Dodd's Church history of England from the commencement of the sixteenth century to the revolution in 1688

II

m

DODD'S ,

;M

CHURCH HISTORY

OF

ENGLAND

FROM THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY
TO THE REVOLUTION IN 1688.

tf) fioUS, fttfttttong, anfc a Contmuatwn

THE REV. M. A. TIERNEY, F.S.A.

VOL. III.

Seal of Cardinal Allen.

LONDON :
PUBLISHED BY CHARLES DOLMAN,

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MDCCCXL.

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THE

CHURCH HISTORY

OF

ENGLAND.

PART IV.- ELIZABETH.

ARTICLE IV.

PLOTS. CATHOLfCS EXCLUDED FROM THE SCHOOLS AND UNIVERSITIES — COM
PELLED TO SEEK AN ASYLUM ABROAD NOT DISLOYAL NORTHERN RE
BELLION PROGRESS OF THE INSURGENTS — THEY ARE DISPERSED

THEIR PUNISHMENT CHARACTE R OF THE REBELLION THE BULL "REG-
NANS IN EXCELSIS " MISSION OF DR. NICHOLAS MORTON THE BULL IS

MODIFIED ANSWERS OF CAMPIAN AND OTHER MISSIONARIES ELIZABETH

SEEKS A REVOCATION OF THE BULL PENAL ENACTMENTS AGAINST

CATHOLICS PRETENDED CONSPIRACY AT RHEIMS — CONSPIRACY OF THROCK-

MORTON TREASON AND EXECUTION OF PARRY NEW ENACTMENTS

AGAINST THE CATHOLICS — THEY PETITION THE QUEEN IN VAIN — BAB-
INGTON'S CONSPIRACY — ASSOCIATION AGAINST MARY OF SCOTLAND — THE

SPANISH ARMADA CATHOLICS IMPRISONED THEIR LOYALTY IT IS

REWARDED WITH RENEWED PERSECUTION THEIR SUFFERINGS THE

POPE ASSISTS THE SPANIARDS — CARDINAL ALLEN'S "ADMONITION" THK

"SPANISH PARTY" — ITS DESIGNS — PERSONS'S "CONFERENCE ON THE
SUCCESSION."

As it is the nature of all plots, when well contrived, to
be dark and intricate, so it is necessary for the gene
rality of readers, to be provided w^ith a key, to unlock
some secrets ; the want whereof would make them in
capable of passing a true judgment either of causes, or
persons. And first, as to plots in general : some have
been pleased to observe, that plots, whether real, or
fictitious, are not detrimental to government ; but, on
the contrary, very useful for many of those purposes,
persons are bent upon, who seek after a good establish
ment in this life. Seditious practices, say they, like
cracks in an edifice, have no good aspect ; yet they com
monly discover the root of the evil, and put the ministry

VOL. III. B

2 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

in the way of securing the government by proper reme
dies. This is the natural consequence of a real plot.
And even when it is all fiction and contrivance, it is at
tended with several politic advantages. It is a means of
making some sort of persons become odious to the ge
nerality of the nation : it gives a handle for raising taxes
upon a whole nation, but especially upon malecontents
and delinquents : it is a plentiful harvest for politicians
and avaricious persons, who raise their fortune upon the
ruins of those, that are under oppression, and frowned
upon by the court. Such sort of sham plots are no new
things. They have been set afoot in all reigns : nor can
it be denied to have been the case of catholics, in almost
every reign, since the beginning of the reformation.
Whenever their adversaries were apprehensive of their
flourishing, there was commonly some contrivance to
blacken them, and weaken their interest. For instances
of this kind, the history of our nation affords several very
remarkable ones, which I will give an account of, in their
proper places. Indeed, the ministry never were at a loss
for grounds to build a plot upon ; and there wanted
nothing but proper witnesses, to apply generals to par
ticulars. The religion they professed was directly con
trary to the laws and statutes of the nation. Their
foreign education laid them under a suspicion of being
in the interest of those princes, who afforded them con
veniences. The bishop of Rome's claiming a power to
dispense with subjects in their civil allegiance, and
putting it in execution in the case of queen Elizabeth ; —
these, and such like topics, were in the nature of a com
mon-place book, which furnished general heads for a
plot, as often as there was a politic necessity to draw a
particular plan. It is not my design to make many re
flections upon this method of making plots ; which I
have occasionally done, as facts offered themselves, in the
course of this history. I shall only observe in general,
that it is wide of good reasoning, to place articles of re
ligion and acts of parliament upon the same foot, and so
to mingle causes, as not to distinguish between a rebel,
and a martyr. Were the primitive martyrs all guilty of

ART. IV.] PLOTS. 3

rebellion, for adhering to the gospel, which was made
treason, and capital, by the laws of the empire ? Were
the reformers, that suffered in queen Mary's reign, all
rebels ? Did they not all die for disobeying the laws of
the nation, then in force against them r Foreign educa
tion is no less an inconvenience to catholics, than an
eye-sore and ground of suspicion to reformers. But who,
arid what was it that put them upon the expedient ? Did
not the reformers exclude them from their schools and
universities ? And was it not conscience alone that
obliged them to embrace that method P1 Why should a
foreign education be more suspected now, than it was in
former ages, when Englishmen resided in most of the
universities abroad, and were often sent thither, at the

1 [Ou the necessity, which drove the exiles to seek a settlement abroad, the
reader will not be displeased to meet with the following touching appeal from
the pen of cardinal Allen : —

" Thou knowest, good Lord," says he, " how often we have lamented together
that, for our sins, we should be constrained to spend either all or most of our
serviceable years out of our natural country, to which they are most due, and
to which, in all ages past, they should have been grateful : that our offices
should be acceptable, and our lives and service agreeable, to strangers, and not
to our dearest at home. Thou knowest how earnestly we have together desired
thee to incline our prince's heart to admit us to our country, into what state
soever, so that we might there, in poverty and penance never so extreme, serve
the poor souls to their salvation, voiding our cogitations of all the honours,
commodities, preferments, that our forefathers and the realm yielded and gave
to such functions ; acquitting them, for our own parts, to the present posses-
sioners and incumbents, or to whomsoever God shall permit. Thou knowest
how justly we have bewailed our heavy case, that so many strange nations,
having their churches, with freedom to serve God after their manner, in our
country, only catholics (which, in our fathers' days, had all, and for whom and
by whom all churches and Christianity arose) can, by no intercession of foreign
potentates, nor no sighs nor sorrows of innumerable most loyal subjects, obtain
one place in the whole land, to serve their Lord God, after the rites of all other
Christian princes, priests, and people of the world : that no Jew, no Turk, no
Pagan can, by the law of God, nature, or nations, be forced from the manner
and persuasion of his own sect and service, to any other, which, by promise or
profession, he or his progenitors never received ; only we (that neither in our
own persons, nor in our forefathers, ever gave consent to any other faith or
worship of God, but have, in precise terms, by protestation and promise, bound
ourselves in baptism to the religion, faith, and service catholic alone) are,
against divine and human laws, and against the protestants' own doctrine in
other nations, not only bereaved of our Christian due in this behalf, but are
forced, by manifold coactions, to those rites, which we never knew, nor gave our
assent unto.

" Wherein our grief of heart is much increased, when we look into other states
and countries, as Germany, Switzerland, Suetia, Polonia, Bohemia, and the like,
where, though there have been great alterations of religion, these late years, yet
lightly none be forced so, but, if they cannot have the exercise of their profes-

B 2

4 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

expense of the crown, that, by learning the languages,
laws, and customs of other nations, they might be use
ful to their country ? — and accordingly, at their return,
they wrere usually employed in places of the greatest
trust. This custom of a foreign education was continued
till Henry VIII. 's schismatical defection : but whether
to the advantage of our statesmen, or not, appears from
the skill they have in foreign affairs, and the figure our
plenipotentiaries make in conferences abroad, when
national interests are upon the carpet. As to the bishop
of Rome's behaviour, in regard of princes, where titles
and temporals are in debate, and especially in regard of
queen Elizabeth, no catholic prince, in these days, lives
in any apprehension of being disturbed from that quar
ter : nor are they jealous of their subjects' allegiance,
upon account of the spiritual supremacy claimed by
him. The case between the pope and queen Elizabeth
ought not to make English catholics suspected, as to
their allegiance. They unanimously acknowledged her

sion in one territory, canton, town, church, or parish, yet they may have it near
them, in another : * * * * which only grace of our prince if we
might have obtained, no pleasure, profit, or preferment, that the world besides
yieldeth in any part of Christendom, should have kept us out of our dearly
beloved country so long, for whose salvation, and so much libertv of conscience
as is mentioned, we have often wished divers of our persons in perpetual prison,
for pledge and warrant of the peaceable and loyal demeanour of our brethren,
the catholics, and for security of the state, whereof her wise counsellors have
always, in such cases, greatest regard. But neither this durst our catholic
brethren demand, in their manifold fears, doubts, and disgraces at home, nor
we, in such suspicion and misconstruction of all our actions, could ever with
hope attempt it abroad.

" And, alas ! much less than the grant of public places, for exercise of our
ancient religion, would have given infinite contentment to the catholics within,
and have called home most of them abroad, when both sorts would have counted
it a singular grace, during the distress of these days, to have had, by permis
sion, pardon, connivance, their soul rites (without which men perish doubtless
everlastingly) in their private houses and chambers, yea in prisons, in the
closest and least offensive manner in the world, as the apostles and confessors
did often, in the primitive church, and St. Cyprian testifieth that some did in
his time, and St. Athanasius himself did with the catholics of Antioch. From
all which being, by rigour of penal statutes, diligent enquiry of temporal officers,
watchfulness of ministers, spies, and promoters, continually restrained, and by
them often chased from their houses, spoiled of their goods, disgraced and dis
couraged in all their affairs, many thousands, yea the far greater part of her
majesty's subjects, languish away in sorrow and sadness irremediable."

He then mentions the oath of supremacy, and the compulsory attendance at
the protestant worship, and thus concludes : — " The universal lack, then, of the
sovereign sacrifice and sacraments catholicly ministered, without which the soul
of man dieth, as the body doth without corporal food ; this constraint to the con-

ART. IV.]* PLOTS. 5

title. They never were pressed with,, nor accepted of,
the pope's bull, that pretended to dispense with them
from their allegiance. They were entertained by her
in the army, and now and then in the cabinet, till such
times, as the misbehaviour of some particular persons
drew a persecution upon the whole body, and occa
sioned those penal and sanguinary laws, to which their
substance and lives have ever since been exposed. From
that time, by a strange sort of logic, a catholic and a
rebel have passed current for the same thing ; and so
they are commonly misrepresented, both in private con
versation, in the pulpit, and at the bar. That this is
the true state of the case, will appear from the account
I shall give of those attempts, they are charged with.

To begin with that disturbance in the north, occa
sioned by Thomas Percy, earl of Northumberland.
Our historians give an account, that this nobleman,
being disobliged by the ministry, upon account of some
copper-mines, which they had seized for the queen, in

trary services, whereby men perish everlastingly; this intolerable oath, repugnant
to God, the church, her majesty's honour, and all men's consciences; and the daily
dangers, disgraces, vexations, fears, imprisonments, impoverishments, despites,
which they must suffer ; and the railings and blasphemies against God's sacra
ments, saints, ministers, and all holies, which they are forced to hear in our
country, are the onlv causes, most dear sirs, or (if we may be so bold, and if our
lord permit this declaration to come to her majesty's reading) most gracious
sovereign, why so many of us are departed out of our natural country, and do
absent ourselves so long from that place, where we had our being, birth, and
bringing up, through God, and which we desire to serve with all the offices of
our life and death, only craving correspondence of the same, as true and natural
children of their parents.

" From which we are not fugitives, as sometimes uncourteously we are called,
nor are fled for following any factions or differences of noble families, nor for any
crimes or disloyalties done against the prince or commonwealth, nor for any
disorder in our lives, or worldly discontentment or disagreement with the pre
sent civil state and polity, or for mislike of any her majesty's ministers, whose
persons, wisdoms, moderation, and prudence in government, and manifold
graces, we do honour with all our heart in all things, excepting matters inci
dent to religion, wnerein their honours cannot be offended, if we prefer the
judgment of God's church before their human counsel ;— acknowledging that
her majesty's reign and their regiment had been most glorious and renowned to
the world abroad, and most secure and happy to the subjects at home, if it had
not been contaminated by the fatal calamities (so to call God's provident justice
for our sins) of alteration in religion, and the things thereon depending. Which
not consisting, as we have declared, with any Christian catholic man's con
science, such as we profess ourselves to be, nor with liberty of mind, nor safety
of body, we were constrained to flee and forsake our country, parents, friends,
and whatsoever by nature is there dear unto us." Apologie and True Declara
tion of the institution of the English Colleges, &c. pp. 7 — 13. — J1.]

6 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

his wrong, was very uneasy, till one way or other he
had endeavoured to make himself satisfaction.1 Now
the method, he engaged in, was this, as it is related by
John Stowe, who had it from the mouth of Sir George
Bowes, the person chiefly employed to put a stop to
the earl's attempts. About the beginning of the year
1569, one Thomas Markenfield, a gentleman of note,
and who had lived some time abroad, found, by con
versing with the two earls of Northumberland and
Westmoreland, that they were under a great discontent
upon several occasions, but chiefly, to see the religion
of their ancestors entirely abolished ; which, together
with other provocations, made them easily give into the
project he had formed, for raising a rebellion. Several
gentlemen of those parts, very considerable both for
their substance and interest, were drawn into the same
design; the chief whereof were Francis Norton, Robert
Tempest, John Swinbourn, Christopher Nevill, Cuthbert
Nevill, Sir John Nevill, &c.2 The queen, being privately
informed of these practices, sent down her orders to
the earl of Northumberland, to appear at court with all
expedition. The earl received this summons, November
14, 1569, being then at his seat at Topcliffe. The rest
of the conspirators, apprehending the earl's wavering
temper, and that he would not stand to the engagement,
the very same night, being Monday, alarmed the earl,
that a party was approaching to surround his house,
and seize him by force. Upon this rumour, he conveys
himself privately, in the night, to his keeper's lodge,
while the conspirators were employed in raising the

1 Camden, 193.

2 [The truth is, that, although Stowe attributes the origin of the conspiracy to
Markenfield, it really commmenced with the two earls of Northumberland and
Westmoreland. Mary of Scotland had now been, for more than twelve months,
a prisoner in the hands of Elizabeth. The duke of Norfolk, through whom she
had fondly hoped to regain her freedom, was in custody : and it was not unnatural
that she should turn to those, whose services in effecting her delivery had al
ready been frequently proffered. It was with the view of claiming these ser
vices, that she despatched a secret message to the two earls : by them it was
conveyed to Egremont Ratcliffe, Leonard Dacres, Markenfield, and the other
confederates ; and a plan to attempt her liberation, by means of a general rising,
was immediately set on foot. See Lingard, viii. 43, 44 ; who cites Sir C.
Sharpe's Memorials of the Insurrection. — 7'.]

ART. IV.] PLOTS. 7

country, by ringing bells in the neighbouring places,
and other methods. The next day, the earl went to
Branspeth, where he met with Charles Nevill, earl of
Westmoreland, and others of the confederacy.1 Being
now formed into a body, they set forth their pretensions
in several proclamations, commanding all the queen's
subjects to repair to them ; alleging, that the defence of
the queen's person, weeding out of evil counsellors, and
preservation of the true religion, were the inducements
to their rising : to which they added, that many great
persons were in readiness to join with them.2 Upon
the 16th, they advanced to Durham, where some, that
were mobbishly inclined, entered the cathedral, tore the
bible, and committed several other violences. The same
night, they returned to Branspeth, and, the morning fol
lowing, proceeded to Darlington ; and, attempting to
have mass celebrated publicly, in the parish church,
were disappointed for want of sacerdotal vestments,
and other necessaries. In the mean time, some of the
chief of them employed their interest to raise the whole

1 [Branspeth was the castle of the earl of Westmoreland. The alarm at Top-
cliffe occurred on the ninth of November, and, on the following morning,
Northumberland hastened to join the confederates at Branspeth. It was here,
and not at Topcliffe, that Elizabeth's order was received, on the fourteenth
(Lingard, ibid.). It would seem, however, that Northumberland was still
anxious to avoid hostilities. To animate his resolution, this order was appealed
to, and Westmoreland, with the more ardent of his companions, having as
sembled a body of clergymen, required them to say, whether, with the arrest
of the duke of Norfolk to warn them of their danger, they should not be justi
fied in taking up arms, in defence of their liberties. The majority of the replies
was in the negative. There were some, however, in favour of war ; and upon
these the earl was ultimately induced to act. Murdin, 221. — T.~]

2 [One of these proclamations runs thus : — " We, Thomas, earl of Northum
berland, and Charles, earl of Westmoreland, the queen's true and faithful sub
jects, to all the same of the old catholic religion. Know ye, that we, with many
other well disposed persons, as well of the nobility as others, have promised
our faiths, in the furtherance of this our good meaning. Forasmuch as divers
disordered and evil disposed persons, about the queen's majesty, have, by their
subtle and crafty dealing to advance themselves, overcome, in this our realm,
the true and catholic religion towards God, and by the same abused the queen,
disordered the realm, and now, lastly, seek and procure the destruction of the
nobility, We, therefore, have gathered ourselves together, to resist by force ; and
the rather by the help of God and you, good people ; and to see redress of these
things amiss, with restoring of all ancient customs and liberties to God's church,
and this noble realm ; — lest, if we should not do it ourselves, we might be re
formed by strangers, to the great hazard of the state of this our country, wherc-
unto we are all bound." Strype, Annal., i. 583. — T.~\

8 ELIZABETH. [PART. iv.

country. On the 1 8th, the earl of Northumberland set
out for Richmond,, thence to North Allerton, and so to
Boroughbridge ; and, on Sunday the 20th of November,
he, with his countess, met again with the earl of West
moreland, at Ripon, where they were present publicly
at mass. They had now contrived a standard, which
was a cross, with the five wfounds of our Saviour printed
upon it, and was carried before them by Richard Nor
ton, Esq. The same night, they returned to Borough-
bridge, and, on Monday, went to Wetherby. The same
day, one of their parties drove the queen's forces out
NOV. of Tadcaster : on Tuesday, they mustered on Clif-
22- ford Moor ; where, by computation, they ap
peared to be 1600 horse, and 4000 foot. Their inten
tion was, from thence to have marched towards York ;
but, understanding that Sir George Bowes was at the
head of some forces in the bishopric, they directed their
course that way ; and, the last of November, laid siege
to Barnard Castle, which was garrisoned by Sir George,
and his brother Robert, Bowes.1 After several sallies,
wherein the garrison constantly were forced to retire,
Dec. the town was surrendered to the earl ; and the
10- soldiers were permitted to march out with all
the tokens of honour, making their way to York. In
the mean time, Thomas, earl of Sussex, being the

1 [There is an interval of eight days, at least, from Tuesday, the twenty-second,
when they mustered at Clifford, or Branham, Moor, to Wednesday the thirtieth,
when they attacked Barnard Castle, here unaccounted for. The truth is, that
their funds were exhausted ; the catholic gentry, instead of rising at their sum
mons, had nocked to the standard of the queen ; forces in various quarters were
said to be assembling, for the purpose of opposing their progress ; and it was
deemed expedient, for the present, to retrace their steps, and retire to the earl
of Westmoreland's castle at Raby. Here they instantly published a fresh mani
festo. Their object — it had long been the object of the ancient nobility — was,
to determine the succession to the crown. In this they were opposed by the
queen's advisers. But they had resolved to stake their lives and fortunes on
the issue : they had committed themselves to the protection of heaven ; and
they now earnestly implored the assistance of every friend to his country, every
advocate for the preservation of the ancient nobility of the realm (see Appendix,
No. I.) It was not probable that their late retreat would encourage the spirit,
which their proclamation endeavoured to excite. Their summons was disre
garded ; their messengers were, in some instances, seized and handed over to
the government ; and Cecil himself was compelled to acknowledge that " the
queen's majesty had had a notable tryal of her whole realm and subjects, where
in she had had service readily of all sorts, without respect of religion." (Cabala,

ART. IV.] PLOTS. 9

queen's lieutenant-general, had orders to raise all the
power he could, and put a stop to the farther progress
of the rebels. The army under his command lay then
at York ; from whence they began to march towards
TopclifFe, on Sunday the llth of December. On the
12th, they made a halt at Sesay, where they were joined
by Sir George Bowes. Then, taking their road through
North Allerton, Smeeton, and Croftbridge, they arrived
at Auckland, from whence the rebels had retired Dec.
to Hexham. But, not being able to oppose the 16-
queen's general, after a few days they dispersed.1 The
earl of Westmoreland subsequently got over into Flan
ders, where he had the command of a regiment, and a
pension from the king of Spain. The earl of Northum
berland made his escape into Scotland, where, for some
time, he was entertained by the Grahams of Haverflew.
But, ere long, the regent Murray sent orders to have
him confined ; and the next regent, Morton, for a sum of
money, delivered him up to queen Elizabeth, though he
had formerly been protected by the earl, when he was
obliged to leave his own country for treasonable prac
tices. A strict search being afterwards made, great
numbers of the rebels were apprehended, and executed
at Durham, York, London, and other places ; in all
about sixty-six : some whereof were persons of figure
and substance. As for the earl of Northumberland,
after he had been in Scotland about a year and a half,
partly as a guest, and partly as a prisoner, he was re
moved to York Castle, where he spent his time with sin
gular edification ; being frequently visited by the chief

170 ; Haynes, i. 564 ; Camd. i. 194 ; Sadler, ii. 43, 52, 54). However, the in
activity of the earl of Sussex encouraged the confederates to make another
attempt. In the course of a few days, they again mustered their forces ; and
the siege of Barnard Castle, and the other incidents mentioned in the text, im
mediately followed. — 71.]

1 Stowe, 662, 663. [It was not from Auckland, but from Durham, that the
insurgents, or rather a portion of them, retired to Hexham. On the approach
of the royal army (Dec. 16), a council of war was hastily assembled at Durham.
As usual, the timidity of Northumberland sought to effect a cessation of hosti
lities : he was opposed by the more ardent spirit of his associate earl : a division
ensued ; and the whole of the infantry immediately retired to their homes. With
a small body of five hundred horse, the two noblemen fled to Hexham. Sadler,
ii. 71 ; Cabala. 170. See also Lingard, viii. 50. — T.]

10 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

persons of the neighbourhood, especially by the catholics.
He was beheaded at York, August 22, 15/2.1

Many severe reflections have been made upon the
whole body of catholics, upon account of this noble
man's attempt ; but very often without considering the
circumstances of his case. By a method, very common
with historians, they join occurrences together, and re
present those things as the formed design of a party,
which were merely casual, and entirely proceeding from
personal resentment. By this stratagem, the earl of
Northumberland is represented, as acting in concert
with the bishop of Rome, Pius V., who, by an express
bull, had deprived queen Elizabeth of her crown, and
dispensed with all her subjects from their allegiance ;
and it is added that, upon this remonstrance of his, the
whole body of catholics were engaged in this rebellion.
Now, it appears plainly from circumstances, that the
earl, the pope, and the body of catholics did not act
in concert, or with any formed design, upon this occa
sion. The earl's manifesto allows of the queen's title ;
he takes no notice of any bull of dispensation from the
pope ; his insurrection happening before any thing of
that kind was published.2 Then, as for the body of

1 Cabala, 171 ; Murdin, 186, 193; Camd. 196, 269 ; Strype, Anna!, i. 583—
588, 604 ; Bridgewater, 46 — 49. [Dodd's calculation of the number of suf
ferers, on account of this rebellion, is greatly deficient. As soon as the flight
of the insurgents was known, Cecil wrote to Sir Ralph Sadler on the subject of
their punishment. " It were pitte," said he, " but some of those rascalls were
hanged by martiall lawe ; but for the rycher wold be but taken and attaynted ;
for otherwise it is doubtfull how the quene's majestic shall have any forfeture of
ther lands or goods. And herof I pray you thynk, and tell my lord lieutenant
therof" (Sadler, ii. 70). Sadler seems to have thought effectually on the sub
ject. Of the " richer " sort, noblemen, gentlemen, and others, who possessed
lands and estates, fifty-seven were reserved for trial and attainder (Stat. of
Realm, v. 549). Of the others, more than three hundred were executed in the
county of Durham alone. For the sake of example, they were distributed
through the principal parts of the district; and there was scarce a town or vil
lage between Newcastle and Wetherby, a distance of sixty miles, in which the
work of death was not consummated. (Stowe, 664 ; Sharp apud Lingard, viii.
51). Of those who were executed Dodd elsewhere give the names of five per
sons, the earl of Northumberland, Plumtree, one of queen Mary's priests, Tho
mas Norton, John Hall, and Oswald Wilkinson. Other names may be seen in
the act of attainder, Stat. of Realm, v. 549.— TYj

2 Adhuc per papam nou erat publice contra reginani lata excommunicationis
sententia. Sanders de Schism. Angl. 363.

ART. IV.] PLOTS. 1 1

catholics, they stand clear of censure, both as to the
pope's bull, arid the earl's rebellion. For it is notorious,
that they owned the queen's title, notwithstanding the
declaration of Rome ; insomuch, that even Mr. Cam-
pian and others, that were executed upon I do not know
what design against the queen and government, made
a public acknowledgment of their allegiance at their
deaths. If now and then a person was found either
writing or practising, against the queen's title, this is
very unfairly charged upon the whole body. For, as
Mr. Echard candidly owns, " the more moderate sort of
papists disallowed of the pope's whole proceedings, as
unjust and illegal." l As for the part catholics had in
the earl's insurrection, it is not to be wondered at, if a
person of his interest drew great numbers after him in
the neighbourhood. Several considerations might in
duce them to it, viz., many of them, being his tenants,
and all, in a manner, his friends, relations, or otherwise
depending upon him, might be prevailed upon to risk
their fortunes in a cause, drawn up in artful terms, and
with an appearance of loyalty. However, it was a very
short-lived business, arid was so far from having any
influence upon the body of catholics in other parts of the
kingdom, that they publicly declared against it. For,
as protestants themselves give an account, the rebels
" wrote letters to the papists throughout the kingdom,
requiring them to come to their assistance. But they
were so far from joining with them, that many sent both
the letters and bearers of them to the queen ; every one
freely offering his purse and his person against them/' :
This is a sufficient apology for the body of catholics,
and clears them from the imputation of rebellion in this
attempt. Neither doth it reflect upon their allegiance,
what is alleged by Dr. Sanders and some others, who
bestow the title of martyr upon the earl of Northum
berland. No body of men are answerable for the pri
vate notions of any of their party. Besides, it is ob
servable, that Sanders does not ground the notion of

1 Echard, i. 819. 2 Echard, i. 810.

12 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

martyrdom upon the merit of his rebellion, but upon
the profession of his faith ; who had his life freely of
fered him, if he would have conformed to the established
religion ; which very much alters the case, and, sup
posing the truth of his religion, makes his claim to
martyrdom very plausible.1

1 [On this passage I must he permitted to offer some remarks. 1st. Dodd
mentions the hull of deposition, published by Pius V. against Elizaheth. It is
known as the hull " Reynans in Excelsis" and was the result of a judicial pro
ceeding, instituted hy Pius himself, and terminating in a declaration that the
queen had incurred the canonical penalties of heresy. In it, the pontiff' recites
the charges, on which it was founded. She had assumed the title of head of
the church : abroad, she had assisted the enemies of religion ; at home, she had
banished the catholic, and restored the reformed, worship : she had filled the
council with heretical advisers, the church with heretical bishops and pastors :
she had oppressed the ancient nobility ; she had imprisoned the ancient prelacy;
and she had imposed an oath upon her subjects, alike injurious to the power,
and derogatory from the rights, of the holy see. Under these circumstances, to
remain silent were to betray his duty. He, therefore, declares both herself and
her adherents to lie guilty of heresy, and to have incurred the sentence of ana
thema : he deprives her of her " pretended " right to the crown, absolves her
subjects from their allegiance, and finally, pronounces a like sentence of anathe
ma against any persons, who shall henceforth presume to obey her laws, or ac
knowledge her as queen (see Appendix, No. II.). This hull was dated on the
twenty-fifth of February, 1570 : and it is clear, therefore, that it could have had
no effect in promoting the rebellion, which terminated, at least two months
before. Still, the absence of all conceit between Rome aud the insurgents is
by no means certain. During the summer, Dr. Nicholas Morton, a near rela
tive both of the Nortons and of the Markenfields, and formerly a prebendary of
York, had arrived from Rome, in the character of apostolical penitentiary. His
ostensible purpose was, to impart spiritual faculties to the catholic clergy : but
he mixed continually with the discontented leaders in the north ; he assisted in
arranging their plans and animating their courage ; and though he could not
announce the publication of the bull of deposition, which was not yet signed, it
is more than probable that he informed them of the measures, already taken to
prepare such an instrument. If we may believe Sanders, indeed, the assertions
of Camden (194) and Strype (Mem. ii. 389), on this subject, are strictly correct.
He says distinctly that Morton was sent by the pontiff, " ut certis illustrious
et catholicis viris authoritate apostolica denunciaret, Elizabethan!, quae tune
rerum potiebatur, hereticam esse, oh eamque causarn omni dominio et potestate,
quam in catholicos usurpabat, jure ipso excidisse, impuneque ab illis velut
ethnicam et puhlicanam haberi posse, nee eos illius legibus aut mandatis dein-
ceps obedire cogi " (De Visib. Monarch., 706). See also Sir John Throckmor-
ton's " Further Considerations," where a letter is printed, addressed by the pope
to the insurgent earls, and assuring them of his zealous support, in their " holy
and religious " undertaking (p. 101).

2d. To prove that the catholics, as a body, were uninfluenced by the denun
ciations of the pontiff, Dodd appeals to the declarations of Campian and his
associates, and to the dying profession, which they made of their allegiance. It
is fortunate that the appeal is illogical ; for nothing certainly can be more un
satisfactory than the declarations in question. When Persons and Campian
were about to proceed to England, they applied to pope Gregory XIII., and
obtained from him a modification of the bull, to the effect that, although it

ART. IV. J PLOTS. 13

Notwithstanding the inoffensive behaviour of the body
of catholics in this attempt of the earl of Northumber
land,, it gave ahandle to the government to keep them un
der a greater restraint; and to this purpose several severe
laws were made, both penal and sanguinary. They had
observed that the catholic interest was very much in
creased of late, by the means of seminary priests edu
cated abroad ; and, to deter them from this method, it
was made a capital crime for any one to exercise his
sacerdotal functions, or to be reconciled to the faith of
the church of Rome ; with several other acts, whereby

must still continue to be binding on Elizabeth and her adherents, the catholics
might be relieved from its operation, in other words, might continue to acknow
ledge her authority, but only until an opportunity should offer of carrying the
sentence into full effect (Had. Miscell. ii. 130. Philopater, 169). It is clear
that, with this dispensation in their possession, no protestation, however ex
plicit, either from Campian, or from his associates, could possibly be received as
an indication of their real opinion, on the subject of the deposing power claimed
by the pope. Their answers, however, on their examination, sufficiently betray
the nature of their sentiments. To ascertain those sentiments, Elizabeth caused
six questions to be drawn up and proposed to them. They were required to
state their opinion as to the validity of the bull of Pius V., and the title of the
queen to the obedience of her subjects ; to declare whether the pope could justly
authorize the insurrection of the northern earls, whether he possessed power to
absolve the people from their allegiance, whether the writings of Bristowe and
Sanders in commendation of the bull were to be approved, and finally, what
part they would be prepared to take, in case the pope should attempt to enforce
the sentence of deposition. Of the thirteen persons, including Campian, ar
raigned in 1581, and 15H2, three only, Rishton a priest, Bosgrave a Jesuit, and
Orton a layman, answered satisfactorily, and were immediately pardoned : the
others replied in terms, of which Mr. Butler justly remarks, that they were
" either refusals to answer, or evasive answers, or such answers as expressed
their belief of the deposing doctrine, or, at least, a hesitation respecting it "
(Mem. of Eng. Cath., ii. 429). They professed their obedience to the queen ;
but they also asserted, either directly or by implication, the power of the pope
to deprive her ; and they plainly intimated that, if the case should arise, their
own exertions would not be wanting, to second the declaration of their superior
(see Appendix, No. III.).

3d. It is right to observe that the story of Northumberland's life having
been offered to him, on condition of his conforming, rests on no probable
authority; that Sanders himself, though, in one work (De Schism. 363), he
positively affirms it, in another (Vita Northumb. apud Bridgewater, 47), men
tions it only as an uncertain report " (auditum quendam incertum, et praterea
nihil) ; " and yet, that, in the very same page, almost in the very same sentence,
which contains this acknowledgment, he speaks of his death as a martyrdom,
and himself as the " unconquered witness of his faith." As far as I know,
Allen is the only contemporary writer, who, asserting the religious prerogatives
of the earl, has drawn the distinction set forth by Dodd. " We can tel you,"
says he, " that the renouned countie of Northumberland died a saint and holie
martir : for, what former quarel or cause of his death soever ther was, yet was
he a true martir, in that he was offred his life, yf he would alter his religion; as
divers others were of the same action in the north, and al other priestes pre
tended to be condemned for other treasons. Which life and living inasmuch

14 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

many practices of the old religion became obnoxious.1
By this means, catholics lay open to continual persecu
tion, and the new laws were a constant fund for plots,
when a proper season offered itself, and the politics of
the nation seemed to call for a stratagem. Here was a
large field for politicians and knaves to range in, while
religion and civil allegiance were so interwoven by the
late acts, that an impeachment in either kind served to
both purposes : and, accordingly, several missioners,

as they refused for Christ and his faith, when it was offered, they be in the
number of saints and confessors, no lesse then if they had died onelie for the
same " (Answer to Eng. Justice, 48, 49).

As I have referred to this work of Allen's, I will cite another passage, illustra
tive of the motives of Campian and Persons, in seeking the modification of the
bull of deposition, mentioned in a preceding part of this note. " They knew,"
says the cardinal, " his holines would not wholie alter that censure ; the case
standing with the principal partie, as it did before his predecessor's sentence.
They knew the quene and protestants themselves made no accompt thereof, nor
desired to be loosse. They knew it singularlie perteiued to the safetie of her
person and the quiet of the state, that the catholicks were perswaded they might
laufullie obey her as their quene and governesse, notwithstanding the said sen
tence. They knew the subjects would gladlie doe that, with safetie of con
science, as a way far more secure for both themselves and the quene, which they
did before, onelie for feare. They knew they could not profitablie proceed in
their spiritual worke of confessing, converting, and reconciling the subjects to
the holie church, except they might, by apostolique warrant, resolve them for
their lauful obedience to the quene. They thought good, wher neither the
pope could be induced, without the repentance of the partie, to cal in the cen
sure, nor the quene to yeelcl to anie condition that way, rather thus to seeke for
mitigation, then to leave it in ful force stil ; and finally, rather thus by modera
tion and sweetnes to temporize betwixt both their superiors ; to see whether
God might not move the hart of her majestic, wholie lying in his hand, to enter
into some good conditions, for her reuniting to the communion of the Christian
world." Answer to Eng. Just. 66.— TV)

1 [The suppression of the northern rebellion was immediately followed by the
publication of the bull, mentioned in the preceding note. By the catholics it
was received with feelings of the deepest dismay; by Elizabeth, who, not unna
turally, connected it with the late insurrection, it was regarded as part of
another, and perhaps more effective, plan, to dispossess her of her throne.
(Camd. ii. 215). At first, she sought to obtain a revocation of the sentence:
afterwards, finding that her efforts were unsuccessful, she resolved to adopt
other measures, and, if possible, to cut off all communication between her
catholic subjects and the see of Rome. With this view, and under these
circumstances, the first enactments, alluded to in the text, were framed. When
parliament met, in April, 1571, two bills were laid before it. By the first,
whoever denied the queen's title, or described her as a schismatic, heretic, or
infidel, or affirmed that the right to the crown and the succession could not be
determined by law, was declared to have incurred the penalty of treason (Stat.
13 Eli z. c. 1). By the second, a similar punishment was awarded against all
persons, who, after the first day of the following July, should procure, or put in
use, any bull, writing, or instrument whatsoever from the bishop of Rome, or
should absolve, or promise to absolve, by virtue of such instruments, or should
seek, obtain, or willingly receive any sentence of reconciliation, pronounced
under their authority : all aiders and abettors in the commission of the said

ART. IV.] PLOTS. 15

executed merely upon account of their functions, had
been represented as traitors. This only affected parti-
offences were, in like manner, to suffer the pains of treason : all maintainers
and harbourers of such offenders were to incur the penalties either of pre-
munire, or of misprision of treason, as the case might be ; and all others, who
should introduce or receive the things called " Agnus Dei," or any crosses,
pictures, or beads, blessed by the bishop of Rome, were to be subjected to the
punishment of premunire, and suffer forfeiture and imprisonment accordingly.
(See Appendix, No. IV.). By " absolutions," the statute seems to have con
templated only such sentences, as were pronounced, either by virtue of special
and extraordinary faculties, or for the purpose of reconciling Protestants to the
ancient church. Whether, however, a wider interpretation was not occasionally
affixed to it, may, perhaps, be doubted. Sacramental absolutions were equally
pronounced by authority derived from the pope, as the fountain of jurisdiction ;
and Garnet, in one of his letters to Aquaviva, seems to intimate that these
were sometimes brought within the meaning of the law. " Illud enirn intelli-
gere oportet, posse quidem haereticos ex lege Anglicana omnes catholicos morti
adjudicare ; nam quicumque confitetur sacerdoti peccata sua, absolvitur ; ergo
absolvitur potestate accepta a Romana ecclesia. Atqui hoc capitale est. Solent
tamen/m? legem illam mitius interpretari, de prima ilia reconciliation e, quaab
haeresi quisquam revertens ecclesiae restituitur (Stonyhurst MSS. Ang. A. iv. 73.)
The first execution, under this act, was that of CuthbertMayne, in 1577: the
second, that of Nelson and Sherwood, who suffered at the beginning of the
following year. But, in the summer of 1579, intelligence was received from
Ireland, that Sanders, in the character of papal legate, was seeking, at the
head of the insurgents, to enforce a new bull of deposition in that country
(Camd. ii. 334 ; Wilkins, iv. 296) : almost at the same moment, the seminary
at Rome was opened ; and while missionaries, both from that establishment and
from Rheims, were pouring into the country, Persons and Campian, two dis
tinguished members of the society of Jesus, suddenly arrived, to claim the
dangers and the glories of the mission. The appearance of these men was
easily connected with the proceedings of the legate in Ireland. Elizabeth im
mediately issued a proclamation, denouncing the principles said to be inculcated
in the foreign colleges, commanding all persons, whose children, wards, or
relations, were receiving their education abroad, to recall them within four
months ; and strictly forbidding all her subjects, under the severest penalties,
to harbour, relieve, or conceal either a Jesuit or seminarist (See Appendix,
No. V.) When parliament assembled, in January, 1581, another of the acts,
alluded to in the text, was proposed and adopted. It declared that all persons
possessing, or pretending to possess, use, or exercise, the power of absolving or
withdrawing others from their obedience to the queen, or from the religion
established by law, or suffering themselves to be so absolved or withdrawn, or
aiding, abetting, or assisting in the performance of any overt act for this pur
pose, should suffer the penalties of treason : that all persons cognisant of such
practices, and not revealing them to the proper authorities, should be adjudged
guilty of misprision of treason : that every priest saying mass should forfeit two
hundred marks, and be imprisoned for one year ; every person hearing mass
should pay one hundred marks, and be imprisoned for the same term : that
absence from church should be punished by a fine of 201. a-month, for all
persons above the age of sixteen: that, if the absence extended to twelve
months, the offender, in addition to his fine, should be obliged to find two
sureties for his good behaviour, in 200/. each : finally, that any schoolmaster
exercising his profession without the license of the ordinary, and any person
employing such unlicensed teacher, should be liable to a fine of 10/. a-month.
(See Appendix, No. VI.) Such were the statutes which preceded the events
narrated in the text. — 71.]

16 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

cular persons; but, in a little time, a rumour was
spread abroad of a more general design. It was
pretended that a plot was hatching in the English colleges
at Rheims and Rome, to subvert the government, and
destroy the queen; to which purpose the missioners had
engaged themselves by oath to the bishop of Rome.
Now, the motives and method of the contrivance was
thus: — A treaty of marriage had been carried on, for
some time, between the queen and the duke of Anjou;
and it was in a fair way of succeeding. The ministry
were apprehensive this alliance would be very prejudi
cial to the reformation, and that, at the least, it would
produce a toleration for catholics. To prevent this in
convenience, and to make the party odious to the queen
and the whole nation, they were to be charged with a
plot. Secretary Walsingham was the chief manager of
the contrivance. He was provided with a band of
swearers, whereof some had been expelled out of the
colleges abroad for misbehaviour; others had been
placed there by him as spies ; and, generally, they were
every one of ill fame, as to their life and behaviour.
The chief of these state witnesses was Elliot, who had
been a servant in several catholic families (from whence
he was discharged with disgrace), and whose business it
was, to find out and instruct other witnesses. The rest
were, Slade, formerly a servant in the college at Rome ;
Mundy, a rambling stage-player, who had been relieved
in his necessities when abroad;1 together with one
Cradock, Norton, &c. The persons they informed
against were, Edmund Campian, Ralph Sherwin, Alex
ander Briant, Luke Kirby, Edward Rishton, Thomas
Cottam, John Colleton, Robert Johnson, James Bos-
grave, Thomas Forde, John Short, William Filbie? and

1 [If we may believe himself, he had been a student in the Roman college,
but afterwards apostatized. About this time, he wrote a work, entitled, " A
Discovery of Campian, the Jesuit" which he dedicated to the chancellor, Bur-
leigh, and Leicester (Strype, Mem. iii. 66,67). In 1590, he published another
scurrilous piece, which the prejudices of Osborne have thought worthy to be
preserved in the Harleian Miscellany (vii. 128—158). It is called " The Eng
lish Romayne Life," and is said, in the title-page, to be " written by A. M.,
sometime the Pope's scholler in the seminarie among them" — 71.]

ART. IV.] PLOTS. 17

Lawrence Richardson, all missionary priests^ with Henry
Or ton, a layman. The accusation against them ran
chiefly upon two heads. The one was general, that the
colleges abroad were purposely established for the de
struction of the church and government : and then, the
witnesses applied the general charge to the prisoners,
confidently swearing, that both in the colleges, and in
England, they had heard them utter several speeches,
tending to the destruction of the queen and government.
As to the general accusation, the prisoners did not deny
but that the colleges abroad were erected purposely to
support the catholic cause in England; and that they
were sent over to labour for that purpose, by preaching
and administering the sacraments ; and it was left to the
world to judge how far this made them obnoxious to the
laws regarding civil government. As for practising any
thing against the queen's person, they denied every part
of the charge ; but could not defend themselves against
confident swearing. Yet, in proof of their innocence,
they owned her title to the crown,1 and made a public
disclaim of all attempts against either her person or the
government.

All impartial men saw through the disguise of this
prosecution; arid, that the whole was a contrivance of
the ministry, appeared from the blundering narrative
given by the witnesses. In particular, one of the pri
soners, viz. Mr. Colleton, convinced the court, that he
never had been in the college at Rheims, though treason
able practices in that place were sworn to against him.
However, the contrivance had its effect: and the per
sons above-mentioned were pronounced guilty of high-
treason, in the year 158 1.2 Mr. Camden tells us, this
execution was a politic stroke, to appease the minds of
a great many, who were in a great ferment, at this time,

1 [This, as the reader will remember, is hardly correct. A more detailed ac
count of their trial and sufferings will be given in the biographical part of this
work.— r.]

2 [He should have excepted Colleton, who was remanded before judgment
was pronounced. He was saved by the testimony of Lancaster, a protestant
barrister, who made oath that Colleton had consulted him in his chambers, in
Gray's Inn, on the very day on which the witnesses charged him with conspir
ing at Rheims. Challoner, i. 51. — T.]

VOL. III. C

18 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

upon account of the duke of Anjou. For, he being now
at London, in the height of his courtship, matters were
so represented, as if his intended matching with the
queen would entirely ruin the protestant religion.
" Wherefore, during his stay here, to take away the
fear which had possessed many men's minds, that re
ligion would be altered, and popery tolerated, being
overcome by importunate entreaties, she permitted that
Edmund Campian aforesaid, of the society of Jesus,
Ralph Sherwin, Luke Kirby, and Alexander Briant,
priests, should be arraigned."1 Few years passed after-

1 Camden, ii. 379. [He adds, that, although their " superiors" were employ
ing them as instruments in the execution of their designs, the queen believed
that most of the clergy, whom she executed, were wholly guiltless of any
treasonable intent. " Plerosque ex misellis his sacerdotibus, exitii in patriam
conflandi conscios fuisse non credidit" (ibid. 380). I may subjoin also the
following passage from cardinal Allen. After describing the character of the
witnesses adduced against Campian and his fellow-sufferers, in 1581, he thus
proceeds : — " Well, thus their good witnesses gave in evidence of things spoken
and contrived in Rome and Rheims, which were known to be most false of all
that were in either place, the times and days by them named ; and whatsoever
was either truly or falsely testified to be done or said in either of the two places,
by any English there dwelling, it was unjustly applied to all and every one of
these good men, now standing in judgment: yea, it served against some, that
were never in either place, in their life, as against Mr. Forde and Mr. Colleton ;
as also against father Campian, that dwelt a thousand miles off, in Prague,
occupied by his superiors in teaching and preaching, wholly estranged from all
Englishmen and English affairs, otherwise than in his prayers, for above nine
years together ; not ever seen or known to divers, that then were arraigned with
him in judgment, as conspirators in one and the same treason, before they met
there together at the bar, nor ever known to the witnesses themselves. The
same served against Mr. Short, that had not been in either place of many years
before : against Mr. Briant also and Mr. Richardson, that never had been in
Rome nor in Rheims, of eight months before the time, wherein the false wit
nesses feigned the conspiracy to have been there contrived : yea, and against
father Bosgrave it served also, that was neither seminary man, nor sent by the
pope or superior, nor acquainted with any other English priests that returned
home, nor of the cause of their coming; having been so long absent in the north
parts of the world, that he had, in manner, forgotten his own language, repair
ing home himself for his health only : and yet all, or the most part of these
men, * * * were condemned together at one bar, for one and the self
same particular treason, for conspiring, forsooth, her majesty's death, at Rome
and Rheims, such and such days, which in itself hath most manifest contradic
tion" (Answer to Eng. Just. 26, 27).

Such, indeed, was the general persuasion of their innocence, that Elizabeth,
in the following year, found it necessary to issue a proclamation, asserting the
justice of their punishment, and cautioning her subjects against harbouring
priests and Jesuits. It is remarkable, however, that the pretended conspiracy,
for which they were executed, is not once distinctly mentioned ; and that, in
addition to the fact of their having entered the country, the only ground as
signed, in justification of the government, is a vague inference drawn from the

AIIT. iv.] PLOTS. 19

wards of this queen's reign, without the execution of one
or more of the seminary priests, who, though they
suffered merely upon account of their functions, yet
were represented to the people as traitors, and deemed
so by those laws which had made religion treason.1

insurrection in Ireland, and from some unproduced letters, that " the very end
and purpose of these Jesuits, and seminary men, and such like priests, sent, or
to be sent, over into this realm, and other her majesty's dominions, from the
parts beyond seas," is to prepare the way for foreign invasion, " to stir up
rebellion," and to deprive the queen of her life, crown, and dignity (see Ap
pendix, No. VII.). That no overt act of treason was proved against them is
certain. " The only evidence," says Mr. Hallam, " so far as we know, or have
reason to suspect, that could be brought against them, was their own admis
sion, at least by refusing to abjure it, of the pope's power to depose heretical
princes. I suppose, however, it is unnecessary to prove, that, without some
overt act, to shew a design of acting upon this principle, it would not fall within
the statute" (Const. Hist. i. 224, note). I will only add, that Nichols, one
of the principal accusers, afterwards retracted his charges, in a series of letters,
which will be given in the biographical part of this work. — T.~\

1 [In passing to Babington's conspiracy, Dodd has omitted those of Ardeii
and Throckmorton, in 1583, as well as the treason, real or fictitious, for which
Parry was executed, a few months later. Arden's affair will be mentioned in
his life: Throckmorton's I will here briefly notice. It was in November, 1583,
that a letter, written by an exile, named Morgan, and addressed to the Scottish
queen, was intercepted by Walsingham. Its contents excited the suspicions of
the government. Francis Throckmorton, with his brother George, was imme
diately arrested and committed to the Tower : other persons, supposed to be im
plicated, fled to the continent ; while a third party, consisting of the earls of
Arundel and Northumberland, with several members of their respective families,
were brought before the council, and repeatedly examined (Camd. ii. 411).
Happily for themselves, these were able to silence the accusations of their adver
saries. But Francis Throckmorton was less fortunate. For some time, he suc
ceeded in bidding defiance even to the tortures of the rack, and resolutely per
sisted in asserting his innocence. At length, however, his courage gave way.
He confessed that, some few years before, he had met sir Francis Englefield at
the Spa, and with him had discussed the possibility and the means of effecting
an invasion of the English territory : that, on his return, the subject had been
renewed with Mendoza, the Spanish ambassador : that, at the suggestion of
that minister, and with a view to favour the project, he had drawn up two lists,
found in his trunks, the one containing the names of the chief ports, the other
those of the principal catholics, of England ; and that a plan had been devised,
by which the catholics, at the moment of invasion, should levy troops in the
queen's name, should afterwards take them over to the enemy, and then, if
Elizabeth should refuse toleration to their religion, should at once " remove her
from her crown and state." He added, that, with respect to the place of land
ing, his own ideas had been in favour of " the northern parts:" that subse
quently, however, Paget, under the assumed name of Mope, had been des
patched to examine the southern coast; and that, in consequence of this, the
neighbourhood of Arundel had been selected as the point, on which a descent
was to be attempted. It would appear that this confession was made, under
the notion, that, as it referred to acts committed more than six months before
the date of the endictment, it could not, by one of the late statutes, affect his
life. When he found, however, that he was prosecuted under the ancient
statute of treasons, he immediately revoked it. After his condemnation, he

C 2

20 ELIZABETH. [PART iv

The next attempts, charged upon the catholics, were
those of Babington's plot, in 1 586, and of the Spanish
Armada, in 1 588 : for it is observable, that, in all in
vasions from abroad, or disturbances at home, their
enemies took care to make them a party concerned :
and they were so exact in this method, that there was
scarce a villain that suffered at Tyburn, or any other
part of the kingdom, of that persuasion, but was repre
sented as an instrument, employed by his party, to put
some plot in execution. The case of Babington was
this: — The imprisonment of Mary, queen of Scot-
!6 land, was looked upon, by all Europe, to be a politic

again returned to it : and finally, on the scaffold, he once more renewed the
asseverations of his innocence, called God to witness the truth of his dying de
clarations, and assured the spectators that his confessions had been obtained
from him, in the first instance, by the fear of torture, and, in the next, only by
the hope of pardon (Camd. ii. 410, 41 1, 414- 416 ; Harl. Miscell. iii. 183—193).
These contradictory assertions, coupled with the absence of any legal evidence of
his guilt, have thrown a considerable degree of doubt over the project, for which
Throckmorton was executed. That some such design, however, was in agitation,
is certain. In the archives of the dean and chapter (catholic), there is still pre
served a paper, written in the character of the time, and bearing for its endorse
ment the words "A memoriall for the journal/." It is without either name or
address: but it evidently relates to the same period as Throckmorton's plot ; it
names the principal catholics to be relied on; and particularly insists on the
propriety of effecting a landing in " the northern parts." This paper, together
with a letter from the earl of Westmoreland and lord Dacre, written about the
same time to Allen, and offering their joint services in the prosecution of any
attempt against England, will be found in the Appendix. No. VIII.

The execution of Throckmorton was followed by the treason of Parry, to
which I have alluded, and of which an account will be elsewhere given. Of its
reality a doubt has often been expressed : of its effects on the interests of the
catholic body there can be but one opinion. Availing itself of the excitement
produced by Throckmorton's trial, the government had already introduced a
bill to encrease the legislative severities, lately enacted against the professors of
the old religion, when Parry, who had, for some time, been employed as a spy,
was suddenly arrested, on a charge of having undertaken to assassinate the
queen. At his trial he acknowledged the fact, and declared that the design
had been approved by the pope. Subsequently, when sentence was about to be
pronounced on him, he retracted his confession : but the judges refused to
listen to his recantation ; the sentence of death was followed by his execution ;
and a fresh impulse was given to the penal enactments, already in progress
through parliament. By them it was now proposed, 1st, that all Jesuits, semi
narists, and other priests, ordained by authority from the see of Rome, since the
twenty-fourth day of June, in the first year of the queen's reign, and found
within the realm, after the expiration of forty days, should be adjudged guilty
of treason: 2d, that whoever should harbour, relieve, or comfort such Jesuits or
others, after the termination of the said forty days, should be liable to the
punishment of felony : 3d, that any person, knowing them to be in the king
dom, and not discovering them to the proper officers, within twelve days, should
suffer fine and imprisonment at the queen's pleasure : 4th, that all lay-students

RT iv.] PLOTS. 21

contrivance, contrary to the law of nations, and injurious
to crowned heads ; but, more particularly, to be the
stratagem of a party, who were enemies to the Scottish
succession and catholic interest, which very much de
pended upon the life of that princess. Great interest had
been made, both at home and abroad, for obtaining her
freedom; but all in vain. The ministry, on the other
hand, laboured daily to rid queen Elizabeth of so
troublesome a rival. Now, as, in all parties, there are
never wanting persons subject to transports of zeal, so,
in the year 1586, several gentlemen, friends to queen
Mary, were resolved to make a home-push for her de-

in the catholic seminaries, neglecting- to return, and take the oath of supremacy,
within six months alter proclamation made in that behalf, should he condemned
and executed as traitors : 5th, that persons, conveying money out oi' the kingdom
for the support of the seminaries or their inmates, should be subjected to a
premunire : 6th, that parents, sending their children abroad, without the special
licence either of the queen, or of the privy-council, should forfeit for every
offence one hundred pounds: and lastly, that persons, submitting themselves
under this act, and taking the required oath, should, nevertheless, lose the
benefit of their submission, if, during the space of ten years next ensuing, they
presumed to come witliiu ten miles of the place where the court should be held,
without the special licence of the queen in writing (see Appendix, No. IX.).
Before this bill received the royal assent, the catholics, by the hands of Richard
Shelley, of Michel-Grove, in Sussex, hastened to present a dutiful supplication
to the queen. Of the late conspiracies and treasons they expressed their un
qualified abhorrence. They denied the power of the pope to give licence to
commit sin : they renounced the contrary opinion, with its abettors, as devilish
and abominable : they declared that the catholics, and especially the clergy,
acknowledged the queen for their sovereign, as well dejure, as de facto : they
denounced it as sinful and heretical to believe that any man might lift his
hand against God's anointed : and they concluded, therefore, by praying that
her majesty would not suspect their loyalty, merely because they abstained,
through motives of conscience, from joining in the established worship; that, on
the contrary, she would have a merciful regard to their afflictions, and refu
her assent to any law for the banishment of the catholic clergy. Of this pese
tion the only result was the seizure and imprisonment of the man, who hti-
veiitured to present it. The bill received the royal assent: Shelley, for ad
presumption, was brought before the council; and, as he refused to dechis
that every advocate of the deposing power was a traitor, he was committelare
the Marslialsea, and left to linger out the remainder of his days in a dund to
See Pattenson (Jerusalem and Babel, 496, 497), who gives the protestati0geo n.
Strype (Mem iii. 298), who supplies the prayer of the petition. n, a nd

Speaking of the execution of four clergymen, under this statute, i
Mr. Sharon Turner ingeniously remarks that " it was a harsh punishmen 1586,
but, as they came into the island, after the statute had made it treason nt
persons to enter into it, stay forty days, and act as they did, they v0fa such
and wilfully chose to incur the legal sentence and the penalty; andjuntariiy
their case ivas an act of deliberate suicide" (iv. 436). Of course, to sa as gucj1
of the apostles and first martyrs, the sufferers under Mary are includ y nothing
category of suicides.— T.] ed iu this

22 ELIZABETH. [PART.IV.

livery. They were about fourteen in number, most of
them persons of considerable fortunes, and of some
interest in their neighbourhood. Their names were
Anthony Babington, John Savage, Edward Windsor,
Thomas Salisbury, Charles Tilney, Chidiock Tichbourne,
Edward Abingdon, Robert Gage, John Travers, John
Charnock, John Donne, John Jones, Mr. Barnewall, an
Irish gentleman, and John Ballard, a clergyman. Be
sides these, there were two others, who, by secretary
Walsingham's contrivance, were admitted among the
conspirators, and made use of as spies, to give him in
telligence, and, as occasion served, to encourage them
in their enterprise : one was Mr. Maude, " a notable
crafty dissembler, who had egregiously deceived the un
wary priest, Ballard." The other was Mr. Pooley, " a
cunning counterfeit and dissembler, who is thought to
have revealed all their consultations, from day to day,
to Walsingham, and to have egged on the young gentle
men in this desperate undertaking."1 While the con
spiracy was carrying on, the queen was privately pre
sented with the pictures of the persons concerned in it.
One she was acquainted with, viz., Mr. Barnewall, who
appeared sometimes at court. When the plot was ripe
for a discovery, there was no difficulty in seizing upon
the delinquents; their names, haunts, and places of
abode being well known to Walsingham. The particu
lars, they were charged with, were, attempting to re
lease queen Mary, encouraging an invasion, seizing upon
and assassinating queen Elizabeth. Seven of them con
fessed to the endictment, and were executed, September
20, 1586. The other seven stood to their trials, and,
being convicted, suffered, September 21. " Pooley only
of the number, though he were privy to all the business,
yet, because he affirmed that he had revealed several
things to Walsingham, \vas not arraigned."2 It ap
peared upon their trials, that Mary, queen of Scots, had
held a correspondence with Babington upon the subject
of her delivery ; but without any knowledge of what he
and his accomplices were practising against queen

1 Camdcn, in Rennet, ii. 515, 516. 2 Camdcn, in Rennet ii. 518

ART. IV.] PLOTS. 23

Elizabeth's person or government.1 However, she was
charged with the whole, when she fell under prosecu
tion, the year following ; and, at the same time, the
sanguinary laws were severely put in execution against
all the catholics in general ; but especially against the
missioners, notwithstanding that they made a public dis
claim of the late traitorous proceedings. Particularly,
the English divines of Rheims, "published a sort of
pastoral letter to the English catholics, not to disturb
the government, or attempt any thing against the prince :
that they should have recourse to no other expedient
but prayers and tears : that these were the only justifi
able preparations for Christian subjects ; and that fast
ing and devotion are the proper defences against perse
cution."2 But it was in vain to make apologies, where
their enemies were continually watching for opportuni
ties of reproaching the whole body of catholics with
misbehaviour. Babington's plot, both then, and ever
since, has been made use of, to influence the people
against them ; and the whole college of apostles are be
come answerable for Judas's treachery. I am far from
excusing the attempt of those rash gentlemen: much
less can protestant writers excuse those that acted the
devil's part in tempting them. Many circumstances

1 [This is a mistake. In a letter to Mary, which Babington afterwards ac
knowledged to be his own, that conspirator expressly told her, that himself and
his friends had determined, not only to liberate her from the power of her
enemies, but also to " despatch" Elizabeth, the usurper of her rights (State Trials,
i. 1174). I may add, that Dodd's authority, for the few facts which he men
tions, is Camden (473 — 483) : but that the reader should turn to Dr. Lingard
(viii. 199 — 217), for a detailed and most interesting narrative of this important
part of our history. — T.~\

2 Collier, ii. 599. [Dodd has here strangely misrepresented the tenour of
the passage cited from Collier. That writer really says, that there were " some
Englishmen" at Rheims, who to a belief in the deposing power of the pope had
added a notion, that, to perish in an attempt to assassinate an excommunicated
prince, was martyrdom : that Savage, afterwards one of the conspirators, had
been induced by their reasonings to undertake the task of despatching the
queen ; and that, " at the same time, they published " the " pastoral letter,"
mentioned in the citation which Dodd has printed. It is clear from this, that
Collier regarded the " Pastoral," not as an honest dissuasive, to be pleaded in
favour of the catholic body, but as a deceptive document, put forth to cover the
treasonable designs of Savage. That Collier is mistaken cannot be doubted ;
because such a publication could only have tended to frustrate the object of the
conspirators, by alienating the catholics from their cause. Still, it is unfair to
cite his authority for an opinion, which he evidently did not entertain. — 71.]

24 ELIZABETH. [PA<IT iv.

plead for compassion on the conspirators' part ; but that
villainous association for destroying the queen of Scots,
projected upon this occasion, has left such a blot upon
the reformation as can never be rubbed off.1

The next public occasion of aspersing the catholics of
England was upon account of the intended inva-

58 sion, from the Spanish armada, in the year 1588.
This famous armada consisted of 130 ships, 19,290
soldiers, 8.350 mariners, 2,080 galley-slaves, all under
the command of Alphonso Perez de Guzman, duke of
Medina Sidonia. Queen Elizabeth was well prepared,
both by sea and land, to give them a reception. The
earl of Leicester commanded 1,000 horse, and 22,000

1 [He alludes to the bond of association, signed at the instigation of Leicester,
not " upon this occasion," but immediately after the execution of Throckmorton,
in 1584. By it, the subscribers engaged to pursue "' to the uttermost exter-
mynation " not only all persons who should attempt, but also every individual,
in favour of whose succession to the crown any other should attempt, the life of
the queen. Mary, when she read the instrument, plainly saw that the latter
part of the engagement was directed against her. However, in a letter to Eli
zabeth, she offered to join the association ; but was given to understand that
she would not be admitted (Sadler, ii. 431, 444, 445, 491 ; Camd. ii. 418).—
Did Elizabeth know, what the reader will subsequently see, that Mary was not
without an active participation in some of these attempts ?

There is one point, connected with these conspiracies, which deserves notice.
The reader will not fail to have remarked, that, among the offences charged
upon the different prisoners, one, and not the least important, was, that they
had encouraged an invasion from abroad. That invasion was to be conducted
by the king of Spain and the duke of Guise : but it was to be supported by the
influence and the money of the pope ; and, for this reason, it has been con
stantly described as an unprovoked crusade against the religion of the country.
This is unjust. That religion formed an object in the minds of the confederates,
is undoubted : but that the liberation of the Scottish queen, the relative of one of
the parties, was the first motive of their interference, is equally certain ; and the
only difference between Elizabeth and her intended assailants is, that she was
already accomplishing, by the basest treachery, against another, what they were
only meditating, by open invasion, against herself. To secure the reformation,
she violates the rights of hospitality, seizes a sovereign princess, the heir-pre
sumptive to the throne, and finally consigns her to a violent and painful death.
To frustrate her designs, the princes in question project an invasion, declare
that they will release and vindicate an injured queen, and resolve to atone to
her for her sufferings, by placing her upon that throne, from which, however, her
oppressor at length but too effectually excluded her. Under such circum
stances, it will scarcely be said that the project was not justified by the conduct
of Elizabeth. If religion entered into the views of the confederates, religion
also formed a part in the designs of the English queen. At home, her treat
ment of Mary, abroad, her support of the huguenots against their sovereign,
was prompted by this very motive ; and it were strange indeed, if she alone
were to be exempted from the operation of those principles, which she had beeu
the first to establish, and the most eager to carry into effect. — T.~\

ART. IV.] PLOTS. 25

foot, near Tilbury Fort; 20,000 men guarded the sea
coast. The queen herself was at the head of 34,000
foot, and 2,000 horse, under the command of their
general, lord Hunsdon.1 Our strength by sea were 140
stout ships ; while the Dutch fleet waited against any
attempt from the Spanish Netherlands, where the duke
of Parma had a considerable force ready to put to sea.
Both the fleets met in the narrowT seas, near the Isle of
Wight. They began to engage, July 2 1 , and, on three
several days, fought with dubious success. On the 27th,
the armada cast anchor opposite to Calais, where the
English fleet attended very closely. At last, the Spanish
ships, drawing too much water for those narrow and
shallow seas, could not disengage themselves from juiy
the English fire-ships, which a favorable wind drove 2H-
amongst them wdth great success. Another accident
happened, to the great disappointment of the Spaniards:
they expected to be succoured by a number of flat-
bottomed ships, which the duke of Parma was to send
in, from the several ports of Flanders ; but these were
not only detained by contrary winds, but also blocked
up by the Dutch fleet. These disappointments put the
Spaniards into the greatest confusion." Several of their
ships were burnt and sunk ; others cut their cables, and
made the best of their way home ; which they did,
chiefly, by sailing round Scotland.2 This is a short ac
count of that formidable expedition, which proved very
fatal to the English catholics, who fell under a general
persecution upon that account. The penal and san
guinary laws were let loose against them. Great num
bers wjere imprisoned, and above forty missionary priests
were publicly executed in several parts of the kingdom ;
while both the pulpit and the press were employed in

1 Camden, ii. 565. [The force under Leicester was to have consisted of
twenty-seven thousand infantry, besides cavalry and lances, which would have
raised it to twenty-nine thousand four hundred and eighteen. In point of fact,
however, the parsimony of Elizabeth never allowed'it to exceed iifteen thou
sand foot, and three thousand horse (Murdin, 611; Stowe, 743). Hunsdon's
army, which was to have amounted to thirty-six thousand men, was never as
sembled. These things have been remarked by Dr. Lingard, viii. 273. — 7YJ

a Camden, ii. 571 — 579.

26 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

representing them as authors, and abettors of this in
tended invasion.1 To wipe off this aspersion, we need

1 [Whilst the armada was still only in preparation, and before its real object
had been ascertained, it was suggested, as a measure of precaution against the
chance of invasion, that all the principal catholics in the country should, on one
pretext or another, be put to death. Elizabeth rejected the advice as cruel, and
thus practically denied the charge of treason levelled against the proposed
victims (Camden, ii. 566). At the same time, however, she hesitated not to de
prive them of their liberty. Every jail in the kingdom was thronged with their
persons : every pulpit rung with the denunciation of their principles. Still,
their patience was not to be exhausted. With the memory of all that they had
endured, with the smart of all that they were still enduring, with the rack and
the gibbet to reward their patriotism, they read the bull of deposition which had
been published against their sovereign ; they saw the shores of their country
surrounded by an armament commissioned to enforce it ; they felt that the
moment had arrived, when a breath might turn the balance in their own favour ;
and they generously flung aside the recollection of the past, and the resentment
of the present, and flew to their country in her hour of danger. " In that agony
of the protestant faith and English name," says Mr. Hallam, " they stood the
trial of their spirits, without swerving from their allegiance " (Const. Hist. i.
219). " Some," says Hume, on the authority of Stowe, " entered themselves as
volunteers in the fleet or army : some equipped ships at their own charge, and
gave the command of them to protestants ; others were active in animating
their tenants, and vassals, and neighbours, to the defence of their country "
(c. xlii.) ; while the very men, whom the queen had imprisoned, " not for any
doubt that they would have assisted the enemy, but only to make it known to
the Spaniards that there should be no hope to have any of them," — these very
men addressed letters to the council from their dungeons, spoke of Elizabeth as
their " undoubted sovereign lady and queen," and offered to " adventure their
lives in her defence agaiitst all foreign forces, though the same were sent from
the pope, or by his commandment " (Letter to Mendoza, published by the go
vernment, and reprinted in the Harleian Miscellany, i. 138 — 156).

It might have been imagined that conduct, thus exemplary and magnanimous,
would have obtained for the catholics a mitigation, at least, of the penal code.
But unfortunately, the spirit of intolerance knows no gratitude. The laws, al
ready enacted against the professors of the ancient creed, were enforced with
redoubled vigour : measures of increased severity were framed, proclamations
of the most irritating description were issued, and, for fourteen years, the term
which elapsed between the present time and the death of the queen, the catho
lics continued to writhe under one unceasing and relentless persecution. Of
the persons executed, from the 28th of August, 1588, to the 17th of February,
1603, for no other crime, than that they had been reconciled to the catholic
church, or had harboured priests, or had been ordained in a foreign seminary,
or still maintained the supremacy of the papal see, bishop Challoner has re
corded the names and sufferings of no less than seventy-five clergymen, forty-
nine laymen, and two women (Memoirs of Missionary Priests, vol. i.). Besides
this, we know that the fines of recusancy, amounting, under a statute already
mentioned, to 201. a month, were rigidly exacted ; that, in cases of default, the
queen constantly availed herself of the power, granted to her by an act passed
in 1587, to seize to her own use the whole of the personal, and two thirds of the
real, property of the recusants (see Appendix, No. X.) ; that their houses were
liable to be searched at all hours ; that the most private performance of their
religious rites was followed by fine and imprisonment ; that even the small rem
nant of their property left by these proceedings was exclusively assessed for
every extraordinary necessity of the state; and, finally, that, although they had

ART. IV.] PLOTS. 27

only to attend to the public and private intelligence of
those times. The king of Spain's manifesto is a suffi
cient apology in their behalf. It sets forth, that he
made this great preparation, to take a just revenge of
the English, for having assisted the rebels in the Nether
lands against their lawful prince ; to call them to an
account for the several depredations they had committed
upon the coasts of Spain and America, for near seven
years together; and particularly to maintain the com
mon rights of mankind, in the case of Mary, queen of
Scots, whom they had inhumanly put to death. As for
English catholics, he was so far from engaging them in
this affair, that he made no application that way ; but,
on the contrary, expressly refused to employ those few
soldiers of fortune, who lived in his dominions ; and
though they were supported by him, he durst put no
confidence in them.1 By this it appears how unfairly

declared their allegiance, and engaged, if necessary, to defend their sovereign
even against the pope, they were forbidden, under pain of total forfeiture during
life, to remove to a distance of more than five miles from their accustomed
dwelling (see Appendix, No. XI.) — Yet, in this case, as in that which preceded
the invasion, in 1588, Burghley himself acknowledges that these people were
punished, " not so much for doubt of any disloyal attempts by themselves, as to
notify to the rebels and enemies abroad, that, whatsoever outward and inward
trouble the enemy and the rebels would hope to stir up within the realm, they
are not to look nor hope to have any assistance by those which shall be com
mitted" (Strype's Whitgift, 327. See also Ling. viii. 294—297, and a subse
quent article in the present volume, on prosecution).

Of the proclamations, to which I have alluded, the principal was that issued
in November, 1591, by which the queen threatened to punish any householder
who should venture to harbour, either as lodgers or boarders, persons refusing
or neglecting to attend the established worship. It was answered by Persons,
under the name of Andreas Philopater, in one of those violent and reprehensible
publications, which furnished the government with but too plausible a pretext
for questioning the loyalty of the catholics. An analysis of the book and of the
proclamation may be seen in Butler's Memoirs of Eng. Cath. ii. 25 — 42. — T.~]

1 [In this passage, Dodd has evidently misunderstood Camden, who says, not
that the English were rejected, but that they were despised, by Philip. In the
army was a body of seven hundred English exiles, commanded by Sir William
Stanley. Of the men, Camden says, not very correctly, that they were " om
nium despicatissime habiti : " of the commander, and other leading individuals,
that their society was shunned, and their advice studiously rejected. " Nee
Stanlteus qui pra-fuit, nee Westmorelandius, nee alii qui operam et consilium
detulerunt, auditi : sed pro impietate in patriam, omni aditu prohibiti, et tan-
quam pessima auspicia meriti, non sine detestatione rejecti" (ii. 5(34). — I sus
pect that what Dodd calls " the king of Spain's manifesto," is, in reality, Cam-
den's summary of the reasons, said to have been employed by the pope, the
English exiles, and others, in order to induce Philip to undertake the expedi
tion, ii. 561.— TV]

28 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

Mr. Echard represents the case, when he says, " In this
fleet were also about a hundred monks and Jesuits,
under the superin tendency of cardinal Allen, an English
man."1 That there were many priests aboard the
armada, we may very well imagine ; but that any of
them were Englishmen, or that cardinal Allen wras one
of the number, is a groundless assertion of the historian,
cardinal Allen was, at that time, in Rome. The priests,
he was inspector over, were in the two colleges at
Rheims and Rome, and neither of them within the
dominions of Spain. The whole wras entirely the king
of Spain's own project ; wherein neither the English
catholics, nor the see of Rome, did any way concern
themselves : for the duke of Parma publicly owned,
" his master did not undertake any thing, on the
bishop of Rome's account."2

1 Echard, i. 868.

2 Camden, ii. 570. [This is a strange misrepresentation of Camden's words
What the prince of Parma really said was, that he (Parma) was not about to
act on the pontiffs behalf, but in obedience to his own sovereign : " Nee quic-
quam pontih'cis Romani nomine suscepturum, regi tamen suo obtemperandum
esse." — I must add a few remarks on the other parts of this passage.

