These same Hurons persist, 
however, in wishing to return to Bois blanc island, because it is their interest to occupy that 
post which is the key of Detroit, whilst Nicolas on his side will draw the English to him, and 
afford them facilities for establishments all along Lake Erie as far as the Miamis river. M"' de 
Longueuil is not in a condition to oppose all these enterprises ; he is a witness of their project 
every day, without having the power to make the first step to counteract them ; which excites 
wonder among the other nations, and leads them to entertain unfavorable opinions in regard 
to us. 

The Outaoua appears altogether insensible to the misfortunes that threaten the fort, and 
does not care about helping us. 

The Pouteouatamis are, as M' de Longueuil believes, the best disposed ; he has no fault to 
find with them ; they are, consequently, the only persons he can confide in. 


A party of the Miamis have come to dance the Calumet at the fort; another section have 
been to visit Nicolas at Sandosket ; the ceremony attendant on the former has been very 
expensive; their reception, the good cheer for the space of 15 days, and the presents which 
have been made to them v?ith a view both to destroy unfavorable impressions among them, and 
to protect the lives of the French who are in their village, have cost a great deal. 

Such was the state of affairs at Detroit on the 25th of August. We are in hopes that the 
arrival of the convoy and of Father Larichardie will contribute to the peace of that post, or, 
at least, that the reinforcements we have sent thither will enable M. de Longueuil to resist the 
attacks of our enemies, if he can do nothing against them, after having exhausted all available 
means, regard being had to existing circumstances. 


Ensign Douville, who had been sent last spring to invite the Miamis to come down to 
Montreal, writes to the Marquis de la Galissonniere from Detroit 25'" of August, that after 
some delay he had arrived at that post with Coldfoot, the chief of the Miamis, the Pore-Epic^ 
and their young men whom he was bringing down to Montreal ; he had learnt, by a letter 
from the Commandant of Niagara, that there was a party of Mohawks at the portage of that 
fort; moreover, that Chevalier de Longueuil had just learned the derangement of the affairs 
of Michilimakinac, which has obliged Sieur Douville to send back these Indians who have 
given him all their messages, as did also the other nations when he was with them, and all 
have authorized him to inform their father of their sentiments towards the French. These 
nations are in absolute want of powder. 

Sieur Douville states that he has had news from the Miamis, that everything was quiet 
since his departure on the 3"* of July. 

He has had assurances that the Senecas had given an English Belt to La Demoiselle, chief 
of a portion of the Miamis, allies of the English, to procure his, Sieur Douville's assassination, 
with a reward to whomsoever should carry his head to the English Governor. The same 
course has been pursued towards M' de Longueuil. 


Ensign Chevalier de La Peyrade, commandant at the post of the Ouyatanons, writes from 
Detroit, on the 24"" of August, that he was on his way down to Montreal with the Nations 
from the Oubache, when he learned, in the Miamis river, the treachery of the Hurons ; that 
this intelligence, conjoined to other circumstances, obliged those Nations to return to their 
village, where they were pretty quiet when he left them to come to Detroit, where he is 
waiting for news from Niagara to return to the Ouyatanons to continue his service there. 

We are in receipt, also, of news from the River St. Joseph. Sieur Laperriere Marin, 
commanding at that post, writes us on the 5"" and 30"" of July last. It appears that the English 
are endeavoring to debauch the Nations belonging to that post, as well as all the others, by 
the unfavorable impressions they are trying to insinuate among them by means of the 5 
Nations, who continue to embroil all the affairs, and employ every pretext to bring about the 
destruction of the French of that post. The Pouteouatamies appear always in our interests; 
they have made many protestations to Sieur La Perriere of the attachment they have long 
felt, and will continue to entertain, for their father, the French. 

' Hedgehog. — Ed. 


Fifty Ouyatanons came to said post on the River St. Joseph, to express the pain they felt 
at the treachery of the Hurons at Detroit ; that they are ready to attack tiiose who had killed 
the French ; that their father had only to speak. 

The commandants at Niagara and Fort Frontenac write us, also, on the 10"" of October. 
Everything was quiet there. 

The 5 Slaves. 

16"" The vessel destined for the islands, which is the last in port, cannot accommodate the 
five slaves we intended to put on board it; but as we understand that the ships La Chimcrre and 
La Sultane, bound for S' Domingo, which sailed eight days ago, are still lying wind bound at 
la -prairie, with the other vessels, we resolve to dispatch the port sloop to convey to these vessels 
the 5 slaves to be sold at St. Domingo. 

IQ"" The port sloop which was dispatched on the 16"" has returned ; the 5 slaves were 
placed on board La Chimcrre and La Sultane on the l?"" instant. These ships and the rest of 
our fleet which left here on the 11"", set sail on the morning of the IS"" with a favorable wind 
from the S. W. 

News from Detroit. 

23'* We are in receipt of news from Detroit and the Illinois. The former are very interesting. 
Chevalier de Longueuil, the commandant, writes us, on the SS"* of October last, and gives us 
an account of what occurred at his post since the 25"" of August, the date of his last despatch. 
The following is the substance of his communication : 

Blow struck at Michilirmkinac.^ The 4 Chaouennon deputies who arrived on the 23"' of 
August, spoke on the 26"'; he does not place much reliance on what they had said ; he had, 
notwithstanding, treated them well. These Indians have remained long enough at Detroit to 
discover the thoughts of the other Nations, and the difficulty under which the post labored ; 
they have also been witnesses of a new attack which the Sauteurs of the River Aux Sables, 
who murdered the Frenchmen at Chibaoenani, have just made at Detroit within |"" of a 
league of the fort, where they killed, on the 31" of August, a settler named Martineau who 
had imprudently gone too far into the woods. These murderers, 4 in number, scalped him, 
and it is asserted, sent, on the part of Mamahoekisigo, the scalp to the Iroquois with two 
pieces of cloth from the pillage of Chabaoenani. 

The Montreal convoy arrived safe at Detroit on the 22'' of September, escorted by about 
150 men, including the merchants and their servants. This relief is the salvation of Detroit, 
and has apparently made an impression on the Nations. 

The Miamis, and perhaps also the Ouyatanons, are in disorder. The former allowed 
themselves to be gained over by the Belts of Nicolas, who represented to them that Detroit 
had been razed by the Lake tribes ; that consequently they could no longer defer killing the 
French who were among them. The Miamis have listened to this message. They, first, 
seized eight Frenchmen who were in the fort of that post, whom, however, they did not 
injure ; they afterwards seized the property and burnt a portion of the buildings. Two of the 
8 Frenchmen whom the Miamis had allowed to leave uninjured, arrived at Detroit on the T"" 
of October. 

On the arrival of the convoy, M' de Longueuil being ignorant of what was going on at the 
Miamis, and wishing to be informed thereof, before allowing the lessees (of the Posts) to go 

' Sic. It ought to bo " Detroit." — Ed. 


there, sent 4 French deputies thither with messages to the Miamis, to induce them to come 
to Detroit. The deputies arrived at the Miamis after the blow had been struck; nevertheless, 
they prevailed on a good many of the Indians of that Nation to come to Detroit, to be disabused 
by their own eyes of Nicolas' impositions. But discouraged on seeing themselves notified by 
the arrival of a second Belt from Nicolas, in confirmation of the first, they went back to their 
village, and have merely sent to Detroit two deputies, whom M' de Longueuil has immediately 
sent home with messages to disabuse that Nation of the evil speeches of Nicolas. Jaret, a 
Miamis chief, of the village of Tepicourt, was at Detroit during all this disorder. M' de 
Longueuil has thought proper to send him without delay to try and restore good order, and 
more particularly to save the six Frenchmen who are detained prisoners. 

The Outaouas and Pouteoutamies came to Detroit, previous to the arrival of the convoy, to 
renew the treaty of alliance. M"" de Longueuil places no dependence on the circumstance ; 
their past conduct gives him every reason to doubt their sincerity. A few days afterwards 
this officer called together these same Outaouas and Pouteoutamis, and the others who were 
desirous to visit him. He communicated to them our despatch of the 22'' of July, relative to 
the murder of the 5 Frenchmen by the Hurons, explaining to them their father's intentions in 
regard to this murder, and the condition on which he would pardon the Hurons therefor. The 
meeting applauded, and two Huron Chiefs, of the number of the seemingly faithful, in company 
with some others of that nation, have been to carry this message to Nicolas at Sandosket. 
The commission being executed, these deputies have reported for answer that Nicolas did 
*This Huron Chief, accept, but was desirous of waiting the return of Sastaredzy,* on whose arrival 
his Naiion, had died he, Nicolas, would repair to Detroit to conclude ( peace ) ; but whilst this Traitor 

at Quebec, on ihe *^ \ r / ' 

4thorAugust. ^as giving this answer, he had messengers out a second time to tell the Miamis 
that Detroit was razed, &c., which caused those of the Miamis to turn back who were coming 
to Detroit, as already mentioned. 

The Sauteurs above Detroit came to demand an asylum. M. de Longueuil received them, 
notwithstanding the causes of discontent afforded by their past conduct, which he promised to 
forget if they would be wise. 

Thirty families from Saguinan, whom Mikinac, an Outaouas chief, had invited, came also 
for the same purpose, and gave some strings of Wampum as assurances of their future fidelity. 

There are a great many peltries at Detroit, which cannot be brought down until next year; 
again, M. de Longueuil must first receive news of aid from Montreal, otherwise it would be 
very hazardous to send them down. The Outaouas and Pouteouatamis have, at different 
times, assured the commandant that were the French, who had come from Montreal, to 
separate from him, the enemy would renew their threats and hostilities; but he does not place 
the least reliance on what they say, nor on their renewing alliance. These nations are only 
endeavoring to get their supplies out of us, and to discover a favorable opportunity to betray 
us irrecoverably. M' de Longueuil is, consequently, obliged to ask us for a reinforcement of 
men and provisions, at the very opening of the spring, so as to be able to put a stop to their 
intrigues. There are not provisions at Detroit for any length of time ; he asks, in like manner, 
that Niagara be abundantly provided for the security of the convoys up and down. 

The Outaouas and Sauteurs thought that the sacrifice of one of their unfortunate prisoners 
(esclave), whom they accused of having come around the fort with an evil design, would be 
sufficient to procure for them a restoration of our confidence. They gave him up to M' de 
Longueuil, who has been obliged to receive him. He gave him to the Abenaquis, who 
accompany the Montreal convoy. 


This officer, not being able to send any Traders to the Miamis until the Nation return to its 
duty, sends back to Montreal Ensign Douville, who commanded at that post, and who was 
at Detroit at the time the Indians committed the pillage ; he sends back, in like manner, 40 
Frenchmen and the Abenaquis, who formed part of the convoy, to report to us the state of 
affairs at his post. 

Father La Richardie and M' de Belestre arrived at Detroit, on the 20"" of October, with the 
Huron Deputies who came to Quebec last summer. 

M' de Longueuil will concert with that missionary the best measures to turn his voyage to 
good account, and so soon as that commandant will have made arrangements with the Miamis 
and Hurons, he will dispatch two canoes, well armed, to advise us of the circumstance. 

News from the Illinois. 

The intelligence from the Illinois is equally interesting. Chevalier de Berthet, the 
commandant, writes us from Caskaquias, the ll"" of August. It appears from his letter of 

the that there has been considerable trouble in his district; it appears even that 

since the irruption of the Detroit Hurons, all the other Tribes, infected with their example, are 
excited, and desirous to side with them. The following is the substance of what that officer 
writes to us : 

Three strange Indians, from Fond du Lac, came at the end of July to the Illinois country, 
with a message from the English, in the name of the Iroquois, Hurons, Abenaquis, Pouz and 
Outaouas, and all the Ouabash Tribes, inviting the Illinois to abandon the French, otherwise 
they were dead men ; or if they would not of themselves destroy the French, to withdraw and 
go to the Caokias, and they would come and cut them ( the French ) off; after which the 
English would come to the Illinois and supply their necessities abundantly. Our Illinois had 
almost consented to the act, when M' de Berthet, who was informed of the design of these 
three strangers, demanded that they should speak in his presence, which they refused to do, 
and the Illinois approved. However, the latter promised him that they should give him 
communication of whatever would be said ; but their council being held during the night they 
reported to this commandant whatever they pleased. The latter seeing that the Illinois were 
deceiving him, gave them to understand, in a meeting, that he knew everything, and that 
they could not conceal aught from him. These Indians, on reflection, admitted the fact. They 
placed in his hands the message in question, which consisted of a shell, a calumet and some 
tobacco. He returned it to them immediately, and told them to give it back to those who 
had brougt it; one of these three strange Indians took this message and said, he would not 
return back with it; he said, he should be ashamed to take it back, and, being himself an 
Illinois, remained with his people. 

M'' de Berthet has been informed by a Huron returning from the Chicachas war, who had 
spent the winter at Sonnioto' with the Chaouenons, of the league formed by the latter to 
destroy the Upper country posts; this Huron has assured him that the Iroquois of the Great 
village, as well as all the other nations, had accepted the tomahawk against the French, and 
bad all reunited together to seize ail the French posts, beginning with the Illinois country ; 
that this attack would be made during the August moon, and at the fall of the leaf; and that 
he was present when the belts were distributed for the conspiracy; that he vouched for the 
truth, and warned him to be on his guard. He added, that should the expedition not take 

' Now, Scioto. MilcheU't Map. — Ed. 


place at the time he mentioned, it would be postponed until the ensuing spring, or the affair 
would go to sleep altogether. La Damoiselle, the Miamis chief, is the concoctor of this league. 
Had M. Berthet been provided with some merchandise, he might have hoped to stop these 
tribes, being known to the principal ones ; but his poverty has reached the point that there is 
not in the King's stores nor among the traders, an ell of cloth, nor a particle of ammunition 
to defend themselves in case they are attacked. Tiiis circumstance has obliged him to 
concentrate his forces at the village of Caskaquias, and to abandon the other settlements to the 
mercy of the Indians. He has not received any aid from New Orleans within 15 months, nor 
does he know whether the English are masters of the Colony, or if his Majesty have abandoned 
Louisiana. He has demanded some succor of M. de Longueuil at Detroit, as he expected 
none from New Orleans until the end of the fall, and it is even uncertain whether any will 
come, as he learned that the Chaouenons, settled on the Ouabache, in union vpith the Chorakis, 
Chicachas and Abenaquis, were to come to the Mississipi to watch the convoy, and to stop it if 
possible. This officer is impatiently expecting the aid he has demanded of Chevalier de 
Longueuil, in order to ward off the storm that threatens the Illinois country,* the loss of which 
would be a serious drawback, inasmuch as the English being once masters of that country, 
would not find any difficulty in gaining the nations wholly to their interest, and by that means 
could easily seize the entire colony of Louisiana. M' de Bertet has sent three of the principal 
chiefs of the Illinois to New Orleans to see M. de Vaudreuil, in order thereby to gain time and 
arrest any evil designs that nation might entertain against us. 

Niagara and Fort Frontenac. 
The Niagara and Frontenac posts are quiet. We learn by the same opportunity that the 
sloop on Lake Ontario has arrived at Niagara freighted with provisions and merchandise, by 
which means that post is well supplied. Fort Frontenac is equally well provisioned. 

Fort S' Frederic. 
Fort St. Frederic is supplied as well as possible with provisions and ammunition of all sorts. 
The last convoy thither was at the beginning of this month ; it consisted of live cattle for the 
refreshment of the garrison, which it is necessary to treat well. 

Our Frontier Garrisons. 

We keep garrisons at the Lake of the Two Mountains, La Prairie, Senneville, Soulange 
and He Perraut, composed of soldiers and militia, who go scouting occasionally to prevent 
surprisals by any hostile parties that might be on the frontier at this season. 

23'' We receive letters fron Montreal to the effect that Cadet Simblin, who led a small party of 
Frenchmen and Indians towards Dierfild, whilst alone on the roadside guarding the plunder 
of his men, whom he had sent to slaughter some cattle for food, has been surprised and killed 
thereby some twenty of the enemy's horse. He was found just expiring by his men on their 
return, to whom he had only time to recount the causes of his death. They afterwards 
continued their march, took a scalp and returned to Montreal. 

Sieur de Lery — A Prisoner. 
Ensign de Lery, who marched from Fort St. Frederic in the beginning of October with a 
detachment consisting of about 35 men, including French and Indians, for the settlements in New 

* Chevalier de Longueuil writes, on the 25th of August, that he is waiting for the convoy to send supplies to the Illinois. 


England, has returned to Montreal. He burnt Fort Bridgeman/ on the river Canitikouk, in which 
he did not find any person, and took one prisoner within 3 leagues of Colonel Lusdaine's^ fort, 
which contained 30 people of the neighborhood. This fort is 37 leagues from Boston, 30 from 
Orange and 6 from Dierfild. This prisoner, whose name is Jonathan Sautune, is a native of 
Nortfii, aged 22 years ; reports that Lidius was to have started more than a month ago with ]500 
men to make an attack on the Canada settlements ; that half this party consisted of Indians of the 
Five Nations, and the remainder of Dutchmen ; that he does not know whether there be many 
Indians at Orange, Corlac and Sarastaugu^ ; has heard a battle having been fought in Flanders, 
but is ignorant of the result ; that M"" Knowles, Governor of He Royale, is at Boston since a 
month, to consult about the discharge of the militia enlisted for the Canada expedition. This 
prisoner and the people of his village, are of opinion that they will be, if they are not already, 
sent home. Goods are very scarce at Boston ; paper money is discredited. The last harvest 
has been good. The Iroquois of the Saut, who accompanied Sieur de Lery, have evinced on 
their march much fear of being met by Mohawks. This leads Sieur de Lery to think that 
there is not any understanding between them. He has offered 6 of these Iroquois a hundred 
livres each to act as his guides on a scout to Sarastogue, from which place no intelligence has 
been received for 2 months previous; they have rejected the proposal, on pretext that there 
were, as they said, under that fort, some wigwams of Indians and Mohawks, who go out 
scouting every day, and that it would require 5 or 600 men to go there with safety. 

When the General sent M'' de Sabrevois to Fort St. Frederic, he expressly recommended him 
to send scouting parties out frequently ; we have at that fort some thirty Becancourt Abenaquis, 
who will be usefully employed, and we hope to have news from Sarastogue in a short time. 

Sieur Desnoyelle. 

Sieur Desnoyelle Lanoix, who went out with 70 men, French and Indians, at the same 
time as Sieur de Lery, has also returned to Montreal. This party has not succeeded ; it took 
only 2 scalps above Orange; one Seneca, who deserted, went to Orange to give word of it, 
and thereby has caused all the attacks to fail ; the English everywhere being put on 
their guard. 

Prisoners at the Saut. 

December 1" We receive some letters from Montreal. Chevalier de La Corne writes us 
that in consequence of the General's orders he had repaired to the Saut St. Louis to endeavor 
to get some English prisoners out of the hands of the Indians ; that there are there four 
Dutchmen, who have been three years in that village, and two others, recently captured. 
The 4 former are 20 (& 25 years old ; the Indians to whom they belong are out hunting; they 
will exchange them for Panis men or women, and not for money, because they are adopted 
into that village. This arrangement will be concluded, and we shall wait until the coming 
down of the Michilimakinac canoes to buy some prisoners at a lower figure than could be 
done now. 

Death of a Seneca. 

Died, a Seneca, one of the 8 Indians kept in irons at Quebec; two others of them are sick ; 
they are well treated ; since the capture of these Indians no hostile party has appeared within 
our settlements. 

'In the town of Hinsdale, Vermont. Blodget't Map of Vermont, 1784 : Belknap's New Hampshire, III., 196. — Ed. 
*Bie. Qui Hinsdale. 


3* Ensign Leborgne arrives from Detroit, wlience he has been detached by M. de Longueuil 
on duty. He brings us an Outaouas and a Pouteouatamis, whom the two Nations send as 
delegates to the General, to treat of existing affairs at Detroit. M' de Longueuil writes us on 
the 2°^ of November. The apprehended scarcity of provisions has obliged him to discharge 
some men whom he would, nevertheless, require. The affairs of that post are no better 
improved than when he wrote on the 22""' of October last. This officer has no news from the 
Hurons, Miamis or from the Ouabache ; he is expecting the messengers he has sent thither, 
and who are greatly behind their time. He calculated, however, on sending Ensign Belestre 
off immediately, with an escort of 12 Frenchmen, for the post on the River St. Joseph, which 
he is to command ; also, to send off Sieur Lapeyrade, with a like escort, for the Ouyatanons, 
and a similar detachment for the Illinois ; all overland. 

M'' de Longueuil states that he is unsuccessful, for the fourth time, in sending some Huron 
deputies to Sandosket ; does not know what will be the result of these goings and comings ; 
he thinks that the Hurons are seeking only to procrastinate matters so as to be able to surprise 
Detroit, by means of reinforcements they are expecting from their allies, and to gain time to 
take refuge in some place at a distance from the danger that menaces them. That officer 
transmits to us the message which Mikinac, the Outaouas chief, and Onanguisset, the 
Pouteouatamis chief, communicated to him, on the part of their villages, for the Marquis de 
La Galissonniere, confirmation of which they send by the two deputies of these Nations. By 
this message these two chiefs demand that a hundred Frenchmen and Indians be sent to 
Detroit in the middle of winter ; the Indians to be selected from those who are not in alliance 
with the Nations of that post, so that their conduct may not be any obstacle to their design of 
reducing the Huron, who seems inclined to persist in his evil intentions. Mikinac, speaking 
on the part of the Outaouas Nation, which has invited the Huron, says, that though it forms a 
separate part of the village of Detroit, he undertakes, by the Belts he will send in the course 
of tlie winter to all the chiefs of that Nation, to make the guilty return to their duty and 
determine on asking pardon. They add, by these messages, a request, if the 100 Frenchmen 
and Indians be accorded to them, that the General grant them a chief, whom they love and 
respect, and that this number of men, whom they expect in the middle of winter, be followed 
by a like reinforcement, at the opening of the navigation, fully supplied with provisions and 
ammunition, and 'twill be seen what use they will make of these reinforcements, should the 
Huron be opposed to that tranquillity the two Nations desire. 

Two Lorette Hurons, who accompanied Father La Richardie, have asked to remain at 
Detroit; M' de Longueuil expects to send them this winter to us with reliable news from the 
Hurons. That officer persists in demanding a reinforcement of men and provisions in 
the spring. 

M' de Longueuil annexes to his letter a note of the demands made by Mikinac, an Outaouas 
Chief; namely, a fine scarlet coat, with silver facings, similar to that sent to Kinousaki, 
another Outaouas chief; a fine shirt and a silver hilted sword. This officer desires us to 
grant this request, which will satisfy this chief, and adds, that he has need, in the present 
conjuncture, of this man, who, if refused, may be the cause of serious disorder; that this chief 
desires these presents to be sent him this winter, so as to be able to decorate his person on the 
arrival of the Nations in the spring, and to show, thereby, that he is not less esteemed 
than Kinousaki. 

Vol. X. 19 


Ensign Dubuisson, commanding the convoy from Montreal to Detroit, sends us the journal 
of his voyage. It contains nothing of moment, except his meeting, on the 19"" of August, the 
man named Koliin, a native of Ireland, who fled from Choiieguin vrith his family and some 
property, and a soldier belonging to the garrison of that fort. Koliin was brought here in the 
month of September and examined ; does not seem to us deserving of suspicion. He said he 
had fled from Choueguen through apprehension of being prosecuted for having infringed some 
prohibitory regulations, and that the soldier had followed him; they have remained at Quebec, 
and profess the Catholic religion. 


By this opportunity we receive a letter from Ensign de Joncaire, residing among the 
Senecas, dated the 2°^ of 9''", wherein he informs us of the news he has learned of the enemy's 
movements. This is his statement: The Cayugas told him that the Hurons had sent word to 
the 5 Nations that, owing to their small number, they considered themselves no longer Hurons, 
but Iroquois, since the greater portion of their village were children of the Iroquois. Should 
this be so, Sieur Joncaire thinks that the Beautiful river will be the route which they will 
proceed to join the village of the Five Nations. 

200 Dutchmen, commanded by 2 commissioners, of whom Lidius is one, had, in the month 
of October, engaged a troop of 20 Senecas who conducted some English back to Orange to 
join them, and having raised all the Mohawks, some Oneidas and the balance of Mohegans, 
making 600 men in all, set out, each having a gun, J"" powder, IJ"" of lead in two bars, knife, 
and a tomahawk, and having passed Sarastau and being in the vicinity of Lake St. Sacrament, 
the Indians told the Dutch to go out scouting on the lake and they would wait for them. The 
Dutch went alone on the scout and reported, on their return, that they had not seen anything. 
They afterwards all reunited at Sarastau, where the Indians say there are not 100 men in 
garrison, and returned thence to Orange. The Indians having observed a camp there, were 
told it was 600 men who were going to garrison Sarastau, which the Senecas cannot believe, 
saying that fort, which is contemptible on account of its small size, is insufficient to hold 
so many people. This story has, in our opinion, no other foundation than what occurred in 
the month of 7^', near Sarastau, when M' Rigaud presented himself there. The English 
who were informed of the circumstance, sent, without doubt, to reconnoitre his forces when 
he retreated. By this occasion an English prisoner is brought in who has already been 
ransomed at Saut St. Louis. They write us from Montreal that they expect to release the 
others immediately. 

V^ The two Outaouas and Pouteouatamis deputies have this day presented to the General 
two Belts to confirm the message Mikinac and Onanguisset gave M' de Longueuil and which 
the latter sent to M. de La Galissonniere. 

Tointe a La Caille. 
Subsistence and clothing are continued to be provided for the Indians of the diflerent 
villages of Acadia who are settled, since the fall, at Point a La Caille' to the number of 200 
men, women and children ; some of them go hunting ; we have persuaded them to do so. 

' Now, St Thomas, below Quebec Ferland't Nutet tur les Regitret de Quebee, 21. — Ed. 



The same course has been pursued towards the Indians of the different tribes who winter 
at the River des Etrechemins, 3 leagues from Quebec, numbering 400 men, women and 
children, some of whom also go hunting. 

14"" We learn from Montreal the arrival there of Chevalier de Longueuil, Jun', on his 
return from an expedition with a party of 40 Indians belonging to the Lake of Two Mountains. 

His Report. 

On the 25"' of November last they attacked nine men who were going out of FortOequarine, 
which the English call N" 4.' They killed two of them and took one man prisoner, whose 
name is John Andersen; he is an Irishman, twenty years of age, who reports that the last 
news received from Boston by his Captain, named Elias Williams, spoke of peace, but, 
nevertheless, that preparations should be made for the Canada expedition next spring. 

That he had heard there were 300 men in the government of Boston that form the companies 
formerly levied for the Canada expedition ; that these troops, which serve in different garrisons, 
are ready to come together at the first word ; that they were asking to march on that expedition 
or to be discharged. 

The Senior colonel, or Brigadier David,' intended to come this winter and try an attack 
on Fort St. Frederic, but that the Colonel^ of Boston had as yet come to no decision on 
that subject. 

The English calculate on the Five Nations for the Canada expedition, and not on their 
domiciliated Indians, who are not adapted to scour the woods. 

That the fleets of Admiral Townsend (he means Admiral Anson and Vice-Admiral Waren) 
were appointed this year for the Canada expedition, but that the battle they fought has 
prevented them coming. 

That in the propositions of peace the King had demanded the restitution of Louisbourg of 
his Britannic Majesty, and that King George had answered, it was not at his disposal ; it was 
a conquest of the people of Boston. 

M'' Simblin. 
Reports, also, that Sieur Simblin had, after having been abandoned by the Indians of his 
detachment, repaired, at the end of four days, to Northfields, where he had been cured of 
his wound and afterwards carried to Boston.'' 

Dcstrvction of Sarastau. 

We learn from Montreal the total destruction of Fort Sarastau. Sieur Devillers, ensign of 

the troops, who was detached from Fort St. Frederic at the end of November with 70 Frenchmen 

and Indians on a scout to the neighborhood of this fort, sends us a journal of his voyage, from 

which it appears that Sieur Villers, being in the vicinity of said fort on the S"* instant, sent Ensign 

' Charlestown, New Hampshire. 


' Qu? CoanciL 

' In New Hampshire Hulorieal Collections, II., 95-97, are given the details of the very romantic adventures of a Canadian 
officer named Pierre Rambout, who had been nigh killed in the town of Winchester, N. H., and afterwards taken and kindly 
cared for nt Northfield, whence he proceeded to Boston and subsequently returned to Canada. But what connection this 
has with the case of M. Simblin, we cannot determine. — Ed. 


Beaubassin with three Indians on a discovery, who brought him back word that this fort was 
no more. Sieur Villiers proceeded immediately with his detachment to the spot, and verified 
the fact ; he judges, from the ruins, that it may have been three weeks since the fort was burnt.* 
It was 25 loises^ high and 23 toises and two feet wide. Twenty chimneys are standing. The 
enemy abandoned, or forgot to remove, some small grenadoes and a 12@^ 14"' shot. From the 
ground occupied by the bateaux, it was remarked that they had 90 of these, which they took 
away. The well of the fort was infected, and it appeared by marks of wheels that the caston 
had been removed. On his way back, Sieur Devillers sent some Frenchmen and Indians on a 
scout to the portage of Lake St. Laurent;" they reported having discovered a large camping 
ground ; judging by the size of the fires and cabins, they are inclined to think that there were 
600 men, who were on their return towards Corlac, and that this force might have passed 
about a month ago. It was doubtless then that the evacution of the fort took place. 

Note. — This circumstance corresponds materially with the letter we have received 
from Sieur Joncaire on the S*" of this month. 

Answer to Detroit. 

21" The General has given audience of leave to the two Pouteouatamis and Outaouas 
deputies, who will depart immediately for Montreal, and proceed thence to Detroit with two 
Canadians who will accompany them. He answers by this opportunity Chevalier de Longueuil's 
different letters concerning the actual circumstances of the post of Detroit ; recommends him 
particularly to prevent, by all means possible, the reception by the 5 Nations of the Hurons 
belonging to the tribe that talked of taking refuge among them, according to M' de Joncaire's 
representation ; that in case these traitors should return to their duty, which Father La 
Richardie appears to expect, the Marquis de La Galissonnicre refers to M" de Longueuil what 
will be the proper site for a new settlement, reminding him of the principal views he ought to 
entertain in such case, namely : the security of the French of Detroit ; of the new fort he has 
proposed to establish below that post, and finally, of all present and future settlements; so 
that, with these precautions, there will be no more cause to apprehend like disorders in future, 
and at least these Indians will be restrained and their bad designs anticipated, should they 
dare to renew them. 

The General answers Mikinac and Onanguisset's messages; he expects them to persevere in 
their attachment to us ; the winter season does not permit him to send the detachment of French 
and Indians they appear to desire; announces to them a well escorted and provisioned convoy 
next spring, which will afford them reason to felicitate themselves on their good dispositions 
towards us. Orders are sent to Montreal to send Mikinac, by the deputies, the presents he has 
demanded ; we have not been able to dispense with granting to that chief this mark of 

' Saratoga has been a, fort built of wood by the English to stop the attacks of the French Indians upon the English 
Inhabitants in these parts, and to serve as a rampart to Albany. It is situated on a hill, on the east side of the River Hudson, 
and is built of thick posts driven in the ground, close to each other, in the manner of palisades, forming a square, the length 
of whose sides was within the reach of a musket shot. At each corner are the houses of the officer.% and within the palisades, 

are the barracks, all of timber The English themselves set fire to it in 1747, not being able to defend themselves in 

it against the attacks of the French and their Indians. Kalm's Travels, II., 289. It was situated in the town of Easton, 
Washington county, New-York, opposite Schuylerville, about a mile south of the present road from that village to Galesville. 
r.Uh. — Ed. 

• A toise is 6 feet. 

" <Si>. SacramcnL 


distinction in order to avoid all jealousy, especially as the other chiefs, who have come to 
Quebec last year, have been equally well treated. 

Chevalier de Longueuil is recommended to send to Sieur Berthet, at the Illinois, the aid in 
goods and ammunition he may be able to spare him, so as to afford him the means of protecting 
himself from the deplorable consequences which the affair of the Miamis might drag after it. 

News from Beaubassin. 

24th \Ye receive by couriers that arrive from Beaubassin, a letter from Father Germain, 
missionary at said place, dated 29"" D*"" last. He sends us a copy of a letter addressed to 
him by M' Desenclave, missionary priest at Port Royal, dated the 12"" or 15 of said month 
of 9*"", wherein he communicates to him some news from Europe. It is reported at 
Beaubassin that 1100 Bostonais are coming this winter, as they did the last, to settle at Minas. 
We shall be informed if there be any reliable foundation for the statement. That the expedition 
against Fort St. Frederic will be prosecuted, unless the English, contrary to their expectation, 
be interrupted. Father Lacorne has written to Father Germain on the 6"" of 9''" that he had 
left Le Northumberland and the other vessels nearGaspe on the S""**; that a severe gale sprung 
up on the next day and he arrived with difficulty at his mission at Miramichy, his vessel having 
nearly foundered. M' Maillard is actually at the Island of St. John ; he is trying to get his 
Indians to go to He Royale, where they will have an opportunity of attacking six English 
houses erected outside the town. 

One of the Indian prisoners died this morning; there remain now but six. 

January 10, 1748. Arrived four Englishmen who are brought from Montreal, they have been 
redeemed out of the hands of the Indians of the Saut [and] of the Lake; also a Sauteur 
prisoner, brought from Detroit by the Abenaquis Indians. 

12"" Ensign St. Luc is arrived express from Montreal. M. de Beaucourt applies by him for 
the General's orders respecting a stronger escort which the two deputies from the Outaouas 
and Pouteouatamis of Detroit are demanding, in order to secure their safe return to that post; 
that these Indiang represent the evident danger they incur with only two Indians, especially 
between Fort Frontenac and Detroit, whither, they say, the Indians who attacked the French, 
particularly the Mississagues, have retired. The General could not avoid attending to these 
representations, and has sent orders to Montreal, by the return of said Sieur St. Luc, for 
furnishing 12 men to these convoys, including French and Indians, with a view not only of 
accompanying these two deputies, but also of preventing any accidents happening to our 
despatches, which are of consequence in the present state of the Upper country. 

February 5"" The Intendant leaves for the Forges and Montreal. 

T"- The General left for Montreal. 

Count de la Galissonniere has arrived at Montreal, where he has been received with all the 
honors due to a Governor-General. 

Arrival of the Intendant in the said town of Montreal. 

10"" Five Christinaux, 2 Outaouas, one Sauteur and five Canadians, have been fitted out for 
a war expedition. Sieur Laverendry, Jun', commands them. 

20"" 16 Abenaquis, of Missiskouy, have likewise started on an expedition into the enemy's 
territory, under the command of Sieur Montizambert de Niverville.' 

' From Pierre Boucher, Governor of Tliree Riyers,. are descended the families of Niverville, Montizambert, Boucherville, 
Grosbois, La Brocquerie, La Bru^re, who have filled prominent positions in the Colony, both in peace and war. Ferland'a 
Notet sur les Regislres de Notre Dame de Quebec, 46. — Ed. 


21" 13 Abenaquis of St. Francis and Becancourt, are sent to Fort St. Frederic to relieve those 
employed as scouts in the vicinity of that fort. 

as"" 16 Iroquois, of the Saut St. Louis, are fitted out for an expedition, under the command 
of Cadet Drouet Surville. 

News from Detroit. 

aO"" We receive, at Montreal, news from Detroit, by some chiefs and deputies of the 
Outaouas and Pouteauatamis, 7 in number, two Lorette Hurons and six Frenchmen. M"' de 
Longueuil, the commandant of Detroit, reports to us everything of interest that occurred there 
since his last letters, dated 2'"' 9''", relative to the derangement of the different Nations of this 
Continent, whereof the following is an extract : 

The Miamis, who had formerly pillaged the fort and seized the Frenchmen, have sent one 
of their principal chiefs to M' de Longueuil to request him to send back some Frenchmen to 
them, and not to deprive them of their indispensable supplies, promising him that order would 
be restored in a short time. That officer yielded to their solicitation, with a view to deprive 
the enemy of the liberty of seizing a post of considerable importance. Ensign Dubuisson, 
whom he sent thither, is to form only a small establishment there to winter in. He has 
been supplied with 30 Frenchmen to maintain himself there, and is accompanied by 30 others 
destined for the Ouyatanons trade, with orders to the latter to rejoin Sieur Dubuisson in 
the spring, so as to return together to Detroit. M' de Longueuil adds, that as some of our 
French people remain among the Ouyatonons, where even some families are settled, he did 
not consider it right to abandon countries where no disorder has occurred, and where great 
disturbance might break out, in the absence of assistance; besides, having formerly engaged 
to send some merchants and traders to the Kicapoux, Mascoutins, Puans and Ouyatonons, he 
could not break his word, inasmuch as these Nations observed their promise to him. 

Nicolas, the Huron Chief. 
When the Miamis Deputy was at Detroit, Nicolas, Orotoni and Anioton, chiefs of 
the Huron traitors, came there to sue for peace, and to surrender the belts which have been the 
cause of this treason ; they have made speeches to which M' de Longueuil has given an answer, 
but he doubts their sincerity. 

Note. — These speeches and answers are annexed to the Journal. 

Whilst these deputies were sojourning at Detroit word was brought to M' de Longueuil 
that a party of five warriors, guided by a Huron, had just killed three Frenchmen, within 6 @; 6 
leagues of the fort; he sent 30 men to overtake this party. Those deputies, apprehensive that 
some of their people might be confounded with these five warriors, informed this officer that 
they were in a cabin on Bois blanc island, and offered even to arrest them. M'' de Longueuil 
accepted the offer, and gave them ten men more, who overtook the first detachment. The 5 
hostile Indians surrendered without resistance, and were conducted to the fort ; nevertheless, 
whilst disembarking, one of them, an Onondaga by adoption and leader of the band, was 
killed by the populace, which was incensed against those traitors ; the four others, one of whom 
was a Huron of Detroit, who acted as guide ; the second a Seneca, and the remaining 2, 
Mohegans, were put in irons. This party had, in fact, discovered 3 Frenchmen at Grosse isle, 
six leagues from Detroit, where they lay in wait for them, at the detour of a point, and fired 


on them. The French, surprised, put out iuto the stream and repaired to the post ; all the 
three were slightly wounded and have been cured. M' de Longueuil has given notice that 
the fate of these 4 prisoners depended on the conduct of their tribes. 

Outaouas, Pouteoitatamis. 
According to appearances the Outaouas and Pouteouatamis are sincerely desirous of peace, 
and seem determined to force those to it who will oflFer any resistance ; if, as charged, they 
have dabbled in the conspiracy of the spring, they do not the less refuse taking any part in it, 
and in order to complete the proofs of their fidelity, declare themselves enemies of those who 
have disturbed the country, in such wise, however, that they offer themselves as mediators 
for the pardon of the most guilty, not daring to say that they will declare war against the 
Hurons, for fear of the consequences that may follow. 

River St. Joseph. 
W de Longueuil was very uneasy about the occurrences at River St. Joseph, when nine 
Frenchmen arrived thence at Detroit, with an equal number of Indians of the place, to ask for 
Ensign Belestre, who was appointed to command there. M' de Longueuil granted them their 
request, and all of them set out on the 15"" of December for that place. 


The post of Detroit will, it is to be feared, run short of provisions, in consequence of the 
great number of tribes continually there, and who are to come from all parts this spring. M' 
de Longueuil reiterates his demand for the early transportation of provisions. It would be 
also unfortunate were the Indians aware of the scarcity at the fort. 

A number of Outaoise families reside in the neighborhood of Detroit, and are supported at 
the public expense, on pretence that they are willing to die, as they say, for the French ; they 
have been unwilling to move any distance from the fort ; and, in addition to all this, M' de 
Longueuil learns that several Huron families are about to return there to consume his provisions. 

News from Ostandouskei. 

The letter addressed to us by this officer contains news brought from Ostandousket,* SO"" 
X*"', by two Hurons deputed hy the sachems ; the following is an extract of the intelligence : 

When the Seneca and Mohegan sachems of the Beautiful river received the news of their 
four mei) at Detroit, it created, at first, an outburst of anger in most of the minds ; several 
were disposed to go and revenge this blow, but the announcement of M' de Longueuil's 
sentiments respecting their people, allayed this first excitement. Passion, however, becoming 
master, two parties took the field, one to kill some Frenchmen at the Miamis, the other for 
Detroit. In case of failure at these two points, they were to attack indifferently all they 
should meet, doubting not but the Outaouas and Huron had contributed to the loss of their 
men. These menaces have obliged these Hurons to collect together at the White river, 25 
leagues from Detroit, to entrench themselves there and examine in safety the conduct of the 
Iroquois, which they promise to report to us in case of any movement. 

' Sandusky. — Ed. 


Extract of a letter from M'' de Berthet, Commandant at the Illinois, to Sieur 
Lachine, trader at the Ouyatanons, dated Cahos, SO"" October, 1747, whereof 
he sends us a copy. 

On receipt of intelligence at the Illinois that there were 15 @^ 16 pirogues of hostile 
Indians in the river of the Cherokees,' 10 Illinois Indians went out to scout and met them 
who announced themselves as Chaouenons, and captured one of the enemy, whom they 
brought to M' de Berthet. This prisoner, called an Alibanon, was interrogated and 
equivocated ; at one time he said that he and his comrades were coming to visit the 
Chaouenons, who had invited them ; that at first they were unwilling to come, but on an 
invitation being sent with 4 Belts and at the solicitation of the English, they had set out, 14 
pirogues in number; he would not say what nation they were going to attack ; only says, that 
the Chaouenons had told them to wait for them in the River Mississipi. M' de Berthet adds, 
by way of reflection, that the English were justified in telling our nations that all the passages 
would be closed on them. He expects some aid from Canada, otherwise is very apprehensive 
for the result. The conduct of the English, the Iroquois, Huron and Chaouenon, proves that 
they wish to drive our Indian allies offtheir lands. 


March 1. We receive letters from Lieutenant de Contrecceur, Commandant at Niagara, of the 
24"' of January ; that officer informs us that everything is quiet at that post ; that having 
received, since the fall, no news of Sieur Joncaire, residing at the Senecas, he had sent a 
courier thither on the IS'*" of January, to learn what was passing among the 5 Nations, and to 
inform us of it. 

M' de Contrecceur adds, that the War chief of the Little Seneca Rapid had just arrived at 
Niagara, and reported to him that the English had sent a Belt from Choiieguin by a Seneca 
chief, directing him to deliver it to the Five Nations, and to pass it thence to the Hurons ; that 
this Belt invited these nations to come, this spring, to Choueguin, where the commandant of 
that post was waiting for them to transact business ; that the chief of the Little Rapid had 
assured him, that he was going to send back that Belt to the Senecas, with word not to send 
him, in future, any Belts from the English, as he would not receive them, being desirous to 
remain quiet with his father ; M' de Contrecceur has encouraged this chief to adhere to the 
course he had adopted. 

This officer sends us a copy of a letter he had just received from Chevalier de Longueuil, 
dated Detroit, the 6"" of January last, whereof this is an extract: 

The Seneca, one of the four prisoners taken at Detroit, stabbed himself in prison on the 
night of the 28"" and 29"" of December, with the knife belonging to the sergeant, who was on 
guard over him, which he had seen him put in a certain place. This Seneca and the Huron, 
as has been ascertained, had taken the resolution to commit suicide from fear of a more cruel 
death ; the two Mohegans were aware of it, but dared not divulge it. M. de Longueuil is not 
certain that this Indian did kill himself; 'tis probable that the Huron was the executioner, and 
was to kill himself afterwards, being the more determined. From a subsequent examination 

' Tennessee riyer. — Ed. 


of the three remaining prisoners, it has been discovered that they had been on the point, during 
the preceding night, of assassinating the sergeant of the guard ; their preparations to escape 
afterwards were pretty complete, as the two Mohegans had already broken the lock of their 
irons; this has obliged M. de Longueuil to confine them more closely, so as to remove all 
uneasiness in that regard. 

Fort Frontenac. 

Same day, 1" We are also in receipt of news from Fort Frontenac ; Sieur Cabanac, the 
commandant, writes us on the IS"" instant.' There was nothing new at the fort ; everything 
is quiet there. 

2"* The Outaouas and Pouteouatamis' deputies from Detroit have spoken to the General 
according to the message sent by Chevalier de Longueuil, and delivered the Belts they had 
in charge. 

5"" Thirteen Iroquois of the Saut St. Louis have asked to go on an expedition ; they have 
been equipped ; Sieur Bonat, an Aiguletted cadet, has been placed at their head with three 

M"' Andre, formerly Lieutenant-General of the provoslship of Quebec, is deceased at Three 

War Party. 

9"" Seventeen Iroquois of the Saut have been equipped for an expedition. Cadet Charly 
commands this party. 