1st. That, at the period of the invasion, Allen was in Rome, is certain.
Philip, after years of irresolution and delay, having at length resolved to revenge
the insults and injuries, which he had received from the English queen, ad
dressed a letter to Sixtus V., the reigning pope, informing him of his determina
tion, and requesting the assistance of the Roman see, in the prosecution of his
design. His great object was, to restore the catholic worship : he, therefore,
solicited an aid in money, called for a republication of the sentence, already
pronounced against Elizabeth, and desired that Allen might first be raised to
the dignity of cardinal, and afterwards, should the expedition prove successful,
l>e despatched, in quality of legate, to England, with a commission to reconcile
the country, and confirm the conquest to the Spanish crown (Despatch at Si-
mancas, cited by Lingard, viii. 271). Sixtus eagerly embraced the proposal.
Allen was immediately summoned to Rome, and, on the seventh of August, 1587,
was created cardinal. But he was not allowed to join the army, on its way to
England. The pontiff waited for the result of the expedition ; and, in the
mean time, detained him near his own person, in the Roman capital. " His
holiness," says Allen, " hath also, not for my deserts, but of speciall care and
love of our nation, preferred me, beinge of your flesh and bludd, to this highe
function ; intendinge to send me as his legate, with full commission and com-
maundment to treate and deale, from time to time, as well with the states of the
realme, as with his holynes and the lunges majestic, for the sweter maneginge
of this godly and greate affaire, and with them to deliberate of all the beste
meanes, how, with the leaste damage of our cuntrie, nobilitie, and gentrie, and
beste perservation of the whole people, this godly purpose of restoringe the Ca-
tholicke religion, and putting the realme in order, as well for the title of the
croune, as other controv ersies that may fall betwixt the ehurche and the com
mon wealthe, or any membre therof, for what matter soever, since the time that
heresie, schisme, and disorder began, may be acheived" (Allen's Admonition,

ART. IV.] PLOTS 29

The English catholics standing clear of censure upon
these public occasions, the attempts of particular per-

51, 52). " Alanum noluit Roma dimittere pontifex, priusquam de belli suc-
cessu constavet" (Epist. ad Pern. 110).

2nd. Having promoted Allen to the purple, Sixtus hastened to comply with
the other parts of his engagement to Philip. The money — a subsidy of a mil
lion crowns— was collected, and ready to be paid, so soon as the invading army
should have landed in England : the bull of deposition was drawn up and
signed, ready for publication ; and Allen was ordered to prepare an explanatory
address, to be dispersed among the people, on the arrival of the armada (Strada,
ad an. 1588; Tempesti, ii. 80). It is clear from all these facts, that Dodd is
mistaken in the assertion that " the see of Rome" was not concerned in the
project of the Spanish monarch.

3rd. Allen fuliilled the task allotted to him, in a pamphlet entitled, " An
Admonition to the nobility and people of England, and Ireland, concerning? the
present warm, made for the execution of his holine? sentence, by the hiohe and
miyhtie Kinge Catholicke of Spaine." This publication, the most offensive,
perhaps, of the many offensive libels, sent forth by the party to which Allen had
attached himself, was printed at Antwerp, and, in a tone of the most scurrilous
invective, denounced the character and conduct of the queen ; portrayed her as
the offspring of adultery and incest, a heretic and the maintainer of heretics,
a persecutor of God's church, a lascivious tyrant, and an unholy perjurer; and

the
the

' to rise

against a woman odious alike to God and man, to join the liberating army upon
its landing, and thus to free themselves from the disgrace of having " suffered
such a creature, almost thirtie yeares together, to raigne both over their bodies
and soules, to the extinguishinge not onely of religion, but of all chaste livinge
and honesty." To increase the effect of this address, its substance was, at the
same time, compressed into a smaller compass, and printed on a broadside, for
more general distribution. It was called " A Declaration of the sentence of
deposition of Elizabeth, the usurper and pretensed Quene of Englande" When
the expedition had failed, the copies both of this and of the " Admonition" were
studiously destroyed, and few of either seem to have escaped. Of the " Decla
ration," however, I have the good fortune to possess one, a transcript of which I
shall subjoin in the Appendix (No. XII.). The " Admonition" has been ana
lysed, partly by Dr. Lingard (viii. 442 — 446, note P), and partly by Fuller
(1. ix. 146). Its ostensible author was Allen, who inserted his name, as " Car
dinal of Englande," in the title-page, and thus rendered himself answerable for
its contents. Still, Watson, and others, constantly maintained that it was really
penned by Persons; a charge which Persons himself, in his Manifestation
(35, 47), rather evades than denies. In another work, however, he notices the
accusation of his having " helped the cardinal to make his book," and to that
replies at once, by denouncing it as a " lie" (Answer to 0. E. p. 2, apud
Warn word).

4th. I have mentioned the party with which Allen was connected. The reader
has constantly heard of the conspiracies, formed among the catholic exiles, and
having for their primary object an invasion of the realm. During the life of the
Scottish queen, these were all directed to the ulterior purpose of placing that

G' icess on the throne of England. But, after her death, the jealousies, which
already existed for some time, manifested themselves in open division.
With different interests, different views presented themselves, and two parties,
each with separate objects, were formed. The first, with Morgan and Paget at
its head, looked to the king of Scots as the representative of his mother, and the
nearest heir to the English crown. To him its members turned as to their

30 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

sons of their party, either against the queen or the
government, ought not to be mentioned to their preju-

future and rightful sovereign ; from him, and from his gratitude they looked for
toleration, if not for encouragement ; and, in the mean time, they sought to
propitiate the existing government, by protestations of allegiance, by offers of
personal service, and by communications, betraying the plans and proceedings
of their opponents (Neville to Cecil, apud Winwood, i. 51). Those opponents
were denominated the Spanish party. They acted under the direction of Allen
and Persons ; and their principal members were the fathers Holt and Creswell,
sir Francis Englefield, sir William Stanley, Fitzherbert, and Owen. Their ob
ject was the restoration of the catholic religion, and, as a means of effecting this,
the establishment of a catholic sovereign on the throne. At first, their views cen
tred in the daughter of the Spanish king ; and, to recommend her to the English
nation, Persons, in 1594, published his " Conference about the next Succession"
maintaining the right of the people to regulate the descent of the crown, asserting
that the profession of a false religion was sufficient to justify the exclusion of the
heir-apparent, and then, having enumerated the several persons, connected by
their ancestry with the royal family, concluding, at least by implication, that the
infanta, as a catholic, and the lineal descendant of John of Ghent, the son of
Edward III., was the individual to whom the country ought to look, as the suc
cessor of Elizabeth (Camden, ii. 672 — (375. For several interesting letters,
illustrative of the designs and proceedings of the Spanish party, at this period,
see the Appendix, No. XIII.). The publication of this work was followed by
another attempt at invasion from the Spanish monarch. Another fleet was
equipped (1597) ; another disastrous failure ensued; and the infanta having
married the archduke Albert, her friends began to despair of rendering her ac
ceptable to the English nation (Camden, iii. 737 — 745, 777). The party now
(J 600) turned its attention to the lady Arabella Stuart. Persons, in his letter
to father Holt, had formerly expressed a wish that the infanta should marry the
cardinal Farnese, the brother of the duke of Parma, and a descendant, like Isa
bella, from John of Ghent. That prince was now selected to become the
husband of Arabella. It was decided that their united claims would silence all
opposition. Spain would scarcely refuse its assent : France would gladly pre
vent the aggrandisement of the Scottish king; and all would unite in acknow
ledging Farnese and Arabella as the undoubted sovereigns of England.
Ridiculous as it may appear, Clement, when the scheme was proposed to him,
gladly entertained it. He immediately signed two breves, one addressed to the
English nobility, the other to the clergy, exhorting them to union, and forbidding
them to aid the pretensions of any aspirant, who should not promise to uphold
the catholic worship, to live in communion with the catholic church, and to pay
that true obedience to the Roman see, which was rendered by every catholic
monarch. These instruments were despatched to the nuncio at Brussels, ac
companied by a letter, ordering him to watch the moment of the queen's death,
and instantly to publish them. By the nuncio they were forwarded to Garnet,
the superior of the Jesuits in England, with similar injunctions : but the quiet
accession of James rendered them useless ; and Garnet committed them to the
flames. See the Lettres d'Ossat, ii. 502 — 509 ; Butler's Memoirs, ii. 50 — 55 ;
and Garnet's confession in Jardine, 277, 278. Of the two breves sent to Eng
land I am not aware that any copy has been preserved : that to the nuncio,
together with a letter containing Persons' instructions to the same person, will
be found in the Appendix, No. XIV.

5th. In a preceding note, I have censured the ungrateful cruelty of the go
vernment towards the loyal and unoffending catholics at home : in the present,
it is impossible to avoid condemning the conduct of those fugitives abroad, who,
by their treasonable writings, and not less treasonable practices, were thus
seeking to overturn the government, and alter the succession to the throne. Of

PLOTS. 31

dice. I am not ignorant, that, during queen Elizabeth's
reign, four or five persons were brought to justice for

the encouragement extended, as the reader has seen in the Appendix, to the trade
of the assassin, I say nothing : the beings, who could resort to such means of
accomplishing their purposes, belong not to society. But there were other and
better spirits among them, men of bloodless, though mistaken, zeal, who would
have gloried in wresting the crown from the enemy of their religion, but would
have shrunk from the idea of becoming her murderers. To the minds of such
men the importance of the object for which they struggled, the restoration of
their religion, may have offered a sufficient justification for the violence of their
proceedings. Yet they should have remembered the example of the apostles
and the early Christians : they should have recollected that their ministry was
the ministry of peace, their duty, that of preaching, sacrifice, and prayer : in a
word, they should have called to mind the suffering state of their persecuted
brethren at home, and, placed in security themselves, should have hesitated to
exasperate the government against those, who were still within the reach of its
resentment.

6th. The reader will have remarked, that, in speaking of the " Conference
about the Succession," I have described it unreservedly as the work of Persons.
It has generally been regarded as the production of several pens ; and Dr.
Lingard has produced a passage from one of the letters of La Bauderie, the
French minister, asserting that it was attributed to Persons only by his
enemies, who sought, through that means, to render him obnoxious to the
Scottish king (viii. 332). Mr. Oliver has taken even a higher ground. He has
referred to Persons' own declaration, and has cited a letter from that writer
himself, in which an attempt is made to fix the principal part of the authorship
on Allen and Englefield (Life of Persons, in Collect. S. J.). Still, I am satisfied
that the work was written exclusively by Persons; that it was afterwards,
however, submitted to Allen, Englefield, and others, for their opinion ; and that,
with their sanction and approbation, it was finally published. 1st. The state
ment of La Bauderie was, of course, founded on what he believed to be the fact :
but he could have received his information only from others, probably from
Persons, or from Persons's immediate friends ; and to his testimony, therefore,
may safely be opposed the evidence which I shall presently subjoin. 2d. A
copy of the letter cited by Mr. Oliver, the original of which is, I believe, at
Stonyhurst, has been kindly forwarded to me by that gentleman. It is dated
May 24, 1(503, and is addressed to Garnet for the express purpose of engaging
him " to procure some man not ungrateful to his majesty, to deal" with the
king in behalf of the writer. Referring to some previous letters, it restates the
grounds of his defence against the charges of his adversaries ; speaks of his
services both to James and to the queen of Scots ; and then proceeds to the
particular accusation, which had connected his name with the authorship of
" Doleman." " I answer," he says, " most sincerely, that, as it appeareth by
our late cardinal's handwriting, that he, together with sir Francis Englefield,
and some others, were the chief authors of that book, so, whatever consent either
I or other catholics of our nation had therein, it was of no aversion of minds or
of good-wills from his majesty, for whom we had laboured so earnestly, so
many years before, but only that, by laying forth other competitors besides
himself, he might be drawn the sooner to be a catholic." Now, first, it will be
remarked that the only two persons, whom he ventures to name, were both
dead, at the period when he wrote ; that the " others," of whom he speaks, are
mentioned only generally ; and that, although he evidently wishes James to
believe that he merely consented to the publication, there is even here no real
denial of his having been at least amony the active co-operators in the work.
In the next place, Allen died in 1594, Englefield only two years later: — if the

32 ELIZABETH. ^ [PART iv.

contriving her death. But, as it appears by their story
(where I speak of them in particular), some of them

former had written the avowal here described, why was it never mentioned
before ? Why are we not even now told to whom it was addressed ? Above
all, how comes it that Persons, who was repeatedly assailed as the author of
this book, who, in his publications and letters, was continually endeavouring1 to
remove the suspicion, and who, in his letter to the earl of Angus, in January
1600, had actually told the very same story of " Allen Englefield and others"
(Plowden, 356), never until this moment thought of alleging- the " cardinal's
handwriting" in support of his assertion ? Again, the letter tells Garnet that
the book in question had been written, " only that, by laying forth other com
petitors besides himself," the king " might be drawn the sooner to be a catholic."
But, on another occasion, Persons could assign a very different origin to the
work. In a paper drawn up, in April 1 597, for the express purpose of shew
ing that the right of James to the succession had not been more impugned by
the author, than that of any other of the claimants, he undertakes to set forth
the several reasons for which the book had been composed (las racones por las
quales se escrivio). The first was, to obviate the inconveniences of the law, by
which the people were forbidden to discuss the question of the succession ; the
second, to expose the falsehood of the doctrine, which asserted that propinquity
of blood, not orthodoxy in religion, formed the real title to the throne; the
third, to prepare the catholics to act with promptitude and decision, when the
death of the queen should render it necessary to appoint a successor ; the fourth
and last, to give to foreign princes, and especially to the pope, an opportunity
of weighing the pretensions of the several competitors, and of taking such steps
as prudence or necessity might require (Persons's Original MS. in my posses
sion : there is a copy at Stonyhurst, MSS. Ang. A. ii. 26). The reader will see
that the " only" reason, for which Persons would persuade James that the
obnoxious treatise was published, is not even alluded to in this paper : and he
will scarcely, therefore, be surprised, if, with this and other similar contradic
tions before me, I unhesitatingly reject the authority of the declaration to
Garnet.

But what are the proofs, to fix the authorship on Persons? — 1st. In 1596,
Sir Francis Englefield was questioned, by some of his friends, as to the merits
of the work. In reply, he drew up a paper, which is still preserved, enumerating-
the advantages likely to result from the publication, and combating the objec
tions that might possibly be raised against it. This paper he commences, by
stating that he had attentively read the book before it was printed ; that Allen
and others had done the same ; and that it then appeared both to him and to
them to be a work, whose learning would delight, and whose moderation ought
to conciliate, every reader. " Id primum affirmo, me eundem librum, antequam
ederetur, attente perlegisse (quod et cardinalis quoque Alanus, aliique nonnulli
viri praecipui nationis Anglicanse fecerunt), visumque esse librum docte ad-
modum et accurate scriptum, prudenter etiam ac moderate, ita ut neminem jure
offendere lect'o ejus possit" (MS. in my possession. There is also a copy of
it at Stonyhurst, MSS. Ang. A. ii. 21). Hence we may fairly conclude, first,
that Englefield and Allen were not, as has been supposed, its authors, and
secondly, that to Englefield, at least, the real author was not unknown. 2d.
The reader will recollect the paper (Appendix, No. XIII.) addressed by Engle
field to the Spanish king, and containing his dying advice to that monarch.
He there mentions two works by name, — the " Responsio ad Edictum Reyince"
published under the name of Philopater, and the volume on the Succession.
The first he unequivocally attributes to Persons : of the second he, at first, seems
to speak more cautiously: but he afterwards throws aside his reserve, and
evidently connects it with those " other things, which the said father has written

ART. IV.] PLOTS. 33

were men of no religion, others of every religion ; and,
if any of them made a profession of the catholic faith,
religion is not chargeable with their misbehaviour. I

and done," in favour of the Spanish king. " Sabiendo yo el odio y aversion de
todos los de la parcialidad Escossesa y Francesa le tienen, por pensar que es
cabeca de los que favorecen a las cosas de V. M., tanto por el libro que escrivio
contra il edito de la reyna, como por el otro que se escrivio de la succession,
* * * y por otras cosas, que il dicho padre ha escrito, y hecho, y haze, cada
dia, de esta parte" 3d. In addition to this testimony of Engiefield, we have the
undoubted admission of Persons himself, to the same effect. The reader has
seen, in the Appendix (No. XIII.), the letter which Persons addressed to Holt
from Genoa, in March, 1597. By some means, this letter fell into the hands of
the opposite party. Of course, their anger was roused : copies of the document
were immediately made and circulated ; and with them, a body of short, but
severe, remarks was put forth, in one of which the wiiter, Dr. Percy, observed,
that Persons, when he disclaimed any efforts in favour of the Spanish king, was
in opposition both to himself and to the fact; seeing that he had published the
book on the Succession, for the sole purpose of advocating the claims of the
infanta. For some purpose or other, probably as a memorandum for himself, or
for his confidential friends, Persons drew up an answer to these remarks ; and
the original draft of that answer is now before me. In that document, he
notices the charge, to which I have referred ; but, instead of denying his con
nexion with the book in question, clearly admits himself to be the author : he
declares that malice alone could have discovered a contradiction in what he had
written, and assures us that the object contemplated both in the book and in the
letter, was, not to offer any specific conclusion in favour of the infanta, but
simply to set forth the pretensions of the several claimants, in such manner as
to enable the pops to come to a proper decision on the subject. I will subjoin
Percy's note, with Persons's reply.

Note. E contrario a se medesimo, poiche, mostrando di non far cosa alcuna
in favore del re di Spagna, mette inanzi nientedimeno la pretensione della
figliuola, et delli suoi figliuoli, che e una cosa medesima: et questo dimostra
chiaramente il libro suo della successione, impresso 1'anno '94, a spesa del
Spagnolo, et perche, in questa medesima lettera, dipoi se resolve nella persona
deila infanta.

Reply. Qui sevede manifesta malitia; poiche il padre non se resolve in cosa
alcuna; si non propone solamente la persona della signora infanta da con-
siderarsi si sara buon mezzo per accorclarsi il papa et il re, con altri principi :
et nel libro della successione si fa il medesimo, proponendo solamente le ragioni
per la signora infanta, insieme con quelle dell' altri principi pretendenti, per dar
piu materia a sua santita di fame buona elettione, ma senza determinare niente
in particolare.

Notwithstanding the cautious use of the impersonal verb, "si /a," I think
that but one conclusion can possibly be drawn from this passage.

4th. Nor is it only in his private notes or correspondence, that Persons thus
admits the authorship in question. In 1602, two years after he had written to
the earl of Angus, and only a few months before the date of his letter to Garnet,
he published his " Warnword," in reply to sir Francis Hastings. To that
work is prefixed a letter or answer to a " minister," designated by the initials
O. E., in which the writer notices some personal accusations put forward by his
opponent, and, among others, the charge of his having been the author of the
eight following books: — 1st. A collection of papers against his friends at
Oxford: 2d. Leicester's Commonwealth: 3d. A Confutation of pretended fears,
against Burleigh : 4th. Cardinal Allen's Admonition (in part): 5th. Philopater :
6th. Doleman's Treatise on the Succession : 7th. A Relation of the Dispute
VOL. III. D

34 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

might farther add, what some have observed, in pe
rusing the trials of these unfortunate persons, they had
not always fair play for their lives. Where abandoned
wretches were countenanced to become evidence ;
where racks and tortures were applied, to force per
sons to make a confession, upon a viewT of saving their

between the Bishop of Evreux and Plessis Mornay : and 8th. The Wardword,
another and previous volume against sir Francis Hastings. With the first four
of these works Persons says that he was never supposed to he connected : other
persons, in fact, were known to he their authors ; and the minister, in ascribing
them to him, has consequently been guilty of " four lies positive." Of the
other hooks lie sni/s nothing : hut he assumes it as a fact, that the minister
professed, or was hound, to give a complete list of his publications; and he
accordingly proceeds to reprehend him for not having mentioned, 1st. The
Reasons why Catholics refuse to go to Church: 2d. The Discovery of John
Nicols: 3d. The Defence of this Discovery: 4th. The Epistle on Persecution :
and 5th. The Christian Directory. These, he says, were written by him ; these
the minister has omitted; and here, therefore, there are " five lies privative :"-
" so as, in recounting us here eight books, the minister telleth nine lies, four
positive and five privative ; no less falsely affirming the one, than fraudulently
suppressing the other" (f. 2, 3). It is clear, that Persons, whose anxiety to
swell the list of his opponent's transgressions could prompt him to resort to
these " privative" delinquencies, would not have failed to extend the catalogue,
by the addition of another " positive " falsehood, if he had thought that he
might venture in public to disclaim the work on the succession.

5th. To these admissions 1 must still add the testimony of Anthony Copley.
He was an English gentleman, a friend of the appellants, and, if we may be
lieve himself, had been employed or induced by Dr. Bagshawe to write against
Persons (Stonyh. MSS. Ang. A. iii. 48). At his own request, however, a re
conciliation with the latter was at length effected. He saw Persons at Naples;
stated to him the grounds of his former hostility ; and, having received a satis
factory reply to each of his objections, at once retracted what he had written,
and requested the forgiveness of the father. His next step was, to justify his
conduct in this proceeding. With this view, therefore, he drew up a short
abstract of his conversation with Persons; and placing one copy of this in the
hands of Nicholas Fit/herbert, whom he exhorted to imitate his example, he
delivered another to the English ambassador, with an entreaty that his excel
lency would judge favourably of his motives, and recommend him to the
merciful consideration of his sovereign. It is in this paper, written with the
express intention of vindicating both Persons and himself, that we find the
important admission to which I am about to refer. Copley, in the course of
his conversation, had charged Persons, first, with having written the book in
question, for the purpose of advocating the Spanish succession; secondly, with
having published it as the work of a person named Doleman, in order to render
a clergyman of that name, a friend of the appellants, obnoxious to the resent
ment of the government. Persons, of course, denied both accusations. In the
body of the work, he said, he had argued no more in favour of the Spanish
monarch, than of the other competitors ; and if, in the title-page, he had as
sumed the name of Doleman, it was not with a view to fix the authorship on
the reverend clergyman so called, but solely to express the feelings of himself,
a man of sorrows, at the contemplation of the miseries, already threatening his
country from a disputed succession. " Quod, inlibro de succcssione, nihilpro
Hispania, decreverit, ut legcnti constabit ; ncc idciico Dolmanni uomcn appo-

ART. IV.] PLOTS. 35

lives ; where persons acknowledged and denied the fact,
accordingly as they were influenced by threats and pro
mises ; where the ministry was become infamous by
practices of this kind, there is room to suspect, that
some executions were more for reasons of state, than
for the sake of justice.

suerit, quo reverendum illius nominis presbyterum in discrimen seu vitae sen
libertatis vocaret, sed tantummodo epitheto illo insiuuare authorem libri virum
dolorum fuisse (hoc enim Anglice vocabulum Dolmanni sonat), dum secum
perpenderet quales tumultus regno et reipublicae, ob tot competitoves quijus
ad illud vindicant (uti fusiiis ibi prosequiturj, immineret" (Stonyh. MSS.
ibid. iii. 50).

It is true that the reason, here assigned for the adoption of the name of
Doleman, is at variance with that, which he alleged in his letter to king James
and which the reader has already seen in the Appendix (note on Peisons's
Instructions to the Nuncio, in No. XIV.). Still, the evidence for the principal
point is complete. The authorship of the work is distinctly and unequivocally
acknowledged; and the question of ' Who wrote the book of Succession?' may
now, I think, be considered as satisfactorily decided. — TJ\

D 2

36 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

ARTICLE V.

FACTIONS AMONG CATHOLICS. — CONTROVERSY RESPECTING OCCASIONAL CON
FORMITY DISTURBANCE IN THE ENGLISH COLLEGE AT ROME ITS POLITI
CAL ORIGIN IT IS SUPPRESSED FATHER HOLT AND THE EXILES BREVE

CONCERNING THE ACADEMICAL DEGREE OF DOCTOR — DISPUTE AMONG THE

PRISONERS AT WISBEACH APPLICATIONS FOR BISHOPS PROJECT OF A

RELIGIOUS CONGREGATION AMONG THE CLERGY INSTITUTION OF AN

ARCHPRIEST IT IS OPPOSED — THE CLERGY SEND DEPUTIES TO ROME

THE DEPUTIES IMPRISONED THE ARCHPRIEST IS CONFIRMED THE

CLERGY SUBMIT — BUT ARE AGAIN DRIVEN TO APPEAL THE APPELLANTS

ASSISTED BY THE GOVERNMENT AN ADMONITORY BREVE TO BLACKWELL — •

HE SUPPRESSES IT FOR SOME MONTHS THE AGENTS OF THE APPELLANTS

ARRIVE IN ROME PROCEEDINGS OF THEIR OPPONENTS TERMINATION OF

THE DISPUTE PROCLAMATION AGAINST THE MISSIONARIES — THEIR PRO
TESTATION OF ALLEGIANCE.

No cause m life was ever carried on, without a great
deal of contention, even amongst the best of men. For,
though their pretensions, in the main, were the same,
yet domestic viewrs often bore a great sway in their
labours, and set them at variance. The apostolic and
primitive ages wrere not exempt from these instances of
human frailty ; whereof we have a full account both in
the sacred writings, and in other records of antiquity.
It is true, the common cause seemed to suffer by such
animosities : but such, as attended to the methods of
Divine Providence, were so far from being scandalized,
that they improved themselves upon such occurrences,
and edified posterity by a proper behaviour. This was
the case of the English catholics, in supporting their
interest against the reformers. They all laboured
strenuously in the cause of religion ; of which they
gave convincing proofs, both by their learned writings,
and pastoral functions : yet, now arid then, they suf
fered themselves to be divided into parties ; and, from
the nature of the controversies, it plainly appeared,
they had a great regard to their own convenience.

The first debate amongst them, in the beginning of
queen Elizabeth's reign, was upon account of occasional
conformity. Several of the catholics made their ap-

ART. v.] FACTIONS AMONG CATHOLICS. 3/

pearance sometimes in the protestant churches, in order
to screen themselves from the rigour of the laws against
recusancy : others exclaimed against the practice, as an
instance of notorious hypocrisy. Several tracts were
published on both sides, and many conferences held
upon the subject ; till, at length, the case being pro
posed to the fathers in the council of Trent, they de
clared the practice to be unlawful. The generality
submitted to this decision ; and such, as were dilatory
in complying, were soon after made sensible of their
misbehaviour, upon the coming over of the seminary
priests, who took a great deal of pains to redress the
abuse.1

Another ground of contention among the missioners
happened about the year 1 579, when the English col
lege at Rome was taken from the secular clergy, and
delivered to the management of the Jesuits. Many
arguments wTere, and still are, made use of against this
heterogeneous education of the clergy ; and frequent

1 [This subject will be mentioned more fully in tlie life of cardinal Allen, who
first distinguished himself, whilst yet at Oxford, by his opposition to the ob
noxious practice. Among the writers, who afterwards attacked it, were the
fathers Garnet and Persons ; the former, in his " Treatise of Christian Renun
ciation;" the latter, in two short publications, one entitled, "Reasons why
catholics refuse to go to church;" Douay, 1601 : the other, " De sacris alienis
non adeundis," printed in 1607. At a much earlier period (1567), Sanders, in
the preface to his "Treatise of Images," took the same course, and, by the
strength and fervour of his address, succeeded in withdrawing many from the
protestant places of worship. Dr. Ely, in answer to the assertion, that the
practice was not opposed until the arrival of the Jesuits, thus notices the work
of Sanders : — " The which book," says he, " made many to abstain from their
conventicles, and, amongst the rest (I give God hearty thanks therefore), I
myself was one, and therefore can best tell which way, and from whom, it came,
that I forsook the heretical church; which is now thirty- seven, or thirty-eight
years past : at what time the name of the society was scarcely heard of in
Oxford, I am assured. I speak not this to detract any thing from the virtuous,
painful, and profitable labours and travels, which the lathers of the society have
taken, in manuring the afflicted vineyard of our country ; but, to give every
man his due praise" (Brief notes, 67). Father Green, the correspondent of
Bartoli, tells us that Garnet's wrork, which is without date, was, in his opinion,
" printed in queen Elizabeth's time, against some few who were called ' Pro
testers? because they thought they might go to church with a protestation (that
they come not for liking of the religion): and these afterwards growing to a
greater number, fathe/Persons was again forced to write on the same argu
ment." — He adds, — " I think the person, who procured the decree of the council
of Trent, was Mr. Derbyshire, dean of Paul's, afterwards admitted to the so
ciety." Stonyhurst MSS. Ang. A. v. 67. — 71.]

38 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

remonstrances have been made against it. I have else
where given a full account, how this revolution hap
pened. At present I shall only observe, that, as the
clergy are great sufferers by the economy, so the con
veniences are no less to those, that have them in sub
jection. It is no small advantage to the Jesuits, to have
the management of the temporals belonging to the
clergy ; and, on the contrary, no less a disadvantage to
the clergy, to be documented by persons, of a different
interest in the controversies of life.1

1 [Dodd seems to refer all the disputes and dissentions, which distinguish the
early history of the English college at Rome, to the embittered feeling resulting
from the transfer of that establishment to the hands of a Jesuit rector. I am in
clined to think that this is a mistake. That the recollection of the past may
have tended to increase the subsequent irritation of the disaffected, is not un
likely : but that the irritation itself derived its origin from other causes, that
other sources of alienation had been opened, and other instruments of discord
had been brought into action, is scarcely susceptible of a doubt. From its con
nexion with the subject, I was induced, in the preceding article, to sketch the
origin and objects of the two parties, which divided the catholics on the subject
of the succession to the crown. On the one side, were ranged the Jesuits, with
Persons and others at their head: on the other, was a considerable number of
the secular clergy, with what the event will justify us in regarding as the great
body of the catholic population in England. Religion we may fairly believe to
have been the object of both. But the means were political : political feelings
produced political violence : opposition was met with opposition, aggression with
equal aggression ; and a sentiment of mutual jealousy and distrust was gene
rated, which still continued to operate, when its causes had long been forgotten.
At the period, to which the present history relates, this sentiment was in all
its activity, both in England and abroad. Of course, the college at Rome was
not exempted from its influence. For some time, and from various causes, a
spirit of discontent had existed in that establishment : under the superintendence
of an inefficient rector, the discipline of the house had been relaxed ; and im
punity on the one hand, remissness and incapacity on the other, were producing
their natural effects, when Persons published his Conference on the Succession.
Unfortunately, this work was introduced into the college ; and political excite
ment was now added to private animosity. In an instant, the flame was en
kindled : the discontented openly ranged themselves under the banners of the
Scottish party : the grievances, real and imaginary, which had formed the sub
ject of complaint, were exaggerated to the utmost: particular wrongs were
aggravated by the recital of public injuries : the opposition of the other party was
denounced as tyranny, its actions as the offspring of ambition ; and a demand
was made for the recall of the fathers from the English mission, for their removal
from the government of the college, and for an alteration in many of the princi
pal rules of the establishment (P'ersons's Story of Domestical Difficulties, 136 —
149. See Appendix, No. XV.). The first impulse of Aqua viva, the general of
the Jesuits, was to yield the point at Rome, and to abandon the superintendence
of the college. The rumour, however, of this design alarmed the advocates of
the Spanish interest. Dr. Barret, the president of Douay college, who was in
Rome at the moment, hastened to the pope, and, "in the name of every mis-
sioner, and every catholic in England, in the name of the colleges, and the
martyrs, and the English church," implored the pontiff, as he valued the cause

ART. r.] FACTIONS AMONG CATHOLICS. 39

The effects of this kind of education appeared very
visibly among the missioners in England, about the year

in which they were engaged, to prevent the resignation contemplated by the
general (Letter from Barret to Persons, Sep. 29, 1596. MS. in my possession).
At the same moment, letters, containing a similar petition, arrived from various
quarters. Stapleton addressed both the general and the protector from Louvain
(Hunter, Append. Nos. 3 and 4): the professors of Douay wrote from that
seminary (Story of Domest. Difficul. 171): the duchess of Feria, Englefield,
and the leaders of the party in Spain, joined in the entreaty (ibid. 61, 62); and
the matter was still in suspense, when Persons, who considered the removal of
the Jesuits as likely to prove destructive of the best interests of England (ad
illius regni salutem perniciosa, ibid. 170), arrived in Rome. This was in the
beginning of the year 1597. His influence and his address seem to have re
vived the hopes, and won the confidence, of all parties. He listened to the
complaints of the scholars ; discussed with them the subject of their grievances;
and, having promised them redress where it was practicable, engaged them
ultimately to acquiesce in cheerful submission to his judgment. Of^the scho
lars, three, by his addce, were afterwards despatched on the English mission :
ten were removed to Douay, to finish their studies in that seminary ; and, in the
meantime, the thanks of the students, and the congratulations of his friends,
acknowledged the service which he had rendered to the cause (Original letters
in my possession ; Persons's Story of Domest. Diff. 178, 179; and Stonyhurst
MSS. Ang. A. ii. 31 . See also Appendix, No. XVI.). The Story of Domestical
Difficulties is a MS. fragment of a larger work, and embodies the reasons and
statements, which Persons afterwards presented to the pope in vindication of the
rector and of the society, and in opposition to the demands of the scholars. A
MS., bearing the same title, and relating to an earlier period, is, I am told,
at Stonyhurst : probably it is another part of the same work.

It is only in connexion with this subject, and as an illustration of the political
origin of these differences, that I am induced to refer to another and simulta
neous dispute among the catholics in Flanders. William Holt, a member of
the society, and a zealous advocate of the Spanish succession, was employed in
Brussels, as the agent of the king of Spain, and the administrator of the funds,
devoted by that monarch to the support of the exiles. He was a man of cha
racter and talent: but the austerity of his manners was embittered by the
violence of his politics ; and the " tyranny " of father Holt soon became a topic
of loud and unceasing complaint, among the members of the opposite party.
Holt, however, though condemned in private, by his friends, for the severity of
his demeanour, was still publicly defended by them against the attacks of his
opponents. Hence, by degrees, the hostility, first pointed against the individual,
was at length turned against his party. Political animosity was converted into
religious discord : charges and recriminations followed each other in rapid succes
sion ; and almost at the same moment that the students at Rome were denounc
ing the conduct, and calling for the removal, of the fathers, the exiles in Flanders
were besieging the pontiff with their complaints, and enforcing, by their petitions,
the prayer of the scholars against the society (MS. in my possession). To
counteract these efforts, the Jesuits naturally turned to the evidence that was
proffered by their friends ; and two papers, declaratory of the zeal and prudence,
both of the fathers in general, and of Holt in particular, were drawn up, and
circulated for subscription. The first was signed by seven of the superiors of
Douay : the other, by eighteen clergymen, and ninety-nine laics, including
soldiers and women. With the means, by which some of these signatures were
obtained, no less than with the nature of many of the signatures themselves (that
of Guy Fawkes was. amongst them), there is every reason to be dissatisfied.
However, the matter seems to have been partially examined by the cardinal

40 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

1595 ; especially in the castle of Wisbeach, where, a great
many of them being kept prisoners, a scandalous rup
ture happened amongst them. The case in short was
this : some of the young missioners, who had been edu-

archduke Albert. Of the charges against Holt, some were thought to be un
founded, some were trivial, and others doubtful. Instead of being removed, he
was admonished to be more conciliating in his manners; and, for the present,
the dispute was allowed to slumber. It is right, however, to add, that the
decision, as to the merits of the charges against him, was framed in accordance

with the private report of father Oliver Manareus and Don de Tapis : that

this report was founded, not so much on the evidence of facts, as upon a wish to
prevent an inquiry, that might be injurious to the society; but that, at the same
time, Manareus was strongly impressed with the conviction, that no permanent
tranquillity could be established, until Holt was removed from Brussels. The
real motive of his retention, as assigned by Persons, evidently was, that his
services were deemed necessary to the promotion of Ferdinand's designs against
England (See Appendix, No. XVII.).

There is another subject, to which, before I close this note, it is necessary to
refer. Soon after the suppression of the disturbance in the English college at
Rome, it was represented, either to the pope or to the protector, that, in conse
quence of some abuses which had latterly prevailed, it would be advisable to
impose a certain degree of restriction on the power of granting and taking the
academical degree of doctor. It was said that, owing to the facility with which
this honour had been hitherto attained in the foreign universities, men from
England, without age and without learning, had been able to acquire it ; that,
by this means, both the degree itself, and the whole body of the clergy, had been
degraded in the estimation of protestants ; and that, what was scarcely less per
nicious in its consequences, the aged and the venerable labourers of the mission,
men whose circumstances alone had placed them beyond the reach of the same
distinction, were thus doomed to experience a continual recurrence of mortifica
tions, to see their inferiors in talent and acquirement preferred before them, and
to give precedence to those very youths, of whose infant or whose early years
they had themselves, perhaps, been the instructors. It was to remedy these
evils that Clement the Eighth, on the nineteenth of September, 1597, published
his celebrated decree. By it, he declares that, so long as England shall be
separated from the communion of the Roman see, no English divine shall be
permitted to pass the degree of doctor, unless, in addition to the four years
usually dedicated to the study of theology, he shall further have employed a
similar term, in " perfecting and consolidating" his knowledge : he orders that
the fitness of each candidate shall be attested, by a written certificate from the
president of the college where he has studied, and from the protector or vice-
protector of the English nation ; and he pronounces a solemn sentence of ex
communication against any person, who, in contravention of the present ordi
nance, shall presume to take out the degree, either before the expiration of the
appointed time, or without the necessary testimonials (See Appendix, No.
XVIII.). The promulgation of this decree produced considerable excitement
among a large portion of the clergy. Connecting it with the late events in the
English college, they regarded it as a species of retaliation, and persuaded
themselves that it was a scheme, devised by the Jesuits, for the purpose of de
grading the secular clergy. But they were evidently mistaken. The tendency
of the regulation was, to redeem the body from disgrace. It provided that the
substance and the name of learning should be united : it preserved youth and
age in their relative and true positions; and it secured respect for an academical
degree, with which protestants were ever accustomed to associate the idea of
age, of learning, and of talent— TJ]

ART. v.] FACTIONS AMONG CATHOLICS. 4 1

cated under the Jesuits, were persuaded by one father
William Weston (one of that society, and the only
Jesuit in Wisbeach prison) to admit of certain rules, as
to hours of rising, eating, studies, &c. ; whereby, as far
as circumstances would permit, they might appear like
a college, or regular community. Father Weston, ac
cordingly, was furnished with a plan from Henry Gar
net, the superior of their order, then residing in London.
At first the proposal was looked upon as a very good
expedient, in order to promote virtue and learning
among them. But Dr. Windham, Mr. Metham, Mr.
Bluet, and others of the ancient missioners, that were
prisoners, apprehending, that this new scheme would
be a means of dividing them into parties, and prove
prejudicial to the clergy, positively refused to come
into the project. However, the young missioners were
determined to carry it on ; and, to prevent any one's
taking umbrage, as if the Jesuits sought their conve
nience in this affair, Mr. Dryland, a clergyman of no
remarkable qualifications, was to be head of the com
munity. But this Dryland, being an entire creature of
the Jesuits, made the old missioners still more suspi
cious of some design. In the meantime the project
went on ; but the parties not agreeing, there was a
separation, as to goods, diet, and common purse. The
number of prisoners, in the whole, were thirty-four,
whereof nineteen were for the new regulation, the rest
refused to comply. It was alleged by those of the dis
senting party (whether justly or not, I shall not deter
mine), that father Garnet made use of this stratagem, to
bring the clergy into subjection to the Jesuits, and to
get into the management of the collections, that were
made all over England, for the support of the prisoners.
Thus far it had its effect, that father Weston, having
had several sums of money paid into his hands, took
care, that only such should partake of the distributions,
as conformed to the new discipline ; by which means, it
was supposed, that the rest would be starved into a
compliance. Violent disputes happened among them
upon the separation ; which in a little time were carried

42 ELIZABETH. [I-ART iv.

all over the kingdom. In order to make up the breach,
several ancient missioners, who enjoyed their liberty,
and had been employed in making collections, took a
journey to Wisbeach Castle. The chief of them were
Dr. Bavant, Mr. Dolman, Mr. Mush, and Mr. Dudley.
Their years and experience gave them authority to
speak their minds freely to both parties. They did not
dissemble the passion and aggravating speeches of those
that opposed the new regulation ; but, at the same time,
took the same liberty, in reflecting upon father Wes-
ton's behaviour. They owned the scheme in itself to
be commendable ; but that it was an imposition upon
persons of singular parts and merit, who ought to have
been more attended to, in a thing of that nature ; that,
as the case stood, it manifestly tended towards a breach
of charity ; and, in fine, that there was some appear
ance of ambition and usurpation in those, that were the
contrivers ; especially if it was true, what was reported
concerning father Garnet, who, being informed of the
opposition made by the clergy against the new regula
tion, was pleased to observe, that it would conduce
very much to the good of the catholic cause, if the
clergy were to be under the direction of their society,
not only in the colleges, but also when they returned
into England upon the mission. This is the substance
of the account, which I have abridged from several
pamphlets and manuscripts, written by those that were
upon the spot.1

1 [There are some inaccuracies in this part of Dodd's narrative, which it is
necessary to notice, before I refer to the main question of the dispute, which he
describes. 1st. The project of placing- Dryland at the head of the prisoners
was wholly unconnected with the present dissention. The idea was suggested
by Weston, in 1587; it was proposed for the adoption of his fellow prisoners;
but, being disapproved by the majority, was laid aside. Dryland was the con
fessor of Weston (True Relation, 3).

2d. Metham, or Mettam, who was a Jesuit, was alive at the period when
Dryland was proposed for the superior; but he had died nearly two years before
the present transactions. Windham was not among the prisoners (ibid. 17).

3d. Besides Weston, Thomas Pound, a layman, but a member of the society,
was confined, at this period, in Wisbeach. Including him, the number attached
to Weston was nineteen ; making a total of twenty, out of thirty-three, the whole
number of prisoners (Persons, Brief Apology, 6(i, (59.)

The event, here described by Dodd, is one of those unhappy differences, that
mark the character of the age to which they belong. To understand it

ART. v.] FACTIONS AMONG CATHOLICS. 43

Another grand contest among the missioners hap
pened in the year 1598, and continued for a consider -

thoroughly, we must consider the circumstances of the several parties.
Originally introduced as the assistants, the Jesuits, with the advantage of a
resident superior, had gradually become the most influential members, of the
English mission. They possessed more extensive faculties than the clergy.
They were attached to the principal families, were consulted by the catholics
in their principal difficulties, and were the medium through which the funds,
for the maintenance both of the clergy and of the poor, were chiefly administered.
The younger missioners, educated in the colleges of the fathers, and still look
ing to them for support, naturally placed themselves under their guidance : the
elder clergy, on the other hand, superseded in their authority, and deprived, in
a great measure, of their influence, regarded the members of the society in the
light of rivals. In addition to this, the political feelings, mentioned in the
preceding note, were at work. Human nature, on both sides, yielded to the
impulse. What one sought to recover, the other sought to retain and enlarge:
the jealousies of the college were extended to the mission ; and each believed,
or sought to make others believe, that his opponents were the destroyers of
religion.

With these sentiments, and under these circumstances, the parties alluded to
in the text met in the castle of Wisbeach. The attempt of Weston to establish
a superior, in the person of Dryland, has been mentioned : it was succeeded, at
intervals, by other proposals of a similar description : but, like the first, they
were rejected by the prisoners ; and, for seven years, the general peace of the
community seems to have been undisturbed (True Relation, 5 ; Moore, 143).
At length Weston, who had previously arranged his plans with his adherents
(re diii apud se deliberata, et cum nonnullis etiam communicata), was suddenly
missed from the table in the common hall. His absence, which had continued
for several days, became the subject of various remarks: these remarks were
mentioned to him ; and he at once declared that, unless his companions would
submit to some regular mode of life, his conscience would not permit him again
to join their society. About the same time (January, 1595), a letter, subscribed
by eighteen of the captive clergymen, the friends of Weston, was addressed to
Garnet. It denounced the conduct of the remaining portion of the prisoners ;
charged them with the grossest violations of morality; and requested such
counsel and assistance from their chosen adviser, as would best enable them to
avoid the scandal that must attach to the disorders of their companions (Persons,
Brief Apol. 71). Persons, though he carefully describes the contents of this
address, makes no mention of the answer; and Garnet himself, in his sub
sequent letters, carefully avoids all allusion to this part of the correspondence.
A few days later, however, the same parties assembled, and, having drawn up
and subscribed a body of rules for their future government, immediately elected
Weston for their superior. But Weston demurred to the appointment. The
burthen, he said, was beyond his strength. He was a religious man : he owed
obedience himself to a superior ; and, if they wished him to sacrifice his own
feelings by accepting the office, they must obtain the consent of that superior.
To Garnet, of course, they now applied (Feb. 7), stating that they had spent
" the last three days " in deliberation, informing him of the result, and imploring
him to ratify their selection of Weston, by yielding to it the sanction of his
authority. Garnet, though he foresaw the opposition that would be raised, was
unwilling, so he informs us, to reject their petition. He gave, therefore, a
qualified assent. He allowed Weston to preside, but ordered him to exercise
no authority : he required all acts of power and correction to be performed by
the joint suffrages of the company ; and he expressed a hope that, as offence was
likely to arise, they would so regulate their conduct, as not to permit the odium

44 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

able time ; the occasion whereof was this. No care had
been taken by the catholic party, to provide themselves

to fall upon Weston. It was some time before these proceedings became known
to the opposite party (True Relation, 12, 14). After they were discovered, Dr.
Christopher Bagshawe, the leader of the dissidents, wrote to Garnet, complaining
that Weston and his friends, by withdrawing from the society, were reflecting
on the character, of the other prisoners ; and calling on him, as the author of
the separation, to exert his influence in reestablishing the harmony of the place.
Garnet's reply is still preserved, and will be given in the appendix. In it, he
assures his correspondent that no censure was intended to be cast on the conduct
or reputation of the other party. Weston and his friends had mistrusted their
own virtue; they had associated fur their own improvement ; and had confined
their accusations to their own frailties. For himself, he was neither the author
nor the approver of the separation. He had merely yielded to the entreaties of
those, who must have understood their own necessities ; and he could not now
venture, without further information, to disturb the arrangement that had been
made. " Let me exhort you, then," he continued, " by the charity of your Re
deemer, though separated in body, to be united in affection. Suffer your
brethren to adopt a rule, which no law forbids, no vow has rendered criminal :
and, in the mean time, continue to pursue your own course, regulate your
actions according to your own views, and live, as you hitherto have lived, in a
manner worthy of the learning and the piety of the priesthood." — Garnet forgot,
when he wrote this, that, in the preceding July, he had not only declared the
opponents of Weston to have been habitually guilty of almost every species of
immorality, but had concluded his report by significantly reminding the general
of the order, that the very man, whom he was now addressing as his " dearest
and most loving" friend, had, in earlier life, been " deservedly expelled from the
Roman college." See Appendix, No. XIX.

I should exhaust the patience of the reader, were I to detail the whole of the
proceedings, the negotiations commenced and broken off, the disputes and con
tradictions, the charges and recriminations, the disorder and the violence, which,
for more than nine months, continued to distract this unhappy community. It
is sufficient to say, that the scandal, produced by the affair, had already filled
the country, when two of the more ancient of the clergy, Mush and Dudley,
hastening from the north, undertook the office of mediators. Having failed in
their first attempt to reconcile the parlies, they sought and obtained an interview
with Garnet. That person, in his letter to Bagshawe, had lately refused to in
terfere : if we may believe his opponents, he now repeated his refusal, and
accompanied it with the expression, which Dodd has recorded, as to the pro
priety of placing the clergy under the government of the society. In the course
of the conversation, however, he gradually relaxed : before it terminated, he
came into the views of the pacificators ; and, at its conclusion, he undertook to
write to Weston, and prepare the way for an amicable adjustment of all dif
ferences. Every serious obstacle was now removed. A new code of rules was
immediately drawn up and signed : on the sixth of November, the prisoners
assembled again at the common table ; and, two days later, Garnet received the
thanks and congratulations of all parties. True Relation, 36 — 40. See Ap
pendix, No. XX.

Before I conclude this note, I must be permitted to say a few words on the
declaration attributed to Garnet, respecting the government of the clergy. I
have already intimated that it rests only on the authority of his opponents :
I may add, that we are told nothing of the precise circumstances, under which
it is said to have been uttered, nor of the particular observations, by which it
may have been elicited. Still, I am not disposed entirely to reject it. When
the students at Rome petitioned for the removal of the fathers from the English

ART. v.] FACTIONS AMONG CATHOLICS. 45

with pastors of the episcopal character, as the old ones
dropped off. The last bishop, that remained of the
ancient stock, was Dr. Watson of Lincoln, who dying in
1584, his loss was very much lamented, both upon ac
count of the sacrament of confirmation, and for other
matters regarding government and discipline. Indeed,
while cardinal Allen lived, he was the general inspector
over the missioners : but, then, he was unserviceable,
as to the immediate parts of the episcopal character ;
and he dying in 1594, the body of English catholics
were become a flock without a pastor. Father Robert
Persons, an English Jesuit, was the chief person in
credit at Rome, upon the cardinal's decease, and com
monly advised with, in all matters relating to the English
nation. The clergy applied themselves frequently to
the pope, desiring to have one or more bishops to
remedy the inconveniences they lay under.1 Father

mission, Persons undertook to oppose the prayer, and to assign the reasons for
its rejection. The society, he assured the pontiff, was essential to the existence
of religion in this country. To the laity its members were necessary, to counsel,
to strengthen, and to protect them ; to the clergy, to support, to correct, and to
restrain them. Already the latter, by their vices and their apostacy, had
become objects of aversion or of distrust to the catholics. Were the fathers to
be removed, the people would be left without advisers, the clergy without guides ;
the salt would be taken from the earth, and the sun would be blotted from the
heavens of the English church. " Certe, quisquis infelicissimo illi regno so-
cietatis operam aufert, ille plane totius illius terrae salem, imo et afflictissimae
illius ecclesioe solem tollere videtur " (Domest. DifF. 166 — 169). When Persons
could deliberately express such an opinion of the relative merits of the two
parties, the sentiment attributed to Garnet, and, perhaps, uttered under the ex
citement produced by opposition, ceases to be improbable. — 71.]

1 [The first step taken by the clergy, with a view to remedy some part of these
inconveniences, was an attempt to establish a congregation, or fraternity, which
was to unite the members, and regulate the concerns, of the general body. It
was projected by Mush and Colleton, on the principle of a voluntary association,
soon after the pacification at Wisbeach. It was to have had two independent
branches, one in London, the other in Lancashire ; each was to have been
governed by its own officers, but each to have been subject to the same laws.
By those laws it was decreed, that the affairs of the congregation should be
entrusted to the management of a person to be called the " Father" aided by
two assistants and a secretary, all to be elected annually by the majority of the
members. Their duties were, to administer the funds of the society, to assign
relief to its indigent brethren, to preside at the meetings, and determine the
disputes, of the fraternity. Other matters were to be decided by a plurality of
voices. The members were to employ their influence, in procuring permanent
missions for the clergy belonging to the congregation : they were to be the
guardians of each other's fame, the correctors of each other's failings, and were,
each, to seek, by prayer and recollection, to improve themselves in the virtues of
their state (MS. Rufes in my possession, endorsed by Persons, with the title in

46 ELIZABETH. [PART IT.

Persons, being consulted, went willingly into the pro
ject ; but afterwards, apprehending some difficulties in

the handwriting of Garnet. A translation, by Persons, is at Stonyhurst, MSS.
Ang. A. ii. 32. See also Colleton's Just De'fence, 123 — 125). In what may
be called the machinery of this institution, there was much that was faulty.
Some of its rules were impracticable ; others were calculated to place its mem
bers more immediately within the reach of the pursuivants. Still its object was
laudable : its effect, moreover, could it have been perfected, must have been to
raise the character, and restore the influence, of the clergy : nor did it contain
any thing to justify the violent and offensive language, with which Persons,
both in manuscript and in print, in England and to the pope himself, con
tinually assailed its projectors. See Brief Apology, 90; and Stonyhurst MSS.
Ang. A. iii. 11,17. I subjoin the preamble to the rules, which Persons, in his
translation, has omitted : —

" Among other things, which, in these unfortunate days of heresy, have been
wished by many good zealous persons, as convenient for promoting our country's
salvation, and setting forward God's holy word (the catholic cause) within this
realm, before all other that hath been much desired, that catholic priests, sent
into this harvest of God, would unite themselves, and agree upon some sweet
course and order, such as their own wisdoms might judge expedient for better
advancing God's holy cause, the firmer construction of mutual concord, peace,
and love amongst them, the easier preventing of all inconveniences, which, by
human frailty might happen, and the catholic people their greater comfort and
good. For albeit our Lord, in the abundance of his infinite and singular
mercy to our nation, for reducing it from heresies into the holy bosom of his
catholic church, hath, far above the reach of man's wit and expectation, begun
amongst us an apostolic course, and inspired into the hearts of children a sincere
and religious zeal (no less marvellous in the eyes of all the world than extra
ordinary) with loss of their temporal lives to preach his holy faith to our people,
yea, and, in his inscrutable providence, hath not, in all these years, hitherto sent
amongst us any one, with preeminence to govern and keep order in the rest, yet
should not man thereupon either, dangerously presuming upon his own suf
ficiency in his labours, contemn or neglect the assistance of his brethren, or
think it needless that, agreeing in some indifferent order, we endeavour to live
accordingly. It is said of men, that, shunning the advice of communion and
fellowship of their brethren, please themselves in their own abilities, " v<e soli,
quid" Sec.; and again, "tve vobis qui sapientes estis" Sec. Of Christ's own
apostles and Christians of their time also it is manifest that, notwithstanding
they had singular assistance of the Holy Ghost, and were abundantly endowed
with all graces, yet they united themselves in an order and course of life and
proceeding common to all, " ita ut multitudinis credentium esset cor unum el
anima una" to the vanquishing of all the enemies of God : which glorious ex
ample of theirs may rightly now-a-days be thought so much more necessary for
catholic priests in England to imitate in some convenient sort, by how much in
like apostolic enterprise they being no less frail and subject to human infirmities
than those saints were, but want great portion of their graces, and live here all
equals, without superior to direct and guide them in their labours. Some in
conveniences have happened ; and it is a marvel that we have seen no greater :
but what benefits we have lost, and what harms have come both to priests and
people and the common cause, through want of more union of minds, in orderly
proceedings, none can easily express or imagine. For the glory of God, there
fore, hoping thereby the greater good and more certain benefit to ourselves, the
catholic cause, and people under our charge, we, whose names are subscribed,
upon mature deliberation have agreed to prescribe unto ourselves thef-e orders
following : in which enterprise, as we condemn or mislike none that, upon

ART. v.] FACTIONS AMONG CATHOLICS. 4 7

the execution,, lie fell upon another project, which
being communicated to cardinal Cajetan, protector of
the English nation, it took effect.1 The proposal was,
that the clergy should be under the government of a
simple priest, bearing the title of arch-priest, and en
joying episcopal jurisdiction. This method, as it was
alleged, would give less offence to the queen and govern
ment. Accordingly, cardinal Cajetan thought himself
sufficiently empowered, by the strength of his protector-
reasonable cause known to themselves, join not with us, so we hope again that
none will uncharitably judge or condemn us herein. ' Unusquisque in suo sensu
abundet, modo pax et fraternitatis charitas solicite retineantur.' For our parts,
we wish and intend no other thing hereby, but God's honour, the furtherance of
his church's cause, with perfect unity and concord amongst ourselves, by the
mutual offices of love, comfort, and succour, one towards another." — 71.]

1 [Persons had long advocated the appointment of an episcopal superior. In
1580, he had written to Agazzarius, the rector of the English college at Rome,
describing the spiritual necessities of the English catholics, and expressing a
hope that a bishop would speedily be nominated (Hunter's Modest Defence, 67).
Eleven years later, so he assures us, he renewed the subject, and actually ob
tained from the munificence of the venerable prelate of Jaen, Don Francesco
Sarmientos, the promise of a competent support for two or three bishops (Brief
Apology, 101). Why no further steps were taken we are not told. When,
however, he arrived in Rome, at the beginning of 1597, the matter was again
pressed on his attention. The association, mentioned in the preceding note,
had just been projected : the parties, likely to be placed at its head, were the
avowed opponents of the society ; and he immediately, therefore, presented a
memorial to the pope and cardinals, praying for the appointment of two bishops
in partibus, and suggesting that, while one should reside in England, as the
immediate superintendent of the clergy, the other, with archiepiscopal powers,
should be fixed in Belgium, whence he would be able to communicate, without
difficulty, with his suffragan in this country (Colleton, Just Defence, 125. See
Appendix, No. XXI.). Persons, in taking this step, seems to have acted from
the impulse of the moment. Reflection, however, persuaded him that the
paramount object of his party, the choice of a successor to the throne, might be
more surely promoted by a different arrangement. If the secular clergy could
be subjected to the control of a single superior, and if that superior could be
made entirely dependent on the society, it was clear that, when the proper
moment should arrive, the influence of the whole body might be exerted in sup
port of his favourite design (Memorial, apud Lingard, viii. 391. " La stessa
institutione (del arciprete) fu drizzataspecialmente alia promotione delli disegni
del re di Spagna contra quel che alhora era il vero pretensore, et adesso e il
possessore, di nostra corona." Stonyh. MSS. Ang. A. iii. 38). The idea of
bishops was now abandoned : another project was suggested; and, in the course
of a few months, the scheme mentioned in the text was adopted. It is only
necessary to add that, though a fear of offending the government was the pre
text publicly alleged by Persons (Brief Apol. 99b-) for the refusal of bishops,
yet the known wishes of Elizabeth and her ministers, in favour of such an ap
pointment, was the reason assigned to the pontiff for the establishment of a
different form of government. Plowden's Remarks on Berington's Panzani,
123. See also Persons's Memorial against the appointment of more than one
archpriest. It was written four years later, and is printed in No. XXXIV. of
the Appendix to the present volume. — 7'.]

48 ELIZABETH. [PAFU iv.

1598 ship, to establish this new kind of economy ; and,
Mar-7- issuing out a constituent letter, in the year 1598,
he appointed Mr. George Black well, a clergyman, to take
upon him the title of arch-priest, who, with a certain
number of assistants, were to manage the concerns of
the clergy.1 This matter being carried on privately,
without the knowledge or advice of the chief persons
among the clergy, they were hugely provoked at it,
and took the liberty to stand off, till they had been
heard at Rome.2 Soon after, they deputed two of their

1 [See the letter in the Appendix, No. XXII. The writer begins with a
feeling allusion to the sufferings of the English catholics, speaks of the dissen-
tions which had, for some time, prevailed among them, and says that he had
been commanded by the pope to employ his utmost diligence, in seeking to
restore tranquillity. The clergy, he says, had prayed, the pontiff had approved
the prayer, for the establishment of some system of ecclesiastical subordination.
He therefore (the protector) deputes Blackwell to preside, in the character of
archpriest, over the secular clergy : he gives him unlimited power to restrain or
revoke their sacerdotal faculties, to remove them from place to place, to pre
scribe rules for their government, and to suspend or deprive them, if they prove
refractory : he assigns to him six persons, in the subordinate capacity of assis
tants, and authorises him to appoint six others, to act in conjunction with the
former ; and he concludes by exhorting him to enforce ecclesiastical discipline,
to promote union among all classes, and especially to cherish a feeling of bro
therly affection towards the fathers of the society, " who neither have, nor pre
tend to have, any portion of jurisdiction or authority over the secular clergy."
With this letter, however, was despatched a secret instruction, enjoining the
new archpriest, in all matters of importance, to be guided by the advice of the
superior of the Jesuits.

That the cardinal did not issue this instrument, as Dodd asserts, on the mere
" strength of his protectorship," we are assured by the pope himself. Still, that
it was informal, that it professed to emanate from the protector's own authority,
and that it afforded no evidence to show that the particular scheme, which it
contained, had been devised with the approbation, or even with the knowledge,
of the pontiff, is undoubted. This fact alone sufficiently justifies the opposition
with which it was encountered. — 71.]

3 [It is right, however, to observe that, though they demurred to the legal
authenticity of the instrument, under which Blackwell was appointed, they did
not refuse to yield obedience to his authority, during the interval of their appeal
(See Colleton's Just Defence, 270, and Mush's protestation, in the Appendix,
No. XXIII.).

It has been said that the number of dissidents was small : but this is correct
only as regards those who publicly distinguished themselves by their opposition.
As Mr. Butler has remarked, the secular clergy generally were dissatisfied with
the appointment of the archpriest, though, from motives of timidity, or a wish
to be undisturbed, they forbore to take an active part against him (Mem. ii. 257.
See also Colleton, 159 ; the Defence of Bishop, at the end of Ely's Brief Notes,
5; and Persons's letter to Dr. Pitts, Stonyh. MSS. Ang. A.ii. 58, in which he
complains that the doctors Ely and Pitts, " so great and principal men of our
nation," were amongst the opponents of the new government). Among those
(thirty-one in all) who, at first, openly declared themselves, Buckley, eighty
years of age, and formerly a monk of Westminster, had, at that moment, been

ART. v.] FACTIONS AMONG CATHOLICS. 49

body, to exhibit their complaints to the pope ; and,
accordingly, Mr. Bishop and Mr. Charnock were
sent, with a paper of exceptions against this new
establishment of an archpriest. The chief heads of
their complaints were, that this kind of government for
a whole nation seemed new and surprising ; that it did
not answer the ends of the mission, especially as to the
sacrament of confirmation ; that the divine institution
required a hierarchy in every national church ; that
these measures were taken by misinformation,, and sur
reptitious means ; that the chief persons among the
clergy had neither been advised with, nor consenting,
as the court of Rome had been made to believe;1 that
the whole derogated from the dignity of the clergy;
that, in fine, it was a contrivance of father Robert
Persons and the Jesuits, who had the liberty to nomi
nate both the archpriest and his assistants ; that the
cardinal-protector's letter, without an express bull from
his holiness, was not sufficient to make so remarkable
an alteration in the government of the church ; that the
archpriest being ordered to advise with the Jesuits in
all matters relating to the clergy, was an unbecoming

a confessor in chains, for thirty years ; Bluet had suffered in the same manner
for twenty-two years, Bagsbawe for fourteen, Calverley for thirteen, and Mere
dith, Taylor, and Thules, for twelve each. Others, such as Bishop, bad been
imprisoned for lesser periods ; and Colleton bad exposed his life upon the mis
sion for twenty-four years (Stonyhurst MSS. Aug. A. ii. 47). Yet Garnet, in a
letter enclosing the names of seventeen priests in Wisbeach, who approved of
the new institution, gravely affirms that the oppositon to it was nothing- more
than the schismatical hostility " of a few turbulent youths," — juvenum quorun-
dam inquietorum (Plowden, 332). According even to Persons, out of four
hundred clergymen then in England, the whole number, exclusive of Blackwell
and the assistants, who subscribed in favour of the appointment, was only fifty-
seven (Brief Apol. 106). Garnet confirms this; but tells us that twenty-four
others had commissioned any one of the subscribing priests to insert their
names. Plowden, 336. — 71.]

' [This is virtually acknowledged even by Persons, who says, " as for their
wills and knowledge, they being so small a part as they were of the whole body,
it was not necessary in particular for his holiness or 'protector to require the
same" (Brief Apol. 107^). In another place, he tells us that the pope " willed
information to be procured out of England of the fittest men for government;

as it was done, though these unquiet, perhaps (he forgets that they

were not " unquiet" then) were not demanded in particular" He adds that the
persons, really consulted, were himself and father Baldwin, with Haddock,
Martin Array, Standish» and some other secular priests at Rome, whose opinions
were supported by letters, not only from England, but also from Spain and
Flanders. Ibid. 9S*._ 71.]

VOL. ITI. p.

50 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

restraint upon their body, and without a precedent.
For these, and such-like reasons, they begged leave to
demur in their obedience to the archpriest, till his
authority was more legally established.1 Before the
two agents arrived at Rome, care was taken by the
other party to send injurious characters before them ;
which, in short, were, that they were the heads and
ringleaders of a number of factious priests, who had
arrogated to themselves the name of the English clergy.2
Upon their arrival in the city, they were both seized by
the cardinal's orders, and committed to custody, under
the inspection of father Persons. Having with great
difficulty obtained their liberty, or rather escaped by
flight, they left Rome, re infectd, and, returning into

1 [These were the grounds of their opposition to the government established
by the protector's letter ; and these, of course, the deputies were directed to lay
before the pontiff. But they were also the bearers of a letter to More, the
English agent at Rome, containing their instructions, and explaining the object
of their mission. They were to petition for the appointment of ordinary bishops
with suffragans, for the restoration of the English college at Rome to the secular
clergy, for a prohibition against the introduction of any political works, not
specially licensed, into this country, and for permission to frame regulations for
their own internal goverment. In the third of these requests, they evidently
pointed at Persons's Conference on the Succession : in the last, they alluded to
the congregation mentioned in a preceding note. The letter is printed at the
end of the " Declaratio Motuum:" there is a MS. copy of it, endorsed by Per
sons, at Stonyhurst, MSS. Ang. A. ii. 36. — T.~\

2 [One of the papers on this subject was signed, and despatched to the pro
tector, by Barret, the president of Douay, and the three doctors, Webbe, Har
rison, and Kellison. It was written in the most offensive style of the time, and
expressed a hope " that some example of severe correction would be used upon
the deputies, to the end that others of the same faction and boldness should be
held in their duty" (Brief Apol. 125). Of the effect, produced by these defama
tory reports on the mind of the pontiff, we may judge from the fact, that Bel-
larmine, in a letter to Persons, informed him that the pope had already deter
mined, if the agents came to Ferrara, where he then was, to commit them to
prison. Persons afterwards appealed to this letter, in proof that he was not
concerned in the violence offered to Bishop and Charnock : but he omitted to
add, what there is good reason to believe, that he was in correspondence with
Bellarmine on the subject of the deputies; that the letter in question, instead of
emanating, as he pretended, from an order of the pope, was, in fact, an answer to
one written by himself ; and that its object was, to inform him, in reply to his own
inquiries, that the deputies had not yet arrived, that, even in the event of their
arrival, no judicial proceedings should be adopted until the pope returned to
Rome, and that, consequently, itwould be unnecessary for him to come to Ferrara,
to prosecute the business (Compare Persons's Brief Apol. 120b, with Colleton's
Just Defence, 76). Bellarmine's letter was dated on the 17th of October, 1598 :
on the tenth of the following month, the protector addressed Blackwell, condemn
ing the proceedings of the appellants, and requiring him to return an informa
tion as to their character and conduct. See Appendix, No. XXIV. — 7".]

ART. v.] FACTIONS AMONG CATHOLICS. 5 1

England, entertained their brethren with the dismal
account of their embassy. Frequent consultations were
had about the matter ; the conclusion whereof was, not
to submit to the archpriest, till his authority was con
firmed and become more authentic. This behaviour so
exasperated the Jesuits, and others, that favoured their
project, that open war was declared on both sides.
The noncomplying clergy were distinguished by the
name of appellants ; and great pains was taken to
render them odious both at Rome and in England.
Father Persons published a large apology in defence of
the archpriest's authority : father Lister, one of the
same society, wrote a small " Treatise of Schism,"
wherein he endeavours to prove, the appellants were
schismatics. Neither was the other party backward in
their own defence : an infinite number of pamphlets
came forth to that purpose: and, among other attempts,
the appellants drew up their case, and proposed it to
the doctors of Sorbonne, who declared so far in their
favour, as to pronounce them free from the sin of dis
obedience, or schism, till the pope had confirmed the
archpriest's power in a more canonical way. This so
provoked the archpriest, that he published a virulent
pamphlet against the Sorbonne decree ; and, to shew
that he was in earnest, he not only threatened some of
the appellants with suspension, but actually deprived
them of their faculties. At length, the pope, taking
particular cognizance of the matter, thought it proper
to confirm the archpriest's power by a special bull.
This, in a great measure, gave content to the appellants.
However, they still shewed a great uneasiness, and
continued their appeal to his holiness concerning cer
tain clauses in the instrument of the archpriest's power ;
especially that, which advised him to consult the Jesuits
in the affairs of the clergy. The pope was pleased to
hearken to this part of their complaint, and, by a second
order, not only prohibited such kind of intermeddling
for the future, but, to render the union among the
clergy more lasting, the archpriest was admonished to
make choice of some of the appellants for his assist-

E 2

52 ELIZABETH. [PART IT.

ants. By this means, an end was put to this conten
tious affair ; and all the clergy were unanimous in their
obedience to the archpriest, as long as that economy
lasted ; which was during the prelacy of three arch-
priests, Mr. Blackwell, Mr. Birket, and Mr. Harrison.1

1 [There is much confusion, and some inaccuracy, in this part of the narra
tive. 1st. Bishop and Charnock left England about the end of May, 1598.
Their departure somewhat unreasonably excited the anger of Blackwell : their
conduct he denounced as rebellious, their party as the abettors of schism : and
Colleton, Mush, and the other leading men among the appellants, he constantly
branded with the most opprobrious epithets. It was in vain that Mush had
already promised to acquiesce in his authority ; it was in vain that Colleton now
addressed him, complaining of his injurious language, and requesting to be in
formed of the precise nature of his accusations (see Appendix, No. XXV.).
They were answered only by suspension from the archpriest (Brief Apol. 147 ;
Just Defence, 190, 191), and by angry invectives from the press; while Lister,
in the " Treatise of Schism " mentioned in the text, boldly proclaimed them to
have " fallen from the church and spouse of Christ," to have become irregular
and excommunicate, a scandal to the good, and infamous to all (Colleton, 193).
Persons's " Apology " was wrritten at a later period. To give it authority, and,
of course, to injure the cause of the appellants, he pretended, in the title-page,
that it was written " by priests united in due subordination to the archpriest.

2d. While the excitement produced by these proceedings was at its height,
the deputies (Dec. 1 1) arrived in Rome. If we may believe the account drawn
up under the eye of Dr. Bishop himself, they were, at first, received by Persons
in the college, but afterwards expelled, to seek a lodging in the town. Here,
in the middle of the night, on the twenty-eighth of December, they wrere sud
denly arrested by a company of the pope's guards, and, having been conveyed
under escort to the English college, \vere committed to the custody of Persons,
and placed in separate apartments. For nearly four months, they continued
under this restraint. Their papers were seized ; they were debarred from all
communication with each other ; they were secluded from the counsel and in
telligence of their friends; and they wrere subjected to a series of insulting and
harrassing examinations, conducted by Persons, and registered by Father Tich-
bourne, another member of the society. On the seventeenth of February, 1599,
the two cardinals, Cajetan and Borghese, arrived at the college : but the pri
soners, instead of being allowed to discharge their commission, were, in reality,
placed on their defence ; and a process, bearing all the characteristics of a trial,
immediately commenced. The previous depositions were read : new charges of
ambition, and of a design to procure mitres for themselves, were urged against
the deputies : the procurators of the archpriest were heard in aggravation ; and
the accused, having been permitted to reply, were remanded to their confine
ment, there to wait the decision of the court (Compare the Declaratio Motuum,
41 — 44, and Colleton, 3(3, with Persons's own account, in the Brief Apology, 121,
128 — 139). That decision was pronounced on the twenty-first of April. It re
leased Bishop and his companion from their restraint : but it ordered them to
leave Rome within ten days; it forbad them to return either to England, Scot
land, or Ireland, without the express permission of the pope or of the protector;
and it awarded the penalty of suspension, to be incurred on the commission of
the act, if they presumed to disregard this prohibition (Brief Apol. 139, 140.
See Appendix, No. XXVI.). Against this sentence Charnock afterwards ap
pealed, and, under cover of the appeal, returned to England (Stonyh. MSS. Ang.
A. ii. 59). Blackwell threatened to suspend him : but the cardinal du Perron,
the French ambassador at Rome, is said to have interfered with the pontiff, in

ART. v.] FACTIONS AMONG CATHOLICS. 53

behalf both of him and of Bishop ; and the two deputies soon after resumed
their sacerdotal functions in England (Racine, Hist. Eccles. xiii. 608 ; Mem.
clu Card, du Perron, 403).

It is evident that these proceedings were adopted, principally, if not entirely,
as a matter of precaution. A great political object was in view. Had Bishop
and his companion been permitted to approach the pontiff, or to converse freely
with his officers, a new impression might have been created as to the wants and
wishes of the English catholics; and, in that case, the institution of the arch-
priest, which, in the minds of its projectors, was to determine the future destinies
of the throne, might have been overturned. By first sequestering, and after
wards dismissing, the deputies, this danger was avoided. The pontiff heard
nothing but what might be prudent to lay before him : his impressions were
left undisturbed ; and he willingly subscribed the breve, by which Blackwell's
authority was confirmed.