Sieur Simblin, military cadet, who has been wounded at the close of October last, within 
four leagues of the fort of Nortfields, and taken to Boston, arrived at Montreal in company 
■with three Englishmen sent with him by M' Shirley, who writes to Count de La Galissonniere 
and informs him ^that he has no more French prisoners at Boston; that he expects the 
Governor of Orange will send back immediately to Montreal those within his government, 
who have been carried off from our frontiers. Sieur Simblin was to have passed there on his 
return from Boston, but he found the road too long. He reports that the English militia 
enlisted for the Canada expedition, had been dismissed ; the English, however, do not lose 
sight of the enterprise, and expect to stop all our vessels this spring in our river. We have 
the three Englishmen well treated and closely watched. They ask to take back with them 
two prisoners, men of family, who are here.^ We shall see to their departure, if it be proper 
to release these two men. 

Scout to CJioueguin. 

Nanangoussi, an Iroquois chief, and nine Indians have been equipped and leave on a 
scouting expedition to Choiieguin, and to ascertain what is passing there. 

At the end of the last, and beginning of the present month, M" de Lantagnac, commandant 
at Quebec, in the Count de La Galissonniere's absence, has had fitted out about two hundred 
Indians, both of the different Acadian villages, settled around Quebec, and of St. Francis and 

' Sie. February. 

' The party consisted of John Hawks, Matthew Ellison and John Taylor. Hawks was one of the proprietors, though not 
an inhabitant of Keen*. He commanded Fort Massachusetts in 1746, when it was taken, and had just returned from 
captivity. The "two prisoners" whom they applied for, were Samuel Allen, of Deerfield, and Mr. Blake, with whom they 
returned in May. New Hampthire Historical Colltctioni, II., 97, 99. — Ed. 

Vol. X. 20 


Becancourt. These Indians are to divide into several small bodies, to go and attack the 
English settlements towards Fort St. George. 

Fort Frontenac. 

19"" We receive a letter from Sieur de Cabanac, commandant at Fort Frontenac, informing 
us that the Iroquois deputies, from the Lake of the Two Mountains, who had left their village 
on a deputation to the 5 Nations, have abandoned their project, and delivered over to him the 
belts of which they were the bearers. These Indians have been induced by M' Piquet, 
missionary of the Lake of the Two Mountains, to go as if of their own accord to the Five 
Nations. This deputation, which had our approbation, was purely complimentary ; the real 
design was to sound the dispositions of the Five Nations, and to discover what was going on 
among them. 

Forts on our Frontiers. 

20"' We are issuing orders for the repairs of the different posts of the government of Montreal, 
which are garrisoned by regulars and militia, so as to put them in a good posture of defence ; 
the farmers will contribute a large portion of these works. 

Fort St. John Road. 

We have also determined to have a stockaded fort constructed at the place called S' John, 
.... leagues above the Chambly Rapid ; also to cut a wide road across the woods from La 
prairie de la Madeleine to said Fort S' John ; this expense will save heavier outlays which are 
required for the transportation of provisions, &c., to Fort S' Frederic. We shall report in 
detail on the necessity of these works. 

The Intendant departs for Quebec. 

Prisoners ransomed. 

The Iroquois of the Saut have delivered to the General, at Montreal, some English and 
Dutch men, whom they had adopted ; they are to be paid for them or to have Panis in 
their stead. 

23'''' The Intendant arrives at Quebec. 

M. de Linctot. 
27"' Death of M' de Linctot, captain in the troops. 

Sieur de Laverendry. 
29"'' Sieur de Laverendry, Junior, has returned to Montreal with the Cristinaux and other 
warriors of his party. In the neighborhood of Corlac he fell in with a party of Mohawks and 
Dutchmen who were coming to Sarastau on a scouting party; he brought two Mohawk scalps, 
among which is that of the principal chief of that Nation; one of a Dutchman, and a Dutch 
prisoner, who reports nothing of interest ; only says, that there is considerable talk about peace. 
This 6rst blow on the Mohawks will not fail to frighten them. 

TVar Party. 
30"> Two Iroquois, of the Lake of the Two Mountains, and twenty-three others of the Saut 
are being equipped ; they are going to the enemy's country under the command of Cadet 
Langy Fontenelle, accompanied by Sieur Pommeroy, another Cadet of He Royale. 


April 4* Naaangoussy, Iroquois chief of the Saut, has returned from Choueguin, whither 
he has been sent on a scout ; he reports that there is but one trader's house outside of Fort 
Choueguin ; that there were a great many Dutch and Palatine traders at the place called 
Theyaoguin,! who were preparing to come and do a considerable trade at Choueguin, at which 
fort there was nothing doing that could lead any one to suspect any expedition on the part of 
the English or the 5 Nations. 

Note. — This report has since been confirmed in part by Sieur Cabanac, commandant 
of Fort Frontenac, and by Sieur Joncaire, residing among the Senecas, which induces 
us to believe that Nanangoussy has really made the voyage. 

Sieur Drouet. 
G"" Sieur Drouet de Surville is returned to Montreal with the warriors of his party. He 
struck a blow near Fort Ocquarine,^ and took one prisoner and two scalps. 

12"" We are in receipt of intelligence from Father Germain by 8 Micmacs who have just 
arrived. This missionary informs us, by his letter of the IG"" of February last, that he has 
received no news from Port Royal since the month of December previous, which leads him 
to think that nothing of interest had occurred there, for he has reliable people at Minas, who 
are to inform him of every movement. 

Proclamation of the Governor of Boston. 
He sends us a copy of a proclamation of the Governor of Boston of the 21" of October last, 
wherein he declares that the inhabitants of the Province of Acadia need not apprehend that 
the King of England wants to expel them ; on the contrary, his intention is to maintain and 
protect the loyal subjects in the peaceful possession of their properties, privileges, &c.; enjoins 
on the inhabitants of said Province, who are good subjects, not to harbor nor conceal those 
who have taken up arms for the French ; who have openly afforded them aid and comfort. 
On the contrary, to use all their eflForts to arrest, secure and deliver them into the hands of 
the commanding officer of said Province, particularly the men named Louis Gautier and 
Joseph and Pierre Gautier, two of his sons, Amand Bigeau, Joseph Leblanc, dit Lemaigre, 
Charles and Francois Raymond, Charles Le Roy, a native of this Province, and his brother 
Philips Le Roy, Joseph Brosard, dit Beausoleil, Pierre Guidry dit Grivois, and Louis Hebert, 
formerly servant of Captain Hanfields, all, twelve in number, outlawed for being guilty of 
high treason with the enemy ; and for the greater encouragement of the inhabitants, good 
subjects of said Province, to arrest the abovenamed persons, promises a reward of ^50 sterling 
for each criminal delivered up within the space of six months from the day of the date of said 
proclamation ; and such of the guilty as will, within said time, themselves deliver up any of 
those outlawed, shall receive the pardon of their crime in addition to the 50 pounds sterling. 

• Near Lake Oneida; now Rome, Oneida county, N. Y. 

' On the 15th March, 1748, while about eight men were a few rods from the fort (at Charlestown, N. H.) they were attacked 
by about twenty Indians, who endeavored to cut oflF their retreat to the fort; a skirmish ensued in which Charles Stevens 
was killed, a man by the name of Androus, or Anderson, wounded, and Kleazer Priest taken captive. New Hampshire 
Historical Collections, IV., 113, 114. —Ed. 


English Deserters. 
At Beaubassin are 4 English deserters from Port Royal who ask permission to come to 
Quebec, and one English prisoner taken by the Indians last year in the fight at Minas, whom 
Father Germain has ransomed. 

Father Germain, 
Father Germain anticipates that he will be obliged to withdraw from Beaubassin in the 
spring, as he will be too much exposed there, but in all events he will place himself in a 
position to know equally well what will be going on, and will even occasionally visit 
that place. 

M' Maillard. 

M' Maillard is, since the fall, with the French settlers of He Royale, who are refugees at 
Talimigouche, within 9 or 10 leagues of Bay Verte. He writes us, on the 20"" of February, 
that he expects to send his Indians this winter to He Royale to harass the enemy and prevent 
them cutting firewood. Father Germain says, on this occasion, that the Indians can hardly 
succeed alone ; that they will require some commanders to manage them ; that it is true that 
60 or 80 Indians would so disquiet the English of Louisbourg that they would, in the opinion 
of the more experienced at Beaubassin, be reduced to go and look for wood elsewhere, which 
would be a matter of very great inconvenience to them. 

20"" A courier arrives from Montreal with several letters from the Upper country, extracts 
whereof follow : 


M' de Berthet, the commandant at the Illinois, writes us, in the months of November and 
December, about the general conspiracy of the Indians against the French, which was 
instigated by the English, who always employ the 5 Nations to convey their sinister Belts ; 
the Illinois narrowly escape being seduced. 

The Chaouenons of Chartier's tribe, so far from coming to Detroit according to invitation, 
have surprised some distant establishments on the River of the Cheraquis ; they are reported to 
be in fort with the Cherokees and Alibanons, though this Chartier, who has much influence 
over this tribe, excuses that evasion, assuring that it will not be prejudicial to the attachment 
of these Indians towards the French. 'Tis to be feared either that he is not able to control 
them, or that he will, himself, change his opinion. 

The aid that has reached him from Louisiana, is insufficient ; he continues in want of 
provisions and goods, asks additional supplies by means of which he hopes to retain the 
Ouabash Nations, and to maintain himself. 


M. de Longueuil writes us also in the month of February last. 

Two tribes of Outaouas and Hauteurs, one from Saguinan and the other from Michilimakinac, 
came to Detroit to ask pardon for those of their nation who killed the Frenchmen in these two 
posts. M. de Longueuil referred them to M. de St. Pierre, the commandant at Michilimakinac ; 
they promised to go thither. 

At the end of January, 14 Hurons of Sandosket, with Scotache and Quarante Sols at their 
head, came to Detroit to ask for the release of the three prisoners confined in irons, the 


remainder of the five who had been taken at Bois blanc Island, where they had been attacked 
by the French when Nicolas was suing for peace. This deputation made such fair promises, 
that Chevalier de Longueuil, though feeling great repugnance to the release of these three 
prisoners, [consented to their discharge, on] the advice of the principal Frenchmen and Indians 
in the fort. 

A Frenchman hilled. 

A Frenchman has been killed at the gate of the fort of the Miamis, it is supposed by 
some Iroquois. 


Nicolas' conduct is not free from equivocation ; the English of Philadelphia visited him 
twice during the winter, to trade, and were well received. The scalp belonging to the 
Frenchman who was killed near Fort Miamis, has been carried thither ; it is to be apprehended 
that Nicolas' former proceedings were merely for the purpose of deceiving more easily. 

Mikinac, a trusty Outaouas chief, is collecting the Sauteurs of the neighborhood ; the 
Outaouas of the three tribes, and the Pouteouatamies. He proposes to go and summon Nicolas 
to [observe] his promise, and to declare war against him in case of refusal. 

M' de Longueuil keeps always on his guard, and explains the necessity that exists for the 
early arrival of the convoy. 


Sieur Dubuisson, the commandant at the Miamis, informs us that the unfriendly tribe having 
La Damoiselle as its chief, had resolved to return to its duty, and was already on the way to 
Detroit, when it received a deputation reported to be composed of Chaouenons, which 
dissuaded the Miamis from taking this step. 

The posts of the Miamis and at the River [S' Joseph]' are not in want of goods. 

Note. — Observe that when Chevalier de Longueuil permitted some traders to 
proceed last fall to these two posts, he recommended them not to burthen themselves 
with too many goods, which, under existing circumstances, might serve as an object 
of pillage to ill-disposed Indians. 

M' de Contrecoeur, the commandant at Niagara, also writes by the same opportunity, and 
furnishes a favorable account of the Outaouas at the head of Lake Ontario, who have given 
notice of, and prevented, the evil designs that were concocting. 

The Chief of the Little Rapid. 
Is well pleased with the services of the chief of the Little Rapid, who gave notice that the 
English had given him some bad Belts to transmit to Sandosket. This chief is, nevertheless, 
suspected of having sent these Belts to their destination at the moment he promised to send 
them back to the English. Efforts will be made to get at the bottom of the matter. 

21"' Captain Chevalier de Longueuil is sent from Montreal to Lake St. Francis with a 
detachment of one hundred men, Canadians and Indians, to reside at the most convenient 

' The passages within brackets, in this journal, are supplied by the Editor. — Ed. 


place to watch the movements of the enemy, and send out frequent scouting parties ; so as to 
guard against surprisals by means of this precaution, and of the different scouts to be detached 
by the officers commanding the several frontier forts. 

Sending back the Cartel. 
The General sends back from Montreal the three persons who came with a cartel on the 9"" 
of March. They were conducted to the Frontier by Sieur Simblin, whom they had brought 
back. We found no difficulty in surrendering to them the two prisoners whom they have 
asked of us on arriving.' 

Answer to the Governor of Boston. 

The Marquis de la Galissonniere answers, by this occasion, the Governor of Boston's letter ; 
he informs him, among other things, that it is necessary to make arrangements for the 
regulation of the accounts of the packets which have been sent from Quebec to Boston, and 
from Boston to Quebec, and what regards the ransom of the English prisoners from the hands 
of our Indians ; proposes to him different means for the settlement of these sort of accounts in 
good faith and with mutual satisfaction. 

Treats of the non-execution of the cartel by some of the Governors of the different Provinces 
of New England, and particularly by him of New-York, to whom no more prisoners shall be 
sent back until the Canadian prisoners in his government be surrendered. 

Reproaches the inhumanity of the English, who have circulated Beits among almost all the 
Nations, setting a price on the head of several officers in command of our posts in the Upper 
Country, and particularly of Detroit. 

Chevalier de Niverville has been sent from Montreal to the south of Lake Champlain, with 
a detachment of 20 men to scout, and prevent the approach of any hostile parties that might 
interrupt the spring sowing. 

TVar Party. 

27"" Sieur Langy Levreau and 10 Iroquois of the Lake are fitted out at Montreal for a 
scouting expedition in the direction of Choueguen. 

We are about to dispatch Sieur Depleine to arrange, as usual, the signal fires and smokes 
along the South shore from Quebec to St. Barnabe, to give notice of any approach of a hostile 
fleet. We issue orders, at the same time, to the settlers along that shore to build huts and 
parks in the interior of their lands, to secure their families and cattle from attack, and to the 
farmers to repair to Quebec with their arms and one month's provisions, as soon as they shall 
perceive the fleet. 


Orders are conveyed in likl manner to the captains of the settlements from Cape S' Ignace, 
going down, as far as St. Barnabe, to stop the English packets that might enter the river; to 
receive the letters, send them to us, and make the packets await our answer. 

28^ Sieur Bouat has returned to Montreal with his party ; he has attacked several English 
between the forts of Deerfils and Ocquarine ;* has taken two scalps and one prisoner, who 
reports nothing of interest. 

' See note 2, tupra, p. 163. * Cbarlostown, N. H. — Ed. 


Sg"" Sieur Lanoue Robutel and 40 Iroquois of the Saut have been fitted out at Montreal for 
a war expedition. 

150 militiamen are dispatched from Quebec to Montreal to escort the canoes destined for 
Detroit and Michilimakinac. 

30"" M' Begon, Governor of 3 Rivers, died at Montreal. 

1" May. Sieur Aubert and two biscayennes^ are sent off to Cape Desrosier, where he is to 
observe the vessels that will pass, whether friends or enemies. He is furnished with the 
signals the King's ships are to make when they will reach that post. 

Sieur Abel, in like manner, sails in another biscayenne for Cape Chat, with orders similar 
to those of Sieur Aubert. 

Sieur Rouville is sent to St. Barnabd in command of a third guard there. 

Fire Rafts. 

3^ Sieur Cartier is, likewise, dispatched to He aux Coudres, where he is to manoeuvre the 
fire rafts constructed at that Island, as well as at the Little IJiver, Bay St. Paul and La 
Gribanne,^ so as to make them drift against the enemy's fleet, should it appear in the river. 
Orders the Captains of these 4 settlements, also, to stop the packets, as has been done on the 
South shore. 

e"" Sieur Niverville has returned from the south of Lake St. Francis. He has no knowledge 
of any hostile party. 

War Party. 
S* Sieur Duverger Simblin, with 24 Iroquois of the Saut, are fitted out to strike a blow in 
the direction of Choueguin, and carry off, if possible, the Mohawk chief named Theyaoguin, 
who attacked the carpenters on He a la Mothe, in the fall of 1746, on his return from Montreal, 
where he had been loaded with presents. 

lO"" Cadet Charly is returned to Montreal with the Iroquois of his party. He brings in a 
prisoner taken near Evril,* who reports nothing of interest. 

War Party. 

M. de Sabrevois, commandant at Fort St. Frederic, informs us of the return of a party 
commanded by Sieur Hertel Beaubassin, consisting of 11 Abenaquis and three Canadians. 
They burnt, in the neighborhood of Orange, 30 houses, destroyed 3 small forts and one mill ; 
all of which had been abandoned. They were quite near Orange, but had not an opportunity 
to take any prisoners. 

12"' Sieur Mouet, military cadet, and 30 Iroquois of the Saut have been fitted out for an 
expedition into the enemy's territory. 

Deputies from Detroit. 
l?"" The General returns an answer, at Montreal, to the message brought by the son of 
Mikinac, the Outaouas chief, and the other deputies, who arrived from Detroit last February ; 
they will return with it in company of the convoy which will soon leave for that post. 

' See IX., 477, note. ' See IX., 97, note. ' Haverhill — Ed. 


IS"" Some of the Becancourt Indians, who had been equipped last winter at Quebec, are 
arrived ; they attaci^ed 4 Englishmen near Fort St. George; killed three of them and captured 
the fourth, whom they have brought in. This prisoner, who is wholly illiterate, reports 
nothing of interest. 

2 Prisoners. 

ig* Some other Indians belonging to the same tribe, bring in two English prisoners whom 
they took in the neighborhood of Fort St. George ; these prisoners give no information. 

The General equips, at Montreal, 15 Abenaquis whom he sends to Fort St. Frederic to 
increase the scouts. 

L' Amphitrite, 

20"' A courier from St. Barnab6 informs us of the arrival, at said place, on the 17'S of the 
ship V Am'phitrite, Captain Lavocat, who sailed from Bordeaux on the 27"' of March last. 

Sieur Langy Levreau, wRo had been sent on a scout to Choueguin, is returned to Montreal. 
There is no appearance of any movement in the neighborhood of that fort. 

4 Scalps, 
Some Becancourt Indians, belonging to the same tribe as those who came on the IS'S have 
arrived. They killed 6 Englishmen in the vicinity of Fort St. George, 4 of whose scalps only 
they have been able to bring off. 

A Prisoner. 
Other Indians of the same tribe are returned with a prisoner taken in the same country; 
does not report anything of interest. 

L" Amphitrite. 
24"' L'Amphitrite has anchored in the harbor. This ship has captured a prize laden with 
salt, which was going to Newfoundland ; the Captain transferred 6 English prisoners of the 
9 which the crew of the prize numbered. 

A Prisoner. 
26"" Sieur Langy Fontenelle has returned to Montreal with his party ; brings in an 
Englishwoman prisoner. 

War Party. 

Sieur de Varenne, an Aiguletted cadet, with 13 Iroquois of the Saut, are equipped at 
Montreal for a war expedition. 

Arrived, the schooner L'Elisabeth, Captain Monsion, sailed from St. Domingo on the 16"' of 
March ; 4 English prisoners had been put in his charge to bring to Louisbourg, under a cartel. 
When three days out he was met by an English privateer who took the 4 prisoners, and 
having continued his voyage was again overhauled by an English privateer on the banks of 
Newfoundland. The Captain of this privateer, in consideration of the service she was on, 
allowed this vessel to continue her voyage though loaded with about 150 puncheons of molasses 
and rum. The crew only were pillaged. 'Tis said that this trade is pretty frequent now 
between St. Domingo and the New England Colonies, where the vessels carry, reciprocally, 


provisions and refresliments by taking out a carte! commission and talking on board a few 
prisoners. Captain Monsion has given us notice tliat a ship had sailed from St. Domingo in 
company with him, under a similar commission, for Quebec, vpith 2 @^ 3000 minols of salt. 

La Fr'ipomie. L^Aimable Marthe. 
By this vessel we learn that the Royal frigate La Fiiponne, commanded by M. de Tilly, was 
at He aux Coudres last evening, and that M. Simonin, commander of the schooner L'Amable 
Marthe, from Martinico, had run aground in the Traverse. 

La Friimnne. Convoy fur Detroit. 
27"" The frigate La Frijwnne has cast anchor in the harbor. 

The convoy for Detroit has left la Chine, under the command of Captain de Celoron, 
escorted and well supplied with provisions, ammunition and goods. 

Answer to Letters. 
The General answers, by this opportunity, the different letters he has received from the posts. 

M' de Bertliel. 

1" to M" de Berthet, commandant at the Illinois. Is recommended to arrange, if possible 
the affairs of the Chaouenons; 'tis with this view that he sends the man named Rheaume, 
who is connected with Chartier. 

It is proper to restrain the lessees within the limits of their posts, but 'lis still more 
essential not to consent to the Indians removing; as these sort of migrations, proposed under 
color of the public good, have never had for object anything but private interests, and almost 
always evil consequences. 

Recommends to him to correspond with the commandants of Detroit, Michilimakinac, and 
the other posts of the Upper country. 

M'^ de Longueuil. 

2^ to Chevalier de Longueuil, commandant at Detroit. 

The messages and proceedings of Nicolas are too suspicious to be relied on. 

He ought not to have released the three prisoners taken on Bois blanc island ; at least 
'twould be proper to see the execution of the conditions formerly agreed upon ; it is dangerous 
to assemble Councils under such circumstances. 

Divers messages and answers are sent to him, including those that have been given at 
Montreal and those he will reply to, himself, in the General's name. 

Presents are sent by Cold foot, a Miamis chief, who appears trustworthy. 

Ditto, for the Chaouenons; they are entrusted to the man named Rehaume. 

Pardon is not to be granted to the Missisagues and Sauteurs above Detroit, until they make 
due submission ; they must surrender the murderers. 

He is to retain, out of the convoy, such as he will have need of, according to circumstances. 

Should any Huron or other rebel be so daring as to enter the fort without a pass, through 
sheer bravado, as they have done, 'twould be proper to arrest him and put him to death on 
the spot, even though there had been no treachery, but as a simple act of justice and 
allowable vengeance. 

Recommends that the least possible trade in powder be carried on with suspected Indians, 
Vol. X. 21 


Commandants of Posts. 
Count de la Galissonniere writes to the commandants of the posts of the Miamis, Ouyatanons, 
Kiver St. Joseph, &c., respecting what concerns them ; and adds, that they ought to keep an 
exact and circumstantial journal of tlie occasions wherein they are obliged to incur expenses for 
presents to Indians. 

Sends these officers a list of the Voyageurs who are wintering with the Indians, and of tlie 
Couriers de bois, in order to their being sent back, so that they may not return any more to 
the Upper country. 

Another list is sent them of the Indian murderers and malefactors, in order that they be 
arrested and sent down. 

Note. — These two lists will be also sent by the IMichilimakinac convoy, which is 
on the point of starting for all the Northern posts. 

Sieur Simonin. 

2S"' Arrived an officer of Sieur Simonin's schooner, who landed at Trinity; he brings us 
the letters from the court which were given to. said Simonin last year. 

Cadet Louis Simblin arrived from Detroit with some Indians of the Upper country, who 
have accompanied him. Chevalier de Longueuil writes us in detail, on the S"" of this month, 
on the affairs of his post. This is an abstract : 

Kinousaki had returned, on the 7"" of April, from the Miamis river, whither he had gone to 
bring back the Hurons who had deserted from the village of Ostandosket ; has reported that 
Nicolas, with 119 warriors of his nation, men, women and baggage, had taken the route to the 
White river, after having burnt the fort and the cabins of the village; that the Outaouas had 
given him (Kinousaki) a cool reception, and that a portion only of tliem would consent to 
return to Detroit, the remainder wishing to settle at the lower end of the Miamis river, where 
the Hurons had promised them the Engiisli would supply their wants. Kinousaki has added, 
that when the Outaouas will learn the desertion of the Hurons, wiiich they were ignorant of, 
they will alter their resolution. 

At the same time two Hurons, who were sent by Sastaredzy the Huron chief of a loyal tribe, 
confirm the departure of Nicolas and his people for the White river, to seek shelter among the 
Iroquois there, or among the Mohegans who are near Orange, and that only 70 men of all 
their nation would come back. 

The scalps of the Frenchmen who were killed by Nicolas, have been conveyed to the Mohegans. 

On the 24"" of April, 4 deputies arrived from Saguinam, with Belts, to say that their cliief 
was leaving to convey the murderers to the General. 

M' de Beiestre arrives from the River St. Joseph with twelve chiefs belonging to that post. 

Mechoukima arrives with 34 warriors from the Grand river. 

Id. 4 war chiefs and sachems sent by the Kickapoux and Mascoutins. 

Id. Spies from the ill-disposed tribe of the Miamis. 

Id. Emissaries from Nicolas and the Chaouenons of Sonioto.' 

Id. Some Sauteurs of the interior {de la contrcc) who are come to submit themselves to their 
Father's will. All these nations have arrived within three or four days. 

A council was held on the 28"" of April, at which the Outaouas, Pouteouatamis following 
their example, the Hurons and Sauteurs of Detroit have all sworn fidelity and obedience to 


Chevalier de Longueuil, and have promised tiiat the first party that would insult the French 
should be considered a common enemy. 

iM'' de Longueuil, by 4 Belts, put mocassins on the feet of all the wariors so that they may 
be ready at a minute's warning; all appeared to be accepted with cordiality, sincerity and 
resolution to go and do the behest of the General. Tiiese nations have each furnished two 
warriors to go and reconduct, to Montreal, the French Iroquois and others who had conducted 
their deputies back to Detroit, and to give their Father notice, at the same time, of the arrival 
of their Nations. 

Nicolas and the Chaouenons will soon be advised of everything by their spies, which will 
only have a good effect. 


Count de la Galissonniere answers Chevalier de Longueuil by the Detroit convoy, which is 
not yet far off. The following is an extract : 

Huron Mission. 

He is to neglect nothing to reestablish the Huron mission, which will, possibly, attract not 
only the wavering but all the treacherous ; it might be advantageous to remove the 
establishment of Detroit to Bois Blanc Island, but examination must be made as to whether 
this change of locality would not remove us too far from the Indian villages, and oblige us to 
abandon settlements already formed ; to furnish information hereupon. 

Each of us, individually, writes to Chevalier de Longueuil to facilitate, as much as 
circumstances will permit, the reestablishment of the mission of Father La Richardie, who 
continues to entertain the hope that the rebellious Hurons will return to their duly. Precise 
orders cannot be issued on this subject, in consequence of the trifling indication of repentance 
these traitors evince. 


Count de la Galissonniere sends, with the convoy. Captain de Raymond to relieve M' de 
Contrecceur, the commandant of Niagara, who has applied to be recalled. 

He also sends Captain de Vassan to relieve AP de Cabanac at Fort Frontenac. 

Sieur Joncaire, Resident at the Senecas, having demanded to be relieved, in consequence 
of his health, the General has appointed Sieur Joncaire Clauzonne, his brother, to succeed 
him, to whom he furnishes the necessary instructions respecting the course he is to pursue 
towards the 5 Nations under existing circumstances. 

Sieur La Morandiere, assistant engineer, is sent to Fort Frontenac to repair that fort and 
report on the condition of the artillery. The provisions and ammunition of Fort Frontenac 
are doubled by the convoy; a number of guns and some pieces of artillery are, also, sent 
thither. These are, in all cases, preparations in advance for the attack on Fort Choueguin, a 
project which possibly may occur hereafter ; in other respects, these precautions will not be 
useless should we ever be obliged to declare war against the 5 Nations. 

Sieur Sinionin. 
ag"" Sieur Simonin has anchored in the harbor; his running aground at the Traverse has 
been unattended by any serious consequences. He sailed from Martinico on the S** of last 
month, and reported to the Minister his delay at that island. 

A Prisoner. 
Some Abenaquis arrive with a prisoner taken at Fort St. George ; reports nothing of interest. 


War Party. 

30"" Cadet Louis Simblin, with two other Canadians and 9 of the Upper country Indians, 
is fitted out at Montreal for a war expedition. 60 Iroquois of the Saut and the Lai^e, and 10 
Canadians are also equipped for the enemy's country. Sieur Jumonville, a seconded Ensign, 
commands this party; he has under him Sieur Hertel de Rouvilie another Ensign, and Cadets 
Hertel, junior, and L'Espervanche. 

Sieur de Niverville Montizambert is returned with his party ; he brings 2 prisoners and one 
scalp, which he took near the city of Boston. 

A Prisoner. 
June 1" Arrived, at Montreal, a party of Iroquois and Abenaquis, with an English prisoner, 
who was taken at Erimedok, coming from Suega. It appears, by the report of this prisoner, 
that the people of New-England are still promised a Canada expedition. 

A Prisoner. 

7 Abenaquis, of Becancourt, bring to Quebec another English prisoner taken within 30 
leagues of Boston, in the direction of Fort St. George ; they attacked five Englishmen, 2 have 
been killed, 2 escaped, and the fifth was taken ; mentions nothing of interest. 

3"* A courier, from St. Barnabe, informs us of the arrival there of the ship Le St. Pierre, of 
Bayonne, Captain Darragory, who, after having captured a Dutch vessel beyond the Great 
Bank, was himself taken a few days afterwards. He ransomed himself by the payment of 
30,000 livres. 

War Party. 
4"" Sieur Duplessis Fabert, ensign of foot, with 15 Canadians, 30 Iroquois of the Lake and 
two from Detroit, have been equipped at Montreal for a war expedition. 

War Party. 
15 Abenaquis have, likewise, been fitted out at Montreal for the same purpose; they are 
commanded by Sieur Simblin, the elder, who has only just returned from escorting the 
English cartels. 

News fr^m Beaubassin. 

Father Germain writes us, on the 20"' of NLay last, and informs us that he has dispatched a 
Bipcayenne from Bay Verte, on board of which he caused to be put three English deserters 
from Port Royal 

This missionary likewise sends us copy of a letter of the Governor of Port Royal, to the 
deputies of Grand Pre and tiie other districts of Minas and Cliignitou, dated the 14"" of March 
last, whereof the following is an extract : 

" M' Sliirley has received express orders from the Court of England, to look to the security 
"of the Province of Acadia, and to protect the inhabitants, provided they comport themselves 
" according to the obligation of their oath. A vessel of 20 guns has, consequently, arrived 
"here, and we expect, in a short time, another with transports and troops, in addition to those 
" already arrived. I exhort you to comport yourselves in a proper manner, so that you may 
" enjoy his Miijesty's favorable dispositions. It is necessary that you inform me of the state 
"of your districts." 

Father Germain adds, that there are no more than 150 men in Port Royal fort. 


Scldcrs of He Royal. 
Reports the intention of the inhabitants of He Royale who are refugees at Tatmigouche, to 
send off a certain number, with as many Indians as M" Maillard will be able to collect, to He 
Royale, on the breaking up of the ice, to lay waste the country and carry off the English 
lodging outside of Louisburg. M"' Maillard is doing his best to put this project into execution. 
Father Germain inquires if we wish to continue this little enterprise, and, at all events, gives 
us some information for the conveyance, without accident, to Acadia of a detachment of French 
and Indians, to harass the enemy at He Royal, without incurring much danger. 

A Prisoner. 

S"" Sieur Lanoue Robutel has returned to Montreal with his party ; he brings in one 
prisoner and a scalp. 

9"" 32 Tetes de Boule and 40 Nepissings, are arrived to see Count de la Galissonniere. 

The war party, commanded by Sieur Mouette, the elder, is returned. It has been surprised, 
within 5 or 6 leagues of Fort St. Frederic, by a stronger party of the enemy; our people were 
obliged to retreat; one Indian has been killed and another wounded. 

lO"" Sailed, from Quebec, Captain Curodeau's snow for Martinico. 

Id. The galliot, La Marie Catherine, Captain Mourejeau, for the same port. 

Le David. 

ll"" A courier, of St. Barnabe, informs us of the arrival there of the ship Le David, Captain 
Taillasson ; she sailed from France in company with La Friponne. We continue active 
exertions to launch the vessel, Le St. Laurent, which is on the stocks, whenever the tide 

Le St. Laurent is ready for launching, but a strong N. E. wind does not permit us to hazard 
the experiment. The tide has risen only 14 feet 5 inches. 

The Biscayenne dispatched by Father Germain has arrived with the three deserters in 
question ; they were put in the barracks with their comrades. 

Le S' Laurent. 
13"^ At i past 7 o'clock this morning the ship St. Laurent was launched with all possible 
success. There was 14 feet 10 inches of water in the basin. 

Le S' Pierre. 
The ship St. Pierre, of Bayonne, has anchored in the harbor. 

Le David. 

Also, the ship Le David. 

Also, a galliot from Martinico, Captain Boulau, loaded partly with salt. 

Sieur Simblin, the elder, is returned to Montreal with his party. He has been in the 
neighborhood of Choueguin, where he captured a Mohawk, who will be sent to Quebec with 
his comrades, who are in irons. 

War Party. 
14"" Cadet Bailleul with 17 Iroquois of the Saut have been fitted out at Montreal for 
an expedition. 


Ensign Portneuf Neuvillette and 21 Iroquois of thie Saut iiave also been equipped for a 
like service. 

Arrived, the ship Le Lion Monrose, Captain Foucher, sailed from St. Domingo on the IS"" of 
March, under a Cartel flag with 4 English prisoners which he was to land at Louisbourg. 
This vessel was met when three days out by an English privateer, which relieved her of the 
4 prisoners and allowed her to continue her voyage ; she is loaded with about 1500 minots of 
salt. Said Foucher entered the Gulf in the beginning of April, and not being able to pass on 
account of the ice, went through Canso, where he encountered no obstacle. 

A Frisoner. 

Twelve Indians of Panaouamsk6 arrive with an English prisoner taken in the vicinity of Fort 
St. George, who reports nothing of interest. These Indians have wintered at their village, 
and took this opportunity of coming here in search of some presents. 

20 Mississagues from the head of Lake Ontario have come to Montreal to see the General ; 
they have promised fidelity, and assured that they had no participation in the bad Belts that 
have been distributed. Sixteen of them have demanded to go on an expedition, for which 
purpose they have been fitted out. Sieur Langy Foutenelle has been given to them as 
a commander. 

War Party. 
IS"" Sieur Langy Levreau and 24 Iroquois of the Saut have been fitted out for a war 
excursion. Cadet Daillebout de Cuisi has been adjoined to the party. 

5 Scalps. 
19"" Sieur Louis Simblin and his party of Upper country Indians have returned with 5 
scalps; within a few leagues of Fort St. Frederic he attacked an English detachment which 
probably surprised Sieur Mouet's party and killed one of our Indians. 

La Nymphe. 
Sieur Dubois, Jun', is arrived ; he landed at Mount Louis from the snow La Nymphe of St. 
Malo, Captain La Garenne, loaded partly with salt intended for the fishery at Mount Louis. 
This ship is to go up to Quebec; he is instructed to deliver there the 4S6 logs of lignum vitas 
which M. Guillot, chief commissary at St. Malo, has put on board for the stores at Quebec. 

Detachment sent to Acadia. 
Upon the representations heretofore made by Father Germain, that the French refugees from 
He Royale, in the neighborhood of Tatimigouche, designed to proceed to that Island to make 
some devastations there, and on his proposal that we assist them, we resolve to send to 
Beaubassin, under the command of Ensign Marin, a party of 140 men, one hundred of whom 
are Indians from the dillerent villages. This detachment will be employed not only in 
preventing the English forming any new settlements in Acadia but also in annoying and 
harassing them either at Port Royale or on lie Royale as far as the environs of Louisburg, or 
in the different harbors where they cut fire-wood, should it find an opportunity to go thither 
to make incursions, so as to disgust the enemy more and more with their conquest; eflbrts are 
being made for the dispatch of this detachment. 


Convoy 10 Michilimakinac, 

20"" Count de la Galissonniere orders the dispatch from Montreal of the convoy for 
Michilimakinac, under the command of Lieutenant de St. Vincent. This convoy is well 
escorted and sufficiently well provided with provisions and merchandise to supply the post 
abundantly. The General writes to Lieutenant de St. Pierre, commandant there, that the 
convoy was delayed in the hope of receiving news from Michilimaknac, but that the advanced 
season obliged him to order its dispatch, though he is uninformed of what is passing at that 
post ; that should the troubles continue, nothing remains to be done than to abandon, as 
already proposed, those posts which are exposed to danger, in order to oblige the guilty to 
come to Michilimakinac, and even to Montreal, in search of what they want ; that he must 
exact the surrender of the murderers, and, should circumstances force him, grant peace on 
the same conditions as those accorded to the Hurons of Detroit, who were to bring two English 
prisoners for every Frenchman tliey had killed; the promises must, first of all, be performed 
in order that these Nations may not betray us as the Hurons have done. The General leaves 
this officer at liberty to determine, according to circumstances, the carrying into execution the 
different licenses granted for the Northern posts, and observes to him, nevertheless, in regard 
to the West Sea and Nepigon, that in case these posts were abandoned, it would be to be feared 
that the English might irretrievably monopolize the entire of that trade, which they now share 
with sufficient advantage. Demands some Panis, in order to indemnify tlie Indians who have 
surrendered some English prisoners. 

Ensigns Laronde and Chevalier de Laverendrie have, also, taken their departure ^ the first 
for Point Chagouamigon, and the second for the West Sea. 

War Party. 
2P' Sieur de Niverville Montizambaut, Sieur Grandpru, his brother, and 19 Abenaquis have 
been fitted out at Montreal for a war excursion. 

Nine other Abenaquis have been, also, fitted out for Fort St. Frederic, and to reinforce the 
scouts there. 

17 Outaouas of Detroit, belonging to the tribe of one of Mikinac's younger sons, have had 
an outfit to return home. 

War Party. 
22* 34 Iroquois of the Saut have been outfitted for a war party, and ordered to divide 
themselves into two or three small sections; but having manifested some repugnance, they 
were, authoritatively, told that they were to submit to orders and obey. 

Le S* Ursin. 
A courier from St. Barnabe informs us of the arrival, at said place, of the ship St. Ursin, of 
Eochelle, which sailed with the frigate La Friiionne. 

News from Michilimakinac. 
24"' Chevalier de Repentigny arrives at Montreal, from Michilimakinac, with IS canoes of 
Indians from that quarter ; in regard to news from that post, there is reason to be satisfied 


with the conduct of M. de St. Pierre, the commandant there ; he has managed the affairs of his 
post with much firmness and success. 
25"' Ail these Indians have had a talk. 

One Murderer given vp — MicfdHmaJdnac Nations. 

The tribe of the Indian, Achoabmet, has delivered up one of the Saguinam murderers; 
attention, however, has been paid this chief, who has behaved well, whilst refusing that 
Calumet, which he presented, until all the murderers were surrendered ; he, who has been 
given up, has been put in irons, without any promise of mercy. This severity has astonished 
the Indians, to whom has been explained the importance of granting no more pardons, as these 
have, hitherto, only served to occasion new crimes. 

The tribes of Outaouas, Kicapoux, Sinago and some people from the Forks have protested 
fidelity, Pindalouan being speaker. 

. Hostages — A Murderer. 
The Sauteur tribe has delivered two hostages for the performance of the promise they gave 
to surrender the murderers belonging to their Nation ; one of those who made the attack at 
La Cloche, and had crept into this tribe, has been recognized and put in irons. 

Note. — On the same day one of the hostages was released, giving the nation to 
understand that we were unwilling to make the innocent suffer for the guilty. 

All these Indians have very urgently demanded mercy for the murderers ; they were 
answered, that it was mercy to detain them, so as to prevent them continuing their bad 
conduct; that the people of their nation ought to have confidence in their Father's beneficence, 
and think only of repairing the past. 

We send back to Bay Verte, the Biscayenne dispatched by Father Germain, and which has 
brought 3 deserters from Port Royal ; M" Hocquart freighted it with some ammunition and 
goods, to be expended, as far as they go, in taking up the notes outstanding in Acadia, and 
which were issued in consequence of the sojourn of different detachments there. Amand 
Bigeau, an Acadian, and a worthy Frenchman, who is mentioned in the Governor of Boston's 
proclamation, came to Quebec, and returns by this opportunity. This farmer will be of use to 
Sieur Marin's detachment, by the supplies of provisions and other necessaries he will procure' 
for it. M' Hocquart has considered it his duty to treat this Acadian with some distinction; 
he has ordered, to be delivered him, from the King's stores, about 3 @. 400" worth of 
ammunition and goods, in order the better to encourage him to facilitate our expeditions in 
that Province. 


20"" Count de la Galissonniere sends Captain de Vercheres to Lake St. Francis, to relieve 
Chevalier de Lacorne, in command of the detachment there, which is employed in scouting, 
and 'tis necessary to keep up. 

The party, commanded by Sieur Villiers de Jumonville, has returned to Montreal with 5 
English scalps ; it had not time to remove those of 9 (ai 10 other Englishmen, who were also 
killed. He attacked, between 3 forts, a party of the enemy, who made a gallant resistance. 
Two of our Iroquois and Sieur Hertel, the younger, have been killed. 


Chevalier de Longuenil. 
The General communicates to Chevalier de Longueuil, commandant at Detroit, the speeches 
of the Michilimakinac nations, and the answers he lias given them ; recommends him to act 
always with firmness ; inquires of him if the emigration be advantageous, and whether it does 
not favor the evil designs that may possibly be entertained by the Chaouenons and the other 
nations of the Oubache. In case that emigration take place, and it be proper not to interfere 
with it, 'twill be necessary to send more traders to the River St. Joseph. Recommends 
correspondence with Michilimakinac; it is now easy; the Saguinam affair, being as it were 
terminated by the surrender already made, and still to be made of the murderers. 

War Parly. 

33 Iroquois of the Saut have been fittted out at Montreal for a war excursion. 

Ensign Baiileul is sent to Point a la Caille,' whence he is to proceed, without delay, with 
100 Indians of the difflerent villages, whom he is to command, by way of the River St. John 
to Beaubassin, where he has orders to wait for Sieur Marin, who is to set out, in a few days, 
by sea, with 40 Frenchmen ; and in case of Sieur Marin meeting with any accident, Sieur 
Baiileul will consult with Father Germain respecting the operations to be made in Acadia, so 
that his detachment may serve with advantage. We write, in consequence, to that missionary, 
and communicate to him the motives which have determined us to send this detachment. 

Le St. Ursin. 
29"" Le St. Ursin, of Rochelle, has anchored in the harbor. 

La Nymphe. 
Also, the snow. La Nymphe. 

An English Prize. 

30"" Also, the snow Elizabeth, an English prize, captured by Sieur Ferret on his way from 
Martinico. This prize, which had about 2500 minots of salt on board, was going to Little 
Placentia to fish. 

July 1. Ensign Marin, commanding the detachment sent to Acadia, sails with 40 Frenchmen 
in 3 biscayennes, for Bay Verte and Beaubassin, where he is to join Sieur Baiileul, who is to 
wait for him there with his detachment. We have furnished Sieur Marin with detailed 
instructions, respecting what he will have to do when he reaches Beaubassin, in regard to the 
object we contemplate in sending this detachment. 

Niagara — Fort Frontenac. 
Sent from Montreal to Fort Frontenac, by the bateaux of ... . , one mortar, S8 shells, 
and to Niagara, 36 fusils; the balance in ammunition and merchandise in greater abundance 
than in previous years; and this, with a view to make an attack on Choueguin, if possible. 

Schooner L' Hirondelle. 
2^ Arrived, the schooner Lliirondelle, Captain Ferret, sailed from Martinico on the 6"' of 
April last. 

' St. Thomas, below Quebec. — Ed. 
Vol. X. 22 


Le Loup Marin. 

Also, the brigantine Le Loup Marin, Captain Guillimin, which sailed from La Trinite on the 
14'" of May last. 

Father Lacorne. 

Father Maurice Lacorne arrives from Miramichy with the King's brigantine, which was 
presented to him last year. 

Arrived, from Montreal, several canoes of Indians belonging to the Detroit tribes. They 
consist of Outaouas of Mikinac and Kinonsaki's tribes; of Hurons of Sastaredzy's tribe, and 
of Pouteouatamies. Count de la Galissonniere receives, by this opportunity, letters from M' 
Bertliet, from M' de Longueuil, and some other of the posts. The tenor of these letters will be 
understood by the extract of the answers which will be sent them, when these Indians 
return home. 

The Detroit nations that arrived yesterday have spoken ; some, excusing their guilty 
brethren, others congratulating themselves that none of their tribe had been parties to the 
unfortunate attacks; all have solicited the pardon of the murderers, have exposed their 
poverty and made great protestations of fidelity. 


The answers have been confined to not confounding the innocent with the guilty, to 
distinguishing the chiefs and others who have given proofs of their fidelity, but we have 
persisted in not releasing the murderers ; the surrender of all of them was even exacted. 

The different tribes of the Michilimakinac Nations have spoken a second time, insisting on 
the release of the murderers. 

Hostage released. 
They were answered that they must consider their Father's severity to the murderers as a 
mark of his tenderness towards his true children. Nevertheless, out of consideration for 
Achoabmet and other good Indians, we were pleased to release him who had been given as a 
hostage for the delivery of the murderers, but the word pardon for any murderer must not be 
pronounced any more. This answer seems to have been appreciated by them. 

6 Prisoners — 5 Scalps. 
6"" The three different war parties, commanded by Sieurs Duplessis Fabert, Simblin and 
Laplante, are returned to Montreal. These parlies, having united, made an attack on 
Northfield, brought in 6 English prisoners and 5 scalps.' 

Arrived, at Montreal, 7 Papinaches^ Indians, from Lake Huron, who cama to see their Father. 
They were reproached with the fact thai some of their people had participated in the attack 

' The next month (June 16tli) they killed three men behmging to Hinadnle'a fort, Nuthan French, Joseph Richardson nnd 
John Krost. Seven were taken ; one of whom, William Bitkford, died of his wounds. Captain Ilohbs and forty men being 
on a scout, near West river, were surprised by a party of Indians (June 26lh ), with whom they had a smart encounter of 
three hours' continuance. Uobbs left the ground, having had three men killed and fonr wounded. JBetknap't Hittory of New 
Hamfhire, III., 197. 

' Papiiiakuis ( or Papinachois. Relation, 1640,1; Papinanchois. La Polherie, I., 207; OupapinachiskU. Drtcrtux Huioria 
Canad., 606. ) were a tribe inhabiting the country north of the St Lawrence and cast of the Snguenay, in 1660, according to 
th« map attached to the last mentioned work. Were they afterwards the Papiuachea of Lake Huron? — Ed. 


made at La Cloche, and were told that the means of showing themselves to be true children 
was to deliver up the murderers. 

For Buy Verle. 
G"" The schooner U AimabU MarlhehaiS been dispatched from Quebec, loaded with provisions, 
ammunition and goods for the support and maintenance of the detachment sent to Acadia. 
Sieur Gosselin, who is to command it, is to proceed to the neighborhood of Bay Verte, or 
some other little port in the Island of St. John, whence he will notify his arrival to Father 
Germain, at Beaubassin, in order to ascertain whether he can enter Bay Verte, in safety, and 
discharge his cargo there. 

U Aventurier. 

7"" Arrived, the bateau L' Avanfuricr, Captain Detchevery, sailed from Bayonne on the 15"" 
of April. 

Le Ncptnnc. 
S"" Also, the dogger, Le Neptune, Captain Pinau, sailed from La Trinite on the 14"" of May. 

VHcurcux — Le Brillant. 
A courier from St. Barnabe informs us of the arrival there of the ships VHeureux and Le 
Brillant, sailed from Brest on the ll"" of May, with the crew and the remainder of the artillery 
of the ship Le St. Laurent. M' Hocquart continues to labor earnestly to complete the 
construction of this vessel, which will be armed agreeably to the King's orders. 

Detachment from Acadia. 
The King's bateau, Le St. Joseph, from Cape Chat, brings 24 men and women, inhabitants of 
He Royate, who had remained since the war at the harbor called U Indicnne,^ near Louisbourg, 
and who have been forced to come to Quebec, by a detachment of 40 lie Royale settlers, 
refugees in Acadia, and some Indians, under the command of one Jacques Coste, and who 
have taken two small English crafts in Indian harbor. These 24 persons came to Cape 
Chat with 20 prisoners, taken by this detachment, but provisions having failed, Dugard, the 
commander, has been forced to pay a ransom, and the prisoners returned to Louisbourg in 
that vessel. 

War Party. 

The Outaoua, Huron and Pouteouatimi chiefs of Detroit have requested some young men 
to go on a war excursion, as well to afford proofs of their fidelity as to repair past faults, whilst 
they, the chiefs, would return home to promote peace. The first portion of their request has 
been approved ; the young men have, consequently, been equipped, but the chiefs have been 
given to understand that they ought not to think of returning before speaking to the 5 Nations, 
who were daily expected. 

The different Michilimakinac Nations made similar requests to those of Detroit. 90 of these 
Indians, 50 domiciliated Indians and 26 Canadians have all been equipped under the command 
of Chevalier de Repentigny, who is accompanied by several military cadets. 

'Now called Lingan; 'tis about six miles south of Sidney, C. B. Pichon's History of Cape Breton, i% ; ITaliburlon, 
U., 210. — Ed. 


An English Prize. 
IS"" The ships Le Brillant and L'Heureux have cast anchor in the harbor with a snow, an 
English prize, captured by L'Heureux, with a load of about 200 minots of salt ; this snow was 
on her way to Virginia, whither she was carrying some twenty Irish and Scotch girls. These 
were distributed among different private families, with whom they voluntarily hired. 

La Jeannetle. 
Arrived, the snow La Jeannette, Captain Bernetier, sailed from Martinico on the 30"" of May. 

Two Prisoners. 
14"" Some Abenaquis Indians, returning from war, bring with them two English prisoners 
whom they took near Fort St. George. These prisoners report nothing of interest. 

A Murderer. 
A number of the Folles Avoines, Puans and other of the Bay Nations have arrived at 
Montreal. They have surrendered a murderer, who was immediately put in irons equally 
with the other two. 

War Party. 
le"" 45 Nepissings and Algonquins of the Lake, and eight Frenchmen, have been equipped 
for a war excursion under the command of Sieur Louis Simblin, an Aiguletted cadet. 

24 Outaouas and Pouteouatamis of Detroit have been likewise fitted out for a war excursion. 

A Negro prisoner — 3 Scalps. 
Sieur de Niverville Montizambert is arrived at Montreal with his party; he brings 3 scalps 
and one Negro prisoner. 

War Party. 
Nine Sauteurs of Detroit have been equipped to go on a war excursion. Sieur Blondeau, a 
volunteer, commands them. 

War Party. 
l?"" 90 domiciliated Indians and 46 Canadians have been fitted out for a war excursion, 
under the command of Chevalier de Niverville, Ensign of foot, to whom has been adjoined 
Sieur de Beaubassin, an Ensign of foot, and sundry cadets. 

4 Scalps. 
ig"" Some Abenaquis, from the neighborhood of Fort St. George, bring 4 scalps to Quebec; 
they have not been able to make any prisoners. 

War Party. 

14 Micmacs have been fitted out at Quebec for a war excursion toward Fort St. George. 

Letters from Niagara are received at Quebec, stating that the 5 Nations are gone to the 
Council at Orange, and that they promise to come and visit their Father at Montreal immediately 
on their return. It is reported that these nations have sent back the hatchet which the 
English gave them to use against the French. 


Fort S' Frederic. 
They write from Fort St. Frederic that the parties commanded by Sieurs de Portneuf and 
Bailleul have been met by a superior force of the enemy and repulsed. Our people have 
retreated without the loss of a man. After this check, these two parties fell in with that of 
Sleur Langy, and all of them continued their route in the enemy's territory. 

War Party. 
23'' 6 Abenaquis are iitting out at Quebec for a war excursion. 

Sieur Boulau. 
Sieur Bouleau sailed for Martinico. 

Arrived, the brigantine cMeA Le Faquehot de la Martinique, Captain Boissonneau, sailed from 
Martinico on the as"" of May. 

La Jeunesse. 
Arrived, the schooner Z,a Jeareesse, Captain John Darat, sailed from Martinico on the 30"" 
of May. 

A Prize. 

Arrived, a snow, an English prize captured by Mons' Mallet, Captain of a St. Malo ship, 
fishing at Kerpont.* This prize is freighted with pork, beef, candles and cheese, &c. 

Return of the Tribes. 
The chiefs of the different Nations, both of Detroit and Michilimakinac, have asked to 
return home, as the 5 Nations were too long coming down. Permission to return was granted 
them; they have always appeared satisfied and in the best disposition. Before they departed 
they gave the General Belts and messages for the 5 Nations, reproaching the treachery of the 
Mohawks, in which the 5 Nations have had too great a share. 

Letters to the Posts. 

Count de la Galissonniere writes by these Indians to all the posts, particularly to the 
commandants of Detroit and Michilimakinac, informing the first that the arrival of the convoy 
will have furnished him with means to act with more vigor and firmness; recommends him to 
insist on the surrender of the balance of the murderers, &c. He writes, to the commandant of 
Michilimakinac, that it is necessary for him to remain at the post where his services are 
of use. Recommends him to send to the posts whenever circumstances will permit ; observing 
that it is important not to allow those of Nepigon, Chagouamigon and the West Sea to suffer. 
To try and create a trade with the Illinois, who would furnish him with provisions and 
other supplies. 

27"' The scouting party, stationed at Lake St. Francis, has been recalled ; that precaution 
does not appear to be any longer necessary, in consequence of the inactivity of the enemy. 

28"" Count de la Galissonniere takes his departure from Montreal. 

Detachment from Acadia.. 
29"" Arrived, the man named Coste, in command of a schooner taken at Indian Harbor,^ near 
Louisbourg, with a bateau, by a detachment of French and Indian refugees of Acadia, whereof 

' Sea supra, p. 117. ' See supra, note, p. 171. — Ed. 


mention has been made. On the 8"" instant, said Coste has brought away an English infantry- 
officer and a soldier, whom he took at Little Brador; also, the captain of the schooner. This 
detachment has burnt all the houses of the French who were at Indian harbor and Little 
Brador, and who were working for the English since the capture of Louisbourg. It, likewise, 
burnt more than 2000 cords of fire-wood which were along the coast, and which the English 
got the French to cut for their use. 

A Prisoner. 

29"" Some Abenaquis brought to Quebec a prisoner taken in the neighborhood of Quebec; 
mentions nothing of interest. 

31" Count de la Galissonniere arrives at Quebec. 

We receive letters from Beaubassin informing us that 2 English vessels had arrived at that 
place laden with salt and other articles suitable for the country ; that the people have taken 
these supplies and been obliged to give wheat in exchange ; that, otherwise, the English have 
not ill-treated the Acadians; they, on the contrary, sold their goods civilly and quietly; that a 
third vessel had, also, arrived at Beaubassin, which remained only one day. It is added, that 
had there been then a detachment of only 100 men at Beaubassin, it would have been easy 
to master these vessels. 

A Prisoner — A Scalp. 
August 2^ Some Abenaquis bring to Quebec a prisoner and a scalp taken in the direction 
of Fort St. George. 

7 Prisoners — 9 Scalps. 
We are informed of the arrival, at Montreal, of the parties commanded by Sieurs Portneuf, 
Neuvillette, Langy, Fontenelle and Bailleul, with 9 scalps and an entire English family. 
They report that there is considerable talk of peace in New England, and that news of it is 
daily expected. 

Suspension of Hostilities, 
Evening. A courier, from St. Barnabe, informs us of the arrival, at said place, of the King's 
frigate Le Zephir; we receive, by that opportunity, the news of the suspension of hostilities. 

Intelligence thereof sent to Montreal. 

3^ A courier is dispatched to Montreal with intelligence of this cessation ; orders all the 
nations to be notified not to go to New England on any more war parties; that they will not 
be paid in future for prisoners or scalps; recommends to them, notwithstanding, to be always 
on their guard, and not to have any communication with the English or the 5 Nations. 
Notwithstanding this notice, our Indians, particularly the domiciliated Abenaquis, will possibly 
continue their hostilities; they have lost warriors, and have not yet had an opportunity to 
revenge themselves to their satisfaction. We shall keep them in check as much as possible. 

S"" 40 Micmacs of He Royale have been wintering at Newfoundland, and struck a blow in 
the fall on several isolated English houses, which they pillaged ; took 23 prisoners whom they 
have kept all winter ; treated them well up to the month of April, then put 12 of the 23 in a 
boat in company with 8 old Indians and their families, -whom they have sent with them to the 
neighborhood of St. John, where they were to wait for the tribe which was to follow them 


immediately, in order to proceed altogether to Quebec. On arriving at the rendezvous, the 12 
prisoners who were free killed the 8 old Indians, and the women and children and escaped. 
Two days after the blow, the tribe arrived with the 11 other prisoners, and being surprised at 
seeing their people dead were informed by a Micmac squaw, who had not yet expired, of what 
had occurred ; seeing which, these Indians made their prisoners land, and explaining to them 
their comrades' conduct, killed them all to avenge the death of their people, and have arrived 
with the 11 scalps. 

Videttes recalled. 

10"" Orders to recall Mess" Aubert, Abel and Rouville, who command the corps of 
observation at Cape Desrosiers, Cape Chat and St. Barnabe. 

Idem. To dismiss the guard of the signal fires along the South shore. 

Packet Boats. 

The orders sent to the South shore to stop the English packet boats will remain in force so 
as to prevent their coming up as far as Quebec. 

Like order to relieve M. Cartier appointed to manoeuvre the rafts at He Aux Coudres. The 
orders issued to the North shore will continue, in like manner, in force. 

11 Prisoners — 25 Scalps. 
Chevalier de Repentigny, who went out with a party of Indians to fight, arrives from 
Montreal; he made an attack near Corlac and took 11 prisoners and 25 scalps. 

10 Men Massacred. 

We learn by this occasion that a detachment consisting of a Sergeant and 9 soldiers who 
were detailed to bring to Quebec, in a canoe, the three Indian murderers surrendered at 
Montreal, had all been massacred and thrown into the river at a place called Mamiche,' in 
Lake St. Peter, 5 or 6 leagues from 3 Rivers ; the three assassins have escaped ; 'tis "not 
known whether the other Indians joined them ; such is the presumption ; the bodies of only 
four of these men have been found in the canoe, and 2 or 3 have been found on the bank. 
'Tis to be feared that the Indians, who were well disposed, will become disorderly in 
consequence of this accident ; word has been sent from Three Rivers to Montreal to try and 
overtake the assassins. 

News from Beauhassin. 

ll"" Couriers from Beaubassin bring us letters from Father Germain. This missionary 
writes us, on the 23"^ ult", that the schooner commanded by Sieur Gosselin has arrived at 
Cocagne' on the l?"", and that he made him put into the River des Gasparaux at Bay Verte, 
where he is in safety ; expects Sieurs Marin and Bailleul, who have not yet arrived. 

12"' A boat arrives from Bay Verte with 3 deserters from Port Royal, who left the fort on 
the IS"" of June ; they report that the garrison consists of about 1500 regulars and militia, 
which we do not believe, and that the English are fortifying the place. 

Detachment to the Island of S' John. 
On the strength of what the Minister writes, respecting the approaching restitution of He 
Royale, we have thought proper to send some provisions and goods to the inhabitants of the 

' Machiche. * Supra, p. Ill; note. — Ed. 


Island of St. John, and to those of He Royale who are scattered along the coasts of Acadia, 
and are deprived of all succors since the capture of Louishourg. The General has thought 
proper to send to the Island of St. John a detachment, consisting of two officers and 25 soldiers, 
only, the command of which he has given to Sieur Benoit, lieutenant of the troops, formerly 
in service at He Royale. M"" Hocquart is having two middle-sized vessels prepared to carry 
the provisions of this detachment and those whom we send in concert, to assist the inhabitants 
and to encourage them beforehand to resume and improve their old settlements. 

Arrived, at Quebec, 25 French prisoners, being the crews of divers French vessels that have 
been captured ; they were sent from New- York, under the care of an English officer and 7 
other Englishmen, who, also, brought 4 of our farmers who had been taken prisoners on our 
Montreal frontiers. In sending these prisoners the Governor of New- York is silent as regards 
some twenty other Canadians who have been carried away from our settlements. 

News from Beaubassin. 

17"" Couriers from Beaubassin inform us of the arrival there of Sieur Marin and of Sieur 
Bailleul with the Indians he had in charge. Sieur Marin advises us, on the I" of this month, 
that he expects to leave in 4 days, with his detachment, for He Royale ; that he will first 
proceed to the Church of Scatary, where there is a great number of cattle belonging to the 
enemy, as well as fire-wood ; that he will then await new orders respecting a design formed 
against Port Royal. 

Sailed, for France, the snow La Nymphe. We have written to the Minister by this 

22'' Sailed, for Martinico, the snow La JeanneUe, Captain Bernetier. 

Idem. The ship U Amphitrite, Captain Lavocat, for St. Domingo. 

23'' The English officer, who has brought to Montreal the 29 French prisoners, arrives at 
Quebec with the Englishmen who accompany him. He has applied to carry back with him 
the'20 English prisoners belonging to the government of New-York. 

24"" Sailed, the snow L'Elisabeth, one of the 2 vessels that we dispatch to the Island of St. 
John, to convey provisions for the inhabitants of that place and those of He Royale, who have 
taken refuge on the coasts of Acadia. 

The General writes to Beaubassin by the return of the two couriers; he tells M. Marin to 
return to Quebec with his detachment, in consequence of the cessation of hostilities, which he 
advises him of, recommending him to cease, and make the Indians cease all hostilities against 
the English, and, moreover, to be always on his guard against attacks. 

Lieutenant de St. Vincent, who conducted to Michilimaklnac the convoy destined for that 
post, has returned to Quebec. M' de St. Pierre, the commandant of said place, informs us 
that affairs seem so far reestablished that he has determined, in conjunction with the officers 
who happened to be on the spot, to send to all the Northern posts the merchant traders and 
voyageurs who were licensed for those posts. 

Arrived, an English prize, taken by Sieur Curodeau, who sailed from Quebec on the lO"" of 
June for Martinico. He has returned for the purpose of bringing in his prize. 

25"" Ship L'heureux rclour, of Rochelle, has anchored in the stream. 

Sieur Curodeau, who took the prize which arrived on the 24"", has anchored in the stream. 

We send back the English officer who was deputed from New-York ; we deliver over to 
him 20 prisoners belonging to divers of the New England Provinces ; 3 or 4 of them only 


belong to New-York. The General writes, by this opportunitj', to the Governor of that 
Province that he is surprised at having, up to the present time, only 4 of our Canadians who 
were taken on our frontiers ; that he had determined not to return to this Governor any of the 
English prisoners belonging to his government; that nothing but the armistice had induced 
him to release these, but that he will not send back those who remain here, belonging to that 
government, until the Canadians be restored who are prisoners among the Mohawks ; that this 
Governor must not spare any effort to withdraw them from the hands of these Indians, so as 
to respond to the attention which we, on our side, bestowed to the recovery of their people. 
Lieutenant de Ligneri is appointed to conduct this deputy and his party as far as New-York, 
with orders to insist on the Governor's surrendering our Canadians. 

Ship Letourneur. 
26"" Ship Le Tourneur, freighted on account of the King, has anchored in the stream. 

M Bigot. 
W Bigot having disembarked at St. Joachim, slept there on the 25"' and arrived to-day at 
Quebec in a calash, about 4 o'clock in the afternoon. 

War Parti/. 
27"' Chevalier de Niverville arrives at Quebec on his return from an expedition with his 
detachment of Canadians and Indians. The most of his people fell sick on the march. They 
fought, but indifferently, on the 13"' of this month, within an arpe?U and J of Fort Massachusetts, 
against 30 Englishmen, whom 6 Abenaquis had drawn out of the fort, and against whom they 
fought whilst retreating to join our men, so that there were killed only 5 Englishmen, who fell 
on the field, and only one Huron and one Iroquois wounded.^ 

New -York Deputation. 
Sieur de Niverville, when passing Fort St. Frederic, has been entrusted with a letter for the 
General, which was brought to that fort by three English deputies; it is dated 1" of August, 
O. S., and is from the Governors of Boston and New-York, who send copy of the proclamation 
of the King of England's declaration of a suspension of hostilities, which they are about to 
declare likewise, on their part; mention 14 French prisoners recently sent back by M"' Shirley, 
who have not yet arrived. 

30"" The General sends Sieur de Niverville back to Montreal, to hand to M' de Ligneri, who 
proceeds to New- York, the letter he has written in answer to the Governor of that Province, 
and to him of Boston ; he informs them, that he has ordered all hostilities to cease, and, as 
far as depends on him, will put a stop to all hostilities on the part of our Indians, and adds, 
that he wishes the 14 French prisoners who are announced, may be of the number of those 
whom he demands, and who were detained among the Mohawks. 

' On the 2d August, 1748, about 200 of the enemy appeared at the fort It was then under the command of Captain, 
afterwards Colonel, Ephraim Williams. A scout was fired upon, which drew out Captain Williams with about 30 men; aa 
attack began, which continued some time, but finding the enemy numerous. Captain Williams fought upon the retreat, until 
he had again recovered the fort. The enemy soon withdrew, but with what loss was unknown. A man by the name of Abbot 
was killed, and Lieutenant Hawley and Ezekiel Wells were wounded. History of Berkshire County, Massachusetts, 426. — Ed. 

Vol. X. 23 


Island of S' John. 

31" Sailed, the second vessel with provisions and effects for the Island of St. John, for 
the relief of the inhabitants of that island and others. The detachment of regulars has 
embarked on board this vessel. 

The King's frigate, Le Zephir, has anchored in the stream. 

The Assassins. 
Count de la Galissonniere writes to M' de Longueuil, the commandant at Montreal, to 
notify the nations, who are still at Montreal, from him, that since it has been impossible 
to overtake the 3 murderers who assassinated the detachment that was conveying them to 
Quebec, it is necessary that these nations do, themselves, look up those murderers in order 
to surrender them anew. 


September 5"" M' de Celoron arrives at Quebec on his return from Detroit, whither he 
conducted the convoy destined for that post. We receive letters from all the posts; the Hurons, 
who are at Point Montreal (Detroit), appear again too convenient to Nicolas, who has 
removed to the Beautiful River; they could easily notify that traitor of any expedition set 
on foot against him. Scarce a doubt remains of the Chaouennons being in league with 
the English. 

Micmacs of He Royale. 

Sieur Bourdon, an officer of lie Royale, sails with some twenty Micmac Indians, who are 
going to winter in He Royale for the purpose of cutting fire-wood there. 

Sieur Abel. 
lO"" Sieur Abel, who was sent last spring to Cape Chat, has returned with his men 
to Quebec. 

Sieur Aubert. 
ll"" Sieur Aubert, the commander at Cape Desrosiers, has likewise returned. 

French Pi-isoners. 
13"" We learn, from Montreal, the arrival there of eleven French prisoners, who have been 
sent back by the Governor of Boston. 

16"' We are in receipt of intelligence from Beauhassin. Father Germain writes us, on the 
25"" of August, that a number of French and Indians of Sieur Marin's detachment, have fallen 
sick, which has retarded the execution of the hostilities in the direction of He Royale. The 
cessation of hostilities was not yet known at Beauhassin, and Sieur Marin was waiting the 
complete recovery of his troops before setting out. 

2 Visscls. 
16"" Arrived, 2 vessels from Marlinico, with Sirop, Taffia, &c. 

Sailed, Sieur Du Chambon and Sieur Decout, with a detachment of 30 soldiers of lie Royale, 
who are going to winter at Grand Brador, for the purpose of cutting fire-wood. 


Le 3 Cousins. 
24"» Ship 3 Cousins, Captain Charest, from Bourdeauv, has anchored in the stream. 
Ships La Favorite and La Sultane, the snow Le Dauphin and ship Le Lis, all of Rochelle, 
have anchored in the stream. 

5 Nations. 
30"" Abb6 Picquet leaves Quebec for Fort Frontenac; he is to examine the neighborhood 
of that fort for a location best adapted for a village, to be formed by the Iroquois of the Five 
Nations, who propose to embrace Christianity. 

Return of Sieur M'lrin. 

October 1" Sieur Marin, Junior, arrives from Beaubassin ; he did not receive, in season, 
the letters advising him of the suspension of hostilities. In the neighborhood of Louisbourg 
he made prisoners of a captain, a lieutenant, an ensign, two sergeants and four soldiers, 
belonging to that garrison, with two officers of an English man-of-war, and 4 ladies. These 
prisoners having informed M' Marin that hostilities had ceased, he sent the 4 ladies back to 
the Governor of Louisbourg, and wrote to him that he could not surrender the other prisoners 
to him until notified of the suspension, of which he was ignorant. That Governor immediately 
wrote, and the prisoners have been sent back, except one, named Mayer, formerly the orderly 
( Suisse) of our garrison, at Louisbourg, who deserted a few days before the surrender of that 
place, and is accused of treason. This Swiss and his wife have been brought to Quebec, and 
both have been committed to prison. 

The bateau, Le Saint Jean Baptiste, has arrived from Rochelle. 

Letters to Detroit. 

3* Count de La Galissonniere writes to Chevalier de Longueuil, commandant at Detroit, 
that, though we be at peace, every attempt of the English to settle at River a la Roche, White 
river, the Beautiful river, or any of their tributaries, must be resisted by force, and should this 
fail, they must, in every case, be summoned to retire, and warned of the dliasters which may 
overtake them, should they not obey. 

Letters from Montreal, of the 1" instant, state that 14 or 15 canoes of the Five Nations are 
hourly expected. The General writes M'' de Longueuil, commandant at Montreal, to send 
them to Quebec, as soon as they shall have arrived. 

g* Ship La Couronne arrives from Rochelle. 

A.bstract of Despatches from Canada. 

Mess" de Lagalissonniere and Bigot transmit, on the 26"" September, 1748, a journal of 
military occurrences in Canada, and of the various intelligence received at Quebec, since the 
month of November, 1747. 

The Mohawks have made no incursion into our settlements since that date; news had been 
received, only, that a party of these Indians had set out, but returned on learning that our 
frontiers were well guarded. 


Two parties of our Indians, one of which was composed of eight or ten Cristinaux, had made 
an attack on them, scalped the principal chief of the Mohawks and a few others. 

The fort, at the Saint Therese Rapid, has been entirely abandoned, and a portion of the 
materials has served to construct another fort, at Saint John, at the head of all the rapids ; by 
means of this fort, and of the road from it to La Prairie de la Magdeleine, Fort St. Frederic is 
in a position to receive relief within twice twenty-four hours, whilst previously supplies had to 
be sent by way of Chambly, whence it was necessary to ascend three rapids, those of Chambly, 
St. Therese and of St. John. It is calculated that six thousand livres will be saved, annually, 
in the item of transportation. This new fort will facilitate the settlement of the lands on Lake 
Champlain, and the getting out of building timber. 

They look upon it as one of the most useful ever established in the Colony; nevertheless, 
had Mess" de Lngalissonniere and Hocquart, who ordered its construction, foreseen that peace 
was so near at hand, they would never have determined on it without my Lord's instructions. 
IVl'' Bigot is to report the expense he has incurred for the new road. 

The English had made preparations for an attack on Fort St. Frederic ; their artillery, 
consisting of eight or ten guns, had reached Fort Satarasto, which they eventually abandoned 
and burnt. 

M' Bigot states, in a private letter, that he cannot render any account of the expenses 
incurred at Fort St. John. They are estimated in the public (account) at forty (^ fifty thousand 
livres, which is an exorbitant sum for a picket fort. 

Sieur de Lery, Junior, who superintended its construction, says nothing about it ; he has 
merely mentioned to M' de la Galissonniere that the chimneys had settled. This Governor 
has given orders not to rebuild them. This accident occurred in consequence of the Engineer 
not having looked for a solid foundation; that fort cannot be occupied this year; an officer 
and ten soldiers will, however, be stationed in an adjoining building. M'' Bigot complains of 
Sieur de Lery, the elder, who does not render any accounts; he has written to him on this 
subject, and advised him that next year, earth would be paid for at Quebec by the toise.^ At 
present it is paid for by little cart loads, half full, containing only a handful of earth ; each 
load costs 2 sous, and only half the loss would be incurred were they to count fair. 

To tolerate this mode of remuneration it would be necessary that the Engineer should be 
on the ground, but he is so only rarely and transiently ; besides this, the carts are partly 
owned by the Officers and Engineers, which is the cause of all the abuse. M' Bigot is informed 
that the pay at Fort St. John is at the same rate ; that the Engineer furnishes the horses, and 
he doubts not but a further grant will be required. M"' de la Galissonniere does, in fact, make 
such a demand. 

He sends the extract of the payments for grading; those of the month of June, when the 
country carts with those of the town were used, amounted to 25,10G" 13'. The former were 
discharged on the first of July, which ought to cause a falling off of nearly one-half; the 
expense, notwithstanding, amounts to 29,924'' 15'. 

Sieur de Lery is of opinion that the earth should not be measured by the yard, because 
some will have to be taken in broken and stony places, that would cause him trouble, whilst 
there is none in paying for it by the spoonful {par inarron). 

' A toise = two j'Brds. — Ed. 


The earth removed this year amounts, by yard measurement, to 125,229" 7' G"*. More than 
50 thousand livres have been stolen. IVr Bigot has seen the earth that lias been removed ; he 
says it would not amount, at Louisbourg, to 50 thousand livres. 

The repairs of Fort Frontenac are completed. They amount to 6,725" 12' G"*; and 
considerable, it is stated, remains to be done at Niagara. 

M' de la Galissonniere demands a gratuity for Sieur de Lery, Junior, in consideration of 
the care he has bestov^ed on the construction of Fort St. John. 

M. de la Galissoniere to Count de Mmirq)a.s. 

Quebec, iSS''^ October, 1748. 
My Lord. 

I did not expect to enter into any details on occasion of the different movements of the 
Indians, and the negotiations which I, in the town of Montreal, and the commandants at 
the different posts had with them. They are all to be found in the Journal prepared by me, 
conjointly with the Intendant. However, as this matter is much confused, and as the various 
reports which will, possibly, be made to you, will render it more obscure, I cannot dispense 
writing to you at length relative to subjects of the greatest importance to the Colony. 

It was shortly after my arrival that I learned the revolt of the Miamis, the consequences of 
which, though unfortunate, have not been near so much so as they seemed to be. That nation 
was divided into two parties, whereof one that appears attached to the French is, I believe, 
the most considerable, and has remained at the village. It did, however, accept its share of the 
plunder, but gave it back afterwards; no one was killed in that affair. 

M' de Longueuil, the commandant at Detroit, having received intelligence of this disorder, 
and at the same time of the good disposition of a part of that nation, sent Sieur Dubuison 
thither, in the beginning of the winter, with a sufficient escort to keep possession of the fort, 
which had been partially burnt, but not to undertake anything. 

This officer, and his little garrison, had to undergo considerable suffering through the winter, 
in consequence of the unfriendly disposition of the Indians, who extorted {ranconu's) on them 
for provisions. Sieur Dubuisson had carried scarcely anything with him from Detroit, where, 
great scarcity also prevailed. However, lie subsisted until the spring at a considerable expense 
to the King, and kept up negotiations with the chief of the hostile party, who, probably, will 
alter his course. 

During the winter, a Frenchman, who strayed from the fort, was killed by an Iroquois, 
without Sieur Dubuisson having been able to induce the Miamis, who pretended to be favorable 
to the French, to pursue the murderer, as they had been won over to connive at the 
perpetration of that hostile blow. 

Sieur Dubuisson returned to Detroit in the spring, with the residue of the plunder that had 
been given up, and the property of the farmers of the post. Chevalier de Longueuil, whom I 
had ordered to maintain that place, was to send Sieur Dubuisson thiiher, in the month of 
August, with a considerable detachment, well supplied, under the command of Sieur de la 


Maudiere, who is likewise to repair, if needs be, to the nations on the Oubache, bad Indians 
who have remained faithful up to the present time, but among whom there are not wanting 
evil-disposed fellows, who have been gained over by the English. 

I return to Detroit, where everything was in disorder long before my arrival, in consequence 
of the revolt of some Hurons who call themselves Christians; won over by the English, they 
had assassinated five Frenchmen passing througli their villages of Sanduskee. The domiciliated 
Outaouagas and Pouteouitamis of Detroit, had been solicited to do the like, but it does not 
appear that the Pouteoutamis had lent any ear to these proposals. 

Some Outaouas and Saulteurs had, on the contrary, complotted with the Hurons to destroy 
Detroit, and the conspiracy was pretty well managed and on the point of exploding, when the 
Sandosket assassination led to its discovery. Then all those who were not compromised, 
joined the Pouteouitamis, the French and the well-disposed Outaouas; and this return so 
intimidated the assassins, that they came to supplicate for mercy, which was granted them 
by M'' de Longueuil, agreeably to the orders he had from M"" de Beauharnois, and more 
especially in consequence of his small force and the necessity he was under of living. Very 
mild conditions were annexed to this peace, but whilst it was yet negotiating, and when all, 
except Chev. de Longueuil, considered it certain, a party, which was not ignorant of the 
negotiations, even made an attempt, in the immediate vicinity of Detroit, to carry ofTa French 
canoe; three men who composed the entire crew, were wounded. On receipt of the news, 
Chev. de Longueuil sent otF a detachment, under the command of M' de Beletre, who 
conducted himself with so much bravery, promptness and precaution, that he effected, without 
the loss of a man, the capture of the five who perpetrated the attack. 

Of these five wretches, one was killed on arriving at Detroit, a second cut his throat in 
prison, and the remaining three were given up on the urgent solicitation and every possible 
submission on the part of the Hurons and their protectors, both Indian and French, who 
represented that this favor would indubitably bring back the Hurons of Sanduskee ; but 
as soon as they received the prisoners they quitted the post, where they did not consider 
themselves safe, and withdrew towards the Beautiful river ; thence they sent out emissaries 
everywhere to induce the Nations to revolt. A great many, however, returned to Detroit, 
but whether they are to be regarded as penitents or spies, there is no knowing. 

I spoke in other letters of the Chaouanons and Illinois. The Pouteoutamis of St. Joseph 
participated in all these movements only by offers of service and protestations of fidelity, 
which I have every reason to consider real and sincere. 

On three or four occasions, during the winter and spring, I received letters from M. de 
Longueuil, and some ambassadors from Nations who were faithful, or were reputed to be so. 
These informed me of everything I have related to you, and demanded of me some assistance 
of men, ammunition and provisions, which induced me to dispatch the convoy thither as quick 
as possible. It consisted of more than a hundred Frenchmen and ten or twelve of the most 
reliable Nepissing Indians of the Lake, and of a great number of voyageurs, who were going 
up to trade, and was commanded by Captain de Celoron, who had M' de la Naudiere as his 
lieutenant. This convoy, when passing Fort Frontenacand Niagara, made a strong impression 
on the Iroquois and other Nations it met, and the news of its approach, I think, determined, 
more than anything else, the principal chiefs of Detroit to come to Montreal, where they 
arrived about the same time as the Missilimakinak Nations, of whom J now proceed to write. 


Missilimakinac is in some sort the centre and entrepot of all the Northern, as Detroit is of 
all the Southern, posts. Notwithstanding all those posts are farther from the English than the 
Southern, their invitations and intrigues had been, in some degree, the cause of more disorder 
there ; scarcely any of the Nations had been exempt from the general seduction. Some 
Frenchmen were killed at Saguinan, an Ottawa village, between Detroit and Missilimakinac; 
others at Chibaouinani, otherwise La Cloche,^ by some Mississagues, others at Grosse Isle, 
near Missilimakinac, and even at Missilimakinac, also, where no respect was paid to the 
commandant ; the voyageurs were robbed and maltreated at Sault St. Mary, and elsewhere, 
on Lake Superior. In fine, there appeared to be no security anywhere. All these disorders 
occurred whilst the elder M' de la Corne, commandant at Missilimakinac, was at Montreal, or 
rather had brought down to that place, by the Marquis de Beauharnois' orders, a portion of 
those same tribes who have executed or plotted all those treacheries. The news arrived when 
M' de la Corne was on an expedition towards the frontiers of New England. The Marquis de 
Beauharnois then took the resolution to send M'' de St. Pierre as commandant to Missilimakinac; 
a very good officer, and much esteemed among all the Nations of those parts, by whom [no 
one is] more loved and feared. He found them, nevertheless, on his arrival, so ill-disposed 
that he advised me not to send any Frenchmen thither until I should hear from him. 

I waited, in this expectation, very impatiently throughout the entire winter, and was obliged, 
in this state of incertitude, to dispatch the convoy. I think it is not so strong as the one for 
Detroit, but that it has nothing to fear. It was commanded by Sieur de St. Vincent, who had 
Sieur de la Corne St. Luc as lieutenant. At length I received advices from that post, much 
more favorable than 1 dared hope for. M' de St. Pierre detained all the voyageurs and goods 
at Missillimakinac, and answered the different deputations of Indians only by threatening not to 
send any more traders to their country, and leave them in want of everything, if they did not 
deliver the murderers of the Frenchmen into his hands, and restore the plunder they had got. 
His firmness met with every success. The Saguinam people brought in one of the murderers; 
those of Missilimakinac brought in another; others, belonging to Saguinan brought in two 
hostages in lieu of the murderers, whom they could not overtake; a portion of the plunder 
has been paid for, and arrangements have been made to pay for the remainder. 

On receipt of these prisoners and hostages, M' de St. Pierre did not hold out any promises 
or hopes of life to them. Nevertheless, their own tribe conducted them to Montreal and 
delivered them up to me, a circumstance which never occurred and perhaps never will again, 
if this Colony have not more troops than at present. It happened, at the same time, that a 
third murderer having got in, on the road, among the other Indians, accompanied them to the 
audience chamber where, being recognized, I had him removed to prison with the other two. 

In other respects I have treated these penitent nations the best way I could, and declared 
to them that the act they had just performed effaced the recollection of their ill conduct, but 
that the murderers had no share in that act of oblivion ; that I did not grant, but prolonged 
their lives to put the remainder in mind of their fault. I told them, likewise, that I did not 
wish to make the innocent suffer for the guilty, and ordered the hostages to be given up, at the 
same time directing the nation to bring me those in whose places they had stood. 

Though the nations might, perhaps, have looked for more mildness on my part, and had 
presented some petitions to me during the first days, which I rejected, it appeared to me that 

' An Island in the north part of Lake Huron, between the Great Manitoualin and the main land. Bouehette't Map of 
Canada. — En. 


they felt the necessity I was under of detaining fellows who would have taken advantage of 
their liberty only to proceed and embroil matters anew in their villages. 

It did not prevent the chiefs, who interested themselves the most to procure their liberation, 
to request my permission to go to war against the English in order to revenge themselves for 
having been deceived; I granted it very readily, and they departed. 

Those of the Detroit arrived during these transactions, and had been witnesses of what 
had passed respecting the murderers. A portion of their young men had gone also on the 
war path, and the old men belonging to Detroit and Missilimakinac returned some time after 
to their villages. 

I was obliged, then, to leave IVfontreal where I had in vain been waiting for the Iroquois 
who had promised me to upbraid them publicly with all the invitations' to assassinate the 
French, which those Iroquois had received from them. 

As I had no doubt but the Missilimakinac Nations would, on their return from the war, 
renew their applications to me to get back the guilty whom they had surrendered to me, I 
ordered M'' de Longueuil, at parting, to send these three Indians, under a sufficient escort, 
down to Quebec. I was intending to give one of them up to a Saguinan chief named 
Achaoualina, a relative of his, who, notwithstanding, had delivered him up, and whom I 
regard as a worthy man and a good Frenchman. 

The old men having all taken their departure, and the young men being about to arrive, 
M' de Longueuil put the three prisoners safely and secretly on board one of the King's canoes, 
under the command of one of the best Sergeants of the garrison, along with seven picked 
soldiers, and enjoined on them all the precautions requisite to be taken in such a case ; but in 
vain. The negligence of the Sergeant cost him his life ; those three men, without arms and 
with manacles on their feet, killed or drowned eight well armed men, and having cut their 
irons with an axe on the bows of the canoe, escaped ashore and thence into the woods. 

The canoe was discovered a short time afterwards, with the Sergeant's and some of the 
soldiers' bodies, but in consequence of a series of misfortunes the news was conveyed first 
to Three Rivers only, instead of to Montreal. At Three Rivers, in place of sending off to 
Montreal, a statement of the facts was drawn up (on verbalisa), and even at Montreal all the 
diligence and activity that the case required to intercept these three Indians was not employed. 
It has been ascertained, or supposed, that they wandered a long time in the woods before 
striking the Grand river, and that they reached it at the spot naturally to be expected ; finally, 
'tis said they went back with the old men of their village who had preceded them some time, 
but who, Indian fashion, had not used great expedition. 

Thus was lost, in a great measure, the fruit of Sieur St. Pierre's good management, and of 
all the fatigue I endured to get the nations who had surrendered these rascals, to listen to 
reason. This mishap must not discourage those of my successors who will find themselves in 
similar circumstances, and does not prevent my entertaining the conviction that the Indians 
ought not to be pardoned so easily as they are wont to be in this country, and that there are 
no better means of restraining these nations than the long detention in prison of those among 
them who have been guilty of any act of treachery. 

I conclude with the Iroquois, with whom I might have commenced. On arriving here, last 
year, I found their deputies at (iuebec; they left there with some fine presents on our part, 
and fair promises on theirs to observe a strict neutrality, and bring back the Mohawks who 
had gone astray. They have been, the whole of this winter, apparently quiet, though they had 


promised the English to wage war against us ; they have even been on the point, this spring, of 
telling the English that tiiey did not want any war with us. The Mohawks, whom we held 
prisoners, produced this good effect. Nevertheless, Belts have been conveyed from the Five 
Nations to almost all the nations of the Continent, to prevail on them to murder the French. 

However that may be, they are much attached to their prisoners, whom they were told, 
long ago, they might have by bringing back the French taken within the government of 
Montreal ; but the English, who in peace as in war, are bent only on creating confusion, 
prevented them doing this, and persuaded them that they would have their prisoners given up 
to them. This produced a letter from M' Clinton, Governor-General of New-York, which was 
written at the very commencement of the war, wherein he haughtily demanded them back, as 
subjects of Great Britain, in virtue of the 15"" article of the treaty of Utrecht. I answered 
him that that article neither named nor designated the Iroquois, and I caused the latter to be 
informed that they could not have worse protection than that of England. This is my position 
as regards them. They are on the point of arriving. I shall persist in detaining their people, 
until I recover the French. I have even detained, for greater security, those jEnglish of New- 
York that were in my hands. I have, also, to reproach those Iroquois with their intrigues, and 
shall threaten them with letting loose on them the major portion of the nations of the Continent, 
who expressly authorized me to do so, in case they persist. In fine, I shall do my utmost to 
extract from them a very clear and precise declaration, that they do not consider themselves 
subjects of England, and will send it to you in the best form possible. 

I am, with most profound respect, 
My Lord, 

Your most humble and 

Most obedient servant, 

La Galissoniere. 

M. de la Galissoniere to Count de Maicrepas. 

Quebec, 26 October, 1748. 
My Lord. 

The peace having enabled me to send back almost all the English prisoners, who were a 
great expense here, makes it unnecessary for me to render you an account of our position here 
in that regard, with M' Shirley. Since my arrival, I have had no cause, except for 
congratulation, on account of the facilities he has afforded for the exchanges, and I have 
responded thereto to the best of my power. I wrote him, this fall, on the subject of the settlers 
belonging to He Royale, who, it was said, were still detained at Boston, but, for want of an 
opportunity, he sent me no reply. The peace will, no doubt, assure their return, and it will be 
easier for the new Governor of Louisbourg than for me to pursue that affair. 

Up to the present time, I have not so much reason to be pleased with the conduct of M' 
Clinton, Governor of New-York, who, through a misapprehension perhaps of the interests of 
his Province, has dissuaded the Mohawks, I suspect, ever since the peace, from bringing back 
Vol. X. 24 


the French they had taken, two years ago, within the government of Montreal. He had, 
meanwhile, restored some prisoners this summer, but they were sailors, whom he had sent to 
Bost»», and whom M' Shirley had in a manner loaned him ; he wrote me, at the same time, 
as I have already stated ; also, that he expected I should return him the same number of 
prisoners from New- York, among the rest the Mohawks, who, being subjects of Great Britain, 
were, according to him, to be exchanged like the others. I answered him by M" Desligneris, 
a very prudent officer, whom I sent to Orange with some English officers and soldiers, 
belonging to all the governments except New-York — 

First. That I did not recognize the Mohawks as subjects of Great Britain. 

Secondly. That having incurred great expense in ransoming the English belonging to New- 
York and other Provinces, out of the hands of the Indians, it was just that the English should 
do the like to recover the Canadian prisoners who are among the Mohawks. 

S*" That I should not return any more English prisoners belonging to New-York, until the 
Canadians were sent back to me. 

This is our present position, but I hope that, what with the instructions I have given M' 
Desligneris and what I am about to say to the deputies of the other Iroquois nations, who are 
to arrive here to-morrow, everything will be agreeably arranged. 

I shall have the honor to render you an account thereof next year. 
I am with most profound respect, 
My Lord, 

Your, &c., 

La Galissoniere. 

Conference letioeen M. de la Galissoniere and the Iroquois. 

Authentic Minute of the Speech of the Six Iroquois Nations, at the Castle of St, 
Louis of Quebec, in 1748. 