3d. That breve was signed, on the sixth of April, 1599, fifteen days before
the release of the deputies. It distinctly recognized the act of the protector, in
the institution of the archpriest ; declared the letter to have been written with
the knowledge, and by the command, of the pontiff; pronounced it to have
been valid from the first, and ordered its provisions to be strictly compli d with
(See Appendix, No. XXVII.). To the honour of the appellants, they instantly
and cheerfully bowed to the decision. Colleton, Mush, and Hebourn, the very
men whom Blackwell had already suspended (Brief Apol. 147, 149), hastened
to Wisbeach, to announce the arrival of the breve, and unite the prisoners in its
support. Their mission was successful. Persons, in a letter to Mush, thanked
them for " the great good effects which they had wrought " (Brief Apol. 145 b) :
while Blackwell, under the impulse of his joy, at once restored them to the
exercise of their clerical functions, " blessed God that, upon the sight of the
breve, they had submitted themselves," and candidly acknowledged that, by
their zealous exertions, they had " procured the submission of the rest to his
subordination" (ibid. 147 b. See also Appendix, No. XXVIII.). But unfor
tunately, these purer sentiments were not unalloyed, in the mind of the arch-
priest, with feelings of a baser nature. In one of his very first interviews with
Colleton and Mush, he produced a letter for their signatures, which described
their late proceeding by the epithet of " schism " (ibid. 146). To this charge he
afterwards returned. Their present submission, he maintained, could not atone
for past delinquency. Their separation had been schismatical : they were still
guilty of schism ; and until they should have offered satisfaction for their crime,
he must defend the Treatise of Lister, and continue to treat them as schismatics
(Just Defence, 195). At length Colieton, to terminate the dispute, laid the case
before the divines of the university of Paris. As Dodd has observed, the deci
sion of the faculty was in favour of the appellants : it was condemned, however,
by Blackwell, in an angry decree published on the twenty-ninth of May (see
Appendix, No. XXIX.) : this was followed, in October, by a sentence of sus
pension against Colleton and Mush ; and on the seventeenth of the following
month, thirty-three clergymen, by a regular instrument, solemnly appealed to
the judgment of the apostolic see (See Appendix, No. XXX.).

It was not to be expected that this contest would escape the notice of the
government. Elizabeth had watched its progress ; she was aware of its political
origin ; and while, on the one hand, perhaps, she sought to weaken the body by
division, on the other she not unnaturally inclined towards that party, whose
loyalty was less open to suspicion. By degrees, the appellants were relieved
from many of the restraints, imposed by the'law upon the catholic clergy. In
some instances, they were removed from the confinement of a jail, to become
prisoners at large: they were permitted to correspond with each other; and
were provided with facilities for the publication of tracts, intended to vindicate
their proceedings against the attacks of their adversaries. The intercourse,
thus established, was afterwards improved. Of the clergymen who had lately

54 ELIZABETH. [PART IT.

referred their cause to the decision of the pontiff, all, at the moment of the
appeal, were confined in the castle of Wisbeach. Hence, they had been
compelled to dispense with the formality of a deputation, to commit their
complaints to paper, and to transmit them, by the ordinary conveyance,
through the archpriest, to Rome. It was now thought that something
more might be effected. About the end of June, HiOl, Bluet was secretly
introduced to some of the members of the privy-council, and, by their means,
was admitted to the presence of the queen. Of the conference which ensued
we are acquainted only with the result. It was determined that Bagshawe,
Champney, Bamaby, and Bluet himself, who were all under restraint, should
be forthwith discharged, that they should be permitted to visit their friends, for
the purpose of collecting money, and that, as soon as their preparations were
complete, they should receive passports, which, under the pretence of banishing
them, would enable them to leave the country, and proceed to prosecute their
appeal in Rome (See Appendix, No. XXXI. The passports are mentioned by
Winwood, i. 373). By the middle of September, they were ready to commence
their journey (Appendix, No. XXXII.) ; but, almost at the moment of their
departure, a breve, issued on the seventeenth of the preceding month, in answer
to their appeal, arrived. It once more confirmed the appointment, but con
demned the irritating conduct, of Blackwell : it suppressed Lister's treatise, and
all other publications connected with the controversy ; and. while it refused, on
grounds of prudence, to admit the appeal, it seriously admonished the archpriest
on the intemperance of his proceedings, and affectionately exhorted all parties
to live henceforth in a constant interchange of every brotherly office (See Ap
pendix, No. XXXIII.). What influence this instrument might have had on
the purpose of the appellants it is impossible to say. For some extraordinary
reason, Blackwell chose to suppress it, until the end of the following January
(Pref. to Ely's Brief Notes, 4 ; Pref. to Just Defence, I) ; and, by that time, we
find the deputies, Bagshawe, Cecil, Mush, Champney, and Bluet, already on their
road. In their way, they rested in Paris ; obtained letters of protection from
the French king ; and, leaving Bagshawe to watch the interests of their party,
resumed their journey, and arrived in Rome on the sixteenth of February.
Here they found the procurators of the archpriest, and soon discovered that the
efforts of their adversaries were employed in circulating reports, alike injurious
to their character, and detrimental to the cause in which they were engaged.
By the pope, however, they were received with kindness, and heard with atten
tion : they were opposed by a series of defamatory memorials, ostensibly from
the agents of the archpriest, but really from the pen of Persons ; and, for nearly
eight months, the period of their negotiation, they were constantly assailed with
accusations of the most serious and offensive description. At length, however,
the business was brought to a termination. The deputies had first solicited the
appointment of bishops : afterwards they had petitioned for the institution of
six archpriests, with other officers, to be annually or biennially elected by the
suffrages of the clergy. In both these points they had been foiled by the
superior address of Persons. But in their complaints against the administration
of Blackwell, and in their efforts to vindicate themselves before the pontiff, they
were more successful. On the fifth of October, another breve was issued, con
demning the conduct of the archpriest, and justifying the appellants from the
charges of schism and rebellion, which had been urged against them. It de
clared that the former, by his censures and decrees, had exceeded his powers,
that the latter, by their resistance to his authority, had never forfeited their
spiritual faculties. It limited his jurisdiction to 'the priests educated in the
foreign seminaries ; forbad him, in future, and for the sake of peace, to com
municate either with the superior of the Jesuits in England, or with the general
of the society in Rome, on the concerns of his office ; commanded him to supply
the first three vacancies that should occur, in the number of his assistants, with
persons selected from amongst the appellant priests; and, having ordered him to

ART. v.] FACTIONS AMONG CATHOLICS. 55

receive and transmit all appeals to the cardinal protector, concluded by con
demning the past, and prohibiting all future, publications, in any manner con
nected with the present controversy (See Appendix, No. XXXIV.).

Thus terminated this unhappy contest, leaving behind it, however, a rankling
feeling of jealousy and dislike, which cannot be too deeply or too lastingly
deplored. Yet, in closing this imperfect sketch, let me not forget to remind the
reader of the real nature of the dispute ; let me point once more to its political
origin ; and, above all, let me remark, that, however reprehensible may have
been the conduct of any of the parties immediately engaged in it, that conduct,
of itself, will neither detract from their real merit upon other occasions, nor
diminish our legitimate respect for the bodies to which they belonged. To the
services of Persons, to his comprehensive mind and indefatigable energy in the
foundation and management of many of the foreign seminaries, the world will
continue to bear testimony, in spite of all his failings. Yet his existence was
not necessary to the greatness of his order. Its glory needs him not : and,
without detracting either from his merits or his powers, the disciples of Ignatius
may still assure themselves that their body" hath many a worthier son than he."

4th. There is another subject, which, from its own importance, as well as
from its connexion with some of the preceding transactions, deserves to be
noticed in this place. I have mentioned the intercourse between the govern
ment and the appellants, and the assistance afforded by the former to the latter,
in the prosecution of their appeal to Rome. This soon attracted the observation
of the puritans : the ministers were openly charged with abetting popery ; and
Elizabeth, to remove the scandal (Nov. 5, 1602), published another proclama
tion for the banishment of the catholic missionaries. In this document, she
speaks of the dissentions, which had lately prevailed, concerning the archpriest.
The appellants she describes as " disobedient subjects, masking themselves
under the vizard of pretended conscience, whereby to steal away the hearts of
the simple :" the Jesuits, and those who, by " yielding obedience to a new kind
of subordination, had subjected themselves to be wholly directed by the Jesuits,"
she describes as traitors, " devoted to the king of Spain," and combined for the
purpose of subverting her throne. The latter she commands absolutely, and
without exception, to leave the realm within thirty days : the former she orders
generally to abjure the country within the period of three months; but if, be
fore the expiration of that interval, they shall present themselves " before a lord
of the council, or the president of Wales, or the bishop of the diocese, and shall
there acknowledge sincerely their allegiance and duty to her," then, instead of
enforcing the sentence of banishment, she will be ready to " take such further order
as shall be deemed most meet and convenient" (See Appendix, No. XXXV.).
Of this last exception thirteen of the appellants hastened to avail themselves.
In an admirable address, drawn up by Dr. William Bishop (Jan. 31, 1603),
they thanked the queen for her merciful consideration, and signified their
readiness to give her the satisfaction which she required. They acknowledged
her for their queen, holding her power from the word of God, and possessing a
claim to their allegiance, which " no authority, cause, or pretence," could set
aside : they declared their abhorrence of the many forcible attempts already
made, to restore the catholic religion, and their determination not only to stand
by their sovereign against her future opponents, but also to reveal to her what
ever conspiracies or treasons might come to their knowledge ; they protested
that, if, for the discharge of this sacred duty, the pope should ever venture to
excommunicate them, they should feel themselves bound, in the sight of God,
to disregard the sentence ; and they concluded by expressing a hope, that, whilst
they thus rendered to Caesar the things that were Caesar's, they should not be
condemned, if they declared their resolution to fulfil the other portion of the
precept, to yield to the successor of Peter that obedience which Peter himself
might have claimed under the commission of Christ, and so to distinguish be
tween their several duties and obligations, as to be ready, on the one hand, " to

5 ELIZABETH. j>Ala iv.

spend their blood in the defence of her majesty," but, on the other, " rather to
lose their lives than infringe the lawful authority of Christ's catholic church "
(See Appendix, No. XXXVI.). On the very day on which this instrument was
signed, Elizabeth was seized with that illness, which, in less than three months,
terminated her existence. Of the effect, therefore, which the address might
have produced, we have no knowledge : but it is a fact not altogether unworthy
of remark, that, whilst the protestation was condemned by the divines of Louvain,
as embodying a theological falsehood, and whilst Champney was removed from
his office of confessor to the nuns of Brussels, for having signed it, the pope
himself, whose temporal authority it denied, and whose political interference it
threatened to resist, selected Bishop, its author, as the very man, in whose person
he would revive the episcopal authority of this country. As Mr. Butler has well
remarked, this is one of those "numerous instances, which shew that the court
of Rome is more wise and moderate, than her officious partisans often show
themselves." Mem. ii. 65.— T.~\

ART. vi.] CHARACTER OF ELIZABETH. 57

ARTICLE VI.

CHARACTER OF ELIZABETH. HER PERSONAL APPEARANCE HER ABILITIES —

HER VIOLENT TEMPER HER DISSIMULATION HER MOTIVES IN ESTABLISH
ING THE REFORMATION HER PLUNDERING OF THE CHURCH HER RELI
GIOUS OPINIONS — HER SUITORS HER ENCOU RAGEMENT OF FOREIGN REBELS

HER PERSECUTION OF THE CATHOLICS HER CONCLUDING YEARS — AND

DEATH.

THE different light, wherein human actions are con
sidered, being the occasion of different characters, a
hero is often stripped of all his ornaments, while some
relate with horror those passages of his life, which
others make a continual subject of panegyric. Queen
Elizabeth maybe an instance of this kind of treatment.
The great achievement of her reign was establishing
the reformation ; and here her party place her greatest
merit. But others, who have considered the nature
and circumstances of the undertaking, are so far from
saying anything to her advantage upon that occasion,
that they tell us her memory is infamous upon that ac
count, and so will remain to all posterity. It is not the
part of an historian to enter into the merits of the cause.
Her character is to be taken from her personal beha
viour ; from the methods she made use of, and their
consistence with honour and conscience; and from
other qualities. wrhich make persons valuable in the
eyes of God and men. I will not be so ungenerous, as
to insist upon anything to the prejudice of her reputa
tion, wherein she was not personally concurring ; which
some have done, by reminding their readers, that both
her father arid mother were not only of evil fame, but
monstrously wicked, to the scandal of the whole uni
verse. Such reflexions ought not to be made in her
disfavour, because she had no part in them. For the
same reason she ought not to be aspersed upon account
of her birth. For, though the see of Rome had de
clared her to be illegitimate, arid king Henry VIII. him-

58 ELIZABETH. [HAKT IT.

self afterwards caused his marriage with her mother to
be pronounced void, yet, by a subsequent law, she was
legitimated so far, as to be made capable of inheriting
the crown. The like benevolence may be expected in
regard of her education. If she received any evil im
pressions by that means, either as to her temper, re
ligion, or politics, it was rather her misfortune than her
fault. Her minority happening in the days of liber
tinism, when debauchery, sacrilege, and tyranny were
practised by her father and his flattering courtiers with
impunity, it was a miraculous preservation, if she im
bibed none of those ideas and principles, which children
commonly inherit by nature and bad example.

As for her person, the description we have of her is,
that she was tall, and above the common size ; had a fair
complexion, and was rather red-haired. Her nose was
high, her limbs well-proportioned, her countenance
open, serene, and engaging, but somewhat forbidding
when displeased. In the whole, she was a comely per
son, but far from being a beauty ; though nothing
pleased her more, than to be flattered in that way, and
upon this occasion she was as jealous of a competitor,
as she was of her imperial diadem. This, as some have
conjectured from her behaviour and speeches, was not
the least occasion of her aversion to Mary, queen of
Scots, whose unrivaled beauty and excellences she
could never hear mentioned, without shewing manifest
tokens of displeasure.

It is generally allowed, that her natural parts were
far above the common, and, being cultivated by a suit
able education, made her an honour to her sex, which
she redeemed from the vulgar aspersion of not being
capable of great matters, and managing state affairs.
But whether she improved her parts to that surprising
degree, as Mr. Burnet reports, is justly suspected by
those, that are more impartial in her character. And,
particularly, Mr. Collier has made it appear, that she
could not be the author of those letters and witty re
marks (when she was only six years of age), which some
have confidentlv attributed to her. However, when

ART. vi.] CHARACTER OF ELIZABETH. 59

she arrived at a proper age, and was seated upon the
throne, she quickly gave proofs of the vastness of her
capacity in the arts of government ; and, by making
choice of an able ministry, shewed no less judgment
and sagacity, than if she herself had been the imme
diate instrument of her own politics. One thing is
remarkable during her whole reign, that she frequently
strained her prerogative too far, and that her parlia
ments were pleased to connive at it. In the beginning,
before the reformation was thoroughly settled, such
kind of disputes might have retarded, and perhaps
ruined, the undertaking. And, afterwards, they per
mitted her to go on in her own way, being sensible,
she inherited so much of her father's temper, as not to
bear any contradiction. For, as it is observed by some
of our historians, she wrould, upon certain occasions of
opposition, be so far transported with passion, as to
break forth into oaths and execrations unbecoming her
sex and dignity ; " God's death" being an oath very
familiar with her, when any thing happened to ruffle
her temper. However, in the midst of her greatest
transports, she could quickly recollect herself, and allay
the storm by the serviceable method of dissimulation ;
in which kind of art she was an adept, being well in
structed in that useful lesson, Qui nescit dissimulare,
nescit regnare. We have several remarkable instances
of her skill in this way. In the beginning of her reign,
it was necessary to trim between the two contending
parties, upon the subject of religion. She entertained
a mixed privy-council for show ; but, at the same time,
was privately sapping the catholic cause, by a select
cabinet council of such as favoured the reformation.
To cloak her designs, she amused Spain, France, &c.,
with pretended treaties of marriage; whereby the com
mon cause of religion was neglected upon the prospect
of so beneficial an alliance. But nothing came up to
that dissimulation, she practised in her treatment of
Mary, queen of Scots. This unfortunate princess was
detained a prisoner eighteen years, between flattering
promises of liberty, and private stratagems of destruc-

60 ELIZABETH. [PART ir.

tion. At last, it was determined she should die, for
the greater security of the reformation ; and queen
Elizabeth, having signed the warrant for execution, used
all her art to wipe off the aspersion of the fact, and cast
all the infamy upon her secretary, who, by way of a
blind, underwent a sham trial for mistaking her orders.
But he lived to a favourable time, to do himself justice
in an apology, he published to the world upon that oc
casion ; part whereof is contained in these words, as
they are recorded by Mr. Cam den: — "The queen, after
the departure of the French and Scottish ambassadors,
of her own motion, commanded me to deliver her the
warrant for executing the queen of Scots. When I had
delivered it, she signed it readily with her own hand.
When she had so done, she commanded it to be sealed
with the great seal of England, and, in jesting manner,
said, ' Go, tell all this to Walsingham, who is now sick ;
although I fear he will die for sorrow, when he hears
jti> * * * * Moreover, she blamed Paulet and Drury,
that they had not eased her of this care ; and wished
that Walsingham would feel their pulses in this matter.
The next day after it was under the great seal, she
commanded me by Killegrew that it should not be done;
and when I informed her that it was done already, she
found fault with such great haste. # # # * The third
day after, when, by a dream, which she told me, of the
queen of Scots' death, I perceived that she wavered in
her resolution, I asked her, whether she had changed
her mind ? She answered, ( No : but another course,'
said she, ' might have been devised ;' and withal she
asked me, whether I had received any answer from
Paulet ? whose letter when I had shewed her, wherein
he flatly refused to undertake that, which stood not with
honour and justice, she, waxing angry, accused him and
others, who had bound themselves by the association,
of perjury and breach of their vow. * * * * And
afterwards, she gave me a light check, the same day
that the queen of Scots was executed, because she was
not yet put to death."1 Now, it is hard to say which is

1 Canulcn, in Kennct, ii. 538.

ART. vi.] CHARACTER OF ELIZABETH. 6i

more astonishing, that an absolute princess should be
taken off by a pretended court of judicature in a foreign
land, or that the person, who signed the warrant, should
pretend to wash her hands of the guilt ; which, not
withstanding, queen Elizabeth endeavoured to do by
many crafty and hypocritical methods ; and had the
assurance to condole with the king of Scotland for the
unhappy fate of his mother ; shedding abundance of
crocodile's tears over the prey she had devoured.1

In the next place, we are to take a view of her dispo
sition and conduct, in regard of religion : for it is not
to be imagined, that a person, raised., as some pretend,
by providence, to complete the establishment of the
church, would do anything towards the subverting of its
rights, and scandalize the world by improper behaviour.
Bat here she is attacked by some of her own party,
who were not able to make an apology for her. " Had
the interest of her subjects lain wholly in this world,
few princes would have left their memory better recom
mended : but, as to the service of religion, I am sorry
I cannot say her conduct was altogether so happy. She
restored the reformation, it is true ; bat, in many places,
left little provision to maintain it. * * * * If this
queen's usage of the clergy was compared with what
they met with, in the reign of Henry VIII., it is to be
feared it might be said, her little finger was thicker
than her father s loins ; and that he disciplined them
with whips, but she chastised them with scorpions."2
She had the same dispositions for plundering the
church, as her father and brother. But the harvest
was over, and little left for her, besides the gleaning of
the field. She completed the reformation by the same
methods it was first begun among the common people,
when " the preachers had inflamed their ignorance,
pushed them to sacrilege and fury, and blown them up
to this pitch of distraction. These pulpit incendiaries
cried out, that the places, where idols had been wor-

See her letter to James, in Ellis, first series, iii.22.
2 Collier, ii. 669, 670.

62 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

/

shipped, ought to be destroyed by the law of God, and
that the sparing them was reserving the accursed
thing. And thus, every building with a steeple was a
mark of the beast, a seat of idolatry described by Moses,
and a house of devotion for the Amorrhites. By the
help of this divinity, the churches were all razed or
battered, the beauty of the great towns scandalously
blemished, and the public ornaments of the kingdom
laid in rubbish. The communion plate was made prize,
and the bells, timber, and lead, set to sale in the market.
Registers and libraries were destroyed, and the remains
of learning and antiquity thrown into the fire. The
grave was no protection against these zealots. They
rifled monuments and tombs ; did what they could to
extinguish the name of those in the other world, and
murder them in their memory. * * * To see noble
structures, consecrated to the honour of the ever-blessed
Trinity, where all the articles of the apostles' creed
were professed, the Christian sacraments administered,
and all the inspired writings received as such ; places
where there was no polytheism, no addressing devils,
no roasting of children, no licentious worship so much
as pretended ; in short, where there was no resemblance
of a parallel with the heathen idolatry, mentioned in
the Old and New Testament, — I say, to see the houses of
God thus ravaged, and razed, the holy furniture made
plunder, and the church estates seized, gives a frightful
idea of some of these reformers : and to consider the
fact, without knowing the whole history, would almost
make a man believe, some rough, unconverted nation
had made an invasion, and carried the country."

Now, that queen Elizabeth was wholly bent upon
plundering the church, for the benefit of the state, after
her father's example, does plainly appear by that bold
remonstrance of archbishop Whitgift : " I beseech you,"
says he, " also to consider, that Constantine, the first
Christian emperor, and Helena, his mother ; that king
Edgar, and Edward the Confessor, and, indeed, many

Collier, ii. 471.

ART. vi.] CHARACTER OF ELIZABETH. 63

others of your predecessors, and many private chris-
tians, have also given to God, and to his church, much
land, and many immunities, which they might have
given to those of their families, and did not ; but gave
them for ever, as an absolute right and sacrifice, to God.
And, with these immunities and lands, they have
entailed a curse upon the alienators of them. God
prevent your majesty, and your successors, from
being liable to that curse, which will cleave unto church
lands, as the leprosy to the Jews. * * * * And
though I pretend not to prophecy, yet I beg posterity to
take notice of what is already become visible in many
families, that church land, added to an ancient and just
inheritance, hath proved like a moth fretting a garment,
and secretly consumed both ; or like an eagle, that stole
a coal from the altar, and thereby set her nest on fire,
which consumed both her young eagles, and herself,
that stole it. And though I shall forbear to speak re
proachfully of your father, yet I beg you to take notice,
that a part of the church's rights, added to the vast
treasure left him by his father, hath been conceived to
bring an unavoidable consumption upon both, notwith
standing all his diligence to preserve them. And con
sider, that, after the violation of those laws, to which
he had sworn in Magna Charta, God did so far deny
him his restraining grace, that, as king Saul, after he
was forsaken of God, fell from one sin to another, so he,
till at last he fell into greater sins than I am willing to
mention." l

As to queen Elizabeth's private thoughts concerning
the different articles of religion, she went along with
every change, that happened ; and either believed what
others professed, or concealed herself under a service
able hypocrisy. The six articles of her faith, the medley
liturgy of her brother, mass and confession under her
sister queen Mary, — all sat easy upon her. This was
her behaviour, till she was twenty-six years of age, and
ascended the throne. Then, indeed, after some months'

1 Apud Collier, ii. 685.

64 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

hesitation, she appeared visibly for the reformation.
But whether interest or religion had the ascendant in
her choice, may be guessed at by circumstances. She
was made to believe, that her claim to the crown would
be disputed, if she continued to adhere to the old reli
gion. The nobility and gentry, wrho had raised and
augmented their fortunes by the addition of church
lands, were apprehensive of being disturbed in the pos
session : the forbidding aspect of ancient church disci
pline, with several other human considerations, turned
the scales on the reformers' side. The perplexity of
mind, she laboured under upon these accounts, she
frankly imparted to the French ambassador, then re
siding in London ; adding, that those about her teazed
her continually to carry on the reformation. Yet, she
never was so hearty in the cause, as to yield to all the
opinions and practices that were set up by the party :
particularly, concerning images, the real presence, the
clergy's marriage, &c., her thoughts, as the reader has
seen, seemed to be different. Indeed, as to fasting, and
abstinence from flesh at certain times, she was pleased
to reinforce the ancient practice. But then, it was in
a strain altogether human and unevangelical, as it ap
pears by an order of council, issued out, and directed
to the archbishops and clergy on that subject ; part
whereof runs thus : "And further declare unto them, that
the same is not required for any liking of popish cere
monies heretofore used, wrhich utterly are detested ; but
only to maintain the mariners, and the navy of this
land,, by setting men a-fishing." u Now," says Mr. Col
lier, " with submission, to lay the whole stress of em-
bering and abstinence upon reasons of state, is some
what singular. For, to say nothing of Ember weeks,
the fasts of Lent, and those of Wednesdays and Fridays,
reach up to the earliest ages of Christianity. Now, this
restraint of appetite was always imposed with a prospect
upon the other world. It was enjoined to reduce the
senses, and make the mind more absolute. And is it
not somewhat a misfortune, that the apostles' canons,
the authority of the fathers, and the practice of the

ART. vi.] CHARACTER OF ELIZABETH. 65

primitive church, should be struck out of all considera
tion ? And must all this discipline be only for the
benefit of navigation ? Ha.ve we not sins to fast for,
and temperance to guard ? Are we not bound to dis
tinguish times upon spiritual motives, and prepare for
the solemnities of religion ? But, when secular men
prescribe to the church, when those, who are strangers
to antiquity, give laws for discipline, it is no wonder if
they mistake in their direction."1 From these remarks
of Mr. Collier catholics will be apt to infer, that, as the
substance of the reformation was carried on, upon hu
man considerations, viz., to secure the queen's title and
possession of church lands, so the same spirit is disco
verable in every branch of it. For why do they fast,
and abstain from flesh ? To promote fishing, and in
crease the number of mariners for sea-service. Why
do they make use of sacraments ? Not as the channels
of grace, but only outward tokens of their inclinations.
Why do they frequent the church, pray, and give alms ?
Not that these performances are capable of effecting
any thing towards appeasing God's wrath, or procuring
his favour, but merely for the sake of outward discipline
and church economy. Why do they admit persons to
exercise the ministerial function ? Not that they look
upon them qualified by any divine power or character,
but only by deputation from the civil power, to which
they are subject in every branch of their office. By this
means, the church is not only reformed, but lost and
melted away in the state ; to whose politic ends both
preaching, praying, fasting, alms, and the use of the
very sacraments are become subservient upon every oc
casion.

I must not omit to speak of queen Elizabeth's humour
and management in regard of marriage ; which has puz
zled posterity, how to account for it. Some are of
opinion that she kept herself single, out of policy ; others
attribute it to a female incapacity ; a third sort make it
a piece of religion. To marry a foreigner involves a

1 Collier, ii. 557, 558.
VOL. III. F

66 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

nation in many difficulties ; especially, where a female
sits upon the throne. To marry with a subject is the
ground of emulation and envy ; to say nothing of the
incumbrances of that state of life, and the vast charge
that attends a numerous royal offspring. These motives
might, perhaps, weigh with her, not to engage herself.
Female incapacity is too nice a point to be made a sub
ject of strict enquiry. Then, as to religion, many cir
cumstances of her life are neither favourable to her vir
ginity, nor to any inclination she had for that state.
Her entertaining so many suitors ; her seeming amorous
disposition in choosing favourites by their faces, and
agreeableness of their persons ; her passion and famili
arity in their regard ; the ambiguous wording of the
act of parliament concerning a successor ; these, if they
did not make her virginity suspected, at least disco
vered her inclinations towards some of the pleasures of
the marriage state. As to her suitors, with some she
entered into a formal treaty ; others were encouraged
to make their addresses. She approved so well of king
Philip of Spain's proposal, as to suffer him to send for
a dispensation from Rome.1 The marriage articles
with the duke d'Anjou were drawn up and concluded
upon, after some years' mature deliberation: she seemed
to hearken to the proposals of Charles, duke of Austria,
Ericus, prince of Swedeland, and Adolphus, duke of
Holstein : nay, some of a more inferior rank, and even
her own subjects, were not out of hopes of gaining her
affections in a matrimonial way ; particularly, the earl
of Arran, the earl of Arundel, the earl of Leicester, and
Sir William Pickering are mentioned upon that ac
count.2 Now, the correspondence, she kept with some
of those pretenders, gave occasion to her enemies, at
least, to proceed to censure her private behaviour ; and
the freedom, they took, was increased by an act of par
liament, which passed concerning a successor to her
crown. It was enacted, that no one should name any
for the queen's successor, except the natural issue of

1 [I have elsewhere shewn this to be incorrect, see vol. ii. 122, of this history. — T.~]
8 [See an account of them in Lingard, vii. 300—307. — 71.]

ART, vi.] CHARACTER OF ELIZABETH. 67

her body: "but it is incredible what jests those, that
lewdly catch at words, made upon that clause, except
the natural issue of her body ; since the lawyers term
those children natural, which are gotten out of wedlock,
whom nature alone, without the intervention of honest
matrimony, hath begotten ; and those they call lawful,
according to the tenour of the common law of England,
who are in lawful matrimony begotten of such a one's
body. So that I myself," continues Camden, "being then
a young man, have often heard people say, that this
word was inserted in the act by Leicester, with a de
sign, that, one time or other, he might impose some
bastard son of his upon the English, for the queen's
natural issue." l

After all, it is no easy matter to determine what was
queen Elizabeth's motive for this kind of behaviour, in
regard of her suitors. It must either have been the in
constancy of her temper, or a deep stroke of policy; for
by this amusement she kept those great persons from
practising against her, and gained time to settle the
reformation. She had, during her whole reign, the
advantage of an able ministry : an able ministry, I say,
in point of politics ; for, if regard is to be had either to
religion, or to the common rights of mankind, never
was there any nation more unfortunate than England.
The character of every particular minister makes good
the charge against them ; besides the nature of the un
dertakings they were engaged in. Were the supreme
powers accountable to those they are placed over, for
the methods they take in promoting their respective
interests, they would be puzzled, how to reconcile them
to the principles of Christianity, and much more to put
a gloss upon them, so as to make them a rule in private
behaviour. In this respect, both queen Elizabeth and
her ministry have deservedly drawn the severest cen
sures upon themselves. I do not only speak of that bold
undertaking of altering a religion, which had been es
tablished amongst us for many ages, even from the very

1 Camden, in Kennet, ii. 436.

F 2

68 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

first planting of Christianity, and confirmed in every
reign by the legislative power : I do not only speak of
that illegal and uncanonical way of proceeding, where
the laity took upon them to set up a new creed and
form of worship, reclamante toto clero, and where the
bishops and convocation were refused to exercise the
power, committed to them by Christ, of governing the
church in doctrinal and spiritual matters : I do not
only speak of those scandalous motives, which induced
the parties concerned to labour for a change : besides
these general matters, there is an infinite number of
lesser controversies and occurrences, which happened
during this reign, so entirely destitute both of honour
and humanity, that the ablest pens, they could employ,
have attempted an apology in vain. When the rebels
in France, Flanders, and Scotland, rose against their
lawful sovereigns, men, money, and arms were sent to
support them : but " the queen suffered in her repu
tation upon this score. The abetting of subjects against
their sovereign was not every where understood."1
When two nations are at war, more may be said for
such a conduct ; but here the case was otherwise. The
queen was not only at peace with those princes, but
made a show of suing for a farther alliance, all the
while she was corrupting their subjects, and debauching
them from their allegiance. This was a constant prac
tice, for some years ; which her neighbours thought fit
to dissemble for a while, upon politic views : but at
length they became impatient under such kind of
treatment.

It would be an endless task to mention the several
stratagems set on foot, to discredit and oppress those,
that refused to subscribe to the form of the new religion.
A whole volume of penal and sanguinary laws were
quickly published against them ; whereby their sub
stance, liberty, and lives, became obnoxious to prose
cution, whenever an evil-disposed person was pleased
to attack them. To worship God, after the usual

1 Collier, ii. 519,

ART. vi.] CHARACTER OF ELIZABETH. 69

manner, was forbidden both in public and private : the
prisons were filled with delinquents, and great sums of
money extorted from them. They had not the liberty
of having their children educated in the universities or
other schools, unless they would conform in religious
practices ; and, when they sent them abroad for that
purpose, it was declared to be criminal, and that foreign
schools were nurseries of rebellion. They were debarred
not only from all places of trust, in regard of the public,
but even from improving their parts and private for
tunes, in law, physic, &c.; by which means their families
were reduced to the lowest circumstances, and unpro
vided with the common means of subsisting. To these
laws others were added, both inhuman and barbarous.
It was made high-treason for any one to receive orders
abroad, and exercise his spiritual functions within the
queen's dominions ; to be reconciled to the ancient
faith, or even to be assisting in such a reconciliation :
and great numbers suffered death upon these accounts.1
Upon all occasions, great artifice was made use of, to
draw unfortunate people under prosecution. The least
rumour of an invasion was improved to their disad
vantage. They were constantly represented as promoters
and abettors of whatever was acted abroad, against the
interest of England. Both the pulpit and the press
were employed to poison the people with this belief.
Every private villany, perpetrated by one of their pur-
suasion, was charged upon the whole body of catholics.
Persons of desperate fortunes were tempted continually
by state emissaries, to engage in some attempt or other,
that would exasperate the queen ; and sham associates
were ordered to mingle themselves among them, that
they might impeach the rest.

It must be owned, that these and such like stratagems
rendered the queen's reign very prosperous : but whe
ther, or no, to the purchasing of a good character,
depends upon the merits of the cause, and the manner
of her proceeding. Neither am I ignorant of the great
encomiums our historians bestow upon her, on account

1 The names of most of the sufferers will be found at the end of the
following article.

70 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

of learning, trade, and military arts, that flourished
under her government. It is true, her long reign
afforded her an opportunity of making great improve
ments in all these respects : but, at the same time, she
made a very inglorious exit, upon several accounts.
She had the credit (if it may be called so) of being
very instrumental in establishing the Dutch repub
lic : but England gained little or nothing by the
undertaking. The several unsuccessful attempts she
made, to support the rebel huguenots in France,
brought nothing home, but the plague. The civil wars
she fomented in Scotland, and the murder of their
queen, will render her memory infamous to all posterity.
She had, indeed, many advantages over the Spaniards ;
but it was only a plundering war, whereby some private
persons enriched themselves, and of no benefit to the
nation in general. The Irish war exhausted yearly half
the treasure of the kingdom ; and the subduing of those
people at last gave her very little content : for, whatever
pleasure others might take in her glorious reign, she
passed her latter years between a sullen melancholy and
the transports of passion. She became tedious to her
self, and troublesome to all about her. Several historians
have conjectured at the origin of her disorder. The
barbarous death of Mary, queen of Scots ; the execu
tion of her darling favourite, the Earl of Essex ; her dis
appointed ambition, in not being able to obtain her ends
over the Spaniards and Irish, are mentioned upon this
occasion. But, however this may be, Heaven was just
in making her inconsolable, who had been the author
of so much grief to others. [The following is the account
which one of her attendants, who was present, has left
us of her death.1]

" Her majesty being in very good health, one day Sir
John Stanhope, being the vice-chamberlain, and secre-

1 [This paper is entitled in the original, " A True Relation of what succeeded
in the sickness and death of queen Elizabeth," and is endorsed by father
Persons with the following words : — " The Relation of the Lady Southwell of
late Q. death. p°. Aprilis, 1607." It is in the Stonyhurst collection, MSS.
Ang. A. iii. 77. The person called " Lady" Southwell, was one of Elizabeth's
maids of honour. — T.~\

ART. vi.] CHARACTER OF ELIZABETH. 71

tary Cecil's dependant and familiar, came and presented
her majesty with a piece of gold of the bigness of an
angel, full of characters, which, he said, an old woman
in Wales bequeathed her on her deathbed ; and there
upon he discoursed how the said old woman, by virtue
of the same, lived to the age of one hundred and twenty
years ; and in that age, having all her body withered
and consumed, and wanting nature to nourish, she
died, commanding the said piece of gold to be carefully
sent to her majesty ; alleging further that, as long as
the said old woman wore it upon her body, she could
not die.

"The queen, upon the confidence she had hereof,
took the said gold, and wore it about her neck. Now,
though she fell not suddenly sick, yet daily decreased of
her rest and feeding; and, within fifteen days, fell
downright sick ; and the cause being wondered at by
my lady Scrope, with whom she was very private and
confident, being her near kinswoman, her majesty told
her ( commanding her to conceal the same ) that she
saw, one night, in her bed, her body exceeding lean,
and fearful in a light of fire. [This sight was at White
hall, a little before she departed thence to Richmond,
and may be testified by another lady, who was one of
the nearest about her person, of whom the queen de
manded whether she was not wont to see sights in the
night, telling her of the bright flame she had seen. After
ward, in the melancholy of her sickness1], she desired
to see a true looking-glass, which, in twenty years
before, she had not seen, but only such a one which of
purpose was made to deceive her sight : which glass
being brought her, she fell presently exclaiming at all
those which had so much commended her, and took it
so offensively, that all those, which had before flattered
her, durst not come in her sight.

" Now falling into extremity, she sat two days and
three nights upon her stool, ready dressed, and could

1 [The passage, here inserted between brackets, is not in the MS., which I
have used ; but is found in another copy seen by Persons. Discussion of
Barlow's Answer, 218.— TV)

72 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

never be brought by any of her council, to go to bed,
or eat, or drink : only, my lord admiral one time per
suaded her to drink some broth. For any of the rest,
she would not answer them to any question ; but said
softly to my lord admiral's earnest persuasions, that, if
he knew what she had seen in her bed, he would not
persuade her as he did. And secretary Cecil, over
hearing her, asked if her majesty had seen any spirits ;
to which she said she scorned to answer him to so idle
a question. Then he told her how, to content the
people, her majesty must go to bed: to which she
smiled, wonderfully contemning him, saying that the
word must was not to be used to princes ; and there
upon said, ' Little man, little man, if your father had
lived, ye durst not have said so much : but thou knowest
I must die, and that maketh thee so presumptuous/
And presently, commanding him and the rest to depart
her chamber, [she] willed my lord admiral to stay ; to
whom she shook her head, and, with a pitiful voice said,
' My lord, I am tied with a chain of iron about my neck.*
He alleging her wonted courage to her, she replied, ( I
am tied, and the case is altered with me.'

"Then two ladies, waiting on her in her chamber,
discovered, in the bottom of her chair, the queen of
hearts, with a nail of iron knocked through the fore
head of it ; the which the ladies durst not pull out, re
membering that the like thing was used to the old lady
of Sussex, and proved afterwards for a witchcraft, for
the which certain were hanged, as instruments of the
same. The lady Elizabeth Guilford, then waiting on the
queen, and leaving her asleep in her privy chamber,
met her, as she thought, three or four chambers off,
and, fearing she would have been displeased that she
left her alone, came towards her, to excuse herself; and
she vanished away ; and when she returned into the
same chamber where she had left her, found her asleep
as before. So growing past recovery (having kept her
bed fifteen days, besides three days she sat upon her stool,
and one day, [when] being pulled up by force, [she] stood

ART. vi.] CHARACTER OF ELIZABETH. 73

on her feet fifteen hours) the council sent to her the
bishop of Canterbury and other of the prelates, upon
sight of whom, she was much offended, cholericly rating
them, bidding them be packing, saying she was no
atheist, but knew full well that they were hedge priests,
and took it for an indignity that they should speak to
her.

" Now being given over by all, and at the last gasp,
keeping still her sense in every thing, and giving ever,
wrhen she spake, apt answers (though she spake very
seldom, having then a sore throat ) she desired to wash
it, that she might answer more freely to what the coun
cil demanded ; which was, to know whom she would
have king: — but they, seeing her throat troubled her
so much, desired her to hold up her finger, when they
named whom liked her. Whereupon they named the king
of France — the king of Scotland — at which she never
stirred. They named my lord Beauchamp ; whereto
she said, e I will have no rascal's son in my seat, but one
worthy to be a king.' Hereupon, instantly she Mar. 24,
died. Then the council went forth, and reported 1603-
she meant the king of Scots : whereupon they went to
London to proclaim him, leaving her body with charge
not to be opened, such being her desire: but Cecil
having given a secret warrant to the surgeons, they
opened her ; which the rest of the council afterwards
passed over, though they meant it not so. Now her body,
being seared up, was brought to Whitehall, where being
watched every night by six several ladies, myself, that
night, there watching as one of them, being all about
the body, which was fast nailed up in a board coffin
with leaves of lead, covered with velvet, her body and
head brake with such a crack, that [it] splitted the wood,
lead, and sear-cloth : whereupon, the next day, she was
fain to be new trimmed up : whereupon they gave their
verdicts, that, if she had not been opened, the breach of
her body would have been much worse : but no man
durst speak it publicly, for displeasing secretary Cecil.

"Her majesty understood that secretary Cecil had

74 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

given forth to the people that she was mad : and there
fore, in her sickness, did many times say to him, ' Cecil,
know I am not mad : you must not think to make
queen Jane of me.' And, although many reports, by
Cecil's means, were spread, how she was distracted,
myself nor any that were about her could ever perceive
her speeches, so well applied, proceeded from a dis
tracted mind."

ART. vii.] PERSECUTION. 75

V ADDITIONAL ARTICLE.1

PERSECUTION. GENERAL SKETCH OF THE SUFFERINGS OF THE CATHOLICS

IMPRISONMENTS SPIES— SEARCHES PENAL ENACTMENTS POWER ATTRI
BUTED BY THE LAW TO THE QUEEN EARL OF HUNTINGDON LORD PRESI
DENT OF THE NORTH — HIS ENMITY TO CATHOLICS — HIS RELIGION —

TYRANNY OF HIS OFFICERS THEIR CHARACTER AND EMPLOYMENTS A

GENERAL SEARCH CRUELTIES OF THE PURSUIVANTS — PROTECTION OF

SPIES AND INFORMERS — TOPCLIFFE DISAPPOINTED — LUKE HUTTON — HIS

EXACTIONS AND PROCEEDINGS — OTHER PURSUIVANTS POWERS OF THE

LORD PRESIDENT HE SUMMONS THE CATHOLICS TO APPEAR AT DURHAM

A SEARCH IN NORTHUMBERLAND CATHOLIC GENTLEMEN IMPRISONED

PROTESTANTS BOUND TO PRODUCE THEIR CATHOLIC WIVES BEFORE THE
COMMISSION — A SEARCH IN YORK CASTLE— PRISONERS REMOVED FROM YORK

TO HULL OTHER SEARCHES — CRUELTIES PRACTISED ON THE CATHOLIC

CLERGY — SEARCH AT MR. TROLLOPE's — THE PRESIDENT'S SOMNERS CATHO
LIC WIVES PRODUCED AND COMMITTED — THEIR TREATMENT IN PRISON

FRUITLESS ATTEMPTS TO OBTAIN THEIR RELEASE CONDITIONS OF THEIR

ENLARGEMENT— OATHS ADMINISTERED TO CATHOLICS — MODE OF EXAM
INATION APPREHENSION OF BOAST, INGRAM, AND SWALLOWELL THEIR

ARRAIGNMENT — AND EXECUTION — RISHTON's ACCOUNT OF THE CRUELTIES
PRACTISED IN THE TOWER — LISTS OF PERSONS EXECUTED OR IMPRISONED
FOR RELIGION DURING THIS REIGN.

R. P. UNDERSTANDING by a friend that my former
letters, being intercepted, were not delivered unto you,
wherein divers things were contained concerning the
estate and persecution of catholics in this north
country, though, to my remembrance, nothing was writ
ten in them that might prejudice any person or place of
our friends, where you or any other doth frequent, other
than you shall perceive to be signified in these presents,
I am forced to write now unto you, that you may, as
near as I can call to mind, understand the contents of
the former, with some particular intelligence of such
accidents, as of late have happened in these parts. And
first, to speak in general, such is our present estate, the
which daily, by experience, we have cause more and

1 [The paper, which forms the greater part of this article, is taken from a letter,
or report, sent by father Richard Holtby to Garnet, his superior, in 1594.
Holtby was in the habit of furnishing Garnet with these accounts ; and Garnet,
in turn, forwarded them, or their substance, to Rome, for the information of
the general and the other authorities there. The present is the only one of
Holtby's reports, with which I have met. Its importance, however, justly en
titles it to a place in the present work : while the interesting nature of its
details will offer a sufficient apology for its appearance as a separate article,
rather than as a document in the appendix. The original is at Stonyhurst,
MSS. Ang. A. ii. 12.— 71]

76 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

more to lament, that, unless God, of his great goodness
and mercy, stay the rage of our persecutors, and dissi
pate the pernicious counsels, plots, and enterprises of
our malignant adversaries, it is greatly to be feared
that, in short time, the weak and small number of God's
servants shall come to ruin, and the little sparkle of
catholic religion, as yet reserved amongst us, shall be
quite extinguished. And I beseech Almighty God,
whose divine providence is in and over all, that our sins
be not of more force in his presence, to exact a further
scourge, than our patient affliction is of value, through
his grace, to deserve a merciful remission of these our
troubles, to his honour, and the reducing of many a
straying sheep into his church's fold. For mine own
part, I fear it greatly, when I behold in little storms
what numbers are lost, yea, how many willingly cast
themselves away, before they be greatly urged, and how
few there be that abide so long, until they come unto a
just trial of their constancy. Whereas a great part
of those also that, in the beginning, and a good while,
have submitted themselves, for the safety of their souls,
patiently to suffer such extremities as it should please
God to lay upon them, after many injuries offered,
perils passed, disgrace in the world, loss of their goods,
and imprisonment of their bodies, with other calamities
long endured, in the end, tired with miseries and over
come with temptations, have yielded themselves unto
the time, and thereby lost all the fruit of their former
travail; declaring themselves thereinnot unlike the
famed gold of the alchy mist's forge, which, being put
into the furnace, is never able to endure the seventh
fire : of which sort I would name a great number of the
laity, both men and women, of all degrees, with some
also of the clergy, if it were not that, seeing Almighty
God hath yet prolonged their time to bring them to
repentance, I live in hope and expectation of their
amendment. * * * * * On the other side, our
enemies go forward, and they prosper in their ways :
their policies take place, and their desires are accom
plished. If they seek to know us, we are bewrayed

ART. vn.] PERSECUTION. 77

and described unto them ; if they search, they find us ;
if they find, they commit us ; but whether they find or
no, they ransack, rob, and spoil us. No friendship can
we expect when we are apprehended, nor safety assure
us to live untaken.1 To abide at home, if it be espied,
we dare not ; and to fly far, we are forbidden by statute.
Five miles are our compass, without the which we incur
no little penalty, within the which we live in extreme
danger. Either publicly or privately, the one must of
necessity be chosen; though neither can content our
adversaries, and both are prejudicial to ourselves : for, if
we converse openly, if we buy or sell, if we traffic in
our necessary affairs, or take care of our own commo
dities, if we laugh, recreate ourselves, or carry any in
different countenance, then are we either too wealthy,
or else too well, to live : such prosperous fortune is not
tolerable in men of our profession. The felicity they
covet themselves, they envy that we should have it, and
a small worldly favour obtained by us doth turn us to
no little prejudice ; being we gain nothing thereby but
hatred. But if we live in secret, and delight ourselves
to be solitary, if we cut off all access of our neighbours,
or refuse to keep company with such as love us not, then

1 [" The liberty of catholics is at twenty days' warning, when it is at the most,
and every of the better sort bound in great bonds and sureties for his appear
ance. Yet this liberty is very great, in respect of their commonest usage ; for
they are, for the most part, in prison, or in restraint at some men's houses,
neither permitted to enjoy their lands, houses, and countries, nor to converse or
spend that they have among their neighbours.

" They are continually in their liberty vexed with searches and pursuivants,
in danger of their lives by such things, which they themselves ( the pursuivants),
perhaps, brought into the house.

" Over such catholics as are abroad they set such watches, that, if there be
any means to make them fall into their hands, they fail not to put it in practice
by their spies and catchpoles, who, under good pretences, sometimes work the
undoing of good houses. * * * *

" Many times catholics are taken, and put into prison, and there they lie a
long time, before there is any enquiry of the cause of their committing : and
though it were but some pursuivant's malice that cast him in, yet he is not let
out, without great vexation, loss, and misery.

" Every catchpole may be a means to throw any ordinary man in prison, if
he be a catholic. And if any protestant bear any evil will, or owe any money,
or, for some other like cause, malice a catholic, if he do but cry ' traitor' in the
streets, or cause a pursuivant to arrest him, he may be sure to have him clapt
fast enough in prison." Orig Letter to Verstegan, an. 1 592, apud Stonyhurst
MSS.Ang. A.i.70.-7V)

78 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

do we busy our heads, in their conceit, to devise against
them secret conspiracies ; and our leisure is a sufficient
argument with them, that we occupy ourselves about no
other matter, save only to stir and contrive seditious
factions. Indeed, a lecher feareth none be honest, and
a guilty conscience suspecteth all it loveth not : other
wise, what reason moveth them to doubt us, seeing by
continual vexations they have disabled us, and by taking
our weapons from us they have disarmed us ? Yea,
such a continual eye and watch they have over all our
actions, that, if there were but any light sign or token
to be found of any such attempt or enterprise, it could
not escape unespied : for, first of all, they have planted
themselves and their officers, sergeants, pursuivants,
factors, favourites, and intelligencers, in every country
and shire, in such sort, that there is no catholic can
remain in any place so privately, but that he shall have
one or other of his adversaries so near unto him, that
shall oversee all his doings. Besides, they have su
borned such a number of secret spies, who, under cover
of catholic religion, do insinuate themselves into our
company and familiarity, and that with pretence of such
zeal, sincerity, and friendship, that it seemeth a thing
almost impossible either to decipher or avoid them : ]
and these men do give intelligence, and inform our ad
versaries continually, of all our actions, sayings, and
many times our secret intents, if they gather, by any
sign or sinister suspicion of their own, that we are
conceited otherways than they would have us. * *
* * * Moreover, lest we should take any breath to

1 [" Justice Young: and higher magistrates, as Tirrel himself confessed, under
his hand and oath, bad him say mass, hear confessions, and minister sacra
ments : so, in the end, he told them what and to whom he had done it ; so seeking
to entrap folks, and making men to break their own laws, of purpose to draw
them into their penalties.

" Their spies, as, namely, Burden, Baker, Vachel, have pretended themselves
to be catholics, and that, by the warrantise and advice of their superiors. They
have heard mass, confessed, and received, only of purpose to discover catholics,
and to entrap them.

" They made one purposely to seek to be reconciled by one Mr. J.

now in Wisbeach, and came to confession to him ; and all this, to entrap the
priest, as, indeed, he did ; apprehending him at the same instant. The like
they have often attempted with others." Letter to Verstegan, ut sup.- -TV]

ART. MI ] PERSECUTION. 79

look about us, we are vexed and oppressed so urgently,
with such often, and most cruel searches, that we have
more occasion offered to study how to save ourselves
from present dangers, rather than to devise by what
means we may invade others.1 Add unto these the
singular industry and diligence proceeding from an im
placable hatred and malice, which our persecutors use
in pursuing us, and inventing all means possible to
hinder our rising, or to procure our ruin ; what precise
course and vigilant care is there taken, that none shall
pass from any port in all this north country, to go be
yond the seas, or come from thence and arrive at any
haven, but that he shall be searched and examined,
what he is, of what profession, of what religion, from
whence he cometh, whither he goeth, what he bringeth
or carrieth with him, yea, and many times, attendance
made for him, and intelligence given of him, long before
his arrival ; so that none can pass either to or fro,
without manifest peril of present apprehension : What
enquiry is made, and search also, with examination of
parents and friends, who hath his son or brother beyond
the seas ? who relieveth any, or favoureth any, in those
parts ? Also what general enquiries and searches are
there made, not only in some particular private houses,
but also in common inns, and wrhole towns, as Durham,
Yarm, and many others, for all strangers and pas
sengers, and that, upon any light occasion : What
charge is given in all sessions, assizes, courts, com
missions, gaol-deliveries, and other meetings, to en
quire, present, and endict all persons, as well servants
as masters, and all matters that any way tend unto the
furtherance of the catholic cause : How curious is

1 [" Their searches are very many and severe : their chief times for them are
when ^'catholics are most busy to serve God, as on Sundays, holidays, Easter,
Christmas, Whitsuntide, and such very great feasts. They come either in the
night, or early in the morning, or much about dinner time ; and ever seek their
opportunity, when the catholics are or would be best occupied, or are likely to
be worse provided, or look for nothing. They willingliest come, when few are
at home to resist them, that they may rifle coffers, and do what they list. They
lock the servants, and the mistress of the house, and the whole family, up into a
room by themselves, while they, like young princes, go rifling the house at their
will." Letter to Verstegan, ut sup.— T.~\

80 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

every one, both officers and others, now become, some
of malice, some for gain, others of flattery to win fa
vour or credit, to observe and espy into every man's
actions, with such suspicion and jealousy of every one,
that no stranger can pass any way, or light in any
company, but that he shall be questioned, sifted, and
examined of every peasant, both of his name, dwelling,
acquaintance, business, calling, and other particulars ;
that, if he chance to dissemble, or fail in any of his
words or answers, presently he shall be in danger to be
suspected of further matters, and forced to appear be
fore some officer, for some further examination and
trouble. Finally, so odious a thing it is amongst all, to
be suspected or accounted a catholic, that even those
who, in their hearts, love our religion, do, notwith
standing, hate our profession of the same : for, to aid
us they dare not, lest they be taken as favourites ; and
to speak for us they will not, lest it breed their dis
credit. Our parents and kinsfolks refuse to shew us
that friendship, which both the law admitteth, and
nature exacteth, lest they should seem so to affect our
faith, by favouring our persons.1 Thus are we spited
because we live, and, living in misery, we are not
pitied ; and, though our life be tedious to live thus
oppressed, yet must we think we have great favour
shewed us, that we are not quite despatched. What
other favour we get is more to our cost ; for the frierid-

1 [" Many children are rejected by their parents, and wives put from their
husbands, because they are catholics : yea, many parents betrayed by their chil
dren, and by their other heirs (as sir Thomas Fitzherbert by his nephew) ; and
husbands and wives kept in awe, each by other, if the one be a protestant."
Letter to Verstegan, ut Sup.

Of Fitzherbert, Garnet, in a letter to Persons, dated Nov. 19, 1 594, recounts the
following anecdote. "Topcliffe and Tom Fitzherbert pleaded hard in the chan
cery, this last week. For, whereas Fitzherbert had promised, and entered into
bonds, to give £5000 unto Topcliffe, if he would prosecute his father and uncle
to death, together with Mr. Basset, Fitzherbert pleaded that the conditions were
not fulfilled, because they died naturally, and Basset was in prosperity. Basset
gave witness what treacherous devices he had used, to entrap him ; and Coke,
the queen's attorney, gave testimony openly that he very well had proved how
effectually Topcliffe sought to inform him against them, contrary to all equity
and conscience : so that, all the court flouting Topcliffe, the matter was put
over to secret hearing, where Topcliffe had the upper hand." Orig. Stonyhurst
MSS. Ang. A. i. 82.— 71.]

ART. vii.] PERSECUTION. 81

ship, granted unto us, is always the prey of our ad
versaries. First, they spoil us of our goods, and after,
persecute our persons : they imprison our bodies, and
afflict our families, in our absence. No little gain they
make of us, while we remain in their custody ; and
small is our winning, if we chance to get liberty. The
chiefest favour must be procured, by their means that
have spoiled us before ; and yet their lip-labour is so
costly unto us, that it picks round sums out of our
purses : and, although no right we can get without
money, yet must we think ourselves beholden to them
for their courtesy : which friendship commonly is
granted, on such terms and conditions, that hardly can
we accept of it, or use it, without manifest peril of
damnation.1 To conclude, all the favours they offer,
or shew unto us, are no otherways to be esteemed of,
than as most dangerous snares, laid in our ways to
entrap us unawares, or as so many poisoned baits,
craftily invented to feed themselves with our destruc
tion ; that, in every respect, may be verified in them
that is written, " The wicked have drawn out the sword,
they have bent their bow, to cast down the poor and
needy, to kill the upright of heart :" And again, " They
lie in ambush, that they may catch the poor man ; to
catch the poor, whilst they draw him to them."2 We,
in the meantime, do expect no other remedy, but only
from God, who is our refuge and assured haven, where
no storm can oppress us ; unto whom, with the prophet,
we do complain continually, " How long, O Lord, shall

1 " [Catholics' livings are begged, first by one, then by another, and the poor
catholic enforced to compound with all, and to buy his own three or four times
over.

" They buy and sell catholics, like calves in the market ; and if they be in
prison, their best course to get out is, to seek to be the pennyworth of some
catchpole, who, for a reward of his service, is often permitted to have the sale of
some prisoner's liberty.

" In the law that prescribeth two parts of recusants' lands and goods to the
queen for recusancy, when they cannot pay thirteen score pounds, by the year,
there is a proviso that the owner shall not be tenant to his own lands, nor take
them of the queen : but they are given to some hungry companions, who often
times cut down the woods, spoil the grounds, and make a most careless havoc of
all things." Letter to Verstegan, ut sup. — T.~\

3 Ps. x. 9; xxxvi. 14.

VOL. III. G

82 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

I cry, and thou wilt not hear ? Shall I cry out to thee,
suffering violence, and thou wilt not save ? Why hast
thou shewed me iniquity and grievance, to see rapine and
injustice before me ? Why lookest thou upon them that
do unjust things, and holdest thy peace when the wicked
devoureth the man that is more just than himself?"
And with another, " Why doth the way of the wicked
prosper, why is it well with all them that transgress
and do wickedly ? Thou hast planted them, and they
have taken root ; they prosper and bring forth fruit ;
thou art near in their mouth, and far from their reins."
But what followeth ? " Gather them together, as sheep
for a sacrifice, and prepare them for the day of slaugh
ter :" and a little after, " Come ye, assemble yourselves,
all ye beasts of the earth; make haste to devour."2 Which
revenge I beseech God may light upon their sins, and
not upon their persons, that their souls may be saved.

But to descend unto particulars. Let us consider and
examine what their laws enacted be, what injurious com
missions are directed, what impious and cruel officers are
chosen and appointed, their manner of proceeding, their
practices and executions, that it may appear how con
formable this affliction of ours is unto the ancient perse
cutions raised by the jews, heathen, and heretics, against
our forefathers, and wherein they strive, every day
more and more, to become more ingenious in devising
new means and occasions to oppress us, and. by pro
gress in impiety, to excel themselves. And, first of all,
their laws and statutes, from time to time enacted for
this purpose, may plainly convince and declare unto us
what cruel minds they bear against us, and how all
their study and endeavour tendeth our overthrow ; for
the laws are the rules whereunto men direct all their
actions. * * * *

Having given a summary of the penal statutes, passed during the pre
sent reign, and already described in the foregoing pages, the paper
thus proceeds : —

These, with many others of the same stamp, are the
laws, orders, and directions set forth by public edict,

1 Habac. i. 2, 3, 13. 2 Jcrem. xii. 1, 2, 3, 9.

ART. vii.] PERSECUTION. 83

to the defacing and utter overthrow of the catholic
faith, and all true Christianity amongst us : the which
laws, as by tract of time they have never remitted any
thing of their former rigour, but, by new additions
thereunto, from year to year marvellously increased the
same, so they manifestly declare the progress of their
authors in hatred and malice, and that continually the
latter parliaments do excel the former in cruelty,
whereby we may easily conjecture what we daily suffer
in these later years, and what more we may expect at
their hands, in time to come, if God shall permit them
long to continue.

Two things I do note out of the very laws, whereof
the one must of necessity follow ; that either by them
the prince is made a God, or else religion is nothing
with them but a mere policy. What meaneth this pre
cise exaction of conformity in matters of religion, as
frequenting their churches, prayers and sacraments,
&c., the which in their laws and statutes they term a
natural obedience, due to the queen, if they did not in
tend thereby the prince to be more than a creature ?
For, if the obedience in us be natural, then surely the
superiority, jurisdiction, and preeminence in her is na
tural, after the same manner as all other princely power
belonging to a king or queen is : then naturally may she
institute bishops, priests, pastors, arid preachers in the
church, and naturally give them power to bind, loose,
feed, rule, and chastise, in all matters belonging to
heaven, hell, salvation, damnation, and universally in
the spiritual government of men's souls : unto all which
things the jurisdiction and authority of the pope,
Christ's vicar and vicegerent, did extend : yea, in this
she goeth beyond him, in that this authority naturally
belongeth unto her, which only by grace, and to the
discharge of a supernatural or spiritual office, is granted
unto him. And whereas no spiritual jurisdiction can,
in any wise, be natural unto any man, angel, or pure
creature whatsoever, save only unto him whose nature
is supernatural, whose essence is the fountain of all
grace, and whose power is omnipotency itself, it fol-

G 2

84 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

loweth that she also must attribute unto her something
more than is to be found in any creature, in which res
pect this jurisdiction and spiritual power is natural unto
her, and whereby she may, as queen, exact this natural
obedience of us : and, consequently, she " thinketh it
not robbery to be equal with God,"1 to whom only by na
ture such preeminence and sovereign authority is due.
And so, without blame, may she account and condemn
us for traitors, and all our actions for treasons, when
soever we deny, withstand, or derogate from this spi
ritual power, so natural unto our prince's person : and,
of the contrary, not to esteem it any flattery, if we call
her our " saint," or our "Goddess," which titles she doth
not utterly mislike, being offered and attributed unto
her highness sometimes by her flattering clients. And
finally, supposing this to be true, it ought not to seem
strange unto us to consecrate in religious manner all
our substance, and labours, and endeavours, both tem
poral and spiritual, in her sacred service, but to sacrifice
also ourselves, our friends, our bodies, lives, and souls
to the setting forth, extolling, and maintaining of her
celestial power, preeminence, and jurisdiction. Now,
if shame (whatsoever her arrogancy inclineth her unto)
will not permit her to acknowledge these titles, as all
Christian ears and hearts abhor to consider it, then
surely she cannot avoid the other inconvenience, that,
by their laws and government, religion is perverted into
a mere human policy. Every one, hearing the name of
a king or queen, understands nothing else thereby but
a secular prince, or a temporal governor ; neither did I
ever hear (to my remembrance) that she did, at any
time, acknowledge or term herself a spiritual magis
trate, or take upon her to exercise or execute any
spiritual function ; yea, by special words in their in
junctions, such offices are excepted and exempted from
her. But if she, being but a temporal prince or magis
trate, may, of her own due and proper or natural
authority, or ( as the law speaketh ) as queen or sove-

1 Philip, ii. 6.

ART. vii.] PERSECUTION. 85

reign, direct, order, reform, and correct all persons,
both ecclesiastical and temporal, in all causes also, eccle
siastical or spiritual, as errors, heresies, schisms, &c.,
then must it of necessity follow, that all those persons,
actions, and causes depend and are subject unto the
temporal magistrate, and her government ; and conse
quently to be, of right, by human prudence, wisdom,
and policy, ordered arid directed. And what other
thing is this, than flatly to deny that there are any
spiritual or ecclesiastical causes, authority, or jurisdic
tion at all, and to abolish all faith and religion, with
the truth and virtue thereof, and wholly to submit all
to man's reason alone ; reserving only for a shew the
bare names and titles of religion, and all religious power,
causes, and operations ? For sure it is, the effect cannot
exceed the virtue of its cause; nor any orderly action,
the perfection of its rule and direction ; nor any inferior
science, power, or office, the force, dignity, and end of
its superior. Wherefore, if the kingly authority give
power, virtue, and direction unto all, then let the soul
give way to the carcase, let faith yield to reason, let
heaven bow down unto the world ; yea, seeing the
power and policy of the king, as he is a king, cannot
reach or extend itself to any of these, let us take away
and banish quite from our hearts all consideration of
what shall befal us after this life, and let us say there is
no judgment, no resurrection, no eternity of the soul,
no heaven, no felicity, no God: — hell only excepted,
the which, will we, nill we, shall be the final end of all
our policies, and assured inheritance of all misbelievers,
both princes and subjects. And, verily, this is the re
ligion now embraced amongst the heads, and not ab
horred of a great number of followers, as most evidently
appeareth, if any list to consider the trees by their fruits,
and guess of their minds by their proceedings, prac
tices, and behaviours.

Amongst all that, in our time, have borne office in
this north country, this earl of Huntingdon, lord Henry
Hastings, may easily take the upper hand of all, for his
bloody and cruel mind against catholic men, and their
religion ; a man, as he is thought, of no deep reach in

86 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

matters of weight or judgment, yet, through continual
practice in persecuting us, these twenty-two years he
hath borne the office of president, is grown so ingenious
to work us trouble and disquietude, that herein he need
not to give place unto any, though they be of greater
wit and capacity. What helps he hath herein, you may
consider ; for he \vanteth not his special authority and
commissions, granted him from the higher magistrates,
of purpose. He is not to seek his directions and in
structions, and especially from the old practising trea
surer : he hath his council of chosen men, for the turn,
his espials, his informers, his executioners, of picked
companions, so ready to run, to seek, to take, to spoil,
and to execute whatsoever he biddeth them, with such
expedition, such insolency, such cruelty, that neither
fear of God, respect of law or equity, nor regard of civil
honesty, taketh any place amongst them : and although
himself be of a weak constitution of body, yet it is in
credible what pains he taketh, both day and night, in
watching, in writing, in travelling, without respect of
frost, snow, and other importunate weather ; that a man
may well perceive that his malice goeth far beyond his
might, yet is his might more than enough, seeing un
justly it oppressed! so many. In religion, he is taken
for a prince of puritans, wherein he sheweth great zeal
and forwardness externally, and all are welcome to him,
that are accounted friends of that faction.1 But religion
in magistrates is framed now, in England, commonly
after Machiavel's rule, to make a shew of a thing, where
the substance wanteth, and any may serve well enough,
if it agree with their policy; and he, being a competitor
to the crown if any thing fall, supposeth, perhaps, that

1 [" Although the puritans are not generally put in authority, or used for the
government of the commonwealth, yet are they ordinarily employed in the
punishing and executing all kind of rigour against catholics, as being tried by
experience to be most vigilant in finding them out, and violent in afflicting
them, and most pitiless in their pains. So that, in every shire, those justices,
who be known to be most forward in the puritan faction, though otherwise they
be little employed in matters of t'ie country, or esteemed of the state, yet they
are the men that are put in commission against catholics. They are the
searchers, they are the informers, they are the "judges, and they are made, as it
were, the kings of catholics." Gerard's MS. account of the Plot; copy, be
longing to my friend, the Rev. Geo. Oliver, of Exeter, to whose kindness 'l am
indebted for the use of this, and several other documents. — 71.]

ART. vii.] PERSECUTION. 8/

sort of people the fittest instruments to compass his
purpose, as they accord best with his humour : for their
religion corisisteth rather of a furious hatred, or pre
sumptuous obstinacy to contradict others, than in any
positive doctrine of their own, unless it be in singing of
a psalm, or hearing of a sermon, wherein they be rather
auditores obliviosi, quam factores verbi, seeing good
works with them are but tokens of papistry. As for
others, what estate or calling soever they be of, if they
be either suspected to favour the catholic, or not forward
in the shew of puritanism, or such as are not ready to
employ themselves, or to be employed by him, and
others at his appointment, to the trouble and mo
lestation of their quiet and innocent neighbours, seldom
can they have either access to him, or favourable counte
nance of him : whereas, of the contrary, how base or
naughty a companion soever he be, if he be zealous, as
they term him, a betrayer of his friends, a spy, an intelli
gencer, a deceiver, a dissembler, a catchpole, and such
like, but he shall have free access at all times, his favour,
his countenance, his hand, his embracing, yea, offices,
and authorities, and what other friendship he shall re
quire ; whereby they grow so malapert, that they res
pect not what injury they do, whom they accuse, slander,
oppress : yea, the best in the country dare not contrary
them, lest they be complained of by them unto the pre
sident, and receive a check or displeasure for it.

An example may be given in one Henry Sanderson,
a bankrupt merchant, and base companion ; yet, for his
pretended zeal in puritanism, and Machiavelian subtilty,
a special instrument to the president. This man * *
* being made gaoler of Bransby castle, a
house belonging unto the earl of Westmoreland, but
now a prison for catholic men, a gentleman had got a
warrant for the delivery of his wife, being there in hold
for her conscience ; and Sanderson, the gaoler, de
manding his fees, the gentleman opened his purse, laid
forth money as much as he thought sufficient, willing
him to take his right, saying, " Mr. Gaoler, serve your
self." But he took it so grievously that the gentleman
called him a gaoler ( though he were so indeed), that

88 ELIZABETH. [PART it.

he informed the president that the gentleman had
abused him : whereupon the gentleman's wife was kept
still a prisoner, notwithstanding the former warrant.

A worshipful esquire, being catholic, * *

had his house searched by one Cobham, and two
other catchpoles, accompanied with certain of the
president's men, who spoiled his house, and took away
his silver plate, and other things of value ; and the
urider-sheriff of the shire, being sent, in the bishop's
behalf, to see that no outrage were committed contrary
to equity, seeing Cobham and his fellows take away
the gentleman's goods, and being demanded why he
would suffer it, answered that he durst not contrary
them, though he knew it were injustice.1 Many more
examples I could allege, to shew what credit and sway
such cozening companions do bear with the president,
whereas others, of the best worship and wisdom in the
country, are rejected, and scarce well looked upon ; be
cause their credit and honesty doth not permit them to
be employed in every base and odious enterprise, at his
pleasure.

And of these kind of men he hath such plenty and
variety, that not only his own household and family con-
sisteth most of them, but every place in the country is

1 [This was not an unusual occurrence, ec-en in other districts. " The pur
suivants from a gentleman, in searching his house, took a bag of money of three
score pounds. The gentleman coming to the secretary Walsingham, to com
plain of the wrong and the theft, was answered, that the queen's men must
be considered, and, if he put the matter in suit, it should cost him much
more. * * *

" There have divers, under the names of pursuivants, come with feigned
commissions, and have robbed catholics' houses and others. In Yorkshire,
many catholics' houses were by such rifled, to their great vexation and loss.
In 'Worcestershire, one Mr. Reynford, a gentleman, was robbed of better than
one hundred marks by these forged companions ; they being assisted in their
robbery by justices of the shire. And it hath been put in practice by divers
counterfeit mates, who made an occupation of it, and, even with the aid of the
constables and officers, have spoiled many poor catholics ; and yet no remedy
can be had against these miseries.

'• The pursuivants are, for the most part, bankrupts and needy fellows, either
fled from their trade for debt, and by the queen's badge to get their protection,
or some notorious wicked man, whose godless disposition is apt to be employed
to any mischief. Insomuch, that it is a great increase of catholics1 misery,
and a thing almost intolerable to flesh and blood, to have so base and infamous
castaways to come and crow over the best gentleman, yea, nobleman, in his
own house, and use such imperious and princely behaviour, as would move
choler to the most patient mind." Letter to Verstegan, ut sup. — T.~\

ART. MI.] PERSECUTION. 89

replenished, punished, pestered, and oppressed with
them. Some are set to observe, watch, and oversee
every man's actions, behaviours, and inclinations, and
thereof to give continual notice and information : some
are employed, by flattery, colour of friendship, and
shew of religion, not only to associate themselves,
enter in, and sift out every man's secret actions and in
tentions, but also to push and draw men into divers
companies, places, and exercises, to that end they may
accuse them, or bring them into danger or trouble.1
Some are instructed and warranted, by precepts and
particular commissions, to search, examine, apprehend,
and carry to prison, when and whom they list, as by
intelligence they shall be advertised, or by false brethren
matters shall be betrayed unto them : others are placed
in public office and authority, to countenance, aid, and
assist these other catchpoles, that no resistance be made
nor any attempt be frustrate, as justices of peace
bailiffs, constables, churchwardens, and head com
missioners; also sheriffs and under-sheriffs, £c.; in
which rooms such men are most preferred, who are
most forward in puritanism, or of least conscience,
reason, and honesty, not only of the laity, but also of
the ministry. And if it happen that any officer seem
negligent, calm, of mild disposition, loath to be a per
secutor or disturber of his neighbours, or [do] any
thing to favour the afflicted, then means are devised,
either to sharpen or prick them forward, by checks,
threats, or flatteries, or else utterly to discountenance
or displace them, and thrust into their rooms others of
less honesty and more cruelty; wherein such diligent
care is had, that, in such offices as go by election of
voices, or as are at the disposition of some other su
perior officers, the president seeketh, by covert means,
to have them at his own appointment. Thus he en-
treateth and indenteth with divers gentlemen in the
country, that, if it be their lot to be chosen into
the office of sheriffs, they will be content he shall hi

1 [As an illustration of the objects to which the powers of the pursuiv
were applied, and of the means adopted by them to obtain evidence againt
prisoners, I will subjoin, in the Appendix, the account which Mr. Robert B_,
has left us of Topclifle's proceedings in his regard. See No. XXXVII. — T.~]

90 ELIZABETH. IPARTIV.

the nomination of their under-sheriff ; so likewise, in
corporate towns, to have the mayors and other officers
at his disposition. Whereby it cometh to pass that base
sheriffs, and other superior officers, of their own nature
otherways modest and reasonable, are forced to use
much cruelty, lest they be accused of slackness by their
own substitutes, being factors for the president ; yea,
if they deal little or nothing at all in person, yet shall
they be the authors of much mischief, injury, and injus
tice, by means of these substitutes, who will take upon
them, in their names, to execute their office at their
pleasure and discretion ; who, if they abuse this autho
rity, yet dare they not correct or find fault with them,
lest they incur thereby the president's displeasure. By
this means many that seem well affected, yet, either to
win credit, which otherwise cannot be gotten, or for
avoiding of disgrace and further inconvenience, are
drawn, by little and little, into these bad actions and
causes, that, lest they should be suspected to bear the
affection they have indeed, they become more cruel than
the rest, and, using themselves no otherwise than lions
by kind, amongst whom they are nuzzled and trained,
" they learned to catch the prey, and to devour men ;
to make widows, and to lay waste cities."1 Finally, the
whole country, framing themselves after these examples,
and desirous to feed the humours of such heads, partly
for fear, and partly to gain favour, are become ready
and forward to execute whatsoever they are invited or
called unto ; as appeared by the search made at Candle
mas was a twelvemonth, when the whole country over
Yorkshire, Richmondshire, Bishoprick, Northumberland,
were up, upon one night, to search and rifle catholic
men's houses, in such numbers, that some one poor house
was set about and sacked, with one hundred, six score,
and seven score men at once ; at which time, although
the chief commissioners of searching were directed to
the justices and certain other trusty and forward fellows
(who ordinarily are joined in commission, to oversee
the justices' actions, that no favour be showed), yet every
one, for his credit, did thrust himself into action

1 E/ech. six

ART. vii.] PERSECUTION. 91

amongst the commissioners, breaking, spoiling, tossing,
arid turning poor catholics' houses at their pleasure, a
thing tolerated and winked at in such affairs.1 What
need I speak of the diligence was used, not only in sift
ing every corner of their houses, chambers, parlours,
stables, barns, lofts, privies, arid chimnies, yea, the fields
and woods abroad also, so that no place remained un
sought, no door, chest, coffer, desk, casket, or whatso
ever thing that was locked, was left unlocked, or broken
open, if the keys were not presently brought ; but also,
for divers days, and especially nights, going before, all
fords, bridges, and passages were laid, and the houses
watched, to mark who passed to or fro, and what resort
or company was in every place ; yea, small respect of
civility or compassion was used ; for, at the same time,
a catholic gentlewoman, Mrs. Fulthrop by name,
being in travail with child, the midwife being with her,
and having sent one of her maids into the town, to call
for the company of wives, to assist her in that time of
danger and extremity, the searchers, in the meantime,
coming and besetting the house, would neither permit
the wives, nor yet the maid that was sent to call them,
to enter in to help her mistress : the gentlewoman,
labouring without sufficient company, was glad to use
the help of such persons as she had of her own, and,
God assisting her, she was delivered of two children ;

1 [" Their manner of searching is, to come with a troop of men to the house,
as though they come to fight a field. They beset the house on every side ; then
they rush in, and ransack every corner, even women's beds and bosoms, with
such insolent behaviour, that their villanies in this kind are half a martyrdom.
The men they command to stand and to keep their places ; and whatsoever of
price cometh in their way, many times they pocket it up, as jewels, plate,
money, and such like ware, under pretence of papistry.

" They oftentimes break walls, untile houses, unceil chambers, pluck up
boards, to the owner's great loss and trouble ; and yet no satisfaction for these
damages made." Letter to Verstegan, ut sup.

On the subject of satisfaction, the same writer says, — " Catholics' suits, be
they never so just, they very seldom take effect, unless it be by extreme bribery
to some of the council or judges. Great suits, which are of consequence, they
suspend still undecided, not suffering any sentence to be given in them, to the
undoing of catholics sometimes. * * * * The judges will openly say
that the papists shall have no law at their hands, sith they will not obey the
laws, — namely, those against religion.

" If, by a catholic's losing his suit, the queen may be but a trifle the better,
or gain any thing by it, he is sure to be cast, be .his cause never so good."
Ibid.— T.]

92 ELIZABETH. [PART IT.

and after, the searchers, threatening to burst open the
door where the gentlewoman was, were let in, searched
her chamber, not sparing the very bed wherein she lay,
thrusting their swords into the same, and frightening
the poor gentlewoman in such sort, that she never re
covered her perfect health, but died not long after. And
because they would not have the innocent children to
escape their part of misery, they made the father enter
into a bond of a great sum of money, to cause them
be carried unto the heretics' church, and to be christened
by a minister in contempt of their mother's religion.1

#

But let us return again into the matter we begun to
speak of. As the officers appointed are commonly men
of least conscience, and most forward in heretical fury,
so great care is taken by the president and other supe
riors to espy out, preserve, and cherish such persons as
are of evil demeanour and bad conditions, whereby, as
out of a seminary of all mischief, they may never want
fit instruments to supply the places of such, as, either
by death are taken away, or for their good service are
advanced to higher offices. In this sort, did the presi
dent, and doth yet, most unjustly, and not without great
damages, by daily, or rather nightly, incursions made
into the country and towns, hamlets, granges, and out
houses of many inhabitants, stay and hinder that the

1 [" Sometimes they are so uncivil, that they will search the very beds, where
man and wife do lie, at their first breaking into the house, when they come in
the night, as in London it is, most commonly ; yea, sometimes into the beds,
where women lie in childbed. Yea, they will not spai'e grave ancient matrons,
and women of great place. One ancient lady (the lady Nevill) lying in Hoi-
born, in London, was in this sort so rudely handled by them, that she fell sick
upon it, and lived not long after." Gerard's MS. ut. sup.

" When their wives are great, catholics are forced to shift them from place
to place, to conceal their lying in, lest their children should be christened
heretically ; and sometimes want the sacrament wholly, through the malice and
fault of the ministers, and want of due matter or form of baptism.

" Many women with child have been delivered before their time, to the
danger of themselves and children, by the sudden and violent frights of pur
suivants, who, like pitiless furies, rage every where alike, without compassion,
or care of the diseased.

" Catholics have no less difficulty to avoid the danger of churching and
purification, than of lying in ; being watched, in both respects, by malicious
eyes." Letter to Verstegan, ut sup.— T.]

ART. vii.] PERSECUTION. 93

law should not proceed against a company of thieves,
outlaws, and spoilers of their neighbours and country,
who, upon a night, made a road into the bishopric, and
therein had taken and driven away almost all the beasts
and cattle of a town called Clifton : and the thieves
being known, and the fact proved, the persons injured
can have neither law to proceed against the malefac
tors, nor redress of their losses and injuries sustained,
because the president putteth off their suits from time
to time, pretending, notwithstanding, in words, that he
will do what he can to make them have justice ; but,
indeed, protecting the malefactors, because they be fit
men (as they term it) to do the queen good service.
How commodious they be, in the meantime,, in his affairs,
living at liberty, God wot ; but the town aforesaid and
parish thereof do complain that, since the former fact
committed, which is now about one year ago, they have
sustained about £700 damages by the former offenders
and their adherents ; while they cannot be permitted to
obtain justice. What other injuries are committed, in
other places, by the same men, I leave it to your own
estimation, especially they being, many of them, gentle
men, and such as bear a sway and countenance in the
country. *

John Spence, godson unto Mr. Trollope, and his
father being his household servant from his youth, for
betraying his master and godfather, being then a ca
tholic, was therefore entertained into the president's
service. Francis Eglesfield, for betraying Mr. John
Boast, and one Thomson, for apprehending Sir Henry
Stapper, priests, were therefore accepted to wear the
president's clothes ; men void of all grace and honesty,
whereof the last-named had a commission granted him
from his lord and master ( as he boasted himself, for
his good service, and further preferment), to search
catholic or such suspected places, in Richmondshire,
where he dwelt, when and as oft as he listed. And,
indeed, about christmas last, he searched the most of
the catholic houses thereabouts ; during which com
mission (which I fear is not yet expired, for they

94 ELIZABETH. [PART iv,

grant sometimes commissions dormant, which few know
of besides themselves ), there happened a certain man
to pass through fields, near the town where a pursuivant
dwelt ; and, not perfect in the way whither he was to
go, demanded of one ploughing in the field the way unto
a place, naming the house of a catholic. The ploughman,
suspecting the traveller, as it should seem, to be a
priest, being in apparel something scholarlike, shewed
him the way, saying withal unto him, that he took him
for a good man ; for so catholics use to call their ca
tholic priests. " Yea," said the traveller, " that I am."
Then the ploughman began to moan himself, and the case
of other catholics thereabouts, as though himself had
been one indeed ; that they were in great distress of
sacraments, for want of good men to help them, de
siring withal that it would please him to do them that
friendship, as, in some place, to serve them in their
need. To whom the other man said, that, if he would
come, in the morning, unto the gentlewoman's house
thereby, he would serve his turn ; and so went on his
way. The ploughman, supposing to have found a prey
for his neighbour Topcliife,1 informed him of all had
passed between him and the traveller, describing the
man by his shape, his apparel, and a dog that followed
him. Topcliffe1 calleth his mates together, [and] as-
sureth them of a prey. Early in the morning, [they]
beset the gentlewoman's house, enter in by virtue of
their commission, search up and down in every corner,
to find the priest, but fail of their purpose. In the
meantime, the traveller, who had been there the evening
before, and after, lodged all night in a town hard by,
cometh unto the door, knocketh at the gate ; and Top-
clifFe,2 playing the porter for the time, openeth, and, by
the description of his person given him before, sus
pecting he was the man he sought for, examined him
what he was. " A man," quoth he, " as you see." " So
I perceive," said the other ; " but I ween you be the

1 [This name is blotted out in the original : but may, I think, still be
traced.-— TV]

a [The name is here also erased, and, in its place, the words " the pursuivant"
substituted by another hand. — T.

ART. vii.] PERSECUTION. 95

man we seek for." " It may be so," quoth he. " What,"
saith Topcliffe,1 " are you not a priest ? " " No," quoth
he, " I am no priest ; but, if you had said I was a clerk,
you had guessed better ; for I am indeed the clerk of "
such a town, naming the town ;2 and so the whole fable
ended pleasantly. Yet hereby you may perceive by
what means, many times, catholics fall into trouble, the
watchfulness of our persecutors, and virtue of their
commissions.

Luke Hutton, nephew unto the false bishop of Dur
ham that now is, from a catchpole and common thief,
was preferred by his uncle unto the office of the bailiff
of Sadberge ; and, a prison being in the town, for his
more commodity was made gaoler unto the catholic
prisoners ; who, being practised before in picking men's
purses, was thought a more fit instrument to impoverish
his prisoners : wherein he used such art and industry,
that, if he could have observed any reason or mean in his
own expenses, his gain might easily have maintained
him after the port of a gentleman. But lightly come
(as the proverb is ) is lightly gone ; and evil gotten is
worse spent. Divers ^ere committed unto his custody,
both worshipful and others, with whom he dealt in this
manner. At their first committing to prison, he would
make them pay a fine of five marks, three pounds, forty
shillings, or as much as he could wring out of them by
extremities : for some of them he thrust down into a
low dungeon, or vault, under the ground, where there
was neither light nor air convenient for man's health, to
live eight days to an end, without danger of death, or
other grievous malady. There would he shut up the
poor men, until they compounded with him, according
unto his desire; and when he had thus wrung out of them,
and racked the poor men to disburse more than they
were able to get many times (for the catholic gentlemen
there imprisoned were contented to collect and disburse
the money for them sometimes, lest the poor men's
want should occasion their greater distress, at the cruel

1 [Again the name is obliterated, and the word " he" substituted. — TV]

2 [The name of the town was originally written : but is effectually
rated. The words here given are substituted in the MS. for it. — 71.]

96 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

gaoler's hands, in whom there was neither pity nor
mercy), then, afterwards, they were at more quiet with
him.1 One poor catholic, having been thrust down, for
a few days, and, after composition, permitted the
liberty of the upper house, remained something heavy
that he had light into the custody of so cruel a keeper:
whom the gaoler perceiving to be sad, and nothing well
contented, came to him, and said, to comfort him
withal, " Be of good cheer man, the worst is past ;" de
claring thereby that the desire of lucre was the cause of
his cruelty. The gentlemen, being better able to buy
his friendship, which only was to be purchased with
money, lived at the gaoler's table and diet, paying seven
shillings weekly for every man's commons, which was a
sufficient gains to the gaoler, their fare well considered,
which ordinarily was nothing else but a piece of salt
beef ; which kind of diet the gentlemen not being ac
quainted withal, as also hurtful to the health of some of
them, they requested of the gaoler's wife that, seeing
they paid so wrell for their commons, at the least she
would provide for them some wholesome fare, or that
their beef might be more fresh, or better steeped : but
the covetous woman, supposing that, if she should con
descend unto their petition, then the toothsomeness of
their slender allowance would be a mean that, her
guests' feeding more liberally thereon, nothing would
remain in the empty dishes for the sustenance of her
family, which altogether depended upon the gentlemen's
charges and allowance, answered them very thriftily,
that there was no profit or thrift in so doing. Where
fore, they, fearing some inconvenience by their diet,
made suit unto the gaoler, that they might be permitted
to be at their own diet, yielding unto him for the rent
of their chamber ( for they were all thrust up together
in one ) thirty pounds yearly, which was agreed upon,

1 [In this respect, however, Hutton was by no means worse than his fellows.
Speaking of the usual treatment of the catholic prisoners, the writer of the
letter to Verstegan, to which I have frequently referred, says, " In prison, if
they have not relief, or he not ahle to pay, they are used like dogs, thrown into
dungeons. If they be able to pay, they must pay what price the keeper will, or
else they are most pitifully used." Letter, ut sup. — T.~\

ART. vii.] PERSECUTION. 97

and some part of the rent paid before-hand : but, within
a while, the gaoler, perceiving a want in his house
keeping, because he swept no crumbs after them, as he
was wont to do, sought to draw them again unto his
table, as before : but they refusing to be any more at
his diet, having both made a covenant with him other-
ways, and paid their money, and also having been at
great charges for buying pots, pans, and other vessels
and implements, with hired servants to employ about
their necessaries, he shut them all up close in their
chamber, not suffering any to have access unto them ;
but, if their servants or other friends came, he searched
them, sometimes unto the very shirt and saddle, read
their letters, and shewred other extremities unto them ;
seeking, by this means, either to find some matter
against them, for fear whereof he should in time make
them incline unto his desire, or, by wearing them out
with extremities, force them to return unto his table ; in
which case they remained until he, being known for com
mitting a robbery, was forced to fly his house and for
sake his office.

This same, besides the offices aforesaid, pretended to
have a commission : I know not if he had one in truth,
or not ; but he had gathered into a scroll a great sort
of names of catholics within the bishopric, whom, he
said, the bishop had granted him to be his prisoners, if
he could apprehend them. Wherefore, he took upon
him to search their houses, and did apprehend divers
catholics, and carried them straight unto his gaol, with
out presenting them unto any other officer ; out of his
own authority committed them, and, for bribes of
monies, and certain annual penalties and pensions cove
nanted with them, did, without further warrant, enlarge
them, and promised to protect them, or, at the least,
not to trouble them ; thinking thereby better to make
a gain of them abroad, than to pester his house with
too many at once ; having no convenient room to re
ceive them. And amongst other his bold attempts,
he presumed to search a gentleman's house called
Henry Lawson, a man conformable unto the laws, his

VOL. III. H

98 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

wife being a catholic, and in prison otherwheres for
her conscience, and, without any warrant at all, appre
hended the gentleman himself, and carried him straight
unto his prison. But the bishop, or his secretary by
his consent, understanding the matter, was so far from
rebuking him for his fact, that, by a letter written unto
him, he greatly commended his forwardness, and withal,
lest the gentleman should sue him of an action of false
imprisonment, sent him a warrant for his apprehension,
after the deed was done ; having no matter colourable
to charge the gentleman withal.

In searching of one catholic's house, he happened to
light upon a sum of money of ten pounds, belonging
unto Margaret Henfield, a catholic woman, being ab
sent ; the which he took and carried away, and would
not restore it, unless the woman herself would come in,
and make claim unto it : but she, being afraid of being
committed to his prison for her conscience, if she
should appear, was glad to forego her money. In the
end, no bribes, no extortions, no exactions and spoil of
poor catholic men sufficing the lust of such a prodigal,
drunken, and licentious fellow, he fell again unto his
ancient trade of theft, burglary, and robbery, was,
at length, forced to fly the country, * * * * and
now, in Scotland, if he be not already dead, there liveth
in great shame, distress, and misery.

What should I speak of Richard Outlaw, Collier,
Robson, Sanderson, Spain, Rollinson, Bannister, Scar-
croft, and a great number more, of no better disposition
than the former, whose lives, practices, and behaviours
are [so] notorious, that, if I should write all I hear report
ed by the mouths of credible persons, I should easily fill a
book with tragical discourses of their infamous actions?
This I have already said may suffice to give some aim
what disposition the rest are of, and what kind of men
they be, that now-a-days are desired, chosen, and em
ployed for principal instruments and actors of this pre
sent persecution ; who being of their own nature and
vicious inclination prone to exercise cruelty, you may
easily conjecture what mischief they are like to practise

ART. vii.] PERSECUTION. 99

against catholic men, to whose oppression they are des-
tinate principally, if their proceeding be not only to the
shew justified with pretence of law, but also confirmed
and warranted by special authority, and particular
commissions, directed and given unto them ; the which
they always interpret in such ample sense, and execute
with such rigour, that the only name of their com
mission serve th them to justify all actions arid injuries
committed by them, where the words and construction
of their commissions doth by no means insinuate any
license to approve many voluntary attempts. And be
cause, after the wise man's experience, " we have seen
under the sun, in the place of judgment, wickedness,
and in the place of justice, iniquity,"1 let us first con
sider the authority of the president and other chief
officers, with the use or abuse thereof, and from them
descend unto their inferior vassals.

The president in this north country hath had, and
hath yet, as he taketh upon him, three several and
principal authorities granted unto him, of president, of
lieutenant, and also of a head commissioner, next after
the supposed archbishop of York, who is the foremost
and first of that commission. By the two former, he
supplieth the place of the prince's majesty (except in
such matters as are proper unto the prince's person,
and prime council, or in some other cases excepted and
reserved), in all temporal affairs, politic and martial ;
by the last, he hath to deal in causes concerning reli
gion, together with the rest joined with him in the com
mission ; wrherein, notwithstanding he make a shew to
the contrary, yet, in truth, all is directed, ordered, and
executed at his pleasure, and according unto his only
will and appointment ; neither can or dare the rest do
anything, but strive only which way to please and feed
his humour : yea, he useth these several offices in such
sort, that he maketh one of them to countenance the
other, and, confounding their distinct functions and
places, applieth either of them to perform the office of

1 Eccl. iii. 16.

H 2

100 ELIZABETH. [PARTIV.

the rest. In this wise, sitting as a head commissioner
upon religious matters, he terrifieth with the name of
lieutenant, making no difference between peace and
war, and threatening to execute martial law upon
afflicted catholics, if they refuse to shew friendship and
conformity to schism and heresy ; to which effect, pro
vost-marshals were appointed in divers places, to put
them in fear thereof. The same time, which was imme
diately upon the great proclamation, were a great num
ber of justices of peace appointed commissioners, to
take informations, call, and examine all catholics ; and
afterwards letters were directed again unto some of
them, that they should further enquire and inform unto
the privy-council, if there were any of the said com
missioners appointed, that had either his wife or his
eldest son a catholic recusant, that all such might be
put off the commission, as not fit for the office, and
others more forward, and less suspected to shew favour,
might be substitute in their places.1 These had bailiffs

1 [This enquiry was not confined to the commissioners, but was extended also
to the justices themselves. In 1587, Burghley addressed a letter to each of
the bishops, calling their attention to this subject, and requesting them to in
form him, among other things, what persons, in their respective dioceses, ought
to be removed or excluded from the magistracy, either as recusants themselves,
or as the favourers of recusants, or as the protectors of priests and Jesuits, or,
finally, as individuals " whose wives and families came not to church" (Strype's
Whitgift, Append. 120). The answers of several of the prelates have been pre
served. In the diocese of Peterborough, the following were returned as unfit : —

" Edward Griffin : a man of no great capacity or religion, and whose wife is
a great recusant.

" Clark de Crowtor. This man is well reported for his sufficiency, but

that his wife is a recusant."

In the diocese of Hereford ; —

" Roger Bodenham, Esq. ; for his wife is said to be a? recusant.

" Richard Minors, thought to favour recusants.

" Walter Baskerville ; for his wife is a recusant."

In the diocese of Worcester ; —

*' Ralph Sheldon, Esq. His wife a recusant: himself very wise, and a man
of good sufficiency.

" Edward Blount, Esq. His wife a recusant : himself a man not inferior to
the rest in wisdom.

" Francis Clare, Esq. His wife a recusant : himself an honest gentleman."

In the diocese of Bath and Wells ; —

" Sir John Sydenham. Unworthy of the place, on these considerations : —
his lady is a recusant ; his eldest son's wife a recusant, and suspected to be
married at mass."

In the diocese of York ; —

" George Woodroffe. His wife is an obstinate recusant, and of long time

ART. vii.] PERSECUTION. 101

appointed to serve all process directed by them, and the
ministers, churchwardens, and other picked men for
the purpose, were directed to give informations, upon
their oaths, unto them, and they themselves, at certain
times appointed and agreed upon, to sit upon these
matters, and to make relation and certificate unto the
council above of all the names of those, that were pre
sented unto them, and their other manner of pro
ceeding. This enquiry and information was so strictly
and diligently observed, that no catholic householder,
servant, or other, escaped unpresented ; for the church
wardens, being sworn, durst not omit or shew favour
unto any, lest they should incur the danger of perjury,
having others joined with them, of purpose to oversee
their actions, and to observe and inform against them,
if they discharged not their oath, and withal to supply
their defect, if, by chance, or through ignorance, any
escaped unpresented : and of this I suppose you have
received something, in my other letters before.
And, at the same time ( i. e. two years and a half L

hath been. One that doth very much hurt : — an argument that he is not well
affected himself. Such men as have such wives are thought very unfit to serve
in these our times.

" Henry Constable, Knt. His wife is a most obstinate recusant, and will
not be reformed by any persuasion, or yet by coercion. Her example is very
hurtful." Strype, Annals, iii. Append. 169 — 180.

Of course the persons thus connected were removed, to make way for indivi
duals, who were known to be " well affected in religion ; " and Strype proceeds
to boast, as the consequence of the measure, that, in Lancashire alone, at the
next assizes, " there ensued a most plentiful detection of six hundred recusants
by oath presented : as also the endictments of eighty-seven of them (as many as
for the time could be preferred to the jury) : and, further, a notification by oath
of one-and-twenty vagrant priests, usually received in Lancashire, and twenty-
five notorious houses -of receipt for them." Annals, iii. 478.

This mode of dealing with the catholics, through their conforming or protes-
tant connexions, seems to have originated with sir Francis Knolles, who, in a
paper drawn up immediately after the discovery of Babbington's conspiracy,
thus suggests it : — " Again, it were good, for avoiding that recusants should not
swann too fast, that her majesty should shew herself offended with such as do
pretend to be good subjects, and yet do suffer their wives to be open recusants:
for no man can deny but that the law giveth to every man so much power over
his wife, that he may constrain his wife to come to church, and there to remain
quietly for the service time. But what an open window will that be, to cause
recusants to increase and to swarm, if her majesty will suffer men to serve her,
the which will suffer their wives to continue recusants. But this they would
soon amend, if they shall hear and know that her majesty would keep no such
servants, that, after warning given, will not amend this fault." Strype's Whit-
gift, Append. 116.— r.]

102 ELIZABETH. [PA in - iv.

since ), and to the same effect, a commission was di
rected unto them, that an oath should be rendered unto
all catholics, both in prison and abroad, whether, at
any time, they had been solicited, moved, or persuaded,
by either Jesuit or seminary priest, &c., that, if an in
vasion should be made by the pope, or other foreign
prince or power, they should take part against their
queen and country : and a speech was given forth, that
they were in mind to execute martial law upon all, that
should not answer to their contentment. The prisoners
were sworn unto the article aforesaid, and, without
oath, examined in divers other questions proposed unto
them, and process were directed for others abroad, that
they likewise should present themselves, to do the same.
In this commission, no authority was granted to com
mit such as appeared; yet, nevertheless, they committed
some ; others did they force either to enter into bond
to appear before the lord president, at time set down,
or else presently to go to prison : which was no small
inconvenience; for that was, in effect, to bind them
never to be freed from trouble again.

The president therefore intending, about Lammas
'sise following (which was An. Dom. 1592), to assault
the constancy of catholics by a more cruel and fierce
onset than before, sent out his process and precepts
abroad, commanding, not only the catholics, but also
such as, being conformable themselves, had their wives
recusants, that, upon peril of further inconvenience,
they should make their appearance, and present them
selves or their wives before him, and the rest of the
commission, at Durham, or Newcastle. He came first
to Durham, but little was there said unto any : from
thence to Newcastle, where the gentlemen of Northum
berland were to appear. There the president appointed
to sit in commission, in his own chamber, in H. San
derson's house, something privately ; having with him
in his company, to make up a sufficient commission,
one Stanhope, of the council at York, whom he brought
with him, of purpose, out of Yorkshire, lest the Bi
shopric should not afford him such commissioners of
their own, as were best for his purpose. In this com-

ART. vii.] PERSECUTION. 103

mission sat the president, the supposed bishop of Dur
ham, Matthew Hutton, Toby Matthews, also called dean
of Durham,, with others. There were called in, Mr.
Ralph Gray, then sheriff of Northumberland, and Mr.
William Fenwicke, in behalf of their catholic wives :
but they, being men otherways not only conformable,,
but also well thought of for their forwardness to be em
ployed, got despatched in the end, although, at that
present, it appeared some rigour was shewn unto them,
in entering bond for bringing in of their wives, &C.1

1 [In illustration of Fenwicke's " forwardness," Garnet, in his private report,
apparently addressed to the general of the society, tells us that, on one occasion,
this person, having fired one of the beacons of the country, and raised a body of
one hundred and forty men, proceeded, in the dead of the night, to invest the
three catholic houses of Dissington, Rowchester, and the Grange. At daylight
the search began. Dissington, the property of the Ogles, was the first assailed :
Rowchester, the dwelling of the Rutherfords, and the Grange, that of the widow
Lawson, followed ; and, before the close of the day, each of the three residences
had been subjected to the violence of the intruders. In the last two, however,
the heads of the family had eluded the vigilance of the searchers. To complete
their work, therefore, Fenwicke and his party returned, on the following morn
ing, to Rowchester ; and, having put themselves at free quarters in the house,
announced their determination to remain, until Rutherford and his wife should
appear. These had concealed themselves in one of the hiding-places of the
mansion. But hunger and confinement at length subdued their resolution.
The voice of Mrs. Rutherford, asking to be released, betrayed the place of their
concealment : the door, which unfastened from without, was flung open ; and
the captives, half dead from exhaustion, were brought forth and immediately
committed to prison. A similar attempt to secure Mrs. Lawson, at the Grange,
was less successful : but other captures speedily atoned for this disappointment:
and a general search through the three counties of Northumberland, Durham,
and York, at once terrified the catholics, and gratified the various passions of
their assailants. As the latter approached, the former fled from their dwellings,
to seek a refuge wherever it might offer. Many were taken : others, scarcely
more fortunate, only escaped from the hands of their persecutors, to obtain a
doubtful asylum in the woods, or in the caverns of the earth. Youth and man
hood, infancy and age, the pregnant mother and the virgin daughter, alike were
driven forth to the inclemency of the heavens ; and, for a period of nearly six
weeks, numbers were glad to find a shelter in huts, constructed for the occasion
in some sequestered place, or to hide themselves, with the toad and the lizard,
among the ruins which their neighbourhood might contain. Although the ex
tract is necessarily long, I cannot forbear subjoining Garnet's own account of
this transaction.

" Alia facta est," says he, " horrenda inquisitio in Northumbria. Ejus auc-
tores fuerunt praesidentis apparitor et D. Fenichius, magnae quidem in iis locis
existimationis, sed ingenii ad hujusmodi facinora aptissimi. Is, accenso noctu,
in loco editissimo, signo quodam ex iis, qua? in regni confiniis semper ad eum
usum parata surit, gentem numerosam cum armis, uti moris est, convocat;
specie quidem latrocinii persequendi, * * * re autem vera, ad Christi
famulos hostiliter divexandos. Convenerunt ergo statim viri centum quadra-
ginta. Hos Fenichius jubet se comitari, ad reginae negotia perficienda. Ergo,

104 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

Then was Mr. Francis Ratcliffe, Esq., being a catholic
himself, called into the chamber, and there continued
two or three hours among them, and was examined in
many things ; yea, and reasoned withal, in many points
of faith and religion, whereof, as yet, I could not cer
tainly get the particulars : but he behaved himself in
his answers very wisely and well ; for he was one that
had understanding, and bestowed some time in reading
matters of controversy. But this also I was as
sured of by very credible persons, that, all the time he

ante luccm, tves catholicorum familias clam et a. longe obsideri jubet, qua;
duobus aut tribus millibus passuum inter se distabant. Ere autem eraut
Disliingtona, domini Ogleii, Rutchestria, domini Thomas Rudderfurthii, et
Grangia, qua? dominae Lawsonas viduae domus est. Ipse autem, sumtno dilu-
culo, cum viris circiter centum, domum unam aggreditur, deinde alteram, postea
tertiam; atque ita in ilia exploratione totum ilium insumit diem. Postridie
revertitur Rutchestriam : ibi statuit (([uoniam domi suspicabatur esse virum et
uxorem) tamdiu manere, donee, media coacti, se ipsos traderent. Itaque omnia
consumens ac destruens, tamdiu perstitit, donee, fame ac loci incommode penc
exanimata uxor, cum noil posset latibulum intus aperiri, gemitu atque ejulatu
semetipsam prodidit. Comprehenso igitur utroque, iteriim ad Grangiam itur :
ibi vidua ilia, clibanum ingrediens, salva permansit; nisi quia ex nimio calore
conclusi halitus in morbum iucidit, quern difficulter postea evasit. Multa?
alias factae sunt explorationes apud Hebornam, Harberhousam,Tuiskam, Tons-
tall um, Sheldesiam, Haggerstonam, Capeltonam, Nebitham, Fentonam, Car-
housam, et innumerabilibus in locis in episcopatu, Northumbria, comitatibus
Eboracensi ac Richmondensi, in quibus multi comprehensi sunt, nonnulli
summa cum difficultate evaserunt. Atque hae iuquisitiones tarn frequentts
erant, tarn generates ac publici earum rumores, ut multi coacti sunt domos suas
deserere, in agris ac sylvis vitam agere, habitare in montibus, et speluncis, et in
cavernis terras, fabricates sibi, ingente labore, in terra aut in rupe aliqua, do-
miciliis, in quibus dies noctesque transegerunt, aliqui per mensem, alii per
quinque aut sex hebdomodas, alii minore spatio, prout periculi ratio exigere
videbatur. Vir quidam nol)ilis, cum gravida uxore, cui vix unus mensis
deerat ad pariendum, cum Joanne quodam Nelsono, fidelissimo famulo ac nobis
gratissimo, in loco subterraneo sex hebdomadas ita egerunt, ut nunquam exire,
nisi post meridiem, securum ducerent ; nam inquisitiones omnes vel mane fiunt
vel noctu. Quare ea in caverna duas separatas mansiones construxerant, ubi
duos lectos paraverant, ut ibi pernoctarent. Nee deerat locus accommodus
conviviis corporalibus ac spiritualibus quotidie apparandis : penu etiam erat ad
cibos reponendos, qui quotidie clam a domo, baud ita multum distante, defere-
bantur. Erat autem spelunca sub ingenti quercu defossa, neque ullus patebat
ingressus, nisi per bifidam radicem, quantus hominem intromittere poterat, qui
levi cespite operiebatur ; nunc autem pluviis ac nivium tabe madefacta tota
corruit. Alii interdiu noctuque perpetuas egerunt excubias, divisis in singulos
diei noctisque spatiis. Alii quinque hebdomadis in casis ex arborum ramis,
inter medios j uncos extructis, ac cespite coopertis, ita habitarunt, ut, ingruentibus
noctu pluviis, et per siccatos cespites facile penetrantibus, media fere corporis
parte interdum aquis immjrsi fuerint. Alii inter antiquas parietinas sub terra
commorantes, cum uuiversa familia, ubi distinctos lectos et loca varia habu-
erant, nee deerat longiuscula quaedam deambulatio, socios acccperunt buffones,

ART. vii.] PERSECUTION. i05

was before them, the president forced him to sit upon
his knees, a thing not used, neither of duty to be ex
acted, unless the prince's person were in place, or some
of her prime council did there present the same ; and
the like was exacted upon those that appeared at Dur
ham soon after, unless they were such, whom the presi
dent did vouchsafe some favour unto. Whereby you
may see what mark he aimeth at, who, of his own head,
taketh so much upon him. This gentleman being com
mitted prisoner, for no other matter but only for refusing
to go to their heretical church, the rest were com
manded to attend at Durham, where they sat again in
commission : at which place were committed, and used
in like sort, Mr. Thomas Collingwood, a gentleman of
Northumberland (who, notwithstanding, escaped from
his gaoler, H. Sanderson, as he was to be conveyed to
prison ), Lancelot Hodson, with others being catholics.1

ranas, aspides, lacertes, aliaque id genus animalia." Stonyhurst MSS. Ang.
A. i. 73.

It is necessary to remark tliat Garnet's authority for tins, and for some other
statements contained in his report, was Holtby, the writer of the paper which I
have printed in the text. Holtby, however, who had communicated the in
formation to his superior, at one of their meetings at Anne Vaux's, afterwards
discovered that he had been mistaken in two particulars, and immediately wrote
to Garnet, to correct them. The following is from Garnet's own copy of that
part of Holtby's letter, which refers to this matter : —

" Out of Mr. Holtly's letters, the 12 of April, 1593."

" At our last being together, I left a note in writing with you, wherein I
would have you to correct two things ; the one was, that Mrs. Killingale could
not obtain, being great with child, so much favour as to be delivered out of
prison, until she had laid her belly ; the which, I perceive, did fall out other
wise before my return again : for she was sent home soon after, until she was
delivered. But I was informed credibly that, before, it was denied her.

" The other was, that, whereas I said that Mrs. Rutherford was found in a
conveyance, by means of one that heard her lament, it was otherwise : for her
husband had escaped first out-of their hands, and she alone went into the con
veyance, where she remained so long, until, partly with famine, and partly with
the uneasiness of the place, she was almost perished, having no means to get
forth ; for Fenwicke had put all the servants out of the house, and kept it with
his company, wasting all with horse and man. Then, at the last, the gentleman,
her husband, fearing the extremity of his wife, got one to adventure to deliver
her; and (who), finding a time, opened the place. But, before he could get
her out, came in Fenwicke, and took her, being half gone, and now grown so
stiff that she could not move herself: so they laid her upon a bed, to recover
her. In the meantime, came in also the gentleman himself, to save his wife,
and so was also apprehended." Garnet's MS. in my possession. — 71.]

1 [Besides these, Garnet, in bis report, gives the names of Ward, Hilton, Blen-
kinsopp, and their wives, William Blackstone, John Trollope, with his two sons,

106 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

Also divers other gentlemen, yet conformable (as they
term them), were called in for their catholic wives:
these also were commanded to sit upon their knees ;
and being demanded if they had their process or writs
about them, served on them for their appearance, and
shewing the same, the president took them and would
not suffer them to have them again. What the mystery
of it was I wot not; but it seemed there was something
in it not justifiable by law. In the end, these gentlemen
were constrained to enter into bond of recognizance,
for the bringing in of their wives, or else to go to pri
son themselves. The conditions of which bonds were
these, in form as followeth :

" The condition of this recognisance is such that,
if the above bounden R. F. do, from henceforth, pro
vide and procure that, morning and evening prayers,
as is appointed and set down in the book of com
mon prayer, be publicly read in his house, three days
in every week, at the least, viz., Tuesday, Thursday,
and Saturday, at the which himself, his children, his
household, and servants (except his wife), to be pre
sent, having no lawful excuse of their absence (for the
which he shall answer); and do not retain and keep
in his house any other person, which shall not du
tifully and usually resort to the church to hear divine
service, and reverently receive the holy communion, so
often yearly, as is appointed in the said book of com
mon prayer ; and do not admit or suffer any Jesuit, se-

John Sax, Thomas Bapthorpe, and the two Haggerstones, father and son, who
were all committed on this occasion. He tells us further, that, to receive the
immense number of persons continually ordered into custody, six additional
prisons were opened during the early part of the year 1592, — two at York, one
at Sheriff Hutton, one in Knaresborough castle, one in the college of Rotherham,
and one in Bransby-castle (Stonyhurst MSS. Ang. A. i. 73). "This was within
the presidency of the north. In August of the same year, Verstegan speaks of
" the late proceedings of the new commissioners against catholic recusants, in
Cheshire, Shropshire, Staffordshire, and North Wales, where the number of
recusants are found so great, as also in other provinces of England, that the
commissioners do not know what course to take, to extinguish them. In one
parish in Warwickshire, there were found seven score recusants ; but, in the
provinces aforenamed, great numbers have been by the commissioners constrained
by force to go to hear sermons; whereat was heard such weeping, lamentation,
and sighs, as was most wonderful." Letter to Baines, cardinal Allen's secretary.
Stonyhurst MSS. Ang. A. i. 67.— 71.]

ART. vii.] PERSECUTION. 107

minary, or popish priest, nor any person that shall be
known to him to be disobedient in matter of religion now
established within this realm, to remain or usually to re
pair in or to his said house, other than the now wife of the
said R. F.: And further, if A., the now wife of the said
R., shall be and personally appear before three of her
majesty's commissioners for causes ecclesiastical, within
the proVince of York, whereof the most reverend father,
the lord archbishop of York his grace, the right honour
able the lord president of her highness' council in the
north, and lord lieutenant, and the lord bishop of Dur
ham, and the right worshipful Mr. dean of Durham, to
be one, at such day, hour, and place, as, upon fourteen
days' warning, to be given at the now dwelling house
of the said R., shall be appointed and declared : And
lastly, if neither the said A., nor any of his said house
hold or family, shall have any conference with any such
Jesuit, seminary priest, papist, or other notorious dis
obedient person in matters of religion, then this recog
nizance to be void, or else to stand in full power and
virtue. Capt. et recog., apud Dunelm., 26. August,
an. Dom. 1592, coram, &C."1

If any did refuse to accept of these conditions, he
was presently committed to prison. Amongst the rest,
there was one who had been afore, by the like injury,
forced to bring in his wife ; and she having continued
thereby in divers prisons, restrained of liberty four or
five years, to the great damage of her husband, he
made suit, in the end, unto the council above, and ob
tained her liberty, upon bond to appear before the privy-
council, upon certain days' warning ; which recog
nizance notwithstanding, the president commanded him
to bring her in again before him, and he, refusing to do
it, because he was otherways bound to the council, was
himself committed to prison by the president, and there
remained nine weeks. In the meantime, he laboured
unto the council again, and his bill was preferred at the
council table ; whereupon, after the cause being ex-

1 [The names of several, who entered into this engagement, are given later.

-r.]

108 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

amined and discussed,, the council directed out letters
unto the bishop, in the man's behalf, in form following :

" After our hearty commendations to your lordship ;
humble suit hath been moved unto us, by T. N., &c.,
that, whereas, eight or nine years since, E., the wife of
this suppliant, being with divers other women com
mitted, for recusancy, in the gaols of Sadberge and
York, was, by virtue of letters directed from us to our
very good lord, the earl of Huntingdon, set at liberty,
upon good bonds, entered into by the said suppliant,
for the appearance and forthcoming of his said wife,
within twenty days' warning next after, before us ;
which wras done at the special suit of the husbands of
the said women, who, notwithstanding their wives' ob
stinacy, are very conformable themselves in religion,
and live, like good subjects, in due obedience towards
her majesty, and her lawrs, and therefore had their
wives delivered to their charge, in hope of some con
formity, by their good persuasion to be wrought in them :
Forasmuch as we are credibly given to understand that,
notwithstanding the bonds so taken, as abovesaid, for
their forthcoming before us, the said T. N. is of late im
prisoned in that gaol of Durham, for not bringing in
his said wife before you, and the rest of the commis
sioners ecclesiastical of that diocese, fearing lest she
should be imprisoned, to his utter undoing, as heretofore
she had been, for the space of four or five years ; We
have, therefore, thought good to pray and require your
lordship to let the said N. at liberty, upon good bonds
to be taken of the suppliant for his wife's good beha
viour, as is accustomed in like cases, and for her forth
coming before us, within twenty days next after warning
given him, or within some convenient time to be set
down by you in that behalf. So praying your lordship
to have care for the performance hereof, we bid you
very heartily farewell. From the court at Greenwich, the
24 of May, 1591. Your very loving friends, L. Arch:
Cant. L. Chancellor. L. Treasurer. L. Darby. L. Cob-
bam. L. Buckhurst."

Upon which letters the bishop set him at liberty,
taking bond of him, as was appointed by the council's

ART. vii.] PERSECUTION. 109

letters. But now, these letters notwithstanding, which
had been of sufficient virtue,, in a matter of greater
weight, to have kept the man from further injury, the
president committed him again for the same, that
is to say, for not bringing in his wife to appear before
him ; and [he] remained in Durham gaol for the space
of a year after, to his exceeding great loss of his goods
at home, by default of his care and presence. Whereby
it may appear what small regard of conscience, law, or
reason is used by those who bear the name of head
commissioners, especially by the president himself, who,
neither observing the rules of his commission, nor yet
the letters and directions of the privy-council, from
whom all his authority granted him doth proceed,
calleth, committeth, and punisheth by imprisonment,
without colour of justice, as oft, how long, and whom
he listeth; laying most impious and unreasonable bonds,
prohibitions, conditions, and penalties upon the hus
bands, yea, upon the children, and whole families, to
the utter overthrow of their souls, not for the wives'
fault, but for their sincere faith, constancy, and reli
gious profession.

As for the inferior officers, and other men, used as ne
cessary instruments to procure and maintain this per
secution against us, they are principally employed to
espy, betray, search, apprehend, spoil, and otherways
to molest and injure us, in all matters, and by all means
they can devise, without controlment, and as far as
God's judgment or mercy hath preordinate to permit
them, for our better purgation and trial, and greater
glories of his divine majesty, with our increase of grace
and glory. One notable example I intend here to set
down, for a scantling, to weigh and measure thereby
their malice and manner of behaviour towards us, in
the rest of their practices, by a search made before
christmas last, at York, in the castle, where the
catholics are kept in durance, for the defence and pro
fession of their faith. The president had been informed,
by the means of a false brother, and others his intelli
gencers, that there was a seminary priest kept among

HO ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

the catholic prisoners secretly, whose name, visage, and
personage they made particular description of. Where
fore, the president ordained a search, which begun upon
Tuesday morning, about seven or eight o'clock, being
the 18th day of December, 1593, and continued until
eight o'clock at night, upon Thursday following. The
manner of their proceeding was signified unto me by
several letters out of the castle, in these words fol
lowing :

tc Whereas many of our friends, we doubt not, are
not only sorrowful for our losses and spoil, happened
unto us by the lord president's appointment, but also
desirous to know the manner and cause how it chanced
unto us, these may be, therefore, to signify unto all our
benefactors and well-wishers, that, upon Tuesday, the
18th of December, Mr. Rokeby, one of her majesty's
council at York, came into the castle, where we are im
prisoned, with a great company of men ; whereupon,
we grew in some suspicion of a search ; and, looking
out at our windows, suddenly we see the castle beset
round about with bills and halberds. But they used, at
the first, some subtlety ; for they went first into
the Moot-hall, which is an ordinary thing, and sent to
the castle for one May field, being a man condemned for
felony, as though the intent of their coming had apper
tained nothing at all unto us ; and then, of a sudden,
came forth of the hail, and sent for us. By and by, our
keepers called us all down in great haste, into the castle
yard, where Mr. Rokeby staid, expecting our coming;
who said that the lord president and his council were
informed that a seminary priest was amongst us, who
said mass the same morning in our house. His name
was John Fisher, and this they were assured of; for
some of our own company had betrayed him : and,
except he be found, they would not depart, but would
pull down the house upon our heads. Wherefore,
searchers, being appointed to rifle our chambers and
poor lodgings, fell to their work, and so continued,
until seven o'clock at night; and from us they went
into Mr. Fletcher's house, the keeper of the castle, who

ART. vii.] PERSECUTION. 1 1 1

lying sick in his bed, they gave him no sparing, but
searched it, yea, and the very bed wherein he did lie :
and what other discourtesies they offered him the writer
hereof knoweth not,, but he died within a few hours
after, the same night. They found, in searching, the
passage of the party (as they said) whom they sought
for ; lighting, indeed, upon an entrance, sufficient for
a man to pass towards the water ; and thereupon began
very hotly to rifle and break all below, in the kitchen,
parlour, and other places thereabouts, supposing him to
be near the outgate. They brake the ceiling over
where it was, and in the new chamber above, and
threatened, the next day, to pull down the new building,
and the little chamber which staid thereon. But they
found not much the first day : but, having set their
watch, one to walk up and down within the house, and
many abroad without, that none should convey the
priest away, the next morning, coming again, they
brought with them workmen with all their tools and
implements, to try, by sounding, for hollow places, and
to break up all: 'for the traitor seminary,' quoth they,
6 you have among you, without whom we will not de
part. Therefore, bring him out to us, or else we will
pull down the house upon your heads.' With such like
speeches [they] menaced us, all the three days, and, in
all the time of searching, they shut us up, men, women,
and children, in a little house, where one of us could
scarce stand besides another. Remedy could we have
none : although the young children cried, and the
mothers lamented their babes, small pity was shewed.

" This day, they carried eight of our company to the
manor, where they expected the lord president, until
seven o'clock at night ; at which time, Mansfield, one
of the hottest searchers, coming out of the president's
chamber, with a writing in his hand, carried them to
Mr. Rokeby's house, to be examined ; where four only
being examined severally, they were sent all to three
several prisons, until the search was ended, — one of
them being sent unto a place by himself, with com
mandment that he should be well used, who was sus-

112 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

pected by the company to have been the author and
betrayer of all. Also they took away a little girl, and
threatened to beat her (being ten years old), except she
would confess where John Fisher, the seminary, was to
be found ; and, keeping her, they gave it out that the
child had told all, and that now they could go, and lay
their hand upon his head, where he sat. But all was
false. In the meantime, the searchers wrought dili
gently, knocking and sounding every wall and floor
under their feet. They broke and beat down, without
scruple, walls, ceilings, floors, hearths of chimnies,
boards, yea, they untiled the house ; and, breaking
down all within the chambers, they also tossed and trod
under their feet our clothes and bedding, the lime,
plaster, dust, and dirt falling upon it, arid made their
common way over all, without sparing. They found
great store of books and church stuff also, as chalice
and cruets of silver, crosses of silver and gilt, with
relics, pictures, antependiums, borders, and all other
furniture belonging unto the altar, which had been
sent and bestowed upon us by former prisoners and
good benefactors. And now, alas ! they have harried
us of all : yea, many of us have not left so much as a
prayer-book, or piece or part of one ; for all was fish
that came to their net. Books, lawful by their own
laws, they violently took away : yea, the very money,
which the poor men had to live upon, they snatched
away most greedily. After these gentlemen searchers,
there followed hungry rascals, who licked up their
leavings, sparing neither silver spoons, nor other like
jewels, neither linen nor woollen, as stockings of hose,
remnants of cloth, kerchiefs, coifs, patlets, shirtbands,
napkins, gloves, garters, combs, knives, or anything
else that could be handsomely carried away : — and the
worst is, we have Judas amongst us, and cannot find
means to exclude him out of our company.

" The next day, being St. Thomas's eve, they came
again in like manner, with their workmen, yet to pull
more down. And now they put no doubts but to have
him ; and amongst us he was (they said), ' for/ quoth

ART. v.i.l PERSECUTION. 113

they, ' on Tuesday, when we began, it is confessed by
some of your fellows, that he said mass amongst you ;
and ever since hath there not only been a continual
watch without, but also within, amongst you, every
night have we had one to foresee that you should not
steal him away from us.' So they knocked down and
rifled again and again, until dinner time, and, after
dinner, until eight o'clock at night, in such sort as they
did, the days before ; and that was thus: — The rooms
being little, they divided themselves into many com
panies, and that which the first company had searched,
the next that came after did the like, and so did the
third, fourth, and fifth, and, last of all, the gleaners, as
sweepstakes, who raked up without scruple all that
whereof the other made some conscience. A great
spite they had about chimnies, and kept much ado
about them : and, climbing up to the tops of them, cast
down stones, to see whether there were any false tones.
They termed one chamber ; the priest's chamber,' and
battered it foully, as they did the rest also. If they
chanced to find any conveyance (as they did many),
wherein any thing was found, then he that found it
would shout and cry to them in the gutter of the house
above, and they then would do the like to them beneath
in the yard. They used the barbarousest speeches, that
could be uttered, against priests and catholics : they
swore also the watchmen, but especially those that be
longed unto the keeper, whether they had not consented
to the conveying forth of the priest. This was the
course they continued, three whole days together ; and
what shall happen unto us yet hereafter we know not,
but only commend ourselves to God, whose cause it is
we have in hand, and in whose holy help we have also
all our trust and confidence, and that he grant us per
severance and constancy, without the wrhich neither
getteth the champion his conquest, nor the conqueror
his crown : for, take away perseverance, and no service
hath any pay, nor good turn any thanks."

These were the very words of their letters for the
most part. The cruelty of this search was such, that,

VOL. III. I

114 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

by the estimation of some, the damages of the prison
itself, besides all the prey carried away, could hardly
be repaired without forty pounds charges.

The president, therefore, having missed his purpose,
was much disquieted in mind, and all melancholy, and,
not finding which way better to satisfy his fury (although
he offered money to those that could betray the man he
sought for), determined with himself to disperse the
prisoners of the castle into other places, where they
should be kept under a more strait custody, lest they
should, at any time, through the negligence of their
keepers, obtain or devise the means to receive comfort,
by access of their pastors, as he suspected they had
done before. Wherefore, not long after, he sent seven
teen of the principal unto Hull, whereof nine were
committed unto Henry Hubbart, the keeper of the
north Blockhouse, and the rest to Beesely, keeper of the
Castle, which two prisons were wont to be the worst
places, for extremity shewed, in all this north country.
Upon Easter Tuesday following, he caused ano-
14 ther search to be made, at a gentlewoman's house
in Nidderdale, called Mrs. Aldington ; for it had been
certified him by his espials, that Mr. David Ingleby (the
gentlewoman's brother, and one whom the president
loveth not, being a catholic) and the lady Anne Nevill
were there. Wherefore [he] sent with all speed a com
pany of bad companions of his own household, for more
trust and assurance, amongst whom, by name, were
Pollard, gaoler of Sheriff button, Outlaw, the president's
pursuivant, and a gaoler also, with one Eglesfield, a
traitor, of whom you shall hear more afterwards. In
their way, they forced a poor man out of his house,
to be their guide ; and, coming near the house,
they drew their swords, bent their pistols, and buckled
themselves for battle, as though they would have made
an assault to the gentlewoman's house : but perceiving,
by one of the house, that there was no fear of fighting,
the greatest resistance consisting only in a company of
women, they put up their weapons, entered in, the door
being open, searched, rifled, turned and tossed all things
upside down, but found nothing greatly for their pur-

ART. vii.] PERSECUTION. 115

pose. Yet, fearing to be disappointed of their journey,
they determined not to depart with speed, but seated
themselves in the house, and, as though all were their
own, made provision for themselves, at the gentle
woman's cost, until Thursday or Friday following :
during which time they kept the house, they found in
the house certain apparel of some gentleman, as doub
lets, hose, silk and Guernsey stockings. Upon them
they seized by the president's warrant, whose beggary
is such, that he is not otherways wont to reward his
trusty servants, than with the spoils of such as he per-
secuteth. Yet the pursuivant returned home all in a
chafe, that he sped no better ; and his wife also not
well appaied that his budget came so light home ; for
she was accustomed always to give the first welcome
unto his capcase, at his return home, which seldom or

never before came so empty.1

* # ' # # #

One Leonard Atkinson had a commission granted

l [It is to this period, that the following passage of a letter from Garnet, ad
dressed, I believe, to Persons, in September, 1594, refers. — " The Friday night
before Passion Sunday, was such a hurley-hurley in London, as never was seen
in man's memory ; no, not when Wyat was at the gates : a general search in
all London, the justices and chief citizens going in person : all unknown per
sons taken and put in churches, till the next day : no catholics found, but one
poor tailor's house, at Golden Lane End, which was esteemed such a booty, as
never was yet, since this queen's days. The tailor and divers others there
taken lie yet in prison ; and some of them have been tortured. That mischance
touched us near : they were our friends and chiefest instruments. * * * *
That very night had been there Long John-With-the-Little-Beard (John
Gerard), once your pupil, if I had not more importunately stayed him than ever
before : but, soon after, he was apprehended, being betrayed we know not how.
He will be stout, I doubt not. He hath been very close, but now is removed
from the Counter to the Clink, where he may, in time, do much good. * * * *
Edward, John's companion, was once taken in a garden, in the country ; but
he shewed himself nimble, leaped into the house, shut the door, and escaped
away. Two months ago, were taken eleven youths, going from Chester towards
Spain : — all in Bridewell, hardly used. A fortnight since, two boats were gone
down with eight passengers, two of the which were women, and five boys ; but,
lying over along beneath Gravesend, and the women crying out for fear of
tempest, they were descried and taken, all except one old man, and a little
wry-necked boy, a charge of mine, of whom I wrote, and had your consent to
send him.

" Before that tumult of Golden Lane, about the latter end of February, they
had laid a plot of these great stirs, and prepared the people's minds by a pro
clamation, wherein 'they commanded strait watches to be made, certain days in
a week, every where, for priests and Irishmen, whose late attempts to kill the
queen had been discovered ; and all Irishmen, not inhabitants in towns, and

I 2

116 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

him, and authority to summon, search, and apprehend,
or vex the catholics in Richmondshire ; the which of
his own head, without further warrant, he enlarged in
such sort, that, for his greater gain, he took upon him,
under the colour thereof, not only, for money, to dis
charge and grant liberty unto those whom he appre
hended, but also, for bribes, to seem to protect others
from trouble, whom he threatened to vex, unless they
would condescend unto him : although he could not
protect any indeed ; but only sought, by deceiving them
by vain proffers, to fill his purse. Whereunto it served
his turn sufficiently, that none durst be so bold as to
contradict him, for fear to be apprehended, by virtue
of his commission. Which course he used so long, until
the matter being over evident, and complaint being
made to the president, for shame he recalled his
commission. This fellow behaved himself so dili
gently, in the time of his office, that, by his own report,
he watched nightly, to espy occasions to get his prey
upon some seminary ; yea, sometimes a great number

citizens, banished England; and all persons, not belonging to some noblemen
or courtier, banished the court, and commanded, for whatsoever suit, to repair
to certain officers, in places appointed near the court, and with their license to
enter the court; all passengeis to be stayed, who were not known, or had not
testimony to appertain to some nobleman. This proclamation I had sent you,
in my letter which was burnt : now it is not to be found, neither hath it been
straitly executed, and now almost forgotten.

" Since Easter, a commission was granted to about twenty persons, who are
in London and ten miles about, to search and enquire for coiners, priests, and
lurking papists, and to use towards them all forcible means for the disclosing of
their dangerous practices : and this busieth them all the day long. The statutes
of the last parliament are rigorously executed, save that many servants are still
retained, because warning is not given every where to their masters, according
to the statute." Orig. Stonyhurst MSS. Ang. A. i. 81.

The statute here alluded to (35 Eliz. c. 1.) had been lately passed, and,
though directed more immediately against the puritans, was, in some points,
equally effective against the catholics. It provided that any person, having
attained the age of sixteen years, who, for the space of one month, should re
fuse to attend the service of the church, and should be present at any other
religious meeting or assembly, should, on conviction, be imprisoned: it ordered
all offenders, not catholics or married women, who should still continue ob
stinate for the further period of three months, to be punished by confiscation
and banishment; and it forbad all heads of families, after due notice from the
ordinary, or from some other appointed officer, to relieve, maintain, or keep in
their houses any one who should presume to violate its provisions. To enforce
it, the council immediately addressed letters to the archbishops and bishops,
enjoining them to make enquiry in their respective dioceses, and forthwith to
return a list of all offenders. See Appendix, No. XXXVIIL— 71.]

ART. vii.] PERSECUTION. 117

of nights together : insomuch that, for a long time,
there was one gentlewoman's house of good worship
nigh unto him so straitly looked unto, that no stranger
could come unto her, neither day nor any time upon
the night, so secretly, but he should be espied, and in
danger to be apprehended by a search. One time, he
waited his opportunity so vigilantly, that he took a
good company of catholics together assembled, with an
old priest in their company : but the old man not being
of such danger and account that the president, as he
supposed, would greatly rejoice at his apprehension, or
that he expected, by that present, to be rewarded
greatly of his lord and master, he took a more commo
dious way to reward himself, by picking twenty pounds
out of the poor old man's purse, for his escape at that
time, in hope, at some fitter opportunity, to gratify the
president with a more desired prey.1

1 [The plunder of their prisoners, particularly if those prisoners were priests,
seems to have been almost a recognised privilege of the pursuivants. " When
either catholic or priest is apprehended," says the writer of the letter to Verste-
gan, already cited, " they straight lay hold on all he hath, and think it their
own, unless they be of great calling, that they dare not offer such usage. From
priests they take all, purse, horse, apparel, books, and whatsoever else they find
of his."

Of the barbarities practised on the clergy, during their confinement, the same
writer has left us an appalling account. " The manner of imprisonment of
priests," says he, " is, that first they are kept in Topcli fife's house, or some other
catchpole's. Topcliffe ever useth to torture them by his private authority,
before they part out of his doors, and keepeth their taking so secret, that some
times it is long ere it be known where the party apprehended is, lest the rumour
of his torturing should be spread abroad. From TopclifTe's house he is carried to
Bridewell. There he is hanged up by the hands, in manacles, and examined
upon all hateful and odious points, and used with such extremity, that his death
is far less misery than his bloody usage in this place. If they find him constant,
he is carried to some other prison, and there kept close prisoner, with as hard
usage as may be.

* * * *

" They torture those that be taken with manacles, in which some hang nine
hours together ; all their body being borne upon their hands, so that oftentimes
they swoon upon the torture, and are hardly recovered, and yet oftentimes
hanged up again. Thus Mr. Bales, Mr. Jones, Mr. Norton, Mr. Randal, and
almost all the priests that have been taken, any time these five years.

" They whip priests naked, as they did Mr. Beseley and Mr. Jones, in such
cruel sort, that the persecutors themselves said that they had charms, to endure
so patiently such tortures.

" Topcliffe useth to keep them from sleep, by watching them till they are
almost past their senses, and half beside themselves ; and then beginneth tc
examine them afresh, in that impotent mode.

118 ELIZABETH. [I-ART iv.

Within twenty days after the great search, made at
Candlemas, in the year 1593,1 there was another
93 commission, directed to search and take away from
all catholic men's houses all armour, and other furniture
and munition for war : the which commission, although
expressly it concerned nothing else, but only to enquire
for armour, yet, either by the presumption and interpre
tation of the searchers, or by some other secret in
structions or warrant given them underhand, they
took upon them, in many places, to search both for
men and other things also ; rifling and turning all, and
examining servants, in houses where they came, to that
effect. So was old Mr. John Trollope, a catholic, taken,
and forced to appear before the next commission ; and
others escaped very narrowly ; yea, many were put in

" Some, as, namely, Mr. Jones, was tormented in Topcli fife's house * * *
[decency compels me to omit this part of the passage'] ; so filthy and shameless
is their cruelty. For threats and terrors it is needless to report them, as also
their barbarous lies and slanders, that they give out of priests, after their ap
prehensions; seeking to make them all infamous with catholics themselves,
until their deaths and arraignments prove these reporters liars.

" If they confess not enough in their tortures, to make their arraignment the
more odious, then they work, while they are in prison, by suborned spies, that
shall pretend friendship, and seem to pity their case, and offer their help to
carry letters, messages, or fetch money if they have it in keeping of any catholic,
and other such devices, of purpose to entrap them, to know to whom they re-
sotted, and what they have, that these may be troubled, and the more matter
made against themselves, or some booty gotten by these ravening fellows."
Letter to Verstegan, ut sup.

Verstegan himself, also, in a letter addressed to Persons, in August, 1592,
says, — '; Because the often exercise of the rack in the tower was so odious, and
so much spoken of, of the people, Topcliffe hath authority to torment priests in
his own house, in such sort as he shall think good ; whose inhuman cruelty is
so great, as he will not spare to extend any torture whatsoever." Original in
my possession. — T.~\

1 [This search is thus mentioned by Holtby, in another letter. " This year,
being the year of our Lord 1593, upon the first of February, at night, until the
next day at 9 o'clock, being Candlemas-day, there was a general search made
for catholics, all over Yorkshire, Richmondshire, Cleveland, the Bishopric of
Durham, and Northumberland, wherein all the justices of peace and others of
authority, with such as favoured the heretics' cause, together with the ministers
themselves, did flock together, entering the houses of the catholics, and
all such as were suspected to favour their cause, in great numbers, that it
is hard to say how many were abroad that night, in searching : for there came
to some houses above a hundred, or seven score persons, to search. * * *
They got beads and books in divers places, and many forced to forsake their
houses, to escape the danger" (Stonyhurst MSS. Aug. A. i. 74). It was in this
search that Anthony Page, who was executed, in the following April, for his
sacerdotal character, was taken. Ibid. — J1.]

AIM. vii.] PERSECUTION. 119

danger, because the search came, at that time, unex
pected.1

1 [Garnet, in his report already cited, has described one of the searches made
at the residence of Trollope. On the arrival of the pursuivants, that gentle
man, his wife, a son, a grand-daughter, and two maid-servants, hastily con
cealed themselves, leaving the property to the care of a trusty female domestic.
Disappointed in their immediate object of seizing the family, the first care of
the officers was to plunder the house : the next, to discover the retreat of the
individuals, whose good fortune had enabled them to elude their pursuit. For
two whole days, during which the party in concealment remained without food,
the pursuivants continued the search. They compared the exterior dimensions
of the building with the interior; they sounded the walls and the floors; they
listened to every noise ; they endeavoured, by every artifice, to surprise the
fugitives into a betrayal of their hiding-place ; nor was it until baffled at every
point, and already in possession of plate, linen, clothes, and almost every va
luable and every portable article on the premises, that, at the close of the second
day, they reluctantly abandoned the enterprise. I subjoin Garnet's words: —

" Ex comitatu Eboracensi in Episcopatum accivit (praesidens) qui ex impro-
viso adorirentur domini Joannis Trolloppi domum ; qui protenus se, uxorem,
filium, neptemannos natam tresdecim, et ancillas duas in latibulum abdit : an-
cillam vero unam catholicam relinquit, quae domum servet atque ad interrogata
respondeat; nam alii famuli partim aberant, partim rem rusticam curabant,
neque sciebant omnino domi esse dominum cum familia sua ; utpote qui se-
creto, ut catholicorum mos est, domi se continerent. Itaque [cum] iterum
atque iterum ac saBpius domum perquisiissent, nee homines invenire potuissent,
ad argentum exquirendum se conferunt. Effringunt fores, evellunt seras,
parietes diruunt, atque, ut ex officio agere videantur, oblatas locorum et cap-
sarum claves respuunt, vi omnia aperiunt. Ergo tres argenteos scyphos cum
operculo, quindecim librarum, hoc est, sexaginta scutorum pretio, auferunt ;
cochlearia argentea sexdecim, vestes, lintea omnia, ocreas, ephippia, scloppeta,
cultellos, pugiones, forfices, quicquid denique ullius pretii fuerat, secum aufe
runt; nee cibis pepercerunt, neque frumento, neque equorum pabulo, quantum
aut comedere aut profuse consumere toto biduo possent. Ac toto hoc tempore,
nempe a vespere diei Lunae in sancta hebdomada, usque ad vesperam diei
Mercurii, qui absconditi fuerant, sine ullo cibo aut potu perstiterunt. Attu-
lerunt secum exploratores isti sagacissimi campanulam, cujus e varietate sonorum
discernere possent locorum concavitates. Domum etiam dimensi sunt intus et
extra, ut inde dijudicarent quse pars interior exteriori minime congrueret.
Per varia domus loca se distribuebant, ut altissimo silentio captabant (captarent)
suspiria, excreatus, anhelitus, motus omnes eorum quos intus putabant esse ;
cum derepente ecce unus aut alter exclamat, "Adeste, o socii, jam tenemus ho
mines;" ut, hoc subito tumultu perterriti catholici, vel levissimo strepitu semet-
ipsos indicarent : — et mirandum certe est quomodo tanto tempore se continere
potuerint, praesertim cum nonnullis soleret esse molesta pituita. Aberat turn
forte, cum altero filio, noster ille, qui ad infantis baptismum priclie exierant
quam hose acciderunt ; et postridie revertentes comprehensi fuissent, nisi ob-
versis tergis exploratores in horto conspexissent: quare in f again conversi, duas
noctes in sylva transegerunt, unam sub arbore, alteram in excavata rupe.
Ancilla autem, quoe domi relicta fuerat, videns se ad carcerem ducendam esse,
fuga sibi consuluit."— Stonyhurst MSS. Ang. A. i. 73.

How exactly does Gerard's account of one of these searches agree with the
above !— " What a thing," says he, " is it for a catholic gentleman to have his
house suddenly beset on all sides with a number of men in arms, both horse and
foot ; and not only his house, and gardens, and such enclosed places, all beset,
but all highways laid, for some miles near unto him, that nonejhjUl pass, but

120 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

The president, and the false bishops of York and
Durham, have certain officers, who, I think, indeed, to

they shall be examined ! Then are these searchers oft-times so rude and bar
barous, that, if the doors be not opened, in the instant they would enter, they
break open the doors with all violence, as if they were to sack a town of enemies,
won by the sword. * * * The searchers being thus entered, it hath been
usual for pursuivants to run up the stairs, and into the chambers, with their
drawn swords ; enough to drive the weaker sort of women and children out of
their wits. Then they begin to break off locks, and open all the doors of the
house presently, that they may, at one time, search in many places. Then, if
they find no priest, nor suspected persons for priests, in any of the chambers or
closets, they go presently to search for secret places ; and this they do most
cunningly and strictly, sounding the floors and walls, to see if they can find
any hollow places. They do also measure the walls of the house, and go round
about the house, on the outside, to see if one part do answer to another, in hope
to find some void part left hollow, wherein a man may be hid. Sometimes, if
the walls be not made of stone, but of wainscot or other weak matter, they will
thrust through it with their swords in many places, hoping that, in some place
or other, they may light upon a priest : and this they do also in the roofs of the
house, upon supposition there may be some conveyance, though they cannot
find the entry into it, — as, indeed, the doors of the secret places are commonly
made with such art, as it is hard to find them, or espy them : otherwise, it were
not possible to keep priests so long as some catholics do, and have done. But
the searchers, if they find any likely cause of suspicion, not contented with that
dangerous manner of trial with their swords (in which cases some priests have
escaped very hardly of being wounded or slain), they then break down the walls
wholly, and enter themselves, to search, with candles and torches, in all such
dark places, and in house-tops, where sometimes nothing but mice or birds have
come of many years. * * * When the searchers find not any priest, for
all this cruel diligence they have used, they will not yet give over ; but, sup
posing there is, or may be, some so secretly hidden that yet he is there, for all
that they have done, then they appoint a watch about the house, and every part
thereof, of fifty and sixty men, and sometimes more, and these with guns and
bills, £.c. ; and this they keep for many days together (intending to starve him
out), sometimes for six, yea, ten and twelve days' continuance. Sometimes also
they place watchmen in the chambers of the house within, both to keep that no
catholic shall stir, to relieve the priest (though commonly they make them sure
for that, by locking them up, all in one part of the house together, which they
mean least to search, as being least suspected), and besides, that they may
hearken if any little stirring be behind a wall, yea, to the breathing or coughing
of a priest (which was the means, indeed, by which father Cornelius was found
out and apprehended): to which end also, they do sometimes cunningly speak
aloud, one to another, that they will be gone away, because they can find
nothing; and seem to make a noise, as though they did depart : then will go
softly into the chambers, a little after, and seem to be of the house, and knock
softly at every wall, willing ' the good man' to come forth, for " now the search
ers are gone, thanks be to God." * * * But, when they can find no priest
(whom they chiefly desire to take in any man's house, because then his lands
and goods and life also are all forfeited ; — but if that will not be), then they rifle
every little corner for church stuff, for copes and vestments, chalices, pixes, and
such. For these they break open chests and trunks : then to cabinets and little
boxes, for letters ; hoping to find some spiritual advice in them, to infer that
they are priests' letters, with whom they have acquaintance : or if they find any
Agnus Dei's, then also all the lands and goods of the parties are seized, and
themselves condemned to perpetual prison, which was the case with Mr.
Tregian." Gerard's MS. ut sup.— T.]

ART. vii.] PERSECUTION. 121

be no other than somners, yet called commonly, for
their greater credit, authority, and terror of the people,
by the name of pursuivants ; and, for their greater
gain, claiming and exacting greater fees than common
somners do. These men have, in their beadrolls, all the
names of catholics within their circuits, and are em
ployed continually in citing or summoning, sometimes
by special writs, and sometimes without writs, all ca
tholics to appear and present themselves to the com
missioners, sitting upon such matters, at times ap
pointed. These men cannot be contented, according
unto their offices, to summon, or serve their writs and
process to appear ; but they take upon them usually,
yea, now seldom otherways, like unto justices or other
higher officers, to force men either to enter into bonds,
of a kind of recognisance to appear, or cause them to
lay in some others bound, or as sureties for their ap
pearance : otherways, as though they were true pursui
vants indeed, or men of greater authority, they will
attach and carry away such as refuse to be bound, or
commit them unto the constables or other officers, to
bring them in. And albeit they neither have any such
authority, nor any law doth constrain men to yield unto
them, yet the constables dare riot disobey them, they
being charged with them as not the queen's friends ;
nor the catholics dare resist them, lest, the catchpoles
informing against them, they breed them more trouble ;
and cause them to be punished, as contemners of the
authority they had not.

The president, and others of the commission have
taken a course, now divers years past, which I touched
before, for a more easy way to persecute those catholic
wives, whose husbands are men conformable to their
laws, contrary to the law of God and nature, to make
the husbands tyrants to their own flesh and bones, and
[compel them], for saving the catchpoles some labour,
to bring in their own wives, present them to the ma
gistrates, vex them by threats, persuasions, and other
wise, both in prison and at liberty, to procure thereby
their fall. Of this number there were and are a g;reat

122 ELIZABETH. [PA in • iv.

sort of gentlemen, of the best wealth and worship, that
delivered their wives to the will of the tyrant ; as Sir
Henry Constable, Philip Constable, Thomas Metham,
Ralph Babthorpe, Henry Cholmondeley, William In-
gleby, esquires, and knights' sons all ; Mr. Ralph Law-
son, Marmaduke Cholmondeley, Thomas Barton, Lister,
Palmes, Holtby, Hungate, Vaux, Salvin, in Yorkshire ;
and, in the bishopric of Durham, Henry Lawson, Henry
Killingale, Francis Trollope, George Middleton, Charles
Hedworth, Fulthrop, Whitfield, Welbery, and divers
other gentlemen, both in Yorkshire and the bishopric
of Durham, as also others of meaner calling.1 These
gentlemen, finding great inconvenience both in the go
vernment of their families, and education of their chil
dren, together with no little discomfort and greater
damages, by the want and absence of their most godly,
loving, obedient, and careful wives, laboured very
earnestly, by continual suit unto the president, and
other commissioners, to obtain their wives' liberty ; but
the cruel president being inexorable, nothing could be
gotten, without great friends made, large cost, and im
pious conditions. In the meantime, the wives were kept
so strait and close in prison, that no access of friends,
unless they were such as sought to vex and pervert
their constancy, could be permitted them : yea, their
own husbands were so barred from them, that, unless
with much labour obtaining a warrant from the presi
dent, and that not without charges also, as oft as they
did so visit them, they were constrained to buy now
and then a short lodging with their best beloved in
prison. Neither would they permit the catholic women
in prison to have free access or recourse one to another ;
but shut them up apart, into several lodgings, lest one
should take comfort or encourage the other to con
stancy. Yea, they sent ministers to bait them with
heretical arguments, that so, the body oppressed with

1 [Of these, Hungate, Henry Lawson, and others refused, in the first instance,
to deliver up their wives, and were, in consequence, imprisoned. When Garnet,
however, wrote his report, in March, 1593, these had all submitted, and Nicho
las Headly alone remained in custody. — Stonyhurst MSS. Ang. A. i. 73. — 71.]