This day, the second of November, one thousand seven hundred and forty-eight, at two 
o'clock in the afternoon. We, the undersigned. Notaries Royal, residing within the Provostship 
of Quebec, having been invited by My lord Marquis de la Galissoniere, General Commander of 
New France, and by My lord Bigot, Knight, Councillor of the King in his Councils, Intendant 
of Justice, Police, Finance and Marine in New France, repaired to the grand council chamber of 
the Castle of St. Louis of Quebec, wherein shortly after met the deputies of the Iroquois 
Nations, hereinafter named ; the said deputies being to the number of about eighty, who were 
accompanied by Sieur de Joncaire, officer in the King's troops and interpreter, who informed 
us that these deputies were, for the most part, the principal chiefs of the said Nations; to wit, 
of the Senecas, Onontagues, Cayugas, Oneidas, and that they were empowered to speak [for 
the] Tascorins. At the instant entered the said Chamber my said Lords, the Commander 
and Intendant Generals, followed by a great number of persons of distinction, and being 
seated. My Lord, the General Commander, said : 


" Children, I have invited you to-day to inquire if you are subjects of the English, as I have 
heard they pretend, and as I have been advised by Mess" Clinton and Shirley, Governors of 
New-York and of Boston, of whom these are the letters, wherein they write me that you are 
vassals of the Crown of England, and that you are bound to go to war for the English, 
whenever they order you so to do." And, thereupon, said letters have been exhibited in the 
original, and said Sieur de Joncaire having taken the translation, which, also, was on the desk, 
explained it to them in a loud voice, as well as the question of My Lord, the General 
Commanding, which they appeared clearly to understand, as divers persons there present, 
conversant with their language, have assured us. 

Then the said chiefs deliberated some time together, after which, Cachointioni, chief of the 
Onnontagues, speaking in the name of his village and of that of the Senecas, said : That 
formerly there were no Whites in the whole of this Continent, but that since about one 
hundred years both French and English have settled on it; that they established trade with 
the one and the other, in order to obtain guns, blankets and other commodities, formerly 
unknown to them ; that they were, also, glad to see traders settling in their neighborhood, 
but that they had not ceded to any one their lands, which they hold only of Heaven. He 
finished by saying, that all he had said was in the name of the Nations here present, by their 
deputies, and even of the Tascororins. 

Then rose Toniohae, a Cayuga chief, who repeated the same thing, and added, as a proof 
that the Six Iroquois Nations were not subjects of England, that in this and the preceding 
wars, the English had continually solicited them to take up the hatchet against the French, 
which they constantly refused to do, and will still refuse, being desirous to remain at peace 
with the French and English. 

The Cayuga concluded by saying, likewise, that he spoke in the name of all the Nations 
present, and they all approved, in their customary manner, what he said. 

Then My Lord, the General commanding, required of us a minute {acte) of all these 
speeches and answers given by the said Sieurs Deputies, and approved by all their confreres, 
and, also, demanded that it be signed by several of those present, especially by those who 
understand their language ; which we have granted him to serve and be valid. And my said 
Lords, the General commanding and the Intendant, have signed these presents with Pierre 
Rigaud de Vaudreuil, Esquire, Knight of the Royal and Military Order of Saint Louis, 
Lieutenant-Governor of the town and Castle of Quebec, and other officers and persons of 
distinction present, to wit, M' Jean Victor Varin, Commissary of the Marine, Intendant 
of Montreal, Paul de Becard, Esquire, Sieur de Fouville, Captain in the troops of the 
detachment of Marines maintained in this country for the King's service, Gaspard Chaussegros, 
Esquire Sieur de L^ry, Captain and Engineer in Chief in this country. Knight of Saint 
Louis, Daniel Leonard Esquire Sieur de Beaujeu, Captain of said Troops ; and, likewise, the 
following conversant with the Iroquois languages, to wit, Louis de Chapt, Esquire Sieur de 
Lacorne, also Captain of the Marines in this country, Pierre de Chapt, Esquire Chevalier 
de la Come, also Captain of said troops, Philip Thomas de Joncaire, Esquire, Lieutenant of 
said troops and Interpreter aforesaid ; Sieurs Legardeur de Montesson and Dagneaux de la 
Saussaye and Sieur Louis le Cavalier, also interpreter, and by us, the said Notaries, and the 
said Deputies, by name, have made and drawn the marks of their Nations, not knowing how 
to write. 



Done and concluded at the said Castle Saint Louis of Quebec, the day and year aforesaid', 
thus signed on the minute or original remaining in the keeping and possession of Du Laurent, 
one of the said Notaries. La Galissoniere, Bigot, Rigaud de Vaudreuil, Varrin, Fouville, 
Chaussegros de Lery, La Come, Beaujeu, the Chevalier de Lacorne, Joncaire, Dagneaux 
Douville, Montesson, Dailleboust, Dagneaux de la Saussaye, Le Cavalier, and Panet and Du 
Laurent, Subscribing Notaries, with paraphs. Signed, Panet and Du Laurent, Notaries. 


Mark of the I | Cayugas 


Minute of tlie taking possession of the Ohio River and its tributaries hy the French. 

Extract from the Journal of the voyage of M' de Celoron, Captain of Infantry 
commanding the detachment sent to the River Ohio, by order of the Marquis 
de la Galissonniere, Captain-General for New France, to take possession, in 
the King's name, of said river and of its tributaries. 

Copy of the record of the deposition of the leaden plate and the King's arms, buried 
at the mouth of the Ohio river, and of the inscription. 

In the year one thousand seven hundred and forty-nine, we, Celoron, Knight of the Royal 
and Military Order of St. Louis, captain commanding a detachment sent by order of the 
Marquis de la Galissonniere, Captain-General in Canada, and the Beautiful River, otherwise 
called the Ohio, accompanied by the principal officers of our detachment, have buried, at the 
foot of a red oak tree, on the South bank of the River Ohio, and opposite the point of a little 
island, where the two rivers, Ohio and Kanaougon, unite, and in forty degrees five minutes, 
twenty-three seconds, a leaden plate, with the following inscription engraved thereon : 


In the year one thousand seven hundred and forty-nine, in the reign of Louis XV., King 
of France. 

We, Celoron, commanding officer of a detachment sent by the Marquis de la Galissonniere, 
Captain-General of New France, to reestablish peace in some Indian villages of these Cantons, 
have buried this plate at the confluence of the Rivers Ohio and Kanaouagan, this twenty- 
ninth day of July, as a monument of the renewal of the possession which we have taken of 
the said River Ohio, and of all the lands on both sides, up to the source of the said rivers, 
as the preceding Kings of France have enjoyed, or ought to enjoy, the same, and have 
maintained themselves there by arms and treaties, and especially by those of Riswick, Utrecht 
and Aix la Chapelle. We have, moreover, affixed the King's arms at the same place to a 
tree. In testimony whereof, we have signed and drawn up this present proces verbal. 

Done, at the mouth of the Beautiful river, this twenty-ninth July, one thousand seven 
hundred and forty-nine. 

Signed by all the officers. 

( Signed ) Celoron. 

M. de Puyzieidx to M. de la Galissonieref 

Versailles, 10'" September, 1749. 
I have the honor to transmit to you, sir, an abstract which the Earl of Albemarle sent me of 
letters relative to the surrender of prisoners of war in America. That ambassador pretends 
that the respective commissioners do not understand each other ; that they speak of reciprocal 
ransom for the surrender of prisoners, when, by the treaty of Aix la Chapelle, there ought to 
be no question about it, and he believes all these trifling discussions will terminate amicably 


by the transmission of orders from France and England respectively, to the French and English 
Governors, not to create any untoward (maiivaises) difficulties. 

I shall expect your explanations, sir, in order to draw up my answer to the English 
ambassador, and I will be obliged to you to return me the annexed abstract. 
I have the honor to be, with sincere attachment, 

Sir, Your most humble and 

Most obedient servant, 

( Signed ) Puyzieulx. 

I have the honor to send you back, sir, the annexed note of Mr. d'York,' which you had the 
kindness to confide to me. 

Abstract of the Letters respecting the exchange of Prisoners of War in New-York, 
Canada and elsewhere, one thousand seven hundred and forty-eight-9. 

Colonel Muscareene to the Duke of Bedford, dated An7inpolls-royal, the second of June, one 
thousand seven hundred and forly-nine. 

" Renders an account of the proclamation of peace. He had heard it reported since his last 
letter, of the month of April, one thousand seven hundred and forty-eight, that two French 
officers, with twenty or thirty men and some Indians, had just constructed a fort and formed 
a settlement at the mouth of the River St. John, about twelve leagues north of Annapolis, 
' across the Bay of Fundy. Recommends the settlement of the boundaries." 

N. B. This is a mere rumor. 

Governor Shirley to the DuJce of Bedford, dated Boston, the eighteenth of June, one thousand 
seven hundred and nineteen. 

*' Transmits the preceding despatch and speaks of a settlement as of a matter of consequence, 
' though he have no other proof of it than the foregoing letter." 

N° 1. M. de la Galissonniire, Governor of Canada, to Governor Clinton, dated Quebec, 
25" of August, 174S. 

"Demands the French prisoners of war, in the hands of the Mohawk Indians, at the same 
' time refuses to send back the Indian prisoners, subjects of the King of Great Britain, whom 
< he retains; insists that Deputies from those Indian Nations come and treat respecting their 
' ransom. The remainder of the letter consists of accusations, recriminations and unintelligible 
' stories of what the English had done during the war." 

N" 2. M. Desligneris to Governor Clinton, dated New -York, the nineteenth of October, one 

thousaiid seven hundred and forty-eight. 
N. B. The gentleman was sent by the Governor of Canada to New- York to treat 
about the Canada Indians. 

" Requests that his departure be hastened on account of the bad season ; says that M' de la 
"Galissonniere will send back the Mohawk Indians as soon as they will have set the Canadians 

• See tupra, VIIL, 406, note. — Ed. 


' at liberty ; but that the Governor of Canada does not say so to Governor Clinton, because 
' he does not consider these Indians as his Britannic Majesty's subjects." 

" In answer to a question of Governor Clinton, aski m if the Governor of Canada would 
' release all the English Indians who are in Canada, if some of the French prisoners were 
'surrendered, and a promise given to send bacli the others as soon as possible? He says, 
' that he thinks he would not release all, but probably some." 

" Proposes that Colonel Johnson, Governor of Albany, who has influence among the Mohawk 
'Indians, be instructed to withdraw the French prisoners out of their hands." 

N° 3. Governor Clinton to the Governor of Canada, dated Fort George, in New - York, the 
tenth of October, one thousand seven hundred a?id forty-eight. 

Says, *' As soon as orders were received for the cessation of hostilities, he liberated three 
'or four hundred French prisoners, and sent them back at the expense of government, and, 
' moreover, he had released and restored seven French ships captured by New-York privateers, 
' so that all the French prisoners have their liberty, except those in the hands of the Mohawk 
' Indians, which is owing to the news of the Governor of Canada refusing to set at liberty, 
'■ not only the Indians in his power, but all the other of the King's subjects, and to his making 
the surrender of all our prisoners conditional, on the restoration of some few Canadians." 

" That he keeps the subjects of Great Britain in close confinement, whilst the French 
' enjoy full liberty with us. The Governor of New-York promises to set at liberty all the 

French in the hands of the Indians, provided the Governor of Canada promises to do the like 
'on his part, including the subjects of the Five Nations of Indians, who are, indisputably, 
' vassals of the King of Great Britain, and who, when taken prisoners, were serving under 
' persons bearing Governor Clinton's commissions. 

"He explains the fact respecting the Five Nations of Indians to M"" de la Galissonniere, who 
' asserted that they did never subject themselves to the Crown of Great Britain, and proves 
' to him that [his] predecessors have never called in question that article of the Treaty of 
' Utrecht, and that the copy he has of the treaty is erroneous. 

" And he concludes by wishing to live in friendship, and to cement the peace. 

N" 4. Governor Clinton to the Governor of Canada, with his Instructions to Captain 
Stoddard, dated New -York, the 10th of October, one thousand seven hundred and 

" Refers to his preceding letter and to Captain Stoddard, whom he sends to regulate with 
' him a final exchange of prisoners on both sides. Captain Stoddard has reason to complain 

that the English prisoners, including the Indians, have not been surrendered, after Governor 
' Clinton had set all the French prisoners at liberty. 

" That the English prisoners have been in close confinement, whilst the French prisoners 
'have been unconstrained. Captain Stoddard is furnished with full powers to adjust this 
' affair in a friendly manner if possible, and to promise a mutual exchange of prisoners, either 
' at Albany or at the Point, called Crown Point." 

' Forty-eight, — Ed. 


N° 5. The Governor of Canada to Governor Cl'mton, Quebec, the twenty-ninth of 
December, 1749.> 

" Contains reiterated complaints of, and reproaches against, the Council of New-York. 

" He refuses to liberate the prisoners unless the Canadians be taken out of the hands of the 
"Mohawk Indians and sent to Fort Frederic." 

" He denies that the Mohawk Indians, or the Iroquois, are subjects of the King of Great 
" Britain." 

" Gives reasons why he has been obliged to keep the English prisoners confined within the 
" barracks at Quebec. 

" Sends back M"" Desligneris with Captain Stoddard, and requests that he may have 
" permission to negotiate personally with the Mohawks ; excuses himself for having taken 
" some prisoners since the cessation of hostilities, on the ground that he was ignorant of the 
" fact, and adds that he must retain them as hostages for the surrender of the Canadians." 

N" 6. The Deputy Clerk of the Council of Nnv-YorJc to M. Deligneris, dated Neiv-Yorlc, 
17" March, 1748. 

" Writes, by order of the Governor, to inquire if M'' de Ligneris have sufficient authority to 
" treat for and to guarantee the release of the subjects of Great Britain who still remain in the 
" hands of the French Indians, those of the Five Nations included, in case he be convinced, or 
" sufficient assurances be given him, that the French prisoners in the hands of the Mohocks 
" will be set at liberty, and, finally, if he will be willing to treat. 

N° 7. M. Desligneris in answer to the preceding, New -YorJc, nineteenth of March, one 
thousand seven hundred and forty-eight-9. 

Says, " He has full powers, of which his letters and his passport are proof, and promises 
" that so soon as the French prisoners, in the hands of the Mohawks, will have arrived at 
" Montreal, or will be on the road, and M' de la Galissonniere will be informed of the fact, all 
" the English prisoners and the Indians in his power will be released, and he will facilitate the 
" ransom of what remains of the English in the Indian Villages; that he will treat with such 
" persons as Governor Clinton shall be pleased to name." 

N» 8. Minutes of the Council of Neio-YorTc of the 27'* May,^ 1749. 

" The Governor communicated to the Council an extract of a letter from Colonel Johnson 
" stating that he had got all the French prisoners who are willing to go to Canada out of the 
"hands of the Mohawks, being twelve in number; that those still remaining in their hands 
" are few and will not go on any account; neither will they speak to their Parents. 

" That the Indians desire that none of those twelve be given up, until the Indians who are 
" in goal in Canada, and all the rest, of every kind, who are willing to come, are exchanged 
" for them in the woods, somewhere this side of Crown Point or Lake St. Sacrament. 

" The Governor and Council consent to release these twelve prisoners on M' Desligneris' 
"promise of like conduct on the part of the Governor of Canada ; and to propose an exchange 
"at or near Lake Sacrament; and as the Governor of Canada promises to facilitate the 

' -Si«. 1748. • /Sift It ought to be " Marcli." New ■ York Council Minulei, XXL, 848. — Ed. 


" redemption of the English prisoners now in the hands of the Indians, the Governor and 
" Council promise reciprocity on their part. 

N° 9. The Deputy Cleric of the Council to M. de Lignerli of New-York; Twenit/'ninth of 
March, one thousand seven hundred and forty-nine. 

" Communicates to him the preceding resolution, and demands his answer." 

N" 10. M. de Ligneris to Governor Clinton, dated New-York, the tenth of August, one 
thousand seven hundred and forty-nine. 

"In answer to the preceding letter: the Governor of Canada will liberate all the English 
" and Indians if all the French will be surrendered ; if only twelve, only a like number of 
" English ; but it is not probable that he will set at liberty all the Indians so long as any 
•' French will remain in the hands of the Mohawks, who, when once they have recovered 
" their people, will not put themselves to any trouble to surrender the French. 

" Proposes Fort St. Frederic^ as the place of exchange rather than Lake St. Sacrament, for 
" divers reasons, on account of convenience. 

" Asks permission to treat in person with the Mohawks, and adds that if he could have the 
" honor to treat personally with Governor Clinton, matters could be sooner concluded. 

N» 11. M. Desligneris to Governor Clinton, dated New -York, the fifteenth of April, N. S., 
one thousand seven hundred and forty-nine. 

" Governor Clinton, having rejected the last, M' de Ligneris submits another, to wit: that if 
" he will give him up the twelve French prisoners, before mentioned, he will release all the English. 

" He complains that liberty of negotiating with the English is refused him, whilst the 
" English deputies were allowed to speak to the French Indians. 

•' If this proposition be not accepted, he demands to be sent to Albany in order to proceed 
" to Canada as soon as possible. 

N" 12. Governor Clinton to Governor de la Galissonniere ; Fort George, the third of April, 
one thousand seven hundred and nineteen.^ 

" Their deputies' are on another footing since the signature of the definitive treaty. 

"All the prisoners, without regard to numbers, shall be sent back, on both sides, without ransom. 

' Fort St. Frederic is a fortification on the southern extremity of Lake Champlain, situated on a neck of land between 
that lake and the river which arises from the union of the river and Wood creek, and Lake St. Sacrament The breadth of 
this river is here about a good musket shot. The English call this fortress Crown Point, but its French name is derived from 
the French Secretary of State, Frederic Maurepas, in whose hands the direction and management of the French Court of 
Admiralty was at the time of the erection of this fort For it is to be observed that the government of Canada is subject to 
the Court of Admiralty in France, and the Governor-General is always chosen out of that Court As most of the places in 
Canada bear the names of Saints, custom has made it necessary to prefix the word Saint to the name of this fortress. The 
fort is built on a rock consisting of black lime slates, as aforesaid ; it is nearly quadrangular, has high and thick walls, made 
of the same lime-stone, of which there is a quarry about half a mile from the fort On the eastern part of the fort is a high 
tower, which is proof against bomb-shelis, provided with very thick and substantial walls, and well stored with cannon, 
from the bottom almost to the very top; and the Governor, Mr. Lusignan, lives in the tower. In the terre-plein of the fort 
is a well built little church, and houses of stone for the officers and soldiers. There are sharp rocks on all sides towards the 
land beyond a cannon shot from the fort, but among them are some which are as high as the walls of the fort and very near 
them. Kalm's Travels, IIL — Ed. 

'^ Sic. Forty-nine. 

° In Governor Clinton's letter, the word is not " deputies," but differences. 

Vol. X. 25 


" Makes some recriminations, but concludes by desiring to terminate everything amicably. 

" He could have retained the ships captured previous to the cessation of hostilities was 
«' known, had he acted as the Governor of Canada had done, when, after the termination 
" of hostilities, on the pretext of being ignorant of that circumstance, he made prisoners of 
" English subjects whom he actually detains as hostages. This is declared an indignity 
*' offered to the King of England." 

N" 13. Minutes oj the Council nf New -York., from the twenty-third of February to the 
fourth of Apiil, 1749. 

" M." Desligneris will be sent back with the answer to the Governor of Canada, that the 
'< Council of New-York does not consent to the propositions contained in M' Desligneris' above 
"letter, N" 11." 

N* 14. Copy of the Governor of Canada^ s Certificate relative to the extracts of Governors 
Shirley and Clintons letters, dated the twenty-ninth of July and twenty-fourth of May, 
one thousand seven hundred and forty-nine. 

«' This certificate is to the effect that Governors Shirley and Clinton call the Six Nations of 
" Indians by the title of Vassals under the protection of Great Britain. 

N° 15. Colonel Johnson to Governor Clinton, dated Mount Johnson, the twenty-eighth of 
April, one thousand seven hundred and forty-nine. 

" Sends him copy of the above certificate and extracts, and takes occasion to expose the 
«• trouble the French take to seduce the Five Nations of Indians from us. 

" The attempts they have made to persuade them that our design would be to exterminate 
" them, giving them communication, for this purpose, of the certificate above mentioned, to 
" show them that we look upon them as slaves and dogs. 

" Proposes to send presents to some other Indians." 

N" 16. Governor Clinton to Colonel Johnson, New -York, the nineteenth of May, 1749. 

" Instructs him how to negotiate with the Indians so as to counteract the artifices of 
" the French." 

" Says, the term Vassals signifies children." 
*«' Transmits the presents he had demanded." 

N° 17. Governor Clinton to Governor Shirley, New -York, nineteenth of May, 1749. 
«' Renders him an account of what is related in numbers 15 and 16. 

No. 18. Governor Clinton to the Governor of Pennsylvania, dated New -York, the nineteenth 
of May, one thousand seven hundred and furty-nine. 

•' To the same effect as the preceding, Number 17." 

No. 19. Governor Clinton to the Lords Commissioners of Trade, dated New-York, ^T' of 
June, one thousand seven hundred and furly-nine. 

" Reports to them all the matters of which the preceding are abstracts; and complains that 
*' the Governor of Canada threatens to wage war on the Missisague Indians, for having aided 
" us in the last war. 


No. 20. Governor Clinton to the Board of Trade, dated the sixth of June, one thousand 
seven hundred and J'orty-7iine, from New-YorJc, inclosing a letter from Colonel Johnson, 
of the 26" of May, 1749. 

«' Reports what he had done to prevent the Indians going to Canada, in compliance with 
the invitation of the Governor of that country, for the purpose of making them give up their 
own prisoners, without our intervention, which is the French Governor's project. 

Return of Artillery in Canada. 

In the city of Quebec. — To wit : 

25 iron guns of the calibre of 24:"' 

22 idem of 18 

36 idem of 12 

26 idem of ^ 8 

33 idem of 6 

24 idem of 4 

2 idem of 3 

2 idem of 2 not cleaned. 

1 culverine of 8 

2 idem of 6 

1 brass culverine of 4 

2 brass pieces of 4 

2 brass pieces of. 2 

178 guns. 

1 brass mortar of.. 12 inches 4 lines. 

1 idem of 9 •' 6 " 

1 iron ditto of 6 " 

3 grenade ditto. 

2 brass swivels {Pierriers). 

2 brass petards. 

4 small brass guns {Boites d rejouissanccs^). 
8 iron ditto. 

In the town of Three Rivers. — To wit : 

7 iron guns of 6"" 

3 ditto of 4 

10 guns. 

' Small guna which are laid in a Tertical position after they are loaded, and then plugged with a wooden stopper. 
Jamet. — Ed. 


In the town of Montreal. — To wit: 
27 iron guns of the calibre of 6 "^ 

5 ditto of 4 

1 ditto of 3 

33 guns. 
100 small guns {Boites d rejouissances). 

2 iron mortars of 6 inches. 

2 grenade ditto. 

Fort Chambly. — To wit: 

1 iron gun of 3 ""; broken In the bore. 

3 swivels. 

20 iron shells (Boile de pierriers). 

Fort St. John. — To wit : 
9 small guns {Boites d rejouissances). 

Fort St. Frederic — To wit: 

2 iron guns of 6 "■ 

17 ditto of 4 

1 ditto of 2 

2 brass ditto of * 2 

1 iron grenade mortar. 

18 iron swivels. 

25 iron shells {Boites de pierriers). 

Fort Michilimakinac. — To wit: 

4 brass guns of J pound. 

, , . c A • ni } diameter, with cy- 

1 brass mortar of 4 m. 91. J,. ,. ' , ■' 

3 hndncal chamber. 

FortDetroit. — Towit: 

6 swivels {Pierriers), their Boetes and keys. 

Fort Niagara. — To wit : 
4 iron guns of 2"' 

4 ditto of U 

1 iron mortar of 6 inches diameter. 

1 ditto for grenades. 

5 swivels. 

13 iron shells {Boites d pierriers). 

Fort Frontenac. — To wit: 

2 iron guns of 4"" 

4 ditto of 1 

9 swivels. 

9 iron shells {Boites de pierriers). 

1 iron mortar of 6 inch diameter. 


Fort Souegatsi. — To wit : 
5 iron guns of the calibre of 2"' 

Fort at the Lake of Two Mountains. — To wit : 

1 iron gun of 8"' flawed. 

1 ditto of 2 

1 ditto, in form of vis de mulet, of 2 

20 October, 1749. 

(Signed), 'Ltn.r, fils. 

Duhe of Bedford to Governor Clinton. 

[ New-York Colonial Manuscripts ( in Secretary's Office, Albany ), LXXVI. ] 

Whitehall, T"- Decemb% 1749. 

The King and His Most Christian Majesty having agreed that all the Indians allied to or 
protected by either of the two Crowns in America, who may have been made prisoners on 
either side during the late War, should be forthwith exchang'd ; His Mnjesty has, thereupon, 
been pleas'd to sign Orders to you, Gov'' Glen, Gov"' Shirley & Gov' Belcher for that purpose, 
and I have His Majesty's Command to acquaint you therewith, & to transmit to you a Copy of 
His Majesty's said Orders for your Information ( till such time as the Orders shall be exchang'd 
for similar ones on the part of the French King ) that you may cause a proper Enquiry to be 
made of all such Indians, as may have been made Prisoners by the French during the late 
War, & are detain'd in the French Governments. 
I am. 


Your most obedient, 

humble Servant, 


Moyal Warrant for Exchanging Indian Prisoners. 

[ New-Tort Colonial Mannscripts ( in Secretary's Office, Albany ), LXXVI. ] 

George R. 

Trusty and Welbeloved We greet you well. 

Whereas it is agreed, between Us & the Most Christian King, that all the Indians allied to, 
or protected by either of the two Crowns in America, who may have been made prisoners on 
either side during the late War, should be forthwith exchanged. Our Will & Pleasure 
therefore is, that you should, immediately upon Receipt hereof, give the proper Directions for 


causing such Indian Prisoners, allied to, or protected by the Most Christian King, as may be 

detained in your Government as Prisoners of War, to be restored into the Hands of the French 

Governors, or into those of such other persons as shall be duly authorized for that purpose; 

provided that the said French Governor or Governors shall cause to be delivered up into your 

Hands, or into those of such persons as you shall empower to receive them, all such Indian 

prisoners in Our alliance, or under our protection, as have been taken by them in the Course 

of the late War; audit is our farther Will and Pleasure, that you, or the persons properly 

authorized by you, do agree vrith the French Governor, or with such Persons as he shall 

authorize for that Purpose upon fixing a proper Place or Places for the exchanging and 

delivering up the respective Indian Prisoners taken on both sides during the Course of the 

late War. And for so doing this shall be your Warrant. And so We bid you farewell. Given 

at Our Court at S' James's on the Seventh Day of December 1749, in the Twenty Third Year 

of Our Reign. 

By His Majesty's Command. 


Duke of Bedford to Governor Clinton. 

[New-Tork Colonial Manoscripts (in Secretary's Office, Albany ), LXXTI. ] 

Whitehall 26"" February 17f? 

In my Letter of the T^ December past, I informed you, that the King and His most 
Christian Majesty had agreed, that all the Indians allied to, or protected by either of the two 
Crowns in America, who might have been made prisoners on either side, during the late War, 
should be forthwith exchanged, That his Majesty was thereupon pleased to Sign Orders to 
you, Governor Glen, Governor Shirley & Governor Belcher, for that purpose, and that I had 
His Majesty's Commands to acquaint you therewith ; and to transmit to You a Copy of His 
Majesty's said Orders for your Information, (till such time the Orders should be exchanged for 
similar ones on the part of the French King) that you might cause a proper Enquiry to be 
made of all such Indians as might have been made prisoners by the French during the late 
War, & were still detained in the French Governments ; But the French Court being desirous 
to have the Orders to extend to all English and French prisoners detained by His Majesty's 
Governors, or by Those of New France in America; and to the Redemption of Slaves that may 
still remain in Indian Villages; His Majesty has thereupon been pleased to Sign an Order to 
You, and his Governors above named accordingly, which I transmit to You herein inclosed, 
together with a Copy of a similar one on the part of His most Christian Majesty ; and I have 
His Majesty's Commands to signify his pleasure to You, that you do give proper directions 
that the said Order be on your part forthwith carried into Execution. 
I am 


Your most obedient 

humble Servant 



llie King to M. de la Jonquiere. 

[ New-York ColonUI Manuscripts ( in Secretary's Office, Albany), LXXTI. ] 

M. le M"' de la Jonquiere. la order to terminate, amicably, the difficulties which have 
arisen touching the exchange of prisoners taken during the last war between my Colonies of 
New France and the English Colonies, I have agreed with my good Brother, the King of Great 
Britain, that we should respectively issue orders for the immediate release, on both sides, of 
the French and English prisoners to be yet found in your power and in that of the English 
governors; also, for the like release of the Indian prisoners among the two nations, but after 
the surrender of the French and English prisoners; and that you and those governors, each on 
your side, should facilitate the ransoming of the prisoners who may yet be remaining afterwards 
in the Indian villages. I transmit you this letter, therefore, to inform you that my intention 
is, that you come to an understanding with the English governors, who will receive like orders 
from His Britannic Majesty to execute this exchange on that basis ; that is to say, by proceeding 
with that of the French and English prisoners before proceeding with that of the Indians ; 
and that, afterwards, you facilitate, on your side, the ransoming of the English prisoners who 
may be in the power of the Indians, my allies, as the English governors are to do that of the 
French prisoners who will be in the village of the Indian allies of Great Britain. You will 
render me an account of everything that will be done in execution of my orders and of those 
of His said Britannic Majesty. And the present having no other object, I pray God to keep 
you, M. le M'" de la Jonquiere, in His Holy protection. Written at Versailles the twenty-eighth 

of February, 1750. 

Louis ROUILLE.' 

Abstract of Despatclies from Canada. 

Canada; Indian trade, &c. 

SO"" April, 1749. In regard to the arrangements proposed by Mess" de la Galiissonniere and 
Bigot to secure the Beaver trade to the Colony and to prevent the English becoming masters 
of it ; which arrangements tended to maintain the price of the Beaver at that paid by the 
Company during the war ; Mess" de la Jonquiere and Bigot had been advised this year [ that 
the Company had been recommended ] to procure lighter, more merchantable and cheaper 
hollow-ware than usual ; finally to substitute for the scarlet cloth of England that of our 
manufacture, which was equally sought for by the Indians, on account of qualities equivalent 
to those of the former. 

' Antoine Louis RouiLLf. Count de Jouy, waa born on the 7th Juno, 1089 ; he was Councillor in the Paris Parliament iu 
ITU, and Intendant of Commerce in 1725 ; was placed at the head of the Library in 1732, and the public is indebted to his 
patronage for the translation of De Thou, Guichardini, and other valuable worlds. In 1744, he was appointed Councillor 
of State and Commissioner of the India Company; and on 26th April, 1749, succeeded Count de Maurepas as Colonial 
Winisttr ( IX., 941, note, where it is stated, incorrectly, that the Duke de la Vrilliere had succeeded the Count). He filled 
that office until 28th July, 1764, when he was transferred to the department of Foreign Affairs, which he resigned ia 
July, 1757. He died at his country scat, at Neuilly, 20lh September, 1761. Biographie Universelle. — V.D. 


The Company, after mature examination, determined to pay, this year, at the rate of three 
livres, ten sous the pound for fat and dry winter Beaver, of good quality, and at the rate of 
three Hires, five sotis next year. 

That, notwithstanding, the little success which resulted from the repeated efforts it has 
made with cloths of our manufacture, it had again determined to make another trial. 

And consented to manufacture hollow-ware, such as seemed to be required ; but feared its 
sale would cause complaints on the part of the Colonial traders. 

That, in consequence of the expected fall in the price of Indian goods, the Voyageurs ought 
to realise a considerable profit from the sale of Beaver at the rates the Company is to pay, and 
ought, therefore, to be able to divert the Indians from going to the English. 

That they should inquire whether the hollow-ware the Company proposed to introduce 
would occasion complaints on the part of the traders. 

That in regard to the new essay the Company was about to make of cloths of our 
manufacture, 'twould be desirable that it may be accompanied with success, and that if those 
already sent did not succeed, 'twas in consequence of the intrigues of the French smugglers ; 
that they would have to adopt proper measures to remedy this inconvenience. 

That the profits which the Company was supposed, in the Colony, to derive from the Beaver 
trade was far from real. This it proved by an account of sales made during several years ; 
from which, also, 'twould be seen that it had been obliged, of late years, to sell at a loss. 
This ought to engage them to lower the price of the beaver in Canada as far as the safety of 
the trade could permit. 

1" October, 1749. Mess" de la Jonquiere and Bigot answer, that in regard to the 
determination of the Company of the Indies to pay the above price this year for beaver, they 
have issued their ordonnance accordingly ; that, nevertheless, they have directed that the receipts 
which might have been given by the receiver at the rate of four livres, up to the twenty-first 
of August last, should be valid, inasmuch as it would not be possible to make [the seller] 
reimburse the difference, as the receipts pass through different hands before being presented 
for payment. 

That the Company had sent four pieces of cloth on trial, but that the article is frightful; the 
red cloth is brown and unpressed ; the blue, of a very inferior quality to that of England ; 
that as long as such ventures are sent, they will not become favorites with the Indians. These 
four pieces of cloth will be returned to France. 

That Mess" de la Galissonniere and Bigot did not intend, by their letter, to engage the 
Company to furnish the hollow-ware; they desired only that orders should be given that it be 
of good quality, and that there should be no iron in the rim {tour) of the kettle and in the 
oreillettcs, and that these articles should be supplied by traders, who would suffer if the Company 
were to furnish them. 

That although they followed the orders that had been given respecting the fixing the price 
of the Beaver, it had been well if the rate had not been diminished ; that a much greater 
quantity of the article will hereafter go to the English inasmuch as our Indians carried it 
thither even during the war and when it was four livres. 

That they have just ascertained, from a sure source, that the English pay four livres and 
four sous for it at Choueguen, and more than we for all the other peltries, whereby we are 
deprived of them. 


That if the Company pretends not to have derived any profit from the trade, it would have 
realized a greater could it have destroyed smuggling; but it VFOuld succeed in that only so far 
as its prices vrould be equal to that of the English. 

That they will apply all their care to the destruction of French smugglers, the number of 
whom will surely increase after the price of the Beaver is lowered ; but they doubt if they 
will effect it, because Indians are employed who never betray them. 

They annex to their despatch some observations on the answers of the Company to the 
Memoir sent to M' de Maurepas on the different objects of the Beaver trade and the loss 
the Company pretends to have experienced in this article. 

It appears from the observations, that not only has the Company experienced no real loss, 
as it pretends, but even (hat, in tiie two years of seventeen hundred and forty-six and seventeen 
hundred and forty-seven, it has realized a profit, from the Beaver trade, of four hundred and 
thirty thousand, seven hundred and eighty-five livres. 

This profit appears sufficient to determine it to allow the price of Beaver to remain at the 
same rate as they paid for it during the war, and even to increase rather than diminish it, in 
order to preserve the interests of the Colony as well as its own. 

Supposing even that the profit, proved by these observations, was found to be insufficient, it 
is maintained that it would be better that the Company advance the price of Beaver, at the 
sales in P'rance, twenty sous per pound than to diminish the buying price in Canada. The 
advance in France would not lessen the number of hats worn, especially when the Company 
would succeed in monopolizing all the Beaver caught in Canada by preventing its exportation 
to a foreign market, by means of a price equivalent to that paid for it by the English. The 
manufacturersof France would hereby reap the real advantage of recovering in Spain, Portugal, 
Germany, and other countries, the same demand they formerly had, which, to their prejudice, 
the English now enjoy and will no longer possess, as their Colonies can supply them only with 
very little Beaver, and their hatters would fail for want of material should they not obtain the 
greatest portion of it from Canada. 

That the English, who neglect no opportunity to strengthen their alliance with the Indian 
Nations and to estrange them from the French, will not fail to profit by this falling off, to 
alienate the minds of the Indians from us; a circumstance which, in case of a war with 
England, might induce those Indians, whom trade would bring into closer relation with the 
English, to declare against the French, to the inevitable ruin of the Colony. 

In fine, that it would be incomparably more advantageous to advance the price of Beaver 
hats twenty sous each, than for the sake of selling them cheaper, to risk the loss of the entire 
Beaver trade, and perhaps of the Colony. 

Fort built at Toronto. 

On being informed that the Northern Indians ordinarily went to Choueguen with their 
peltries, by way of Toronto, on the northwest side of Lake Ontario, twenty-five leagues from 
Niagara and seventy-five from Fort Frontenac, they thought it advisable to establish a post at 
that place, and to send thither an officer, fifteen soldiers and some workmen to construct a 
small stockaded fort there. 

Its expense will not be great; the timber is transported there, and the remainder will be 
conveyed by the barks belonging to Fort Frontenac. 
Vol. X. 26 


Too much care cnnnot be taken to prevent these Indians continuing their trade with the 
English, and to furnish them, at this post, with all their necessaries, even as cheap as 
at Choueguen. 

Mess" de la Jonquiere and Bigot will permit some canoes to go there on license, and will 
apply the funds as a gratuity to the officer in command there. 

But it will be necessary to order the commandants at Detroit, Niagara and Fort Frontenac 
to be careful that the traders and storekeepers of these posts furnish goods for two or three 
years to come at the same rate as the English. 

By these means the Indians will disaccustom themselves from going to Choueguen, and the 
English will be obliged to abandon that place. 

1 October, 1749. M' Bigot writes, individually, that the establishment of this post is 
indispensable to stop the Indians on their way to Choueguen ; but, besides its being an 
additional source of expense, it will injure the trade of Niagara and Frontenac. 'Tis true that 
if there be less trade at these two last mentioned posts, there will be less transportation of 
merchandise; what will be lost on one side will be gained on the other, and 'twill amount to 
nearly the same in the end. 

The King will even reap a great advantage if we can accomplish the fall of Choueguen, by 
disgusting the Indians with that place, and this can be effected only by selling cheap to them. 
M' Bigot will attend to this. He proposes to oblige those who will farm {exploiter) Toronto 
to sell their goods at a reasonable price. 

31" October, 1749. M' de la Jonquiere, on his part, observes that it would be desirable that 
we could become masters of Choueguen. 

It appears by the plan he transmits, with the observations of Sieur de Lery, Junior, that 
this post would be of great importance to us : 

1" Because the English would be no longer in a position to establish posts along the rivers 
that fall into Lakes Ontario and Erie. 

2"'' Their trade would be thereby annihilated, and we should monopolize all the Peltries 
from the North and South. 

S"" We should be belter able to attach the Indians to us; to inspire them with hatred of the 
English, and to induce them, eventually, to destroy Choueguen ; but this will be effected only 
by supplying the proposed posts abundantly with necessaries for the Indians. 

4"" It would deprive the English of the knowledge they possess of what occurs in Canada, 
and we, on the contrary, would be able to be advised of all their movements. 

5"' We should secure unto ourselves the fidelity of the Indians belonging to the Five 
Iroquois Nations, whom the English, by surrounding them, deprive of the liberty of declaring 
themselves for us. 

6"" Tills post, in fixing our trade, would secure the communication with Louisiana ; we 
should navigate Lake Ontario without fear, and Forts Frontenac and Niagara would be safe. 
To these advantages is added, likewise, that of the situation of Fort Choueguen : It stands 
on a river that forms a basin capable of sheltering vessels, a rare advantage on Lake Ontario. 
But the site is prejudicial to the English. On the Choueguen side is a hill, whence the fort 
can be battered, and on which another fort can be usefully erected ; this would not be 
commanded by any place, and from it a view could be had of all the surrounding country. 


Establishment of a Mission towards P'ort F'rontenac. 

Agreat number of Iroquois Indians having expressed their willingness to embrace Christianity, 
it has been proposed to establish a mission in the direction of Fort Frontenac. Abbu Piquet, 
a zealous Missionary in whom these nations have evinced much confidence, has been put in 
charge of it, and directed to ascertain, with the greatest preciseness possible, how far the 
dispositions of the Indians can be relied on. 

Meanwhile, as M' de la Galissonniere had, in the month of October, one thousand seven 
hundred and forty-eight, observed that too much confidence ought not to be reposed in them, 
M" de la Jonquiere was written to on the fourth day of May, one thousand seven hundred and 
forty-nine, to neglect nothing that could contribute to the formation of that establishment, 
because, should it be at all successful, 'twould not be difficult to persuade the Indians that the 
sole means of getting rid of the pretensions of the English to their lands, is to destroy Clioueguen 
which they founded only with a view to curb these nations; but it required prudence and 
circumspection to induce the Indians to undertake it. 

31'' October, 1749. M'' de la Jonquiere transmits a plan drawn by Sieur de Lery of the ground 
selected by Abbe Picquet for his mission, and a letter from him containing a narrative of his 
voyage and of the situation of the locality. 

He says he left on the fourth of May, of last year, with twenty-five Frenchmen and four 
Iroquois; he arrived on the thirtieth at the River la Presentation, which they call Soegatzy.' 
The land there is the finest in Canada; abounds with oak timber, and trees of a prodigious 
girth and height, which the settler ought to be forbidden to cut, without permission. Piquet 
has saved off the land he had cleared, sufficient of the former for the construction of a sloop. 

He commenced with the erection of a storehouse to secure his efft'cts ; he next had a small 
stockaded fort erected, and will cause a small house to be built to serve as a bastion. 

M. Piquet had a private interview with the Indians, who were satisfied with all he had 
done ; they assured him of their willingness to follow his advice and to establish their village 
at once. To accomplish this, they are gone to regulate their affairs and have promised to 
return with their provisions. 

This post is very advantageously situated. It is on the bank of the River la Presentation, 
at the head of all the rapids, on the west side of a beautiful basin formed by that river, 
capable of easily containing forty or fifty sloops. 

In all parts of it, is found at least two fathoms and a half, and often four fathoms, of water. 
It is so located that vessels can hardly be prevented entering it by any wind. The shore is 
very low, in a level country, the point of which runs far out. The passage in front is scarce a 
quarter of a league, and canoes going up or down cannot pass elsewhere. A fort on this point 
would be impregnable; it could not be approached and nothing commands it. 

The Eastern shore is somewhat more elevated, and with a gradual ascent forms an 
amphitheatre. A handsome town could be hereafter built there. 

This port is, moreover, so much the more advantageous, as the English and Iroquois can 
easily run down to Montreal by the River la Presentation, which rises in a lake bordering on 
the country of the Mohawks and on Corlar. 

Had they taken possession of this river they would block the passage of that of Fort 
Frontenac, and would more easily succor Choueguen ; whereas by means of a fort on the 

' Oswegatchi ; now, Ogdensburgb, New-York. — Ed. 


Point it would be easy to have a force there in case of need to proceed against Choueguen and 
intercept the English and Indians who would wish to penetrate into the Colony, and the 
voyage from Missilimakinac, by the river, would be accomplished without any fear.' 

Moreover, this establishment is only thirty-five leagues from Montreal, twenty-five from 
Fort Frontenac, and thirty-three from Choueguen ; a distance sufficient to remove the Indians 
from the disorders which the proximity of forts and towns ordinarily engenders among them. 

It is convenient for the reception of the Lake Ontario, and more distant, Indians. 

Abbe Picquel's views are to accustom these Indians to raise cows, hogs and poultry ; there 
are beautiful prairies, acorns and wild rice. 

On the other hand it can be so regulated that bateaux carrying goods to the post might stop 
at La Presentation. 

The expense of transportation would become smaller ; men would be found to convey these 
bateaux for fifteen to twenty, instead of forty-five and fifty, litres, which are paid for the 
entire voyage. 

Other bateaux belonging to La Presentation would convey them farther, and the first take, 
in return, plank, boards and other timber which are abundant there. 

This timber would not come to more than twelve to fifteen livres, whilst it sells for sixty- 
eight livres at Montreal, and sometimes for more. Eventually this post will be able to supply 
Fort Frontenac with provisions, which would be a considerable saving to the King. 

Abbe Picquet adds, in his letter, that in the course of his voyage he examined the nature of 
the rapids in the Fort Frontenac river, which is of great importance to secure us the possession 
of Lake Ontario, on which the English have an eye. 

These rapids are fourteen in number; the most dangerous are Le Trou and Le Buisson. 
Abbe Picquet points out a mode to render this river navigable ; and to meet the expense, he 
proposes that each canoe sent up shall pay ten livres, and each hand one ecu, which according 
to him would produce three thousand livres, a sum sufficient for the workmen. 

Mess" de la Jonquiere and Bigot observe that they consider this establishment necessary ; 
also the construction of a saw-mill there, on account of the advantage to accrue therefrom in 
the diminution of the price of timber; but as regards the rapids they will have them verified, 
in order to ascertain whether the river can in fact be rendered navigable, and will transmit an 
estimate of the work. 

They have caused five guns, of two pound calibre, to be sent to Abbe Picquet for his little 
fort, so as to inspire the Indians with confidence, and to convince them that they will be 
safe there. 

M' de la Jonquiere, in particular, says, that he will see if proprietors of bateaux would be 
willing to contribute to the expense necessary to incur for the rapids ; but he asks that some 
convicts from the galleys, or people out of employment {geus inulilcs) be sent out annually to 
him to cultivate the soil. He is in want of men, and the few he has exact high wages. 

1" 8*^', 1749. M' Bigot transmits a special memoir, also, of the expense incurred by Abb6 
Picquet for improvements, amounting to three thousand four hundred and eighty-five livres, 
ten sous ; he has been supplied, in addition, with provisions for himself and workmen, and this 
settlement is only commenced. 