ART. vii.] PERSECUTION. 123

extremities of imprisonment, and the minds continually
battered with the pestilent and importunate cries of
most impious seducers, and all passage stopped from
them of their loving and faithful friends' succours, they
should be constrained, in the end, to yield up the for
tress of their faith, and be content, at the least, to
accept of unequal conditions, if not to become alto
gether captive, and slaves to heresy. Some of their
worldly husbands, either impatient of their expenses
(which were great ; for the president committed many
of them as prisoners, into the custody of his trusty ser
vants, as Sanderson, Pollard, and others, to make their
gain of them), or being men of some worship and
stomach, loath to seek friendship by some base com
panion's means unto the president (for such bear the
only sway with him, as agreeing best with his humour),
or disdaining to labour for his friendship by whom they
were so oft and easily rejected (for he made them wait
and give attendance from time to time, scarce affording
them, at any time, but with difficulty, either speech or
countenance), or, finally, expecting no favour in their
behalf, their requests being so oft denied or deferred,
began to be so unkind in the end unto their loving
spouses, that their marital affection was turned into
hatred. Others complained [of] their families' misery
at home, and accused the hard hearts of their wives,
who, for the love of God's honour and safety of their
souls, would put their husbands to such loss and ex
tremity : others exclaimed against catholic priests, who,
seeing both wives and husbands in misery, the one by
disgrace in the world, the other by restraint of liberty,
would not dispense with the one, to commit now and
then a sin, that both might live in earthly prosperity :
others would neither vouchsafe to visit their wives, nor
yet to make them any allowance in prison; and the
rest, remaining discontented, to their great hinderance
temporal, as they were able, discharged their expenses,
especially for those at Sheriif Hutton with Pollard, who,
besides the charge of their diet (which they made of
their own provision), and other extraordinaries (the

124 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

gaoler also claiming weekly, besides his table amongst
them, ten shillings of every one for his attendance, as
he called it), were most costly to their husbands, and
commodious to many their persecutors. The gentle
men in Yorkshire1 ceased not to make means for their
wives' enlargement, not only by entreaty at the presi
dent's hands themselves, but also procuring divers
letters from great lords and ladies above unto him ; yea,
several letters and warrants from some of the privy-
council, whereunto sometime six of their hands were
subscribed at once for their delivery. But the president,
taking it in evil part that the gentlemen should go
about to get their wives' liberty, by any others' means
than his own, who had committed them, was the
further off from shewing them favour: but, feeding
them up with fair words, pretended causes of delay, in
forming the privy-council, meanwhile, how unmete it
was they should go home, being aiders, relievers, main-
tainers, or furtherers of traitors and seminaries ; yea,
perceiving that some of them, waxing weary with hard
imprisonment, began to slack in constancy, that he was
in great hope and certain expectation, by extremity,
to make them conformable. With these and
such like informations he deluded the gentlemen's
labour ; although some were of opinion, that all was
but a policy between the old treasurer with others of
the privy-council, that the lord president should, by
these means, vex, impoverish, weaken, break, and keep
down the hearts of these gentlemen, having no other
cause to molest them, save only by picking a quarrel at
them for their wives : because they carry such a jealous
conceit of them, that, although, for fear of laws, and
danger of the time, they yield themselves in shew con
formable, yet they suspect them rather to be dissem
bling schismatics, than formal heretics, and secret fa
vourites of their wives' religion, though openly they

1 The words, " in Yorkshire " are an interlineation, made by Holtby himself,
in the original : but they have since been struek out, with a different coloured
ink. Holtby evidently means to distinguish the parties here mentioned, from
some of those whom he has just described. --TV]

ART. vii.] PERSECUTION. 125

take part with their persecutors ; and, therefore, hate
them no less than professed catholics, as back friends,
or adversaries unto their impious state and government,
if l and fit occasion should, at any time, be

offered them, to declare their inward mind and contrary
affection. Howsoever it was, the gentlemen all (except
sir Henry Constable, who, upon a warrant from the
council, got his lady first removed into the south, as a
prisoner, and after, upon bond to appear at the privy-
council's call, home to his owTn house, in the north)2
were in fine compelled to leave off all other means, and
wholly to seek favour at the president's hands ; many
of them obtaining, that way, more grace, through the
suit and request of some catchpole, or bribing factor
for the president, and other factious companions, whose
voice and friendship it is supposed they bought for
money, than could be obtained, either by suit of most
honourable personages, or warrant from a great sort of
the privy-council. Wherefore, now at last their liberty
was granted, but yet with such bonds, cautions, and
conditions, that, if they had been men of either con
science, or good religion, they would rather have lost
all, and taken part with their wives in the like restraint
of liberty by imprisonment, than any way to have ac
cepted the same, seeing that, by our Saviour's own
sentence, the gain of a world is worth nothing, if it
bring but the loss of one soul. And such were the con
ditions of their recognisance accepted, — that no priest,
or Jesuit, or known catholic should come in their wives'
company, or at their house ; that they should have he
retical ministers to come and confer with them ; that

1 [A worm has destroyed this word.— TV)

3 [We learn from Garnet, that, besides lady Constable, the two wives of
Hungate and Holtby were also released, the former for a time, on account of
her health, the latter at the entreaty of her husband, who bound himself, under
a heavy penalty, to produce her again, and, in the mean time, to take her to
church. She was already pregnant, and suffering from a disease contracted in
prison. As soon as she had sufficiently recovered, Holtby, to discharge his bond,
compelled her to attend the service of the church ; but the agitation, caused by
the proceeding, overpowered her strength, and hurried her into premature labour.
—Garnet's Report, apud Stonyhurst MSS. Ang. A. i. 73. Mrs. Killingale, who
was also pregnant, was liberated, until after the birth of her child. See page
104, ante, note.— r.]

1 26 ELIZABETH.

PART IV.

they should have heretical service or common prayers,
thrice a week, in their house ; that they should receive
the communion of Calvin's institution, at times ap
pointed. These and such like conditions, either all, or
most of them, were they all bound unto, under pain of
forfeit of such ample sums of money, that worldly-af
fected minds, whose wealth is their chief felicity, would
easily hazard soul and all, by committing what sin
soever, to avoid so great a penalty.

All catholics, being apprehended, and brought before
the president and others of the commission, are first
urged to take their oath, to answer truly unto all that
shall be demanded upon them ; but catholics being in
structed by experience, that they shall be questioned of
many matters, not only prejudicial unto themselves and
others, but also prejudicial in such points, as no law or
equity can exact at their hands, and fearing that, either
through scruple of breaking their oath, or peril of sup
posed perjury, if by other means their answers could be
disproved, to be drawn to confess more against them
selves than were expedient to be uttered (for the per
secutors would bear them in hand, that not only by
justice they may exact such an oath upon them, but
also that, by virtue of that oath, they are bound to an
swer directly unto all demands indifferently, without
regard to prejudice, equity, or other bond of duty),
they use now ordinarily to refuse such oaths, as the
best way to avoid both scruple in conscience, and other
danger.1 And that you may know in what points they
be examined, I will here set down the examination of

1 [Verstegan, on the authority of a letter written to him in May, 1 593, says,
— " Besides the acts lately concluded in parliament against catholics, there is
a special commission granted by the queen to six of the council and twenty
others, about London, to enquire, by all ways and means, of all manner of re
cusants ; to examine them, their abettors, and favourers, by all oaths and other
compulsory means; to imprison and proceed to trial of them, at their pleasures ;
and further to do whatsoever the queen, under her privy signet or six other of
the council's hands, shall direct : wherein all officers, as well justices as others,
and all loving subjects, are to be assistant at their peril. The like commission
must go into all shires of England, and with severity and speed be put in prac
tice, to the end that all may be found out, and used at their descretion, — for so
is the commission. What resteth, but expectation of a massacre ? " — Verstegan
to Persons. Orig. in my possession. — 71.]

ART. vii.] PERSECUTION. 127

one in particular, that so you may conjecture of the
rest.

In the year 1590, three young gentlemen being to
pass into France, and expecting the commodity of wind,
were apprehended at Shields, in the bishopric, by D.
Pilkington, the 27th of February. One of them (Oliver
Cottam) at two several examinations, first by Toby
Matthews, dean of Durham, and after, at York, by
Topcliffe and others, was urged first to a general oath,
to answer to all whatsoever should be demanded ; but
that being denied, they asked him, 1°. if he were a
priest, or within orders : 2°. What priests he knew :
3°. In whose houses he had seen or heard mass : 4°.
If he would take the oath of the queen's supremacy :
5°. If he took the queen for lawful prince, all excom
munication notwithstanding : 6°. If he knew any priests
that were dispensed withal to deny their function (de
manded upon their oath or before authority), for the
working of private practices : 7°. If he knew any that
did make priests in England : 8°. If he ever did see
any catalogue or calendar of the catholics in England,
with the persecutors of the said catholics, and what
they were by name : 9°. If he would go to the church
with them. And at York, the 20th of May following,
1°. If he knew George Beesley, a priest, Urging him to
swear he knew him not : 2°. But, seeing he would not
swear, they demanded him, as he was a catholic, to
say truly, whether he would take the queen's part, or
the pope's, if he should invade, to establish religion :
3°. What places he had been at in Lancashire with Robert
Ashton : 4°. Where he was acquainted with Robert
Musgrave, — which [last] two were taken with him, and
examined in the like articles. Which points of exami
nation are, for the most part, set down by instructions
given unto the commissioners, for proceeding orderly
according unto the proclamation, and ordinarily ever
since are proposed unto all recusants, at their several
examinations. And here I cannot omit in what sort the
dean of Durham did proceed with a single catholic
brought before him at a commission : for he, being chief

128 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

commissioner in place, offered the poor catholic man to
take his oath, to answer directly and truly unto all
questions that should be proposed unto him. The ca
tholic refused, saying, he would swear unto nothing :
wherefore the dean, thinking to circumvent the sim
plicity of the man by a subtlety, asked him if he knew •
the coat upon his back to be his own. Whereunto he
answered, he knew it to be his own : whereupon the
dean offered him the book, and bad him swear. The
poor man, perhaps fearing that, if he should not swear,
he might be thought to have stolen his coat, took his
oath that the coat was his own. " Well," said the dean,
" now, by the oath that thou hast taken, when didst
thou hear a mass ? what priest dost thou know ?" &c.,
essaying, by this sleight, to draw him to confess
some matter, thereby to bring himself and others
into danger, as though he had sworn to that effect.

In their examinations, as they see the nature and
disposition of those that are brought before them, they
use sometimes to terrify them with threats, and oppro
brious words, as by threatening to hang them, and by
calling them notorious traitors, rebels, and enemies unto
the queen ; sometimes to flatter them with fair words
and promises to undermine them ; sometimes, by false
accusations and slanders laid to their charge, to dis
credit them before others ; sometimes, by mocks and
flouting taunts, to discountenance them and disgrace
their cause; and sometimes, by framing some objections
or reasons against their faith, either to seduce them, or
to make the hearers contemn them, if they find their
answers insufficient. But the end of all their exami
nations is this ; to bring them or others within the dan
ger of some statute, that so, for fear and terror of the
law, if they chance to entrap them, they may induce
them to yield and relent in their faith, or else to des
patch them. To which purpose, one examination suf-
ficeth them not ; but they examine them often, and by
several commissioners, that they may find, at least, some
contradiction in their answers, and, if this will not
serve, then they charge them with the confession of

ART. MI.] PERSECUTION. 129

some false brother, as with the confession of Major,
Hardesty, Clark, and others; and that, accompanied
with certain tokens and certainties, and with such spe
cialties, to make the matter more probable and evident,
that, in the end, they force them to acknowledge the
matters they are charged withal, which otherways they
cannot avouch sufficiently, but by their own confession.1
And, if they yet refuse to confess the matter, then they
draw them on, by promise of liberty or other favour,
awarranting them withal that they shall sustain no
harm, but the more favour, for confessing the same. If
this will not yet serve, then they cause them to be
the straiter kept, and to press them unto it by extremity ;
in the mean time, suborning some, by flattery to per
suade them to yield unto his lordship. Then they tire
them with continual access of preachers, or else send
and remit them to the custody of some notorious here
tics, who, by continual arguments and other assaults,
labour seriously, and watch all occasions most vigilantly,
to overthrow them. By this means, was Mr. Blenkin-
sopp, Mr. Warde, Mr. Trollope, Mrs. Cholmondeley,
and others more, after long imprisonment, overthrown.
When they have gotten any to confess against himself,
then they use him at their pleasure ; for, if he stand
fast in his faith, then will they use all extremity against
him ; and, all promised favour quite forgotten, they
will proceed to his arraignment and execution. But if
he fall (which is more frequent), then they deal with
him in such sort, that, first, his scandal shall be made
notorious (although they promise great secrecy); for
they urge him to make his public submission, and ab
juration : then they make him lay in bond, or other as-

1 [Nor were the proceedings in the courts of law less objectionable. " In
judgments, they urge the catholics with questions more than by law they are
bound to answer; seeking to entrap them, and to make them undo themselves
by their answers, or, in shew, to deny their faith. They choose a jury, which
they are sure will always cry "guilty" at their pleasure One witness is enough
against a catholic, as they use the law; and they that sit on the bench are taken
for witnesses against those, whom they are to jud»e : yea, dead men's witness
is brought against us, and the deposition of one forsworn wretch, that a dead
priest said such a thing, was brought and accepted for the condemning of a
poor catholic."— Letter to Verstegan, ut sup. — T.]

VOL. III. K

130 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

surance, or, at the least, his promise, not only to con
tinue and go forward in his damnable renunciation,
yea, to hurt his neighbours also, wherein he can ; as to
take priests, &c. Of all which points I could give
particular instances, if it were needful. *

This same year, 1594, in the month of July, at the
assizes holden at Durham, being the 22d, 23d, and
24th days of the said month, were arraigned, con
demned, and after executed, for matters of reli
gion, Mr. John Boast, Mr. John Ingram, priests, and
George Swallowell, a minister, who, at his arraignment,
made profession of the catholic faith, and died in the
confession of the same. Bat, first, before I set down
the manner of their arraignment, I think it not amiss
to signify something of their apprehension, and other
proceedings with them, during their imprisonment.

The lord president had of long time suborned and
hired one Francis Eglesfield, to find some opportunity
to betray Mr. Boast.1 This fellow, being otherwise of
infamous life, made no doubt to take the matter in
hand, and, the better to bring his purpose about, dis
sembled himself a catholic, thereby more easily to
intrude himself into the company of him, whom he
meant to betray ; and, understanding that Mr. Boast
sometime used to visit the house of Wm. Claxton,
who of long time had been in durance for his con
science, and his wife and children catholic, remaining
at his house called Waterhouse, where also sojourned
for the time the lady Margaret Nevill ; — *
Eglesfield, perceiving this to be a fit place for com
passing of his enterprise, did insinuate himself into the
friendship of the poor gentleman and his wife, and,
making a commodity of their poverty, did, by love of
money, and other courtesies, so bind and blind their
well-meaning, that he deserved thereby both their trust
and good report: and, although he might, at several

[" When the said lord president was promised by one Francis Ecelesfield, to
have two of the gravest priests of the north betrayed to him, he desired the
traitor rather to be sure of Bost." Challoner, i. 313. — 71.]

ART. vir.] PERSECUTION. 131

times, have betrayed divers others, both priests and lay
folks, in the same place (as it is reported), yet, because
he could not have the man he looked for, others
escaped the mischief meanwhile, lest, being descried,
he should have missed the mark he shot at principally.
Wherefore, the 10th of September, an. 1593, having
intelligence that Mr. Boast was at the place desired,
the president at that time also being in the bishopric
of Durham, and expecting such a matter, a commission
was given to certain men appointed, among whom was
one Mr. Ralph Bowes, Ewbank, a minister, Outlaw, a
pursuivant, with others picked for the purpose, who
beset the house first afar off. In the meantime, corneth
Eglesfield unto the door ; and Mr. Boast, being ready
to ride away, and coming unto the door, was saluted
by the traitor, by kneeling down and asking him a
priest's blessing, and so returned back to his company,
who now was come nearer the house, and placed in
such sort, that none could pass away unapprehended.
Wherefore, the blessed man, perceiving himself to be
betrayed (as he feared before, upon some mislike, the
fellow's treachery) entered into a secret conveyance to
save himself. Wherefore, they entered and searched
the house, and rifled all ; broke up the boarded floor
of the parlour, where the lady Margaret lay, and found
a conveyance below : found their church stuff in the
bottom of a cupboard, in the chamber above, but could
not find the man they sought for. Eglesfield, who
would not come into the house with the rest, lest he
were descried a traitor, cometh to the outside of the
house, demandeth if they found him, assuring them he
was within, and assigned them to break about the
chimney, and they should have him; — for, not mis
trusting any treachery, they had made him privy to
their secrets. So was he found, and apprehended, and
carried away to Durham, with the lady Margaret and
her maid, the gentlewoman of the house, with others.
This news being brought unto the president, he was so
glad and pleasant that day as might be, affirming that
he had gotten one of the greatest stags in the forest ;

132 ELIZABETH. [PART iy.

and, the next day, came in all haste to Durham (for he
was at Darlington), to examine the martyr, and the
rest that were taken with him. Wherein Mr. Boast
declared himself both resolute, bold, joyful, and plea
sant ; and afterwards was assaulted with divers minis
ters, the particulars of which conferences I could not
as yet obtain. One pleasant thing I heard reported
generally, that a minister entering with him into some
argument about images, and alleging out of Deutero
nomy (xxvii.), Maledictus homo qui facit sculptile, as
he interpreted, " cursed is the man that maketh any
image," Mr. Boast answered merrily, " then," saith he,
" cursed is he that maketh the knave of clubs " (for by
that name was the minister termed, when he was stu
dent in Oxford, for his deserts); and so was he dashed.
From Durham was he carried to York, and from thence
to London, and from London back again to the place
where he gained his crown and victory : in the which
space of time, as appeareth by his own letters, he was
examined fifteen several times, four times laid upon the
rack, and once hung up in the manicles ; the which he
affirmed to be the most painful torment of all the rest ;
during which torment, the apostate Major was brought
in uut ) him, and avouched that he had been with him
in several places in the north ; and by force of that tor
ment they pressed out of him the confession of the
same, for the which he asked God forgiveness; but
being taken out of the torment, he renounced that he
had said before, and protested that, for avoiding of that
extreme pain, he had said otherways than became him.
Mr. John Ingram, having employed his travel, since
his mission from the seminary, in the country of Scot
land, for the restoring of souls out of heresy unto the
unity of the catholic church, upon some urgent occa
sion had been in England, and returning back again,
and entered into a boat, to pass over the river of Tweed
into Scotland (Nov. 25, 1593), was stayed by the
keepers of Norham castle, apprehended, and carried to
Berwick ; there being kept under the safe custody of
Mr, John Carew, governor of the town, and used very

ART. vn.] PERSECUTION. 133

courteously, until such time as the lord president caused
him to be brought from thence to York, where he was
kept very close in the manor, and very hardly used,
and, in the end, a little before Easter, was sent also to
London ; there also being very straitly examined, hardly
used, and put also to torture, wrherein (as appeareth
by his own writing) he confessed nothing to the hurt
of either man, woman, or child, or any place he had fre
quented; insomuch that Topcliffe said he was a monster
of all other, for his exceeding taciturnity. During the
time he was in the north, he went by the name of a Scots
man, but, by means of false brethren, he was betrayed
unto the president. Divers times he was assaulted by
ministers, but he put them to the foil. He was taken
upon St. Catherine's day, upon which day he had taken
the holy order of priesthood. These and divers other
extremities he endured, as may appear by his letters,
and certain epigrams he made during his restraint.1

These two blessed men, having overcome all other
trials, and vanquished their adversaries in these lesser
skirmishes, were now thought tit to be assailed with
the last and most dangerous conflict. Wherefore, being
appointed to die, [they] were both together sent back
again into the north country, having their feet tied
under the horse's belly, for fear of flying, and the one
severed a certain distance from the other, by the way,
lest they might confer or comfort the one the other. So
they arrived at York, about the 1 3th day of July, and
from thence to Durham, to be arraigned at the next
assizes, holden the 22d of the same month following.
Mr. Ingram, in the meantime, before the day of the
assizes, was first carried unto Newcastle, and put in a
prison called the New-Gate. Being there, there came a
gentlewoman to visit him, that had been before ac
quainted with him, when he was prisoner in Berwick,
that had shewn herself favourable towards him there.
She asking how he did, he answered her, "Well," and
thanked her for his courteous entertainment at Berwick;

! [Some of these will be found in the biographical part of this work. — 7".]

134 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

saying that he had been harder used since he departed
from them, as that he had long time wanted a bed to
lie in, &c. ; affirming withal, that it did better content
him the more hardlier he was used, although he had
cause to thank her and others, that had better enter
tained him. The gentlewoman, perceiving him very joy
ful, said unto him that she marvelled to see him so merry,
considering what he looked for : arid he answered that
he had great cause to be merry, because, his wedding-
day being at hand, the bridegroom must needs be glad,
for, within ten days, he hoped to enjoy his spouse. She
said that it was true, his hope was good, but his ban
quet was deadly : but he answered that the reward was
sweet. When the gentlewoman came to him, she found
him at his dinner, having no other dainties, for the pre
sent, than bread and water, for it was Friday. So she
took her leave, and he was carried the next day to Dur
ham, towards the assizes.

* # * * #

In the year 1594, the twenty-second, twenty-third,
and twenty-fourth of July, were the assizes holden at
Durham, at which were the lord Henry Hastings, earl
of Huntingdon, lord lieutenant, and president in the
north, together with Matthew Hutton, supposed bishop
of Durham, justice Beaumont, baron Ewinges, justices
of the assizes, and many others. The first day, being
the twenty-second, Hutton made a seditious and bloody
sermon before the judges, to prepare their minds to
wards their future proceedings, with certain invectives
against the pope, seminaries, priests, &c., incensing the
judges to prosecute with all rigour the justice, or rather
cruelty, of the law, against such persons and their
fautors, as by occasions should be produced before
them. The twenty- third day, the president, with the
justices and the rest, being set, the bishop also being in
place by the commandment of the president (for these
men regard no irregularities), the jury was impanelled
for trial of life and death ; which done, the clerk of
the assizes said, " Gaoler, bring forth thy prisoner,
John Boast, unto the bar." Who appearing, the clerk

ART. vii.] PERSECUTION. 135

said, " John Boast, hold up thy hand :" which being
done, the clerk read his endictment, containing, that
John Boast, being a natural Englishman, born at Duf-
ton, in the county of Westmoreland,, had, without
license, departed the realm into foreign countries,
where, by authority of the bishop of Rome, since the
first year of her majesty's reign, he was made a semi
nary priest, and so had again returned into England ;
and at Waterhouse, in the county of Durham, such a
day (naming the time of his taking, or thereabouts),
had said mass, contrary to her majesty's laws, her
crown and dignity, &c. ; — and asked him if he were
guilty, or no ? " Not guilty," quoth he. Clerk :
" How wilt thou be tried ?" Boast : " By the clergy,
viz., by an inquest of priests." Beaumont : " There is
no such trial in use, nor allowed in England, at this
day." Boast : " Then I will be tried by your own
consciences." Beaumont : " You must say whether you
will be tried by God, and the country, or no : which if
you refuse, there is a shorter course for you." Boast:
" I am a priest of the holy catholic church ; and I
came, though unworthy, according unto St. Paul, to
preach the Gospel of Jesus Christ, whereof I am not
ashamed, and to minister the sacraments unto my
dearly beloved countrymen." Ewinges : " Sirrah, you
came not hither to preach : you shall be dealt withal
well enough : if you will not submit yourself to the
ordinary trial, we have another way for you. Thou
art an obstinate villain." Boast : " Woe be to them
that have taught that true obedience to the queen and
true religion cannot stand together well. I do not
mean that any of this inquest shall stand charged, or
be guilty of my blood. I had rather confess the whole
endictment." Beaumont : " Then you do confess that
you are an Englishman, and have travelled beyond the
seas, was there made priest, by authority from the
bishop of Rome, since the first year of her majesty's
reign, arid have returned and said mass in England,
according to the endictment ?" Boast : " All that I
must needs confess, and am not ashamed of it, but do

136 ELIZABETH. [PART IT.

greatly rejoice that I have done so." Beaumont:
"Then enter his confession upon record : the jury shall
not be troubled with him : the court may proceed
against him, upon his own confession." Here Mr.
Boast offered to speak, but he was not suffered. Ewinges:
" Carry him away from the bar, for he is impudent, and
will seduce the people :" — and so he was carried again
into prison, the people flocking about him, in going,
and he sundry times wishing to God to send them good
instructors.

Clerk : " John Ingram, priest, hold up thy hand."
Ingram : " Here my lords ; " and so held up his hand.
Clerk: " Thou art endicted by the name of John In
gram, the son of Ingram, of Stoke, in the county

of Hereford, Esq., for that thou, being a natural English
man," &c., — as in the other, omitting the point of mass-
saying. Ingram : " Not guilty." Clerk : " How wilt
thou be tried?" Ingram: " Though I ought not to be
tried by your temporal laws, before I be dealt withal by
a lawful clergy, yet will I not stand thereupon : — by
God and the country." Clerk : " God send ye a good
deliverance" (a speech ordinary). Ingram here con
fessed that he had been out of England fifteen years,
whereof a certain space at Douay, where he was in
structed by one Columbus a Jesuit. The residue of his
time he spent at other universities, and four of the last
years at Rome, where he took the order of priesthood.
And [he said] that he came from Rome to Scotland,
where he lived, minding not at all to come into England,
because of the persecution there ; and he was, even upon
his coming into England, pursued in Scotland, and
constrained to avoid the same, for fear of his life. He
came into England, and stayed but ten hours, and,
returning to Scotland, was taken upon the water of
Tweed,1 before he had performed any priestly function

1 [The following1 extract from the confession of John Brushford will shew
something of the precarious and wandering mode of life, adopted by the mis
sionaries, in order to elude the pursuit, to which Ingram here describes himself
as exposed. " I came over," he says, " a little before the last statute made
against the coming in of priests, and, by reason thereof, I found every body so
fearful, as none would receive me into their houses. Wherefore I, with another

ART. vii.] PERSECUTION. 137

in England ; and, therefore, as he thought, not guilty,
by the force of any law or statute of force in England ;
" considering that I was forced for safety of my life to
come in, and made no stay." The president charged
him, that he had been longer in England, and had
travelled further, as, namely, through Newcastle into
the bishopric, in the company of one that would avow
the same : but the avower was not present to be seen.
Ingram then, in the latin tongue, recited an ancient
Roman law, containing that every witness for life and
death should be produced face to face ; and took God
to record he never was in Newcastle, nor in the
bishopric, but when he wras brought that way as a
prisoner. The president said that, when he was at

priest called John Taddy, hired a chamber in a poor cottage, in the wood by
Tottenham-Highcross, where we remained close, six or seven months, sending
the poor man to the city for victuals. After this, I lay in Hog Lane, at one
Mrs. Tempest's, a widow woman, the space of other five or six months. I had
also a chamber in Gray's Inn Lane, at one Blake's house, unto the which I re
sorted, when I knew not whither to go else. I was once at Clerkenwell, at sir
John Arundell's ; but, for that he was then in trouble, in the Star-chamber,
about one Mr. Higgins, a priest, I could not be received, but I was with him
afterwards, in the Gatehouse. * * *

" After this, I lived secretly, in a village on the plains of Salisbury, not far
from Amesbury, with one Mr. Durdoe and his wife, in the house of one Edward
Wyse; unto which house resorted also one Mr. John Grove. The good man
of the house and his wife were protestants, and did harbour us for no other
thing, but for his gain ; not knowing what I was, as I think. We remained in
this place, about six months ; and after that, some suspicion growing of the
place, I went, with the said Mr. Durdoe and his wife, into Wales, and were
lodged in one Mr. Herbert's house, not far from Monmouth, where I remained
some three months, until the gentleman began to suspect what I was ; and then
I returned to London, where I remained until I had opportunity to depart the
land, which I earnestly desired, chiefly for that I had determined to forsake the
world, and to serve God quietly in religion : and, taking boat at Southampton,
I landed at St. Vallery-in-Caux, not far from Dieppe ; and, going to Paris, was
there, after some suit made, admitted into the company, or society of Jesus, and
sent to Verdun for my probation, where I remained a novice, until I was com
pelled, by extreme sickness, to depart thence.

" The "persons of any reputation that I was acquainted withal, about London,
were, Mrs. Tempest and her children, sir John Arundell, when he was a
prisoner, Mrs. Yates of Lyford (I did not know her husband), and once, I
remember, I was with sir Thomas Fitzherbert; and, in the country, Mr.
Durdoe and his wife, Mr. Grove, Mr. John Scudamore.

" I was, I remember, once entreated to have ridden into Cornwall ; but I
durst not, for that I was well known by the way. I was once also at one Mr.
Coram's house, by Winchester, and spoke with the gentlewoman : but, when
she perceived what I was, she requested me to hold her excused. Her husband
was not at home; her house was full of strangers ; and she had sheep to shear:
where ft; re she prayed me to depart." Lansd. MSS. xcvi. <>3. — 7'.j

J38 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

York, he called Mr. Ingram unto him into his garden ;
and, at that time, he had placed the other party (not
present, arid who he said before would avow it) in a
window, where he might behold Ingram's face, for the
space of his going all the length of the garden : and so
dismissed Ingram to his keeper, and came to the party
in the window, who told him that Ingram was the same
man, that he before had told him to have been in a gen
tleman's house, in Northumberland, and with whom
also that party had travelled through Newcastle into
the bishopric withal, and had left him at Gateside head,
&c. Ingram denied ever to have been in any house in
Northumberland, saving during the said ten hours that
he was in an alehouse, where he eat and drank ; and
that he came forth of Scotland at Wark, and was to go
back at Norham, where he was taken. The president
named one unto him, that had informed him : but Mr.
Ingram protested that it was not so ; and prayed God
to forgive him. President: "Ingram, you know that
I brought unto you, at York, another seminary priest,
Mr. Hardesty ; who, as soon as he saw you, saluted
you by the name of Monsieur Messingamus ; where,
before, you had told me you were a Scot, and that your
name was Ogleby : but, in truth, you were deceived of
your purpose. Your meaning was, to have met with
Walpole, and your uncle, one Lyngam, in Scotland,
and so to have travelled into England : but God pre
vented that, by forcing them to land in Yorkshire ; and
so were taken." Ingram : " The changing of my name
is no such oifence. Many examples" * * * * **
Beaumont ; " My lord, the jury hath heard the evidence.
He hath confessed himself to be a priest, made by the
authority of the bishop of Rome, since the first of this
queen : his coming into England, though he but set his
foot within the land, is treason ; whereof let the jury
consider." Then Mr. Pepper, as the queen's attorney,
did enforce against him divers his examinations, tending
to the effect aforesaid; adding withal, but with no small

1 [The MS. is illegible here.— 71.]

ART. vii.] PERSECUTION. 139

impudeney, that, where he and others of his coat pre
tended, to the slander of the present state, that they
died for religion, it was nothing so ; but they died for
treason against the ancient laws of this land ; and,
namely, a law made the 25th of Edward the third,
which he declared was directly against him, and all
other Jesuits and priests ; and, therefore, that it was
injurious, to say they were condemned by any new law,
&c. : — as though the world knew not that these priests,
now arraigned, were arraigned upon a new statute, made
in the twenty-seventh of Elizabeth, and that the law of
Edward the third was made before either Jesuit or semi
nary priest was spoken of; for to be a priest was never
against any statute in England. Then Mr. Ingram
shewed that the statute alleged was not against him,
nor any of his coat ; and that it was never so taken,
that any Englishman going to Rome, and taking orders,
and returning, was adjudged therefore a traitor : "for,
indeed, that statute is for matters of benefices : but
your statute is for being a priest. He is ipso facto a
traitor : whatever he do or say, his every action is

treason."

After his speech, Pepper prepared to reply, but was
prevented by the judge, who said, "Ewinges, it is
enough ; the jury hath heard him confess that he was
made a priest, by the authority of the bishop of Rome,
and that he came into England, contrary to the law.
It is evidence enough for the jury," &c. And so was
Mr. Ingram carried from the bar to prison.

Clerk: " Bring George Swallowell to the bar. George
Swallowell, hold up thy hand." Which done, there was
read against him an endictment, for persuading one
John Willie from the religion established unto the
Romish religion, telling him he could never be saved
by any religion, but by the catholic faith, for which the
four priests were lately, as he said, executed at Dur
ham ; l that the queen, being a woman, could not be

1 [Ivhuuml Duke, Richard Holiday, Richard Hill, and John Ho£. They
arrived from Uouay at the end of March, 1599, and on the '27th of May, were
executed at Durham. — J1.]

140 ELIZABETH. [PART IT.

head of the church ; with divers other words tending
to treason, and withdrawing the said Willie from his
due obedience from her majesty's laws.

To this whole endictment the said Swallowell pleaded
" not guilty ; " saying that it was the malice of Dr. Bel
lamy that had procured all this against him. Then
were read the examinations of one Willie, and of one
Finch, taken before the bishop of Durham, which con
tained the effect of the endictment. But the prisoner
called for Willie to appear, but he was not there. Then
Finch came into the court, and gave evidence, that
Willie had told him that Swallowell had spoken the
words, in manner and form aforesaid : and further, that
he, the said Finch, having been at the execution of the
four priests, came to Sherbourne House, where he then
served, and made report of the manner of their deaths.
Upon all which, Swallowell said that, no doubt, these
priests wrere martyrs before God. Upon which relation
the jury were to consider of their verdict.

In the afternoon, the same 23rd day, John Ingram and
George Swallowell were brought to the bar, wrhen the
jury was to give in their verdict, who pronounced that
they were both guilty of high-treason. Whereat Mr.
Ingram protested earnestly, and took God and his holy
angels to witness, that he was condemned for religion
only. President : " Thou liest most falsely : thou art
condemned for most vile treason against the queen's
majesty." Ingram : " My lord, I die only for religion,
and for the same religion, by the which, and no other,
your lordship and this whole bench must all be saved,
if ever you will be saved." Beaumont : " Thou art
impudent, and knowest not what thou sayest : the law
telleth thee that thou diest for high-treason. Take him
away from the bar." Ingram : " There is no Christian
lawr in the world, that can make the saying and sacri
fice of the mass treason : and as well might the cele
brating of the maun day of Christ's disciples be made
treason, as the saying and hearing of mass be made
treason." Beaumont : " Away with him ; he will seduce
the ignorant people." Here Swallowell would have

ART. vii.] PERSECUTION. l4l

prostrate himself for mercy, but was remitted from the
bar, with Mr. Ingram, for that day.

The next morning, all those that were found guilty
were brought unto the bar, to hear their judgment.
And first of all, Mr. Boast, who, holding up his hand,
was asked what he could say, that he should not receive
judgment to die? Mr. Boast answered, that he was
glad that God had called him unto that trial of his
priesthood and profession ; and very sorry that the laws
of his beloved country were such, as could not concur
with the holy catholic faith. Here the president told
him of his being at Ardington, at a marriage, where
also was one Ballard, a priest, who told him of an inva
sion towards, by the king of Spain, which, he said, Boast
traitorously concealed. Mr. Boast confessed that then
and there he spoke with Ballard, and that Ballard told
him of an invasion, and that he reproved Ballard for the
same, saying, "Thou and I are priests : it is our func
tion to invade souls, and not to meddle with these tem
poral invasions ; they belong not to us." And he added
further, that " whosoever doth further charge me in that,
or in any other thing than is contained in my confession,
under mine own hand, he doth charge me untruly, be
he a lord, or whosoever ; and I thought I had deserved
no blame in that ; for, to tell every tale one heareth, and

that ly could not be warrant, or, if any such

thing were, had been folly." i( Nay more," quoth the
president, " you did then rejoice to hear of it, and was
very desirous to be made acquainted with the secrets
thereof : but, if your treasons had come to pass, where
then had been queen Elizabeth, whom I beseech God
preserve ever and ever :" and the rest said, " Amen."
Mr. Boast was further urged, that he had taken the
oath of supremacy, in Oxford, in Queen's college, and was
a minister, and, by this revolt, was an apostate, and
stained with perjury, and had been a lewd fellow. He
answered; " Infinite peccavi, miserere mei Deus :" and,
" nuriquam sera est ad bonos mores via. Because I

1 [Two or three words are illegible. — T.~\

142 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

once persecuted, therefore, by your reason, I must
persevere therein. St. Austin, if he was a manichee, yet
died a good Christian, and a saint :" — and offering to
speak a little more, was commanded by Beaumont to
be silent, who said he had had too much liberty of
speech ; yet was urged again by Stanhope, that he was
perjured, in that he had sworn to take orders, after a
time, being in the college in Oxford. He said, " Your
orders of clergy were not known, nor heard of, when
the statutes of the house were made ;" and so was
Stanhope put to silence, and ashamed of his speech.

Then the clerk said, " John Ingram, hold up thy hand.
What canst thou say that thou should'st not receive
judgment ?" — " I say that I am a priest, and that my
exercise and practice of priesthood cannot be called or
made treason, by any Christian law ; and I beseech God
to forgive both you and them that make it otherways.
And I do with all my heart forgive you, and all my
accusers and persecutors : and so I beseech God to have
mercy upon me, and to strengthen me with patience
and constancy in mine agony."

Clerk : " Swallowell, hold up thy hand. What canst
thou say that thou should'st not," &c. Swallowell:
" Good my lords, be good unto me ; I am falsely and
maliciously accused. D. Bellamy seeketh my blood, for
some advantage to himself, by making profit of my
place in Sherbourne house when I am gone. I was
brought up there, under Mr. Thomas and Mr. Ralph
Lever, and by them preferred. I beseech God to bless
the queen's majesty, and confound all her enemies."
President : " Wilt thou defy the pope, and his laws,
and all seminary priests and Jesuits?" Swallowell:
" Yea, my lord, I defy them all." Beaumont : " Will
you fight in her majesty's behalf, against the pope, the
king of Spain, and all papists, her enemies ?" Swallo
well: "I will fight against them, while I arn able to
stand." President : " Will you take the oath of her
majesty's supremacy?" Swallowell: "Yea, my lord,
whensoever you will." Here the president and the
judges privately consulted, and it was expected that

ART. vii.] PERSECUTION. 143

Swallowell should be reprieved. Beaumont: "Well,
then, you three, Boast, Ingram, and Swallowell, for you
are all condemned for treason, attend your judgments."
First, he made a short exhortation, wherein he told
them it was a marvel, they would so much advance the
pope above princes, in spiritual matters. " I will,"
quoth he, " tell you of an ancient record, proving the
authority of the kings of England, in matters spiritual ;"
and then declared how Eleutherius, an ancient godly
bishop of Rome, " but no pope I warrant you," — he re
ceiving letters from king Lucius of England, wherein
he prayed him to send him some good laws, whereby he
might govern his kingdom, Eleutherius answered,
" habes utramque paginam," &c. (i.e.) " them hast both
the old and new Testament. Counsel with the wise
men of the kingdom, and gather laws thereout for thy
self ; for them art the vicar of God in thy own king
dom." Here Mr. Boast smiled, and would have spoken,
but was interrupted ; yet he brake out with these words,
viz., " It is doubtful whether that epistle of pope Eleu
therius be counterfeit or current. For my own part, I
have sought much for it, and could never find it, but
[only] a report of it, out of Mr. Jewell, and such like
authors."1 This said, Beaumont proceeded to judg
ment, pronouncing sentence, as in case of high-treason
is used, concluding with " God have mercy upon you."
Mr. Boast, kneeling down, and stretching forth his
hands, thanked God, that had given him grace to con
fess his name before them all ; and said he did glory in
it. Mr. Ingram said, "Te Deum laudamus," &c. a

1 [This epistle, which is said to have been first printed by Arnold, in 1520, is
inserted by Lombard in his work, " De priscis Anglorum legibus," published in
1568. Collier has clearly shewn that it is spurious (i. 15); and Persons, with
equal force, has remarked that, even allowing its authenticity, it has no reference
to spiritual authority (Three Conversions, i. 96). Lucius, in fact, already a
Christian, had written, so the epistle itself assures us, for " a copy of the Roman
and imperial laws, with the intention of introducing them into his own do
minions." In reply, the pope tells him that he possesses another and a better
law, for the model of his legislation. By that law, he is the vicar and minister
of God in the government of his people : in accordance with that law let him
frame his intended code ; and let him, by its precepts, so regulate his temporal
kingdom, that he may deserve to be rewarded with an eternal crown. — What is
there, in all this, to affect the spiritual supremacy of the Roman see ? — T1.]

144 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

verse or two thereof; and then Mr. Ingram and he
kissed their hands, and embraced each other. Swallo-
well then said, " My lords, my lords, I pray you hear
me. Let me die with these two blessed martyrs. I
will be a catholic, and die as they do ; and here I do re
nounce, and am sorry for, that which last I said against
the catholics, and am now, by these two blessed mar
tyrs' examples, resolved to be a catholic : — and thereof
made many vehement protestations, disturbing the court
for the present, who all fell into a laughter against him,
upon his sudden change. Hereat Mr. Boast, standing
next him, clapped him on the head with his hand, and
said, " hold thee there, and I warrant thee." Then the
president said, " we do laugh at him ; but there is more
cause to weep for him ;" — and seemed to lament his
sudden revolt very much. But Swallowell so persisted
in his last revolt, that, the court being disturbed there
with, the president and the judges commanded the two
priests from the bar, who as they retired to their prison,
there came a minister to Mr. Boast, arid offered con
ference. The undersheriff commanded him awray ;
saying, my lord had commanded that none should speak
with them. But Mr. Boast said to the sheriff, "let him
come ; I will talk with him ; but I would have heard
my lord of Durham say something." * * * * *
It seemed good to the president and judges, that the
two priests and Swallowell should die, for public ex
ample sake, at three sundry places ; viz., Mr. Boast at
Durham, Mr. Ingram at Gateside-head, and Swallowell
at Darlington. Upon Wednesday the 24th of July,
1 594, Mr. Boast was brought in a cart to the place of
his execution. In the way, great guard was used, that
none should come near the cart, save only the officers
and sundry ministers ; and the justices were appointed
to note the manner of execution, and observe the people's
behaviours, and to take heed that none should speak
unto him. Being come unto the place, he came forth
of the cart, and, at the ladder foot, kneeled down on
both his knees, and privately prayed unto himself, and,
after, made the sign of the cross on the side of the lad-

ART. vii.] PERSECUTION. 145

der, and so ascended up ; and turning him unto the
people, began to speak ; but was interrupted, and willed
not to speak, but to pray for the queen, and to confess
his offences, and to crave pardon. He said that, if ever,
ill his life, or temporal conversation, he had offended
her majesty, or her laws, he was sorry, and did ask her
forgiveness ; but for his exercise of priest's function,
being the service of God, it could not be offensive to
her highness, nor to any estate in the world; and, there
fore, it neither needed repentance from him, nor for
giveness by her. Then was he willed to hold his tongue,
or to make an end of his prayers. All this while, the
rope was about his neck, and one at the foot of the
ladder, ready to turn the same, if he should offer to
speak offensively. Then he began a prayer in Latin,
which was one of the psalms of David. Whether it
were, Levavi oculos, or, Ad te levavi, I am not yet
assured ; for the words my information gave me are not
right recited : but he offered to have made certain ex
positions of the words, and, upon some of them, he gave
this note, that he gave God thanks, that had called him
from the detestable estate of heresy, wherein once he
was plunged, to be a professor of his most holy catholic
religion.1 And here he was interrupted again. Then
one in the press among the horsemen spoke something
unto him, and he craved earnestly at the sheriff's hands
that he might answer him, but was denied. "Well
then," quoth he, " seeing that neither living nor dying
I can be suffered to speak, then I beseech God that my
death and blood may speak for all:" — and so, with a few
prayers being said by him, he was turned off the ladder,
where he hung till he was scarce half dead, and so was
cut down, and hauled to the pit, where the fire was.
Where, as he felt the butcher his knife, he spoke to

1 [The psalm which he recited was, in reality, the hundred and fourteenth ;
and the verses, on which he commented, were the seventh and eighth : "'Return
O my soul, into thy rest, because God hath done well unto thee'. And why hath
God done well unto thee ? — It followeth ; — ' Because he hath delivered my soul
from death.' — ' From death ;' what is that? From the sting of heresy, wherewith
our country, alas! is infected, plagued, and pestered." — Robinson's MS. apud
Challoner, Append, ii. 492.— 7VJ

VOL. III. L

146 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

him, and said, " God forgive thee, go on, go on." And
again, " Asperges me, Domine, Domine, Domine, mise
rere ;" and so died. His quarters were set on the castle,
and his head upon Framegate (Fram well-Gate) Bridge
in the town ; the which was taken away that night, by
some of his friends.

Upon Friday, being the 26th of July, Mr. John
Ingram was by the undersheriff conveyed to Gateside.
The cart, therefore, coming to the prison, he was
brought forth, and laid therein : and, entering into the
cart, he used these words, " tanquam agnus innocens
ad occisionem ductus sum ;" and being so carried out
of the town, there was a horse prepared for him, and so
he rid the rest of the way on horseback, without boots
or cloak, having upon his head a white coif only, with
a Jesus wrought in the forehead with red silk (as also
Mr. Boast had, towards his execution, a night cap, with
a coif under it, turned up, and thereupon a Jesus
wrought in black silk, and, as it were, a holy lamb
above it), holding the bridle in the left hand, and his
right hand up, praying ; but it seemed that he had no
perfect use of his right hand, by reason of racking, for
he could not hold it very upright. His horse was
changed at Chester, and another delivered unto him ;
* * * * and between the undersheriif and the
aldermen of Durham was conveyed unto the Tolbooth
in Gateside. * » * * The same day, about three
of the clock at afternoon, or a little before, all things
at the place of execution being ready, Mr. Ingram was
then laid in another cart, and from the Tolbooth was
drawn to the place of execution. And being come
thither, he prayed upon his knees in the cart, and, after,
prostrate himself upon his face and belly. After a
while, he descended from the cart, and sat down on
both his knees, and prayed again ; and, making a cross
upon the ladder, and kissing it, he ascended up, and,
turning his face to the people, he said, " I take God and
his holy angels to the record, that I die only for the
holy catholic faith and religion, and do rejoice and
thank God with all my heart, that hath made me

ART. vir.] PERSECUTION. 147

worthy to testify my faith therein, by the spending of
my blood in this manner." And then the sheriff inter
rupted him, and willed him to make an end of his
prayers. Then he required the people to consider in
what a damnable estate they stood in, through erro
neous religion, as he termed it. Then one Banister,
a follower of the judges, said, " Mr. Sheriff, he is
preaching unto the people." Then the sheriff again in
terrupted him. Then he was willed to pray for the
queen ; and he prayed God that she might long reign
to his glory, and that it might please him to procure
her to live arid die a good catholic Christian prince.
" Marry, God defend," quoth Hutton, parson of Gate-
side ; and they were offended he had prayed in that
manner ; and he answered that they bad him pray for
her. The rope being put about his neck, the which he
kissed twice before it was put on, he said his Pater
noster, Ave Maria, with Or a pro nobis, sancta Dei
genetrix, &c., Credo, and the psalm Miserere mei Deus,
desiring the baylie, that stood at the foot of the ladder,
that he would spare him, until he had made an end of
that psalm : which done, making the sign of the cross
upon himself, and saying, In manus tuas, &c., the lad
der was turned ; and, being dead, he was cut down,
bowelled, and quartered, as the manner is. His quarters
were sent to Newcastle ; his head set up upon the
bridge, with Mr. Lampton's and Mr. Waterson's ; and
his blessed soul received triumphantly among the celes
tial spirits, in the kingdom of his heavenly Father.

Upon Monday following, George Swallowell, some
time a minister, or reader, in the hospital of Sherbourne
House, so called, was carried to Darlington, to be exe
cuted. It was God's providence, that he was reserved
to see the examples of these two priests, and so to have
this occasion to win his crown ; for he had been, at a
gaol-delivery, at candlemas before, brought unto the
bar, but was reprieved by the lord president, and re
mitted unto the general assizes before the judges ; and,
if this occasion had not been, it is very probable that he
should have been quit, and continued in his former es-

L 2

148 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

tate. Being brought unto the place of execution, and
a room made for him, there came in four or five minis
ters : but he said, " Mr. Sheriff, you promised me that
I should not be troubled ; I pray you take them away."
They urged him that he was a minister, and of another
profession ; and he answered that he was sorry for it,
that he had been so. Then the undersheriff commanded
him to go up the ladder ; which done, he said unto him,
" Now hear me a little : thou art condemned for a
traitor against the queen's majesty, and art to receive
thy punishment, according to thy deserts. Confess thy
fault, and ask the queen forgiveness." Then he an
swered that he had offended God, and asked him for
giveness ; for he had given to Csesar more than was
Caesar's due : and so, desiring all catholics to pray for
him, he said his own prayers in Latin, and, being turned
off the ladder, and dead, was cut down, bowelled, and
quartered.1 His quarters were buried together, at the
foot of a stack or heap of furze, and his head was ap
pointed to be set up on the Tolbooth ; his soul receiving
a whole hire, though he came not to the vineyard,
before the eleventh hour.

[From the foregoing pages the reader will have formed some notion of the
proceedings, publicly adopted against the catholics. It still, however, remains
to introduce him to the secrets of the prison house, to exhibit to him the tortures
there endured by the unhappy captives, and to shew him to what refinement of
barbarity the inhumanity of their persecutors had attained. The following is
the account, which Rishton has left us of the transactions in the Tower, during
the period of his own imprisonment : it will be succeeded by the names of the
principal sufferers for religion, during the present reign.]

Besides the prisons, reserved for other purposes, and,
like Ludgate, appropriated to the reception of such

1 [Another account, however, says that, " after he had hung awhile, they cut
the rope and let him fall ; and the hangman, who was but a boy, drew him
along by the rope, yet alive, and there dismembered, and bowelled him, and cast
his bowels into the fire. At the taking out of his heart he lifted up his left hand
to his head, which the hangman laid down again ; and when the heart was cast
into the fire, the same hand laid itself over the open body." Apud Challoner,
i. 320.— r.

ART. TII. J PERSECUTION. 149

of the more respectable citizens, as are confined for
debt, London possesses eleven other capacious gaols,
into which persons of all descriptions, of both sexes,
and of every age, are in these days thrown, for the con
fession of the catholic faith. Their names are, the
Gatehouse, in Westminster, the Fleet, Newgate, Bride
well, the two Compters, the King's Bench, the Marshal-
sea, the White Lion, the Clink, and the Tower. In
the last of these the providence of God permitted me to
be detained, for more than four years, solely on account
of my sacerdotal character. Here, during this period,
I passed through a variety of sufferings : here I received
the sentence of death (a sentence, however, subse
quently commuted into banishment) ; and it has now,,
therefore, struck me that I should perform a task,
neither useless in itself, nor foreign to the service of
God, if I should draw up a statement, in the form of a
diary, of such occurrences as came under my notice,
during the time of my imprisonment. From this state
ment the Christian reader will learn the proceedings in
one prison, during the period of five years. Let him
apply the account to the other gaols, both in the metro
polis and in the provinces ; let him extend it to the
twenty-seven years, during which Elizabeth has reigned;
and he will then be able to form some idea of the past
and present sufferings, endured by the English catholics
for their faith.

To render the narrative, however, more intelligible,
it is necessary to remark, what is peculiar to the Tower,
that each prisoner is confined in a separate cell, where,
under the eye of his own keeper, he is continually im
mured, excluded from the sight and conversation of his
fellow-captives, and cut off from every means of com
munication with others, either by letters, or by mes
sengers. It is from this cell that he is led forth to the
various scenes of his sufferings, — to the punishments,
which the caprice of his persecutors is permitted to
inflict on him, to the examinations to which he is sub
jected, and to the rack, by which his confessions are
sought to be extorted from him.

150 ELIZABETH. [PART IT.

Of the means or instruments of torture employed in
the Tower, there are seven different kinds. The first is
the Pit, — a subterraneous cave, twenty feet deep, and
entirely without light.

The second is a cell, or dungeon, so small as to be
incapable of admitting a person in an erect posture :
from its effect on its inmates it has received the name
of " Little-Ease:'1

The third is the rack, on which, by means of wooden
rollers and other machinery, the limbs of the sufferer
are drawn in opposite directions.2

The fourth, I believe from the inventor, is called
" The Scavenger s Daughter:' It consists of an iron
ring, which brings the head, feet, and hands together,
until they form a circle.3

The fifth is the iron gauntlet, which encloses the hand
with the most excruciating pain.4

The sixth consists of chains, or manacles, attached to
the arms ; and

The seventh, of fetters, by which the feet are con
fined. — With this explanation, what follows, in the
Diary, wdll be readily understood.

It only now remains for me to add, that I have men
tioned no torments but such as were inflicted on catho
lics for their religion ; and have described merely such

1 [It was, in fact, so small, that the prisoner could neither stand, sit, nor lie,
at full length.— TV]

2 [Dr. Lingard's description will give a better idea of this instrument. " The
rack," says he, " was a large open frame of oak, raised three feet from the
ground. The prisoner was laid under it, on his back, on the floor : his wrists
and ancles were attached by cords to two rollers, at the ends of the frame : these
were moved by levers in opposite directions, till the body rose to a level with the
frame. Questions were then put ; and, if the answers did not prove satisfac
tory, the sufferer was stretched more and more, till the bones started from their
sockets." viii. 423.— T.}

3 [" The Scavenger's Daughter was a broad hoop of iron, consisting of two
parts, fastened to each other by a hinge. The prisoner was made to kneel on
the pavement, and to contract himself into as small a compass as he could.
Then the executioner, kneeling on his shoulders, and having introduced the
hoop under his legs, compressed the victim close together, till he was able to
fasten the extremities over the small of the back." Ling. ib. 424. — T.~\

4 [These gauntlets " could be contracted by the aid of a screw. They served
to compress the wrists, and to suspend the prisoner in the air, from two distant
points of a beam. He was placed on three pieces of wood piled one on the
other, which, when his hands had been made fast, were successively withdrawn
from under his feet." Ibid.— T.]

ART. vii.] PERSECUTION. 151

occurrences as could come to my knowledge, while
separated from the rest of the prisoners. More will
doubtless be related, in due time, by others. Mean
while, Christian reader, let this short narration excite,
and call forth your prayers for our afflicted country.
Farewell.

1580.

June 1 5. William Tyrwit, the eldest son of sir Robert
Tyrwit, was apprehended, and committed to the Tower,
charged with having heard mass at the wedding of his
sister.

June 18. Robert Tyrwit, the brother of William, was
taken up for the same cause, and, though in extreme ill
health, neither the entreaties of his friends, nor the offer
of bail, could save him from the Tower, where he soon
after died.

Dec. 5. Ralph Sherwine, Thomas Cottam, Robert
Johnson, Luke Kirby, priests, with Nicholas Roscaroc
and Henry Orton, gentlemen, were brought to the
Tower from other prisons.

Dec. 10. Thomas Cottam and Luke Kirby, priests,
suffered compression in the Scavenger's Daughter, for
more than an hour. The former bled profusely from
the nostrils.1

i [Cottam has left this account of one of the objects for which he was thus
tortured. It is a note of what passed at his trial : — " Thus therefore he spake,
and avouched openly in the presence of the rack-masters. ' Indeed,' quoth he,
' you are searchers of secrets ; for you would needs know of me what penance
I was enjoined by my ghostly father for my sins committed : and I acknow
ledge my frailty, that, to avoid the intolerable torment of the rack, I confessed
(God forgive me) what they demanded therein. But, when they further urged
me to utter also what my sins were, for which that penance was enjoined me
(a loathsome and unchristian question) I then answered that I would not dis
close my offences, saving to God and to my ghostly father alone: whereupon
they sore tormented me, and still pressed me with the same demand ; and I
persisted that it was a most barbarous inhuman question, and that I would not
answer, though they tormented me to death.' Thus spake Mr Cottam at his
arraignment; wherewith the enemies being ashamed, the lieutenant of the
tower, there present, began to deny the whole : whereto Mr. Cottam replied
again thus ;— ' And is not this true ? Here is present Dr. Hammond, with the
rest of the commissioners that were at my racking, to whose consciences I ap
peal. God is my witness, that it is most true : and you know that sir George
Carey did ask me these unnatural questions; deny it if you can. In truth, all
your torture and demands, every one, were of no other treasons but matter of
mere conscience, faith, and religion, or else of such follies as I have rehearsed.' "
Apud Allen's Answer to Eng. Justice, 12.— -T.]

152 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

Dec. 15. Ralph Sherwinc and Robert Johnson, priests,
were severely tortured on the rack.

Dec. 16. Ralph Sherwine was again placed on the
rack.

Dec. 19, 29. John Bosgrove, S. J., and John Hart,
priests, with John Pascal, a lay gentleman, were re
moved from other prisons to this.

Dec. 31. The same John Hart, having lain five days
on the bare ground, was led to the rack. In like man
ner, Henry Or ton.

1581.

Jan. 3. Christopher Thomson, an aged priest, was
brought to the Tower, and racked, the same day.

Jan. 14. Nicholas Roscaroc, a lay gentleman, was
racked.

Jan. 15. John Pascal and Harram Stevens, laymen,
having been impelled, by the fear of torments, to make
certain public declarations contrary to faith, and, par
ticularly, to express their willingness to join in the
religious worship of heretics, were, the next day, set at
liberty, as an inducement to others.

On the same day, and on the same occasion, Edward
Hopton, the lieutenant of the tower, having forced us
to church by means of the military, publicly protested
that he had no one in his custody, who did not willingly
go to the protestant worship.

Feb. 5. John Nicholas, formerly a calvinistic minister,
and afterwards a pretended catholic, mounted the pul
pit, to inveigh against the Roman pontiif, at whose ex
pense he boasted that he had, for some years, lived in
Rome. All the prisoners were carried by force to hear
him : but they interrupted him more than once, in the
midst of his raving, and, when his sermon was finished,
hooted him away. * * * *

Feb. 5. From this time, until the feast of the follow
ing Pentecost, we were, every Sunday, dragged by our
keepers and the soldiers to hear heretical sermons,
which were preached by ministers specially appointed
for this duty. As these men, however, descended from
the pulpit, we publicly, and in the face of the people,

ART. TIL] PERSECUTION. 153

convicted them of falsehood, and challenged them to
disputation ; whilst Hopton, the lieutenant, in vain en
deavoured to silence us, by the threats of the torture
that he would inflict.

Feb. 8. Thomas Bruscoe, a layman, and lately a
student in the Roman college, being apprehended im
mediately on his return, arid brought to the tower, is
confined in the pit for five months.

March 27. Alexander Brian t, a priest, was brought
from another prison, where he had almost perished with
'thirst, and loaded with the heaviest shackles. Then
needles were thrust under his nails, with the hope of
forcing him to disclose the place in which he had seen
father Persons : but he resolutely refused to reveal it.1

April 6. The same Briant was cast into the Pit, and,
eight days later, was led forth to the rack, on which he
was immediately stretched with the greatest cruelty.
The next day again, he was twice subjected to the same
torture : yet from his own lips, only a little before his
martyrdom, I afterwards heard the declaration, that,
when his body w7as extended to the utmost, and his
tormentors were ferociously endeavouring to increase
the intensity of his sufferings, he was actually insensible
of pain.

July 14. John Payne, priest, was taken, through the
treachery of one Elliot, on whom he had conferred many
benefits. On the same day, John Shert and George
Godsalve were apprehended and brought to the tower.

July 22. Edmund Campian, who was betrayed by
means of the same Elliot, was conducted in triumph to
the tower, bearing in his hat a paper inscribed with the

1 [This, however, was only one of many points, ou which they sought to ex
tort a confession from Briant. " They demand and press us by torture," says
Allen, " where, in whose houses, what days and times we say or hear mass, how
many we have reconciled, what we have heard in confession, who resorteth to our
preachings, who harboureth catholics and priests, who sustaineth, aideth, or
comforteth them, who they be that have their children or pupils in the society
or seminaries beyond the seas, where such a Jesuit or such a priest is to be
found, where catholic books are printed, and by whom and to whom they be
uttered in England. * * * * These were the interrogatories, for which
the famous confessor, Mr. Briant, was tormented with needles thrust under his
nails," &c. — Answer to Eng. Justice, 10, 1 1. — TV]

154 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

words CAMPIAN THE SEDITIOUS JESUIT. Together
with Campian were brought also Thomas Ford, William
Filbie, John Colleton, priests ; Edward Yates, Edward
Kaines, John Cotton, William Hildesly, Humphrey
Kaines, Philip Lowe, John Jacobs, gentlemen ; and
William Valby and John Mansfield, catholics of inferior
condition, who had heard Campian preach.

August 13. William Hartley, a priest, John Stonor
and Stephen Brinkley, lay gentlemen, with four ser
vants, printers (John Harris, John Harvey, John
Tucker, and John Compton), who were seized with their
printing-press, in the house of lady Stonor, were brought
to the tower. Compton, however, who was naturally
timid, being threatened by his keeper with instant death,
unless he would promise to go to church, yielded at the
point of the sword, and thus regained his liberty.

August 17. Thomas Pound, a lay gentleman and ex
emplary confessor, who had passed many years in other
prisons, upon account of his religion, was brought to
the tower.

August 31. After Campian had been twice secretly
tortured on the rack, he was brought, in company with
his fellow captives, priests and laymen, and without any
previous preparation, to dispute with his adversaries, in
the public chapel of the tower. The condition, on which
he was permitted to speak, was, that he should produce
no argument in support of the catholic faith, but should
simply reply to the objections of his opponents. At the
request of some noblemen, there were afterwards, I be
lieve, two or three other disputations of the same kind.
These, however, were private : for the first had been
found to injure the cause of the protestants.

October 31. After his disputations, Campian was
again, for the third time, placed on the rack, and treated
more cruelly than ever. John Payne also, a priest, was
most inhumanly tortured in the same way. * * *

Novemb. 2 1 . William Filbie, who, with several others,
had been condemned to death, being observed to be
more cheerful and firm than usual, was, in consequence,
laden with manacles, which he continued to wear until

ART. vn.] PERSECUTION. 155

his execution. In like manner, Alexander Briant, for
shaving the crown of his head, that he might appear at
his trial in the character of a priest, and for making a
wooden cross which he carried openly to the court,
was compelled, for two days, to wear the iron
shackles. *

1582.

Jan. 11. John Hart, a priest, for refusing, after his
condemnation, to yield to his persecutors, was confined,
for nine days, in the Pit.

Feb. 7- George Haddock and Arthur Pitts, priests,
were taken : the latter was placed in the Pit, for five
days.

March 5. Anthony Fugatius, a Portuguese gentleman,
and a zealous catholic, after two years' imprisonment,
and the most cruel rackings, being at the point of death
(for he was old and broken by sufferings), was privately
removed from the tower on a litter, and, in the course
of a few days, yielded his soul to Christ.

March 22. Robert Copley, a lay gentleman, was
ordered to be confined in the Pit for seven days. * * *

April 7- Thomas Aldfield, a priest, was taken.

May 19. Stephen Rousham, a priest, and Thomas
Burn, a layman, were apprehended and brought to the
tower.

July 19. William Carter, a printer, after several years'
sufferings in other prisons, was removed to the tower.

July 23. Richard Slack, a priest, was taken and
loaded with fetters, for twenty-three days, and then
confined, for two months, in the Pit.

Aug. 14. John Getter, a lay youth, returning from
France, was seized, and committed. Stephen Rousham,,
a priest, was confined in " Little-Ease," where he re
mained for eighteen months and thirteen days.

Sept. 1 . The fore-mentioned John Getter, after suf
fering compression in the Scavenger's Daughter, was
confined in the Pit for eight days. He was then led to
the rack, and cruelly tortured, until he nearly fainted ;
but, in the midst of his agony, when ready, as it were,
to expire, his countenance brightened with joy : he in-

156 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

voked the name of Jesus, and laughed his persecutors
to scorn. *

Sept. 20. Ralph Leatherbore, a merchant, arriving
from Rouen, was thrown into the tower, for his faith.

Dec. 1. John Hart, priest, already condemned to
death, was punished with fetters, for twenty days, be
cause he refused to adopt the opinions of a certain
minister, named Reynolds.

1583.

Feb. 16. John Mundyn, a priest, was taken and
loaded with iron fetters for twenty days.

June 19. The aforesaid John Hart, for the offence
already mentioned, was condemned to the Pit, for forty-
four days.

# # * # #

1584.

Jan. 18. William Shelley and Gervaise Pierrepoint,
gentlemen, were brought to the tower.

Feb. 2. Robert Nutter, a priest, was taken, and, two
days later, was condemned to the pit, where he re
mained forty-seven days. He wore fetters during forty-
three days ; and on each of the two days, the fourth and
sixth, after his apprehension, suffered compression in
the Scavenger's Daughter.

Feb. 4, 5, 10. George Haddock, John Mundyn, James
Fenn, Thomas Hemmerford, and John Nutter, priests,
having received the sentence of death, the last three
were loaded with irons, and confined to the pit, during
the six days, which intervened before their execution.

Feb. 13. Thomas Stephenson, a priest, was taken,
and compelled to lie, without a bed, on the bare ground,
for twenty-seven days. He also wore fetters for thirty-
nine days.

June 13. Thomas Layton, a lay gentleman, was taken,
and cast into the pit.

June 19. Thomas Worthington, a priest, was taken,
and confined in the pit, where he remained for two
months and three days.1

1 [The following is from a paper, delivered by Topclifie to the lords of the
council, at this time ; — " There hath assembled unto the city of London lately,

ART. vii.] PERSECUTION. 157

Aug. 24. Thomas Barnes, a priest, was taken.

Aug. 27. William Aprice, a lay gentleman, was
brought to the tower, and immediately east into the
pit, where he was confined twenty-three days.

Sept. 13. Gervase Pierrepoint was liberated on bail,
but was again taken and brought to the tower, in the
following month.

Sept. 16. William Creighton, S. J., and Patrick Abdy,
Scottish priests, contrary to the law of nations, were
seized at sea, whilst on their return to Scotland, and
cast into prison.

Sept. 24. William Aprice was again condemned to
the pit, for forty-eight days.

Octob. 16. William Crumlum was condemned to the
pit, for two months and twenty-four days.

Nov. 10. Robert Nutter was again confined in the
pit, for two months and fourteen days.

from all the counties of England, a great number of the most principal semina
ries, and seditious priests, bred at Rome and Rheims, who have had their being
and continual harbour among some noblemen, gentlemen, and other such, as
have been restrained of liberty, and be still ; and with such as be, and long have
been, recusants. Most of them be guests and hosts, being yet about London.

" Some of them live beyond sea, as Dr. Allen's man, Stordevant ; and some
out of Scotland, as Holt, the Jesuit. Some, captains or soldiers, that have
served the earl of Westmoreland ; others pensioners to the pope.

" I learn these things by advertisement of such persons, as have been of their
society beyond seas ; and, hearing there their venomous and cankered intents
towards her majesty, and here at home smelling their practices and plots to be
answerable, being burthened in conscience, and charged in natural obedience,
bewray the haunts of all such as they have learned to be in England, being
about the number of three-score. * * * Above twenty seminary priests of
reputation and best learning now in London . . . They walk audaciously,
disguised, in the streets of London. Their wonted fears and timorousness is
turned into mirth and solace among themselves : as though the day of their
expectation were not past, or, at the farthest, corning towards.

"My instruments have learned out sundry places of countenance, where
sometimes these men meet, and confer together, in the daytime; and where
they lodge a-nights, having changes of lodging. The chief places of their
access be solitary, strong, and stated for the purpose. Of all which, and of my
last experience with a few, I think it my duty to lay before your grave con
sideration, —

" That there is small regard taken in London, or about the city, of these men.
About twenty days past, one Thomas Worthington, a notorious seminary priest,
did resort hither, a stirrer of sedition, as ever haunted Lancashire, Cheshire,
Shropshire, Derbyshire, and Yorkshire.

" One Revel, a seminary priest, his companion : one Humphrey Maxfield,
a seminary scholar at Rome and Rheims, a great companion, conveyer , an

158 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

1585.

June 4. Patrick Abdy, the Scottish priest, was cast
into the Pit for four days.

June 7- William Crumlum was again subjected to
the same punishment, for seven days.

June 2 1 . Jasper Haywood, James Bosgrave, and John
Hart, all members of the society of Jesus ; Christopher
Thomson, Arthur Pitts, Robert Nutter, Thomas Ste
venson, Richard Slack, Thomas Barries, Thomas Wor-
thington, arid ten other priests, with one layman (for
we were in all twenty-one),1 were unexpectedly, by the
queen's order, put on board a vessel, and landed, against
our wills, on the coast of Normandy. Shortly after, we
were followed by fifty others, who were driven into the
same kind of exile : while the punishment of death was
denounced against any one of us, who should venture
to return to his native country. — Praise be to God !

intelligencer to and fro, from Worthington ; and three boys, to be conveyed
beyond seas, to be made priests ; stolen from their uncle Worthington and from
the bishop of Chester.

" The three men and one of the boys I apprehended at Islington. Worthing
ton was committed to the tower, by the lord treasurer's direction ; Revel and
Maxfield to the clink; and the boy to the gatehouse.

" Worthington, Maxfield, and Revel were twice examined by Sir Owen
Hopton, Dr. Hammond, Mr. Rokeby, and myself: we all agreed that there
never did come before us so arrogant, wilful, and obstinate persons." Apud
Strype, Annal. iii. 420. Strype has placed this paper in 1586 : but the mention
of Worthington proves it to have been written two years earlier. — J1.]

1 [The names of the other ten were, John Colleton, Samuel Coniers, William
Cedder, William Warmington, William Hartley, William Dean (Hartley and
Dean were afterwards executed in company with Nutter), William Bishop,
afterwardsjrishop of Chalcedon, Richard Norris, William Smith, and Rishton
himself.

tions :
thirty-

of the metropolis, and banished in a similar manner (Stowe, 709) : while twenty-
two more, from the gaols in the north, shared the same fate, almost at the same
time (Bridgewater, 411). Thus, in the short space of about three months,
seventy-seven individuals were driven into exile for their religion. — 71.]

ART. vii.] PERSECUTION. 159

FOXE'S LIST OF CATHOLICS IMPRISONED
IN VARIOUS PLACES,

ANNO 1579. '

In the Tower of London.

Dr. Rich, archbishop of Armagh, in Ireland, about 50 years old.
Dr. Thomas Metham, priest, licentiate in divinity, quadragenarius.

In the custody of the bishop of Rochester.
Dr. Thomas Watson, bishop of Lincoln, about 60.

In the custody of the bishop of Ely.
Dr. John Feckenham, late abbot of Westminster, about 60.

In the Fleet, London.

D. Henry Cole, priest, DD. octogenarius.
D. Robert Cook, priest, about 50.
D. Wyndham, LLD. 50.

Ambrose Edmund, nobilis (i. e. gentleman), about 50.
Erasmus Saunders, gentleman.
William Iveson, gentleman, about 50.
Cotton, gentleman.

In the Marshalsea, London.
D. Thomas Wood, priest, about 80.
D. Leonard Bilson, priest, about 50.
D. Thomas Cook, monk, about 70.
D. Thomas Bluet, priest, about 40.
D. Christopher Thompson, priest.
D. William Allen, priest, about 70.
Thomas Pound, gentleman.
William Phillips, gentleman, 40.
Peter Carew, gentleman, 30 years old.
Edward Burnel, gentleman, 40.
Richard Webster, schoolmaster.
William Green, layman.

Norwich, gentleman.

• Becket, gentleman.

Gray, gentleman.

Green, gentleman.

1 Strype, Annals, ii. Appendix, 132.

160 ELIZABETH. OUT iv.

In the King's Bench.
D. John Young, priest, DD. 70.
D. Thomas Mirfield, priest, 80.
Francis Tregian, gentleman.
William Sherwood, gentleman.
Richard Holson, gentleman.

In the White Lion, London.
Peter Tichbourne.
John Beckinsale.
John Ludlow.

In the Gatehouse.
D. Ross, priest, 60.
John Gifford, schoolmaster.
John Pinchin and his wife.
Richard Sampson, 40.
John Savage, 20.
D. James Shaw, priest, 60.
D. Thomas Harrison, priest, 50.
John Hughes, 50.
John Geale, 60.

James

In the Compter.
Henry Creed, 60.

Gregory Owinele (O'Neal?), schoolmaster, 40.
Elizabeth Johnson, left by her husband, a gentlewoman, with
her servant Leonard.

In the prison of Northampton.
D. Francis Stopford, priest, 60.
Thomas Mudd, 50.
D. Stephen Hemsworth, priest, 60.
John Thackaray.
William Justice, with his wife.

At Winton.

D. Thomas Palmer, priest, 80.
Thomas Travers, 80.
Thomas White, gentleman, 33.
Herman

Way

, . , )• widows, whose husbands died in prison.
• Berkmsale '

— — Green

ART. vii.] PERSECUTION. 161

In the prison at Hull.
John Cumberford, priest, DD., 80.
D. Wright, priest, BD., 40.
D. Thomas Bedell, priest, 60.
D. John Almond, priest, 70.
D. Robert Williamson, priest, 60.
John Terry, schoolmaster, 40.
Francis Parkinson, layman, 40.
John Fletcher, layman.
William Tesmond.
Seven others.

At Hersham (Horsham ?)
Robert Boughwater, 80.

Jit Hereford,

D. Thomas Feasard, priest, 60.
D. William Basset, priest, 60.
John Green }
William Smith $°f the lait^

At Cornwall.

Richard Tremain, gentleman, 30.
Thomas Harrison, schoolmaster, 45.
John Kemp, gentleman, 40.

Richard , gentleman.

John Williams, A.M., 35.
John Philips, 30.
James Humphrey, 30.
Henry Benfield, gentleman, 40.
John Hody, layman.

At West Chester.
D. Richard Sutton, priest, 80.
D. John Cuppage, priest, 60, with
Some others.

A list of the secular priests, ivho suffered death, during the reign of
Elizabeth, either for their sacerdotal character only, or for exercising
the functions of the priesthood.

1581.
Everard Hanse, - executed at Tyburn - - July 31.

1582.
Richard Kirkman) „

William Lacy 1 ' AuSust 22'

James Thompson - - York - - Nov. 28.

VOL. III. M

162

ELIZABETH.

[PART iv.

William Hart
Richard Thirkill

Thomas Hemerford
James Ferm
John Nutter
George Haydock
John Munden

Hugh Taylor

1583.
Executed at

1584.

York
York

Tyburn

1585.

1586.

Edward Transham, or Stransham

Nicholas Woodfen, alias Wheeler1

Richard Sarjeant

William Thompson

Robert Anderton

William Marsden

Francis Ingleby

John Finglow

John Sandys

John Adams

Richard Dibdale

John Low

York -
Tyburn -

- Tyburn -

- Isle of Wight

- York
York -

- Gloucester

Tyburn -

Thomas Pilchard
Edmund Sykes
Robert Sutton
Stephen Rousham
John Hambley
Alexander Crow

Nicholas Garlick

Robert Ludlam

Richard Sympson J

William Dean

William Gunter

Robert Morton

Thomas Holford, alias Acton2

James Claxton, or Clarkson-

March 15.
- May 29.

- Feb. 12.

- Nov. 26.

- Jan. 21.

- April 20.

- April 25.

- June 3.

- August 8.

- August 1 1

- Oct. 8.

1587.

Dorchester - March 21.

York - - March 23.

Stafford - March or July.
Gloucester March or July.
Chard, or York, July 20, or Sep. 9 .
York - - Nov. 30.

1588.

Derby -

Mile-end Green
London Theatre
Lincoln's Inn Fields
Clerkenwell
Hounslow

July 24.

-Aug. 28.

1 [Transham and Woodfen are mentioned by Stowe (718), under the names
of Edmund Barber, and Nicholas Devereux. Hence Dodd has been led to
suppose that the latter were distinct persons from the former : but Dr. Challoner
has clearly shewn their identity.— Miss. Priests, i. 176 — 178. — T.~\

2 [Dodd, in consequence of the two names, has made two persons of Hol
ford.— T.]

ART. VII.]

PERSECUTION.

163

Richard Leigh

Executed at Tyburn -

Aug. 30.

William Way, alias Wigg
Flower

- Kingston

Sep. 23.

Robert Wilcox \

Edward Campian

- Canterbury

Oct. 1.

Christopher BuxtonJ

Ralph Crocket)
Edward James J

- Chichester

Oct. 1.

John Robinson

- Ipswich -

Oct. 1.

William Hartley

- London Theatre \

John Weldon

Mile-end Green 1

Richard Williams -

Holloway

Oct. 5.

John Hewit

- York J

Edward Burden

York -

Nov. 29.

1589.

John Amias j

Robert Dalby )

York

Mar. 16.

George Nichols )
Richard Yaxley J

Oxford -

July 5.

William Spencer

- York

Sept. 24-.

1590.

Christopher Bayles -

- Fleet Street

March 4.

Miles Gerard j

Francis Dicconson I

- Rochester

April 30.

Edward Jones

- Fleet Street )

Anthony Middleton

i
Clerkenwell j

May 6.

Edmund Duke \

Richard Hill

John Hog

- Durham -

May 27.

Richard Holiday /

1591.

Robert Thorpe

- York

May 31.

Monford Scot ' |

George Beeseley-l

- Fleet Street

July 2.

Roger Dicconson -

- Winchester

July 7.

Edmund Gennings -

• Gray's Inn Fields)

Eustachius White -

- Tyburn

Dec. 10.

Polydore Plasden 2 -

- Tyburn J

1 [Dodd, dividing these two names, supposes them to belong to two persons
one Monford, the other Scot. — 71.]

2 [Stowe (764) calls Plasden by the name of Blaston : and Dodd, by mistake,
inserts both, as belonging to different persons. — 71.]

164

ELIZABETH.

PART IV.

1592.

William Pattenson - Executed at Tyburn -
Thomas Pormort, or Portrnore - St. Paul's Ch. Yd.

Jan. 22.
Feb. 20.

1593.

Edward Waterson -
Anthony Page
Joseph Lampton
William Davies

- Newcastle
- York -
- Newcastle j
- Beaumaris )

Jan. 7.
April 20.

July 27.

1594.

William Harrington
John Bost
John Ingram
Edward Osbaldeston

- Tyburn -
- Durham -
- Newcastle
- York

Feb. 18.
July 24.
July 25.
Nov. 16.

1595.

Alexander Rawlins -
William Freeman -

- York -
Warwick

April 7.
August 13.

1597.

William Andleby
Thomas Clifton

- York
- Tyburn

July 4.

1598.

Peter Snow

- York -

June 15.

Christopher Robinson
Richard Homer

Carlisle -
- York

August 19.
Sept. 4.

1599.

Matthias Harrison -

- York.

1600.

Christopher Wharton
Thomas Sprot \
Thomas Hunt )

- York -
- Lincoln -

March 28.
July

Robert Nutter )
Edward Thwing )
Thomas Palasor

- Lancaster
- Durham -

July 26.
August 9.

1601.

John Pibush
Thurstan Hunt j
Robert Middleton j

- St. Thos. Watering
- Lancaster

Feb. 18.
March

1602.

James Harrison

- York -

March 22.

. .ITjhomas Tichbourne)

- Tyburn -

April 20.

ART. vii.] PERSECUTION. 165

1603.

William Richardson, alias Anderson Tyburn - - Feb. 17.

Total, 104-.

List of Regulars executed for the same cause.

John Cornelius, S. J. executed at - Dorchester - July 4, 1594.
Robert Southwell, S. J. - - Tyburn - Feb. 21, 1595.

Henry Walpole, S. J. - York - April 7, 1595.

John Buckley, O. S. F. executed at St. Thos's. Watering, July 12, 1598.
Roger Filcock, S. J. , _ T bum . Feb.27,1601.

Mark Bark worth, O. S. B. [

Francis Page, S. J. - Tyburn April, 20, 1602.

Total 7.

List of clergy executed, either for denying the queens supremacy, or for
persuading her subjects to embrace the catholic religion.

Thomas Woodhouse, executed at - Tyburn - June 19, 1573.

Cuthbert Maine - Launceston - Nov. 29, 1577.

John Nelson Tyburn Feb. 3, 1578.

James Bell - Lancaster - April 20, 1584.

Thomas Alfield - Tyburn July 6, 1585.

George Douglas - - York Sept. 9, 1587.

Total 6.

List of clergy executed for the pretended plot at Rheims and Rome.
Edmund Campian, S. J. \

Ralph Sherwine Tyburn Dec. 1, 1581.

Alexander Briant, S. J. J

John Paine Chelmsford - April 2, 1582.

Thomas Ford

John Shert, [ - - Tyburn - May 28, 1582.

Robert Johnson
William Filbie

- - Tyburn - May 30, 1582.

Laurence Richardson '

Thomas Cottam

Total 11.

Total of clergy executed for religious matters, from 1573 to Jj
one hundred and twenty-eight.

166

ELIZABETH.

[PART tv.

List of persons executed, either for being reconciled to the catholic
church, or for harbouring and assisting priests.

1584.
Richard White, schoolmaster, executed at Wrexham - Oct. 17.

1585.
Marmaduke Bowes, gentleman - York - Nov. 26.

1586.
Margaret Clithero, gentlewoman York

Robert Bickerdike, gentleman
Richard Langley, Esq.

Henry Webley, yeoman
Hugh Moor, gentleman
Thomas Felton, gentleman -
Edward Shelley, gentleman
Richard Martin, yeoman
Richard Flower, yeoman
John Roch, yeoman
Margaret Ward, gentlewoman
Robert Widmerpool, gentleman
Robert Sutton, schoolmaster
William Lampley, yeoman -

March 26.
Oct. 8.
Dec. I.

- York
York

1588.

- Mile-end Green

- Lincoln's Inn Fields, [ Aug. 28.
Hounslow

Tyburn

Canterbury
Clerkenwell
Gloucester

Nicholas Horner, yeoman -
Alexander Blake, yeoman -

1589.

Thomas Belson, gentleman \

Humphrey Prichard, serving-man]
Robert Hardesty, yeoman - - York

1590.

Smithfield
- Gray's Inn Lane

1591.

Thomas Watkinson, yeoman
Ralph Milner, yeoman
William Pikes, yeoman
Swithin Wells, gentleman -
Brian Lacy, gentleman
John Mason
Sydney Hodgson

- Aug. 30.

Sept.
October 5.

July 5.
Sept. 24.

March 4.

York - - May 31.

Winchester - July 7.

Dorchester

Gray's Inn Fields Dec. 10.

Tyburn -

- Dec. 10.

ART. vii.] PERSECUTION. 167

1593.
James Bird, gentleman, executed at Winchester - March 25.

1594.

John Speed Durham - - Feb. 4.

Thomas Bosgrave, gentleman \

John, or Terence Carey, serving-man L Dorchester - July 4.

Patrick Salmon, serving- man J

Geo. Swallowell, converted minister Darlington - July 26.

1595.
James Atkinson

1596.

George Errington, gentleman"^
William Knight, yeoman I

William Gibson, yeoman " York - - Nov- 29.

Henry Abbot, yeoman1 J

1597.

Thomas Warcop, gentleman )
Edward Fulthrop, gentleman J York June 15-

1598.
Ralph Grimstone, gentleman York - - July 4.

1600.

John Rigby, gentleman St. Thos. Watering June 21.

John Norton, gentleman )

John Talbot, gentleman ) Durham - Aug. 9.

1601.
Anne Line, gentlewoman . Tyburn - - Feb. 27.

1602.

Anthony Battie, or Bates, gentleman, York - . March 22.

James Ducket, bookseller - Tyburn - - April 19.

Total 48.

1 [Strictly speaking-, these four persons do not belong to the class above de
scribed. Whilst imprisoned in York Castle, as recusants, the first three were
applied to by a minister, who, feigning a wish to be reconciled, requested to be
introduced to a priest. The parties applied to referred him to Abbot ; Abbot
took him to Mr. Stapleton's, at Carlton; and the traitor immediately chared
all the individuals concerned with an attempt to withdraw him from the reformed
communion, to that of the Roman church. For this offence they were executed
At the same time, and for participating in the same transaction, two ladies also,
Mrs. Anne lesse, and Mrs. Briget Maskew, were condemned to be burnt A
reprieve, however, was afterwards obtained: but they continued in prison, until
released in the following reign .— Challoner, i. 353, 354.— T]

168 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

List of persons executed for other causes connected solely with religion.

1583.

John Slade, schoolmaster - Winchester Oct. 30.

John Body, M.A., Andover Nov. 2.

1584.
John Finch, layman Lancaster • April 20.

1585.
Thomas Webley, layman - Tyburn - July 6.

1591.
Laurence Humphreys, layman Winchester

1592.
Robert Ashton, gentleman - Tyburn June 23.

1598.
John Britton, gentleman York - - April 1 .

1599.

John Lyon, yeoman Okeham July 16.

James Doudal, merchant - - Exeter - Aug. 13.

1601.

Nicholas Tichbourne, gentleman \

[ - Tyburn - - Aug. 24.

Thomas Hackshot. layman

Total 11.
Total number of laity, executed for religion, fifty-nine.

List of persons who perished in prison, for religion.
Mrs. Ann Foster,1 died in prison at York, before the year 1580.

1 [On her death-bed she had caused her confessor, father Derbyshire, who
was her fellow-prisoner, to draw up a paper, stating that she died in the
catholic faith ; that she had received all the sacraments and assistance of the
church ; and that her " last will and testament was, that no minister, nor other
such person should have anything to do with her dead body." This paper, by
her own desire, was placed in her hand, after her death. Here it was found by
the attendants of the gaol ; and by them was shewn to the minister of the
parish. The latter immediately " put the whole city in an uproar." He " com
plained to the queen's council, and to the earl of Huntingdon, a puritan, and
the queen's president in that city : he complained also to the archbishop, and
the dean and chapter ; and not only so, but most inhumanly caused the dead
corse to be brought out of prison, and laid openly on the bridge, in the common
street, for all the world to gaze and wonder at." Meanwhile, the council,

ART. vii.] PERSECUTION. 169

1580.

William Tyrwit, gentleman - The Tower.

John Cooper, gentleman - - The Tower.

— Dymoke, champion of England
Christopher Watson, gentleman \
Twenty others, whose names are not J. York,
recorded J

1583.
William Chaplain, priest.

1584.

Thomas Cotesmore, priest \
Robert Holmes, priest
James Lomax, priest
Roger Wakeman, priest

1585.

Thomas Crowther, priest The Marshalsea.

Feckenham, abbot of Westminster - Wisbeach.
John Jetter, priest -
Edward Poole, priest
Laurence Vaux, canon regular - The Gatehouse.

1586.
John Harrison, priest

1587.

Martin Sherton, priest
Gabriel Thimbleby, gentleman

alarmed by the " bold and traitorous act" of the deceased lady, hastily assembled.
Some proposed to bury the corpse in the nearest dunghill : others suggested the
propriety of casting it into the Ouse; while all agreed in summoning Foster,
the husband of the deceased, and charging him with the guilt of his wife's
action. Foster replied, that he was not present at her death, and could not,
therefore, be made answerable for her conduct. At the same time, he said, they
should remember that, whatever that conduct might have been, she was but a
woman : she was now dead, and could never again offend. Moreover, he was
her husband. He was bound by the law of God to love, to honour, and to
protect her ; and he, therefore, humbly implored their honours to pause in their
decision, to refrain from dishonouring her dead body, and to permit him, as
"the last and least thing he could do for her," to commit it uninjured to the
earth. To this appeal the more unfeeling members of the council would have
replied, by instantly ordering Foster into custody, as a suspected papist. He
was not, however, without friends at the board. By their influence he was
rescued from the impending danger ; and, after many entreaties, was at length
allowed " to bury her where he would," so that it was " without any other so
lemnity, than only to put her in the grave." She was interred in the church of
St. Cross, at York, in the same grave with the late earl of Northumberland.—
Account of the Nuns of Syon, cap. 3. — MS. belonging to the earl of Shrews
bury. — 7VJ

VOL. III. N

170 ELIZABETH. [PART iv.

1592.
Thomas Metham, priest, S. J - Wisbeach.

1595.
Philip Howard, earl of Arundel The Tower

1602.

Mrs. Wells, gentlewoman - Newgate.

Richard Shelley, Esq. - The Marshalsea.

Total 42.

Total of executions here recorded, one hundred and eighty-seven.
Total of deaths in prison - forty-two.

APPENDIX.

[It has been suggested to me that I ought to distinguish such papers as
were not printed in the former edition of this work. In the first volume, the
articles of the Appendix numbered xiv. xx. xxx. xxxi. xxxvii. xlii. xliv. xlvi.
xlvii. and xlviii., are of this description : in the second volume, a great part of
each of the numbers i. ix. xxii. xxix. xxx. and lix., and the whole of the
articles iii. iv. v. viii. xvi. xvii. xviii. xix. xx. xxi. xxiii. xxiv. xxvi. xxvii.
xxviii. xxxi. xxxii. xxxiii. xxxvi. xxxvii. xxxviii. xli. xlv. xlvi. xlviii. xlix. 1.
li. Ivii. Iviii. Ix. and Ixii., are additional. In future all such papers will be
distinguished by asterisks. — TV]

No. I. — (Referred to at page 8.)

*** Proclamation of the Northern Insurgents. Nov. 1569.
[Strype, Annals, i. 584.]

Whereas it hath been, by the sinister and wicked reports of sundry
malicious persons, enemies both to God's word and the public estate of
this commonwealth, devised and published, that the assembly of these
noblemen, the earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland, with sundry
of the greatest worship and credit in this part of the realm, is and hath
been to the overthrow of the commonwealth and the crown, it was,
therefore, thought good to the earls and their council, to signify to all
and every the queen's majesty's subjects, the true and sincere meaning
of the said earls, their friends and allies.

Know ye, therefore, that, where of late it hath been faithfully and
deliberately considered and devised, by the right high and mighty
prince, Thomas, duke of Norfolk, Henry, earl of Arundel, William,
earl of Pembroke, together with the said earls of Northumberland and
Westmoreland, and divers others of the ancient nobility of this realm,
with a common consent of sundry the principal favourers of God's
word (and the same, as well for the avoiding of bloodshed and utter
subversion of the commonwealth, as the reforming of certain disorders
crept in by the abuse and malicious practices of sundry wicked and
evil disposed persons), to make manifest and known to all manner of
VOL. ill. a

11 APPENDIX. [NO. i.

men, to whom of meer right the true succession of the crown apper-
taineth, dangerously and uncertainly depending, by reason of many
titles and interests pretended to the same : the which godly, good, and
honourable meaning of the said nobility hath been sought, by all manner
of means, to be prevented by certain common enemies of this realm
about the queen's person, by whose sinister and detestable counsel and
practice, well known to us, and to the rest of the nobility, their lives
and liberties are now endangered, and daily devises made to apprehend
our bodies, the true remain of their virtuous counsel and intent ; the
which their unjust and ambitious policies and practices can by no sub
mission on our parts be avoided, but only by the sword :

We have, therefore, of just and faithful meaning to the queen's ma
jesty, her commonwealth, and the true successors of the same, assem
bled ourselves, to resist force by force ; wherein we commit ourselves
(seeing no intercession will help) to the exceeding mercy and goodness
of God, and to all true favourers of this realm of England, resolved in
ourselves, in this so just and godly enterprise, wholly to adventure lives,
lands, and goods : whereunto we heartily crave the true aid and assist
ance of all faithful favourers of the quietness of the commonwealth,
and the ancient nobility of the same.

God save the queen and the nobility.

No. II. — (Referred to at page 12.)

S. D. N. Pn PAPJE V. Sententia Declaratoria contra Elizabefham,
pr&tensam Anglice reginam, et ei adheerentes h&reticos, fyc. Feb. 25,

1569.

[Sanders, De Schism. Angl. 368.]

Pius Episcopus, Servus Servorum Dei, ad futuram

rei memoriam.

Regnans in excelsis, cui data est omnis in coelo et in terra potestas,
unam sanctam catholicam et apostolicam ecclesiam, extra quam nulla est
salus, uni soli in terris, videlicet, apostolorum principi Petro, Petrique
successori Romano pontifici, in potestatis plenitudine tradidit guber-
nandam. Hunc unum super omnes gentes et omnia regna principem
constituit, qui evellat, destruat, dissipet, disperdat, plantet, et sedificet ;
ut fidelem populum, mutuse charitatis nexu constrictum, in unitate
spiritus contineat, salvumque et incolumem suo exhibeat salvatori. Quo
quidem in munere obeundo, nos, ad praBdictae ecclesiae gubernacula Dei
benignitate vocati, nullum laborem intermittimus, omni opera contend-
entes ut ipsa unitas et catholica religio (quam illius auctor ad probandam
suorum fidem, et correctionem nostram, tantis procellis conflictari per-
misit) integra conservetur. Sed impiorum numerus tantum potentia

NO. ii.] APPENDIX. ill

invaluit, ut nullus jam in orbe locus sit relictus, quern illi pessimis doc-
trinis corrumpere non tentarint ; adnitente, inter cseteros, flagitiorum
serva Elizabetha, praetensa Anglias regina, ad quara, veluti ad asylum,
omnium infestissimi profugium invenerunt. Hsec eadem, regno occu-
pato, supremi ecclesiae capitis locum in omni Anglia, ej usque prseci-
puam auctoritatem atque jurisdiction em monstrose sibi usurpans, reg-
num ipsum, jam turn ad fidem catholicam et bonam frugem reductum,
rursus in miserum exitium revocavit. Usu namque verse religionis,
quam, ab illius desertore Henrico octavo olim eversam, clarse memoriae
Maria regina legitima hujus sedis praesidio reparaverat, potenti rnanu
inhibito, secutisque et amplexis hsereticorum erroribus, regium consi-
lium, ex Anglica nobilitate confectum, diremit, illudque obscuris homi-
nibus haereticis complevit; catholicse fidei cultores oppressit ; improbos
concionatores atque impietatum administros reposuit ; missae sacrifi-
cium, preces, jejunia, ciborum delectum, crelibatum, ritusque catholicos
abolevit ; libros, manifestam haeresim continentes, toto regno proponi,
impia mysteria et instituta ad Calvini praescriptum, a se suscepta et
observata, etiam a subditis servari mandavit ; episcopos, ecclesiarum
rectores, et alios sacerdotes catholicos suis ecclesiis et beneficiis ejicere,
ac de illis et aliis rebus ecclesiasticis in haBreticos disponere, deque ec
clesiae causis decernere ausa ; praelatis, clero, et populo ne Romanam
ecclesiam agnoscerent, neve ejus praeceptis sanctionibusque canonicis
obtemperarent, interdixit; plerosque in nefarias leges suas venire, et
Romani pontificis auctoritatem atque obedientiam abjurare, seque solam
in^temporalibus et spiritualibus dominam agnoscere, jurejurando coegit ;
poenas et supplicia in eos qui dicto non essent audientes imposuit, eas-
demque ab iis qui in unitate fidei et praedicta obedientia perseverarunt,
exegit ; catholicos antistites, et ecclesiarum rectores in vincula conjecit,
ubi multi, diuturno languore et tristitia confecti, extremum vitae diem
misere finierunt.

Quae omnia cum apud omnes nationes perspicua et notiora sint, et
gravissimo quamplurimorum testimonio ita comprobata, ut nullus om-
nino locus excusationis, defensionis, aut tergiversation is relinquatur,
Nos, multiplicantibus aliis atque aliis super alias impietatibus et facino-
ribus, et praterea fidelium persecutione, religionisque afflictione, im-
pulsu et opera dictse Elizabethae, quotidie magis ingravescente ; quo-
niam illius animum ita obfirmatum atque induratum intelligimus, ut non
modo pias catholicorum principum de sanitate et conversione preces
monitionesque contempserit, sed ne hujus quidem sedis ad ipsam hac
de causa nuncios in Angliam trajicere permiserit, ad arma j ustitiae contra
earn de necessitate conversi, dolorem lenire non possumus, quod addu-
carnur in unam animadvertere, cujus majores de republica Christiana

a 2

IV APPENDIX. [NO. in.

tantopere meruere. Illius itaque auctoritate suffulti, qui nos in hoc su
premo justitiae throno, licet tanto oneri impares, voluit collocare, de
apostolicae potestatis plenitudine declaramus praedictam Elizabethan!
hsereticam, et haereticorum fautricem, eique adhserentes in praedictis
anathematis sententiam incurrisse, esseque a Christi corporis imitate
praecisos : quinetiam ipsam praetenso regni prsedicti jure, necnon omni
et quocumque dominio, dignitate, privilegioque privatam : et item pro-
ceres, subditos, et populos dicti regni, ac caeteros omnes qui illi quo-
modocumque juraverunt, a juramento hujusmodi, ac omni prorsus do-
minii, fidelitatis, et obsequii debito perpetuo absolutes, prout nos illos
prsGsentium auctoritate absolvimus : et privamus eandem Elizabethan!
praetenso jure regni, aliisque omnibus supradictis : praecipimusque et
interdicinms universis et singulis proceribus, subditis, populis, et aliis
praedictis, ne illi, ejusve monitis, mandatis, etlegibus audeant obedire.
Qui secus egerint eos simili anathematis sententia innodamus. Quia vero
difficile nimis esset praesentes quocumque illis opus erit perferre, volu-
mus ut earum exempla, notarii publici manu, et praelati ecclesiastici,
ejusve curias, sigillo obsignata, eandem prorsus fidem, in judicio et extra
illud, ubique gentium faciant, quam ipsae prsesentes facerent, si essent
exhibitae vel ostensae. Datum Romas, apud S. Petrum, anno incarna-
tionis Dominicas millesimo quingentesimo sexagesimo nono, quinto
Calend. Martii, pontificates nostri anno quinto.

Caes. Glorierius,

H. Cumyn.

No. III.— (Referred to at page 13.)

The Articles ministered to the Priests and others condemned with them,
with the answers of these to the same. May 13, 1582.

[Brief Hist, of Martyrd. of xii. reverend priests, &c. 95 et seq.]

1. Whether the Bull of Pius V. against the queen's majesty be a
lawful sentence, and ought to be obeyed by the subjects of England ?

2. Whether the queen's majesty be a lawful queen and ought to be
obeyed by the subjects of England, notwithstanding the bull of Pius V.
or any other bull or sentence that the pope hath pronounced, or may
pronounce, against her majesty ?

3. Whether the pope have, or had, power to authorise the earls of
Northumberland, Westmoreland, and other her majesty's subjects, to
rebel, or take arms, against her majesty, or to authorise Dr. Sanders or
others to invade Ireland, or any other her dominions, and to bear arms
against her, and whether they did therein lawfully, or not ?

4. Whether the pope hath power to discharge any of her high-
ness's subjects, or the subjects of any Christian prince, from their alle-

NO. in.] APPENDIX. V

giance, or oath of obedience to her majesty, or to their prince, for any
cause ?

5. Whether the said Dr. Sanders, in his book of the Visible Mo
narchy of the Church, and Dr. Bristowe, in his book of Motives, writ
ing in allowance, commendation, and confirmation of the said bull of
Pius V., have therein taught, testified, or maintained a truth, or a
falsehood ?

6. If the pope do, by his bull or sentence, pronounce her majesty
to be deprived, and no lawful queen, and her subjects to be discharged
of their allegiance and obedience unto her, and, after, the pope, or any
other by his appointment and authority, do invade this realm, which
part would you take, or which part ought a good subject of England to
take?

*** The publication, by the authority of Government, of the Six Ques
tions on the Pope's deposing power, and the answers of the twelve
priests to them.

A particular Declaration or Testimony, of the undutifull and traiterous
affection borne against her Majestic by Edmond Campion, jesuite,
and other condemned priestes, witnessed by their owne confessions :
in reproof e of those slanderous bookes and libels delivered out to the
contrary by such as are malithusly affected towards her Majestic and
the State.

Published by authoritie. Imprinted at London by Christopher Barker,
printer to the Queens most excellent Majestic, An. Do. 1582. Motto,
1 Peter ii. 13. Submit, fyc.

To all her Majestie's good and faithfull subjects.
Although the course of proceeding in the late inditement, arraigne-
mcnt, try all, judgement, and execution of Edmond Campion and others,
being as well upon sundrie of their writings, letters, and confessions, as
also upon other good and manifest proves, found guilty of high treason,
was such, as ought in trueth and reason to satisfie all indifferent persons
and well-affected subjectes, to whome her majestie's merciful and gra-
tious inclinations towards offenders is so well knowen ; yet it hath bene
found that some disloyall and unnaturall subjects have untruely spread
abroad sundry rumours and reportes, and have published divers slan
derous pamphlets and seditious libels, as well in this realme, as in foraine
partes, in sundry strange languages, in excuse and justification of the
said traytours so justly executed, with purpose to defame her majestie's
honorable course of justice, so much as lieth in them, setting out those
condemned persons as men of singular vertue and holiness, and as her
highnesse's true, loyal, devote, and obedient subjects, and in noweis

VI APPENDIX. [NO. in.

spotted with any staine of ill-disposed affection towards her majestic,
being not otherwise to be charged, then with certaine points of religion
that concerneth only matters of conscience, that were no way prejudi
cial to her majestie's state and government, with divers like untruthes,
which are ment shall bee hereafter answered more at large, whereby
both the malice of the writers may be made knowen to the worlde, and
her majestie's most mercifull and gratious government may bee pre
served from the malice of such unnaturall arid undutifull subjects. In
the meantime, notwithstanding the lords and others of her majestie's most
honourable privie counsell, being desirous that the dutifull subjectes
may bee preserved from the undermyning of such seditious slanderers,
whereby otherwise they might happely by such wicked illusions be car
ried into some hard conceites, touching the due and lawful! proceeding
against the sayde traytours : have found it very expedient, that as well
certaine confessions taken of the said Campion and others before his
arraignement, as also certaine answeres lately made to certaine articles
propounded to those that were at the same time condemned of high
treason, but yet spared from execution, should bee published truely and
sincerely, in such precise forme of words, as the same have bene ac
knowledged and subscribed, not onely with the proper hands of certaine
persons of publique calling and credite that were present at their exami
nation, and have subscribed thereunto, but also with the proper hands
of the offenders themselves (Harte only excepted), as appeareth by the
originals extant to be shewed ; whereby it may be most evidently seene
even by themselves still persisting in their most trayterous affection,
how untruely the said persons are reported to have been, and to bee
true and faithfull subjects in matter of her majestie's estate and crowne,
and howe justly they were condemned for treason, and not for points of
religion, being those, that having bene by her majestie's clemencie so
long spared upon hope of repentance, continue yet still in such trayter
ous disposition of heart towards her highnesse, two of them only nowe
acknowledging their true duetie of allegiance, though in pointes of reli
gion not reconciled, as also one other, named Edward Rishton, that did
before, openly at the barre, at the time of his arraignement (varying
from Campion and the rest of his fellowes therein), acknowledge his
said duetie and allegiance to her majestic : towards whom (to thend it
may appeare unto the worlde that the said Campion and the rest that
were executed, were not put to death for points that concerneth matters
of conscience, but for treason) her majestie doth meane to extend her
grace and mercie, hoping that as it hath pleased God to frame their
consciences to acknowledge towards her that duetie of allegiance, that
by the lawes of God and man they owe unto her as their most lawful

NO. in.] APPENDIX. vii

prince and soveraigne, so he will hereafter open their eyes to see howe
dangerously they have bene hitherto, through false and erronious doc
trine, seduced, as well in matters concerning their dutie towards God,
as in their allegiance towards their prince. It is also looked for, that
all such as make profession to bee dutifull and well-affected subjects,
howsoever they be affected in religion, seeing the most dangerous and
pernicious opinions that are helde and maintained by these jesuites and
seminary men sent into this realme, will hereafter, as wel in respect of
the duety they owe unto her majestic, as for the care they ought to
have, as good members of this realme, to preserve the tranquilitie
thereof, as a thing that importeth every man's particular duety, not
only refuse to receive and harborough such disloyall persons, but also
doe their uttermost indevour to apprehend them, and to present them
to justice, whereby they may receive such condigne punishment as is
meete to bee inflicted upon disturbers of the publike peace in realmes
and kingdomes.

The address is here followed by the ensuing extracts from the ivorks
of Sanders and Bristowe : —

Sanders de Visibili Monarchia, lib. 7, p. 730.

Sanders reporteth, that in the yeere 1569, Pius quintus Pontifex
Maximus, the pope sent Nicholas Morton, Englishman, doctor of divi-
nitie, into England, to admonish certaine catholique noblemen, Eliza
bethan! quae tune rerum potiebatur, hsereticam esse : ob eamque cau-
sam omni dominio et potestate, quam in catholicos usurpabat, jure ipso
excidisse, impuneque ab illis velut ethnicam et publicanam haberi posse,
nee eos illius legibus aut mandatis deinceps obedire cogi. Which is to
say, that Elizabeth, which then governed, was an hereticke, and for
that cause hath by very law lost all dominion and power which she
usurped over the catholiques, and may freely be accompted by them as
a heathen and publicane, and that they are not from thenceforth
bounde to obey her lawes or commandements.

Whereupon he sayth, that many noble men adventured to deliver
their brethren, ab hereticorum tyrannide, from the tyrannic of the here-
tiques. And although things fell not out to their expectation, yet he
sayeth, Illorum nobilium laudanda consilia erant, quae certo suo, eoque
felici successu non caruerunt. Quanquam enim omnium fratrum suo-
rum animas e schismatis puteo educere non potuerunt, tamen et ipsi
fidem catholicam egregie confess! sunt, et multi eorum animas pro fra-
tribus (qui summus est charitatis gradus) posuerunt, et reliqui seipsos,
turn ex haereseos, turn ex peccali servitute in libertatem vendicarunt
earn, qua Christus nos liberavit. That is to say, the purposes or ende-
vors of these noblemen were to be praysed, which wanted not their

Vlll APPENDIX. [NO. in.

certaine and happy successe. For though they were not able to drawe
the soules of all their brethren out of the pit of schisme, yet both they
themselves nobly confessed the catholique faith, and many of them gave
their lives for their brethren, which is the highest degree of charitie,
and the rest of them reskued themselves from the bondage both of
schisme and of sinne, into that freedom, wherewith Christ hath made
us free.

Bristowe, in his Booke of Motives, published with allowance of
Dr. Allen, in the 15th motive, fol. 72, c. 73.

For a full answere to them all, although the very naming of our ca
tholique martyrs, even of this our time, to any reasonable man may
suffice, as the bishop of Rochester, sir Thomas Moore, the monks of
the Charterhouse, with many more under king Henry : and now of
late time, all our holy martyrs that have been and dayly are made, by
losse of their livings, by poyson, by whipping, by famishing, by banish
ment, bishops, priests, deanes, archdeacons, canons, ecclesiasticall per
sons of all sortes, knightes, esquires, gentlemen, laymen of all sortes ;
so many likewise that have openly suffered, the good earl of Northum
berland, D. Storie, Felton, the Nortons, M. Woodhouse, M. Plumtree,
and so many hundreths of the northernmen : such men, both in their
life and at their death, as neither the enemies have to stayne them, as
their owne consciences, their owne talke, and the worlde itselfe doeth
beare good witnesse : many of them, also, and therefore all of them
(because of their owne cause), being by God himselfe approved by
miracles most undoubted. Although, I saye, no reasonable man will
thinke those stinking martyrs of the heretiques worthy in any respect
to be compared with these most glorious martyrs of the catholiques, yet
supposing, &c.

Sanders, lib. 7, p. 732.

Speaking of the northern commotion, he saith, Certe quidem illud
miraculo imputetur necesse est, quod cum viri fere quingenti ex iis,
qui arma pro fide sumpserunt, ab haereticis capti, et morte affecti
essent, nemo illorum repertus sit, qui aut fidem catholicam deseruerit,
aut belli ejus authores alicujus culpse accusarit. That is to say,
Verely, this must needs be imputed to a miracle, that whereas nere
five hundred men of those, that tooke armes for the faith, were taken
and put to death by the heretiques, yet there hath not bene founde any
one of them, which hath either forsaken the catholique faith, or hath
accused of any blame the authors of that warre.

And a little after, Nobile etiam martyrium in eadem causa subierunt
duo viri nobiles de familia Nortonorum, ex quibus alter dicebatur Tho
mas Nortonus, alter vero Christopherus, et Christopherus quidem
Thomee nepos erat ex fratre, ille autem huic patruus. Qui ambo nee

NO. in.] APPENDIX. IX

a fide sua dimoveri, nee ut Elizabethan! confiterentur legitimam regi-
nam adduci potuerunt, &c. That is to say, There suffered also a noble
martyrdom in the same cause, two worshipful gentlemen of ye house of
Nortons, of whome the one was called Thomas Norton, the other Chris
topher, and Christopher was Thomas his brother's sonne, and Thomas
was Christopher's uncle, which both could neither be removed from
their faith, nor be brought to confesse Elizabeth to be lawfull queene.

Here follows another extract from Sanders, reciting the bull of Pius
F., with which the reader is already acquainted. The document then
proceeds :

Bristoive in his 6th Motive, fol. 31.

Whereby it is manifest, that they do miserably forget themselves,
who feare not excommunications of Pius quintus of holy memory, in
whome, Christ himselfe to have spoken and excommunicated as in St.
Paul, they might consider by the miracles that Christ by him as by
Saint Paul did worke.

In his 4>Qth Motive, under the title, Obedient Subjectes.

And if at any time it happen, after long toleration, humble beseech
ing, and often admonition of very wicked and notorious apostates and
heretiques, no other hope of amendement appearing, but the filthie daily
more and more defiling himselfe and others, to the huge great heape of
their owne damnation, that after all this soveraigne authoritie of our
common pastor in religion, for the saving of soules, do duely discharge
us from subjection, and the prince offender from his dominion ; with
such griefe of the heart it is both done of the pastor and taken of the
people, as if a man should have cut off from his bodie, for to save the
whole, some most principall but rotten part thereof.
Sanders, lib. l.fol 744.

Under this title, Insigne martyrium Johannis Feltoni, — The honour
able martyrdome of John Felton, &c., he sayth of Felton in this man
ner: — Is enim, catholicse fidei studio /eloque adductus, cum pene
desperatam patria? suae valetudinem non nisi acerbissima aliqua medi-
cina restitui posse animadverteret, noluit committere ut haec sententia
summi pastoris cives ac proximos suos lateret. That is to say, For he,
led with the love and zeale of the catholique faith, when he saw, that
the (in a maner) desperate health of his countrey could not be restored,
but by some most bitter medicine, would not suffer that this sentence of
the soveraigne pastors should be hidden from his countreymen and
neighbours.

And after the further report of his facte, thus, Cum vero de hac re
diligentissime quereretur, Johannes Feltonus tandem apprehensus, dig-
num se Jesu Christi, et primatus ab co instituti, testem exhibuit.

X APPENDIX. [NO. m.

But when most diligent inquirie was made thereof, John Felton being
at length apprehended, showed himselfe a worthy witness of Jesus
Christ, and of the supremacie by him ordayned.

Under this title : Illustre martyrium Johannis Storaei, Angli, &c.
The noble martyrdome of John Storey, Englishman, &c. Anno autem
Domini 1571, 25 die mensis Mail, productus in judicium, perduellionis
reus peragitur, veluti qui conjurationem cum certis viris apud Belgas
in civitate Antwerpiensi contra Elizabethan! inivisset, religionemque
schismaticam, quse jam in Anglia regnat, in catholicam commutare ten-
tasset. Facta vero pro se dicendi potestate, fori tantum exceptionem
proposuit, negans judices ipsos ullam in se potestatem habere, qui jam
non Anglicanse principi, sed potius regi catholico subjectus esset.

That is to say, in the year of our Lord 1571, the twenty-five day of
the moneth of May, being brought to the barre, hee was arraigned of
hie treason, as he had conspired with certayne men in the Lowe Coun-
trey, in the citie of Antwerpe, against Elizabeth, and had attempted to
change the schismatical religion which now reigneth in England, into
the catholique religion. Being permitted to speak for himselfe, he only
pleaded to the jurisdiction of the court, denying that the judges them
selves had any power over him, which was now no subject to the Eng
lish queene, but rather to the king catholique.

And after further discourse of the speech of Dr. Storey, and of his
condemnation, he addeth thus : Storaeus autem biduo post, cum ad
uxorem Louanii agentem scriberet, deque hujus sententise injustitia
quereretur, significavit perfacile sibi fuisse, si apud alios judices actum
esset, id quod de conjuratione contra Elizabethan! facta objiciebatur
confutare. Cujus rei testes citabat illos ipsos, quibuscum Antverpiac
hac de re egisse dicebatur. Verum quia hoc quod probe sciret nescire
non posset, integrum sibi non fuisse aliter causam dicere quam dixisset.
Intellexit vero probe se scire, praelensam Angliae reginam per declarato-
riam summi pontificis sententiam ob hseresim manifestam omni jure
regni, dominioque privatam esse, ac propterea magistratum nullum ab
ilia creatum, eique adhaerentem a se agnosci posse, ne forte ipse etiam
eodem anathemate innodaretur.

That is to say, Storie two dayes after, writing to his wife, who re-
mayned at Lovaine, and complaining of the unjustice of this sentence,
he advertized her that he could easily (if the matter had been tryed
before other judges) confute what was objected to him, touching the
conspiracie made against Elizabeth, whereof he alleadged for witnesses,
those with whome he was sayd to have dealt at Antwerpe about this
matter : but because he could not be ignorant of that which he well
knew, he could not otherwise plead than he had pleaded. His meaning

NO. in.] APPENDIX. XI

was, that he well knewe yt the pretensed queene of England, by the
declaratory sentence of the pope, was for manifest heresy deprived
from all right of the kingdome, and from dominion, and that therefore
no magistrate created by her, and adhering to her, could be acknow
ledged by him, least himselfe also shoulde be bounde with the same
curse.

And in the ende, In ipsis ergo calendis Junii, tantus Dei martyr, in-
jectus crati, ad locum supplicii trahitur. Therefore, the first day of
.June, so great a martyr of God, was throwen upon a hardell, and
drawen to the place of execution. And so concludeth with the report
of his execution.

The 1st of August 1581.

Edmond Campion being demanded whether he woulde acknowledge
the publishing of these thinges before recited, by Sanders, Bristowe, and
Allen, to be wicked in ye whole, or any part ; and whether he doeth at
this present acknowledge her majestic to be a true and lawful! queene,
or a pretensed queene, and deprived, and in possession of her crowne
onely de facto ; he answereth to the first, that he medleth neither to nor
fro, and will not further answere, but requireth that they may answere.

To the second he saith, that this question dependeth upon the fact
of Pius quintus, whereof he is not to judge, and therefore refuseth fur
ther to answere.

EDMOND CAMPION.

This was thus answered and subscribed by Edmond Campion, the
day and yere above written, in the presence of us,

Owen Hopton, Jo. Hammond,

Robert Beale, Thomas Norton.

Short extracts out of Briant and Sherwins Confessions.

Alexander Briant. — He is content to affirme, that the queene is his
soveraigne lady, but he will not affirme that she is so lawfully, and
ought to be so, and to be obeyed by him as her subject, if the pope
declare or command the contrarie. And he saith, that that question
is too high and daungerous for him to answere.

The 6th of May, 1581, before Owen Hopton, knight, John Ham
mond, and Thomas Norton.

Whether the pope have authoritie to withdraw from obedience to her
majesty, he knoweth not.

The 7th of May, 1581. ALEXANDER BRIANT.

Robert Sherwins Examination.

Being asked whether the pope's bull of deprivation of the qucenu
were a lawful sentence or no, he refuseth to answere.

Xll APPENDIX. [NO. m.

Being asked whether the queene be his lawful soveraigne, and so
ought to continue, notwithstanding any sentence that the pope can
give, he doth not answere.

Being againe asked whether the queene be his soveraigne, notwith
standing any sentence that the pope can give, he prayed to bee asked
no such question as may touch his life.

The 12th of November, 1580. RALPHE SHERWIN.

Luke Kirbys Answere.

Luke Kirbye. — To the first he saith, that the resolution of this article
dependeth upon the general question, whether the pope may, for any
cause, depose a prince, wherein his opinion is, that, for some causes,
he may lawfully depose a prince, and that such sentence ought to be
obeyed.

To the second, he thinketh that, in some cases, as infidelitie, or such
like, her majesty is not to be obeyed, against the pope's bul and sen
tence, for so, he saith, he hath read, that the pope hath so done, de
facto, against other princes.

To the third, he saith, he cannot answer it.

To the fourth, that the pope, for infidelitie, hath such power as is
mentioned in this article.

To the fifth, he thinketh that Dr. Sanders and Dr. Bristowe might
be deceived in these poynts of their bookes : but whether they were
deceived, or not, he referreth to God.

To the last, he saith, that, when the case shall happen, he must then
take counsel, what were best for him to do.

LUKE KIRBY.

John Popham Da. Lewis
Thos. Egerton John Hammond.

Thomas Cottam's Answere.

Thomas Cottam. — To the first, in this and all other questions, he be-
leeveth as the catholique church (which he taketh to be the church of
Rome) teacheth him ; and other answer he maketh not to any of the
rest of these articles. By me, THOMAS COTTAM, Priest.

John Popham Da. Lewis
Thos. Egerton John Hammond.

Laurence Richardson s Answere.

Laurence Richardson. — To the fifth article, he answereth, that, so
far as Dr. Sanders and Dr. Bristowe agree with the catholique doctrine
of the church of Rome, he alloweth that doctrine to be true. And

KO. in.] APPENDIX. xiii

touching the first, and all the rest of the articles, he saith, that, in all
matters not repugnant to the catholic religion, he professeth obedience
to her majestie, and otherwise maketh no answer to any of them ; but
believeth therein, as he is taught by the catholique church of Rome.

John Popham Da. Lewis LAURENCE RICHARDSON.

Thos. Egerton John Hammond.

Thomas Fordes Answer e.

Thomas Forde. — To the first, he saith, that he cannot answer, be
cause he is not privy to the circumstances of that bull : but if he did
see a bull published by Gregory XIII., he would then deliver his opinion
thereof.

To the second, he saith, that the pope hath authoritie to depose a
prince on certain occasions, and, when such a bull shall be pro
nounced against her majesty, he will then answere what the duety of
her subjects, and what her right, is.

To the third, he saith, he is a private subject, and will not answere
to any of these questions.

To the fourth, he saith, that the pope hath authoritie, upon certain
occasions, which he will not name, to discharge subjects of their obedi
ence to their prince.

To the fifth, he saith, that Dr. Sanders and Dr. Bristowe bee learned
men ; and whether they have taught truly in their bookes, mentioned in
this article, he referreth the answere to themselves ; for himselfe will not
answere.

To the last, he saith, that, when that case shall happen, he will make
answere, and not before.

John Popham Da. Lewis THOMAS FORDE.

Thos. Egerton John Hammond.

John Sherfs Answere.

John Shert. — To all the articles he saith, that he is a catholique, and
swarveth, in no poynt, from the catholique faith ; and, in other sort, to
any of these articles he refuseth to answere.

John Popham Da. Lewis JOHN SHERT.

Thos. Egerton John Hammond.

Robert Johnsons Answere.

Robert Johnson. — To the first, he saith, he cannot answere.
To the second, he cannot tell what power or authoritie the pope hath,
in the poynts named in this article.

XIV APPENDIX. [NO. in.

To the third, he thinketh that the pope hath authoritie, in some cases,
to authorize subjects to take arms against their prince.

To the fourth, he thinketh that the pope, for some causes, may dis
charge subjects of their allegiance and obedience to their natural prince.

To the fifth, the answere to this article dependeth upon the
lawfulnesse of the cause, for the which the pope hath given sentence
against her : but, if the cause was just, then he thinketh the doctrine of
Dr. Sanders and Dr. Bristowe to be true. Whether the cause were just
or not, he taketh not upon him to judge.

To the last, he saith, that, if such deprivation and invasion should be
made for temporal matter, he would take part with her majestie : but if
it were for any matter of his faith, he thinketh he were then bounde to
take part with the pope.

John Popham Da. Lewis ROBERT JOHNSON.

Thos. Egerton John Hammond.

John Hart's Answere.

John Hart. — To the first, he saith, that it is a difficult question, and
that he cannot make answere thereto.

To the second, hee saith, that her majestie is lawful queene, and
ought to be obeyed, notwithstanding the bul supposed to be published
by Pius quintus. But whether she ought to be obeyed and taken for
lawful queene, notwithstanding any bul or sentence that the pope can
give, he saith, he cannot answere.

To the third, he cannot answere, and further saith, that he will not
meddle with any such questions.

To the fourth, he saith, he is not resolved, and therefore he cannot
answere.

To the fifth, he saith, he will not deale with any such questions, and
knoweth not whether Saunders and Bristowe have taught wel herein
or not.

To the last, he saith, that when such a case shall happen, he will
then advise what becommeth him to do, for presently he is not resolved.

This hee did acknowledge to us, after hee had fully perused the same,
but refused to subscribe to it.

John Popham Da. Lewis
Thos. Egerton John Hammond.

William Filbies Answere.

William Filbie. — To the first, he saith, the pope hath authoritie to
depose any prince ; and such sentences, when they bee promulgated,

NO. in.] APPENDIX. XV

ought to be obeyed by the subjects of any prince : but, touching the
bul of Pius V., he can say nothing: but, if it was such as it is affirmed
to be, he doth allow it, and saith that it ought to be obeyed.

To the second, he saith, it is a hard question, and therefore he can
not answere it : but upon further advertisement, he answereth as to the
first.

To the third, he knoweth not what to saye thereunto.

To the fourth, he saith, that, so long as her majestie remaineth queen,
the pope hath no authoritie to warrant her subjects to take armes against
her, or to disobey her : but, if he should depose her, then he might
discharge them of their allegiance and obedience to her majestie.

To the fifth, he saith, he will not meddle with the doctrine of Dr.
Sanders and Dr. Bristowe.

To the last, when this case happeneth, then, he saith, he will answere :
and, if he had been in Ireland, when Dr. Sanders was there, he would
have done as a priest should have done, that is, to pray that the right
may have place.

John Popham Da. Lewis WILLIAM FILBIE.

Thos. Egerton John Hammond.

James Bosgrave his Answere.

James Bosgrave. — To the first he sayeth, that in his conscience, and
as hee shall answere before God, he thinketh that the bull or sentence
of excommunication of Pius quintus against her majestie, was at no time
lawfull ; neyther was at any time, or is, of any of her majesties subjects
to be obeyed.

To the second he sayeth, that her majestie is lawfull queene of this
realme, and so ought to be taken, notwithstanding any bull or sentence
that the pope eyther hath, can, or shall hereafter give.

To the third, he thinketh the pope had no power or authoritie to
license the earles of Northumberland and Westmerlande, or any other
of her majestie's subjectes, to rebel or to take armes against her majestie:
and like hee saith of doctour Saunders : but he holdeth doctour Saun-
ders, and all other that shall, upon such warrant, take armes against her
majestie, to bee traytors and rebells.

To the fourth, hee sayeth, that the pope neither hath, nor ought to
have, any authoritie to discharge any of her majestie's subjects, or the
subjects of any other Christian prince, from their allegiance, for any
cause whatsoever, and so he thinketh in his conscience.

To the fifth, hee affirmeth in his conscience that doctour Saunders
and doctour Bristowe, in bookes here mentioned, and touching the
poynt here specified, have taught, testified, and mainteined an untrueth
and a falsehode.

XVI APPENDIX. [NO. in.

To the last, he sayeth, that whatsoever the pope should doe, he would
in this case take part with her majestic against the pope, what cause
soever he would pretend, and this he taketh to be the duety of every
good subject. And this to bee his opinion in all the pointes above
recited, he wil be ready to affirme upon his oth.

John Popham, Da. Lewes, JAMES BOSGRAVE.

Thomas Egerton, John Hammond.

Henry Orion's Answere.

Henry Orton. — To the first he sayth, that he thinketh the bull of
Pius quintus was at no time a lawfull sentence, or of force to binde any
of her majestie's subjects, and that notwithstanding, her majestic was
and is to obeyed by every of her subjects.

To the second, he thinketh that her majestic is to be holden for
lawfull queene of this realme, and ought to be obeyed by all her sub
jects, notwithstanding any thing that ye pope eyther hath done, or
can doe.

To the third, he thinketh the pope neither hath nor had authoritie to
warrant any of the persons here named, to doe as they have done, or
any other of her subjects, to take armes against her majestic, and that
those which have taken armes against her, upon that, or the like war
rant, have done unlawfully.

To the fourth, he thinketh the pope hath no authoritie to discharge
any subject from his allegiance and obedience to his prince.

To the fifth, he thinketh that D. Saunders and D. Bristowe have, in
the poyntes mentioned in this article, taught and maintayned an untrueth
and a falshood.

To the last, he sayth, that in the case here supposed, he would take
part with her majestic against the pope, or any other invading the
reaulme by his authoritie.

John Popham, Da. Lewes, HENRY ORTON.

Thomas Egerton, John Hammond.

*#* Dr. William Allen, to Father Agazzari, June 23, 1582.

[Extract from MS. in my possession.]

Etsi de martyrio fratrum nostrorum et a me et ab aliis jam pridem
audivistis, tamen mitto libellum Anglicanum (the foregoing paper),
reginae mandate editum, quern facile curabitis in Italicam verti linguam,
ut totus mundus intelligat veras causas persecutionis nostras, et ut sciat
quantum, quoad causam religionis, ab adversariis simus lucrati, qui
plane profitentur se, non propter religionem, sed propter bullam Pii V,,

NO. in.] APPENDIX. XVli

et aliorum scripta, nostros morti tradere* Ego transtuli articulos, super
quibus examinabantur, et ad vos mitto, ut, si videbitur, vel ostendatis
illustrissimo D. Protector!, vel doctis etiam quibusdam theologis, ut ab
eis instruamur quousque in hujusmodi capitalibus articulis condescen-
dere possint catholici in Anglia.2 Duo postremo evaserunt mortem, quia,
ut videtis, parum aut nihil tribuere sunt visi bullse, &c. Alter est Bos-
gravius, e societate : alter Henricus Ortonus, quern novistis. Tamen
(quod mirabimini) unus elegansjuvenis, hac etiam aurora, ad nos venit,
cum literis Joannis Harti; qui juvenis fuit custos peculiaris quorundam

1 [This is an important passage. It clearly shews that, in Allen's mind, the
doctrines, asserted by the bull and by its advocates, were distinct from the doc
trines of religion : and yet only a few lines further he can condemn the answers
which were supposed to have disclaimed them ! — "Non ita malf respondisse." —

3T-]

2 [In consequence of this suggestion, the articles appear to have been laid
before the two Jesuits, Maldonatus and Emanuel, who each returned in writing
a form of answer, for the use of future prisoners. As Mr. Butler (Memoirs, i.
426), has mistaken the nature and purport of these papers, I will subjoin a copy
of each. It is clear that both writers maintained the deposing power, in all its
latitude.

Ad ha>c sic respondendum censet P. Maldonatus.

"Ad primum; non est meum de ea re judicare: tantum scio Romanum
pontificem habere auctoritatem omnes christianos, cum justa causa subest, ex-
communicandi. Itaque, si Pius V. justam habuit causam excommunicandi
reginam (de qua re, ut dixi, non est meum judicare), sententia erit valida, et
subditi regni Anglicani parere tenebuntur. — Ad secundum : — si causa sentential
justa fuit, non regnat juste, nee subditi obedientiam ei debent. — Ad tertium : —
non est officii mei judicare de jure armorum : tantum scio Romanum pontificem
spiritualem habere potestatem in omnes christianos. — Ad quartum: — habet
propter justam causam. — Ad quintum : — neutrum librum legi (Hoc dicit in sua
persona P. Maldonatus). — Ad sextum: — si mihi non constaret Romanum pon
tificem justam causam non habuisse, partes illius sequerer : ad bellumvero ad-
hortari non est meum officium, nisi aliquis qui posset jubeat."
Pater Emanuel sic arbitratur.

" Bene mihi videntur respondisse ii Angli sacerdotes, qui mortui propterea
sunt et occisi ; et quod P. Maldonatus scripsit posse responded etiam placet.
Si tamen vellent, pro religione et papas authoritate plura dicere possent in hunc
modum. Ad primum : — summum pontificem credo tantam a Christo accepisse
potestatem, ut non solum reginam Angliae, sed omnes, qui, similiter ac ilia, ab
ecclesia Romana per haeresim discesserunt, possit principes excommunicare et
deponere ; quod si fecerit, ei tanquam Christi vicario obediendum erit : major
enim ilia est quam principum quorumvis authoritas. — Ad secundum : — an
legitime regnet nescio : — id scio, posse papam illam deponere ; quod si factum
est, vel fiat, obediendum est potius, ut dixi, summo pontifici, — si tamen possit ;
in multis enim excusat impossibilitas, aut maxima difficultas. — Ad tertium: —
plane habet potestatem id concedendi, et, si res postulet, etiam prascipiendi :
quidvero Sandems aut alii egerint,et an recte fecerint, non est meum judicare.
Id tamen audeo dicere : si quid a papa eis praeceptum fuerit, recte fecerunt. —
Ad quartum: — jam dico posse ; et, si opus est, iterum dico. — Ad quintum: —
quid scripserint uescio : id scio, — si de authoritate summi pontificis scripserunt,
quod supra dixi, recte scripserunt. — Ad sextum : — quid turn facerem nescio :
quid deberem facere scio ; nempe, sequi, si possem, partes summi pontificis,
caterosque ad id adhortari. — Emanuel." MS. in my possession. — 71.]
VOL. III. b

XV111 APPENDIX. [NO. iv.

cubiculorum in turri Londinensi, ac sacerdotum nostrorum, in iisdem
incarceratorum ; quern, Domino suo arcis praefecto inscio, fecerunt
catholicum, et ecclesiae sanctae reconciliarunt, et tandem hue miserunt.
Is narrat duos illos postremos non ita male respondisse, sicut hostes tra-
dunt, et in hoc libro publicarunt ; affirmatque ipsum Bosgravium et
Ortonum plane negare hoc fuisse ipsorum responsum. Ita nulla est
fides danda hsereticis. * Sed jubeo te, mi pater

suavissime, in Domino bene valere. Rhemis, 23 Junii, 1582.

V. R. P. conservus in Domino,

Gulielmus Alanus.

No. IV.— (Referred to at page 15.)

An Act against the bringing in, and putting in execution, of Bulls,
Writings, or Instruments, and other superstitious things from the See
of Rome.

[Stat. 13 Eliz. c. 2.]

Where in the parliament holden at Westminster, in the fifth year of
the reign of our sovereign lady, the queen's majesty, that now is, by
one act and statute then and there made, intituled, " An act for the
assurance of the queen's majesty's royal power over all states and sub
jects within her highness's dominions," it is, among other things, very
well ordained and provided, for the abolishing of the usurped power
and jurisdiction of the bishop of Rome, and of the see of Rome,
heretofore unlawfully claimed and usurped within this realm, and other
the dominions to the queen's majesty belonging, that no person or
persons shall hold or stand with, to set forth, maintain, defend, or
extol the same usurped power, or attribute any manner of jurisdiction,
authority, or pre-eminence to the same, to be had or used within this
realm, or any the said dominions, upon pain to incur the danger,
penalties, and forfeitures, ordained and provided by the statute of pro
vision and premunire, made in the sixteenth year of the reign of king
Richard II., as by the same act more at large it doth and may appear :
and yet, nevertheless, divers seditious and very evil-disposed people,
without the respect of their duty to Almighty God, or of the faith and
allegiance which they ought to bear and have to our sovereign lady
the queen, and without all fear and regard had to the said good law
and statute, or the pains therein limited ; but minding, as it should
seem, very seditiously and unnaturally, not only to bring this realm,
and the imperial crown thereof (being in very deed of itself most free)
into the thraldom and subjection of that foreign, usurped, and unlaw
ful jurisdiction, pre-eminence, and authority, claimed by the said see
of Rome, but also to estrange and alienate the minds and hearts of

NO. iv.] APPENDIX. Xix

sundry her majesty's subjects from their dutiful obedience, and to raise
and stir sedition and rebellion, within this realm, to the disturbance of
the most happy peace thereof, have lately procured and obtained to them
selves from the said bishop of Rome, and his said see, divers bulls and
writings, the effect whereof hath been, and is, to absolve and reconcile all
those, that will be contented to forsake their due obedience to our most
gracious sovereign lady, the queen's majesty, and to yield and subject
themselves to the said feigned, unlawful, and usurped authority ; and, by
colour of the said bulls and writings, the said wicked persons very se
cretly, and most seditiously, in such parts of this realm, where the people,
for want of good instruction, are most weak, simple, and ignorant, and
thereby farthest from the good understanding of their duties towards
God, and the queen's majesty, have, by their lewd and subtle prac
tices and persuasions, so far forth wrought, that sundry simple and
ignorant persons have been contented to be reconciled to the said
usurped authority of the see of Rome, and to take absolution at the,
hands of the said naughty and subtle practisers ; whereby hath grown
great disobedience and boldness in many, not only to withdraw and
absent themselves from all divine service, now most godly set forth
and used within this realm, but also have thought themselves discharged
of and from all obedience, duty, and allegiance to her majesty ; where
by a most wicked and unnatural rebellion hath ensued, and, to the
further danger of this realm, is hereafter very like to be renewed, if
the ungodly and wicked attempts, in that behalf, be not by severity of
laws restrained and bridled :

For remedy and redress whereof, and to prevent the great mischiefs
and inconveniences that thereby may ensue, be it enacted by the queen's
most excellent majesty, with the assent of the lords spiritual and tem
poral, and the commons, in this present parliament assembled, and by
the authority of the same, that, if any person or persons, after the first
day of July next coming, shall use, or put in ure, in any place within
this realm, or in any the queen's dominions, any such bull, writing, or
instrument written or printed, of absolution, or reconciliation, at any
time heretofore obtained and gotten, or at any time hereafter to be ob
tained or gotten, from the said bishop of Rome, or any his successors,
or from any other person or persons, authorised or claiming authority
by or from the said bishop of Rome, his predecessors, or successors,
or see of Rome ; or if any person or persons, after the said first day of
July, shall take upon him orlthem, by colour of any such bull, writing,
instrument or authority, to absolve or reconcile any person or persons,
or to grant or promise to any person or persons within this realm, or
any other the queen's majesty's dominions, any such absolution or re-

b 2

XX APPENDIX. [NO. iv.

conciliation, by any speech, preaching, teaching, writing, or any other
open deed ; or if any persons within this realm, or any the queen's do
minions, after the said first day of July, shall willingly receive, and take
any such absolution or reconciliation ; or else, if any person or persons
have obtained or gotten, since the last day of parliament, holden in the
first year of the queen's majesty's reign, or, after the said first day of
July, shall obtain or get from the said bishop of Rome, or any his suc
cessors, or see of Rome, any manner of bull, writing, or instrument,
written or printed, containing any thing, matter, or cause whatsoever,
or shall publish, or by any ways or means put in ure any such bull,
writing, or instrument ; that then all and every such act, and acts, of
fence, and offences, shall be deemed, and adjudged, by the authority
of this act, to be high-treason ; and the offender, and offenders therein,
their procurers, abettors, and counsellors to the fact, and committing
of the said offence or offences, shall be deemed and adjudged high trai
tors to the queen and the realm, and, being thereof lawfully endicted
and attainted, according to the course of the laws of this realm, shall
suffer pains of death, and also lose and forfeit all their lands, tenements,
hereditaments, goods, and chattels, as in cases of high-treason, by the
laws of this realm, ought to be lost and forfeited.

And be it farther enacted by the authority aforesaid, that all and
every aiders, comforters, or maintainers of any the said offender or of
fenders, after the committing of any the said acts, or offences, to the
intent to set forth, uphold, or allow the doing or execution of the said
usurped power, jurisdiction, or authority, touching or concerning the
premises, or any part thereof, shall incur the pains and penalties con
tained in the statute of premunire, made in the sixteenth year of the
reign of king Richard II.

Provided always, and be it further enacted by the authority afore
said, that, if any person, or persons, to whom any such absolution,
reconciliation, bull, writing, or instrument, as is aforesaid, shall, after
the said first day of July, be offered, moved, or persuaded to be used,
put in ure, or executed, shall conceal the same offer, motion, or per
suasion, and not disclose and signify the same, by writing, or other
wise, within six weeks then next following, to some of the queen's
majesty's privy-council, or else to the president or vice-president of the
queen's majesty's council established in the north parts, or in the
marches of Wales, for the time being, that then the same person or
persons so concealing, or not disclosing, or not signifying the said
offer, motion, or persuasion, shall incur the loss, danger, penalty, and
forfeiture of misprision of high-treason :

And that no person, or persons shall, at any time hereafter, be

NO. v.] APPENDIX. XXI

impeached, molested, or troubled, in or for misprision of treason, for
any offence or offences made treason by this act, other than such, as
by this act are before declared to be in case of misprision of high-
treason.

And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that, if any
person or persons shall, at any time, after the said first day of July,
bring into this realm of England, or any of the dominions of the same,
any token or tokens, thing or things, called or named by the name of
Agnus Dei, or any crosses, pictures, beads, or such like vain and super
stitious things, from the bishop or see of Rome, or from any person or
persons authorised, or claiming authority, by or from the said bishop,
or see of Rome, to consecrate or hallow the same (which Agnus Dei is
used to be specially hallowed and consecrated, as it is termed, by the said
bishop in his own person, and the said crosses, pictures, beads, and such
like superstitious things, been also hallowed either by the same bishop, or
by others having power, or pretending to have power, for the same, by
or from him, or his said see, and divers pardons, immunities, and ex
emptions granted by the authority of the said see to such as shall receive
and use the same) ; and that, if the same person or persons so bringing
in, as is aforesaid, such Agnus Dei, and other like things, as have been
before specified, shall deliver, or cause, or offer to be delivered the
same, or any of them, to any subject of this realm, or of any the domi
nions of the same, to be worn, or used in any wise, — that then, as well
the same person and persons so doing, as also all and every other per
son, or persons, which shall receive and take the same, to the intent, to
use or wear the same, being thereof lawfully convicted and attainted by
the order of the common laws of this realm, shall incur the dangers,
penalties, pains, and forfeitures, ordained and provided by the statute
of premunire and provision, made in the sixteenth year of the reign of
king Richard II.

[Of the remaining clauses of this act, which are five in number, two pro
vide for the pardon of offenders, who shall either denounce their accomplices,
or confess their own delinquency : one enacts the penalty of premunire against
any justice, who shall have received information under the statute, without
communicating it to the privy-council : and the others save, to noblemen, the
right of trial by their peers, to corporate bodies and others, not being the
offenders, whatever rights, titles, or interests they might otherwise have
claimed. — 7Vj

No. V.— (Referred to at page 15.)

*** Proclamation for the recall of all students from the foreign semina
ries, and for the banishment of all Jesuits, and seminary priests from
England, Jan. 10, 1581.

[Strype, Annals, iii. 40.]
Whereas the queen is given to understand, that certain colleges and

XXII APPENDIX. [NO. v.

societies, under the name of seminaries, have been of late years erected
by the bishop of Rome, as well in that city of Rome, as in the domi
nions of other princes, especially for the subjects of her kingdoms and
dominions, with intent and purpose to train and nourish them up in
false and erroneous doctrine ; by which means divers of her good and
faithful subjects have been thereby perverted, not only in matters of
religion, but also drawn from the acknowledgment of their natural duties
unto her highness, as their prince and sovereign, and have been made
instruments in some wicked practices, tending to the disquiet of the
realm and other her majesty's dominions ; yea, to the moving of rebel
lion within their natural countries :

She thinks it very expedient (as a thing appertaining chiefly to a
Christian prince, to have a special care to see her subjects trained up in
truth and Christian religion, grounded merely upon the word of God,
and not upon men's fancies and vain traditions) to use all means of
prevention, that may tend to the remedy thereof. Wherefore, she doth
straitly charge and command all such her subjects, as have their child
ren, wards, kinsfolk, or any other, over whom they have special charge,
or to whom they do contribute to their maintenance and relief, remain
ing in the parts beyond the seas, to give notice, within ten days after
the publishing of this present proclamation, not only unto the ordinary
the names of such, their children, wards, or kinsfolks, or such other to
whom they have given any aid for their charges, as shall be beyond the
seas, at the time of the publication hereof, without her majesty's special
license remaining in force, and not expired ; but shall also procure a
return of them, within the space of four months after notice given by
the said proclamation : and then, the persons, and other persons afore
said, immediately upon the return of their children and other persons,
to give knowledge thereof unto the bishop or ordinary : and, in case
they return not upon the knowledge of this her highness's pleasure, given
by the said parents and other persons aforesaid, not to yield them any
contribution or relief, directly or indirectly ; nor shall be privy to, or
conceal the contribution of, any other, without disclosing the same to
the bishop or ordinary, upon pain of her highness's displeasure, and
further punishment, as for their contempt therein may justly be laid
upon them.

That it shall not be lawful, after six days expired, for any merchant,
or other whatsoever, by way of exchange or otherwise, to exchange,
convey, or deliver, or procure any money or other relief, to or for the
maintenance of any persons beyond the seas, which by the intent of
this proclamation are prohibited to have or receive any out of her
majesty's dominions, upon pain of her highness's displeasure, and such

NO. v.] APPENDIX. Xxiii

further punishment as may be imposed on the offenders in that behalf,
for such their contempt and offence.

That it shall not be lawful for any, of any degree or quality what
soever, to depart out of the realm, without the queen's special license.

That her majesty is given to understand, that divers of her subjects,
trained up in the said colleges and seminaries beyond the seas, whereof
some carry the name of Jesuits, under the colour of a holy name, to
deceive and abuse the simpler sort ; and are lately repaired into this
realm by special direction from the pope and his delegates, with intent
not only to corrupt and pervert her good and loving subjects in matter
of conscience and religion, but also to draw them from their loyalty and
duty of obedience, and to provoke them, so much as shall lie in them,
to attempt somewhat to the disturbance of the present quiet, which,
through the goodness of Almighty God, and her majesty's provident
government, this realm hath for many years enjoyed.

She, therefore, foreseeing the great mischief that may ensue by such
like instruments, whereof experience hath been of late seen in tl)e realm
of Ireland, do, therefore, notify unto her subjects that, if any of them,
or any other within her highness's dominions, after the publishing of
this present proclamation, do receive, maintain, succour, or relieve any
Jesuit, seminary man, massing priests, or other persons aforesaid, come,
or which shall come, or be sent into this realm, or any other her domi
nions, or shall not discover the receiving and harbouring of them, or
any such vagrant persons as may be justly suspected to be of such
quality and ill condition ; as also, in case they shall remain with them
at the time of the said publication, or afterwards shall not bring them
before the next justice, to be by him committed to the common gaol,
or before other public officer, to the end they may in like sort be com
mitted, and forthcoming to be examined, and to receive such punish
ment, as by her majesty shall be thought meet, according to their
deserts; Then they shall be reputed as maintainers and abettors of such
rebellious and seditious persons, and receive, for the same their con
tempt, such severe punishment, as by the laws of the realm, and her
highness's princely authority, may be inflicted upon them.

And that if any other her subjects, at any time, certainly know any
such persons, repaired into this realm, for the purpose aforenamed, and
therefore give knowledge to any of her majesty's officers or ministers,
whereby either they may be, or shall be, taken and apprehended by the
said officers, then the informer or utterer shall have her highness's re
ward for every such person, by him or them disclosed and apprehended,
such sum of money, as shall be an honourable due reward for so good
service ; besides her majesty's most hearty thanks for the discharge of
their duty in that behalf.

XXIV APPENDIX. [NO. vi.

Provided, nevertheless, that it shall be lawful to and for factors and
agents for any lawful merchants, in their trades and merchandize, in
any parts beyond seas, and for mariners in their necessary voyages, to
pass and remain beyond seas, without incurring any manner of con
tempt, so long as they shall be employed about such their voyages and
merchandizing, &c. Given at her majesty's palace of Westminster, the
tenth of January, in the twenty -third of her majesty's most noble reign.

No. VI.— (Referred to at page 15.)

An Act, to retain the Queens Majesty's subjects in their due obedience.
[Stat. 23 Eliz. c. 1.]