M' de la Jonquiere will not be able to dispense with sending an officer thither with some 
soldiers ; Sieur de la Morandiere, engineer, is to be sent there this winter to draw a plan of 

' et Ton Toyagerait sans craiote dans la riviere de Missilimakinac. Text. 


barracks for this detachment, and a store for the provisions. Were no garrison at that post, a 
considerable foreign trade would be carried on there. 

7"" 9^", 1749. Subsequent to these letters M' de la Jonquicre has written another, in which 
he states that M' de Longueuil had informed him that a party of Indians, supposed to be 
Mohawks, had attacked Sieur Picquet's mission, on the twenty-sixth of October last ; that 
Sieur de Vassan, commandant at Fort Frontenac, had sent a detachment thither, which was 
unable to save two vessels, loaded with hay, and the stockades of the fort from being burnt. 
Abbe Picquet's house alone was saved. 

The loss by this fire is considerable. It would have been greater were it not for four 
Abenakis, who on this occasion gave a proof of their fidelity. 

The man named Perdreaux had half of his hand carried away. His arm had to be cut off. 

One of the Abenakis received a gun shot; the ball remained in his blanket. 

M'' de Longueuil has provided everything necessary. M' de la Jonquiere gave him orders 
to dispatch a detachment of ten soldiers thither, and will take measures, next spring, to secure 
that post. 

M' de la Jonquiere adds, that the Indians were instigated to this attack by the English. 
The Iroquois, who were on a complimentary visit at Montreal, were surprised at the occurrence, 
and assured M' de Longueuil that it could only be Colonel Amson' who could have induced 
them to make the attack. 

He omitted nothing to persuade these same Iroquois to undertake that expedition, and to 
prevent them going to pay their respects to the Governor, having presented them with Belts, 
which they refused to accept. 

(Jonfevence of M. de la Jonquiere xoith the Cayngas. 

Propositions of the Cayugas to the Marquis de la Jonquiere, Governor and 
Lieutenant-General for the King throughout New France, the territories 
and countries of Louisiana, and that General's answers to said propositions, 
15'" May, 1750. 

By a Belt. 
Father, On your arrival in this country, the Five Nations resolved to request you to accept 
the same name that M' de la Galissonniere bore ; we called him, " Peace." He took great 
care of all the Nations, and often spoke good things to us. Father, We hope you will be 
equally good to us ; we shall always follow your advice and do our best to obey your pleasure ; 
you know the conduct I have observed, I beg you to speak to us from the bottom of your 
heart, as we do to you. People often speak to us one way and think another ; were only one 
child of the Cayuga Nation left, he will be always faithful to you. We beg of you to labor 
like us only in doing good. 


By another Belt. 

P'ather, It appears that you wish all the Indians who are on the Beautiful river to 
withdraw; you know that is a Republic composed of all sorts of Nations, and even many of 
those who lived near you have settled there. It is a country abounding in game, and this it 
is that attracts them thither. This island belongs to the Red Man ( Nations noires) ; it is the 
Master of Life who has placed them on it, for he hath located those who are White on 
the other side of the Sea. 

Father, You cannot easily get back all your Frenchmen who are dispersed throughout the 
entire country, each seeking to obtain a living ; how do you suppose it possible to get back 
our young men? you know there exists no subordination among us. 

Take pity on us when you send to those parts; think only of doing good, as you have 
hitherto done. As for me, I assure you, I shall labor always so to do, however embarrassed I 
may be, for often I know not whom to believe. You tell me to distrust the English ; the 
English say the same to me of you ; and this has led me to remain neutral during the War, in 
order to see who absolutely was wishing for my destruction. Father, be assured of ray 
fidelity, and I shall not cease to occupy myself with what is good. 

By three Strings. 
You know we abandoned with pleasure our wives, our children and our country; that the 
sole desire of seeing you has been the motive of our remaining during the winter; but in 
the course of that time attempts have constantly been made to disturb our minds, by telling 
us that our Father, who is gone to France, had a bad heart and was conspiring our destruction ; 
doubtless your sentiments are the same. If you desire to know those who talked to us in 
this way, we shall name them to you, for I, Cayuga, fear nothing and have nothing to reproach 
myself with. We are even threatened that, if any come hither from that country, he will be 
transported ; and, if any do not come, people will go and kill them at home. 

Propositions of the Cayugas which are to remain in the Secretary's office, in 
order to show them the Belt in case of need. S?"" of May, 1750. 

Father, You see your children, the Cayugas, who are on the point of leaving, and who 
thank you for all the good advice you have given them. Had it not been for you there would, 
perhaps, be no more mention of the Five Nations. We see clearly that the English seek only 
our destruction, and are grasping all the lands we inhabit. We are already in their midst. 

Here is a Belt which we present you, whereby we assure you of our fidelity. It is our 
heart we leave in your hands ; we will support each other and shall never cease being attached 
to you. Nothing will be capable of separating us. I, Cayuga, will never take up the hatchet 
against you, no matter what war may be declared. Should it happen that some of our young 
men stay from their duty, and do wrong, we beg you to allow us time to confer with you ; 
this we shall also do on our side ; this is the only way to live in peace; were there but one 
Cayuga chief remaining, he will be always loyal to you. The Master of Life disposes of us 
and we know not who will live the longest: Wherefore, Father, we are very glad that Mess" 
de Longueuil, Varin and Noyan are present, so that he who will live the longest, may be able 
to repeat what we have just said to those who will succeed them. Should anything occur in 
our cantons deserving your attention, we shall communicate it to you. We hope that you will 
not forgetus. 


Whatever turn matters may take, even should war exist, come, Father, in all safety to your 
children, the Cayugas. You will be always well received by them. 

Your son, Joncaire, here present, knows us all ; he knows the bottom of our hearts. 

Should any one trouble us, we will have recourse to you; the ancients have lighted a Council 
fire here, and planted a tree of peace, at the foot of which we deposit this Belt, which remains 
as a pledge of our promise, so that it may be near us when any one will desire to see it again. 

Answer of the General. 

By a Belt. 
Children, I receive with pleasure the name you gave my predecessor, which signifies 
" Peace." I shall take very great care of all my children, and particularly of you, Cayugas, 
who have been the most faithful to me during the war. Continue in your present good 
sentiments, if you follow my councils and do my will, you will find a good Father, who will 
receive and always solace you with pleasure. I shall not cease to converse with you in terms 
of friendship, persuaded, as I am, that you will pay every attention thereto. It will be always 
with an open heart that I shall speak to you. I entertain no doubt of the fidelity you promise 
me, as you must also be persuaded of the sincere attachment I shall always feel towards you. 

By a Belt. 

Children, Tt is not my intention to make all the Indians withdraw that are on the Beautiful 
river ; I merely wish that all those who have abandoned their families and villages should 
return and join them. 

If you find what you want in this country I am glad ; but you would not regard me as a 
true father, were I not to remark to you that the English are settling there, notwithstanding 
you have forbad them ; be careful to give good advice to those who are on the Beautiful river, 
so that they may be wiser in future, and not take charge of bad Belts to give to their brethren, 
my children. 

If the Master of Life wished, at the beginning of the world, that none but Red men should 
inhabit this continent, it was only to give them to understand how pleasant it is to be near a 
good Father, and he has willed that Ontiogoa ( that is the King) should send some of his 
subjects hither to comfort you, and to engage you to acknowledge him as your good Father. 

The French, who will go to the Beautiful river, will carry wherewith to supply the wants 
of those who are there, and will be careful not to disturb them. I send your son, Sieur de 
Joncaire, thither ; I know that you love him, and have great confidence in him. I hope the 
French, who will go to those parts, will meet a kind reception ; you ought to use your efforts 
to that end. I doubt not the assurance you again give me to labor only to do good. You 
know that I have never given you any but good advice ; the English, on the contrary, have 
never ceased persecuting you during the war, even with threats, to make you accept their 
hatchet, which would only hasten your destruction. This is what they greatly desired, and 
dare not undertake. 

By three Strings. 
I am very sensible of the attention you pay me, and doubt not the pleasure you feel at 
seeing me, for which I am very grateful ; the bad talk you heard during your winter 
encampment must not make any impression on your minds, and therefore you ought not pay 


any attention to it. M" de la Galissonniere and I do not desire your destruction ; on the contrary, 
children, I seek only to comfort you. M' de Celoron has been at the Beautiful river only to 
make those return who had gone astray, and to give sense to those who had lost it ; you 
know this. 

Those who will come here will be always welcome, and will have every reason to be 
satisfied with the reception I shall give them ; you will aflford me pleasure by inducing them 
to come. 

Give me the names of those persons who told you that if your Nation came here, I would 
send them off, so that I may reprimand and chastise them, if they be Frenchmen. 

Answer of the General to the Belt of the Cayugas. 

By a Belt. 

Children, I am very glad to see you depart contented ; you ought never have doubted that 
the good advice I have continually given you aims only at the preservation of the Five Nations, 
whom I have always loved. It is for you to preserve yourselves in the country you inhabit, 
and to take care not to become the slaves of the English. 

I receive, with much pleasure, the Belt you give me, whereby you promise me to be faithful; 
I also receive your heart, and shall take very great care to preserve it ; children, persevere in 
the good sentiments in which I now behold you. 

I accept your offers of service, and you must be persuaded that if you require mine, it will 
afford [me] pleasure [to tender it]. 

I doubt not the repugnance you felt, and ought always to entertain, at taking up the hatchet 
against a Father who so tenderly cherishes you, and to whom you are under so many 
obligations. I hope that you others, chiefs, will be so particular in speaking to the young 
men that they will never commit any ill act. 

I am delighted that Mess" de Longueuil, Varin and Noyan are present and witnesses of the 
promises you make me. 

You will afford me pleasure by reporting to me whatever will occur in your Cantons and in 
those of your neighbors. 

Children, I shall ever go in all security to your country, and you must never entertain any 
fear when you come hither; which I invite you to do. 

I know that Sieur de Joncaire is acquainted with your heart ; he has given me an account of it. 

I shall be always ready to assist you and to preserve your villages; especially yours, 
Cayugas, who have been ever faithful to me, and with whom 1 have never been at war. 

I shall preserve, with very great pleasure, the Belt you present me, and which you deposit 
at the foot of this Tree of Peace. By this one 1 give you my heart; you will understand how 
good and sincere it is, and how well you ought to preserve it. In whatever circumstances 
affairs may be, never be afraid to come and see your Father, who is continually reaching out his 
hands to you and who will always receive you with tenderness. 

Children, I recommend you not to listen to the bad advice that may be offered to you. 

We, Pierre Rigaud, Marquis de Vaudreuil, Commander of the- Royal and Military Order of 
St. Louis, Governor and Lieutenant-General for the King throughout New France and the 
territories and countries of Louisiana. 


Certify that the present copy is conformable to the original on file in our Secretary's 
Office. In testimony whereof, we have signed these presents, and have caused the seal of 
our Arms to be affixed to, and our Secretary to countersign, the same. 

Done at Montreal, the IS"" of February, 175S. 

(Signed), Vaudkeuil. 

By my Lord : (Signed), Saint Sauveub. 

M. de la Jonquiere to M. de Rouille. 

Quebec, IG'" July, 1750. 
My Lord, 

Previous to receiving the letter you did me the honor to write me on the 5"" of March last 
( accompanied by an order of the King for the exchange of the prisoners respectively belonging 
to this government for those of New England ), I adopted all the measures imaginable to effijct 
their liberation. I proceed to render you an account thereof. 

The deputation of Sieurs de Beauharnois' and L'Anniers* to the Governors of Boston and 
New-York having accomplished nothing, especially towards the recovery of the 26 Abenaki', 
who were taken at the beginning of the war; and the Abenakis of St. Francis renewing their 
entreaties for the restoration of their brethren, 1 determined on dispatching the said Sieur de 
Beaubassin to New England, and gave him orders to do his best to speak to the said Abenakis 
and to bring them back with him. I wrote to those Governors and strongly urged them to 
facilitate the exchange of our people for theirs. 

Sieur de Beaubassin has not yet returned, but I had the consolation to learn that my trouble 
and pains had some success by seeing all the said Abenakis arrive. Nothing could be compared 
to the satisfaction this afforded the entire Abenakis Nation. They are our most faithful allies, 
and will never forget what I have done for them. 

Sieur de Beaubassin's arrival is apparently delayed only by the arrangements the English 
Governors adopt in consequence of the orders of the King, their master, to collect again 
together all our prisoners and give them up to him. I expect his return immediately. 

On my part, my Lord, I have executed the King's order in every particular. 

The very moment I received it, I sent for M"" Stoddert, the English officer, who had been 
deputed to me on the part of the Governor of New-York, and who had remained in this city 
to await the effect the Sieur de Beaubassin's new mission may produce. I communicated to 
him said order and notified him that I was going to carry it out ; that all the English in my 
hands would be at once surrendered to him, and that as regarded those detained among the 
Indians, I would dispatch the Interpreter of these Nations, and issue orders to the commandants 
and missionaries to do everything in their power to have them given up. 

M' Stoddert and M' Van Schaick, who speaks the language of the Indians and their prisoners, 
set out with said Interpreter and assisted at all the conferences held with said Indians. They 

' Sic. Beaubassiu. See fourth line further on. ' Sic. Ligneris. — Ed. 

Vol. X. 27 


had liberty to speak to their people, and if these have not returned with M'' Stoddert it is not 
my fault. 

As I have had time, since I came to this Colony, to he acquainted with the English 
Governors, and have found them very unmanageable and disposed to create difficulties, I have 
taken my precautions that the truth of all that I have done may appear in an authentic form. 

You will see it, my Lord, by the three j^roccs-verbaux, copies whereof I have the honor to 
send to you annexed hereunto, wherein I mention everything said on one side and the other 
on the subject of the exchange and ransom of said prisoners, and that the majority of them 
have desired to remain with the Indians, having been adopted and having made their 
abjurations, as appears by the letter written me by Sieur Douville, commandant of Sault St. 
Louis, the original whereof I have handed to said M'' Stoddert. You have a copy of it annexed. 

You will see, also, that I have forced Sieur Mange to give a prisoner up to M' Stoddert, 
though he had purchased him from the Indians. This is a direct proof of my good will, and 
that I would have done the same for those in the power of the Indians had the matter depended 
on myself, and had said Indians not had the eflrontery to tell M"' Stoddert that if I obliged 
them to release those prisoners, the English would be the victims of their resentment, and 
that they would avenge themselves on them; which they would have done. 

I cannot avoid performing the promise I have given M. Mang^, to request you, my Lord, to 
be pleased to give orders that he be repaid out of the Public Treasury the sum of 500", which 
he paid to get said prisoner out of the hands of the Indians. 

In regard to the negro, in the possession of Sieur de la Come St. Luc, I thought proper not 
to send him back, every negro being ar slave wherever he be, as I have observed in the proces- 
verbal. Besides, herein, I only do what the English themselves did in 1747. Ensign de 
Malbronne, on board Le Scrieux, had a negro servant who was at first taken from him ; 1 took 
pains to reclaim him, the English refused to surrender him on the same ground, that every 
negro is a slave, wherever he happen to be. 

As for the rest, my Lord, you will perceive by the general list, hereunto annexed, that this 
affair is in the best condition ; that M' Stoddert has made an exchange with me of all the 
prisoners, and that as for those who have remained in this Colony, he declares he was unable 
to carry them back with him, what facilities soever I had afforded him for that purpose. 

M' Stoddert left with said prisoners on the SS* of last month, for Fort St. Frederic, whence 
he will dispatch one or two of the prisoners to inform the Governor that they are at liberty, 
so that the latter may forthwith send back all the prisoners, both French and Indians, in 
his power, to M' Lydius, on the frontiers of New England, and order the officer who will 
be in command of them to send him an express with word, so soon as they shall have arrived, 
and to halt one day so that they may be mutually exchanged at the foot of the Great Carrying 
Place of Lake St. Sacrament, whither he will proceed in order to conclude the reciprocal 
liberation of the French and English prisoners. 

I sent with M' Stoddert, Sieur de Bleury, Ensign of Infantry, whom I ordered to go as far 
as Orange, and even to New-York, if necessary, to claim all our prisoners, both French and 
Indians, and to bring them back with him. 

I wrote, at the same time, to M' Clinton, Governor of New-York, and have sent him the 
King of England's Order, which you did me the honor to address me. 


Thus, my Lord, all the English are at liberty ; you see that I have used great diligence ; 
there is every reason to hope that the English Governors will respond to it, and that our 
prisoners will be soon on their return to this Colony, whereof I shall have the honor to render 
you an account in my next letter. 
I am with the most profound respect, 
My Lord, 

Your most humble and 

Most obedient Servant, 

La ionquiere. 

Minutes of the JExchange of Prisoners. 1750. 

On the twenty-third day of June, in the year one thousand, seven hundred and fifty, Before 
us, the Marquis de la Jonquiere, Commander of the Royal and Military Order of St. Louis, 
Commodore in the Navy, Governor and Lieutenant-General for the King throughout all New 
France and the territories and countries of Louisiana, and in the Castle wherein we are 
quartered in the town of Montreal, in presence of M'' Varin, Commissary of the Marine, 
Superintendent {ordonnateur) in said town ; M. de Celeron, Knight of the Royal and Military 
Order of S' Louis, Major and Commandant of Detroit; M. de Noyelles, Knight of the Royal 
and Military Order of St. Louis, Captain of Infantry; Sieur de Montresson, Lieutenant- 
General in the Royal Jurisdiction of this town ; Sieur de la Chauvignery, Ensign of Infantry, 
Iroquois Interpreter; Sieur Joseph Gamelin, Interpreter to the Abenakis of St. Francis; Joseph 
Maddox, English Interpreter, in our service : 

Appeared, agreeably to our orders, M"' Stoddert, Lieutenant of Infantry in the New-York 
troops, and M'' Anthony Van Schaick, Captain of a Company of New-York Militia, to whom 
we said that in consequence of the orders of the King, our Master, we had sent to St. Francis 
for the man named John, an Englishman by nation, taken near Kaskebec,' in the government 
of Boston, in the year one thousand seven hundred and forty-six, by an Abenakis of 
Panaouanke, who gave him, somewhere about the same time, to an Abenakis of the village 
of St. Francis, belonging to the family (cabanne) of one Francois Xavier Abemission, with the 
intention to deliver him up to the said M"^ Stoddert, with the other English prisoners detained 
within our general government, and as the said John, an English prisoner, refuses to return to 
New England, we have summoned said M'' Stoddert to speak to him, himself, in order 
to ascertain his wishes. Whereupon M' Stoddert told him he had come to this town by 
order of M'' George Clinton, Governor of New-York, for the purpose of taking back all the 
English prisoners who are detained in this Colony. The said John answered him that he 
would not return to New England, and that he wished to remain with the Abenakis of St. 
Francis, where he had been instructed in the Catholic, Apostolic and Roman Religion, in 
which' he wished to live and die. We, the said Marquis de la Jonquiere, told the said English 
deputies that we did not intend to keep the said John in our government, and that we from 

' Casco bay. — Ed. 


this moment gave him liberty to leave it, and that the said deputies had only to persuade him 
to follow them; whereupon, the said John persisted in his first answer; said English deputies 
told us they would report the aforesaid to their Governor, and as evidence of their diligence 
requested us to draw up the present Minute, which we have done to serve and be valid for 
their discharge. 

Which Minute we have signed in Duplicate with the gentlemen present, the said English 
deputies, said John, the English prisoner being illiterate, to whom we have given one of the 
said originals. 

(Signed), B. Stoddert, La Jonquiere, 

Anthony Van Schaick, Varin, 

Joseph Gamelin, and De Noyelle, 

Joseph Maddox. Montresson, 

True copy. La Chauvignery. 


In the afternoon of the twenty-fifth day of June, in the year one thousand seven hundred 
and fifty. Before us, the Marquis de la Jonquiere, Commander of the Royal and Military Order 
of St. Louis, Commodore in the Navy, Governor and Lieutenant-General for the King 
throughout all New France, and the territories and countries of Louisiana, and in the Castle 
wherein we are quartered in the town of Montreal, in presence of M. de Varin, Commissary 
of the Marine, Superintendent of said town ; Mess" de Noyelles and de Vercheres, Knights of 
the Royal and Military Order of St. Louis and Captains in the troops of this Colony ; and 
of Montresson, Lieutenant-General of the Royal Jurisdiction of this town, Sieur de la 
Chauvignery, Ensign of Infantry, Iroquois Interpreter, and M' Joseph Maddox, English 
Interpreter in our service : 

Appeared M. Stoddert, Lieutenant of Infantry in the New- York troops, and M' Anthony 
Van Schaick, Captain of a Company of New-York Militia, to whom we said that in consequence 
of the orders of the King, our Master, we had caused to come to this town the Iroquois of 
Sault St. Louis, in whose hands are Philips Philips, Simon Fort and Thomas Voimer, English 
prisoners, in order that they should deliver up the said English prisoners to the said M' 
Stoddert, and agree with him respecting the terms of their ransom, on our causing to be 
communicated to the Indians that they had only to make their demand, and the said M' 
Stoddert having represented to us that he had neither orders nor funds from his Governor to 
redeem said prisoners, and that, nevertheless, said M' Van Schaick took on himself to advance 
the ransom on said Simon Fort, the sister of Agouareche, to whom he belonged by adoption, 
having stated that she would not give him up at any price, whatever, we have ordered the said 
Squaw and her brother to deliver, forthwith, the said Simon Fort to M'' Stoddert for the sum of 
six hundred litres, which M' Van Schaick offered to pay, and if she refused we should 
authoritatively oblige her to give up the said Englishman without any ransom ; said Indian 
and his wife told us they were ready to obey our order, without exacting anything, but if said 
Simon Fort returned to New England they would follow him so close that the English would 
be the victims of their resentment, which the said Mess" Stoddert and Van Schaik having 
heard, we have concluded that it was prudent not to force said Squaw to give up the said 
prisoner, and that it was better to lose him than to occasion the Iroquois to make an attack on 
the English. 


Of the whole of what precedes we have drawn up this our minute, which we have signed 
with the gentlemen present and the said English gentlemen in duplicate, whereof one remains 
in our hands and the other has been given to the said M"' Stoddert. 

(Signed), Joseph Maddox, La Jonquiere, 

B. Stoddert, Varin, 

Antony Van Schaick. De Noyelles, 
Copy. Montresson, 

Laionquiere. La Chauvignery. 

In the forenoon of the twenty-sixth day of June, of the year one thousand seven hundred 
and fifty. Before us, the Marquis de la Jonquiere, Commander of the Royal and Military Order 
of St. Louis, Commodore in the Navy, Governor and Lieutenant-General for the King 
throughout all New France, the territories and countries of Louisiana, and in the Castle where 
we are quartered in the town of Montreal, in presence of M" Varin, Commissary of the Marine, 
Superintendent of said town; of Mess" de Noyelles and de Vercheres, Knight of the Royal and 
Military Order of S' Louis, Captain in the troops of this Colony; of Montresson, Lieutenant- 
General of the Royal Jurisdiction of Montreal, and of M"' Joseph Maddox, English Interpreter, 
and in our service : 

Appeared M' Stoddert, Lieutenant of New-York Infantry, and M' Antony Van Schaick, 
Captain of a Company of New-York Militia, to whom we said, that in conformity with the 
orders of the King, our Master, we had caused to be brought to our Castle the men named 
Elisha Stansburry, Timothy Colbe, Southerland Ford and Thomas Colson, English prisoners, 
them to surrender to the said M' Stoddert, whom we empowered from this moment to take 
and carry them back to their country, which the said M'' Stoddert immediately did ; we, 
likewise, delivered to him the man named Matte Gatroup, an English Indian, a servant of the 
Superior of the Seminary of St. Sulpice, in this town, who gave him up to them without 
exacting any repayment of the sum he had paid for the purchase of said Indian. Sieur Mange, 
a citizen of this town, in whose service is one Peter Bogamot, another Indian, having 
represented to us that in return for surrendering him to the said M'' Stoddert, it was just that 
he be repaid the sum of five hundred Uvres, which he had paid the Iroquois of the Sault St. 
Louis for the said Indian; we have ordered him to give up the said Indian to M' Stoddert, 
which he did, and we have promised him to write to the Court to have him indemnified ; and 
in regard to Samuel Frement, a negro, in the service of Sieur de la Corne S' Luc, Lieutenant 
of Infantry, we have ordered that he remain in the Colony, all negroes being slaves, in 
whatever country they reside. 

Of the whole of what precedes we have prepared this Minute, which we, with the gentlemen 
present, and said Mess" Stoddert and Van Schaick, have signed in duplicate, whereof one copy 
has remained in our hands and the other has been given to M"' Stoddert. 

(Signed), Joseph Maddox, La Jonquiere, 

B. Stoddert, Varin, 

Antony Van Schaick. De Noyelles, 


Copy. Montresson, 

Laionquiere. La Chauvignery. 



General Return of the English prisoners detained in the government of New 

Prisoners' Names. 

Anthony Van Schaick, Captain 
of the Militia of the Govern- 
ment of New- York, 

John Vroman, 

Peter Vosborough, 

William Goff, 

Christopher McGraw, 

John Philips, 

Edward Varen, 

Benjamin Biachford, 

Peter Clincton, 

John Thompson, 

Daniel Eden, 

Rachel Quackenbus, 

Samuel Frement, a Negro, 

Simon Vort, 
Philip Philipson, 
Thomas Volmer, 

Jacob Suitzer, 

Jacob Volmer, 
Joshua Nicolson, 
Henry Piper, 

Christian Volmer, 


Edward Cheaole, 

Observations. Prisoners' Names. 

Albert Vedder, 
Adam Mole, 
Francis Conner, 
Cornelius Sprong, 
Elisha Stansbury, 
Thimoty Colbe, 
}■ Depart with M'Stoddert i Southerland Fort, 
for Fort St. Frederic. Timothy Colson, 
Peter Dogaman, 
Mattee Gatroup, 
3 Mohawks, 


Has abjured and desires to remain in the Colony; M' Stod- 
dert has spoken to her repeatedly, without being able to 
persuade her to accompany him. 

Remains in the Colony for reasons set forth in the Minute 
of the 26"" June, 1750. 

Do not leave for reasons set forth in the proces-verbal of 
the 25"' June, 1750, and, besides, because they have since 
declared that they wish to remain with the Iroquois of 
Sault St. Louis, having made abjuration, as appears by 
Sieur Douville's letter to M' Stoddert. 

Desires also to remain ^with the Indians of Sault St. 

Joshua Nicolson is disposed to go ; the other two desire to 
remain with the Iroquois of the Lake of the Two Moun- 
tains and Nipissings, who, moreover, are unwilling to 
allow any of the said prisoners to leave at any price 
whatsoever, as they love them very much. 

Is hunting with the Iroquois of the Lake of the Two 
Mountains, and on his return will be set at liberty if he 
wish to return to New England. 

Desires to remain with the Abenakis of St. Francis, as 
appears by the proces-verbal of the 23'' of June, 1750. 

Married a Squaw among the Hurons of Lorette, and desired 
to remain with them. 


Prisoners' Names. Observations. 

C Is hunting with the Hurons of Lorette, and will be set at 
An old man, / liberty on his return if he be inclined to go to New 

( England. 

13 I, the undersigned, Lieutenant of Infantry in the troops of New-York, 

— deputed by order of M' Clinton, Governor of the said New-York, to the Marquis 
24 de Jonquiere, Governor-General of New France, do declare to have received 

— from the said Marquis de la Jonquiere the twenty-four prisoners mentioned 
37 in the present list, with whom I will proceed, forthwith, to Fort St. Frederic 
= under the guidance of Sieur de Bleury, Ensign of Infantry, where arriving I 

promise to dispatch one or two prisoners to inform my Governor that they are 
at liberty, so that he may send, at the same time, all the prisoners, both French and Indians, who 
may be in his hands, to M'' Lydieus, and give orders to the officer who will have charge of them 
to send me an express on their arrival at that place to inform me thereof, and to tarry one day 
so that they may be exchanged, one against another, at the foot of the Great Carrying place 
of Lake St. Sacrament, whither I will repair in order to conclude the reciprocal exchange of 
the French and English prisoners. And as regards the thirteen others, also mentioned in the 
present list, it has not been in our power to bring them back with us, notwithstanding the 
facilities and orders said Sieur de la Jonquiere has given, for the reasons annexed in the present 
list. In testimony whereof the said Marquis de la Jonquiere hath signed with us, the English 
deputy aforesaid. 

Done, in duplicate, at Montreal, the twenty-seventh of June, one thousand seven hundred 
and fifty. 

Signed, La Jonquiere and B. Stoddert. 



Copy of the letter written by Sieur Douville, commandant at Sault St. Louis, to 
the Marquis de la Jonquiere, Governor-General of New France, 27"" June, 

Sir, X 

The English prisoner, belonging to la Delislle, has come to tell me that I could have the 
honor to inform you he did not desire any longer to return ; that the principal reason is 
that he has embraced our religion ; that when he told the English he wished to return, he 
acted unreflectingly. On the other hand that his father is dead, and by the laws of his country 
whoever has been ransomed, if obliged to borrow the money, is bound to service until he have 
repaid, by his labor, the sum he cost; that he prefers being a slave with the Indians than in 
his country where there is no religion. 

He who belongs to Ononraguete's nieces has come to tell me, also, that inasmuch as his 
elder brother, who is at the Lake of Two Mountains, will not return, neither will he; that 
his father was poor; that he must work all his life to pay his ransom ; on the other hand, he 
has embraced our religion, which is the strongest reason. 


Ononraguete said to him, in my presence: You are at liberty to go away if you like. He 
answered, No ; that he haled too strongly the English Nation, where he was almost a slave, 
to give up his religion and his liberty. 

I have the honor to be, etc. 

Signed. Douville. 

I acknowledge to have received from the Marquis de la Jonquiere the original of this letter. 
Montreal, the 28"' of June, 1750. 

Signed, Stoddekt. 


JEarl of Albemai'le to M. Puydeuloi. 

The underwritten Ambassador extraordinary and Plenipotentiary from his Majesty of Great 
Britain, has orders from the King, his master, dated Hanover the 20"" of last month, to 
represent to the Court of France, how much he is surprised at hearing the violent proceedings 
of the French in America, under the authority and direction of M. de la Jonquiere, who has 
readily avowed them. 

M. Cornwallis, Governor of Nova Scotia, has informed the Duke of Bedford, by a letter 
dated the 1" of May, this year, that the French have taken possession of Nova Scotia, beyond 
the Bay of Fundi, from the River Chignecto to that of St. John, making the first the limits of 
that Province. 

They have reduced Beubassin to ashes, and carried to the other side of the river the 
inhabitants, with their effects; compelled them to take up arms, and form'd them into 
companies ; so that the Sieur La Corne, a French officer, has at that place, under his command, 
a body of 2500 men, made up of regular troops, Canadians and Indians. 

The Sieur La Corne and Father Loutre, a French missionary, have made use of repeated 
and innumerable promises and menaces, in order to persuade all the inhabitants of the 
Province to leave the country. 

The inhabitants declare openly their abhorrence of these proceedings; but the Sieurs La 
Corne and Loutre threaten them with a general massacre of the Indians, our declared enemies, 
who enlist under the banners of the French. They detain the King's subjects, his officers and 
soldiers prisoners. They excite the King's French subjects to rebellion, and those who remain 
loyal they threaten with destruction. They send their Indian slaves all over the country, 
where they are guilty of all sorts of outrages. 

They have set fire to the town acknowledged by themselves to appertain to his Britannic 

Governor Cornwallis sent the Sieur Lawrence, Major of foot, with a detachment to Chignecto, 
where he arrived on the 20"" of last April. They saw the French set fire to the town of 
Chignecto, French colors planted on the ditches, and the Sieur De la Corne at the head 
of his detachment, braving Major Lawrence, and declaring that he would defend to the last 
that ground as belonging to France. 


The Sieur De la Come having sent to desire a conference with the Sieur Lawrence, the 
latter, accompanied by two captains of foot, went to meet him, and demanded by whose orders 
he had thus come into his Britannic Majesty's territories, and committed such acts of violence. 
The Sieur De la Come answer'd, it was by those of M. De la Jonquiere, who had also 
commanded him to take possession of Chippodi, John's river, Mamram, Cooke, Pitcordiack 
and of ail that country, as far as the river, which was on the right hand of Major Lawrence, 
as belonging to his most Christian Majesty ; or, at least, that he was to keep and defend it as 
such, till such time as the limits were settlsd by commissaries appointed for that purpose. 

Though the Sieur Lawrence had under his command a detachment of regular troops, very 
little inferior to that commanded by Sieur De la Corne, he forebore committing any hostilities, 
in obedience to the King of Great Britain's orders for that purpose. 

The King cannot persuade himself that these acts of violence have been committed with the 
knowledge of the Court of France, and he is so fully convinced of his most Christian Majesty's 
equity, and his desire to maintain a good understanding between the two Crowns, that he 
assures himself the most Christian King will readily show his disapprobation of such conduct. 

Governor Cornwallis has never made nor designed to make any settlements out of the limits 
of the Peninsula, which the French before never pretended to belong to them: the King of 
Great Britain having had no intention in forming a settlement in his Province of Nova Scotia, 
to encroach on the rights of his most Christian Majesty, or to take forcible possession of a 
country, of which the King had referred the right of property to the decision of commissaries 
appointed for that purpose, before it was possible for them to have met in order to proceed to 
the settling of the limits. 

The underwritten ambassador has orders to demand, that the conduct of M. de la Jonquiere 
be disavowed ; that positive orders be sent to him immediately to withdraw his troops and the 
Indians under his authority, from the places which belong to Great Britain; that amends be 
made for the acts of violence which have been committed, and the damages which the King's 
subjects have suffered. And his Majesty is persuaded that the Court of France will make no 
difficulty, to give the underwritten Ambassador a duplicate of the orders, which will be sent 
to the Governor of Canada, that he may transmit them to his Court. 
Done at Compeigne, the 7th of July, 1750. 

Signed Albemarle.' 

'William Anne Keppel, second Earl of Albemarle, was born 8d June, 1702, and was educated in Holland — his father 
having been Lord de Voerst, in the Province of Guilderland. He returned to England in 1716, and on the 25th August, 
1717, was appointed Captain of a company in the Coldstream guards. He went back to Holland in the beginning of 1722; 
became Knight of the Bath in 1725, and was appointed Aid de Camp to the King in 1727 ; afterwards Lord of the 
Bedchamber, and was promoted to be Colonel of the 29th foot, 22d November, 1731. He next became Colonel of the Sd 
troop of Horse guards, 3d May, 1733 ; Governor of Virginia (a sinecure) in 1737, and Colonel of the Coldstream guards in 
1744. He distinguished himself in the battles of Dettingen and Fontenoy, and was wounded in the latter. He commanded 
the right wing at the battle of Culloden, aud next became Commander-in-Chief of the Forces in Scotland. He obtained the 
Garter in 1747 ; was Groom of the Stole in 1760; next Ambassador to the Court of France, and died suddenly at Paris, 22d 
December, 1754. Mackinnon't Coldstream Guards, L, 393 ; II., 477 ; BeaUon's Political Index, II., 5 ; Orenville Papers, I., 67, 
133 ; Debretl's Peerage. — Ed. 

Vol. X. 


M. Puysieulx to the Earl of Albemarle. 


In the memorial, which your Excellency has given me concerning the complaints of M. 
Cornwallis, Governor of Acadia, are contained many. facts, so contrary to the equity of his 
Majesty, the instructions of M. De la Jonquiere, that, if they are found to be such as they are 
represented, the King will take care justice shall be done to his Britannic Majesty's subjects, 
and will give such fresh orders as will prevent the rise of any dispute of what kind soever 
between the two nations, his Majesty being thoroughly persuaded his Britannic Majesty will 
give, on his side, orders to the same purpose. 

Give me leave, sir, to tell you I cannot be prevailed upon to believe but that the facts are 
exposed with too much exaggeration, and from my knowledge of M. de la Jonquiere's prudence? 
and the instructions which he has, I am sorry M. Cornwallis has not applied for redress before 
lie had made complaint to his Court. I sent your memorial, as soon as I received it, to M. 
Rouille, and desir'd he would take the proper steps, to be informed in a speedy and precise 
manner, of what has passed at Canada, so as I may be enabled to give your Excellency a more 
positive answer. 

I have the honor to be &c., 

23 July, 1750. Sign'd Puysieulx. 

31. Bigot to M. Rouille. 

My Lord, 

Some months ago the English killed in Fort St. George some Abenaquis Indians belonging 
to the village of Panaaamske ; the latter complained of this assassination, and were promised 
justice by putting the guilty to death in their presence at Boston. This affair went to sleep, 
the Abenakis of Panaaamske and that vicinity being so connected with the English, that they 
did not wish to insist on justice. 

But we have caused to be represented to the Abenakis of Becancourt and St. Francis, the 
disgrace which would rebound on their nation, should they leave this crime unpunished ; Sieur 
Tonnancourt, my deputy at Three Rivers, and who is adopted by these villages, has induced 
them to take this course, as the government could not appear, so that they are gone from Three 
Rivers to attack the English. Some are of opinion to unite with the Micmacs; others wish to 
lay waste the frontiers of New England ; the great point is, they have marched the day before 
yesterday to the number of one hundred and fifty, including Abenakis and Algonkins, and their 
party will increase according as they approach other Abenaquis villages. 

They had sent a belt to the Iroquois of the Sault to join them, but these are too much 
English to do so, and I am persuaded they will have immediately sent off an express throughout 
New England to give notice of the project. They at Three Rivers were wrong to have allowed 
that Belt to be sent. 


I had ordered M' Tonnancourt to make them some small trifling presents to engage them to 
this act of vengeance; it cost a mere trifle; I had them supplied also with provisions to enable 
them to reach the other Abenaquis villages of Panasamske and Narantsouak. 
I have the honor to be with profound respect, 
My Lord, 

Your most humble and 

Most obedient servant 
e* August, 1750. Signed. Bigot. 

Ministerial Mitmte on Despatches from Louisiana. 

We learn by letters just received from M' de Vaudreuil, Governor of this Colony, dated 
the month of June and month of July, that the English are more active than ever, not only 
in spreading themselves over the Continent both in the direction of Louisiana and in the 
interior of the Canadian territory which unites the two Colonies, but moreover in exciting 
the different Nations of Indians against us. 

They have been for a long time at work to gain over the Chactas, a very numerous Nation 
of Louisiana; they had succeeded in attaching to their party a pretty influential Chief named 
Red Mocassin {Soulier-Rovge), who for many years gave trouble to our Colony, and by whose 
death the influence of the English was much weakened. By force of presents they have, 
however, preserved some villages, from which a few warriors came last year to make an attack 
on two of our settlements. M' de Vaudreuii has required of the villages of our allies to avenge 
this insolence, which they did with so much success, that they brought him one hundred and 
thirty scalps to Mobile on the fourteenth of April last. This brilliant achievement on the part 
of our allies has determined the greatest portion of the revolted villages to alter their sentiments, 
or at least their conduct in our regard ; and in order to aflford M'' de Vaudreuil proofs of their 
sincere return, they have been out against the Cliicachas, twelve of whose scalps they brought 
him, and have, likewise, killed three English traders, who were opposed to their reconciliation 
with their brethren; all the villages of the Nation except two, came afterwards in a body to 
M'' de Vaudreuil, to whom they made the strongest protestations of their resolution to labor 
earnestly to root out the English from among them. 

Everything passed off well in the conferences with these Indians, among whom he distributed 
some presents; in that distribution he made a distinction in favor of those who were most 
prominent, and remarks, that he hopes to succeed in expelling the English from among that 
Nation, and in destroying that of the Chicachas, which is already greatly diminished. 

He has also received the visit of some fourteen villages of Alibamons, Talapouches and 
Abekas,' Nations inhabiting the frontier of the English Colonies, and has had reason to be well 
satisfied with the dispositions in which he found them. 

'Or Cousas; in the present State of Alabama, on the head waters of the river of that name. MilchelVi Map of North 
America, 1755. — Ed. 


He is equally so with the other allied Nations, and observes, that with the assistance to the 
Colony which he has been promised, he will be able to make more progress than be has 
hitherto done. 

He is, however, not free from uneasiness in regard to the projects of the English. He has 
learned that they have succeeded in causing a revolt among the Miamis, at present settled on the 
Rock river (marked with a cross on the map), the Ouyatonons, a Miami tribe, the Maskoutins 
settled in the same quarter and the Peanguichias on the River Ouabache, and in engaging them 
in a conspiracy against us. These Indians had even invited the Illinois to join them, but the 
latter refused, and it was by them that M' de Vaudreuil has been informed of these movements. 
This Governor observes that he will not spare any effort to dispel this storm, but that M"" de la 
Jonquiere, who has been informed of it, was to have adopted some measures in Canada. 

We have learned, in fact, that M' de la Jonquiere had been in receipt of nearly the same 
intelligence, and was to send last spring a detachment to that quarter, according to other 
information which he was expecting. 

We must not be surprised that the English are seeking to insinuate themselves among our 
Indian Nations; they cannot even be prevented making that attempt, besides our doing the 
same thing. Most of these movements on the one side and the other can be attributed only to 
the cupidity of private Traders, who run every risk to extend their commerce. 

But what merits most our attention is the design of the English to push their settlements 
into the interior of the country so as to be able to interrupt the communication between the 
two Colonies of Canada and Louisiana. 

With this view it is that they, since a long time, are projecting a settlement on the Beautiful 
river ; M' de la Galissonniere, who had been informed before his departure, that they had 
dispatched some people thither, determined on sending a detachment also there, to force them 
to retire, and M' de la Jonquiere has observed, lastly, that the officer in command of that 
detachment had returned and reported that the English had retired at the first summons. 

Moreover, the regulation of the boundaries was arresting these sort of enterprises; but in 
the uncertain state of that regulation, no other course remains than to watch the conduct 
of the English, in order to prevent their undertakings, and this is what has been recommended 
to the Governors of the two Colonies. 

IS"- 'September, 17-50. 

Memoir an the Frencli Colonies in North America. 


The pretensions set up by his Britannic Majesty's Commissioners respecting the extent of 
Acadia, and the measures which England is prosecuting to reestablish herself on that part 
of the American Continent, are of a nature to demand the most serious attention on the 
part of the government. 

Whilst peace appeared to have lulled the jealousy of the English in Europe, this bursts forth 
in all its violence in America ; and if barriers capable of staying its effects be not opposed at 
this very moment, that nation will place itself in a condition to completely invade the French 
Colonies at the opening of the first war. 


It is with this view that it would secure to itself all the avenues of Canada. In order to 
show the importance of this matter it will be necessary to enter into some detail regarding 
that Colony and the neighboring countries. 

The utility of Colonies in general will be first, but briefly, established. None of the 
objections that can be presented against Canada, in particular, shall be concealed, but it will 
be demonstrated that there are essential and paramount reasons for carefully attending to the 
preservation,^strengthening and increase of that Colony. 

Its description will be begun at the North and with Hudson's bay, which bounds it on that 
side ; thence we shall review, in succession, the settlements in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, the He 
Royale and Acadia ; whence we shall proceed along the River St. Lawrence towards the centre 
of the Colony. The importance of the posts of Chouaguen, Niagara, Detroit and Illinois will 
be examined ; the necessity of keeping up the communication with Louisiana by the Beautiful 
river; and from this various information, will be deduced the means considered indispensable 
to effect the overthrow of the ambitious projects of England, and to preserve to France countries 
which have become one of the most interesting portions of the Domain of the Crown. 

All these different subjects will be treated in so many separate Articles. 

Article 1"*. 
Of the Uiility of Colonies and the Necessity of Attending to their Preservation. 

It is not proposed to dwell on the Utility of Colonies. There are few persons at this day 
who do not admit that they are in some degree necessary to a great State. 

If any doubt on this point still exist in men's minds, it would suffice, in order to remove it, 
to cast an eye on the accounts of the revenue of the King's farms, the immense quantity of all 
sorts of commodities and manufactures sent to the Colonies, the returns which come from 
them, some whereof are necessary to manufactures, others to wants which have become 
habitual, and in some degree indispensable, in the Kingdom; finally, on the surplus exported to 
foreign countries, and which contributes essentially to make the balance of wealth incline in 
favor of France : objects which become daily more interesting, according as each State forms 
new projects in order to dispense with the products and manufactures of its neighbors. 

Those who have had occasion to visit the Islands, in the neighborhood of the Tropics, have 
had an opportunity to see for themselves the quantity of very rich lands at present in St. 
Domingo and Martinico ; and without crossing the seas are not a vast number of families seen, 
every day, who were poor and have acquired very considerable wealth in a short time, almost 
without risk, and with trifling industry and labor. 

Moreover, and this is a reflection deserving of particular attention, the question is not 
whether Colonies shall in future be established or not ; they are established, and the most of 
them firmly established. It is to be determined whether they will be handed over to jealous 
neighbors, whose entire ambition is to strip France of them. 

Article 2°''. 

Obj(ctions against the Preservation of Canada and Louisiana. 

It may be objected that we must carefully preserve such of the Colonies as are a source of 
revenue to the State and of wealth to the Kingdom, as St. Domingo, Martinico and the other 


Tropical Islands ; but that those Colonies, which, far from being productive of revenue or 
wealth, are, like Canada and Louisiana, an expense, ought to be abandoned to themselves. 