Where, sithence the statute made in the thirteenth year of the reign
of the queen, our sovereign lady, intituled, "An act against the bring
ing in, and putting in execution, of bulls, writings, and instruments,
and other superstitious things, from the see of Rome," divers evil
affected persons have practised, contrary to the meaning of the said
statute, by other means, than by bulls, or instruments, written or
printed, to withdraw divers the queen's majesty's subjects from their
natural obedience to her majesty, to obey the said usurped authority of
Rome, and, in respect of the same, to persuade great numbers to with
draw their due obedience from her majesty's laws, established for the
due service of Almighty God :

For reformation whereof, and to declare, the true meaning of the said
law, be it declared and enacted by the authority of this present par
liament, that all persons whatsoever, which have, or shall have, or shall
pretend to have, power, or shall by any ways or means put in practice
to absolve, persuade, or withdraw any of the queen's majesty's subjects,
or any within her highness' realms and dominions, from their natural
obedience to her majesty ; or to withdraw them, for that intent, from
the religion now, by her highness' authority, established within her
highness' dominions, to the Romish religion ; or to move them, or any
of them, to promise any obedience to any pretended authority of the
see of Rome, or of any other prince, state, or potentate, to be had or
used within her dominions ; or shall do any overt act to that intent or
purpose; they, and every of them, shall be to all intents adjudged to be
traitors, and, being thereof lawfully convicted, shall have judgment,
suffer, and forfeit, as in case of high-treason. And if any person shall,
after the end of this session of parliament, by any means be willingly
absolved or withdrawn, as aforesaid, or willingly be reconciled, or shall
promise any obedience to any such pretended authority, prince, state,
or potentate, as is aforesaid ; that then every such person, their pro
curers, and counsellors thereunto, being thereof lawfully convicted,

NO. vi.] APPENDIX. XXV

shall be taken, tried, and judged, and shall suffer, and forfeit, as in cases
of high-treason.

And be it likewise enacted and declared, that all and every person
and persons, that shall wittingly be aiders, or maintainers of such
persons so offending, as is above expressed, or of any of them, knowing
the same ; or which shall conceal any offence, as aforesaid, and shall
not, Avithin twenty days at the farthest after such persons' knowledge of
such offence, disclose the same to some justice of peace, or other higher
officer, shall be taken, tried, and judged, and shall suffer, and forfeit, as
offenders in misprision of treason.

And be it likewise enacted, that every person, which shall say, or
sing mass, being thereof lawfully convicted, shall forfeit the sum of two
hundred marks, and be committed to prison in the next jail ; there to
remain by the space of one year; and from thenceforth, till he have
paid the said sum of two hundred marks : and that every person, which
shall willingly hear mass, shall forfeit the sum of one hundred marks,
and suffer imprisonment for a year.

Be it also further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that every per
son above the age of sixteen years, which shall not repair to some
church, chapel, or usual place of common prayer, but forbear the same
(contrary to the tenour of a statute made in the first year of her ma
jesty's reign, for uniformity of common prayer), and being thereof
lawfully convicted, shall forfeit to the queen's majesty, for every month,
after the end of this session of parliament, which he, or she, shall so
forbear, twenty pounds of lawful English money ; and that, over and
besides the said forfeitures, every person so forbearing by the space of
twelve months, as aforesaid, shall, for his or her obstinacy, after cer
tificate thereof in writing made into the court commonly called the
King's bench, by the ordinary of the diocese, a justice of assize and
jail delivery, or a justice of peace of the county, where such offender
shall dwell or be, be bound with two sufficient sureties in the sum of
two hundred pounds, at least, to their good behaviour ; and so to con
tinue bound, until such time, as the persons so bound do conform them
selves, and come to the church, according to the true meaning of the
said statute, made in the said first year of the queen's majesty's reign.

And be it further enacted, that, if any person, or persons, body po
litic or corporate, after the feast of Pentecost next coming, shall keep
or maintain any school-master, which shall not repair to church, as is
aforesaid, or be allowed by the bishop or ordinary of the diocese, where
such schoolmaster shall be so kept, shall forfeit, and lose, for every
month so keeping him, ten pounds.

Provided, that no such ordinary, or their ministers, shall take any

XXVI APPENDIX. [NO. vn.

thing for the said allowance ; and such schoolmaster or teacher, pre
suming to teach contrary to this act, and being thereof lawfully convict,
shall be disabled to be a teacher of youth, and shall suffer imprison
ment without bail or mainprise, for one year.

[By the succeeding clauses it is provided that justices of peace and justices
of assize may enquire into offences against this act: that persons, charged
under the statute with any crime, other than treason or misprision of treason,
and submitting even at the time of arraignment, shall be pardoned : that all
forfeitures under the act shall be equally divided between the queen, the poor,
and the informer : that persons unable to pay their fines shall be imprisoned ;
and that every grant, conveyance, or other instrument, made since the com
mencement of the present session of parliament, and with a view to elude the
statute, shall be void.— 71.]

No. VII.— (Referred to at page 19.)

*** Proclamation against Seminary Priests and Jesuits. April 1, 1582.
[Strype, Annal. iii. 84.]

After reciting the Proclamation issued in the preceding year, it thus
proceeds : —

Whereas sithence which time, some example having been made for
the condign punishment of such as have contemptuously broken her
highness' express commandment, in that behalf given by the said pro
clamation ; and some of the said traitorous persons, as namely, Edmund
Campian, Jesuit, Ralph Sherwin, and John Briant, seminary priests,
having disguisedly and very secretly wandered in the realm, and at
length been apprehended, and so thereupon justly, lawfully, publicly,
and orderly endicted, arraigned, condemned, and executed for divers
treasons ; and some others their complices having been likewise justly
and lawfully condemned for the like crimes ; her majesty finding, what
through the obstinacy and malice of some, and the wilful ignorance of
many others, that neither the said proclamation, nor the said examples,
have wrought such effect of reformation, as, upon good hope conceived
of this her forewarning, her highness had expected and desired ; and
perceiving withal, that some, traitorously affected, have of late, by
letters, libels, pamphlets, and books, both written and printed, falsely,
seditiously, and traitorously given out, that the said most horrible trai
tors were, without just cause, condemned and executed, has, therefore,
thought good to make known unto her good and faithful subjects, and
generally to all others within her dominions, whereby they may not be
abused, nor enveigled by those and such like most wicked, false, and
dangerous traitors and seducers, that it has manifestly and plainly ap
peared unto her highness and her council, as well by many examina
tions, as by sundry of their own letters and confessions, besides the late
manifest attempts of the like companions (directed by the pope out of

NO. vn.] APPENDIX. XXVli

number) of the said seminaries and Jesuits, broken out to actual rebel
lion in Ireland, that the very end and purpose of these Jesuits and semi
nary men, and such like priests, sent, or to be sent, over into this realm,
and other her majesty's dominions, from the parts beyond the seas, is
not only to prepare sundry her majesty's subjects, inclinable to disloy
alty, to be up, to give aid to foreign invasion, and to stir up rebellion
within the same, but also (that most perilous is) to deprive her majesty
(under whom, and by whose provident government, with God's as
sistance, these realms have been so long and so happily kept and conti
nued in great plenty, peace and security), of her life, crown, and dignity.
Wherefore, seeing the great mischief that otherwise may ensue unto
the whole estate of her majesty's realms and countries, if these attempts
are not more severely looked unto and punished ; and to the intent none
shall, after the publication hereof, excuse themselves by pretence of any
ignorance, her majesty does, therefore, hereby signify to all her loving
subjects, and all other within her dominions, that all the said Jesuits,
seminary men, and priests aforesaid, coming into these her dominions in
such secret manner, are, and so of all her subjects aforesaid ought to be
holden, esteemed, and taken for, traitors to her majesty, her crown and
realm : and that all such as, after the publishing of this proclamation, shall
wittingly and willingly receive, harbour, aid, comfort, relieve, or maintain
any such Jesuit, seminary man, or priest, as is aforesaid, shall be, and
ought to be, dealt with, used, and proceeded on, as willing and witting
aiders, comforters, relievers, and maintainers of traitors, committing
high-treason to her majesty's person : and that every such person, as
shall have any such Jesuit, seminary man, or priest, in his or her house
or company, at the time of the publication hereof, or after, knowing him
to be such, and shall not forthwith himself do his or her best endea
vour to bring him, or cause him to be brought, before the next justice
of the peace, or other public officer, to be committed to prison, whereby
he may be forthcoming to answer his offence, according to her high-
ness's laws ; that then every such person shall be deemed, taken, and
dealt with, as a maintainer and aider of traitors, as aforesaid. And
that every person, wittingly concealing any such Jesuit, seminary man,
or priest, or any their practices aforesaid, shall be deemed and taken ta
be in case of misprision of treason.

And, moreover, her highness's pleasure and express commandment
is, that none of her subjects, nor any other under her obeisance, shall
suffer their children, or any other, being under charge or government,
except lawful merchants, and such as, without covin, shall be agents or
factors for lawful merchants, in their trades of merchandize beyond the
seas, and mariners for their voyages, to depart out of this realm without

XXV111 APPENDIX. [NO. vm.

her highness's special license first had and obtained ; upon pain of her
highness's displeasure, and such further punishment as may be imposed
upon the offenders in that behalf, for such their offence and contempt :
and that as well all such of her majesty's subjects as are, at this pre
sent, of the said seminaries and societies, erected beyond the seas as
aforesaid, and shall not return within one quarter of a year after such
proclamation made, as all other which, after the proclamation hereof,
shall pass over the seas, and be of any of the seminaries or societies
erected as aforesaid, shall be ipso facto taken, reputed, and esteemed to
be traitors to her highness's person, her crown and realm : and that all
maintainers, aiders, relievers, and comforters of such persons, shall be
esteemed, taken, and dealt with, as maintainers, aiders, relievers, and
comforters of such traitors. Given at our manor of Greenwich, the
first day of April, in the 24-th year of our reign.

No. VIII.— (Referred to at page 20.J

*%* A Memorial for the Journey. About 1583.

[Original in the possession of the Dean and Chapter.1]

*

It is requisite that you demand an aid of three thousand men, viz.,
two thousand shot (whereof six hundred at least, or a thousand if it
may be, to be muskets), and one thousand armed ; to wit, seven hun
dred with pikes, and three hundred halberdiers, all with corselets of
proof, to enter upon any breach or house defended. With this aid?
and money to conduct others, as well English as Scottish, whereof good
store will be had ; and with such other forces as voluntarily will come
unto you, there is no doubt but you and the two nobles will be able,
within one month, to be masters of all the north, and make your fron
tier at the least on this side of Nottingham.

And albeit you cannot land amiss within the county of York, but
shall have many and great numbers to repair unto you from all parts,
yet I think it much better, for many commodities, to land within the
county of Durham.

First, that country will be for certain wholly yours, without contrary
countenance, or difficulty for your landing, and more now than it was
when we were up ; for now they be worn out that stood against us, viz.,
Sir C. Bowes and his allies, and many, that then were his, will now faith
fully be yours, as Mr. Coniers, of Stockbourne, Mr. Blaxton, and others.

Item, there the Earl of W. is in his chief strength, and will be able
to raise great numbers, both on horse and foot.

1 [This always refers to the catholic Dean and Chapter, of which an account
will afterwards be given. — 7\]

NO. viii.] APPENDIX. XXIX

Item, from thence the lord Dacre may easily pass into Westmoreland
and Cumberland without encounter, to raise up his forces there.

Item, that country being so much at your devotion, the aid may
more securely repose themselves, for some few days after their first
landing, than they could in the county of York, where, though you shall
find many friends, so will there not want some enemies ; and here you
may more quietly make your entry, and begin your plot, than you
could in the other.

Item, to that place the Lord Dacre may, without difficulty, call unto
him his cousin Ridley of Willimonswick, who, being a neighbour to the
barony of Langley, in which barony may be made three hundred good
horsemen, may raise that barony, which of itself doth desire this ser
vice, to have revenge of the great spoils made upon them, for serving
the late earl of Northumberland, their late lord.

Item, the county of Durham, adjoining upon Northumberland, hath
better commodity to treat with the gentlemen thereof, to win them to
this part, and to receive without let the forces that shall be levied
there, than could be done in Yorkshire further off; and from thence
also you may have good means to treat with Scotland, as well for such
aids from thence as shall be thought necessary (which might be by the
horsemen of Northumberland soon drawn to you), as for such other
causes as you shall have to do there.

For to assure yourselves against any accident or misfortune that
might fall, and the more to strengthen you, it were principally needful
to get the possession of the towns of Hull and Newcastle. Both be
very rich, and able to help you much in all needs. Hull the stronger ;
but Newcastle more commodious for this service, as well for the near
ness to Northumberland and Scotland, from whence you must expect
your men of best service, as that it standeth in the way to stop all pas
sages between Northumberland and the counties of York and Durham,
as also for that the Queen hath there her storehouse of armour and ar
tillery for all the north, and that upon that town all Northumberland
dependeth, and from thence receive their necessary provisions.

To compass this, Mr. Richard Hodgson, alderman of the same, were
fittest to be dealt withal, who, if he will promise it, is able to deliver
the town now, while no garrison is therein : and Mr. Robert Tempest
is the best I know to be sent with your instructions and direction, and
credit from the lords and his brother to the said Mr. Richard Hodgson,
and to his brother William, who was my lord of Westmoreland's ser
vant ; with like credit also to the earl's officer at By well, to have his
service as need shall require.

It shall also be necessary, after your landing, to fortify Hartlepool,
and to leave therein a garrison.

XXX APPENDIX. [NO. vnr.

Item, to surprise Hull, the fittest I know, and best able to do it, is
Mr. Thomas Metham, Mr. Henry Constable, and Mr. Ellerker, of
Risby. Thomas Metham is very well affected to the cause, and may
do much with Mr. Ellerker ; and Mr. Ellerker as much with Mr. Con
stable, who is of great power : and all these have their lands near Hull.
But I cannot well devise a fit man to send to Mr. Metham ; for In-
grarn Thwing, and Peter, as their case standeth, could hardly serve the
turn, both because they have not full acquaintance with him, as also
that they must be forced to deal by some other than themselves, which
is dangerous. John Markenfield is the best I can think upon, because
he is well acquainted with him, and loved and trusted of him : but then,
you shall want one to treat with Captain Read, except the Q.1 will
devise for that, that he may be made sure, which she may easily do.

For Scarborough, Ingram Thwing can best inform [you], both for
his skill and knowledge of the place, and that he and his friends be in
most credit with sir Richard Cholmondeley, who, of all men, is most
able to surprise it, and was, within these few years, most willing to do it.

I have good intelligence with Mr. Anthony Catterick, an ancient,
faithful, wise gentleman, who hath always had a great desire to further
this service ; and once, since I came hither, when Robert Taylor came
from thence, he caused my wife, in dark terms, to write to me, to give
him some little light before when I should see that there were hope of
speedy succour, that he might arready his friends for the same. He
hath no son of his own, but three daughters all well married, and hath
promised that they shall serve the cause, — Mr. Roger Meynell, Mr.
Robert Lambart (who were with us before), and Mr. Francis Scrope,
the heir of Mr. Henry Scrope, now deputy-steward of Richmondshire
under the lord Scrope, whose tenants and servants he hath also in lead
ing. Out of his office may well be taken a thousand tall fellows as any
be in the county of York : and the wisdom of Mr. Catterick, and his
friendship with Mr. Scrope, I believe would so work, as he would either
procure him at the first to enter and take part with you, or so cause him
to temporise and keep off from the enemy, till your forces may come
and take him along with you. And if Mr. Markenfield or Mr. Tem
pest, either of them, shall be sent, they be so well known to Mr. Cat
terick, as they may say what your wisdom shall think convenient for
me to advise him.

And for the town of Richmond (if it be as it was when I came from
thence) I know none that could do there more than myself.

Richard Meynell, brother to Mr. Roger Meynell, is one of the gen
tlemen that may do most good, to feel the minds of the gentlemen of

The queen of Scots.

NO. VHI.] APPENDIX. XXXi

Yorkshire, for the great acquaintance he hath among them, for his wit,
sincere honesty, and valour ; and is one that will be ready to serve,
upon a small intimation.

For Westmoreland and Cumberland, the lord Dacre must do his part,
where his forces most lie ; and by his means the earl of Cumberland,
his nephew, and the lord Wharton, who hath married his niece, are to
be drawn into the action ; with whom, I suppose, his lordship hath some
intelligence, and is himself very secret.

The best that I can think upon, to deal in Northumberland, is Mr.
Watts, who knoweth all the queen of Scots' friends there, and all the
catholics, as sir Thomas Gray, sir Cuthbert Colling^ ood, Mr. Fen wick,
Mr. Anthony Ratcliffe, Mr. Carr of Ford, Mr. Haggerstone, Mr. Met-
ford, &c. In coming in with some countenance, and having of money
to wage others, all these will be yours ; and they will bring in the bor
ders of Scotland, and such numbers of shot from thence, as you shall
think necessary: but in landing in Scotland, and entering by force,
you shall have them all your enemies, the frontier laid with strong
garrisons, and all places fortified against you ; and shall find it more
danger and difficulty to pass Northumberland, than from Northumber
land to London.

If you land in England, you may well take out of the counties of
Northumberland, Cumberland, Westmoreland, Durham, and York, three
or four thousand horsemen, and leave the countries sufficiently fur
nished ; and with these horsemen you may pass in England where you
will cut off victuals from your enemies, and break and let ...
[Five or six words are here obliterated in f he folds of the paper."]

[Endorsed, " Sir Francis Englefield :" — it was probably addressed to that
person. — T.~]

The earl of Westmoreland and lord Dacre to Dr. Allen. March 5, 1583.
[Original, in my possession.]

Jesus »J< Maria.

Dear beloved father, Sith lately it hath pleased God to restore to
more perfect health the earl of Westmoreland, who, as he findeth him
self now more able of body, so likewise is he in mind the more de
sirous and willing to perform a most dutiful office, in the service of his
divine majesty and his dear country, having also withal the rude writer
hereof a promised and a vowed assister and furtherer of him, in this
same holy purpose and attempt, to the uttermost of his force and
power : so great, then, is the assured hope and confidence both we
have in your most fervent and well-approved zeal to advance and prefer
the most precious quarrel in the world, the honour and glory of God's

XXX11 APPENDIX. [NO. vin.

church, a thing in our poor country so necessary to be promoted, as
the want thereof hazardeth yea many thousand of souls of eternal
damnation : and, albeit many of your habit and coat hath lately exe
cuted their priestly function worthily, to the happy recovery of a great
number of the same, yet those few of us of the laity, now left alive,
may thereat bear a holy envy, which, either through the slow or cold
disposition of the most mighty princes we have dealt withal, or rather
through the let of our grievous sins, could never yet obtain the special
grace to be employed in the blessed cause, — well, perhaps the like apt
opportunity afore hath not been offered, as presently there is, by the
late resort into those parts of that noble and faithful subject, the duke
of Lennox : Wherefore, sith that, next unto God of all our nation, we do
repose a most special trust and affiance in you, unto whose virtuous
direction we have not alone promised by words, but also hereby have
wholly resigned and committed ourselves to be ordered by, take there
fore hereby this commission and authority upon you, as well to promise,
of our behalf, as well to the said duke, the lord ambassador of Scot
land, the lord of Ross, either to one, all, or any of them, whatsoever
aid, countenance, or assistance our persons, friends, or well-willers may
be, any way, hereunto ; as also how, where, and when, to your wisdom
and their appointment the same shall seem meetest and most available :
persuading [ourselves] always, that you will take that fatherly care
that our overture and readiness herein be no way prejudicial to the
continuance of our honours, and the good opinion of his holiness and
catholic majesty, which hitherto hath nourished us ; whom we do be
lieve should receive, not only most spiritual joy and comfort, but also,
in time, greatest gain and worldly commodity hereby. Wherefore, if
this our intent and meaning, by your discreet solicitation, may find the
happy and fortunate hour to be hearkened unto, we must further re
quire you so effectually to deal either with the special persons before
mentioned, or else with some other of more authority, you think best,
for the procuring of favourable letters, that our entertainment be better
answered and paid, that we may somewhat better be provided and fur
nished, wheresoever you and they shall dispose of us : which, if you
shall deem, for the more speedy executing of any thing above said, our
presence requisite, we shall not fail, either the one or both, forthwith,
upon your advertisement, and passport procured, if you so think good,
repair to such place, as you shall direct and appoint us. Thus boldly
craving your most diligent labour and travail in the premises, and your
resolution with the surest and speediest opportunity that commodiously
you can there find, that thereafter we may be the more ready to ac
complish the same accordingly, [we] do surcease from giving you any
longer trouble at this time, commending us most effectually to yourself

NO. ix.] APPENDIX. XXXiii

Herewith shall you receive a letter to the duke of Lennox, with the
copy thereof, that, after you have well perused [it], you may either
deliver, or cause to be delivered, if you discern it expedient and neces
sary : otherwise you may, at your pleasure, detain and keep the same
still in your custody. Farewell, our most dear friend. At Tournay,
the 5th of March, 1583.

Your most assured,

Charles de Westmoreland,
Edward Dacre.

No. IX (Referred to at page 21.)

Jin Act against Jesuits, Seminary Priests, and other suck-like
disobedient Persons.

[Stat. 27 Eliz. c. 2 ]

Whereas divers persons, called or professed Jesuits, seminary priests,
and other priests, which have been, and, from time to time, are, made
in the parts beyond the seas, by or according to the order and rites of the
Romish church, have of late come, and been sent, and daily do come, and
are sent, into this realm of England, and other the queen's majesty's do
minions, of purpose (as it hath appeared, as well by sundry of their own
examinations and confessions, as by divers other manifest means and
proofs) not only to withdraw her highness' subjects from their due obe
dience to her majesty, but also to stir up and move sedition, rebellion,
and open hostility within the same her highness' realms and dominions,
to the great endangering of the safety of her most royal person, and to
the utter ruin, desolation, and overthrow of the whole realm, if the same
be not the sooner, by some good means, foreseen and prevented :

For reformation whereof, be it ordained, established, and enacted by
the queen's most excellent majesty, and the lords spiritual and temporal,
and the commons in this present parliament assembled, .and by the
authority of the same parliament, that all and every Jesuits, seminary
priests, and other priests whatsoever, made, or ordained, out of the
realm of England, or other her highness' dominions, or within any of
her majesty's realms or dominions, by any authority, power, or juris
diction derived, challenged, or pretended from the see of Rome, since
the feast of the Nativity of St. John Baptist, in the first year of her
highness' reign, shall, within forty days next after the end of this pre
sent session of parliament, depart out of this realm of England, and out
of all other her highness' realms and dominions, if the wind, weather,
and passage shall serve for the same ; or else, so soon after the end of
the said forty days, as the wind, weather, and passage shall so serve.

And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that it shall not
VOL. III. C

XXXIV APPENDIX. [NO. ix.

be lawful to or for any Jesuit, seminary priest, or other such priest,
deacon, or religious, or ecclesiastical person whatsoever, being born
within this realm, or any other her highness' dominions, and heretofore,
since the said feast of the Nativity of St. John Baptist, in the first year
of her majesty's reign, made, ordained, or professed, or hereafter to be
made, ordained, or professed, by any authority or jurisdiction derived,
challenged, or pretended from the see of Rome, by or of what name,
title, or degree soever the same shall be called or known, to come into,
be, or remain in any part of this realm, or any other her highness' do
minions, after the end of the same forty days ; other than in such special
cases, and upon such special occasions only, and for such time only, as
is expressed in this act : And if he do, that then every such offence shall
be taken and adjudged to be high-treason, and every person so offend
ing shall, for his offence, be adjudged a traitor, and shall suffer, lose,
and forfeit, as in case of high-treason.

And every person, which, after the end of the same forty days, and
after such time of departure, as is before limited and appointed, shall
wittingly and willingly receive, relieve, comfort, aid, or maintain any
such Jesuit, seminary priest, or other priest, deacon, or religious, or
ecclesiastical person, as is aforesaid, being at liberty, or out of hold,
knowing him to be a Jesuit, seminary priest, or other such priest,
deacon, or religious, or ecclesiastical person, as is aforesaid, shall also
for such offence be adjudged a felon, without benefit of the clergy, and
suffer death, lose, and forfeit, as in case of one attainted of felony.

And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, if any of her
majesty's subjects (not being a Jesuit, seminary priest, or other such
priest, deacon, or religious, or ecclesiastical person, as is before men
tioned) now being, or which hereafter shall be, of, or brought up in,
any college of Jesuits, or seminary already erected or ordained, or here
after to be erected or ordained, in the parts beyond the seas, or out of
this realm in any foreign parts, shall not, within six months, next after
proclamation in that behalf to be made in the city of London, under the
great seal of England, return into this realm, and thereupon, within two
days next after such return, before the bishop of the diocese, or two
justices of peace of the county, where he shall arrive, submit himself to
her majesty and her laws, and take the oath set forth by act, in the first
year of her reign, that then every such person, which shall otherwise
return, come into, or be in this realm, or any other her highness' do
minions, for such offence of returning, and being in this realm, or any
other her highness' dominions, without submission, as aforesaid, shall
also be adjudged a traitor, and suffer, lose, and forfeit, as in case of
high-treason.

NO. ix.] APPENDIX. XXXV

And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, if any person,
under her majesty's subjection or obedience, shall, at any time after the
end of the said forty days, by way of exchange, or by any other shift,
way, or means whatsoever, wittingly, and willingly, either directly, or
indirectly, convey, deliver, or send, or cause, or procure to be con
veyed, or delivered, to be sent over the seas, or out of this realm, or out
of any other her majesty's dominions, or territories, into any foreign
parts, or shall otherwise wittingly, or willingly yield, give, or contri
bute any money, or other relief to or for any Jesuit, seminary priest,
or such other priest, deacon, or religious, or ecclesiastical person,
as is aforesaid, or to or for the maintenance or relief of any college
of Jesuits, or seminary, already erected, or ordained, or hereafter to
be erected, or ordained, in any the parts beyond the seas, or out of
this realm in any foreign parts, or of any person, then being of, or
in, the same colleges, or seminaries, and not returned into this realm
with submission, as in this act is expressed, and continuing in the
same realm, that then every such person, so offending, for the same
offence shall incur the danger and penalty of premunire, mentioned in
the statute of Premunire, made in the sixteenth year of the reign of
king Richard II.

And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that it shall not
be lawful for any person of or under her highness' obedience, at any
time, after the said forty days, during her majesty's life (which God
long preserve), to send his, or her child, or other person, being under
his, or her government, into any the parts beyond the seas, out of her
highness' obedience, without the special license of her majesty, or of
four of her highness' privy- council, under their hands, in that behalf
first had or obtained (except merchants ; for such only as they, or any
of them, shall send over the seas, only for or about his, her, or their
trade of merchandize, or to serve as mariners, and not otherwise), upon
pain to forfeit and lose, for every such offence, the sum of one hundred
pounds.

* *-**:*

Provided also that this act, or any thing therein contained, shall not,
in any wise, extend to any such Jesuit, seminary priest, or other such priest,
deacon, or religious or ecclesiastical person, as is before mentioned, as
shall, at any time within the said forty days, or within three days after
that he shall hereafter come into this realm, or any other her highness'
dominions, submit himself to some archbishop or bishop of this realm,
or to some justice of peace within the county where he shall arrive or
land, and do thereupon truly and sincerely, before the same archbishop,
bishop, or such justice of peace, take the said oath set forth in anno

C 2

XXXVI APPENDIX. [NO. ix.

primo, and, by writing under his hand, confess and acknowledge, and
from thenceforth continue, his due obedience unto her highness' laws,
statutes, and ordinances, made and provided, or to be made or provided,
in causes of religion.

*****

Provided nevertheless, and it is declared by authority aforesaid, that,
if any such Jesuit, seminary priest, or other priest above said, shall for
tune to be so weak or infirm of body, that he or they may not pass out
of this realm, by the time therein limited, without imminent danger of
life, and this understood as well by the corporal oath of the party, as by
other good means, unto the bishop of the diocese and two justices of
the peace of the same county, where such person or persons do dwell
or abide, that then, and upon good and sufficient bond of the person or
persons, with sureties, of the sum of £200, at the least, with condition
that he or they shall be of good behaviour towards our sovereign lady
the queen and all her liege people, then he or they so licensed, and
doing as is aforesaid, shall and may remain and be still within this
realm, without any loss or danger to fall on him or them by this act,
for so long time as by the said bishop and justices shall be limited and
appointed, so as the same time of abode exceed not the space of six
months at the most: And that no person or persons shall sustain any loss,
or incur any danger, by this act, for the receiving or maintaining of any
such person or persons so licensed, as is aforesaid, for and during such
time only as such persons shall be so licensed to tarry within this realm ;
any thing contained in this act to the contrary notwithstanding.

And be it also further enacted by authority aforesaid, that every per
son or persons, being subjects of this realm, which, after the said forty
days, shall know and understand that any such Jesuit, seminary priest,
or other priest abovesaid, shall abide, stay, tarry, or be within this
realm, or other the queen's dominions and countries, contrary to the
true meaning of this act, and shall not discover the same to some jus
tice of the peace, or other higher officer, within twelve days next after
his said knowledge, but willingly conceal his knowledge therein, that
every such offender shall make fine, and be imprisoned at the queen's
pleasure : and that, if such justice of peace, or other such officer, to
whom such matter shall be discovered, do not, within eight-and-twenty
days then next following, give information thereof to some of the queen's
privy council, or to the president of the queen's council established in
the north, or in the marches of Wales, for the time being, that then
he or they, so offending, shall, for every such offence, forfeit the sum
of two hundred marks.

NO. x.] APPENDIX. XXXvii

And that, if any person, so submitting himself as aforesaid, do, at
any time within the space of ten years after such submission made,
come within ten miles of such place where her majesty shall be, without
special license from her majesty in that behalf, to be obtained in writing
under her hand, that then, and from thenceforth, such person shall
take no benefit of his said submission, but that the same submission
shall be void, as if the same had never been.

No. X.— (Referred to at page 26 )

An Act for the more speedy execution of the statute (23 Eliz.} enti tided
An Act to retain the Queens majesty's subjects in their due obedience,

[Stat. 29 Eliz. c. 6.]

For avoiding of all frauds and delays heretofore practised, or hereafter
to be put in ure, to the hinderance of the due and speedy execution of
the statute, made in the session of parliament, holden by prorogation at
Westminster, the 16th day of January, in the three-and-twentieth year
of the reign of our most gracious sovereign lady, the queen's majesty,
entituled, " an act to retain the queen's majesty's subjects in their due
obedience," be it enacted by the authority of this present parliament,
that every feoffment, gift, grant, conveyance, alienation, estate, lease,
encumbrance, and limitation of use, of, or out of, any lands, tenements
or hereditaments whatsoever, had or made at any time since the begin
ning of the queen's majesty's reign, or at any time hereafter to be had
or made, by any person which hath not repaired, or shall not repair,
to some church, chapel, or usual place of common-prayer, but hath for-
born, or shall forbear the same, contrary to the tenour of the said statute ;
and which is or shall be revokable at the pleasure of such offender, or in
any wise directly or indirectly meant or intended to or for the behoof,
relief, or maintenance, or at the disposition of, any such offender, or
wherewith, or whereby, or in consideration whereof, such offender of
his family shall be maintained, relieved or kept, shall be deemed and
taken to be utterly frustrate and void, as against the queen's majesty,
for or concerning the levying and paying of such sums of money as any
such person, by the laws or statutes of the realm already made, ought
to pay or forfeit for not coming or repairing to any church, chapel, or
usual place of common prayer, or for saying, hearing, or being at any
mass ; and shall also be seized and had to and for her majesty's use and
behoof, as hereafter in this act is mentioned ; any pretence, colour,
feigned consideration, or expressing of any use, to the contrary not
withstanding.

* # # * * * #

And be it also enacted by the authority aforesaid, that every such

XXXV111 APPENDIX. [NO. x.

offender, in not repairing to divine service, but forbearing the same,
contrary to the said statute, as hath been heretofore convicted for such
offence, and hath not made submission, and been conformable accord
ing to the true meaning of the said statute, shall, without any other
endictment or conviction, pay into the receipt of the said exchequer all
such sums of money, as, according to the rate of twenty pounds for
every month sithence the same conviction, do yet remain unpaid, in
form as hereafter ensueth ; that is to say, the one moiety thereof before
the end of the next Trinity Term, and the other moiety thereof before
the end of the next Hilary Term, or at any such other times, as by the
lord treasurer, chancellor, and chief baron of the exchequer, or any two
of them, shall by composition, upon good bond and surety taken, be
limited, before the end of the said next Trinity Term, if any such com
position shall happen to be ; and shall also, in every Easter and Mi
chaelmas Term, until such time as the said person do make submission,
and be conformable, according to the true meaning of the said statute,
pay into the said receipt of the exchequer twenty pounds for every
month, which shall incur in all that mean time.

And be it also enacted by the authority aforesaid, that every such
offender, in not repairing to divine service, but forbearing the same
contrary to the said statute, as hereafter shall fortune to be thereof
once convicted, shall, in such of the Terms of Easter or Michaelmas,
as shall be next after such conviction, pay into the said receipt of the
exchequer after the rate of twenty pounds for every month, which shall
be contained in the endictment whereupon such conviction shall be ;
and shall also, for every month after such conviction, without any
other endictment or conviction, pay into the receipt of the exchequer
aforesaid, at two times in the year, that is to say, in every Easter Term,
and Michaelmas Term, as much as then shall remain unpaid, after the
rate of twenty pounds for every month after such conviction : and if
default shall be made in any part of any payment aforesaid, contrary to
the form herein before limited, that then and so often the queen's
majesty shall and may, by process out of the said exchequer, take, seize,
and enjoy all the goods, and two parts as well of all the lands, tene
ments, and hereditaments, liable to such seisures, or to the penalties afore
said, by the true meaning of this act, leaving the third part only of the
same lands, tenements, and hereditaments, leases and farms, to and for
the maintenance and relief of the same offender, his wife, children, and
family.

NO. xi.] APPENDIX. XXxix

No. XL— (Referred to at page 27.)

An Act fcr restraining of Popish Recusants to some certain places

of abode.
[Stat. 35 Eliz. c. 2.]

For the better discovering and avoiding of such traitorous and most
dangerous conspiracies and attempts, as are daily devised and practised
against our most gracious sovereign lady, the queen's majesty, and the
happy estate of this common weal, by sundry wicked and seditious
persons, who, terming themselves catholics, and being, indeed, spies
and intelligencers, not only for her majesty's foreign enemies, but also
for rebellious and traitorous subjects born within her highness's realms
and dominions, and hiding their most detestable and devilish purposes
under a false pretext of religion and conscience, do secretly wander and
shift from place to place within this realm, to corrupt and seduce her
majesty's subjects, and to stir them to sedition and rebellion ;

Be it ordained and enacted by our sovereign lady, the queen's
majesty, and the lords spiritual and temporal, and the commons in this
present parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, that
every person above the age of sixteen years, born within any of the
queen's majesty's realms and dominions, or made denizen, being a
popish recusant, and before the end of this session of parliament con
victed for not repairing to some church, chapel, or usual place of com
mon prayer, to hear divine service there, but forbearing the same, con
trary to the tenour of the laws and statutes heretofore made and pro
vided in that behalf, and having any certain place of dwelling and
abode within this realm, shall, within forty days next after the end of
this session of parliament (if they be within this realm, and not
restrained or stayed either by imprisonment, or by her majesty's com
mandment, or by order and direction of some six or more of the privy
council, or by such sickness and infirmity of body, as they shall not be
able to travel without imminent danger of life, and in such cases of
absence out of the realm, restraint, or stay, then within twenty days
next after they shall return into the realm, and be enlarged of such
imprisonment or restraint, and shall be able to travel), repair to their
place of dwelling, where they usually heretofore made their common
abode, and shall not, at any time after, pass or remove above five miles
from thence :

And also that every person (as before] which, being within this
realm at the time that they shall be convicted, shall, within forty days
next after the same conviction (if they be not restrained or stayed by
imprisonment, or otherwise, as is aforesaid, and in such cases of

xl APPENDIX. [NO. xi.

restraint and stay, then within twenty days next after they shall be en
larged of such imprisonment or restraint, and shall be able to travel),
repair to their place of usual dwelling and abode, and shall not, at any
time after, pass or remove above five miles from thence, upon pain that
every person and persons that shall offend against the tenour and intent
of this act, in any thing before mentioned, shall lose and forfeit all his
and their goods and chattels, and shall also lose and forfeit to the
queen's majesty all the lands, tenements, arid hereditaments, and all the
rents and annuities of every such person so doing or offending, during
the life of the same offender.

And be it also enacted by the authority aforesaid, that every person
above the age of sixteen years, born within any her majesty's realms or
dominions, not having any certain place of dwelling and abode within
this realm, and being a popish recusant, not usually repairing to some
church, chapel, or usual place of common prayer, but forbearing the
same contrary to the same laws and statutes in that behalf made, shall,
within Torty days next after the end of this session of parliament (if they
be then within this realm, and not imprisoned, restrained, or stayed, as
aforesaid, and, in such case of absence out of the realm, imprisonment,
restraint, or stay, then within twenty days next after they shall return
into the realm, and be enlarged of such imprisonment or restraint, and
shall be able to travel), repair to the place where such person was
born, or where the father or mother of such person shall then be dwell
ing, and shall not, at any time after, remove or pass above five miles
from thence, upon pain that every person and persons which shall
offend against the tenour and intent of this act, in any thing before
mentioned, shall lose and forfeit all his and their goods and chattels,
and shall forfeit to the queen's majesty all the lands, tenements, and
hereditaments, and all the rents and annuities of every such person so
offending, during the life of the same person.

And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that every such
offender as is before mentioned, which hath or shall have any lands,
tenements, or hereditaments, by copy of court- roll, or by any other cus
tomary tenure, at the will of the lord, according to the custom of any
manor, shall forfeit all and singular his and their said lands, tenements
and hereditaments so holdon by copy of court-roll, or customary tenure
as aforesaid, for and during the life of such offender (if his or her
estate so long continue), to the lord or lords of whom the same be
immediately holden, if the same lord or lords be not then a popish
recusant, and convicted for not coming to church to hear divine ser
vice, but forbearing the same contrary to the laws and statutes afore
said, nor seized or possessed upon trust to the use or behoof of any

NO. xi.] APPENDIX. xli

such recusant as aforesaid ; and, in such case, the same forfeiture to be
to the queen's majesty.

Provided always, and be it further enacted by the authority afore
said, that all such persons as, by the intent and true meaning of this
act, are to make their repair to their place of dwelling and abode, or
to the place where they were born, or where their father or mother
shall be dwelling, and not to remove or pass above five miles from
thence as is aforesaid, shall, within twenty days next after their coming
to any of the said places (as the case shall happen), notify their coming
thither, and present themselves, and deliver their true names in writing
to the minister or curate of the same parish, and to the constable,
headborough. or tithingman of the town, and thereupon the said
minister or curate shall presently enter the same into a book, to be kept
in every parish for that purpose.

* * * *

And to the end that the realm be not pestered and overcharged with
the multitude of such seditious and dangerous people as is aforesaid,
who, having little or no ability to answer or satisfy any competent
penalty for their contempt and disobedience of the said laws and
statutes, and being committed to prison for the same, do live for the
most part in better case there, than they could, if they were abroad at
their own liberty, the lords spiritual and temporal, and the commons in
this present parliament assembled, do most humbly and instantly beseech
the queen's majesty, that it may be further enacted, that, if any such
person or persons being a popish recusant (not being a. feme covert, and
not having lands, tenements, rents, or annuities, of an absolute estate of
inheritance or freehold, of the clear yearly value of twenty marks, above
all charges, to their own use and behoof, and not upon any secret
trust or confidence for any other, or goods and chattels in their own
right, and to their own proper use and behoof, and not upon any such
secret trust and confidence for any other, above the value of forty
pounds), shall not, within the time before in this act in that behalf
limited and appointed, repair to their place of usual dwelling and abode,
if they have any, or else to the place where they were born, or where
their father or mother shall be dwelling, according to the tenour and
intent of this present act, and thereupon notify their coming, and pre
sent themselves, and deliver their true names, in writing, to the minister
or curate of the parish, and to the constable, headborough, or tithing
man of the town, within such time, and in such mariner and form as is
aforesaid, or at any time after such their repairing to any such place,
as is before appointed, shall pass or remove above five miles from the

Xlli APPENDIX. [NO. xi.

same, and shall not, within throe months next after such person shall be
apprehended or taken for offending, as is aforesaid, conform themselves to
the obedience of the laws and statutes of this realm, in coming usually to
the church to hear divine service, and in making such public confession
and submission as hereafter in this act is appointed and expressed, being
thereunto required by the bishop of the diocese, or any justice of the
peace of the county where the same person shall happen to be, or by
the minister or curate of the parish, that, in every such case, every such
offender being thereunto warned or required by any two justices of the
peace, or coroner of the same county where such offender shall then
be, shall, upon his or their corporal oath before any two justices of the
peace, or coroner of the same county, abjure this realm of England,
and all other the queen's majesty's dominions, for ever ; and thereupon
shall depart out of this realm at such haven and port, and within such
time, as shall in that behalf be assigned and appointed by the said jus
tices of peace or coroner, before whom such abjuration shall be made,
unless the same offenders be letted or stayed by such lawful and reason
able means or causes, as by the common laws of this realm are per
mitted and allowed, in cases of abjuration for felony ; and in such
cases of let or stay, then within such reasonable and convenient time
after, as the common law requircth in case of abjuration for felony, as

is aforesaid.

* * * *

And if any such offender, which, by the tenour and intent of this
act, is to be abjured, as is aforesaid, shall refuse to make such abjura
tion, as is aforesaid, or, after such abjuration made, shall not go to such
haven, and within such time as is before appointed, and from thence
depart out of this realm, according to this present act, or, after such
his departure, shall return or come again into any her majesty's realms
or dominions, without her majesty's special license in that behalf first
had and obtained, that then, in every such case, the person so offend
ing shall be adjudged a felon, and shall suffer and lose as in case of
felony, without benefit of clergy.

And be it further enacted and ordained by the authority aforesaid,
that, if any person which shall be suspected to be a Jesuit, seminary, or
massing priest, being examined by any person, having lawful authority,
in that behalf, to examine such person as shall be so suspected, shall
refuse to answer directly and truly whether he be a Jesuit, or a seminary,
or massing priest, as is aforesaid, every such person, so refusing to
answer, shall, for his disobedience and contempt in that behalf, be com
mitted to prison by such as shall examine him, as is aforesaid, and
thereupon shall remain and continue in prison without bail or main-

NO. xi.] APPKNDIX. xliii

prise, until lie shall make direct and true answer to the said questions,
whereupon he shall so be examined.

Provided nevertheless, and be it further enacted by the authority
aforesaid, that, if any of the persons which are hereby limited and ap
pointed to continue and abide within five miles of their usual dwelling-
place, or of such place where they were born, or where their father and
mother shall be dwelling, as is aforesaid, shall have necessary occasion
or business to go and travel out of the compass of the said five miles,
that then, and in every such case, upon license in that behalf, to be
gotten under the hands of two of the justices of the peace of the same
county, with the privity and assent, in writing, of the bishop of the
diocese, or of the lieutenant, or of any deputy lieutenant of the same
county, under their hands, it shall and may be lawful for every such
person to go and travel about such their necessary business, and for
such time only for their travelling, attending, and returning, as shall be
comprised in the same license ; any thing before in this act to the con
trary notwithstanding.

* * * *

And furthermore, be it enacted by the authority of this present par
liament, that, if any person or persons that shall, at any time hereafter,
offend against this act, shall, before he or they shall be thereof con
victed, come to some parish church on some Sunday or other festival
day, and then and there hear divine service, and, at service time, be
fore the sermon, or reading of the gospel, make public and open sub
mission and declaration of his and their conformity to her majesty's laws
and statutes, as hereafter in this act is declared and appointed, that then
the same offender shall thereupon be clearly discharged of and from all
and every pains and forfeitures inflicted or imposed by this act, or any
of the said offences in this act contained, the same submission to be
made as hereafter followeth ; that is to say :

" I, A. B., do humbly confess and acknowledge, that I have grievously
offended God, in contemning her majesty's godly and lawful govern
ment and authority, by absenting myself from church, and from hearing
divine service, contrary to the godly laws and statutes of this realm ;
and I am heartily sorry for the same ; and do acknowledge and testify
in my conscience, that the bishop or see of Rome hath not, nor ought
to have, any power or authority over her majesty, or within any her
majesty's realms or dominions : and L do promise and protest, without
any dissimulation, or any colour or means of any dispensation, that from
henceforth I will from time to time obey and perform her majesty's
laws and statutes, in repairing to the church, and hearing divine service,
iind do rnv uttermost endeavour to maintain and defend tiie same."

APPENDIX. [NO. xn.

Provided nevertheless, that if any such offender, after such submission
made, as is aforesaid, shall afterward fall into relapse, or eftsoons be
come a recusant, in not repairing to church to hear divine service, but
shall forbear the same, contrary to the laws and statutes in that behalf
made and provided, that then every such offender shall lose all such
benefit as he or she might otherwise, by virtue of this act, have or enjoy
by reason of their said submission, and shall thereupon stand and
remain in such plight, condition, and degree to all intents, as though
such submission had never been made.

Provided always, and be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, that
all and every woman married, or hereafter to be married, shall be bound
by all and every article, branch, and matter contained in this statute,
other than the branch and article of abjuration before mentioned : and
that no such woman married, or to be married, during marriage, shall
be in any wise forced or compelled to abjure, or be abjured by this act ;
any thing therein contained to the contrary thereof notwithstanding.

No. XII — (Referred to at page 29.)
[From Printed Broadside in my possession.]

*
*#* A Declaration of the Sentence and deposition of Elizabeth, the vsurper

and pretensed Quene of Englande.

SIXTVS THE FIFTE, by Gods prouidence the vniuersal pastor of
Christes flocke, to whome by perpetual and lawful succession, apper-
teyneth the care and gouernemet of the Catholike Churche, seinge the
pittyfull calametyes which heresy hath brought into the renoumed
cuntryes of Englande and Irelande, of olde so famouse for vertue, Re
ligion, and Christian obedience ; And how at this present, through the
impietie and peruerse gouernemet of Elizabeth the pretensed Quene,
with a fewe her adhearetes, those kingdomes be brought not onely to a
disordered and perillouse state in them selues, but are become as in
fected members, contagious and trublesome to the whole body of
Christendome ; And not hauinge in those parts the ordinary meanes,
which by the assistace of Christian Princes he hath in other prouinces,
to remedy disorders, and kepe in obedience and ecclesiastical discipline
the people, for that Henry the 8. late kinge of Englande, did of late
yeares, by rebellion and reuolte from the See Apostolike, violently
seperate him selfe and his subiects from the comunion and societie of
the Christian comon welth ; And Elizabeth the present vsurper, doth
continewe the same, with perturbation and perill of the cuntryes aboute
her, shewinge her selfe obstinate and incorrigible in such sorte, that
without her depriuation and deposityo there is no hope to reforme those

NO. xii.] APPENDIX. xv

states, nor kepe Christendome in perfect peace and traquillety : Ther-
fore our Holy Father, desyringe as his duty is, to prouide present and
effectuall remedy, inspired by God for the vniuersall benefite of his
Churche, moued by the particuler affection which him selfe and many
his predecessors haue had to these natyons, And solicited by the Zelous
and importunate instance of sundry the most principall persones of the
same, hath dealt earnestly with diners Princes, and specially with
the mighty and potent Kinge Catholike of Spaine, for the reuerence
which he beareth to the See Apostolike, for the olde Amity betwene his
house and the Croune of England, for the specyall loue which he hath
shewed to the Catholikes of those places, for the obteyninge of peace
and quietnesse in his cuntryes adioyninge, for the augmentinge and
increase of the Catholike faith, and finally for the vniuersall benefite of
all Europe ; that he will employe those forces which almighty God hath
giuen him, to the deposition of this woman, and correctio of her com
plices, so wicked and noysome to the worlde ; and to the reformation
and pacification of these kingdomes, whence so greate good, and so
manifold publike commodeties, are like to ensue.

AND to notefy to the world the Justice of this acte, and giue full
satisfaction to the subiects of those kingdomes and others whosoeuer,
and finally to manyfest Gods Judgements vpon sinne ; his Holynes hath
thought good, together with the declaratory sentence of this womans
chasticement, to publish also the causes, which haue moued him to
precede against her in this sorte. FIRST for that she is an Heretike,
and Schismatike, excomunicated by two his Holines predecessors ; ob
stinate in disobedience to God and the See Apostolike ; presuminge to
take vpon her, contrary to nature, reason, and all lawes both of God
and man, supreme Jurisdiction and spirituall auctority ouer mens soules.
SECONDLY for that she is a Bastard, conceyued and borne by incestuous
adultery, and therfore vncapable of the Kingdome, aswell by the
seuerall sentences of Clement the 7. and Paule the 3. of blessed memory,
as by the publike declaration of Kinge Henry him selfe. THIRDLY
for vsurpinge the Croune without right, hauinge the impediments
mentioned, and contrary to the auncyent acorde made betwene the See
Apostolike and the realme of England, vpon reconciliation of the same
after the death of S. Thomas of Canterbury, in the time of Henry the
second, that none might be lawfull kinge or Quene therof, without the
approbation and consent of the supreme Bishopp : which afterward was
renewed by kinge John, and confirmed by othe, as a thinge most bene-
ficiall to the kingdome, at request and instance of the lordes and Comons
of the same. AND FVRTHER for that with sacrilege and impiety, she
contineweth violating the solemne Othe made at her coronation, to

xlvi APPENDIX. [NO. xn.

mainteyne and defende the auncyent priuileges and ecclesiasticall liber-
tyes of the lande. FOR MANY and greuous iniuryes, extensions, op
pressions, and other wronges, done by her, and suffered to be done
against the poore and innocent people of both cuntryes. FOR sturringe
vp to sedition and rebellion the subiects of other nations about her,
against their lawfull and naturall princes, to the destructyon of infinite
soules, ouerthrow and desolation of most goodly cittyes and cuntryes.
FOR harboringe and protectinge Heretikes, fugetiues, rebelles, and
notorious malefactors, with greate iriiury and preiudice of diuers comon
wealthes : and procuringe for the oppressio of Christendome and dis
turbance of comon peace, to bringe in our potet and cruell enemy the
Tnrke. FOR so longe and barbarouse persecution of gods saints,
aflictinge, spolynge, and imprisoninge the sacred Bishops, tormentinge,
and pittyfully murtheringe numbers of holy Preists, and other catholike
persons. FOR the vnnatural and iniust imprisonment, and late cruelty
vsed against the most gracyous Princesse, Mary Quene of Scotland,
who vnder promise and assurance of protection and succor, came first
into Englande. FOR abolishinge the trevv Catholike religion; pro-
phaninge holy Sacramets, Monasteryes, Churches, Sacred persons,
Memories of saints, and what els so euer might helpe or further to
eternal saluation : And, in the Comon welth, disgraceing the auncyent
Nobility, erecting base and vnworthy persons to all the Ciuile and
Ecclesiastical Dignetyes, sellinge of lawes and Justice, And finally ex-
ercysinge an absolute Tyrannic, with high offence to almighty God,
oppressyon of the people, perdition of soules, and ruine of those
cuntryes.

WHERFORE, these thinges beinge of such nature and qualety, that
some of the make her vnable to reigne, others declare her vnworthy to
liue ; His Holinessc, in the almighty power of God, and by Apostolical
auctority to him committed, doth renewe the sentece of his predecessors
Pius 5. and Gregorie the 13. tooching the Excdmunication and deposi
tion of the sad Elizabeth : and further a newe doth Excommunicate,
and depriue her of all auctority and Princely dignety, and of all title
and pretensyon to the said Croune and Kingdomes of England and Ire
land ; declaringe her to be illegitimate, and an vniust vsurper of the
same ; And absoluinge the people of those states, and other persons
whatsoeuer, from all Obedience, Othe, and other bande of Subiection
vnto her, or to any other in her name. And further doth straitely
commaunde, vnder the indignation of almighty God, and payne of Ex-
comunication, and the corporal punishmet appoynted by the lawes,
that none, of whatsoeuer condition or estate, after notice of these pre>
sents, presume to yeilde vnto her, Obedience, fauor, or other sue-

NO. xii.] APPENDIX. Xlvii

curse ; But that they and euery of them concurre by all meanes pos
sible to her chastisement. To the ende, that she which so many wayes
hath forsaken God and his Churche, beinge now destitute of wordly
comforte, and abandoned of all, may acknowledge her offence, and
humbly submitt her selfe to the iudgements of the highest.

BE IT THERFORE notefyed to the inhabitants of the said Cuntryes,
and to all other persons, that they obserue diligently the premisses,
withdrawinge all succor publike and priuate, from the party pursued
and her adherents, after they shall haue knowlege of this present :
And that forthwith they vnite them selfs to the Catholike army con
ducted by the most noble and victorious Prince, Alexander Farnesius,
Duke of Parma and Placentia, in name of his Maiesty, with the
forces that eche one can procure, to helpe and cocurre as ys aforesaid
(yf nede shall be) to the deposition and chasticement of the said per
sons, and restitutio of the holy Catholike faith. Signifyenge to those
which shall doe the contrary or refuse to doe this here comaunded,
that they shall not escape condigne punishment.

MOREOVER BE IT KNOWEN that the intention of his Holynesse, of
the Kinge Catholike, and the Duke his highnesse in this enterprise, ys
not to inuade and conquere these kingdomes ; chaunge lawes, preuileges
or customes ; bereaue of liberty or liuelyhoode, any man (other then
rebels and ostinate persons) or make mutation in any thinge, except
suche, as by comon accorde, betwene his Holinesse, his Catholike ma-
iesty, and the states of the lande, shalbe thought necessary, for the
restitution and continuance of the Catholike Religion, and punishment
of the vsurper and her adhearents. Assuringe all men, that the con-
trouersyes which may arise by the depriuation of this woman, or vpon
other cause, eyther betwene particuler partyes, or touching the suc-
cessyon to the Croune, or betwene the Churche and Comon welthe, or
in other wise whatsoeuer, shalbe decyded and determined wholy accord-
inge to iustice and Christian equity without iniury or prejudice to any
person. AND there shall not onely due care be had, to saue from
spoyle the Catholikes of these cuntryes, which haue so longe endured,
but mercy also shewed to such penytent persons, as submitt them selues
to the Capitane generall of this army. Yea for so much as information
ys giuen, that there be many, which oriely of ignorance or feare be
fallen from the fayth, and yet notwithstandinge are taken for heretikes ;
Neyther ys yt purposed, presently to punish any such persons, but to
supporte them with clemency, till by conference with lerned men and
better consideration, they may be informed of the truth, if they doe not
shew them selues obstinate.

To PREVENT also the sheadinge of Christiane bloode, and spoyle of

xlviii APPENDIX. [NO. xin.

the cunlry, which might ensevve by the resistance of some principal!
offenders, Be it knowne by these presents, that it shal not onely be
lawfull for any person publike or priuate (ouer and besides those which
haue vndertaken the enterprise) to areste, put in holde, and deliuer vp
vnto the Catholike parte, the said vsurper, or any of her complices ;
But also holden for very good seruice and most highly rewarded,
accordinge to the qualety and condition of the partyes so deliuered. And
in like maner, all others, which here to fore haue assisted, or herafter
shall helpe and concurr to the punishment of the offenders, and to the
establishmet of Catholike Religion in these prouinces, shall receyue
that aduauncement of honor and estate which their good and faithful
seruice to the comon welthe shall require ; in which, respecte shalbe
vsed, to preserue the auncyent and honorable famelyes of the lande,
in as much as ys possible. AND finally by these presents, fre passage
ys graunted to such as wil resorte to the Catholike campe, to bringe
victuals, munytion, or other necessaryes ; promisinge liberall paymet
for all such things, as shalbe receiued from the for seruice of the army.
Exhorting withall and straitely commaunding, that al men accordinge
to theire force and ability, be redy and diligent to assiste here in ; to
the ende no occasion be giuen to vse violence, or to punish such per
sons as shall neglect this commaundement.

Our said holy father, of his benignety, and fauor to this enterprice,
out of the spiritual! treasures of the Churche, committed to his custody
and dispensation, graunteth most liberally, to al such as assist, concurr,
or helpe in any wise, to the deposition and punishment of the aboue-
named persons, and to the reformation of these two Cuntryes, Plenary
Indulgence and perdon of all their sinnes, beinge duely penitent, con
trite, and confessed, according to the law of God, and vsual custome of
Christian people.

Laus Deo.

No. XIII.— (Referred to at page 30.)
*** Sir Francis Englejield to the king of Spain, Sept. 8, 1596.

[Letters of Englefield and others, MS. vol. in my possession, f. 1.]
Al Rey nuestro Senor. Translation.

Senor, — To our Lord, the king.

For aver sido y criado de V.M. Sire, — Having served your ma
mas de quarenta aiios, y recebido jesty for more than forty years,
infinitas mercedes, tanto por mi and having received innumerable
persona, como por mi patria, no favours, as well personal, as in
puedo dexar agora, quando parece behalf of my country, at your
que Dios me ha de sacar d'este majesty's hands, I cannot, at a mo-

NO. XIII.]

APPENDIX.

xlix

mundo, de escrivir estos pocos
renglones a V.M., los quales, por
ser los postremos que tengo de em-
biar de esta vida (porque he man-
dado que non se ernbien antes que
yo sea muerto), confio que V.M.,
con sii acostumbrada clemencia,
me hara merced de passar sus reales
ojos por elios.

Lo primero que se mi offrece de
decir eri esta hora es, que conviene
mucho a todo la cristiandad que
V. Magd. tenga particular quenta
con el reyno de Inglaterra ; pues,
sin la assistencia y fuer^as desta
monarquia, no parece probable que
se podra jamas reducirse y estable-
cerse bien en la religion catolica:
y aunque para esto los seminaries
son el inedio mas poderoso y se-
guro, para preparar los animos,
toda via estos, sin fuercas tempo-
rales tambien a sii tiempo, no po-
dran conseguir el effeto que se
desea. Y aunque las armas de
Espana, por la grandeza desta mo
narquia, son suspechosas a los de-
mas principes, con todo esto no se
ha de dexar de usarlas para el re-
medio de Inglaterra ; pues por el-
las esta monarquia ha de ser el
remedio de Inglaterra, o Inglaterra
la destruycion d'esta monarquia.

Aunque no falten algunos cato-
licos de Inglaterra, que, por la
seguridad de la religion catolica,
desean que V.M. fuesse rey tam
bien de Inglaterra, toda via el cor-
VOL. III.

ment when it appears that the
Almighty is about to remove me
from the world, refrain from ad
dressing to your majesty these
few lines. They are the last
that you will receive from me
in this life (for I have ordered
that they shall not be delivered
until after my death) ; and I trust,
therefore, that your majesty, with
your accustomed kindness, will
vouchsafe to honour them with
your royal perusal.

In the first place, then, permit
me to remark, that the interests of
Christendom in general require the
special attention of your majesty
to the kingdom of England ; for,
without the support and the troops
of Spain, it is scarcely probable
that the catholic religion will ever
be restored and established in that
country. Even the seminaries,
powerful as they are in preparing
men's minds for a change, must
fail to complete their object with
out the aid of temporal force: and,
although it is true, that the arms of
Spain, already sufficiently power
ful, may excite the jealousies of
other states, still, considering that
either these arms must redeem
England, or England become a
source of annoyance and of ruin to
this country, it is impossible that
your majesty can refrain from
having recourse to them.

In England there may be some
catholics, who, for the sake of their
religion, would gladly see your
majesty on the throne of that
country ; but the body of the na-

d

1

APPENDIX.

[NO. xin.

riente de todo el reyno seria al tion, and the feelings of all the

contrario, y la inclinacion de los princes of Christendom, would

demas principes de la cristiandad, alike be opposed to such an ar-

juntandose con aquello, seria causa rangement, and wars of the most

de grandissimas guerras : y assi el serious description would be the

medio que se ha propuesto de la inevitable consequence. Of the

serenissima seiiora infanta es, sin plans, therefore, which have hither-

duda, el mejor y mas suave ; y to been proposed, that of setting

parece que no se hallara mucha up her serene highness, the infanta,

difficultad en assentar aquella, o is undoubtedly the most feasible ;

otra tra9a semejante de persona and there will be little difficulty in

tergera, por mano de V.M., si V.M. your majesty's successfully carry-

quita el recelo y sospecho de lo ing out either that, or any similar

primero (que es de querer Ingla- scheme of a third person, provided

terra para si), ni para unir la a that, in the first place, your ma-

Espana ; y si juntamente los de- jesty "can remove all suspicion of

mas medios se toman, que muchas intending either to acquire Eng-

vezes se han propuesto, de los land for yourself, or to unite it to

quales los principales son, que al- Spain, and, in the next, that the

gunos pocos inquietos de la par- other measures, which have been

cialidad contraria (que, siendo In- frequently proposed, be instantly

gleses, residen en Flandes y Ro- adopted, — especially, that a few of

ma, y pervierten a otros) se remu- the leading agitators belonging to

even, o se refrenen ; y otros zelosos the opposite faction (Englishmen

del servicio de V.M. se apoyen, y residing in Flanders and Rome,

se animen con sustento y autoridad and employing themselves in cor-

de los mismos puestos ; porque rupting others) be removed, or

d'esto dependera el successo de put under restraint, and that their

places be supplied by others, whose
zeal in your majesty's cause is de
serving of this encouragement.
It is on this, in fact, that the suc
cess of any negotiation with the
English must depend.

La yda del padre Personio a With regard to the journey of

Roma, como de una parte veo que father Persons to Rome, although,

podra hazer muy buenos efFetos, on the one hand, I see the good

assi de la otra, sabiendo yo el odio likely to result from it, yet, on the

y aversion de todos los de la par- other, knowing the hatred and

cialidad Escossesa y Francesa le aversion with which he is regarded

tienen, por pensar que es cabe9a by the Scottish and French fac-

de los que favorecen a las cosas de tions (who, in consequence of his

toda la negociacion con la gente
Inglesa.

NO. XIII.]

APPENDIX.

li

V.M., tanto por el libro que escri-
vio contra el edito de la reyna,
como por el otro que se escrivio
de la succession (en el qual se des-
cubrieron primero de todo las ac-
ciones que las casas de Portugal y
Castilla tienen a la succession de
Inglaterra, las quales antes no se
sabian), y por otras cosas que el
dicho padre ha escrito, y hecho, y
haze cada dia, de esta parte ; — por
todo esto me ha parecido, y me
parece, que este viage del padre le
sera de muchissimo peligro, si no
va muy bien apoyado de V.M.,
con espressa orden al embaxador
de Roma que no le dexe detener
por ahy, con ninguna invencion de
los contrarios, y que mire mucho
por sii seguridad mientras que es-
tuviere en Italia, y que le socorre
con cuydad, en qualquiera neces-
sidad. — Y, con todo esto, temo el
successo.

Lo que el padre Personio me
dixo, que avia tratado con los mi-
nistros de V.M., los meses passa-
dos, en Toledo, que se pusiesse
alguna consulta particular en Flan-
des, cabe la persona del archi-
duque cardinal, para las cosas de
Inglaterra, y que algunas personas
confidentes de la misma nacion
entrassen tambien de ella, es de
tanta importancia, que, hasta que
se essecute, y que la nacion tenga
alguna cabe9a segura en las cosas
tocantes a V.M.,1 no aguardo yo

Reply to the queen's Edict, of the
book, written on the Succession and
discovering the hitherto unknown
pretensions of Portugal and Castile
to the English crown, and of other
things which the said father has
written and done, and daily con
tinues to do, on that side of the
question, consider him as the leader
of the party attached to your ma
jesty's interests) — knowing this, I
say, it always has appeared, as it
still appears, to me, that his jour
ney will involve him in the greatest
danger, unless he goes strongly
supported by your majesty, with
an express order to the ambassador
at Rome to prevent his detention
there, through any contrivance of
the opposite party ; to provide for
his safety during his residence in
Italy ; and to have assistance at
hand, in case of any emergency :—
and even with all these precau
tions, I fear for the consequences.
The project, which father Per
sons told me he had discussed with
your majesty's ministers, a few
months since, at Toledo, of a special
conference on the affairs of Eng
land, to be held in Flanders, under
the presidency of the cardinal-arch
duke, and to be joined by some con
fidential persons of the English
nation, is of so much importance,
that, until it is effected, and until
the nation shall possess some head
securely attached to your majesty's
interests,1 I look for no favourable

1 [Does he not here allude to the project of making Persons a cardinal ? — a
project of which he thus speaks in a letter to Allen, written in the preceding
January : — " The good we might receive by having another spiritual head con •

d

lii

APPENDIX.

[NO. xm.

algun buen successo en las cosas
de Inglaterra; pues los inquietos
siempre lo revolveran todo.

Torno a representar a V.M ., que
importa mucho a su real servicio,
y a la reputacion con la nacion
Inglesa, que V.M. mande tener
quenta con el coronel Stanleyo, y
despachar su negocio que tantos
anos esta suspendido en esta corte,
lo qual haze mucho daiio con des-
animar a muchos que querrian
venir al servicio de V.M., y los
enemigos se firmen muchissimo
d'este exemplo, para que ningun
se fia, &c.

Importara tambien al servicio de
V.M., que algun hombre confi-
dente y intelligente de nuestra na
cion resida en Madrid, para dar
avisos a V.M., y a los de su con-
sejo, mucho mejor de lo que yo he
podido hazer : y, al presente, viene
a Espana, con el duque de Feria,
un cavallero muy principal, llamado
Tomas Fitzherbert, que ha ser-
vido muchos anos a V.M., con
grande satisfaccion, y es de grande
fidelidad y partes, y de casa muy
principal : y si V.M. fuere servido
honrarle y armarle cavallero al
modo de Inglaterra, y darle la casa
y entretenimientos que yo hasta
agora he tenido, seria animar rnu-

issue to the affairs of England, de
ranged as they constantly will be
by the arts of the factious.

I must next point out to your
majesty the importance, as re
gards the royal cause and its cha
racter in the eyes of England,
of issuing immediate instructions
for settling the claims of colonel
Stanley, and thus terminating his
suit in this court. It has now
been suspended for many years ;
and the delay has not only been
productive of injury and discou
ragement to many who would
enter your majesty's service, but
has likewise afforded your enemies
an opportunity of appealing to it
for their own purposes, and creating
a general feeling of distrust, &c.

It will also be important to the
interests of your majesty, that some
trustworthy and intelligent En
glishman should reside at Madrid,
in order to supply your majesty
and the council with better infor
mation than it has been in my
power to give. Such a person has
just arrived in Spain, in com
pany with the duke of Feria. He
is a gentleman of consideration,
named Thomas Fitzherbert ; a man
of tried fidelity, of excellent abili
ties, and of good family, who is
already known to your majesty in
a long and approved course of
service. And were your majesty
pleased to confer on him the ho-

stituted among us, is, I grant, over long delayed, and yet not possible to be
hastened by us more than it is, respecting the natural inclination of those,
which may and must be the chief furtherers of that our desire." Orig. in my
possession. — T.~\

NO. XIII.]

APPENDIX.

cho a el, y a los buenos de nuestra
nation ; y sin duda entiendo, que

seria mucho servicio de V.M. : -

y por esto se lo propongo y suplico
humildemente a V.MJ a quien
nuestro Senor de muy largos aiios
prosperos de vida como le suplico.
En Valladolid, estando muy apre-
tado de calenturas,a8. de7bre!596.
De V. Catolica Magd.
fiel subdito y criado
FRANCISCO ENGLEFIELD.

liii

nour of knighthood, after the En
glish fashion, assigning to him, at
the same: time, the residence and
salary hitherto enjoyed by me, it
would not only encourage him and
the well-disposed of our country,
men, but also, I am convinced,
prove of essential service to your
majesty. It is for this reason that
I propose him, with my humble en
treaties, to the consideration of
your majesty ; on whom may our
Lord bestow, as I pray he will, a
long and prosperous life. At Val-
ladolid, much reduced by fever, on
the 8th of September, 1596.
From your Catholic Majesty's
faithful subject and servant,
FRANCIS ENGLEFIELD.

The Duke of Feria to the King of Spain. Jan. 3, 1597
[Letters of Englefield and others. MS. vol. in my possession, f. 13.]

Senor,

Por la copia que embie a V. M.
de un memorial que di al Senor
archiduque, podra V.M. aver vis-
to lo que siento acerca del pacifi-
car la naciori Inglesa, que, con
grande scandalo y deservicio de
V.M., esta divisa y puesta en par-
cialidades; y esto va cresciendo
de manera, que no se sufre aya
dilacion en el remedio : y el unico,
que siempre se me ha offrecido,es,

Sire, —

In the copy, which I sent to
your majesty, of my memorial to
the archduke, your majesty will
have seen my opinion as to the
removal of the dissentions preva
lent among the English, who, with
great scandal, and to the detri
ment of your majesty's service,
continue to be divided and split
into separate factions. The evil is
encreasing, in a manner that will

&' *" «* "Miuuci llJelL Wll

apartar algunos de Flandes, que admit of no delay in the applica

principalmente mueven esta ma-
quina, que todos son entretenidos
de V.M. : Y aora ultimamerite he
visto un memorial de inquietos,
con firmas de 8. o 9. dellos (el qual
lleva Thomas Fitzherbert) contra
Ugo Oen, y otros que sienten con

tion of a remedy : and the only
remedy, that has ever occurred to
me, is, to remove the principal agi
tators from Flanders, all of whom
are supported by your majesty's
bounty. I have recently seen a
memorial (and it is now in the pos-

liv

APPENDIX.

[NO. xin.

el in las cosas de Inglaterra, que
ellos llaman confederacies de los
que estan en Flandes, como de los
que ay in Espana, que son los mas
confidentes y utiles que tiene la
nacion, para el servicio de Dios, y
por consiguiente de V.M.1 Y jun-
tamente con esto, he tenido aviso
C/ierto, que su santidad ha dicho al
doctor Barret, rector del seminario
de Douay, que estos mismos le
avian escrito, que mandasse salir
de Flandes al padre Guillermo
Holt de la compania de Jesus, que
es la persona de mayor servicio
que V.M. tiene alii. Y esto he
visto claro, que es encaminado al
beneficio del rey de Escocia ; y al-
gunos se han descuydado a hab-
larme claramente en su favor ; pi-
cados con il libro de succession, en
favor, segun ellos dizen, de V.M.,
y de la senora Infanta ; procurando
por esto camino hazer odiosos los
fines santos de V.M., y levantar al
rey de Escocia por todos los me-

session of Thomas Fitzherbert),
signed by eight or nine of these
disturbers, and directed against
Hugh Owen and those who think
with him on the affairs of England;
persons whom they denominate the
confederates of those, who, whether
in Flanders or in Spain, are in reality
among the most trustworthy of the
English exiles, — the most service
able in the cause of God, and, con
sequently, in that of your majesty.1
In addition to this, I have received
positive information that his holi
ness told Dr. Barrett, the president
of Douay College, that the same
parties had written to solicit the
removal from Flanders of Father
Holt, a member of the society of
Jesus, and the most efficient of
your majesty's servants in that
country. The object in all this is
evidently to further the interests
of the Scottish king. Nay, some,
irritated by the book on the Suc
cession, have so far forgotten them-

1 [The document, here described as a memorial against Owen, is dated May 28,
1596, and bears the signatures of Westmoreland, Paget, and the others, after
wards mentioned in the present paper, together with that of a person named
John Pancefoot. It is really an address to the nuncio, soliciting his good
offices with the cardinal archduke, and requesting him, first, to obtain for the
memorialists a restoration of their pensions, which have been withdrawn;
secondly, to prevent the adoption of any measures to their disadvantage, until
they shall have had an opportunity of defending themselves against the charges
set forth by their adversaries. Those adversaries, they say, are Hugh Owen and
" his confederates," who have already endeavoured to effect their expulsion from
Flanders, and will, in all probability, renew the attempt. " Quod similia
inachinamenta adversus nos, non admodum longa temporis intercapidine, in
Hispania variis ipsius (Oweni) ej usque confaoderatorum conatibus (tametsi
nuperrime ad notitiam nostram clevenerint) attentata fuerunt: et ha?c ita ex-
cogitata hujusmodi natures extiterunt, ut spem nonnullam adversariis nostris
prabuerunt, se brevi hide effecturos ut nostrorum singuli vel in exilium mit-
terentur, vel in remotissimas suae majestatis in Europa regiones exterminare-
mur. Quod profecto, omni industria adhibita, ut ad effectum deducerent
moliebantur. * * * * * Et ut idem contra nos attentare denuo non possint,"
&c. (MS. in my possession.) That this anticipation of future attempts to
procure their banishment was not unfounded, is evident from the present me
morial.— 71.]

NO. XIII.]