It is not designed to lessen the weight of this objection, on the contrary it will be corroborated 
by the enumeration of all the inconveniences or disadvantages which nature, events or 
circumstances have attached particularly to these two Colonies. 

1" Their immense extent often prevents their being ruled by the same mind, and able to 
afford each other that assistance they mutually stand in need of. 

2"'' They cannot send nor receive anything except by sea, and by the mouths of two rivers 
more than nine hundred leagues distant, whatever course be taken. The interior of the 
country is liable to be exposed to great scarcity of goods from France and to be glutted with 
its own products should a maritime power, such as England, undertake to blockade the only 
two outlets of that vast Continent. 

3"* It is not even impossible for that power, or some other, to seize on the lower part of one, 
or of both, rivers, and erect forts there, which would, doubtless, most seriously jeopard these 
two Colonies. 

4"" Although these Colonies may be able to furnish Europe and the Islands of America 
with the same commodities as New England, we must not flatter ourselves that they can ever 
do so as cheaply, especially those of great bulk which ordinarily constitute the principal and 
most certain object of trade : the difference arising from the difficulty of navigating both 
rivers, from the length of the voyages, and from the inability of going to Canada except at a 
certain season of the year, whilst it prolongs the voyage and renders it more expensive and 
difficult, and increases its dangers, augments, at the same time, the rate of insurance. 

5"" If this be not an inconvenience in time of peace, and on the contrary, it may, perhaps, be 
an advantage that these two Colonies should not be able to dispense with France as well for 
clothing and liquors as for powder and arms; such is not the case in time of war. The 
apprehension of a scarcity obliges a large stock to be kept continually on hand ; independent 
of the current expense, which is considerable, we are necessarily obliged to make very large 

6"" The expenses of the Colonies not only exceed, and will continue for a long time greatly 
to surpass, their revenue, but they are very unequal and subject to forced augmentations, 
especially in time of war, when the want of the Indians renders it necessary to gain these 
over by force of presents. 

None of the particular objections that can be offered against these Colonies have, it is 
believed, been omitted, and it is presumed that they have been presented in all their force. 
The reasons which avail for the preservation of those Colonies, notwithstanding all these 
disadvantages, remain to be examined. 

Article 3'''*. 

Of the Irnporlance and Necessity of Preserving Canada and Louisiana. 

Motives of honor, glory and religion forbid the abandonment of an established Colony; the 
surrender to themselves, or rather to a nation inimical by taste, education and religious 
principle, of the French who have emigrated thither at the persuasion of the Government with 
the expectation of its protection, and who eminently deserve it on account of their fidelity 
and attachment; in fine, the giving up of so salutary a work as that of the conversion of the 
heathen who inhabit that vast Continent. 


Yet we shall not insist on these motives; and how great soever may be the inconveniences 
set forth in the preceding article, neither will we object to them, the future and uncertain 
revenues both of Canada and of Louisiana, although, nevertheless, these are extremely 
probable, since they have for basis an immense country, a numerous people, fertile lands, 
forests of mulberry trees, mines already discovered, &c. 

We shall confine ourselves to regarding Canada as a barren frontier, such as the Alps are 
to Piedmont, as Luxembourg would be to France, and as it, perhaps, is to the Queen of 
Hungary. We ask if a country can be abandoned, no matter how bad it may be, or what 
the amount of expense necessary to sustain it, when by its position it affords a great advantage 
over its neighbors. 

This is precisely the case of Canada : it cannot be denied that this Colony has been always 
a burthen to France, and it is probable that such will be the case for a long while ; but it 
constitutes, at the same time, the strongest barrier that can be opposed to the ambition of 
the English. 

We may dispense with giving any other proofs of this than the constant efforts they have 
made, for more than a century, against that Colony. 

We will add, however, that it alone is in a position to wage war against them in all their 
possessions on the Continent of America; possessions which are as dear to them as they are 
precious in fact, whose power is daily increasing, and which, if means be not found to prevent 
it, will soon absorb not only all the Colonies located in the neighboring islands of the Tropic, 
but even all those of the Continent of America. 

Long experience has proved that the preservation of the major portion of the settlements in 
the Tropical islands is not owing so much to their intrinsic strength, as to the difficulty of 
conveying troops thither from Europe in sufficient numbers to subjugate or keep them, and 
of supporting such troops there ; but if the rapid progress of the English Colonies on the 
Continent be not arrested, or what amounts to the same thing, if a counterpoise capable of 
confining them within their limits, and of forcing them to the defensive, be not formed, they 
will possess, in a short time, such great facilities to construct formidable armaments on the 
Continent of America, and will require so little time to convey a large force either to St. 
Domingo or to the Island of Cuba, or to our Windward islands, that it will not be possible to 
hope to preserve these except at an enormous expense. 

This will not be the case if we make a more energetic and generous effort to increase and 
strengthen Canada and Louisiana, than the English are making in favor of their Colonies ; 
since the French Colonies, despite their destitute condition, have always waged war against 
the English of the Continent with some advantage, though the latter are, and always have 
been, more numerous; it is necessary to explain here the causes to which this has been owing. 

The first is the great number of alliances tiiat the French keep up with the Indian Nations. 
These people, who hardly act except from instinct, love us hitherto a little, and fear us a great 
deal, more than they do the English ; but their interest, which some among them begin to 
understand, is that the strength of the English and French remain nearly equal, so that through 
the jealousy of these two nations those tribes may live independent of, and draw presents 
from, both. 

The second reason of our superiority over the English is, the number of French Canadians 
who are accustomed to live in the woods like the Indians, and become thereby not only 
qualified to lead them to fight the English, but to wage war even against these same Indians 
when necessity obliges. 


Hence 'twill be seen that this superiority of the French in America is in some sort 
accidental, and if they neglect to maintain it, whilst the English are making every effort to 
destroy it, 'twill pass into the hands of the latter. There is no doubt but such an event would 
be followed by the entire destruction of our settlements in that part of the Globe. 

This, however serious it may seem, would not be our only loss ; it would drag after it tha 
of the superiority which France must claim over England. 

If anything can, in fact, destroy the superiority of France in Europe, it is the Naval force of 
the English ; this alone sustained the house of Austria at the commencement of the war of the 
Spanish succession, as it caused France to lose, at the close of the last war, the fruit of 
the entire conquest of the Austrian Lower Countries. 

We must not flatter ourselves with being able long to sustain an expenditure equal to theirs; 
no other resource remains then but to attack them in their possessions; that cannot be effected 
by forces sent from Europe except with little hope of success, and at vast expense, whilst by 
fortifying ourselves in America and husbanding means in the Colonies themselves, the 
advantages we possess can be preserved, and even increased at a very trifling expense, in 
comparison with the cost of expeditions fitted out in Europe. 

The utility of Canada is not confined to the preservation of the French Colonies, and to 
rendering the English apprehensive for theirs; that Colony is not less essential for the 
conservation of the Spanish possessions in America, especially of Mexico. 

So long as that barrier is well secured ; so long as the English will be unable to penetrate it; 
so long as efforts will be made to increase its strength, 'twill serve as a rampart to Louisiana, 
which hitherto sustains itself only under the shadow of the forces of Canada, and by the 
connection of the Canadians with the Indians. 

Should any unforeseen revolution disturb the intimate union now existing between the two 
Crowns, we should even be able, by means of Louisiana, to share with the Spaniards the profit 
of the rich settlements they possess in America; but this event appears so distant, that it is 
the opinion that France, for its own interest, and in order to remove every jealousy, must not 
seek to extend its possessions Westward, that is to say, towards the Spaniards, but apply all 
its resources to strengthen itself at the East, that is, in the direction of the English. 

In fine, Canada, the fertility whereof is wonderful, can serve as the granary of the Tropical 
Colonies, which, in consequence of the men they destroy, sell their rich products very dear. 
It is proved that the number of Canadians who die in these Colonies that are admitted to be 
the most unhealthy, is much less than that of European French. 

All that precedes sufiiciently demonstrates that it is of the utmost importance and of 
absolute necessity not to omit any means, nor spare any expense to secure Canada, inasmuch 
as that is the only way to wrest America from the ambition of the English, and as the progress 
of their empire in tliat quarter of the globe is what is most capable of contributing to their 
superiority in Europe. 

Article 4"". 

Of Hudson's Binj. 

Having treated of Canada in general, we consider ourselves bound to enter into some 
details respecting its different parts, and shall commence with those of the North. 


Hudson's bay, which was one of its most lucrative establishments, has been ceded to the 
English by the Treaty of Utrecht under the denomination or title of restitution. They carry 
on a profitable trade there, but the excessive cold and the difficulty of subsistence will never 
permit them to form establishments there capable of affording any uneasiness to Canada ; and 
if the strength of the latter country be auginented, as proposed, 'twill possibly be in a 
condition, in the first war, to wrest Hudson's bay from the English. 

The Treaty of Utrecht had provided for the appointment of Commissioners to regulate the 
boundaries of Hudson's bay ; but nothing has been done in that matter. The term, Restitution, 
which has been used in the Treaty, conveys the idea clearly that the English can claim only 
what they have possessed, and as they never had but a few establishments on the sea coasts, 
'tis evident that the interior of the country is considered as belonging to France. 

Article 5"". 
Of the French Posts in the Gulf of St. Lawrence ; of lie Royale and Acadia. 

We shall say but one word on the posts France possesses as well on the coast of Labrador 
as on the Gulf of St. Lawrence for Seal fishing. These posts are useful to commerce in time 
of peace, but afford trifling advantage over the enemy in time of war. 

The loss of Acadia has necessitated a very particular attention to be paid to He Royale, 
where Louisbourg has been built and fortified. Acadia constituted, formerly, a part of Canada, 
and is doubtless one of the most serious losses we have experienced at the peace of Utrecht. 
The establishment of Louisbourg, with a view to repair that loss as much as possible, is but 
a feeble recompense. 

'Tis universally admitted by all those acquainted with the locality, and cannot be too often 
repeated, that if Canada does not take Acadia at the beginning of the next war, Acadia will 
take, or cause the fall of Louisbourg. 

It is not, however, to be concluded, as many seem to have done in the last war, that the 
preservation of Canada depends absolutely on Louisbourg. It has been proved that Canada 
could sustain herself without that place ; but 'tis no less true that it is of great advantage to 
her in time of war. 

The simple view of the position of Louisbourg dispenses with entering into any detail in 
this regard ; but if it be evidently useful to New, it is no less so to Old, France both in time 
of war and of peace. 

The harbors of He Royale, especially that of Louisbourg, are most favorably situated as a 
place at which vessels may touch on their return from long voyages, also as a retreat for 
privateers and a point whence they can have an opportunity of destroying the enemy's trade, 
inasmuch as on leaving that port they are almost on the track of all the rich ships of the world. 

In fine, it is, next to Acadia, the best adapted situation for the fishery; a branch of trade as 
useful on account of the money it saves to and brings in the Kingdom, as well as on account 
of the great number of seamen it employs, exercises, accustoms to labor without exposing 
them to acute and mortal diseases; an advantage not enjoyed by the rich Colonies of the 

The importance of these objects must tend to excite more attention than ever to the means of 
securing the preservation of He Royale, and arresting the progress of the English in the direction 
Vol. X. 29 


of Acadia, so that the settlements they are making there may approach Canada and Louisbourg 
only as little as possible. 

Nothing is more essential to the preservation of He Royale than to secure for it the means 
of communication with Canada, and to spare no pains to establish entrepots of provisions, and 
especially of cattle as well in He Royale itself, though they cannot be either considerable or 
sufficient, as in the Island of St. John ( which is better adapted for that purpose ), and in that 
part of Canada bordering on the Gulf of St. Lawrence. 

There is a part of the year when there is no communication between Louisbourg and 
Canada by the River St. Lawrence, and no route practicable except by way of the River 
St. Jihn. 

This is one of the principal considerations that gives interest to the preservation of that part 
of Canada, which the English would appropriate under the name of Acadia. Its soil, of itself, 
is of little fertility ; any detachments at all considerable cannot be supported there for a long 
time to come ; but the River St. John, which runs through that country, is the sole available 
route during six months of the year, between Louisbourg and Quebec ; and the only one 
affording a passage to small detachments, which, dispersed through the woods and sustained by 
the Indians, are often capable of disconcerting the projects of the English and rendering their 
execution of them difficult and murderous. Were they masters of this communication, the aid 
of the Indians would at the same time be lost, Louisbourg would find itself abandoned too often 
and for too long a time to its own strength, not to succumb to the first hostile attack, and the 
environs of Quebec would be exposed to the incursions of the enemy by reason of the facilities 
the latter would possess of reaching that city by ascending the River St. John, which rises 
in the vicinity of the settlements bordering on the River St. Lawrence. So many powerful 
reasons show the necessity of attending to the preservation of that part of Canada. 

Hence it results that too much precaution cannot be used in arranging the boundaries of 
Acadia. According to strict construction of the Treaties, and the ancient descriptions of that 
Province, the cession made to the English terminates at Port Royal and its liberty (banlieue^), 
and at the part of the coasts which extends from the extremity of the Bay of Fundy unto Cape 
Canso. They must not possess anything on the Bay of St. Lawrence nor towards the Isthmus, 
nor towards what is called Minas, the inhabitants of which are French and Catholics. If, 
nevertheless, for the sake of peace, it be determined to cede to them a portion of the Peninsula, 
which doth not appertain to them, it seems that it ought not to be done, except in return for 
some advantages, and that it could not be done with safety but by attaching some conditions 
thereto, without which it would be better perhaps that the claims on both sides remain, with 
the resolution to maintain them by force in case the English should employ any to extend their 
possessions beyond what is legitimately their right. 

The conditions on which it is presumed that France could cede the part of the Peninsula 
belonging to her, are 

1" That the English should not erect any fort, make any sedentary settlement, nor any 
improvement on the Island of Canso, which should remain neutral ; nor along the coast of the 
Peninsula from Cape Canso to Bay Verte, which coast should remain in the possession of 
the Indians ; that the Isthmus should not be fortified by either party within a distance of three 

' Banlieue is k certain space without the walls of a town, yet within the jurisdiction of its courts. Some compute it at 
two thousand paces of 5® G feet each. Ricbeltt. The Banlieue of Tort Royal, now Annapolis Royal, is laid down in the 
map prefixed to the Mtmoiret de> Committairet du Hoi, 4to, 1766, I. — Ed. 


or four leagues, and that the passage across it should remain open to the French to go from 
one sea to the other; that the English should not be at liberty to pass the Gut of Canso, 
nor navigate the Gulf; and in order not to afford them reason to complain that exorbitant 
conditions are exacted, it might be stipulated that France would not, on its side, build any fort 
within three leagues of the coast of the Etchemins' and of the Bay of Fundy, nor establish 
any Fishing post in that part of the sea. 

2""' That all the French settlers should be permitted to leave English territory with their 
property and cattle, and for this purpose should be allowed a period of 18 months, to count 
from the day they would have commenced to enjoy this permission. 

3"* That the boundary line of New England should remain fixed at the River Kinibequi, or 
at such other (river) to be agreed upon, which would be on the Boston side, at least twenty 
leagues from the River St. John ; that, moreover, the Abenakis should be maintained in 
the possession of their villages of Narantsouak and Panaouamske and continue to enjoy the 
protection of France. 

4"" That in future the water-shed {Ics eaux fendantps) should serve as the boundary line 
reciprocally of both nations along the frontiers between New England and the other Colonies 
which lie along the same line as far as and including Georgia on the one side, and Canada and 
Louisiana on the other; this would carry with it the abandonment by the English of Fort 
Chouaguen, otherwise it would be impossible to maintain a durable peace between the two 
Colonies, and this circumstance must render it evident how essential this last condition is. Its 
importance will be more fully developed in the next article. 

Article G"" 
Of the Canadian Posts Inland. 

The interior of Canada is traversed by the River St. Lawrence, and the Lakes which supply 
the waters of that great stream. 

Its navigation and trade can be interrupted more easily than people suppose. That facility, 
which a powerful maritime enemy can possess, is one of the greatest misfortunes of Canada; 
a partial remedy only can be applied to it, by building one or two forts at Gaspe and the 
Seven Islands, under the cover of which vessels may retreat, but the true remedy would be, 
to place the Colony generally in a position to overawe those in the possession of England, 
and to make her fear war in America. 

We shall not speak of the naval expedition the enemy might be able to make for the 
conquest of Canada. Though they should succeed, which could not be the case except by a 
very rare combination of circumstances in their favor, we do not think they would find it easy 
to retain that place even one minute. 

But should they continue to increase the strength of their Colonies, and should the French 
Colonies not advance in the same proportion, 'tis not to be doubted but the former will soon 
be in a condition to lay Canada waste nearly to Montreal, and even to pillage the latter place, 
which would render the F'rench as despicable in that country as they are now respected there, 
and terminate shortly in their entire ruin. 

One of the principal means to avoid this misfortune is to strengthen, still further, not only 
Quebec and Montreal, but also Fort St. Frederic, at which place it would be essential to settle 

' Thej iubabited the country from the River Peuobscot to the head of the Bay of Fundy. — Ed. 


a large, well fortified French village, in time of peace, and to attract thither an Indian village 
in time of war. All that will cost little, if at the same time we take care to settle some 
farmers on Lake Champlain, and form some villages there. 

It would be proper, also, to fortify, but discreetly, the post established in 174S on the River 
St. Lawrence by M' Picquiet near La Calotte, Fort Frontenac and to settle some villages in 
the vicinity. 

Fort Frontenac is at the outlet of Lake Ontario, on which the English have established a 
post or fort called Chouaguen ; an usurpation the most flagrant, and at the same time the most 
pernicious to Canada. 

This post, located on ground, and on the borders of a lake, always in the possession of the 
French, has not been erected by the English until a number of years after the Treaty of 
Utrecht, and in a period of profound peace. The Governor of Canada then confined himself 
to protests, and the post has continued, and remains, when it ought to have been pulled down 
in the beginning by force. 

Now the English regard that post as an acquired right, and rely on the article in the Treaty 
of Utrecht, which states that the French will not molest the Five Cantons of Indians, subjects of 
Great Britain. The engagement that France has contracted by that article reduces itself to 
not attacking the Iroquois, against whom the English were, at that time, apprehensive the 
Canadians would wage war. But, besides, what is said of the authority of the English over 
the Iroquois, is a simple enunciation ; it does not constitute a title ; it could not make subjects 
of the Iroquois ; they do not depend on England either in fact or of right ; they have made 
war and peace before and since the Treaty of Utretcht, without the consent and against the 
will of the English ; they have publicly protested their independence, which they have 
constantly enjoyed without the English having dared or daring to contradict them in America. 

Moreover, this article of the Treaty of Utrecht, however favorable it may be presumed to 
be to the English, leaves the question of territory totally undecided ; the stipulations it 
contains respecting the liberty the Indians shall enjoy, of visiting indiscriminately the Colonies 
of both Nations, and the mutual obligations not to molest them, deprive the French of no 
possessory rights they might have acquired, anteriorly, over territories not yet subject to any 
proprietorship, whereof the Indians have not even an idea; besides, the personal subjection of 
these Nations would not entail that of a country, because they have no circumscribed limits, and 
being liable to change of habitation, being, really, dispersed in divers places, in which privilege 
they are not to experience any molestation, it would follow from the pretension of the English 
that the Iroquois would transport the dominion of England in every place they might transport 
their habitations to, even were it in the centre of the French Colonies, such as the vicinity of 
Montreal, where two villages have been formed. The absurdity of the consequence 
demonstrates both the little foundation of this pretence and the necessity to return from it to 
the preliminary question, to wit: Who first took possession of that territory? Then the 
question can neither be doubtful nor equivocal in favor of France. 

We shall not enter here into any lengthy discussion on the point of right ; but we must 
not omit observing that this post, which has been almost regarded as an object of trifling 
importance, is capable of causing the entire ruin of Canada, and has already inflicted on it the 
greatest injury. 

There it is that the French often carry on a fraudulent trade which transmits to England 
profits the most unquestionable, that Canada ought to afl^ord to France. 


There it is that the English scatter rum among the Indians, the use of which had been 
forbidden them by the King's Ordinances, because it set them crazy. 

In fine, it is tliere that the English entice all the Indian Nations, and endeavor by force of 
presents, not only to debauch them, but also to induce them to assassinate the French traders 
dispersed throughout the vast extent of the forests of New France. 

As long as the English will possess Chouaguen there will be a perpetual distrust of Indians 
the most loyal to the French ; twice more troops than the state of the Colony requires, or 
comports with its condition, will have to be maintained in times of the most profound peace ; 
forts will have to be established and kept in an infinite number of places, and very numerous 
and very expensive detachments sent almost every year, to restrain the different Nations of 
Indians. The navigation of the lakes will be always exposed to be disturbed ; agriculture 
will not advance, except very slowly, and cannot be pursued except in the heart of the Colony; 
in fine, matters will be always in a situation possessing all the inconveniences of war, even 
without any of its advantages. 

Nothing, then, must be left undone to destroy this dangerous post, on the first occasion for 
reprisals the English will offer by some of those hostilities they are but too much accustomed 
to commit in time of peace; supposing that its cession, by common consent, cannot be obtained, 
for some equivalent. 

What has been observed already in the course of this Memoir, when treating of the utility 
of Canada in regard to the preservation of Mexico, shows the absolute necessity of the free 
and certain communication from Canada to the Mississipi. This chain, once broken, would 
leave an opening of which the English would doubtless take advantage to get nearer the silver 
mines ( hi source de Vargent). Many of their writings are full of this project, which will never 
amount to anything but a chimera, if France retain her Canadian possessions. 

That of the River Oyo, otherwise called the Beautiful river, is the most interesting in this 
relation. It rises near the country at present partly occupied by the Iroquois, runs 
southwardly, falls into the Ouabache, and with that river into the Mississipi. 

This last has been discovered by Sieur De la Salle, who took possession of it in the King's 
name; and it would perhaps to-day be full of French settlements, had not the Governors of 
Canada been deterred from establishing permanent posts there by the apprehension that a 
counterband trade between the French traders and the English would be the consequence. 

Neither have the English any posts there, nor did they come to that quarter to trade, except 
clandestinely, until the last war, when the revolt of some neighboring nations against the 
French, encouraged them to come more boldly. 

They have been summoned since the peace, to retire, and if they do not do so, there is no 
doubt but the Governor of Canada will constrain them thereto by force, otherwise the case 
would be the same as at Choueguen, and this misfortune would be still more disastrous, for a 
post on the Beautiful river would possess more opportunities to do damage than Chouaguen alone. 

1" They would have much greater opportunities there than at Chouaguen to seduce the 
Indian nations. 

2°'' They would possess more facilities to interrupt the communication between Canada and 
Louisiana, for the Beautiful river affords almost the only route for the conveyance from Canada 
to the River Mississipi, of detachments capable of securing that still feeble Colony against 
the incursions of the neighboring Indians of Carolina, whom the English are unceasingly 
exciting against the French. 


3"* If the English ever become strong enough in America to dare attempt the conquest of 
Mexico, it will be by this Beautiful river, which they must necessarily descend. 

4"" By it alone will they also be able to attack, with any considerable force, and any hope 
of success, the Illinois posts and all those which will be established along the River St. Louis, 
otherwise, Mississipi. 

5"" It is, moreover, by that route that they can attack the post of the Miamis, which, again, 
cuts off one of our best communications with the River Mississipi, and involves the loss of 
Detroit, an important post whereof mention will be made hereafter. 

The establishment of some posts on the Beautiful river is considered, then, one of the most 
urgent expenses; but 'tis believed, at the same time, that these posts will not acquire any 
solidity except so far as the strength of Niagara and Detroit will be augmented. 

This last mentioned place demands, now, the greatest attention. Did it once contain a 
farming population of a thousand, 'twould feed and defend all the rest. Throughout the 
whole interior of Canada, it is the best adapted locality for a town where all the trade of 
the lakes would concentrate ; were it provided with a good garrison and surrounded by a 
goodly number of settlements, it would be able to overawe almost all the Indians of the 
Continent. 'Tis sufficient to see its position on the map, to understand its utility. It would 
stand on the River St. Lawrence within reach of the Oyo, the Illinois, the River Mississipi, 
and in a position to protect all these different places, and even the posts north of the lakes. 

Continuing the same route and the same views, the post deserving of most attention next 
to Detroit, or concurrently with it, is that of Illinois. 

Here the climate is almost altogether changed ; we are no longer exposed to the rigors of a 
seven months' winter; nor obliged, as in the neighborhood of Quebec, to make ruinous 
clearances for the purpose of improving very poor lands. Beyond the banks of the river, the 
entire country is open, and waiting only for the plough ; there are, already, some settlers 
supplied with a pretty good stock of cattle, but nothing in comparison with what they could 
accommodate. Moreover, these vast praries, which, in various directions, extend as far 
as several hundred leagues beyond the River Superior, are covered with an innumerable 
multitude of buffaloes, a species which will probably not run out for many centuries hence, 
both because the country is not sufficiently peopled to make their consumption perceptible, 
and because the hides, not being adapted to the same uses as those of the European race, 
it will never happen that the animals will be killed solely for the sake of their skins, as is the 
practice among the Spaniards of the River de la Plata. 

If the Illinois buffaloes do not supply the tanneries with much, eventually, advantages at 
least equivalent may reasonably be expected, on which we cannot prevent ourselves dwelling 
for a moment. 

1" These animals are covered with a species of wool, sufficiently fine to be employed in 
various manufactures, as experience has demonstrated. 

2"'' It can scarcely be doubted that by catching them young and gelding them, they would 
be adapted to ploughing; perhaps, even, they would possess the same advantage that horses 
have over domestic oxen, that is, superior swiftness ; they appear to be as strong, but perhaps 
are indebted for this to wild breeding; in other respects, they do not seem difficult to tame; 
a 4 or 5 year old Bull and Cow have been seen that were extremely gentle. 

a** Were the Illinois country sufficiently well settled to admit of the people inclosing a great 
number of these animals in parks, some of them might be salted, a business susceptible of 


being extended very considerably, without Illinois possessing a large population for that 
purpose. This trade would perhaps enable us to dispense with Irish beef for Martinico, and 
even to compete with the English, and at a lower rate, for the supply of the Spanish Colonies. 

'Twill, doubtless, be objected that these advantages are very remote, and that possibly 
unforeseen obstacles will occur ; but be this consideration ever so remote, one question always 
remains, not whether this post must be abandoned, but whether it will be delivered up to 
England, who will make a permanent entrepot of it for the purpose of attempting the conquest 
of Mexico. 

We pass over the mines which 'tis pretended have been discovered in that quarter. Apart 
from the insufficient information we possess respecting them, it is the opinion that no attention 
ought to be paid to the subject, until we will have received a sufficient accession, principally 
of men, grain and cattle. 

Article V"". 
Of Louisiana. 

We shall not dwell at any length on what relates to Louisiana, which, in its present feeble 
condition, cannot sustan itself independent of Canada. 

Louisiana is a country very susceptible of useful husbandry, and lacking only settlers. It 
can be peopled from the mouth, and from the upper part, of the river, and neither of the two is 
to be neglected. The progress of trade will be most rapid by filling up the section 
convenient to the sea ; but it is doubtful whether this is the part to which government ought 
to direct its principal attention. Aside from being most liable to excite the envy and clamors 
of the neighboring Colonies, it is the section which will be soonest peopled without any 
intervention on the part of government. 

If the strength and permanency of the posts alone are to be considered, then Louisiana must 
be settled from the upper part of the river. It ought to derive its principal strength and 
resources from the post of the Illinois mentioned in the preceding article. This post, as 
represented, is by no means so attractive as the lower part of the river ; it is in some sort a 
lost country, where trade will not flourish for a long time, nor rapid fortunes be realized ; but 
as a recompense for that, they will be perhaps more solid than in any other part of the Colonies. 

It must be considered, also, that the difficulties of ascending the river are so great that the 
lower section of the Colony can never feed Illinois ; the latter post, on the contrary, appears 
to be located expressly to secure the subsistance of New Orleans, whither 'twill be able to 
send grain and meat in all seasons, and despite all the Naval force of the world. 

Some observations might be made on the neighboring posts of Georgia and Carolina, but as 
they are immediately connected with the government of Louisiana, and I have only an imperfect 
knowledge of them, I shall abstain from speaking of them, the rather as this Memoir is already 
lengthy, and the remarks on the Beautiful river and Chouaguen are applicable to those posts. 


The result of this memoir is, that no means must be neglected to increase and strengtheo 
Canada and Louisiana ; to settle permanently the neighborhood of Fort St. Frederic, and the 
posts of Niagara, Detroit and the Illinois. 


For this purpose the resolution ought to be adopted to send a great many people to New 
France, in order to enable those who have the administration thereof, to work at the same 
time at the different proposed posts. 

These people ought to be principally soldiers, who can in a very short time be converted 
into good settlers. 

Some smugglers, and even some bad women [femmes demauvaise vie), may be added to them, 
but none of the latter must be sent until applied for, which probably will not be soon, as there 
are generally more women than men in Canada. 

Some sturdy beggars can be also added, but they must be few at a time, so that they may 
be forwarded, according as they will arrive, to the different places where they are to work. 

In fine, nothing must be spared to strengthen these Colonies, since they may, and are to be 
considered as the bulwark of America, against the attacks of the English ; since they alone 
can make up for the want of Naval forces, and the outlay they will occasion will save more 
considerable expense whereof the effects are much less certain, especially if we allow ourselves 
to be reduced to the necessity of having to transport reinforcements thither from France, in 
order to preserve these Colonies in time of war; and since they cannot be abandoned to their 
actual strength alone, without being delivered over in some sort to the English, who, by the 
wealth they would draw thence, to the exclusion of other Nations, would most certainly acquire 
the superiority in Europe. 

December, 1750. 

Conference between the Marquis de la Jonqxdere and the India n.s. 

Propositions of the Onondagas of the Five Nations to the Marquis de la Jonquiere, 
Governor, Lieutenant-General for the King, throughout the entire of New 
France, the territories and country of Louisiana, in presence of the Civil 
and Military Chiefs of the Iroquois of the Sault Saint Louis, and of the 
Lake of the Two Mountains, of the Abenaquis of Saint Francis, and of 
the Otasais Sinagos and Kiskakons of Missilimakinac, which propositions, 
as well as the answers, have been interpreted to each Nation, word for 
word. The ll'" of July, 1751. 

Kakaenthiony, Onondaga speaker. By two strings. 


I speak for the Onondagas, and on behalf of the Five Nations. 

You see all your children assembled here by your order ; we met with an accident yesterday, 
a woman belonging to our Nation was dangerously wounded by her grandson, who was drunk; 
we are sorry for it, but we console ourselves because this woman belongs to us, and the affair 
was between relations. 'Twere well that no Brandy be drank until business shall have 
been transacted. 


Father, You have had the goodness to send persons to meet us at Lachine to wipe away 
our tears and clear our throats ; we thank you for your kindness ; permit us to do the same in 
your presence, by our brethren of the Sault and of the Lake. 

Addressing those of the Lake and of the Sault, by three Strings. 

Brethren of the Sault and of the Lake, I wipe away your tears ; we ought all forget our 
past trouble; the presence of our Father Onnonthio must render us more joyous; I clear your 
throat and ears with these three Strings. 

By three Strings. 


We are very glad to give you news of your warriors, who, to the number of eighteen, were 
defeated last year at the Ant-hill {montagne de la Foiirmi) ; we learned from an Oneida that 
two of our young men, who had been with them, were killed by the Cherakis, but we doubt 
not they were accompanied by the English, and that these struck the blow, for none had been 
scalped, and your men have been found with their arms, clothes and wampum, which the 
Cherakis would not have failed to take ; it is to be presumed that the English committed 
this murder. 

Exhibiting a Belt. 
Here is a Belt which was given to us by Mekinack, an Otasais chief of Detroit, on the 
behalf of the Marquis de la Galissonniere in the name of all the French and ten other Nations, 
his children, who were, then, assembled with him, to inform us that we had committed a 
grave error in allowing a settlement to have been made on the Beautiful river, and to persuade 
us to cause our young men and the Nations who are gone thither to retire ; we are always 
ready to obey that message; we have summoned the English to withdraw from the other side 
of the mountain, in order that the earth be free, it being essential to preserve the hunting of 
those countries for the warriors. 

We have already obeyed M'' de la Galissonniere's Belt, by showing it to the young men who 
are on the Beautiful river; 'tis true our people resort there, but 'tis only for the purpose of 
hunting, of which the English deprive them ; we have sent these English word to retire. 

By a Belt deposited at the Store in Montreal. 
Father, Here is a Belt on which you will find marked the Nations who united with us to 
make those young men retire ; we assure you we will not permit any Nation to establish posts 
there; the Master of Life has placed us on that territory, and we alone ought to enjoy it, 
without anybody having the power to trouble us there. 
Vol. X. 30 


There are people belonging to all Nations on the Beautiful river, we pray you to have them 
sent off, especially those of the Sault and of the Lake, the Abenaquis and Outaaais, whose 
chiefs are here present. 

When Mekinac gave us M" de la Galissonniere's Belt, he recommended us to obey our 
Father's message; to be careful not to commit blunders; he threatened us, and requested us 
not to allow ourselves to be spoken of in connection with bad business. 

By a Belt deposited in the Store at Montreal. 
I told Mekinac in reply, that he was as foolish as I; that trouble originated as much with 
him as with me. I added : remember, when you met us at Chouaguen, you communicated 
news to us, and have always created trouble ; control your people only, I will control mine, 
and you will see that things will go well, and that the nations will be quiet ; we are Onnontio's 
children and as loyal as you can be. 

Answers of the General, by two Strings. 

Son Kakbenthiony, I have listened attentively to all you have said to me for yourself and 
for the Five Nations, though each village ought to have sent deputies with you. 


I see you here present, my dear children, with pleasure ; I would have been very glad had 
you come all of last year; I expected you, and though children who love their father sincerely 
ought to leave everything to go and see him, yet, impatient as I was to give you proofs of my 
goodness, I deputed Sieur Chabert de Joncaire to go to all your villages to pay you a visit 
from me; and charged him to come himself and bring me news of the Five Nations. 

I feel great interest in the assault committed on a woman of your village by her grandson. 
I hope the attention paid her by my Surgeon will operate her cure ; it is for you, children, to 
administer such correction as you will find suited to this young man. 

Were my orders not contravened, my children would never get drunk; but they are so 
smart that they deceive me, and find Frenchmen who treat them to brandy in secret, of which 
you ought to take care. 

My attention in sending to meet you at Lachine, must prove to you my good feelings; I 
desired not that you should arrive in my village with wet eyes; I had your tears wiped away 
by your son, M"^ de la Chavignerie, and had your throat cleared in order that your words may 
flow free and easy. 

By three Belts. 
Children, You have done well to wipe away the tears of your brethren of the Sault and of 
the Lake; I would be rejoiced if my presence made you forget all your troubles; if you 


interpret my sentiments toward you all, correctly, you will be persuaded that I labor only to 
make you happy. 


I grieve much for the melancholy fate which befell, at the Ant-hill, eighteen Iroquois of the 
Sault, whereof two were young men of yours. I unite with you, my dear children, in 
bewailing them. 


I see the Belt which was sent by the Marquis de la Galissoniere in the name both of the 
French and ten other nations. 

I applaud your constant readiness to obey that Belt, and cannot sufficiently exhort you to do 
your best to get your people and the other nations to retire from the Beautiful river to their 
ancient village ; 'tis certain, my children, that these tribes cannot do anything but mischief 
there, and if you would make use of the authority you have over them, they would conclude 
on following your good advice. 

The steps I have taken to oblige these nations to withdraw, ought to convince them that I 
have only their interest at heart, and I am sufficientiy disposed to believe that they would have 
profited by the amnesty I granted to them, had the English, who are with them, not urged 
them not to listen to my voice. 

You cannot deny that these English are the authors of all the mischief; you ought to oblige 
them not to appear any more on the Beautiful river ; I agree that you should hunt there ; the 
French have never troubled you, whilst the English occupy themselves only with their own 
plans which tend to your ruin ; confess, my children, that they have no right to go there, and 
that they would be careful not to make their appearance in that quarter, did you not receive 
them there. 


You ought not content yourselves with showing the Marquis de la Galissonniere's Belt to the 
Nations on the Beautiful river ; you ought, also, to tell them decidedly, that you would constrain 
them to obey that Belt ; had you spoken to them in this tone, you would have made them think 
seriously, and the Earth would be at peace. 

I know that you are accustomed to go to hunt at the Beautiful river, and that you never come 
back without having transacted some business with the English; I can also add, that some of 
your young men, as well as some belonging to other nations, always remain there ; it is in this 
way that that country now finds itself inhabited by several bands of different nations, who 
prefer a lawless life to living in their village in the centre of their families. 

The English are much less anxious to take away your peltries than to become masters of 
your lands ; they labor only to debauch you ; you have the weakness to listen to them, and your 
blindness is so great, that you do not perceive that the very hand that caresses you, will scourge 
you like negroes and slaves, so soon as it will have got possession of those lands. 

By a Belt deposited in the store at Montreal. 
I shall always preserve the Belt you have given me to let me know the nations who have 
united with you to carry out M' de la Galissonniere's good views. 


I cannot but believe the assurance you give me that you vpill not permit any nation to 
establish posts at the Beautiful river ; doubtless you have not spoken without reflection ; but 
how comes it — do you deceive me? — that the English traders have each their house, or iheir 
huts there? Whence comes it — do you desire to conceal from me — that your people live 
with them, hand and glove {d potet dfeu) ; truly, my children, your conduct hardly corresponds 
with my intentions; I cannot perceive, without deep pain, that the blindness of all the nations 
does not permit them to see that they are nourishing vipers in their bosom, whose sting will 
be more dangerous to them than the death of themselves, their children and all their posterity. 

I repeat that the lands on the Beautiful river are to be reserved for your hunting, and you 
may be assured that I will aid you with all my might to drive from them all those who will 
trouble you there. 

No nation is ignorant that I have, up to the present time, used every mild means to recall 
back to their villages the nations who have taken refuge at the Beautiful river; I must not 
even conceal from you that they have somewhat abused my kindness, and yet my heart, which 
breathes only love for my children, would be disposed to pardon them all their past faults, and 
I would still open my arms to receive them. You of the Lake and you Otaaais, pay attention 
to what I have just said, and on your side, use all your efforts to recall all your people back to 
your village ; I recommend you to do so, and require it of your friendship for me. 

Mekinac could not too earnestly recommend you to obey M"" de la Galissonniere's message, 
and not to allow yourselves to be spoken of in connection with bad business. 


The answer you gave Mekinack pleases me, and you surprise me by saying that he has 
meddled with bad business ; I shall not fail to reproach him with it. 

I see that he has been at Chouaguen like many others ; Rum draws you all to that place ; 
you have no idea, children, how pernicious that liquor is to you. The English employ it to 
spoil your heart and senses, and you must, moreover, have perceived that such liquor injures 
your health. How many of your brethren has it not killed. 

We, Pierre Rigaud, Marquis de Vaudreuil, Commander of the Royal and Military Order of 
St. Louis, Governor and Lieutenant-General for the King throughout all New France, the 
territories and countries of Louisiana. 

Certify the present copy to be conformable to the original remaining the office of our 
Secretary. In testimony whereof, we have signed these presents, caused the same to be sealed 
with the seal of our Arms, and to be countersigned by our Secretary. 
Done at Montreal, the IS"- of February, 1758. 

(Signed), Vaudreuil. 
By my Lord 

(Signed), Saint Sauveur. 



Propositions of the Iroquois of the Five Nations settled at La Presentation. 

Quebec, 20"' September, 1751. 

Propositions of the Indians. The General's Answer. 

1. 1. 

God has favored us with the fine weather Children, I feel sincere pleasure in seeing 
yesterday, to enable us to reach you in safety ; you. I thank you for the interest you take in 
these are people who come from the head of my health, 
the islands {bout des iles); we rejoice to see 
you in perfect health ; all these are chiefs and 
warriors who bid you good morning. 

We have not the talent of the French ; we I know that you are young, and that you 
are Indians ; we pray you to pardon us if our cannot yet be great orators ; I am, however, 
speech be not couched in appropriate terras. pleased with your speech ; it has been well 

spoken ; you will not fail to acquire great 
talents, and to be able to work sedulously for 
the public good by executing whatever the 
Abbe Picquet will direct you from me to do 
for the service of the King, my master. 

We are newly born children ; we have 
heard of the attack on the people of the Sault; 
we have made every search to discover who 
committed it. 


We have ascertained that they were Chera- 
quis ; we ask if it be your pleasure that we 
take up the hatchet against them ; they have 
shed our own blood ; our brethren, the people 
of the Sault, of the Lake, and all those who 
are under your wing will join us. 

You can only weep for your brethren of 
Sault St. Louis who have experienced a sad 
fate ; I regret them as well as you ; you have 
done well to search out the true authors of 
their death. 

I cannot disapprove your taking up the 
hatchet to strike the Cheraquis, who have 
steeped their hands in the blood of your 
brethren ; your brethren of the Sault, of the 
Lake, and all those who are under my wing, 
will confer a pleasure on me by uniting with 

How do you wish us to proceed; we are 
born only to-day; we have embraced Prayer; 
our young braves, who have taken refuge 
among us, are resting themselves, and are 
desirous to strike a blow, if you will favor our 
mission, we must avenge the death of our 

I admit that you ought not defer the form- 
ing of this party, and I repeat to you, that I 
consent to it. 

Neither ought you neglect anything to in- 
crease your village and to give me proofs of 
your zeal for religion. 


brethren; after that, our mission will increase 
more and more ; our father, who instructs us, 
is as much embarrassed as we ; he sees young 
men coming who desire to start next day for 
the war path. 

By a Belt. 

6. 6. 

We beg you to be persuaded that we are of I am very glad that you are firm in your 
the same mind as the French, we execute our plan and that you will execute it ; I receive 
projects, and we assure you by this Belt that your Belt with pleasure, and give you another 
we shall leave at the breaking up of the ice, to assure you that on the breaking up of the 
with hatchet in hand, to go and strike. ice, I shall order the powder and lead you will 

require to be delivered to you. 

By a Belt. 
I give you also this Belt, whereby I wish to 
bind myself to you; present it to the people 
of the Sault, of the Lake, to the Iroquois of 
the Five Nations, and to all those who are 
under my wing ; I tie them to you so that 
they may not separate from you until you will 
have avenged the death of your brethren. 

7. 7. 

You are aware of the sentiments of your I open my arms to receive you ; I repeat to 

children of La Presentation ; you know that you that I shall provide, with all my heart, for 

we have nothing, we cast ourselves into your your wants. 

arms ; you know that we are unarmed, we You see, besides, the presents that I make 

ask nothing of you ; we leave you to consider you, and that I have accomplished all that 

what we stand in need of for the expedition you require, 
we are about to undertake. 


You will do well to persuade your brethren 
of the Five Nations to unite with you, and to 
attract them to your village. 

I do not wish to weary you ; I desire to 
leave in two days: you know that the Five 
Nations are numerous; 1 wish so to manage 
as to collect them all together, which will not 
fail to increase our village ; I fling my body 
into your hands; I wish to die for my father, 
Onontio Gwa 

9. 9. 

We have to refer to your speech and that of There are goods and clothes in the King's 

his Lord hip, the Bishop, encouraging us to stores; Abbe Picquet will take care of your 

increase our mission ; all those who come to brethren when they will remove to his house. 


join the village are naked ; we hope that you 
will give us some necessaries to encourage them. 

10. 10. 

If we were in more comfortable circum- I do not forget your women ; here are the 
stances, our village would increase perceptibly, kettles they ask of me. 
We want 37 kettles ; it is the women who 
ask them. 

Ministerial Minute on the Attemjyts of the English to settle on the Ohio. 


The English always occupied with plans to extend their possessions, and to confine those of 
his Majesty, in North America, have undertaken since the last war to carry their trade towards 
the Beautiful river, which is situated in the interior, between Canada and Louisiana, and 
forms the principal communication between these two Colonies; to corrupt the Indian Nations 
of that quarter, and even to establish posts there. 

The Marquis de la Jonquiere having been informed of those attempts, adopted measures 
last year to prevent their success. He organized divers detachments of Frenchmen and 
Indians, which, according to his arrangements, were to form a junction this spring to proceed 
at once to the Beautiful river, drive the English from it, and bring back the Indians who 
might have allowed themselves to be debauched by the intrigues of that Nation. 

News of the result was expected at the end of this year, but private letters have arrived 
from Canada stating that the Marquis de la Jonquiere has abandoned that project, and 
insinuating that private interest has led some one, in whom he had placed his confidence, to 
dissuade him from it, by making him apprehend creating thereby a general Indian war. 

This motive would be good, if it were valid. It is proper always to avoid, as much as 
possible, war with the Indians ; but, it appears, that on this occasion, it was not difficult to 
guarantee himself against it. 

The question is not to operate against the Indians, but to prevent the interloping trade the 
English are driving in a country belonging to us, and which, previous to the last war, they 
would be careful not to dispute us; this is proposed to be effected by checking at the same 
time the views they entertain of establishing posts there. It is easy, therefore, to render the 
Indians indifferent in this regard ; nay, even to induce them to understand that for the sake 
of their own tranquillity and of the freedom of their trade, in whicii we have never clogged 
them, they must wish that we should stop the progress of the English schemes. 

'Twould therefore be unfortunate if the Marquis de la Jonquiere has abandoned the project 
he had formed for that purpose; and although the private advices announcing that change on 
his part may be unfounded, it appears, nevertheless, proper not to keep him in ignorance of 
them ; to inform him, at the same time, that his Majesty continues to expect the execution 
of this project; that there is, in fact, no other course to adopt than to drive from the Beautiful 
river any European foreigners who will happen to be there, so as to make them lose all taste for 
returning thither, observing, notwithstanding, the caution practicable in these sorts of matters. 


As for the rest, there is no reason to apprehend any justiSable complaints on the part of the 
Court of England. The French were the discoverers of the Beautiful river, which has always 
served as a communication, as already observed, between Canada and Louisiana. We 
always carried on trade there without any interruption, and have sent considerable detachments 
thither on various occasions. 

SS-i September, 1751. 

M. de la Jonqiiiere to M. RouilU. 

Quebec, 17"- &", 1751. 
My Lord, 

The post I have caused to be established at the foot of the Niagara Carrying Place, and 
[the arrest] of the four Englishmen, three of whom were taken at Ayonontouns,' and the 
fourth at the French fort of the Miamis, have given occasion to M"' Clincton, the Governor of 
New-York, to write me on the 12"" of June last, the letter whereof copy is annexed. You will 
perceive, my Lord, by the despatch I have written to him in answer on the 10"" of August 
last, copy whereof is in like manner annexed, that I questioned the reasons he has alleged both 
against the said post and the arrest of said four Englishmen. 

I am with most profound respect, My lord. 

Your most humble and most 

Obedient Servant, 


Copy of the letter of M' Clinton, Governor of New-York, to the Marquis de la 
Jonquiere, dated 12 June, 1751. 

[Duplicate; already printed inVI., 711.] 

Copy of the Marquis de la Jonquiere's letter written to M' G. Clinton, Governor 
of New -York, dated lO"- August, 1751. 

[ Duplicate; already printed in VI., 731. ] 

Ministerial Minute on the English Encroachments on the Ohio. 

Canada, 1752. 
The Marquis de la Jonquiere reported last year, that the Indian Nations of the Upper 
Countries were threatening a sort of general conspiracy against the French, and that the 

' Bufxa, VI., 733, note 1. — Ed. 


English who succeeded in debauching them by presents and intrigues, were pledged to sustain 
them by arms. 

He stated, at the same time, that the reports made to him by some faithful Nations, caused 
him to conclude that effectual measures must be indispensably adopted, both to bring the 
nations that had joined the conspiracy, back to their attachment to France, or to oblige them 
to return to their duty, and to destroy, by force of arms, the posts the English might have 
undertaken to erect on our territory toward the lliver Oio, whence they set all these movements 
on foot ; and this Governor transmitted at the same time, a plan of operations wiiich he was to 
execute, and which consisted principally in dispatching at the beginning of autumn last year, 
several detachments for various posts, whence they were to make a junction at the opening of 
the spring, at a rendezvous indicated to them, to act according to circumstances. 

We learn by letters received from the Marquis de la Jonquiere, and dated last September, 
that his plan was badly executed ; that the officers entrusted with its execution had undertaken 
nothing against the rebellious Indians, nor against the English posts, and that the movements 
of those Indians are becoming every day more dangerous. 

The Marquis de la Jonquiere states, however, that he does not despair of reestablishing 
tranquillity in the Upper Country ; he has adopted new measures for that purpose, and explains 
the details thereof in the annexed letter. 

Meanwhile, he has caused the arrest of 4 Englishmen who were trading on the lands of the 
Colony, and were endeavoring to debauch our Indians. It appears from the interrogatories 
they were subjected to at Quebec, that they were authorized by the English Governors, though 
they had not, however, produced their passports. The Marquis de la Jonquiere has sent three 
of them to France, the 4"" being unable, from sickness, to embark. Those three have been 
imprisoned at Rochelle, and 'tis proper that they be left there. It is not expected that the 
Court of England will reclaim them ; at least they have not claimed that class of prisoners 
who had been taken in Louisiana, some years before the last war, and sent to France. But 
at all events, should any complaint be made on this subject, it will be easy to give an answer to 
it. As for the rest, the seizure of these trading posts is the least expensive, least inconvenient, 
and perhaps the most effectual way to put a stop, in the Indian country, to the movements the 
English are endeavoring to excite there. 

Earl of Albemarle to the Earl of Holdernesse.^ 

Paris, March 1, 1752. 
My Lord, 

I must acquaint your Lordship, that in the month of November last, I received a letter from 
three persons, signing themselves John Patton, Luke Irwin and Thomas Bourke, representing 
to me that they were Englishmen who had been brought to Rochelle and put into prison there, 
from whence they wrote ; having been taken by the French subjects, who seized their effects 
as they were trading with the English and other Indians on the Ohio, and carried prisoners to 

' Supra, VI., 757, note. — Ed. 

Vol. X. 31 


Quebec, from whence tliey have been sent over to Rochelle, where they were hardly used. 
Upon this information I applied to M. St. Contest,' and gave him a note of it, claiming them 
as the King's subjects, and demanding their liberty and restitution of their effects, that had 
been unjustly taken from them. 

These three persons, I find by the paper your Lordship has sent me, are of the number of 
those demanded of the French by Mr. Clinton, and named in M. de la Jonquiere's letter. I 
have wrote a merchant at Rochelle to inquire after them, and to supply them with money, to 
make their journey hither, if they are not gone, that I may receive from them all the 
informations necessary; on my seeing M. St. Contest next Tuesday, I will represent the case 
to him, in obedience to his Majesty's commands; that M. la Jonquiere may have positive orders 
to desist from the unjustifiable proceedings complained of; to release any of his Majesty's 
subjects he may still detain in prison, and to make ample restitution of their effects. And I 
shall take care to show them the ample necessity of sending instructions to their several 
Governors, not to attempt any such encroachments for the future. 

Minute of Instructions to he given to M. Duqiiesne. 

Canada. Indians. 

Tt appears from a letter of the Marquis de la Jonquiere, that the efforts the English are 
making, and the expenses they incur, to gain over the Indians, are not without success among 
several Nations. 

Information has been received last year of the progress they had already made among the 
Indians in the environs of the River Ohio, where they have undertaken, since the peace, to 
form some establishments. 

The Marquis de la Jonquiere had rendered an account of a plan he had prepared both to 
drive the English from that river and to chastise the Indians who allowed themselves to be 
gained over. That plan was to dispatch several detachments of Frenchmen and Indian allies, 
who were to form a junction at a rendezvous which was indicated to them, to operate 
afterwards relative to the object of that movement. Although the details of the Marquis de la 
Jonquiere's dispositions in this regard might call forth some observations ; yet as the project 
was good, and was, besides, to have been executed before that Governor could receive these 
remarks, his Majesty thought proper to approve what he had done. But all the consequent 
operations reduce themselves to the seizure of some English traders with their goods, and to 
the murder of two Indians of the Miamis Nation. 

• Those are iiiey The seizure of the English traders* whose effects have been confiscated and 
toFraiice. evcu plundered by our Indians, cannot but produce a good effect, by disgusting 

the other traders of that Nation. But the murder of the two Miamis may be attended by 

'FnANgois Dominiqde Barberik, Marquis de Saint Contest, was born 2Gt1i January, 1701, appointed King's Advocate at the 
Cli&telet of Paris, 27tli November, 1721, and, after filling various other important offices, and being Ambassador lo Ilolland 
in 1750, he was, througli the influence of Mine, de Pompadour, called on the llth Scpiember, 1751, to the Ministry of Foreign 
Affairs on the dismissal of the Marquis de Puysieulx. His principal policy was the preservation of peace. lie remained in 
office until his deslh, which took place on the 2-tth July, 175-1. Biographit Univtrselle. — Ed. 


unfortunate consequences; and in fact intelligence has been received that it had already caused 
a good deal of excitement among the rebel Nations. 

The Marquis de la Jonquiere pretends that if his expedition has not had the success he 
expected, it was because Sieur Celoron, Major and Commandant of Detroit, which was to be 
the centre of all the operations, has badly executed the orders and instructions he had 
given him. 

But it would be useless, now, to enter into the examination of the faults that may have 
been committed. We must start from our present position, and establish some principles on 
which his Majesty may issue such orders as he may deem proper. 

The English may pretend that we are bound by the Treaty of Utrecht to permit the Indiana 
to trade with them. But it is certain that nothing can oblige us to suflTer this trade on 
our territory. 

Accordingly in all the alliances or quasi treaties or propositions we have had with the Far 
Indians, we have never obliged them expressly to renounce going to the English to trade ; we 
have merely exhorted them to that effect, and never did we oppose that treaty by force. 

The River Ohio, otherwise called the Beautiful river, and its tributaries belong indisputably 
to France, by virtue of its discovery by Sieur de la Salle ; of the trading posts the French have 
had there since, and of possession which is so much the more unquestionable as it constitutes 
the most frequent communication from Canada to Louisiana. It is only within a few years 
that the English have undertaken to trade there; and now they pretend to exclude us from it. 

They have not, up to the present time, however, maintained that these rivers belong to them : 
they pretend only that the Iroquois are masters of them and being the Sovereigns of these 
Indians, that they can exercise their rights. But 'tis certain that these Indians have none, 
and that, besides, the pretended sovereignty of the English over them is a chimera. 

Meanwhile 'tis of the greatest importance to arrest the progress of the pretensions and 
expeditions of the English in that quarter. Should they succeed there, they would cut off the 
communication between the two Colonies of Canada and Louisiana, and would be in a position 
to trouble them, and to ruin both the one and the other, independent of the advantages they 
would at once experience in their trade to the prejudice of ours. 

Any complaints that may be presented to the Court of England against the English Governors 
would be altogether futile. On the one hand it would be very difficult to obtain proofs of the 
most serious facts; and on the other, no matter what proofs maybe produced, that Court 
would find means to elude all satisfaction, especially as long as the boundaries are not settled. 

It is necessary then to act on the spot, and the question to be determined is, what means 
are the most proper. 

It is not known what steps the Marquis de la Jonquiere will take this year ; but whatever 
they be, it appears that the orders to be given on this subject to M" Duquesne, who is to 
succeed him in the government, must have principally for their object, to avoid, as much as it 
will be possible, an Indian war on that account. 

Wars of this character are always extremely expensive, and very rarely productive of any 
real advantage. 

Therefore, without undertaking, as the Marquis de la Jonquiere appears to have proposed, 
to drive from the River Ohio the Indians who are looked upon as rebels or suspected, and 
without wishing even to destroy the liberty of their trade, it is thought best to adhere to two 
principal points. 


1" To make every possible effort to drive the English from our territory, and to prevent 
them coming there to trade. 

S"* To give the Indians to understand at the same time that no harm is intended them, that 
they will have liberty to go as much as tliey please to the English to trade, but will not be 
allowed to receive these on our territory. 

There is reason to believe that by this course of conduct; by providing our posts with 
plenty of goods and preventing our traders dictating to the Indians, our trade will soon recover 
the superiority over that of the English in those parts; for 'tis certain the Indians do not like 
to go into their towns, nor forts. 

The Marquis de la Jonquiere has rendered an account of a solemn Council which was held 
on the 11"' of July last,' with the Onontagues of the Five Iroquois Nations, in presence of the 
chiefs of the Iroquois domiciliated at the Sault St. Louis and at the Lake of the Two 
Mountains; of the Abenakis of St. Francis and of the Outaouois of Michilimakinac. Everything 
appears to have gone off well in that Council on the part of those Indians, who have evinced 
very favorable dispositions. But two articles were discussed there, respecting which it is 
proper to give M' Duquesne particular orders. 

The first is relative to the lands on the River Ohio. The Onontagues asserted in their 
speech, that these lands are the property of the Five Nations. The Marquis de la Jonquiere 
has unadvisedly answered them so as to countenance that pretension, by giving them to 
understand that the French would not settle on those lands without their permission. 

'Tis necessary to disabuse them on this head. They have, in fact, as has been already 
observed, no right to the River Ohio. We had discovered it long before they themselves had 
known it, and we have resorted it when no other Indians were there but the Chaoiianons, 
with whom they were at war, and who have always been our friends. 

The second turned on the murder of IS Iroquois by some Cherokees. The Marquis de la 
Jonquiere took advantage of that occasion to induce the Iroquois to make war on the Cherakis, 
who are allies of the English. He expects great advantages from this war; and by letters 
from M' de Vaudreuil, Governor of Louisiana, it appears that such is his opinion, also, on that 
point. But 'tis not known whether it would not be of more advantage to endeavor to make 
peace between these two Nations, and to profit by that occasion to conciliate the Cherakis in 
our favor. There is, at least, no doubt that the English pursue that course, and will succeed 
in it sooner or later. 

However that be, 'tis considered proper to direct M'' Duquesne to lay down henceforward in 
Canada a different system from that always followed hitherto in regard to wars among the 
Indians. With a view to occupy and weaken them, the principle has been to excite and 
foment these sorts of wars. That was of advantage in the infancy of the settlement of Canada. 
But in the condition to which these Nations are now reduced, and in their present dispositions 
generally, it is in every respect more useful that the P'rench perform between them the part of 
protectors and pacificators. They will, thereby, entertain more consideration and attachment 
for us; the Colony will be more tranquil in consequence, and we shall save considerable 
expense. Cases, however, may occur in which it will be proper to excite war against certain 
Nations attached to the English ; but even such cases call for two observations ; one, to endeavor, 
first, to gain over these same Nations by reconciling them with ours ; and the other, to be as 
sure as possible that our Indians will not suffer too much from these wars. 

' Supra, ]>. 2^2. — Ed. 


The Marquis de la Jonquiere has likewise reported the measures he has adopted for the 
continuation of the Indian movements in the direction of Acadia. They correspond with 
the caution prescribed to him in regard to the English. There is nothing to be changed on 
this head in M'' Duquesne's instructions. It appears merely proper to enjoin on him expressly 
to prevent the French painting or dressing themselves like Indians, in order to assault the 
English. 'Tis a flagrant treachery which must not be permitted even in time of war. 

There are still other particular details in the Marquis de la Jonquiere's letters respecting 
the Indians; but they do not deserve his Majesty's attention, and, besides, do not call for any 
special instructions to M"' Duquesne. It is observable, however, that all that transpires among 
the different nations, goes to show that the English are employing every sort of mancEuvre to 
debauch them. What is most unfortunate is, that they are now incurring more expense than 
they have ever done. 

Approved. April, 1752. 

M. de Longueuil to M. de Hoville. 

21 April,' 1752. 

My Lord, 

The late Marquis de la Jonquiere had the honor to report to you, in his letter of the 13"" 7''", 
the ill success of the orders he had given in a secret instruction to M'' de Celoron ; that the band 
of Za Demoiselle and other Indians of the Beautiful river had pushed their rebellion to excess, 
had adopted the English and had openly declared themselves the sworn enemies of the French. 

In the same letter that General had the honor to inform you that he had adopted wise 
measures to secure the conquest oi La Demoistlle's fort, to expel the English from the Beautiful 
river, to punish the Indian nations and to make them feel the King's power. 

I doubt not, my Lord, but that letter had at first created great hopes of the execution of the 
expedition which was projected and concerted in the best possible manner by the late M. de 
la Jonquiere. 

But the despatch which that General had the honor to write you on the 29"" of October, 
on the subject of M"" de Belestre's voyage, and of the scalps taken by the Nepissings, will 
only create an apprehension in your mind that his orders and purest intentions would still 
be fruitless. 

In fact, my Lord, the orders which M' de la Jonquiere dispatched last spring to M'' de 
Celoron, and repeated in his letter to him of the first of October, were not executed any more 
than those he had given him as far back as 1750, before his departare for Detroit. I cannot 
actually fathom the reasons which prevented that officer obeying them, as he makes no mention 
thereof in the letter he has written to the late M' de la Jonquiere on the twenty-sixth day of 
January last. 

That letter has been preceded by several other despatches from M"' de Celoron and the 
Commandants of our other posts at the South, even, I think, at Illinois, but neither the one 

' Sk, but evidently an error, aa 'twas written sobaeqnently to the death of the Marquis de la Jonquiere, on the 17th 
May. — Ed. 


nor the other has reached me. M"' de Celoron had addressed these despatches to M' de la 
Lavalterie, the Commandant at Niagara, who detached a soldier to convey them to Fort 
Rouille,' with orders to the storekeeper of that post to transmit them promptly to Montreal. 
It is not known what became of that soldier. About the same time a Mississague from Toronto 
arrived at Niagara, who informed M' de Lavalterie that he had not seen that soldier at the 
fort, nor met him on the way. 'Tis to be feared that he- has been killed by Indians, and 
the despatches carried to the English. M' de la Valterie has not failed to recommend to this 
Indian to make every search on his way back to his village, and to assure him, that should he 
find that soldier, and convey the despatches entrusted to him to the storekeeper of Toronto, 
he would be well rewarded. 

M" de Celoron's letter is accompanied by oae that M' Desligneris wrote to the late M' de la 
Jonquiere on the 4"' of January. 'Tis from this last letter that I learned more particularly the 
unfortunate state of our affairs. 

From the accounts which M" de Celoron transmitted to the late M' de la Jonquiere subsequent 
to those, a detail of which that General had the honor to give you, and previous to M"" Celoron's 
being able to receive his last orders, sent in his letter of the first of October, it appears that it 
will be out of his power to make any movement. 

He observes, first, that after the arrival of the Militiamen under the command of Lieutenant 
de Longueuil, and twenty days' consultation among the nations, the latter had concluded, 
our force being insufficient to attack La Demuiselle and his allies, to keep the hatchet to use it 
when complete success would be certain, and to wait until the spring; that the delay these 
Indians demand, puts it out of his power to execute anything with the few Frenchmen he 
has; that is easy to perceive, by the manoeuvre of the Indians, that they cannot be induced to 
follow the French unless the latter are in strong force ; that he has notified the Commandants 
of the River St. Joseph and of the Byatononr of the resolution these Indians had adopted, and 
that, should their Indians be of the same mind, nothing can probably be effected, and they 
must confine themselves to putting their post in a secure state. 

In a letter of the IS"" of September, M"' de Celoron notifies M"' de la Jonquiere that no 
dependence is to be placed on the Indians for any expedition, although Mikinac had assured 
him that nothing but the fear of the small pox had stopped him, and that all the villages will 
march in the spring, if forces be sent. Finally, M"' de Celoron states, in his last letter, that he 
cannot say anything positively respecting the nations of his post, as he had not seen them since 
their departure for their winter grounds. 

M' de Ligneris, Commandant at the Byatanons, believes that great reliance is not to be 
placed on the Maskoutins, and that their remaining neutral is all that is to be expected from 
them and the Kispapous. He even adds, that we are not to reckon on the nations which appear 
in our interests; no Byatanon Chief has appeared at his post for a long time, although they 
had promised to inform him of all that they knew. 

Mr. de Villiers, Commandant at the Miamis, has been disappointed in his expectation of 
bringing the Miamis back from the White river, part of whom had been to see him, the small 
pox having put the whole of them to the route. Coldfoot and his son have died of it, as well 
as a large portion of our most trusty Indians. Lc Gris, Chief of the Tepicons, and his mother, 
are likewise dead ; they are a loss because they were well disposed towards the French. 

'M. do la Jonquiere had a fort built which was named Ruuillc, after the Minister of the Marine ; 'twas more commonly 
Called Torooto, which is the present name of the place. Collectiuna of Quebec Literara and fliatorical SocUty, 1838, p. 13. — Ed. 


The Nations of the River St. Joseph, who were to join those of Detroit, have said that they 
would be ready to perform their promise so soon as Onontio would have sent the necessary 
number of Frenchmen. The Commandant of tliis post writes on the IS"" of January that all 
the Nations appear to take sides against us, that he would not be responsible for the good 
dispositions these Indians seem to entertain, inasmuch as the Miamis are their near relatives. 

The Missilimakina Nations who had in like manner promised, have not budged either. M"" 
Duplessis Fabert writes on the first of January that he has been informed some of the enemy 
have been seen on the Grand river. 

It is exceedingly probable that the Commandant at Fort Chartres will not have any greater 
authority over the Nations of his post. 

The result of all that I have the honor of reporting to you, my Lord, is that not only have 
our rebels of the Beautiful river not experienced any ill treatment from the Nations that the 
late M' de la Jonquiere had excited against them, but even moreover, that the same Nations 
promised wonders to that General only with a premeditated view to deceive him, and that at 
heart they preserve the same feelings of attachment for those rebels to whom they are connected 
by blood. 

The perfidy of these Nations, however unfortunate it may be, is not the most untoward event 
that could happen to us, and it was not without reason that the late M' de la Jonquiere 
questioned whether the two scalps taken by the Nepissings would give any trouble to our 
rebels, or render them more mutinous. His alternative has been but too well realized to 
our greatest disadvantage. 

On the one hand, M' de Joncaire repeats that the Indians of the Beautiful river are all 
English, for whom alone they work; that they are all resolved to sustain each other, and that 
not a party of Indians goes to the Beautiful river but leaves some there to increase the 
rebel forces. 

•On the other baud M"" de St. Ange, Commandant of the post of Vincennes, writes to M' 
Desligneris to use all means to protect himself from the storm which is ready to burst on the 
French ; that he is busy securing himself against the fury of our enemies. 

The Commandants of our posts have so much more cause to be on their guard against all 
events as our enemies have steeped their hands in French blood, and as we deeply feel the 
cost of the two scalps taken by the Nepissings near La Demoiselle's village. 

The Miamis of Rock river have scalped two soldiers belonging to M' de Villiers' fort ; this 
blow was struck last fall, doubtless shortly after that of the Nepissings. 

The Pianguichias, who were at war with the Chaouanons, according to the report rendered 
by M' St. Clin to the late M"" de la Jonquiere, have declared entirely against us. They killed 
at Christmas five Frenchmen at the Vermillion.' M"' Desligners, who was aware of this attack, 
sent off a detachment to secure the effects of the Frenchmen from being plundered, but when 
this detachment arrived at the Vermillion, the Pianguichias had decamped. The bodies of the 
Frenchmen were found on the ice. 

IVr Desligneris was assured that the Pianguichias had committed this act, because four men 
of their Nation had been killed by the French at the Illinois, and four others had been taken 
and put in irons. It is said that these eight men were going to fight the Chikachas, and had, 
without distrusting anything, entered the quarters of the French who killed them. It has 

' Vermillion river rises in the present State of Illinois and falls into the Wabash, in the State of Indiana, north of 
Vincennes. Another river of the same name falls into the Illinois, in La Salle county, Illinois. — Ed. 


been reported, also, to M"' Desligneris that these Frenchmen had recourse to this extreme 
measure only, because a Frenchman and two slaves had been killed a few days before by a 
party of Pianguichias, and that the Indians in question had no knowledge of that circumstance. 

The like report was made to hV de St. Ange, Commandant at the post of Vincenne, and that 
many of the Illinois had been defeated. 

On the IQ"" of October the Pianguichias had killed two more Frenchmen, who were 
constructing pirogues, lower down than the post of Vincenne. 

Two days afterwards the Pianguichias killed two slaves in sight of Fort Vincenne. 

The murder of these nine Frenchmen and these two slaves is but too certain. 

M' de Joncaire has informed the late M'' de la Jonquiere, by a letter of the 6"" of September, 
that he had been assured by a party of the warriors, that the Flatheads had scalped three 
Frenchmen at a place called La Chutte,^ in the lower part of the Beautiful river, and took a 
fourth Frenchman prisoner, whom they delivered, with the scalps, to the English ; this news 
may be false, though there is reason to believe that it is true. 

I expect nothing less than to learn by accounts I shall receive this spring, that other 
Frenchmen have been killed. The advices I have received from all quarters leave me no 
doubt on this head. 

M' Desligneris thinks that many of the 8yatonons, who form with the Pianguichias and the 
Miamis but one Nation, may join them. 

A Squaw, the widow of one of the Frenchmen who had been killed at the Vermillion, has 
reported to M"' Desligneris that the Pianguichias, Illinois and Osages were to assemble at the 
Prairies of , the place where Mess" de Villiers and de Noyelle attacked the Foxes 

about twenty years ago, and when they had built a fort to secure their families, were to make 
a general attack on all the French. 

'Twas also reported to M'' Desligneris that a Pouteouatami chief, of the River St. Joseph, 
being at the Byatonons in the fall with letters for him, whilst he was at the Miamis, told a 
Pianguichias chief, privately, that his Nation would never accept the tomahawk to strike the 
Miamis. This assurance may have greatly emboldened the Miamis. 

M' de Joncaire writes, on the 30"" of August, that he had just learned that a meeting of 
the Illinois, Byas, Pianguichias, Miamis, Delawares, Chaouanons and the Five Iroquois 
Nations, was to be had this year at La Demoiselle's, and that the whole tends, in his opinion, 
to a general revolt. 

The storekeeper of Toronto writes to M'' de Vercheres, Commandant at Fort Frontenac, 
that some trustworthy Indians have assured him that the Saulteux, who killed our Frenchmen 
some years ago, have dispersed themselves along the head of Lake Ontario, and seeing 
himself surrounded by them, he doubts not but they have some evil design on his fort. 

There is no doubt, my Lord, but 'tis the English who are inducing the Indians to destroy 
the French, and that they would give a good deal to get the savages to destroy Fort Toronto, 
on account of the essential injury it does their trade at Choueguen. 

The capture of the four English traders by M"" de Celoron's order last year, has not prevented 
other Englishmen going to trade to the Vermillion river, where the Reverend Father la 
Richardie wintered. 

' Now, Louisville, Ky. Flint's Mississippi ValUy, I., 397. — Ed. 


It has been reported to M"' Desligneris that other English traders had been to the Beautiful 
river and to the White river to trade, under the guidance of some Byatanons who were 
wintering there. 

An English trader assured M" de Joncaire that the Governor of Virginia was coming in 
the beginning of September with 800 horses, to the Beautiful river to hold a council with the 
Chaouanons at Cheningue.' 

Finally, the English have paid the Miamis for the scalps of the two soldiers belonging to 
M"" de Villiers' garrison. 

To so many circumstances equally critical, are superadded the scarcity of provisions, and 
great appearance of famine at our Southern posts. 

M' de Celoron writes, on the 12"» of September, to M'' de la Jonquiere that the Indian corn 
is worth twenty litres the minot, payable in. peltries, and that he will possibly be obliged to 
send away some of the Canadians from Detroit owing to the want of provisions. 

To add to the misfortunes, M' Desligneris has learned that the Commandant of the Illinois 
would not permit Sieurs Delisle and Fonblanche, who had contracted with the King to supply 
the Miamis, 8yatonons, and even Detroit with provisiorts from the Illinois, to purchase any 
provisions for the subsistence of the garrisons of those posts, on the ground that an increase 
of troops and families had arrived who would consume the stock at the Illinois. 

M"^ de St. Ange, Commandant at Fort Vincenne, does not state anything in this regard to 
M' Desligneris; he merely says that he has no intelligence from the Illinois, and that he is 
still uncertain whether the convoy had arrived there. 

Whatever augmentation of troops and families may have taken place at the Illinois, 'tis 
certain that, on receipt of the letter. Mess" de la Jonquiere and Begon have written to the 
Commandant and Commissary of Fort Chartres, who will do their best in order that Mess" 
Delisle and Fonblanche may perform their contract, unless they suffer from a similar scarcity 
to ours. The great ditficully is, the arrival of the General and liitenHant's orders at their 
destination. M' Desligneris sent them off on the 3'' of January by 4 Mascoutins, but he 
doubts much if they will reach the Illinois; he knows not, even, that they will arrive at the 
post of Vincenne, on account of the enemies that encompass him. 

The crops have also failed at the Beautiful river. M"" de Joncaire and the other Frenchmen 
have been reduced to a couple of handsful {une jo'mtce) of Indian corn a day ; neither meat, nor 
grease, nor salt. 

Famine is not the sole scourge we experience; the small-pox commits ravages ; it begins to 
reach Detroit. One woman has died of it at the Huron village. 

This disease prevails also at the Beautiful river. 

'Twere desirable that it should break out and spread, generally, throughout the localities 
inhabited by our rebels. It would be fully as good as an army. 

Before the small-pox broke out at Detroit, 40 persons died belonging to the village of the 
Btaaois, and almost as many at the Poute8;itamis. 

Kinousaki is likewise dead. We lose a chief who was, apparently, much attached to 
the French. 

M' de Celoron has been again told that the remainder of the fugitive Hurons will retire to 
Detroit this spring. The contagious disease will contribute a great deal to their return. 

' Now, Warren, Warren county, Pennsylvania. See MitchelVs Mop, 1755 ; also, post, p. 265, note 3. — Ed. 

Vol. X. 32 


You are fully informed, my Lord, by the detail that I have just had the honor to submit 
to you : 

1" That the expedition which M' de Celoron was ordered to get up, did not take place. 

2""* That the promises the Indians had made to the late M' de la Jonquiere were feigned, 
and that they are more in favor of our rebels than of us. 

S"* That the attack of the Nepissings has only rendered our rebels more dangerous. 

4"" That the Miamis have scalped two soldiers. 

6"" That the Pianguichias have killed 7 Frenchmen and two slaves. 

6"" That the same Nation had, shortly before, killed another Frenchman and two slaves. 

7"" That, according to what has been stated to M. de Joncaire, the Flatheads have scalped 
three Frenchmen and taken a 4"", whom they delivered to the English with said scalps. 

S"" That we are menaced with a general conspiracy. 

9"' That we must fear even for Toronto. 

lO"" That the English are the indirect authors of the murder of the French. 

ll"" That famine at Detroit and its dependencies is quasi certain. 

12"" That small-pox is ravaging the whole of that Continent. 

You perceive, my Lord, the sorrowful condition of the entire of that Upper Country. I am 
invested, by the death of the Marquis de la Jonquiere, with the government of Canada, under 
very unfortunate circumstances. I lay before your eyes the blood of the French of that 
Colony, of which you are the powerful protector. My zeal, my fidelity for the King's service, 
and the love I feel for my country combine to inspire me with just sentiments of vengeance; 
everything urges me not to defer it, and to make our enemies feel his Majesty's power. But 
I have thoroughly searched for solid means to second my wishes. Though I overcome, at 
first, certain obstacles, I am always met by the insufficiency of provisions, canoes and time, 
which prevents me guaranteeing that I shall make peace succeed the most vigorous war. 

This I shall undertake next year to do, with as much prudence and firmness as I dare flatter 
myself with. 

1 do not lose sight, my Lord, of what you have prescribed to the late M. de la Jonquiere,* 
in your letter of the 2T^ of August, which reached him only in the beginning of winter. I 
owe it to the memory of that General, who had no other object than to reestablish good order 
in the countries which cause us so much trouble [to bear witness] that everything that has 
been written against him is the work of calumny, which is the sole talent of certain evil spirits 
of this country, whom I beg you, my Lord, to visit with the punishment due to their audacity. 

It is notorious that M"" de la Salle took possession of the Beautiful river in the King's name, 

'Jacques PiEnEK de Taffanell, Marquis de la Jonquiere, was born in 1686, at La Jonquiere, a small country seat in 
Languedoc, France. The family was, originally, from Catalonia. He entered the Navy in 1698; was in the expeditions in 
favor of Philip V., of Spain, and Adjutant in the aimy, in 1703; was taken prisoner, near Barcelona, in 1706; served at 
the siege of Toulon in 1707, and in the e.\|. edition to Rio Janeiro in 1711 ; was crealed Knight of St. Louis, and appointed 
Captain of an Independent company in 1731 ; Captain in the Navy in 1736 ; Inspector of Marine in 1741, and in 1744 was 
flagoflficer of Vice-Admiral de Court, when he engaged Admiral .Matthews; accompanied the Duke d'Anville'e fleet in 1746, 
and in 1747 was appointed Governor of Canada, but was taken prisoner by the British on the 3d May, on his way to that 
country, where, consequently, he did not arrive until 2d September, 1749. He was tall in stature, well made, and of an 
imposing figure, excessively brave, but he tarnished his reputation by his avarice, which embittered his last hours. For 
though worth millions, during hia last illness he ordered the wax tapers that were burning in his room to be changed to 
t.illow candles, ohsi.rving that the latter would answer every purpose and were less expensive. lie died at Quebec, 17th 
May, 1752, in the 67lh year of his age, and was buried in the church of the Recollects. Collections of the Quebec Lilerary 
and Hiitorical Society, 1838, p. 24 ; Smith't Canada, I., 223. — Ed. 


at the time of the discovery of the Mississipy ; that his Majesty's property of it cannot be 
validly questioned ; that we are clearly authorized not to suffer any European strangers to 
undertake resorting thither, and that hereupon depends the free communication by that river 
between this Colony and Louisiana. 

I likewise know that 'tis not the Indians who carry on the contraband trade ; that 'tis not 
they who desire to establish posts on our lands, and that 'tis not against them that there 
would be any question of acting, since we do not seek to embarrass them in their trade, and 
leave them free to settle wherever they please. 

In fine, experience teaches us but too well, that the English look with eyes of concupiscence 
both on the lands of the Beautiful river, and generally on all that vast country ; that they are 
the fomenters of the rebellion of the nations who, from all time, have been loyal to us, and 
who, at their instigation only, have been led to the extreme of killing our Frenchmen. 

No remedy for our evils would have been more effectual than to drive the English from our 
lands, and no other course would remain to be taken to insure its success than to send a 
sufficient force to Detroit and the Beautiful river, to adopt all possible precautions to protect 
the French from the fury of the Indians and to guarantee their effects against pillage. My first 
object is in every point of view interesting, and if not accomplished, 'twill not be for want of 
foresight on my part. 

I shall dispatch this summer 400 Canadians, under the command of Chevalier de Longueuil, 
to Detroit, to proceed thence to winter at the other posts nearest our enemies. Next spring I 
shall send off five or six hundred Canadians to form a junction with the former at the 
rendezvous to be designated by M"" de Longueuil. I shall transmit to hrm, then, my orders 
which I regulate according to his experience, and the accounts he will send me during 
the winter. I could not be beforehand with my orders, because our affairs will possibly change 
from one moment to another. 

I shall not employ any Indians on this expedition, unless they offer to follow the French, to 
aid them in looking up the bones of their brethren. 

Should Chevalier de Longueuil's mission be as successful as he and I dare hope, the Upper 
country will be free, and the French able to trade there in all surety. The Indian nations 
will return to their attachment to us, and then I shall have it in my power to adopt measures 
to oblige the English to disburse. But I must have the honor to observe to you, my Lord, 
that however fortunate this expedition may be, and whatever foresight 1 may have in closing 
the road on the English, their avidity will lead them to surmount all risks, and the Indians are 
capable, besides, of making by-roads to escape my vigilance. 

My Lord, it would therefore be of infinite importance to limit the possessions of the English, 
and that the boundaries of the two extremities of this Colony should be so firmly regulated that 
the English could not find any pretext to trouble us in our territory. I am persuaded that the 
capture of the four English traders by M' de Celoron, and the letter M' de la Jonquiere had 
the honor to write you on the 16"" of 7''" will not have contributed a little to accelerate the 
labors of the Commissioners. The tranquillity of this Colony depends on their decisiori. 

I am with most profound respect. My Lord, 

Your most humble and most 

obedient servant 


' See IX, vii. — Ed. 


Conference of Captain PJuneas Stevens with, the St. Francis Indians. 

Propositions of the Abenakis of St. Francis to Captain Phineas Stevents, 
delegate from the Governor of Boston, in presence of the Baron de 
Longueuil, Governor of Montreal, Commandant of Canada and of the 
Iroquois of the Sault Saint Louis and of the Lake of the Tw^o Mountains, 
S'l-of July, 1752. 

Atiwaneto, Chief Speaker. 
Brother, We speak to you as if we spoke to your Governor of Boston. 
We hear on all sides that this Governor and the Bostonians say that the Abenakis are bad 
people. 'Tis in vain that we are taxed with having a bad heart; it is you, brother, that 
always attack us; your mouth is of sugar but your heart of gall ; in truth, the moment you 
begin we are on our guard. 

Brothers, We tell you that we seek not war, we ask nothing better than to be quiet, and it 
depends, Brothers, only on you English, to have peace with us. 

We have not yet sold the lands we inhabit, we wish to keep the possession of them. Our 
elders have been willing to tolerate you, brothers Englishmen, on the seaboard as far as 
Sawakwato ; as that has been so decided, we wish it to be so. 

But we will not cede one single inch of the lands we inhabit beyond what has been decided 
formerly by our fathers. 

You have the sea for your share from the place where you reside ; you can trade there; but 
we expressly forbid you to kill a single Beaver, or to take a single stick of timber on the 
lands we inhabit; if you want timber we'll sell you some, but you shall not take it without 
our permission. 

Brothers, Who hath authorized you to have those lands surveyed ? We request our brother, 
the Governor of Boston, to have these Surveyors punished, as we cannot imagine that they 
have acted by his authority. 

Brother, You are therefore masters of the peace that we are to have with you; on condition 
that you will not encroach on those lands we will be at peace, as the King of France is with 
the King of Great Britain. 

By a Belt. 
1 repeat to you. Brothers, by this Belt, that it depends on yourselves to be at peace with 
the Abenakis. 


Our Father who is here present has nothing to do with what we say to you ; we speak to 
you of our own accord, and in the name of all our allies; we regard our Father, in this 
instance, only as a witness of our words. 

We acknowledge no other boundaries of yours than your settlements whereon you have 
built, and we will not, under any pretext whatsoever, that you pass beyond them. The lands 
we possess have been given us by the Master of Life. We acknowledge to hold only 
from him. 

We are entirely free ; we are allies of the King of France, from whom we have received 
the Faith and all sorts of assistance in our necessities ; we love that Monarch, and we are 
strongly attached to his interests. 


Let us have an answer to the propositions we address you, as soon as possible; take this 
message in writing to give to your Governor ; we, also, shall keep a copy of it to use in case 
of need. 

Without stirring a step it is easy for your Governor to transmit his answer to us ; he will 
have merely to address it to our Father who will have the goodness to send it to us. 

Brothers, I shall report your Message to my Governor, and in order that it may not suffer 
any alteration I shall take it in writing. He will transmit his answer to the Baron de 
Longueuil as you desire. 

The English demand of the Abenakis. 

Brothers Abenakis, I ask you if the attack which your Nation has made these two yaars, 
on the English is in consequence of encroachments by the later on your lands? 


Are you satisfied with the death of your people on account of your attacks on the English ? 

I know that it is not permitted to go on your lands ; those who have been there are young 
fools, without any character. 

The Answer of the Abenakis. 

Brothers, When peace was concluded we hoped to enjoy it, like the French, but we learned at 
the same time, that you, English, had killed one of our people, and had hid him under the ice. 


We asked you wherefore you killed us? You answered that you would give us satisfaction, 
but your ill-will having been sensibly indicated by your inaction, pending seven months, we 
resolved to avenge ourselves, and to pull down one house. 

Since then we have missed one man and one woman belonging to our village ; we learned 
their sad fate only from an Englishwoman, who is at present at our place, who assured us 
that that man and woman were killed in her presence by Englishmen, and in order to afford 
us a convincing proof thereof, she gave us a bag which we perfectly recognized as having 
belonged to those unfortunate people. We felt, as we ought to do, this murder, and avenged 
it last year. 

The two Englishmen that we killed this year on the head waters of our river, and the two 
others that we have taken prisoners, must attribute their misfortunes to themselves, because 
they hunted Beaver on our lands, and on this point we repeat to you, with all the firmness 
we are capable of, that we will kill all the Englishmen we shall find on the lands in our 

Our heart is good, and since we struck the blow our thirst for vengeance is extinguished. 


Listen, Brothers Englishmen, to what is our Indian custom among ourselves, with persons 
we would find on the lands we possess ; we should take their game, and if they made any 
resistance, we would knock them on the head. 

How can you suppose, Brothers, that we should suffer you on those lands? 

You have only to excite fear in your houses. We are not capable of offering the least 
insult, but should any of you be found on our lands, they shall die. 

The Iroquois to the Abenakis. 
We have heard, with pleasure, what you said to the English deputy; we are charmed that 
you have vigorously maintained your rights. We exhort you to keep your word with the 
English ; should the case require it, we oblige ourselves to aid you with all our might. 

We, Pierre Rigaud, Marquis de Vaudreuil, Commander of the Royal and Military Order of 
St. Louis, Governor and Lieutenant-General for the King throughout the entire of New France, 
the territories and countries of Louisiana, 

Certify that the present transcript is conformable to the original remaining in our Secretary's 
office : in testimony whereof we have signed these presents, caused the same to be sealed with 
the seal of our Arms and to be countersigned by your Secretary. 
Done at Montreal the 15"" of February, 1758. 

Signature of the 

Marquis de Vaudreuil. 
By my Lord, 

Saint Sauveur. 


M. Duquesne to M. de RouilU. 

My Lord, 

I have the honor to Inform you that I have been obliged to alter the arrangements 1 had 
made, whereof I rendered you an account last fall. 

You will see, my Lord, by the extract of the Journal, hereunto annexed, the reasons which 
compelled me to reduce, to almost one-half, the van-guard that I had informed you consisted 
of 400 men, and those that determined me to prefer landing the troops at the harbor of 
Presqu'isle,' on Lake Erie, which I, very fortunately, discovered, instead of at Chatacouit,' 
where, 1 informed you, I would begin my posts. 

This discovery is so much the more propitious as 'tis a harbor which the largest barks can 
enter, loaded, and be in perfect safety. I am informed that the beach, the soil and the 
resources, of all sorts, were the same as represented to me. 

The plan I send you of this place is only a rough sketch until it be corrected. I have given 
orders that this be proceeded with. 

The letter I received on the 12"' of January last from M' de Joncaire, has obliged me to 
proceed to force to obtain provisions from the farmers to enable me to oppose the projects of 
the English, who, he advised me, had sent smiths to Chinengue^ and the River au Bceuf,^ 
■where they were even settled, and that there was a terrible excitement among the Indians, 
who looked upon it as certain that the English would be firmly settled there in the course of 
this year, not imagining that my forces were capable of opposing them. This fear which 
made me attempt the impossible, has had, hitherto, the most complete success ; all the 
provisions have arrived from without, after a delay of fifteen days, and I had them transported, 
with all imaginable diligence, into a country so full of difficulties, in consequence of the great 
number of voyageurs which I required to ascend the rapids, the race of which is getting scarce. 

I was not long without perceiving that this movement made a considerable impression on 
the Indians, and what has thrown more consternation among them is, that I had not recourse 
to them, for I contented myself with telling our domiciliated tribes that if there were eight or 
ten from each village who had the curiosity to witness my operations, I would permit them to 
follow Sieur Marin, the commander of the detachment, whom they were well acquainted with, 
and in whom they have confidence; of two hundred whom I proposed to send forward, only 
70 are sufficient for scouts and hunters. 

All the nations that came down to see me from the Upper country, and who met the 
multitude of bateaux and canoes which were conveying the men and effects belonging to 
the detachment, presented themselves all trembling before me, and told me that they were 
aware of my power by the swarm of men they had passed, and [begged me] to have pity on 
them, their wives and their children. 1 took advantage of their terror to speak to them in a 
tone firm and menacing the first that would falter, and instead of a month or five weeks that 
they were accustomed to remain here consuming the King's provisions, I got rid of them on 
the fourth day. 

' Erie, PennS3'lvania. 
' Chatauque, i. e., Portland, New- York. 

' Cliinengiie, or Shenango, is laid down, in Mitchell's 3fap, at iha junction of the Conewango and Allegany rivers, and is 
now culled Warren, Pennsylvania. — Ed. 
* Now, French creek, Erie county, Pa. 


It appears, up to this time, that the execution of the plan of my enterprise makes so strong an 
impression on the Nations that all the vagabonds who had taken refuge on the Beautiful river 
have returned to their villages. 

I keep the Five Nations much embarrassed, because they have not come down to Montreal, 
and the only step they have taken has been to send the Ladies (Dames) of their Council to 
Sieur Marin, to inquire of him, by a Belt, whether he was marching with the hatchet uplifted, 
or to establish tranquillity. This Commander answered ihem, that when he marched with the 
hatchet, he bore it aloft, in order that no person should be ignorant of the fact, but as for 
the present, his orders were to use it only in case he encountered opposition to my will ; that 
my intention was to support and assist them in their necessities, and to drive away the evil 
spirits that encompassed them and disturbed the earth. 

I was aware that the English of Philadelphia had invited them to a General Council, and 
that they had refused to attend it ; further, I knew from a man worthy of credit, who happened 
to be among these Indians when the English arrived, that they have rejected the Belts which 
had been offered them to oppose the entrance of the King's troops into the River Oyo, since 
they had sold it to the English. They answered that they would not meddle with my affairs, 
and that they would look quietly on, from their mats, persuaded, as they were, that my 
proceedings had no other object than to give a clear sky to a country which served as a refuge 
for assassins who had reddened the ground with blood. 

This Nation, which possesses a superior government to all others, allowed itself to be 
dazzled by continual presents, and did not perceive that the English are hemming it in, so that 
if it do not shake off this yoke, 'twill soon be enslaved. I shall lead them to make this 
reflection, in order to induce them to pull down Choueguen, which is destroying them, and 
will be the ruin of the Colony. 

Should we have had to use reprisals, I would soon have taken that post. I have already 
forwarded to Fort Frontenac, the artillery and everything necessary for this coup de main. 

Sieur Marin writes me on the 3"* instant, that the fort at Presqu'isle is entirely finished ; 
that the Portage road, which is six leagues in length, is also ready for carriages ; that the store 
which was necessary to be built halfway across this Portage is in a condition to receive the 
supplies, and that the second fort, which is located at the mouth [entree) of the River au Boeuf, 
will be soon completed. 

This Commandant informs me, moreover, that he is having some pirogues constructed, 
whilst men are actively employed in transporting his stores, and he tells me that all the 
Delawares (Lo!/p»), Chaouanons and Senecas on the Beautiful river had come to meet him, 
and that he had so well [received] them, that they are very zealously assisting, with their 
horses that they have brought along with them, in making the Portage. 

There has not been, up to the present time, the least impediment to the considerable 
movements I have caused to be made ; everything arrived at its destination with greater celerity 
than I anticipated, and among the prodigious number of bateaux or canoes that have passed 
the rapids, only one has upset, drowning seven men. 

As it is impossible, in a moment as vast as it was precipitous for this country, that some of 
the provisions should not be spoiled in open craft, despite all the precautions that could be 
taken, 1 have sent on as much as was necessary to repair the loss. 

Everything announces, my Lord, the successful execution of my project, unless some 
unforeseen uccident have occurred, and the only anxiety I feel is, that the River au Bceuf 


Portage will delay the entrance of our troops into the Beautiful river, as it is long, and there is 
considerable to carry, and tlie horses I have sent thither have arrived there exhausted by 
fatigue. But I hope this will be obviated by those the Indians have brought thither, and that 
the mildness of the climate will admit of the completion of the posts. 

The extreme boldness with which I have executed a project of so much importance, has 
caused me the liveliest inquietude ; the famine which met me on my arrival at Quebec, 
having reduced me to forwarding only 900 barrels of flour, as the whole supply. 

From the knowledge I have acquired this winter, I would have composed my van-guard of 
700 men, had I had an entrepot of provisions at Niagara, because that body of men would have 
assuredly advanced to the Portage which I was desirous of occupying, having to fear some 
opposition on the part of the Indians of the Beautiful river, at the instigation of the English, 
my plan having been discovered and bruited abroad since M' de la Jonquiere's death, in 
consequence of the explorations that I caused to be made by some bark canoes, notwithstanding 
the color I wished to give to these movements. 

I leave you to judge, my Lord, the trouble of mind I felt at the reduction of this van-guard 
to 250 men, which I was obliged to send like, what is called in the army, a forlorn hope, when 
dispatched to explore a work ; on the other hand, I should proceed at a snail's pace {me meltre 
a la tortue) could I continue my operations only with the assistance derived from the sea, the 
inconveniences of which I understood. 

In fine, my Lord, if there be any merit in doing everything contrary to the prudence of a 
person of my age, who has not the reputation of being devoid of that virtue, the enterprise ia 
question would be entitled to very great [credit], but necessity having constrained me to it, 
I do not adopt it, and attribute its success only to singular good fortune which I would not, for 
all the world, tempt again. 

The discovery I have made of the harbor of Presqu'isle, which is regarded as the finest spot 
in nature, has determined me to send a Royal assistant pilot to search around the Niagara 
rapids for some place where a bark could remain to take in its load. Nothing would be of 
greater advantage in the saving of transport and the security of the property of the new posts 
and of Detroit, but it is necessary to find a good bottom, so that the anchors may hold, for it 
could safely winter at Presqu'isle, where it would be as it were in a box. I impatiently await 
the return of this pilot, and I would be much flattered could I be able to announce to you in 
my latest despatches, that I have ordered the construction of this vessel. 

I must not leave you ignorant, my Lord, how much I am pleased with Sieur Marin, the 
commander of the detachment, and with Major Pean. The former, who has an experienced 
capacity, manages the Indians as he pleases, and he has, at his age, the same zeal and activity 
as any young officer that may enter the service. The second is endowed with all the talent 
imaginable for detail and resources, and knows no other occupation than that of accomplishing 
the object he is entrusted with. He alone had charge of dispatching all the canoes and bateaux, 
and acquitted himself of that duty with great order. Chevalier Le Mercier, to whom I assigned 
the duties of engineer, and who is also entrusted with the distribution of the provisions, is an 
officer possessing the rarest talent. Sieur Marin expresses himself to me in the highest terms 
of all those who are under his orders, and who vie with each other in diligence. 

I am with the most profound respect. My Lord, 

Vour most humble and most obedient servant, 

Montreal, 20"' August, 1753. Duquesne. 

Vol. X. 33 


Governor Dinwiddie to M. de St. Piei^e. 


The lands upon the River Ohio, in the western parts of the Colony of Virginia, are so 
notoriously known to be the property of the Crown of Great Britain that it is a matter of 
equal concern and surprise to me, to hear that a body of French forces are erecting fortresses 
and making settlements upon that river, within his Majesty's dominions. The many and 
repeated complaints I have received of these acts of hostility lay me under the necessity of 
sending, in the name of the King, my master, the bearer hereof, George Washington, Esq., 
one of the Adjutants-General of the forces of this dominion, to complain to you of the 
encroachments thus made, and of the injuries done to the subjects of Great Britain, in violation 
of the law of nations, and the treaties now subsisting between the two Crowns. If these 
facts be true, and you think fit to justify your proceedings, I must desire you to acquaint me 
by whose authority and instructions you have lately marched from Canada with an armed 
force, and invaded the King of Great Britain's territories, in the manner complained of; that 
according to the purport and resolution of your answer, I may act agreeably to the commission 
I am honored with, from the King, my master. However, sir, in obediencejto my instructions, 
it becomes my duty to require your peaceable departure ; and that you would forbear 
prosecuting a purpose so interruptive of the harmony and good understanding, which his 
Majesty is desirous to continue and cultivate with the most Christian King, &c. 

Robert Dinwiddie. 

October 31, 1753. 

M. de St. Pierre to Governoi' 

[PennBylvanla Colonial RecordB, V., 715.] 


As I have the honor of commanding here in chief, Mr. Washington delivered to me the 
letter, which you wrote to the commander of the French troops. I should have been glad 
that you had given him orders, or thai he had been inclined, to proceed to Canada to see our 
General, to whom it better belongs, than to me, to set forth the evidence and the reality of the 
rights of the King, my master, to the lands situate along the River Ohio, and to contest 
the pretensions of the King of Great Britain thereto. I shall transmit your letter to the 
Marquis du Quesne. His answer will be a law to me. And if he shall order me to 
communicate it to you, Sir, you may be assured I shall not fail to dispatch it forthwith to you. 
As to the summons you send me to retire, I do not think myself obliged to obey it. Whatever 
may be your instructions I am here by virtue of the orders of my General ; and I entreat you, 
Sir, not to doubt one moment but that I am determined to conform myself to them with all 
the exactness and resolution which can be expected from the best officer. I do not know that 
in the progress of this campaign anything has passed which can be reputed an act of hostility, 
or that is contrary to the treaties which subsist between the two Crowns ; the continuation 


whereof interests and pleases us as much as it does the English. Had you been pleased, Sir, 
to have descended to particularize the facts, which occasioned your complaint, I should have 
had the honor of answering you in the fullest, and, I am persuaded, the most satisfactory 
manner, &c. 

Legardeur de St. Pierre. 
From the Fort on the River au 
Boeuf,' December 15, 1753. 

Cabinet Memoir on the Designs of England and Austria against France. 

Count Christiani's writings, though not clothed with authenticity, do not the less merit the 
most serious attention. There is no doubt but that Minister is informed of the designs of 
their I. M., and the papers he has just given, shed such strong light on the views of the Courts 
of Vienna and London to renew the war, that by connecting them with all that has hitherto 
transpired on the subject, it is not difficult to penetrate them entirely. 

From this connection, it results that the two Courts, having discovered, in the last war, that 
France was one of the greatest obstacles to the superiority they wished to arrogate, the one 
on land and the other at sea, and that alone they could not destroy her, have adopted the 
system of ruining her through her allies, either by detaching them from her, or by oppressing, 
if they could not detach, them. With this design, in order to save themselves from the 
reproach of having infringed the peace reestablished by the treaty of Aix la Chapelle, and to 
gain time to make their arrangements quietly, they have concluded on having Russia commence 
the execution of their project in the North and in Germany, and the Emperor in Italy, because 
these powers not having been parties to the treaty of Aix la Chapelle, no engagements can 
be pleaded against them. Both the Courts of Vienna and London fully expect that they will be 
called on, as contracting parties to this treaty, to endeavor to arrest the enterprises of the 
other two ; but they will answer, in regard to Russia, that they are not masters of their allies, 
and in regard to the Emperor, that his I. M. only exercises the rights of the Empire which 
were confided to him agreeably to the capitulation he has sworn to, especially as relates to 
the Italian fiefs, and that as the Emperor and the Empire have made no engagements contrary 
thereto, they cannot be prevented exercising their rights in all their extent; but that, 
notwithstanding, they will, willingly, employ their influence with these two powers to 
reconcile them if possible. The two Courts, under the specious mask of these peaceable 
dispositions, will endeavor to blind Europe and to lull the vigilance of France ; the Russians 
will, during that time, continue their intrigues against the King of Prussia, and the Emperor, 

• Fort Le Bceaf was situated on the South or West fork of the French ereek, Pennsylvania, near the water, almost 
surrounded by the creek, and a small branch of it which forms a kind of Island. Four houses composed the sides; the 
bastionfl were of poles driven into the ground, standing more than 12 feet above it, and sharp at the top, with port-holes cut 
for cannon and loop-holes for small arms. Eight six pounders were mounted in each bastion, and one four pounder before 
the gate. In the bastions were a guard-house, chapel, surgeon's lodgings and commandant's private store It stood on the 
present site of SVaterford, Erie Co., Pa. Penmyhania Archives, XII., 387, S88. The Indian namo of the place was Casewago. 
Penntylvania Colonial Recordt, V., G59, 660. — Ed. 


his against the Republic of Genoa; the Infanta Don Philip will be placed in check, and the 
said Courts will take their measures to openly join his friends, and accomplish the object of 
their project, as soon as they will believe themselves in a position to do so with impunity, a 
period which does not seem very remote, and which everything indicates to be shortly after 
the election of the King of the Romans, and the election of the new British Parliament. 

The fullest evidence exists that such is the project of the Courts of Vienna and England, 
and it seems, by the dispositions of the Russians and of the Imperial Court, that it already 
begins to be put in execution both in Germany and in Italy, where, assuredly, the place of 
Imperial Commissioner has not been given to the Marquis Botta with a view to keep up a 
good understanding with Genoa. 

From the whole of this expose it follows that there is not a moment to be lost in order to 
oppose the progress of the enemies of the public tranquillity. The first step to be taken 
appears to be, to denounce to Spain the views of the Courts of Vienna and of London, confirmed 
by Count Christiani's memoirs, to enlighten them as to the dangers the Infanta, Italy and 
herself run. It is a settled principle that if France is to behold her ruin in that of her allies, 
Spain must see hers in that of France, for it is only by putting it out of the power of the 
latter to succor the former, that England can hope to achieve its plans of aggrandizement in 
America. It is to be hoped that these reasons will lead the Court of Madrid to adopt measures 
in concert with France to avert the danger. There remain no defenders for Europe except 
the King and the King of Spain, and on their combined foresight rests the safety of their 
Empire and that of the entire of Europe. 

15"" December, 1753. 

M. Varin to M. Bigot. 

Montreal, the 24'" July, 1754. 
M. rintendant, 

The English de- ^ ^^^e the houor to inform you that M' du Sable has just arrived from the 
vn'Mers!"^ aii^r '^a Beautlful rlver, where the English, to the number of 500, surrendered by 
capitulation on the 3'''' or 4"" of this month, to M. de Villiers, seconded by M"' Le 
Mercier, after an engagement of 10 hours, although they were in a fort covered by an 
intrenchment, with 9 pieces of cannon. The capitulation, whereof a copy is hereunto annexed, 
will show you the glory our Canadians have acquired on that day, and the humanity with 
which the English have been treated. We lost on that day 2 Canadians [one] of whom [was] 
Sieur Desprez' oldest son, and have had 70 wounded, the majority of them slightly ; of these, 
two are Indians. M' P(5an's Panis has been also killed. The English, on their side, have had 
80 or 90 men killed or mortally wounded. M' le Mercier has had their 9 pieces of cannon 
broken, and the English, who took to their heels after the capitulation, have abandoned even 
their flag. M' de Villiers had 700 men with him, GOO of whom were French, and 100 Indians, 
who attacked Fort Necessity' in broad day; he discovered, despite the fire of the enemy, who 

•The site of thie fort is in Fayette county, Pa., four miles east of Lanrel Hill, and above SOO yards south of the National 
road, on a creek emptying into the Yohiogany river. PennayUania Archivet, XIL, 422, 423. — Ed. 


had at first come out of their fort, [that] they had formed themselves in the order of battle to 
meet M' deVilliers, whose first fire, however, they did not wait before they wheeled back under 
their intrenchment. Fire has been set to all the buildings in that fort, as well as to some houses 
at this side of it, and to a large storehouse constructed to serve as a depot, within 10 leagues 
or thereabouts of Fort du Quesne. There is reason to believe that this action will disgust the 
English with the Beautiful river, and that the defeat they have just experienced for the second 
time, will entirely disgust the Indians with taking any manner of part with them. You judge 
correctly, Sir, that this brilliant news has greatly pleased the General, and I am persuaded it 
will no less gratify you. 

M' Pean is gradually improving, and I believe is to make his circuit by way of Detroit and 
Missilimakinac, now that all is peace and quietness on the Beautiful river. M' le Mercier 
states that he was about starting with the detachment to join M' Pean at Presq'Isle and make 
the circuit. The General originally intended to send orders to them to form a junction, but 
on reflecting that his messenger would not arrive in time, he has detained him for some days, 
being pleased, in other respects, that the Detroit and Missilimakinak Nations should see the 
conquerors of the English, and he forthwith set about dispatching Trudel to take these good 
news to you. 

I have the honor to be with inviolable attachment and infinite respect. Sir, 

Your most humble and most obedient servant, 


Extract from M' de Villiers' Journal annexed to M' Varin's letter. 

On the S"" of July, at break of day, I prepared to depart from the camp abandoned by the 
English. I invited the Indians to provide some scouts. The weather was inclining to rain, 
but I foresaw the necessity of anticipating the enemy in the works he might construct. I even 
flattered myself that he would be less on his guard in such bad weather. 

The Nepissings and Algonquins did not wish to proceed ; I told them they could remain ; I 
set out with the other Nations, which made the former so much ashamed that they all joined me 
except two. Before marching, two of my first scouts came to me and told me that they had 
taken three prisoners, who were coming from the Ghouanons, and that they had left them at the 
storehouse. This fact was confirmed by the letter of the sergeant whom 1 had left there with 
twenty men. We marched the entire day in the rain, and I sent scouts after scouts. I halted 
at the place where my brother^ had been assassinated, and saw some dead bodies there yet. 

When 1 came to about f of a league from the English fort, I ordered each officer to march 
in column, that I might be better able to dispose of them as necessity would require. 

' Fkanqois Victor Varin was a Frenchman of very low origin ; some say the son of a shoemaker, others, of a schoolmaster. 
He was vain, lying, arrogant and the moat capricious and obstinate of men — small in slalure, nothing imposing in his 
physiognomy, licentious and a libertine in his habits, which frequently led him into scrapes. He possessed, however, a good 
deal of smartness; understood finance perfectly and was industrious; sought, like others, the way to enrich himself, and 
retained whatever he could get He had the supplying of all the Western posts, Associated with others, he monopolized 
everything, fitted out canoes, built a large storehouse, which was carefully furnished wifh whatever was wanting in the 
King's stores, for which they charged their own price. Means were also found to furnish the same article several times to 
the government, and always at an advance. As Varin was the Commissary at Montreal, his orders were arranged 
accordingly. The people, who clearly perceived the object of this new store, called it in derision La Friponne, or, Iha 
Swindle. Collections of the Quebec Lilerary and Historical Society, 1838, pp. 67-69. — Ep. 

' Mr. du Jumonville. 


I sent scouts out as far as the camp, 20 men to sustain them, and I advanced in order, when 
I was informed that we were discovered ; that the English were approaching in the line of 
battle to attack us, and hard by ; I ordered my men to form themselves in a suitable manner 
for a bush fight. It was not long before I discovered that my scouts had misled me, and I 
ordered the troops to advance on that side where we might be attacked. As we had no 
knowledge of the locality, we presented our flank to the fort, whence they began to fire 
cannon on us ; almost at the same time I perceived the English on the right coming in order 
of battle against us. The Indians, as well as we, set up a great shout and advanced towards 
them, but they did not give us time to fire before they wheeled into an intrenchment adjoining 
their fort, which we, then, prepared to invest ; it was situated advantageously enough in a 
meadow, within a musket shot of the wood. We drew as near them as possible, that we 
might not expose his Majesty's subjects to no purpose. 

The fire was very brisk on both sides, and I selected that place which appeared to me 
the best to resist a sortie. We succeeded in silencing (so to say) the fire of their cannon 
with our musketry. 'Tis true, the ardor and zeal of our Canadians and soldiers made me 
uneasy, because I saw that in a short time we should perhaps be out of ammunition. M' le 
Mercier proposed to me to have fascines constructed to secure our posts, and hem in the 
English, during the night, in their fort, and wholly prevent them leaving it. I ordered M' de 
Bayeul to go and collect as many men as possible to succor the quarter that would be 
attacked in case of a general sortie. We took during that time some caches of provisions, 
ammunition and goods which circumstance encouraged the Indians and the Militia. 

The enemy's fire increased towards six o'clock in the evening with more vigor than ever, 
and lasted until eight. As we were all the day under the rain, and as the detachment was 
tired and the Indians sent me word that they would depart next day, etc., a cessation of 
hostilities was proposed to the English, and a captain came to speak to us. The conditions 
of the capitulation were accepted. ( They are annexed.) 

The English have had 70 @. SO men killed or mortally wounded, and many others slightly. 

The Canadians have had 2 men killed, Desprez, Junior, and the Panis, belonging to M' 
Pean, and 70 wounded, two whereof are Indians.' 

3f. Duquesne to M. de Machault^ 
My Lord, 
I have the honor to report to you what has occurred at the posts during the year. 

' M. de Villiers' Journal is published at length, together with the capitulation of Fort Neceeoity, in the Duke de Choiseul's 

' Jkan BAmsTE MACDAULTof Arnouville, was bora 13th December, 1701. He became President of the Grand Council in 
1738; Intendant of Eanant in 1743, and in 1745, Comptroller-General of the finances. On 9th December, 1760, he received 
the additional appointment of Keeper of the Seals; he succeeded M. Rouillfe 28th July, 1764, in the Colonial department, 
and organized the fleet which defeated Admiral Byng. Throui>h the intrigues of Mme. Purapadour, he was sent, 31st January, 
1757, into exile with Count d'Argenson (mpra, p. 29), where he remained until the fall of the Baslile. Jn 1792, he removed 
to Rouen, whence he was taken in 1794, by the agents of the Revolutionary Governmeiit, and lodged, as a person suspected, 
in the prison of Madelonettes, where he died on the 13Ui July of the same year, in the 93d year of his age, without being 
permitted, by his inhuman jailers, even the assistance of a physician. Biographie UniverttUe, The French post at the mouth 
of French creek, Pennsylvania, was called, in his honor, Fort Macbault — Ed. 


The Indians of the North are very quiet because Sieur Marin, who commands at The Bay 
and leads the Indians at will, has procured repose for them by the peace he has caused to be 
concluded with the Christinaux. 

The Sauteux of Camanestigwia and Michipicoton have had a difficulty among themselves. 
Seventeen of them have been killed, but this animosity, which is at present abated, has been 
prejudicial only to the hunting, and they are now quiet. 

Chevalier de Repentigny, who commands at the Sault St. Mary, is busily engaged with the 
settlement of his post, which is essential for stopping all the Indians who come down from 
Lake Superior to go to Choueguen, but I do not hear it said that this post yields a great revenue. 

TliePoutwatamis,Kickapoux,Maskoutinsand Sciouxof the prairies, have assembled together 
to go and destroy the Peorias, who, for a long time, regard with insolence the other Indians; 
they are, moreover, people of no faith, who steal, with impunity, even in their neighbors' cabins. 

This war, in which I am not at all interested, can be productive only of a good effect in 
putting down such banditti ; I have, nevertheless, ordered the Commandants to adjust all 
matters after these rascals will have received a sharp lesson. 

As I had fixed for the Peanguichias to be at the Miamis where Sieur Pean would pass, and 
as those Indians have waited for that officer with all possible patience, nearly a month, 
evincing great repentance for their fault, I have ordered the Commandant of the Wyatanons, 
whither that nation had retired, to grant them pardon on condition that they would bring me, 
next year, the murderers; by this means it may be calculated that these Indians have at 
present submitted. 

The Cherakis, who, for a year, had a French prisoner in their village, whom they treated 
very civilly, have sent him back to M'' de Kerlerec, saying to him, if you are grateful for the 
good treatment we have shown you, go tell our Father that we are desirous of having a firm 
peace with him, and you will come and bring us back his answer. 

M' de Kerlerec, who feared that reasons of policy did not permit the acceptance of this 
peace, demanded my authority to conclude it, if I thought it proper ; I consented because 
none of our Indians go to fight the Cherakis, but really the Flatheads and Techichas, whom 
it is necessary to reserve in order to have a bone to gnaw. This Governor advises me that it 
is a consequence of my movements and that all his Indians are enchantingiy docile. 

M. Macarty sent me word that it would be necessary, after this peace, to built a fort at the 
mouth of the Cherakis river,' which falls into the lower part of the Oyo, but I have answered 
him, that though I should judge it very necessary, the state of the King's finances could not 
meet that increased expense. 

Abbe Piquet's mission, reputed by our domiciliated Indians to be made up of spies of the 
Five Nations, has just given the strongest proofs of attachment and fidelity, by sending me 
the medals the English had presented to some of that village who had furtively assisted at the 
Council at Orange, and they have expelled one of their brethren who was suspected of having 
an English heart. This mission is improving, and the Abbe Piquet's presence can only 
increase their good dispositions. 

Acadia is a gulf of indispensable expense, and the Abb6 Leloutre has taken the axe in hand 
for the aboLteaux,^ which must render it very fertile, but the Fort at Point Beausejour is hardly 

' Tennessee river. 

'This is a local expression, signifying a dam in a creek, with a gate -which closes and prevents the entrance of the tide; at 
the same time a causeway or levee is constructed from the dam between the low land and tide water. Collecliont of Quebec 
Litrrary and HUtoriedl Socitty, 1838, p. 31, note, .— Ed. 


in a state of defence, inasmuch as the settlers who work at it are incredibly lazy. Sieur de 
Verger, the Commandant there, does his best to encourage them at this work, which is 
important under actual circumstances; this officer informs me that a fleet of four ships has 
arrived at Halifax, and that another of a like number is expected ; this appears to me to be an 
indication that Old England proposes something on that side, for the English are bringing 
considerable people there. 

It seems to me that by the census of the Island of St. John, which has been sent me by 
Sieur de Bonaventure, formerly Commandant there, that place is going to be considerable, if 
the harvest has been good ; it would in that case be the granary of Louisbourg and of Acadia. 

I never thought of establishing a post at Peskadamokauti before having received your 
orders, especially since Father Germain has assured me that not a farmer could be placed 
there, inasmuch as it is all rock. I have, meanwhile, informed Sieur de Boishebert, who 
commands at the River St. John, to repair thither whenever he can, in order to have a correct 
draught of it, and I expect that officer will render me an exact account thereof. 

Agreeably to your orders, I have sent Sieur Pellegrin to the Seven Islands ; from the plan 
he has drawn of the place I have remarked that it would take at least two batteries to prevent 
any of the enemy's ships anchoring there, which would cost an immense sum, not only for 
their construction but also for the maintenance of the garrisons, because the soil there is good 
for nothing. 'Tis true that the anchorage is excellent. 
I am with most profound respect. 

Your most humble and 

most obedient servant, 

Quebec, the 13"" &=", 1754. Duquesne. 

M. Duquesne to M. de MachauU. 

Quebec, 28"" October, 1754. 
My Lord, 

I have received the letter you did me the honor to write me on the 19"" of August last, 
which reached me on the 22°'* instant, wherein you are pleased to inform me of the views the 
King of England has manifested up to the present time, for the maintenance of peace, and that 
you presume he has not authorized the movements on the River Oyo. 

Without referring you, my Lord, to all that I have had the honor to submit to you in ray 
last despatches, I have to observe to you, in addition, that it is not possible that the King of 
Great Britain has not consented to and even ordered all the movements which the English 
are making on this Continent, and the consequences thereof appear to me very just. 

1" The Governors of New England, besides being independent one of the other, cannot 
levy troops without an order of the King of Great Britain, and you will have observed by M' 
Washington's Journal that all the Provinces have furnished a quota to his detachment. I 
know, moreover, that the Quakers, who never make war, have also furnished their contingent. 


S""* Sieur Drouillon, an officer who was with Sieur de Jumonville's detachment, has been 
taken by this same.M'' Washington as a prisoner of war, as you'will also see by his Journal. 

S* The irruption made by M' Shirley, Governor of Boston, who has marched with a body 
of troops of 700 men to seize the upper part of the River Narantchouac where he has had a 
fort built, without waiting for the determination of the boundaries, as I have had the honor to 
inform you. 

4'" The Governor of Halifax has proclaimed throughout Acadia that every Acadian who 
will be taken with arms in his hands against them, shall be hanged. 

5"" The solemn congress held at Orange in the month of July by seven Governors, to 
persuade the Nations they had invited thither to attack us. 

After the assassination of M. de Jumonville and the above consequent proofs, do you believe, 
my Lord, that I am authorized to anticipate a rupture on the part of the English? but it is 
easy to perceive, that before arriving at that point, they wish to gain over our domiciliated 
Indians, since they employ all sorts of artifices to corrupt them, and do not disdain even the 
most unworthy means to effect their object. 

On the other hand, I remark that the English, who have observed my cautious conduct, take 
advantage of it to encroach on our lands ; and I will confess to you, my Lord, that my position, 
as critical as it is disagreeable, in consequence of the prudence I have to observe, so as not to 
occasion a rupture, induces them to make attempts to push on to the neighborhood of Quebec. 

You will see, my Lord, by the reports I have already submitted, how cautious I have been 
in my conduct, and I defy the English to complain that I have given the least interruption to 
the good understanding which is so strongly recommended to me, but it is evident that the 
Governors of New England have not the same orders, or do not execute them, inasmuch as 
they have violated the most sacred laws, and think only of usurpations. 

As for the expense, which concerns me, I am unceasingly occupied in diminishing it, but 
troops cannot be moved here without great cost. 

I am with the most profound respect. 

My Lord, 

Your most humble and 

Most obedient servant, 


M. Duqueene to M. de Machault. 

My Lord, 

The Indians of the Five Nations, whom I have had the honor to announce to you, have at 
length arrived at Montreal, but they have been careful to prolong their voyage, in order to 
avoid meeting me, being aware that it is indispensable that the Governor repair to Quebec 
either for the autumn despatches, or to wind up the affairs of the Colony, which accumulate at 
that season. 

Vol. X. 34 


You will see, my Lord, by my answer to their propositions, that I do not spare them, and that 
I reproach them not only with their infamous treason, but threaten, moreover, to punish them, 
if they do not soon recall the dogs of their village, whom they have unleashed to bite me. 

The Canadians, who have always observed towards these P'ive Nations a regard bordering 
on weakness, even in cases when they essentially failed us, have been partly pained with the 
tone I used towards these Indians; but I could not restrain myself because it is they who have 
compromised me with the English, and no other course but threats remained to put an end to 
their treason. 

I am very well pleased that I assumed a haughty tone, in consequence of the good effects 
my menaces have produced, to such a degree, that our domiciliated Indians, who assisted at this 
Council, and who feared that I would mollify, have thanked me for the firmness of my language ; 
and the Five Nations even, when leaving, could not help saying that I was a Man, and that 
they would assuredly come to see me at the beginning of the spring. 

I consider it my duty to remark to you, my Lord, that these Indians who were in the habit 
of coming annually, have not condescended to come since my arrival in this Colony, because 
they were plotting some mischief with the English ; but having learned that the Cayugas, who 
have been always faithful to us, had agreed with the Oneidas and the Taskarorens not to 
meddle with their design ; chance willed it that our domiciliated Indians of the Sault and the 
Lake asked my leave to visit these three last nations, their brethren, to confirm their 
sentiments. I took advantage of that negotiation to engage them to make them come down, 
and it has been productive of all the good I could hope from it. 

The Onontagues, who have had recourse, without success, to every expedient to prevent 
their brethren coming down to Montreal, have determined to follow them, but at a distance, 
because they wished not to appear to me suspicious, and they have not assisted at the Council, 
except as hearers; I paid them well for their curiosity, and as this circumstance was kept 
concealed from me, I sent them, after the Conference, a message ordering them to reunite with 
their brethren. 

The Senecas, who are the most numerous of the Five Nations, have not dared to come 
down because they feel themselves the most culpable ; but they have sent two of their young 
men to assist at the Conference, who will not fail to report my words, which can have only a 
very good efi'ect. 

There is great appearance, my Lord, that the dismemberment of the Cayugas, Oneidas and 
Taskarorens will considerably counterbalance any bad part the Senecas and the Onondagas 
may take; I shall be at least advised by the former, but as there is question of marching again 
to tlie River Oyo, 1 have had the policy to engage them to come down next spring, in order to 
keep them in clieck as far as regards the execution of any evil design they might project during 
the winter. 

1 must not omit informing you, my Lord, that after the solemn Conference, the Cayugas, 
Oneidas and Taskarorens invited our domiciliated Indians to a secret Council, even unknown 
to the Baron de Longueuil, the Governor, in order that I alone may be privy to their real 
sentiments. You perceive, my Lord, that greater affection cannot be required of Indians than 
these evince for me ; I believe it sincere, because the Cayugas, who have always been faithful 
to us, have become security for those they have brought in their party. 

My negotiation with the Mohawks succeeds admirably, as you will see by their propositions, 
but they cannot settle in the village of the Sault St. Louis, because the lands in that quarter 


are exhausted, so that more than thirty families belonging to that mission, being unable to 
collect wherewithal to feed themselves, are going to settle at Lake St. Francis, twenty leagues 
above Montreal, on the south side, where there are very good lands; the Mohawks have agreed 
with these thirty families to go and settle their village at this place, whither a missionary will 
accompany them; this change, which costs the King only the erection of a saw-mill, that will 
furnish abundantly wherewith to build the cabins, becomes very advantageous to the Colony, 
in as far as it will be easy in time of war, to be informed of all that might occur in the 
direction of Choueguen ; besides. La Presentation, and this new village on Lake St. Francis, 
the Sault St. Louis and the Lake of the Two Mountains, will form a barrier which will 
protect the government of Montreal against all incursions, because in that weak quarter, the 
troops that might be sent thither, will be always supported by these Indians. 

I have dwelt much on the consideration of this new expense, though very trifling, but I 
have reflected that if I had ordered the thirty families in question, to remain at the Sault St. 
Louis, I could not avoid having to feed them, which would cost an immense sum. 

Never was there greater necessity to send back Father Tournois' to this Colony, as I have 
demanded of M. Rouille. 

The English are furious at the Indians abandoning them; they have ample cause, for the 
government of Orange is wholly unprotected, and there would be great need to attend to it 
in time of war. 

You will have seen by my despatches, my Lord, that I have anticipated your wishes in 
making the Indians act under pretext of their private grievances, and I so manage that it 
will not appear that it proceeds from me. 

I am with the most profound respect. 

My Lord, 

Your most humble and 

Most obedient servant, 

Quebec, 3 1« S''", 1754. (Signed), Duquesne. 

Secret Conference held by the Oneidas, Kaskarorens and Cayugas with our 
domiciliated Indians at Montreal, on the SS"* S""", 1754. 

[ Annexed to the Marquis Duqnesne's letter of the Slst 8ber, 1754. ] 

First Belt. 

Brethren, We, as it were, place our lives in your hands; our land and yours will henceforth 

make but one ; our interests and yours will be common ; the lot of the one will always be the 

lot of the other, and our object is to form but one mind with you, so that our welfare being 

mutually dear, we shall not conceal from each other anything we shall have to hope or to fear. 

Second Belt. 
In answer to a Belt those of the Sault gave them when they were on an embassy to 
their country. 

' Rev. Jean B.u>ti3te TouKrfois had been Missionary at Sault St. Louis since 1742. He fell under the displeasure of the 
Marquis de la Jonquiere, who dismissed him from that mission in 1748, and sent him to France, notwithstanding the 
solicitations of the Indians. Collections of Quebec Literary and Historical Society, 1838, p. 22. — Ed. 


This Belt was to solicit earnestly the three above named Nations to induce their brethren, 
the Senecas, to hearken no more to the Evil Spirit that was disturbing them, and to incline 
more to friendly acts. 


Brethren, We have executed your design in regard to the Senecas, and expressed ourselves 
most earnestly on the article that related to the Evil Spirit, by whom they allowed themselves 
to be ruled. We did not content ourselves with making them long speeches proper to convince 
them, we have even, as it were, taken hold of their head to assist them by repeatedly shaking 
it, to discharge all the poison that the Evil Spirit had deposited therein. 

The Senecas have not yet answered this Belt, which has been presented to them in 
consequence, but they have promised to do so immediately. 

Third Belt. 

Brethren, Hearken unto us. We are about to disclose to you our true sentiments, which 
are not only ours but also those of all the men and women {ceux et celles) who have remained 
in our village. 

Your blood is the same as ours ; if heretofore a leaven hath corrupted a portion of it, it is 
now purified by the things we are about to declare to you. 

1" Your warriors and ours will never have but the same object of war, and will march only 
for the same cause. 

2nd paj. from accepting the hatchet from the English, notwithstanding his urgent solicitations, 
we shall forbid our young men not only to touch it, but even to look at it. 

grd \Yg renew here what we said by our first Belt, to convince you fully of the sentiments 
of union that we wish always to entertain towards you. 

Fourth Belt. 
Brethren, This Belt represents to you the two villages of the Oneidas, Cayugas and 
Kaskarorens; you see two paths laid down there ; the one or the other will always terminate 
at the place where you will be well received and attentively heard ; these two paths will for 
the future be well trodden by you and by us, so that the soil thereof will be always firm 
and even. 

In consequence of the above Conference our domiciliated Indians convoked one in the 
afternoon of the same day, and invited the Oneidas, Kaskarorens, Cayugas, Senecas and 
Onontagues to it, and gave them to understand that they called them together solely in their 
own name, and, as it were, unknown to their Father, in order that they should fully know 
what were their true sentiments. 

By a Belt. 

Brethren, You see us here in the greatest desolation ; your conduct at Orange has made us 
all shed tears. 

We have disowned our blood when we learned that in secret Councils, in the presence of 
seven Governors, you have betrayed our Father's cause by agreeing with the English Evil 
Spirit to divest yourselves in his favor of the Beautiful river, notwithstanding the great length 
of time our Father has been in possession of it. 


Brethren, Are you ignorant of the difference between our Father and the English? Go see 
the forts our Father has erected, and you will see that the land beneath his walls is still 
hunting ground, having fixed himself in those places we frequent, only to supply our wants ; 
whilst the English, on the contrary, no sooner get possession of a country than the game is 
forced to leave it ; the trees fall down before them, the earth becomes bare, and we find 
among them hardly wherewithal to shelter us when the night falls. 

Brothers, Reflect on what we say to you by this Belt, and do not leave us long in ignorance 
of your mode of thinking of us, who regard as suspicious all sentiments which do not agree 
with our own and those of our Father. 

The Iroquois cabin promised to come this spring to answer this Belt ; it is supposed 
to be given unknown to their Father, in order that all the Iroquois may feel fully 
persuaded that it is not at his solicitation that our domiciliated Indians so speak. 

Signature of the Marquis Duquesne. 

Belt of the Oneidas in answer to one that the Missionaries of the Sault sent them, 
and which has been brought to the Mission by the Deputies from the Nation. 

[ Annexed to the Marquis Duquesne's letter of Slet 8ber, 1754. ] 

The Belt sent last spring was to this purpose : 

1" The Onontages, your neighbors, are dangerous; they seek to alarm you respecting our 
Father's conduct, accusing him of having formed the design of staining your and their mats 
with blood. 

2°"* Distrust the English, who propose to purchase your lands ; they are seeking to spread 
themselves abroad, only in order to hem you in. 

3"* Be careful not to shake the Tree of Peace which our Father, M'' de Calieres, has so 
firmly planted. 

4"' In order to enjoy quietly the sweets of peace, which you will not taste except by 
participating in good works, try the religion professed by your brethren of the Sault; desire to 
be praying, and we shall go and instruct you. 

The answer is : 

1'* We will be deaf to the words of the Onontages as well as to those of all others, unless 
they accord with those of our Father. 

2* The English will never obtain anything from us, nor even settle on our lands. 

3^ Far from shaking the Tree of Peace, we will ward off from it as much as we can, the 
blows of the hatchet that the evil disposed might direct against it. 

4"" In regard to prayer, this is the word of only one of our two villages, the other not having 
yet taken the matter into deliberation. This is what it says : Father, you will be the master 
of our minds to teach us to pray ; we will listen to you wherever you will be, provided brandy, 
which disturbs the heads of our young men, does not know the path where your fire will be 
lighted ; we envy the lot of those to whom the Master of Life sends people to instruct them ; 
you have made us all glad by your good word, but assure us of the time when you will begin 
to take pity on us. These two strings of wampum thank you on behalf of the village, for the 
good tobacco you have sent us. 

Signature of M. Duquesne, 


M. de Mcuiliault to M. Duquesne. 


I received the letters you have written to me on the IG"", 17"", IS"" and 21" of June last, and 
have rendered an account of them to the King. 

It is not vsrithout great pain that liis Majesty has learned what has befallen the detachment 
which Sieur de Contrecoeur has sent under Sieur de Jumonville's orders. He does not think, 
however, that the consequences of this ought to be, as you expect, a rupture on the part of 
the English. The views evinced by the King of Great Britain up to the present time, for the 
maintenance of peace, do not permit even the belief that he has authorized the movements 
which make so much noise along the Beautiful river; and there is still less appearance that 
he has ordered similar movements on the other frontiers. 

We are going to have an explanation on that subject with the British Court; in the mean 
while, I profit by a vessel which is to sail from Bordeaux, though the season of the navigation 
of Canada is far advanced, to let you know his Majesty's intentions as to the conduct you are 
to observe. 

You must pterceive in advance, that in the uncertainty as to what will have occurred during 
this summer, his Majesty cannot give you detailed orders. He can only rely on your zeal and 
prudence to act according to circumstances. But these are in general the principles by which 
he desires you to regulate your operations. 

In supporting his Majesty's rights and pretensions against all enterprises on the part of the 
English, you are most carefully to avoid giving them any just cause of complaint; to manage 
on occasions in which there may be acts of violence, in such a manner as not to appear the 
aggressor ; and to confine yourself to the adoption of all possible measures to be in a position 
to repel force by force. 

If, to assure this defensive policy on your part, you consider it necessary to make the Indians 
act offensively against the English, his Majesty will approve of your using that expedient, but 
he desires that you determine on having recourse to it, only so far as the conduct of the 
English will render it indispensable for the safety and tranquillity of the Colony ; for his 
Majesty wishes you to avoid, as much as it will be possible, the shedding of blood. 

Supposing, however, that contrary to all sorts of appearances, and in spite of the confidence 
the King must have in the equitable and pacific dispositions of the King of Great Britain, 
hostilities on the part of the English should reach the point of being regarded as a rupture, his 
Majesty leaves you, in that case, at liberty to make such arrangements as will appear to you 
the most suitable for the good of his service and the glory of his arms. 

But there is every reason to believe that you will not find yourself in that necessity. We shall 
be able to ascertain immediately what the British Court thinks of that affair, and according to 
its answer and the news we shall receive between this and the month of December, of what 
has occurred in Canada, the King will adopt those measures he will consider proper, and have 
new orders transmitted to you at the opening of the navigation next spring. 

As for the rest, you are always, as M"' Rouill(5' has already informed you, to make your 
operations subordinate to the situation of the finances, as far as the safety of the Colony will 
possibly permit. 

e"- 9"", 1754. 

' iSupro, p. 1 99, note. — Ed. 

23, 276 

Officers of Justice. 

The first Councillor, ^^ 

9 Councillors, @. 40, 360 

Attorney-General ^^^ 

Chief Clerk, 100 

Chief Marshal 8 





Ccqjitatioii Lid of Canada. IT 54. 

Quebec ; 8,000 souls. 

The Governor-General, 

The Bishop, 

The Intendant, 

The Lieutenant-Governor, 150 ) g^Q 

The Major, 100 3 

The Clergy. 

One dean, 125 ^ 

4 Dignitaries, @. 60 21o V 715 

7 Canons, @. 50 350^ 

Rectorship of Quebec, valued at 3,000. 

The Rector (or Parish priest), 200 

2 Vicars, % 25 50 


6 Directors, or Fellows, @. 150" 

Jesuits' College. 

15 Fathers and Brothers, @, 100, 1,500 


45 Nuns @. 15". 675 

Hotel Dieu. 

40 Nuns, @: 15", 600 

General Hospital. 

30 Nuns, @. 15"- 450 

Nuns of the Congregation. 

5 Nuns, @. 15", 75 

Military Officers. 

1 Chief Engineer, 

12 Captains, @. 90", 1,080 

12 Lieutenants, 60, 720 

12 Ensigns, on full pay, 30, 360 

12 " Seconded " Ensigns, 





Frovosi's Court. 

The Lieutenant-General, 58 

The Lieutenant-Particular, 50 

The Attorney-General, 25 

The Clerk, 100 

The Grand Provost, 50 

The Grand Voyer {overseer of roads), 50 


Judge, 50 

Clerk, 50 

Clerics {OJiciers de plume). 

Comptroller of the Navy, 150 

Cliief clerks, @. 75", 150 

4 Ordinary clerks, 50, 200 

15 Non-commissioned Clerks, 30, 450 

The Treasurer, 125 

The Storekeeper, 125 

, Officers of the Port. 

The Captain, 100 

The Lieutenant, „ 70 

The Master, 50 

The Constructor in chief,. 

King's Domain. 
The Director (is Lieutenant-General). 

The Receiver, ) , ^ .„ , 

rr,, ^ ^ ,, ? (are Councillors). 

The Comptroller, ) ^ ' 

3 Inspectors, @, 125", 375 

6 Clerks 30, 180 

The Captain of the guards 60 

India Company. 

One Agent, 150 

One Comptroller, 125 

One Receiver, 100 

One Clerk, 50 

One Physician, 100 

One Surgeon Major, 100 

One Assistant Surgeon 50 



274 souls. 
1,200 heads. ) We may estimate 1,200 heads of families, merchants, mechanics, 
1,200 women. > masters, and other mechanics keeping store, day laborers, &c. 

We shall divide them into five classes ; these heads will pay for 
themselves and wives, viz: 

1" 100 Merchants, the most wealthy, @. 

2'"> 100 Master tradesmen, &c., @^ 

3"^ 400 less wealthy @, 

4"' 600 Carters and Laborers, % 

5,326. 5"" 5,326 persons, children of all ages and ser- 
vants, whom we believe ought not to 
be reckoned but as 3,000 paying, in 
consideration of the children under 
seven years and the deficient, (^ 










Montreal ; 4,000 souls. 

The Governor, 500" 

The Commissary, 400 

The Lieutenant-Governor, 150 

The Major, 100 


Seminary of St. Sulpice, 20, @, 100, 

Jesuits, 4, @; 60, 



Nunneries. — Hospitalieres. 
25 Nuns, (a 15, 


50 Nuns, (a 15, 

Grey Nuns. 
10 Nuns, @: 15, 

Military Officers. 
14 Companies, which will give, at the rate we have fixed at Quebec, 

The Surgeon Major, 

The Captain of the gates ( partes), 

Officers of Justice. 

The Judge, 58 

The Lieutenant-Particular, 40 

The Attorney-General, 25 

The Clerk 100 

Vol. X. 35 





The Storekeeper, 125^ 

The Treasurer, 60 

6 Clerks @, 30", 180 


India Company. \ 

The Agent, 150 

2 Clerks, @, 30 60 ' 


186 persons, ^ 

600 heads, ) ^ 

600 wom