APPENDIX.

lv

dios que se pueden: Y assi con-
viene en todo caso apartarse las
cabegas, que principalmente son
Carlos Paget, Guillermo Tressam,
Rodolfo Ligon ; y que se embias-
sen luego eon entretenimientos a
Sicilia (pagandoseles lo que se les
deve antes que salgan), porque,
en qualquiera parte que sea mas
cerca, haran malos officios ; y no
les falta tragapara ello, ni en Italia
a muchos inclinacion a lo, que
V.M. raejor sabe. Pero que se
les continuen los entretenimientos
(como lo digo en aquel memorial
que di al archiduque cardinal), y
a los demas contenidos en el, que
son el conde de Westmoreland, Ti-
motheo Mocquet, Carlos Bruno,
Ricardo Gage, y Juan Stonor, que
la mayor parte d'ellos estan casa-
dos en Flandes ; y haze compas
sion el desacomodarlos, hasta que
aya reincidencia. Con todo esto,
seria bien que se les diesse una
reprehension, con aditamento que
se les quitaran sus sueldos, y se
echaran de los estados de V.M.
El conde de Westmoreland no tiene
otra parte que estimar, si no es la
qualidad de su linaje ; y el dessea-
ria, a lo que entiendo, servir en
Milan, adonde no puede hazer
dano, y, apartados los que le mue-
ven, se sosegara ; y los demas, que
ay en otras partes, con esta demon -
stracion escarmentarean, viendo
que se usa de otros remedios, dif-
ferentes de la blandura con que
hasta aqui se a procedido con ellos.

selves as even to speak openly in fa
vour of that monarch, to denounce
the obnoxious work as written to
support the claims of your majesty
and the infanta, and thus at once to
discredit the holy purposes of your
majesty, and to promote, by all
possible means, the cause of the
Scottish king. Hence, it will be well
to remove the heads of the party,
particularly, Charles Paget, Wil
liam Tresham, and Ralph Ligon ;
and, having discharged whatever
arrears of pension may be due to
them, to send them, with some al
lowance, into Sicily. In any nearer
spot, they will possess the means,
as in Italy, your majesty knows,
too many possess the inclination,
to work mischief; and we can
scarcely expect that they will fail
to employ them. I would not,
however, as I said in my memorial
to the cardinal archduke, deprive
either them, or the others whom
I then mentioned, the earl of
Westmoreland, Timothy Mocquet,
Charles Brown, Richard Gage, and
John Stonor, of their pensions.
Of the latter, in fact, most have
contracted marriages in Flanders ;
and, unless they should again of
fend, it would only excite compas
sion in their regard, to leave them
entirely destitute. Still, it will be
well to reprimand them for their
misconduct, and to inform them,
at the same time, that, should they
again incur your majesty's displea
sure, they will be deprived of their
allowance, and at once removed
from your majesty's dominions.
With regard to the earl of West-

Ivi

APPENDIX.

[NO. xm.

Y importa no menos que V.M.
mandasse al general de la com-
pania de Jesus con alguna occa
sion sacasse de aquellos estados al
padre Criton, religiose de la misma
compania, que es muy declarado
por el rey de Escocia, y me ha
hablado algunas vezes, con mucha
passion, en sus cosas ; y, siendo el
hombre vehemente de su natural,
y con ser religiose, y hombre de
buen exemplo, estimado de muchos,
podria hazer alii mucho dano. Y
en sii lugar estara muy bien el
padre Gordon, Escoses, tio del
conde de Huntley, que es hombre
muy quieto, desapassionado, y des-
enganado de las cosas de su rey, y
que se conforma con los Ingleses
que van por el camino derecho.

En Lila es Dean un doctor Gif-

moreland, he possesses no claims to
respect but those of his ancestry ;
and would gladly, I understand,
accept a situation in Milan. There,
without the power of being mis
chievous, and at a distance from
the influence of his present asso
ciates, he would naturally sink into
repose : while the rest of the party,
convinced by this example that
forbearance was at an end, would
necessarily look for the adoption
of severer measures, and learn to
tremble for their own fate.

It is a matter of no less import
ance, that your majesty should
command the general of the so
ciety of Jesus to avail himself of
some favourable opportunity for
removing father Creighton, a
member of that society, who is not
only an avowed advocate of the
king of Scots, but who has also
frequently spoken to me, with the
most passionate feeling, on the
subject of that monarch's affairs.
As a man, in fact, of vehement
temperament, religious, however*
in his principles, and esteemed by
many for his exemplary demean
our, his influence is capable of
producing the most injurious con
sequences in Flanders : and his
place, therefore, would be advan
tageously supplied by father Gor
don, a Scotsman and uncle to the
earl of Huntley, a quiet and dis
passionate person, divested of his
prepossessions in favour of his own
sovereign, and agreeing with those
among the English, who are pro
ceeding in the right road.

In Lisle there is a doctor Gif-

NO. XIII.]

APPENDIX.

Ivii

ford, hombre de buenas partes,
aunque ambicioso, y poco cuerdo,
segun entiendo, y intimo consejero
del nuncio Malvasia. Hara siem-
pre malos officios por ir con la
suya adelante, y esperando crecer
por este camino; yiendo que en
Roma no es odioso, y que es el
hombre de mayor estimation que
sigue aquella parcialidad. Y aunque
estas cosas tengo dichas en el papel

que arriba , por ver

que si pierde tiempo en el remedio
d'ellos, no he podido escusar de
bolver a referir lo que me parece
necessario al servicio de V.M., y
bien publico. Nuestro senor, &c.
— En Barcelona, 3 de Hennero,
1597.

ford, the dean of that place, a
man of good abilities but of ambi
tious views, possessing, I am told,
but little discretion, and yet the
confidential adviser of the nuncio
Malvasia. At Rome he is not in
bad estimation. His character, in
fact, stands higher than that of
any other individual belonging to
his party ; and, to increase his
importance, by accomplishing his
purposes, he will never hesitate
to effect any mischief. Though
I have already mentioned these
things in the paper which above

, yet, as the remedy is

still delayed, I could not refrain
from again referring to them, as
matters which I deemed essential
both to your majesty's service and
to the public good. Our Lord, &c.
— At Barcelona, January 3, 1597.

*** Father Persons to Father Holt. March 15, 1597-
[MS. in the handwriting of Persons, in my possession.1]

Copia d'una lettera intercetta del padre Personio, scritta in cifra alii
15 di Marzo, del anno 1597, da Genua, al padre Gulielmo Holto, re-
sidente per allora in Brussella, intorno le cause vere della sua venuta a
Roma. La lettera in lingua Inglesa commincia cosi :

Un ricordo per il padre Holto, et per altri amici confident!, alii quali
giudicara conveniente di romunicarlo.

1°. Le cause principali di questo mio viaggio a Roma sono, primo, per
stabilire, con sua santita et con il padre Generale della compagnia, tutti
quelli punti, che parerano necessarii per sustentar li seminarii nostri in
Spagna, Fiandra, et Italia, et la missione Anglicana delli padri della
compagnia ; et cosi tutte quelle cose che vi si offerirano costi, a propo-
sito per questi fini, siano di facolta, governo, privilegii, sustento tempo-
rale, o altre cose simili, prego R.V., et 1'altri amici che me ne voglino

1 [There is a copy of this at Stonyhurst, MSS. Angl. A. ii. 24. Mr. Plowden
has published a translation of it, in his Remarks on Berington's Panzani,
Appendix, 350. Persons professed to print its substance in his " Manifesta
tion" (page 48); but omitted the passage in which he speaks of the infanta.
I shall have occasion to allude to this again, in a subsequent note.— T.]

Iviii APPENDIX. [NO. xin.

advertire, con tutta la prestezza possibile ; perche penso di procurare
che la mia restata in Italia sia brevissima, et cosi ancho n'ho promesso
partendome da Spagna, et per molte raggioni e necessario.

2 . Si, piu di questo, potro far ancho alcun buon' officio nel com-
porre 6 finire li tumulti del collegio Inglese in Roma, et 1'altre contro-
versie della nostra natione in altri luoghi, faro lo meglio che potro, et
spero che questo almanco s'effettuara, che si dara a intendere a sua
santita, et all' altri personaggii principal!, quali sono lo vere cause et
fundamentali di queste discordie.

3°. Intorn' al negotio della corona d'Inghilterra, il proposito mio e
proponere a sua santita il vero stato della cosa in se, et di quanta ne-
cessita sia che sua Beatitudine ne pensi seriamente et presto, accioche,
doppo la morte della regina, non venga il governo in mani peggiori ;
li danni grandissimi et pericoli evidenti che seguitarono si qualsivoglia
principe heretico vi s'intrasse ; et che li cattolici Inglesi solamente de-
siderano un re che sia sinceramente cattolico, senza rispetto di che sia
6 Inglese, Scozzese, Spagnolo, 6 d'altra natione ; et che, in questo
punto, anche loro dependono principalmente da sua santita.

4°. Di piu, che il padre Personio non e contrario al re di Scotia, ne
procuratore per il re di Spagna,1 come alcun i (per farlo odioso) n'han
dato informatione ; mostrando per prova del primo (toccante al re di
Scotia) li molti buoni officii, che il padre Personio, per molti anni, fece
per il detto re di Scotia, mentre che v'era speranza che si faria catto
lico ; et nei secondo (toccante al re di Spagna) se mostrara per testi-
monio del nontio apostolico, che sta in Madrid, il quale anco n'ha
scritto effettualmente a sua santita, che il padre Personio ha persuaso
sempre al re di Spagna, et alii suoi ministri, che non li stara bene pre
tender il regno d'Inghilterra per se, et che gia ha ottenuto promessa
ferma di sua maiesta, che non lo fara, et il nontio n'ha visto le scritture,
et e stato consapevole di tutto quello che il padre Personio ha parlato
et trattato in questa materia, da tempo in tempo.

1 [This is not strictly true. That he was not commissioned to advocate the
personal claims of the Spanish monarch, may be correct : but that he was the
accredited agent of Spain, employed expressly to support the pretensions of the
infanta, is evident from the preceding memorial of Englefield. From what
follows, it is clear that his plan was, in the first instance, to propose the matter
generally to the pope, to allow him to reflect on it " per un pezzo," for awhile
(Mr. Plowden has overlooked these words) ; and then, in case of doubt or
difference, to urge his own opinion in favour of the infanta and the cardinal
Farnese. As an additional proof of his agency for the daughter of the Spanish
king, I may add, that, in the following July, he wrote to Don Juan d'Idiaquez,
mentioning an audience which he had had with the pope, and informing him
that the latter appeared as warm in the cause of the infanta as could be desired :
" y parece que su santidad esta tan adelante y desseoso en lo de la senora infanta,
co-mo se puede desear." Persons's own copy of the letter, in my possession.
Sec also the following- papers. — 71.]

NO. xiii.] APPENDIX. lix

5°. Ultimamente, la conclusione con sua santita ha d'essere che la
sola strada per accordar le cose sara, che sua santita convenga con sua
maiesta cattolica, per via d'alcuna buona compositione, in qualche per
sona idonea, la quale staria bene, tanto per sua santita, quanto per sua
maiesta cattolica, et per li cattolici Inglesi, et Scozzesi, et per il re di
Francia, et il re di Denamarca, et per tutti 1'altri : ma che sia quella
persona, 6 persone, il padre Personio ha intentione di lasciarlo pensare
molto seriamente da sua santita,1 per un pezzo ; benche, a parer mio,
nissun' accordo sarebbe piu utile, probabile, 6 fattibile, che nella persona
della signora infanta, maritata al principe cardinale.3 Nientedimeno
se voi et 1'altri buoni amici, che stano costi, fussero d'altro parere, et
havessero pensato altra cosa, con il modo d'effettuarlo, li prego che lo
scrivano, porche io molto volontieri me conformaro anch' alii altri ; et,
in questa materia, penso di proceder molto lentamente, spettando quello
che scriverano da costi.

Solamente me pare che s'habbia d'advertire, che, in questo negotio,
non habbiamo di risguardar tanto li nostri desiderii, volonta, et appetiti
proprii, quanto le tre condition! specificate di sopra, d'utilita, proba-
bilita, et possibilita, nella persona che si designa; et questo non solo
per guadagnar la possessione della corona, ma ancho per defenderla
dipoi, et per stabilir et mantener le cose. Et quest' e tutto quello che
se m'offerisce intorn' a questa materia : et cosi con raccomandarme
cordialmente a tutti fo fine, raccomandando il secreto in queste cose,
come vederete esser necessario. Nostro Signore Giesu Christo sia con
loro sempre. Da Genua a 15 di Marzo, 1597. Vostro sempre,

215.

*.j(.* Persons to Don Juan d'Idiaquez, concerning Pa get, Morgan,
and others. June 30, 1597.3

[MS. in my possession.]

Que la parcialidad de Carlos Pa- The faction of Charles Paget, and
getto y Tomas Morgano aya sido, Thomas Morgan, the source of
y sea, muy prejudicial al servicio much past and present injury
de su magd., para las cosas de to the cause of his majesty in
Inglaterra. England.

No ha sido poco dano a la causa The circumstance of some of

1 [Thus far Persons, in his Manifestation, has given this letter, or its sub
stance, with tolerable fidelity : the rest, however, he compresses into the small
compass of an " fyc. ; " and then, speaking of himself in the third person, gravely
adds, — " Thus he writeth, as you see, in great confidence and secrecy, to his
dearest friend" (f.49a-). — Bishop Dicconson, remarking on the words, "as you
see," shrewdly asks, " But who sees whether or not he has given an entire copy
thereof?" — Marginal annotation, written by the bishop, in the copy of the
Manifestation, belonging to Ushaw College. — T.~\

2 [These words are scored by Persons himself. — 71.]

3 [This document was accompanied by the letter, to which I have referred in

APPENDIX.

[NO. xin.

publica de todos los catolicos In-
gleses, y a las cosas de su Magd.,
tocantes aquel reyno, que algunos
ministros suyos no ayan entendido
bien, o no tenido la cuenta que
convenia con la parcialidad y fac
tion de los dichos dos hombres ; y
muchos mayores danos seguirse
han, si de aqui adelante no se mira
con mas atencion en ella, como,
por lo que ahora se dira, cada uno
entendera.

La primera origen de desta dis
union fue en el ano de '82, quando,
en una junta, que se hizo en Paris,
del nuncio apostolico y del am-
baxador de Espana, Juan Baptista
de Texis, y el duque de Guysa, y
del arzobispo de Glasco, embaxa-
dor de la reyna de Escocia, y de
otros, se concluyo que, en la re-
ducion de los reynos de Inglaterra
y de Escocia, se avia de tomar
el arrimo del rey de Espana, y no
otro camino. Por confirmacion de
lo qual, fueron embiados a Lisboa
y a Roma el padre Personio y el
padre Critonio, para pedir cierto
soccorro para Escocia. Y porque
avian sido excluydos desta junta
los dos dichos Pagetto y Morgano,
que se llamavan criados de la dicha

his majesty's servants having mis
taken or disregarded the factious
proceedings of these two men, has
already been the occasion of no
slight injury both to the cause of
the catholics, and to the interests
of his majesty, in England ; and
that still greater injury is likely to
result from a want of attention
to their designs in future, will be
readily understood from the fol
lowing facts.

The origin of their estrange
ment may be traced to the year
1582, when, at a meeting in Paris,
attended by the nuncio, the Spanish
ambassador, John Baptist de Taxis,
the duke of Guise, the archbishop
of Glasgow as ambassador from
the queen of Scots, and others, it
was determined that the conversion
of England and Scotland should
rest solely on the support of the
king of Spain ; and, in pursuance
of this resolution, the fathers Per
sons and Creighton were ordered
to proceed, the former to Lisbon,
the latter to Rome, in order to ob
tain some certain assistance for
Scotland. From this meeting Pa-
get and Morgan, who were resid
ing in France as the agents of the

a note to the preceding paper. The letter is dated July the third. In it Per
sons tells Idiaquez that, although the tumult in the Roman college has been
appeased, much distrust, as to the designs of the Jesuits and of the Spaniards,
still remains amongst the students ; that this feeling is encouraged by the
members of the Scottish party in Flanders; and that, for this reason, and in the
hope of seeing the heads of the faction speedily removed, he has been induced
to send him the present narrative. " Siendo la cosa fomentada por los de

Flandres fue la causa por la qual me resolvi de apuritar la narracion,

que va con esta, del principio (principal) occasion, del progresso, y de los intentos
de aquella parcialidad ; la qual si no se remedia con apartandos otres de las
cabec,as (o Pagetto alomenos), no parece que avra fin." MS. in my possession,
endorsed by Persons himself, " Copia de mi Carta al Scnor Don J. d'ldia-
quez

'rseo. by

."—TV]

NO. XIII.]

APPENDIX.

Ixi

reyna de Escocia, y tenian cores-
pondencia con dos secretaries su»
yos, Nau Frances, y Curie Esco?es,
que residian con ella en Ingla-
terra, y tenianMas cifras, y podian
mucho con ella : hizieron tanto
con ellos estos *dos discontentos,
que residian en Francia, y todos
quatro juntos con la disdechada
reyna, que la divertieron de todo
affetto y confianza deste camino
comenzado por via de Espana.

De todo esto es testigo hasta hoy
el padre Henrico Samerio, Frances,
de la compania de Jesus, el qual
vive en Flandes, y en esta sazon se
hallo con la dicha reyna en Ingla-
terra con nombre de medico, y
veya las cosas que passavan. Tam-
bien el duque de Guysa era testigo
desto mientrasTque vivia ; el qual
dixo, con mucho sentimiento, a
muchas personas, y particular-
mente al padre Claudio Mateo
Loranes de la compania de Jesus,
su confessor, y al padre Personio,
y mas, que los dichos Pagetto y
Morgano avian puesto en discon-
fianza con la reyna a el mismo, en
cierta [cosa], por demajado confi-
dente de Espana, y de los padres
de la compania.

Scottish queen, were excluded.
Irritated at the affront, they applied
to two of the queen's secretaries
with whom they corresponded,
Nau a Frenchman, and Curie a
native of Scotland, who both re
sided with her in England, who
possessed her cipher, and held con
siderable sway in her councils;
and they so far influenced the
views of these men, that the four
in conjunction speedily contrived
to alienate the mind of the un
happy queen, and destroy her con
fidence in the scheme thus set on
foot for the employment of Spain.
In proof of this, we have the still
living testimony of father Henry
Samerie, a French Jesuit, who now
resides in Flanders, and who, at
the periodln question, living with
the queen in England, in character
of her physician, was privy to all
that passed. The fact was also
attested by the duke of Guise in
his lifetime, who said, with much
concern, to several persons, and
particularly to his confessor, father
Claud Matthew Loranes, of the
society of Jesus, to father Persons,
and to some others, that through the
instrumentality of Paget and Mor
gan, who had represented him as
the sworn creature of Spain and
of the Jesuits, he himself, in a cer
tain transaction, had been wholly
deprived of the queen's confi
dence.

1 [This same story of the origin of Paget and Morgan's hostility to Persons
and "the other members of the Spanish party, is told by Mr. Plowden, in his
Remarks on Panzani, p. 105. The reader, however, who will turn to the letter
of father Oliver Manareus, written on the 18th of September, 1597, and ad-

Ixii

APPENDIX.

[NO. xiir.

Tras esto se sabe que los dichos
dos tratavan algunas veces con el
dicho duque de Guysa, para que
tomasse en si de librar a la reyna
de Escocia, y de metterla en el
reyno de Inglaterra y Escocia, con
las fuercas de Francia y de sus
amigos Franceses, sin admitter a
Espanoles : y quando el duque no
queria consentir a esto, si no que
se resolvio de nuevo, en el ano de
'83, de pedir otra vez soccorro de
su magd. de Espana, Carlos Pa-
getto, no podiendo impedir esta
resolucion, offreciose de andar a
Inglaterra, para juntar tambien el
conde de Nortumberland con el
duque. Pero el llegando por alia,
hizo officio contrario, divertien-
dole para que no se juntasse, como
el misrao duque de Guysa lo dixo
despues a muchos. Y el mismo
Pagetto lo avia dicho en secreto a
Guilelmo Wattis, sacerdote Ingles,
quando estava para erabarcarse
para yr a Inglaterra, que tenia esta
intencion : y mas, se sabe por el
testimonio del sobredicho padre
Samerio, y de otros, que Pagetto y
Morgano avian, por cartas, diver-
tido a la misma reyna de Escocia,
y hecho que escriviesse al dicho
conde, que, en ninguna manera, se
juntasse con el duque de Guysa,
ni con los Espanoles, en esta em-
presa. Y esto hezieron Pagetto
y Morgano en Paris, despues de
reconciliados con el duque de

In addition to this, it is a known
fact, that these men more than
once endeavoured to persuade the
duke of Guise to undertake the
task of liberating the Scottish
queen and placing her on the
throne of England and Scotland,
by means of French troops and
French friends, to the exclusion of
the Spaniards ; and that, upon the
duke's refusing to comply with
this request, and resolving, in 1583,
once more to solicit the assistance
of the king of Spain, Charles Pa-
get, unable to prevent the accom
plishment of this determination,
offered to go to England, and in
duce the earl of Northumberland
to join the duke. On his arrival,
however, his whole endeavour was
to dissuade the earl from the pro
ject, as the duke himself afterwards
mentioned to several. In fact,
Paget, when on the point of em
barking for England, had himself
secretly informed William Watts,
an English priest, of his intention
to adopt this course : and not only
father Samerie, but also several
others inform us, that both he and
Morgan so influenced the Scottish
queen herself by their letters, that
she wrote to the earl, forbidding
him in any way to join either the
duke of Guise or the Spaniards, in
the proposed enterprise. — Such
was the conduct of Paget and Mor
gan, even after their reconciliation,

dressed to father George Duras, will find some reason to question its accuracy.
The letter, together with another from the same person, will be found in No.
XVII. of this Appendix : both should be read in connexion with the present
paper.-r.]

NO. XIII.]

APPENDIX.

Ixiii

Guysa, y con el doctor Alano, y
con el padre Personio ; los quales,
por el deseo que tenian de paz y
union, y para que estos no estur-
bassen mas las cosas, les avian ad-
mittido a la participacion de todos
los secretes. Pero estos nunca
despues les fueron fieles, como
parecera por las cosas seguientes.

Passada esta primera traycion
de la diversion del conde de Nor-
tumberland, la qual fue causa tam-
bien de la perdicion del conde,
andavan cada dia los dos oppo-
nendose en secreto, por todas vias
possibles (pero principalmente por
via de la reyna de Escocia, la qual
ya teriian muy ganada), a todo
quanto la otra parte yva haciendo
en beneficio de la dicha reyna, y
de la causa publica, por via de
Espana ; quexandose, y dando por
causa (como oy dia tarn bien lo
hacen), que los dichos Alano, y
Personio, y Inglefildo, y otros sus
parciales, no comunicavan con
ellos las cosas de la reyna de Es
cocia, que les tocavan por ser cri-
ados d'ella. Por lo qual, los dichos
Alano y Personio, el ano '84, ve-
nieron otra vez a Paris, a renovar
amistad con los dos, y comuni-
carles de nuevo los negocios, con
la occasion que el baron Pagetto,
hermano de Carlos, avia venido de
Inglaterra, y avia speranza que,
por su medio, se podia ganar a los
dos : aunque succedio al reves,
pues los dos ganaron a el baron a
su bando.

in Paris, with the duke of Guise,
Dr. Allen, and father Persons, who,
for the sake of peace and union, and,
in order to prevent their further
intrigues, had admitted them to a
participation in all their secrets.
That they never afterwards, how
ever, proved faithful to their new
alliance, will appear from the fol
lowing facts.

After this first act of treason, in
the case of the earl of Northumber
land, an act which led ultimately to
the destruction of that nobleman,
they were daily engaged in op
posing, by every possible means,
but especially through the instru
mentality of the Scottish queen her
self, whom they had now gained
over, whatever was sought to be
accomplished by the opposite party,
for the benefit of that princess and
of the common cause, through the
intervention of Spain. In justifica
tion of their conduct, they com
plained, as they still complain, that
Allen, Persons, Englefield, and
others of that party, refused to
communicate with them on the
concerns of the queen of Scots, in
which, as her servants, they were
more particularly concerned : and,
to remove this ground of dissen-
tion, Allen and Persons, in the
year 1584?, came once more to
Paris, intending to renew their
friendship with these parties, and,
at the same time, to acquaint them
again with the situation of affairs.
It was at the moment that the ba
ron Paget, the brother of Charles,
had arrived from England. By his

Ixiv

APPENDIX.

[NO. xin.

Y hecieron otra traycion, que
fue, que mientras que estavan tra-
tando con el duque de Guysa, y
con Alano y Personio, de procurar
y aguardar algunas fuer9as de Es-
pana (de las quales ya avia mucha
probabili dad que vendrian presto),
losdos embiaron secretamente aln-
glaterra un cierto espia, que avia
sido muchos anos de la reyna de In-
glaterra en Italia y otras partes,
llamado Guilelmo Parry; el qual
descubrio lluego a la reyna todo
lo que passava, como se save por
sus confessiones, que estan impre-
sas : y mas, la dixo como tenia
commission para matar tarn bien
a ella, a su tiempo, para llevantar
a la reyna de Escocia, y para pre-
venir la invasion Espanola, la que
los jesuitas pretendian. Y aunque
por entonces la reyna le agradecio,
y le regalo, toda via despues le
hizo a hurcar : y este fue el fin del
doctor Parry.

Despues desto los dos attendian
por mucho tiempo a hazer odioso,
para con todo genero de hombres,
el nombre de invasion Espanola, y
a los que, a su parecer, la procura-
van, o la favorecian ; dando nom
bre de invasion Espanola a todo
genero de ayuda o soccorro, que
se pretendia por via de Espaiia.
Tarn bien llamavan a Alano, Per-

influence it was hoped that both
Charles and Morgan might be
gained over : the reverse, however,
occurred ; for the baron was con
verted to their party.

Another instance of their trea
sonable conduct was, that, at the
very time they were treating with
the duke of Guise, Allen, and Per
sons, to procure a supply of troops
from Spain, of the speedy arrival
of which there was every proba
bility, they secretly sent to England
a certain spy, named William Par
ry, who had been many years em
ployed by the queen of England in
Italy and elsewhere. This man
as we learn from his published
confessions, immediately disclosed
to the queen whatever had passed ;
and moreover told her that he was
commissioned, when the proper
time should arrive, to murder her,
to place the Scottish queen on the
throne, and thus to prevent the
Spanish invasion, which was pro
moted by the Jesuits. The queen,
though, at the time, she expressed
her . gratitude, and bestowed re
wards on him, subsequently ordered
him to be executed. — Such was the
end of doctor Parry.

Afterwards, these two men were,
for some time, engaged in render
ing the name of a Spanish invasion
hateful in the eyes of all, by apply
ing it to every species of succour
or support, which was proffered
through the medium of Spain.
Allen, Persons, Englefield, all who
approved the Spanish plan, or ad
vocated that mode of relief, they

NO. XIII.]

APPENDIX.

Ixv

souio, y Inglefildo, y a los demas
que seguian este camino de Es-
pana, o favorecian a este pasami-
ento, confederados de los Espa-
noles, y desyosos de la conquista y
de la perdition de su patria : con
Jo qual les hazen odiosos, y, de la
otra parte, acrecentavan su par-
cialidad. Pero, mas que por otra
via ninguna, tiravan muchos a su
bando, con decir que la misma
reyna de Escocia aborrecia tam-
bien de esta invasion, y de los que
la tratavan ; y que queria rnas
presto qualquier otro genero de
remedio que no por las fuercas de
Espaiia, como los jesuitas preten-
dian. Y a este effetto escrivia la
dicha reyna una carta al duque de
Guysa, en el ano '85, diziendo que
mirasse bien a los andamentos de
los dichos jesuitas en su causa, en
quanto que tratavan por via de
Espafia ; reprehendiendo junta-
mente al dicho duque, y al arzo-
bispo de Glasco, por que no avian
acudido a entregar una cierta
summa de deneros, a petition de
Morgano y Pagetto, a un cierto
cavallero mozo en Inglaterra, el
qual avia prometido a los dichos
dos de matar a la reyna de Ingla-
terra, para la dicha summa de
deneroS) como ellos hacian creer a
la reyna. Pero, por entender el
duque y el arzobispo que el dicho
cavallero era un per dido, que no
haria nada, como en effetto seguio

designated as confederates of the
Spaniards, anxious for the con
quest and the ruin of their country.
Thus they contrived to attach
odium to their adversaries, and, at
the same time, to swell the num
bers of their own party. But that
which tended most effectually to
increase their adherents, was a de
claration which they published,
that the queen of Scots herself was
equally opposed to the invasion
and to its abettors ; and that she
would avail herself of any species
of relief, in preference to the in
tervention of Spanish troops, as
proposed by the Jesuits. To this
effect, in reality, the queen herself
wrote to the duke of Guise, in
1585, directing him to keep a
watchful eye on the proceedings of
the Jesuits, as connected with any
plan of Spanish interposition ; and
taking an opportunity, at the same
time, to reprehend the duke and
the archbishop of Glasgow for
having omitted to supply a certain
sum of money, on the petition of
Morgan and Paget, to a certain
young gentleman in England, ivho,
in consideration of the reward, had
promised them, so they persuaded
her mijesty, to murder the queen of
England. The fact was, that the
duke and the archbishop under
stood that the party in question
(his name is here omitted, because
he is still living1) was a worthless

(no se pone aqui su nombre por fellow, and would do nothing, as it
ser aun vivo1}, no quesieron entra- eventually turned out; and, on

1 [Here, in the margin of the MS., the initials ,T. G. are written.— I

VOL. in. e

Ixvi

APPENDIX.

[NO. xin.

gar el denero ; por lo qual los di-
chos dos les procuravan una repre-
hencion, come se ha dicho.1

# * *

this account, refused to provide the
money. Yet for this it was that
Paget and Morgan induced the
queen to reprehend them.1

Y aunque estas differencias en la
nation Inglesa pareceran a algunos
de poco momento, por ser de pocos,
respeto de todo el cuerpo de los
catolicos, toda via se halla por ex-
periencia, que los effetos son muy
danosos, y de grande importancia
y consequencia ; porque tienen di-
vidida y inquietada grande parte
de la nation, y mucha gente moza,
saliendo de Inglaterra con buenos
intentos, y caiendo en manos des-
tos sediciosos, embeven tales im-
pressiones, que nunca despues se
les pueden quitar, hasta a ruy-
narles, y no tanto a si mismos, si
no tambien a otros : y muchos se
hacen finalmente enemigos, espias,
apostatas, hereges, por esta via,
como se a visto y cada dia se vee,
cayendo de un mal a otro : de ma-
riera, que conviene sumamente que
su magd. y sus ministros miren
con attention en esta liga de in-
quietos y contrarios, antes que
cresca y se confirme mas ; porque,
otramente se veran tantos incon-
venientes, que no se podran facil-
raente remediar despues ; y a la
reducion de Inglaterra se liara
mucho mas difficultosa, por la dis
union de los catolicos, que estos

Although to some these differ
ences among the English may ap
pear of little moment, as affecting
but few individuals in comparison
with the whole catholic body, yet
experience proves that they are
productive of the most injurious,
and of course the most important,
consequences. They keep, in fact,
a considerable part of the nation
in a divided and distracted state :
while numbers of young English
men, leaving their country with
the best intentions, but falling into
the hands of these seditious parties,
receive impressions, of which they
can never afterwards divest them
selves, until not only they, but
others with them, are involved in
ruin ; becoming eventually ene
mies, spies, apostates, heretics ;
falling from one misfortune to
another ; and thus exhibiting a
daily evidence of the effect of these
associations. Hence, it especially
behoves his majesty and his mi
nisters to keep a watchful eye on
this band of restless and impracti
cable spirits, before their numbers
and their power increase. If this
be neglected, inconveniences will
arise, which willnot easily admit

1 [Can this passage admit of any other interpretation, than that the writer him
self, and, if we may believe his statement, all the parties here mentioned, ap
proved of the design to murder Elizabeth ; that Mary was actively engaged in
the scheme ; and that the duke and the archbishop refused to supply the reward,
only because they were not assured that the deed would be performed ? — T.~]

NO. XIII.]

APPENDIX.

Ixvii

procuran. Y no ha sido poco daiio
a la causa publica de Inglaterra, y
al servicio de su magd. el no aver
hecho caso hasta agora desta par-
cialidad; y quanto mas se delatara,
tanto mas dano seguira. Con apar-
tar uno o dos de las cabeyas de
Flandes, o quitarles los entreteni-
mientos publicamente, por inquie-
tos, estubieren ya los demas escar-
mentados, y otros avisados de no
unirse con ellos : y si esto no se
hace, o alguna otra demostracion
de la parte de su magd. y de sus
ministros, no veo fin que se puede
esperar del negocio. Haga nuestro
Senor lo que mas convenga : a 30
de Junio, 1597.

Endorsed by Persons.

" De la parcialidad de Pageto y
Morgano en la nacion Ynglesa.
1,597."

of a remedy ; and the reduction of
England will become more diffi
cult, in consequence of the dissen-
tions which these men are pro
ducing among the catholics. In
deed, the little attention, hitherto
directed to this party, has been
the source of no small injury, both
to the welfare of England, and to
the interests of his majesty ; and
the longer the application of the
remedy is delayed, the greater will
be the mischief that will necessa
rily ensue. Were one or two of
the leaders to be removed from
Flandehi, or publicly deprived of
their pensions, as factious mem
bers of the community, the rest of
the party might take warning, and
others might be deterred from
joining them : but if this, or some
similar demonstration, be not made
on the part of his majesty and his
ministers, I see no prospect of a
termination to this business. May
our Lord ordain what is most ex
pedient. June 30, 1597.

*#* Considerations addressed to the Spanish minister, Pegna, on the
subject of invading England. 1597.

[Original draft in my possession.]

[Previous to the abortive expedition against England, in 1597, Philip, by
means of his ambassadors, appears to have consulted the leading exiles, as to
the practicability of his design. Various answers were returned to his enquiries.
Some approved of the invasion : others suggested the possibility of a secret
negociation with Cecil : but all agreed in representing any attempt to annex
England to the Spanish crown as utterly hopeless (MSS. in my possession).
Philip consented to abandon his own pretensions, in favour of his daughter;
and the expedition, as I have elsewhere mentioned, took place and failed.

The following paper is one of the answers returned on this occasion. It is
evidently the production of one of the most clear-sighted of the party ; and is
valuable for the statement, which it contains, of the views and feelings of the
catholic body in England. — T.~\

*

Of the Affair of England.

Albeit his catholic majesty have just cause and very good grounds,

e 2

APPENDIX. [NO. xm.

as touching the invasion and keeping of England, yet, for all that, it
seemeth that there are many things to be considered, whether it be ex
pedient to undertake such an affair or no, for the charges that are to
be made, and the uncertainty of the event, to be able to enjoy it in
peace : for that the king of Scotland, who of certainty is the next of
blood, although he be an heretic yet hath many friends, as well heretics
as catholics, the which hope at last, before he will lose the kingdom of
England, that he will make himself a catholic, as the king of Navarre
hath already done, to obtain the kingdom of France, as now he hath.
The king of Scotland, fearing that his catholic majesty will take upon
him this affair, hath laboured, and still laboureth, to make friends, who
may defend him, and help him to the gaining of England, and to defend
him from the might of his catholic majesty: as already he hath, in his
own kingdom, drawn to him and agreed with all the catholics who
were against him, promising them liberty of conscience : so that, for
the present, they give him exterior obeisance, to content the queen of
England, and his ministers, and the heretics of his kingdom, as they
have already done.

In England, he hath for him the greatest part of the nobility and
people, as they may be named, if without their prejudice it might be
done. He hath in like manner, in England, the greatest part of the
catholics : for his catholic majesty hath for him in England no heretic ;
and, for the catholics, he hath only those who depend upon the direc
tion of the Jesuits, who are few ; — nor all those, for because the Jesuits
are very few, and dare not labour openly, as the secular priests do, to
gain a great number. And, of four hundred secular priests which are
in the kingdom, there are not thirty which follow the fathers direction,
to draw the catholics to embrace the designment of the catholic king :
and so the greater part are for the king of Scotland his succession unto
that kingdom ; as the catholics, in their religion, are guided by their
function. And to be short, speaking as it were generally, those, that
shall see (seek?) the succour of Spain to drive out heresy, would not
willingly submit themselves under the dominion of the Spaniards, but
rather to the king of Scotland, if he were catholic, as they hope he will
be, to get the kingdom.

The king of Scotland hath, for this end, the friendship of the rebels
of Holland and Zealand.

The king of Scotland in like manner hath a league made, two or
three years ago, with certain princes of Germany, and with the king of
Denmark, to help him to the obtaining of England, if the queen die, or
any other would be prejudicious to him : and it is holden for certain
that there are conspired with him the city of Hamburg, Lubec, and

NO. xin.] APPENDIX. Ixix

Osterling, for the injury the queen of England hath done them, de
priving them of their house and liberty in London, and pilling their
ships upon the sea.

The duke of Lorrain, and all the princes descended of his house,
as the dukes of Guise, Mayenne, Dalbusie, and others, will aid the king
of Scotland with all their power, as being newly descended of that house.

The duke of Florence and Bavaria, as his kinsfolks, will help him, as
also will those do, who are emulous of the greatness of Spain.

But above all, the king of France, although he be not a great friend
to the king of Scotland, yet, for the ill he wishes to the Spaniards, he
will spend himself even to the very shirt, before his catholic majesty
should plant himself in England ; especially since that England hath
such interest in France as to bear the arms and title of France : and so
he will help the king of Scotland as much as he may possibly.

For this reason it seemeth that it will be more hard to hold England,
than to enter it ; although to enter it, and to possess it, will be a thing
very hard : notwithstanding, his catholic majesty shall find many that
will help him to enter, who, perhaps, will be against him that he should
possess it.

These reasons well considered, it is to be deliberated whether it be
better to go forward in this attempt, or to accord with the king of
Scotland upon reasonable and profitable conditions : for if, by the fore-
named helps, the king of Scotland chance to prevail, his catholic majesty
shall have against him France, England, Scotland, and Holland, which
will be potent by sea and land ; and so shall be in danger to lose all the
Low-Countries, and to hazard Spain and the traffic of the Indies.

If his catholic majesty accord with the king of Scotland, he may
make him catholic ; which he may very probably bring to pass, to pos
sess England in peace, and to have such league and condition of him,
that he will give himself wholly to his catholic majesty ; whereby he
may easily make himself lord of the sea, obtain without difficulty Hol
land and the rebelled countries, put Spain in assurance and his naviga
tion to the Indians, force France to make peace, and so settle all
Christendom in peace.

If, in the invasion of England, his catholic majesty in the beginning
should suffer any disgrace or repulse, and that the king of Scotland,
according with the foresaid princes, should have sufficient aid to get
the crown of England, he will not agree so easily afterward, nor with
so good conditions, with his catholic majesty.

It is holden for certain that the people of England, in whom con-
sisteth the force of the kingdom (as in Scotland it doth in the nobility),
will not agree to give themselves to any whose right is doubtful, or

xx APPENDIX. [NO. xiv.

whereby there might follow civil war for the right of the kingdom (as
there will follow betwixt the houses of Hertford and Derby, if any of
these would take the crown for himself, and if his catholic majesty
[contend ?] with the king of Scotland) ; and this by experience which
that people hath had, by the civil wars betwixt the houses of York and
Lancaster, and by the pretence to the crown, in which there died, in
few years, many hundred thousands : and they knowing generally the
manifest right of the king of Scotland, being descended of the eldest
sister of Henry the eighth ; probably they will all follow him : and this
is already the common voice of the people.

No. XIV.— (Referred to at page 35.)
*** Breve of Pope Clement VIII. to the Nuncio in Flanders.

July 12, 1600.
[MS. in my possession.]

Venerabili patri Octavio, episcopo Tricaricensi, nostro et apostolicsc
sedis nuncio in Belgio,

Clemens P.P. VIII.

Ven. frater, salutem et apostolicani benedictionem. Quo loco Ang-
liae regni res sint fraternitas tua videt, et quam verisimile sit, ut brevi
magna commutatio fiat, ex illius obitu, quae tarn nobile regnum occulto
Dei judicio tain diu afflixit : quantum vero momenti in eo positum sit,
quisnam ad ejusdem regni gubernacula succedat, et qua? ex novo rege
aut insignes utilitates, aut gravia detrimenta, ad christianam rempubli-
cam redimdare facile possint, etiam pro tua prudentia intelligis. Itaque,
pro nostro pastoral! officio, omnia circumspicientes, valde soliciti sumus,
ut, cum temporis maturitas advenerit, rex illius regni existat, qui se
catholicum profiteatur, et vere catholicus sit ; quique nobiscum, et cum
hac sancta sede, in qua meritis imparibus praBsidemus, et verse fidei
professione et sinceri amoris glutine sit copulatus. Quse igitur possu-
mus adjumenta jam nunc (Deo authore) et paramus et adhibemus: nam
et ad Anglos catholicos scripsirnus, eosque efficaciter hortati sumus, ut,
si unquam alias, nunc maxiine Concordes et unanimes sint, ac, quibus-
dam terrenis affectibus et perturbationibus semotis, ad solam Dei glo-
riam, veram regni utilitatem, et fidei catholicae conservationem aspi
rant ; neque se ad haereticorum consilia adjungi, eorumve dolis et astu
se de sua constantia dimoveri, patiantur. Scribimus etiam ad archipres-
byterum Anglise, ej usque assistentes, et cseterum clerum, ut tarn neces-
sariam catholicorum, prsesertirn nobilium, unionem summo studio con-
servent, eosque omni officii genere permoveant, ne cui sufFragentur in
hoc gravissimo negotio, nisi vere catholico, ut, quod summopere in Do
mino cupimus, sancta et salutaris novi regis creatio, Dei adjutrice
gratia, consequatur. Quia vero non dubitamus multum omnino ad

NO. xiv.] APPENDIX. Ixxi

earn rem conferre posse fraternitatis tuae curam et diligentiam, cum et
loco propinquo sis, et ad omnes eventus pervigilis, mandamus tibi, ut,
statim atque audieris miseram fceminam migrasse e vita, scribas ad ca-
tholicos regni Anglias, nostro et hujus sanctae sedis nomine, ut frater-
nam concordiam et consensionem in vinculo charitatis quam diligen-
tissime conservent ; neve se artificio et fallaciis hominum, quso sua sunt
non quae Jesu Christi quaerentium, a mutua et, eo potissimum tempore,
pernecessaria unione separari, aut ullo modo dividi permittant ; ne cui-
quam, in re tanti momenti jus sibi quovis modo assumenti, faveant ; ne
sua studia ac suffragia in quemvis conferant, nisi, ante omnia et super
omnia, conservationi, stabilitati, et libertati catholicae fidei cautum sit
in eo regno, isque rex fiat qui in gremio ecclesiae catholicse (cujus caput
est hasc sancta Romana ecclesia, omnium ecolesiarum mater et magis-
ira) se vitam victurum sancte polliceatur, et firmiter caveat, et inviolate
observet, et denique, cum caeteris catholicis regibus, nobis et successo-
ribus nostris veram obedientiam prsestet. Rei gravissima3 magnitude,
Dei honor, zelus avitse religionis, diuturnse regni nobilissimi calamitates
catholicos illos merito admonere debent, ut religionis causam antiquis-
simam (ut par est) habeant, et in eo negotio, in quo omnia sunt, earn
circumspectionem et cautionem adhibeant, quam nos de illorum virtute,
prudentia, pietate, et constantia, nobis merito pollicemur. Tu ergo
qua soles diligentia mandatum nostrum cura ; et omnes partes ad rei et
temporis opportunitatem vigila ; nihilque operaa, studii, laboris, praeter-
mitte, ut, quod nobis, supra quam dici potest, cordi esse animadvertis,
Deo bene juvante, ad ipsius gloriam prospere ac feliciter eveniat. Da
tum Romas, apud S. Petrum, sub annullo Piscatoris, die 12 Julii, anno
Jubilaei, 1600; pontificatus nostri anno nono.

*** Persons to the Nuncio, July 20, 1600.

Instructiones qucedam ad ea melius exequenda, qua tribus brevibus
apostolicis de rebus Anglicanis continentur.

[From the rough draft, in the handwriting of Persons, Stonyhurst MSS.
Ang. A. ii. 62.]

1°. Acceptis perpensisque brevibus apostolicis, summa quaedam prae-
cipuorum capiturn excerpenda erit, qua3 archipresbytero Anglicano,
suisque assistentibus, et patrum societatis qui in Anglia degunt supe-
riori, per fidum aliquem nuncium, quamprimum fieri potest, communi-
cetur ; a quibus vicissim dominatio vestra certior fiat de prsesenti rerum
Anglicanarum statu ac conditione, et quibus potissimum deinceps modis
inter se literarum nunciorumque commercia de rebus necessariis tuto,
ac sine periculo, haberi possint.

2°. Intelligere etiam D.V. curabit, qua ratione, quibus viis ac mediis,

APPENDIX. [NO. xn.

et quibuscum hominibus praecipue vobis in Anglia agendum erit, post
obitum reginae : et interea temporis, enitendum erit prudenter, ut ad
hos ipsos homines, qui postea tarn necessarii erunt, aditus aliqni rnodo
fiant, quo eis, tune cum opus erit, utautur catholici benignioribus ac
paratioribus.

3°. Omne studium in eo ponendum erit, ut, dum reginse obitus ex-
pectatur, religioni catholicae (ex cujas incremento spes omnis meliorum
temporum pendet) diligenter, ut hactenus, propagandas insistatur, apud
nobiles praGsertim, ac potentiores, per quos fides, pietasque, et haec ipsa
de qua agimus regis catholici futuri electio, maxime promoveri poterit.

4°. Ad hoc autem ipsum cum nulla res alia magis necessaria cen-
senda sit, quam animorum unio et omnium catholicorum inter se con-
spiratio, maxime vero presbyterorum, qui aliorum duces sunt, ac esse
debebunt, curabit studiose dominatio vestra ut unio hsec atque concor-
dia, his temporibus rebusque unice necessaria, modis omnibus conser-
vetur ac foveatur.

5°. Ad quam melius conservandam ac stabiliendam, cum S.D.N. ita
pridem, catholicorum rogatu, archipresbyterum literis apostolicis consti
tuent, aliisque omnibus sacerdotibus ad hunc ipsurn finem praefecerit,
eique duodecim assistentes, seu adjutores, consultoresque adjunxerit, ut
cseteros regat, ac disciplina ecclesiastica in pace contineat, ad clomina-
tionis vestrae prudentiam spectabit videre quibus in rebus, quibusque
modis, dicto archipresbytero suisque assistentibus, in hoc onere susti-
nendo, solatio ac adjumento esse possit.

6°. Si qui vero invenirentur (quod non speratur) qui pacem hanc et
unionem perturbarent, vel superiorum dictis aut monitis vel etiam prae-
ceptis non obedierint (sic), vel suum judicium ad aliorum offensionem et
catholicorum divisionem sequi vellent, hos dominatio vestra modis om
nibus juvandos ac reducendos pro suo virili curabit ; reluctantes vero
aut pertinaces censuris etiam ac disciplina ecclesiastica coercebit.

7°. Ea mens ac voluntas sanctissimi domini nostri est, ut D.V. pro
temporum ratione negotiorumque momentis, rebus Anglicanis invigilet,
easque sua authoritate ac prudentia istic, prout opus erit, moderetur,
suamque sanctitatem de successu progressuque, oblatis occasionibus,
certiorem faciat. Romae, 20 Julii, 1600.1

1 [That Persons and the other individuals belonging to his party had
seriously determined, if possible, to set aside the Scottish succession, in favour
of a catholic sovereign, the preceding documents abundantly testify. Of this
fact, indeed, no doubt has ever existed : but I notice it, because Persons after
wards endeavoured to persuade James, that the publication of " Doleman's"
treatise, and the other steps, taken by the Spanish party, were never intended to
produce any real effect on the succession ; that they were employed merely as
feints, for the purpose of driving him to seek a reconciliation with the church;

NO. xv.] APPENDIX. Ixxiii

No. XV .—(Referred to at page 38.)
*** Dr. Barrett to Persons, April 10, 1596.

[Original in my possession.]
Loving father,

The causes of these shameful flames I find to be these : Imprimis,
that scholars were permitted to deal in public affairs, for a cardinal, for
faculties, &c : wherein, being persuaded that the society was of a con
trary mind, they conceived an indignation and aversion, as though the
fathers were enemies to them, to their cause, and their country ; and
so the foundation of peace and unity clean overthrown, and a faction
cunningly brought in, before the rector suspected. Yea, the rector, of
ignorance, was as earnest as the others, until they were gone too far,
that it was too late to recall them.

2°. Some of the same faction here in Rome were in hope to have
gotten the fingering of the rents, under the name of a congregation,
and promised the heads of this trouble in the college offices and rooms
to their contentment, and many privileges to the scholars.

3°. There is one vehemently suspected for a false brother, sent of
purpose.

4°. I find such here as I expelled out of Rheims.

5°. I find very many received at all adventure.

6°. During these troublesome broils, where neither study of learning?
nor exercise of virtue keepeth them occupied, no marvel if some young
men would willingly look back to the world, and take any occasion to
be gone with the rest.

7°. I find their heads full of false bruits and differences betwixt yours

and that, notwithstanding any outward demonstrations to the contrary, the
whole party had always secretly resolved to receive him as the undoubted heir
to the throne. " The principal catholic English," he says, " that resided
abroad, and had principally laboured for your majesty's safety and advance
ment, both before and after the death of your renowned pious mother, growing
into fear and despair of that which most of all they desired, concerning your
majesty's inclination in religion, resolved, for the last spur of irritation that
way, to cause the book of Succession to be written, giving the name of Doleman
thereto, by allusion to Vir Dolorum, thereby to insinuate the grief and sorrow
they felt, in being forced to come to this last means, in respect both of your
majesty's good and their own ; which yet they did with reservation still of the
greatest inward affection, and hearty loyal duty, that could be : which hath ap
peared also by their actions, in the prompt and ready admittance of your majesty
to your said succession, notwithstanding it pleased not Almighty God, for the
present, to give them their greatest wish about religion" (Persons to king
James, Octob. 18, 1603, apud Stonyhurst MSS. Ang. A. iii.36). It is needless
to remark the dexterity, with which" the faction, that had opposed the Scottish
monarch, is here confounded with the catholics who acknowledged and re
ceived him. — 71.]

APPENDIX. [NO. xv.

(Jesuits) and ours (priests) in England : yea, the selfsame faction,
[which is] at Brussels, to be here against the Spainers, and such as
take that way.

8°. They are gone so far, and have committed so many outrages,
that they despair to go back, either in yielding here, or going hence ;
and the multitude [being] sworn together, maketh them more bold.

These causes and some other I showed to his holiness, in more ample
manner than I can stand to write now ; and withal made it plain that
many of those youths were pitifully deceived : craving pardon most
humbly for such as would come to acknowledge their faults, and
beseeching also his holiness to have consideration of those, that have
been brought up heretofore, or may be hereafter, in the college ;
lamenting their madness, that, under the colour of doing good to the
college and our country, do take the ready way to overthrow both this
and all other colleges ; yea, and the work so well begun in England : —
the which I showed to consist in the concord of the workmen, and these
men to make a division, not only betwixt us and the fathers, but
betwixt ourselves. And concerning the first part, I told my mind of
the obligation and duty, wherewith, for many respects, we are most
bounden to the society, and could not break with them, without won
derful shame, and the undoing of God's cause in our country. Con
cerning the second, I declared to be against these few factious heads
the whole college at Douay, the colleges in Spain and at St. Omers, the
priests in England, and generally all our nation catholic, a few only
excepted, by whose ill counsel these youths were deceived.

This was the effect of my speech to his holiness, who answered much
to my contentment, willing me to attend to the remedies, and to consult
with the cardinal protector ; and his holiness would allow of that, we
should conclude. So, upon Thursday last, the cardinal, father General,
father Tyrius, the rector, and myself have agreed upon the remedies,
expecting his holiness's authority for the execution of the same. Thus
it standeth, and, within few days, we hope for an end.

Welly father, there must needs be a rector that is skilful in the affairs
of England, and such a one as can and will give correspondence to the
colleges and your friends abroad: and besides, he must be a man of
gravity, of countenance, and of authority ; and such as deal for matters
of England, and for the colleges in Flanders, must concur with your
friends at Douay ; otherwise, it is not in me to help, nor in all your
friends there. — -0, but these be generalities. Well, I find here and there
many particularities, that must be amended, whereof I mean to confer
with father General, whom I Jind most willing to hear me ; and you will

NO. xv.] APPENDIX. 1XXV

concur, I hope. This rector1 will never be able to rule in this place.
Many things I can tell you of, that must be amended, concerning this
college, in the manner of government, and concerning better correspon
dence with the college of Douay, or else you will never have peace.
Trust those that be your true friends, although they write not always to
your mind ; and beware of those that speak fair, and make all well, and
condemn all but themselves.

Your letter in December I have : and, for Worth. (Worthington ?),
you little know the man, I see by your letters, nor shall not know by me,
except we hap to meet. Fare you well, and remember the poor college
at Douay, from whence I want such letters as father Cresivell required.
God grant they do any good. Rome, the 10th of April, 1596.2

Your own R. Barret.

*** Agazzari to Persons, Aug. 27, 1596.

[Extract from the Original in my possession.]

*****

Tertium quod isti factiosi praetendere videntur est, regis catholic!
conatibus se opponere, quod multa et satis aperta signa ostendunt :
loquuntur enim saepius et mordaciter contra libellum de Successione ad
coronam Angliae, et contra illius auctorem, nempe, ut ipsi existimant,
contra P. Personium, cujus nomen vix aequo animo ferunt. Omnes
de mails Hispanorum successibus, ut nuper apud Cadiz, laBtari videntur ;
de bonis, ut paulo ante apud Caletum, tristantur, &c. Nescio an odio
habent societatem propter Hispanos, an, e contra, Hispanos propter
societatem, vel potius utrosque propter Scotum, vel Gallum, vel propter
quid deterius. Deo, qui videt in corde, ista relinquo.

*****

Dominus Barrettus parat discessum ad suos quotidie ; et in istis
turbis stetit, ut mihi videtur, candide et sincere pro parte nostra, hoc
est, pro parte justitise et veritatis: et licet non multum eflfecerit, est
tamen aliquid, quod habeamus testem omni exceptione majorem de
nostris et illorum actionibus.
Roma, 27 Augusti, 1596.

R. V. Servus inutilis quidem, sed amantissimus in Christo,

Alphonsus Agazzarius.

1 [Jerome Fioravante. He succeeded Mutius Vitelleschi, May 27, 1594,
and was removed a few weeks after the date of the present letter. He was
followed in the rectorship by Agazzari, who was appointed, for the second
time, May 17, 1596.— 7VJ

2 [Persons, in his Briefe Apologie (54b), professes to print this letter : hut his
object, both there and in other places, is, to free the government of the society
from all imputation ; and, accordingly, he suppresses the whole of the passage
which I have printed in italics. — T.~\

APPENDIX. [NO. xv.

Supplicatio Sacerdotum et Alumnorum Collegii Anglorum in Civitate
Romand ad Audoenum Lewis, Episcopum CassanensemJ

[Original in my possession.]

Cum inter alia plurima sacerdotura in Angliapro fidelaborantiumin-
commoda, reverendissime prsesul, illud maxime deplorandum accesserit,
quod neminem in patria episcopum, preelatum, aut ordinarium ullum
habeant, qui de rebus ecclesiasticis et sacramentorum administratione
disponat, irao, nee, quod gravius est, habere possint ; apostolica sedes
non minus pie quam amanter facultates quasdam et jurisdictionem, pro
cujusque dignitate, doctrina, et capacitate, habito respectu ad loca et
personas cum quibus agere oporteat, iisdem sacerdotibus distribuendas
concessit. Quam facultatum distributionem qui juste et fideliter exequi

1 [This paper was drawn up by the students, in furtherance of one of the
objects mentioned in the first sentence of Barrett's letter. It was followed by
another to the protector, representing to him the inconvenience felt by the En
glish catholics, in being obliged to recur to him in every case of difficulty or
doubt, and requesting him to delegate so much of his authority to Dr. Lewis,
as would enable the latter to decide all matters of ordinary occurrence (MS.
copy in my possession). Chambers, in his MS. account of the disturbances in
the college (Stonyhurst MSS. Ang. A. ii. 45), mentions this document as a pe
tition " in gratia episcopi" without specifying its immediate object : but Per
sons, who professes to quote Chambers, and who has actually endorsed my
copy of the paper, confounds its subject with that of the address which I have
here printed, and describes it as a memorial entreating the protector to use his
influence with the pope, and to obtain for Lewis the power of granting faculties
to the priests in England (Briefe Apologie, 49b). Nor is Chambers himself much
more correct. As the reader will see, he was one of those who had attached
their signatures to the memorial printed above : but he subsequently separated
from his associates, and, to prove the sincerity of his conversion, wrote a somewhat
impassioned history of what had occurred. Having described the origin of the dis
turbance, he proceeds to inform us that, after a short struggle, he was reluctantly
induced to join the discontented portion of the students ; that, the following
night, he was taken to the room of one of the scholars, where he met several
others ; that the above address to Dr. Lewis, with which he then for the first
time became acquainted, was produced, and signed by all present ; and finally,
that, in this address, they entreated the bishop to aid the college and the pro
tector, to advise the latter on the state of the missions and the faculties to be
granted to the missioners, and to undertake the duty of placing before him, not
only the necessities of the other colleges, but also the doubts and difficulties of the
catholics in general. " In hoc scripto petierunt ab episcopo, ut adesset collegio
nostro et illustrissimo protectori, quern ipse admoneret tarn circa missiones et
discedentium facultates, quam circa collegiorum et reliquorum nostratium
difficultates" (Stonyh. MSS. ibid. 45). — I will only add, as an additional in
stance of the little reliance to be placed on the accuracy of these writers, that
a memorial to Aquaviva, which Persons, on the alleged authority of Cham
bers, describes as a petition requesting the General to solicit the protector's
good offices with the pope in behalf of Dr. Lewis (Briefe Apol. 42, rectiiis 50),
Chambers himself really assures us was nothing more than an exculpatory ad
dress, drawn up by two of the scholars who had signed the instrument which I
have printed above. " Interim duo sacerdotes memoriale (ad R. P. Generalem)
statim expediunt, ut se suosque excusent." Stonyh. MSS. ibid.— T.]

NO. xv.] APPENDIX. Ixxvii

studeat, cum exactam patriae nostrse status notitiam, specialeraque sacer-
dotum cognitionem exigat, ut coramuni et indifferent! animo omnes
complectatur, et collegiorum statum et institutiones, cum ornni zelo et
charitatis fervore, conservare et promovere contendat (quae omnia in
piae memoriae illustrissimo cardinal! Alano abunde supererant), illud
firmum ratumque habemus, a nullo extraneo, nostro licet statui favente,
multo minus impediente, debite hoc munus administrari posse. Et ut
de illustrissimo protectore nostro cardinale Caietano taceamus, quern,
pro eximiis erga nos Anglos mentis et beneficiis collatis, veneramur, et
quam maximo honore prosequimur, de patribus societatis, ex quorum
relatione illustrissimus protector cunctas res nostras disponit, intrepide
affirmare possumus, quod, sine magna sacerdotum et laicorum ubique
fere commorantium perturbatione, gravique status nostri incommodo,
hoc munus illis irnponi non possit : cujus rei signum illud sufficiens sit,
quod nunquam defuerunt asmulationes in Anglia et privatae discordiae
inter eos et sacerdotes nostros, ex quo causam nostram susceperunt ;
hinc solum exortse, quod multo majorem curam habuerint propriae
familiae, quam nostrum; et ampliores illis facultates et privilegia ob-
tinuerunt, quam nostri sacerdotes unquam habuerunt.1 Unde, licet in
regimine collegii omnibus non mediocriter satisfaciant, cum praedictse
conditiones in illis omnino desiderentur, pro facultatum nostrarum dis-
pensatoribus ab omnibus ineptissimi judicantur. Cujus rei intuitu, nos
omnes, quorum nomina infra scripta habentur, patrise conditionisque
nostrae statui in hac parte consulentes, totis nervis contendere decrevi-
mus, idque ratione officii nostri, ut haec facultatum nostrarum dis-
pensatio reverendissimse dominationi vestrae, huic muneri, propter
dictarum circumstantiarum adjunctionem, aptissimae, cum plena et
integra potentate conferatur. Cum enim reverendissima dominatio
vestra primus fuerit, qui collegium nostrum in hunc statum reduxerit,
illudque non brevi temporis spatio gubernarit ; [cum] Anglus sit, et
erga Anglos adeo tenerum affectum gerat, tantam utilitatem nostrae
causae allaturos nos speramus, si, quod juste petimus, obtinere valeamus,
ut, si alias tanti beneficii compotes fieri non possimus, ad sanctissimi
Domini nostri pedes nos prosternere non dubitabimus. Illud igitur

1 [It is certain that this was one great source, not only of the jealousy with
which the secular clergy were led to regard the parties in question, but also of
much inconvenience, if not occasionally of some abuse. Birket, when arch-
priest, writing to More, his agent in Rome, says, " It is not amiss if you move
his holiness, in my name, to give me as ample faculties as the religious have,
viz., that I may give to some of mine faculty to give a plenary unto them, whom
they hear first in confession : item, the same to them whom they hear in their
death-bed ; became these prerogatives draw away our ghostly children." — Decemb.
15, 1611. — Orig. in my possession. — TYj

APPENDIX. [NO. xvi.

omnes unanimes a charitate vestra postulamus, ut non solum liberam
nobis faeultatem in hoc negotio laborandi faciat, sed, si tantum onus
pietati vestrae imponatur (onus enim revera erit), pro coramuni bono et
desolatissimae patrias utilitate, libenter illud suscipiat; et denique, si
quos invenerimus huic justissimae petitioni nostrae adversantes, qui
fortasse non deerunt, auxiliatricem admoveat manum : et nos vicissim
in omni officii genere reverendissimse dominationi vestrae obsequentissi-
mos semper inveniet.

Reverendissimae dominationis vestree

Obsequentissimi filii,

[Here follow the signatures, which will be seen in the accompanying
fac-simile. ~\

No. XVI.— (Referred to at page 39.)
*»* Persons to Holt. May 5, 1597.

[MS. in my possession.]
My Reverend Good Father, —

This letter shall be you, I hope in God, of great comfort, to under
stand thereby of the happy end, which his divine goodness hath given
at length to these troubles and disagreements here in Rome ; which, in
truth, as I found to be greater and more deeply rooted than ever I
could imagine (though I had heard much), so are we more bound to
Almighty God for the remedy, which I believe verily to be found, and
from the root ; as you would also think, if you saw that which I do see;
and so do many more besides me, that had far less hope of the redress
than ever I had.

The means have been, next to God's holy grace, certain large con
ferences that we have had alone (I mean all the aggrieved part with me
together); wherein we have passed over the whole story of these
troubles, and the causes of grief, discontentment, contention, suspicion,
emulation, or exasperation, that have been given or taken on both
sides : and as, on the one side, I have been content to hear the scholars,
and to yield them reason, where I thought they had it on their side,
so, on the other, have they also been content to hear me, when I thought
my reason was better than theirs ; as also to distinguish where I pre
sumed that, with some reason, there might go accompanied also some
passion, suspicion, exaggeration, or sinister interpretation : and so
finally, God be thanked, we are come to a full end and conclusion; and
all inconveniences, that before had either happened, or were so pre-

1 [I have given this fac-simile, because a charge was once insinuated against
Dodd, to the effect that he had forged the document. Specimen of Amendm

171.— r.]

NO. xvi.] APPENDIX. IXXIX

sumed, be fully remedied on both parties. The scholars, on their sides,
have fully satisfied me; and I have procured to remove all impedi
ments, on the behalf of the society, and so shall do for the time to
come ; so as I heartily hope that never the like shall happen again, and
that Almighty God will perform in this thing also, for the good of our
country, that merciful point which, in all other like temptations, he is
wont to do, as the apostle saith, " Faciet etiam cum tentatione proven-
turn ;" and that the union of this college will be better, and greater,
and more solid hereafter, than ever it hath been hitherto, from the
beginning. And assure yourself, my good father, that, in untwisting
of this clue, and unfolding matters past, I have found errors on both
sides, saltern in modo agendi, which, you know, may stand with the best
intentions in the world. And who will marvel at this, seeing the one
were strangers to the other, and the other had to deal with strangers ?
Each part did so much as they knew, and could do no more. Sus
picions, aversions, and exasperations were daily multiplied, et arbiter
pads was not amongst them. And, to conclude, methinketh that I do
see that, if many of the things, that have passed here, should have hap
pened in the quietest college that we have either in Spain or Flanders,
they might have put the peace out of joint (supposing our English dis
position), — and the suspicions, that such things might bring with them,
perhaps more than the things themselves. Well, I can say no more in
this than St. Peter, in the Acts of the Apostles, saith of the sufferings
of Christ, God had appointed that so it should be, " implevit autem
sic" Even so God had determined that we should pass this cross ;
and so he fulfilled it by divers men's errors. And as, by his infinite
providence, he brought out so much good to all the world, of the former
case, so hope I that he will draw no small good also to our country, in
time, of this.

Wherefore there remaineth nothing now, but to give thanks to Al
mighty God for this singular mercy of his : and that you signify the
same there to all those of our nation, as also to any others that have
heard of these troubles ; for that this union here is not made only
within the house, but with all in like manner abroad, both of our
nation and others, and, namely, with the fathers of our society every
where : and the success hath so contented his holiness and all the car
dinals of the town, as you would wonder. And this day, being the
Ascension of our Saviour, the cardinal vice-protector, Borghesius, has
been here at the college himself, and signified his exceeding great con
tentment of this event. And the same joy, I doubt not, but that car
dinal Cajetano, the protector, who is expected very shortly, will receive
also at his coming : so as now we must assist, all of us, to appease all

1XXX APPENDIX. [NO. xvi.

rumours that have grown abroad of these stirs, in every place, as also
to heal such griefs and aversions as thereof have ensued ; and, in par
ticular, to restore and conserve the good name (as much as in us lieth)
of any that may have been touched by former reports : and so doing,
I trust in Almighty God that every day we shall take much comfort
one of another, and that you shall have confirmation from me, while I
stay here, of the progress of this good union, and that I shall leave the
college also, at my departure, as it may endure. And this is all I have
to say at this time. The Lord Jesus be with you ever ; to whom do you
commend me, as also to all friends and countrymen with you, to whom
I pray you communicate the effect of this letter. From Rome, this
5th of May, 1597.1

Yours ever, in Christ our Saviour,

Robert Persons.

*** Edward Bennet to Dr. Hugh Griffin, provost of Cambray.
May 16, 1597.

[Copy in my possession. Endorsed by Persons.]

Right Worshipful,

In mv last I have written unto you of father Persons' coming to
Rome ; since which time I have forborn writing, because I would first
see to what event our miseries would come unto ; which now at last, to
my no little ease, and great comfort, the contentment of the scholars5
the good of our country, I doubt not, I have seen, whereof now, by the
first opportunity, I thought good for your comfort to make you par
taker. Wherefore, that you may the better understand the series of
our proceedings, in ending of this business, you shall first understand
that he, whom we most feared, and whom we accounted for our greatest
enemy, hath been our greatest friend ; yea, and the only man that hath

1 [Here is a letter, penned immediately after the accomplishment of a great
work, and flowing from the fulness and the sincerity of the writer's heart.
How different from the passionate invectives, the defamatory statements, and
the distorted narratives, contained in the Briefe Apolog-ie, the Story of Domes-
tical Difficulties, and the various letters and memorials, which he afterwards
composed on the same subject! But there, the spirit of party was at work,
justifying its own acts, reviling its opponents, and " condemning," as Dr.
Barrett expresses it, " all but itself." Here the veil is withdrawn, and we
behold the man as he is. We have him acknowledging the errors of both sides,
seeking1 to heal the divisions of the past, and inculcating, with a holy and a
beautiful solicitude, the duty of protecting every name of a former adversary
from reproach. As an historical testimony, effectually subversive of all the
other statements of Persons on the subject to which it refers, this letter is highly
important: but as an evidence of what nature really is, when unwarped by the
prejudices and the passions of party, it assumes even an additional degree of
interest.— TYj

NO. xvi.] APPENDIX. Ixxxl

satisfied us, and put an end to these troubles, I mean father Persons.
The matter passed thus. Father Persons, at his first coming to Rome,
lay at the Casa Professa, where many of the scholars visited him ; and
myself among the rest did the like. You must think that the most of
our discourse was, how to end these stirs, and to put an end to that,
which was an occasion of so great scandal. He offered us conference
to hear our griefs, to give us remedy where we had reason, and desired
of us likewise to hear reason, not to be carried away with passion,
because it was God's cause; promising us that we should find all
charity and indifferency in him, that we could piously desire or expect.
This passed on for a sevennight. In the mean time, he visited our pro
tector and the pope's holiness ; with whom after a long discourse, the
pope did ask him where he lay. He answered him, at the Casa. Then
the pope asked him whether he had been at the college : — but, to be
brief, the pope desired him to come and lie in the college, to see whether
he might do any good. So he came to the college, the next day, and
lieth there still : so that then we had better opportunity, with less
trouble, to go forward with that whereof we had had some speech. He
called us all together, told us we had God's cause in hand, laid before us
the detriments that our countrymen suffered abroad because of our
troubles, the inconveniences within the college that we found, and, in
fine, the harm that the cause of England was like to suffer, if that these
factions and dissentions did continue. Such and the like discourses
being had, we all agreed to deal with father Persons, and see whether
he was able to give that satisfaction, which as yet we had not found.
Whereupon we had certain conferences with him, debated and disputed
all our whole matter from the beginning, proposed our difficulties and
our reasons, which he heard with patience,— he, of the other side, the
occasions which he thought to have been always the hinderance of peace,
the mediums to get peace again, and gotten to conserve it : for you
must understand that our intention was, to make a solid peace, and to
find out the occasions of perturbing thereof, and, being found, to root
them out. Much ado there was, you must think, in ripping up so
many old festered sores ; and you must think that he, that with reason
should think to please a multitude, must have a good cause, [and] a
great deal of patience : but truly, it pleased God so to help them all,
in this good purpose of theirs, that, in all the time of their conferences,
there fell out nothing, of any part, that might give disgust. Father
Persons, for his part, yielded to the scholars, to all things that they them
selves had reason for, with such satisfaction of them, that surely I, which
have known the very marrow of this action, would never have believed
it, if I had not been an agent in it : and he, of the other side, I dare say,
VOL. III. f

Ixxxii APPENDIX. [NO. xvi.

stood much comforted; so that we made a most sweet, loving, and
friendly peace, not only within the college, but also without : and I do
hope it will continue, for the scholars be very quiet in mind. And, to
tell you, as my old friend, I did never think that father Persons could
ever have gotten that love of the scholars, as he hath gotten : so that,
now we have ended all our troubles, the scholars confidently go to con
fession to the fathers. The pope's holiness is wonderfully pleased with
it, as much as he was displeased with our troubles. Cardinal Borghesius,
of Ascension day, was with us in the college, and did congratulate with
us, and exhorted us to go on, in that we had begun ; so that hereafter
rce illi that gives occasion of dissention. Cardinal Cajetan is expected.
Father General is in Naples, but wonderfully satisfied with this good
composition : so that I would wish you, with your vantage, to make
your peace ; for the Jesuits have carried it away ; for the pope hath
determined to give all unto their hands, and hath already given it.
Here hereafter there is no place left for the complaints of the Low-
Countries, especially seeing we have here united ourselves, whose
disagreements before were the occasion that many men were heard,
which now shall not. You know what you have best to do : but if you
mean to do any good for our country, you must unite with the Jesuits ;
for the common cause hereafter is like to lie altogether upon them. I
have been much exhorted by the protector to join with father Persons,
which I have done : and if you do the like, truly I think you shall be
able to do more good in the common cause. Necessitas non habet legem.
All the scholars have them commended unto you, especially Mr. Mark-
ham, who is in Rome. My brother also saluteth you. I hope we shall
see you as we go for England. News here be none, but such as I am
sure you shall hear by other letters. I pray you have me commended
to Mr. Dr. Giftbrd, and all our friends.

So God keep you. This 16th of May, 1597.

Yours always most assuredly to command,

Ed. Bennett.

%* Sir of the Scholars to Aqvavioa, the General of the Society.

May 17, 1597.
[Original in my possession.]
Reverendissime Pater, —

Ex eo quod vestra paternitas, non cuivis homini, sed conterraneo
nostro, nostri amantissimo, rerumque nostrarum peritissimo, et in rebus
gerendis prudentissimo, reverendo patri Personio, totum negotium col-
legii nostri commiserit, satis compertum habemus pacem et utilitatem
nostram vestrae paternitati longe charissimam semper extitisse : si vero

NO. xvi.] APPENDIX. IxXXlii

quispiam superiorum nostrorum iis paulo minus consuluisse videbatur,
id non ex vestro imperio, sed ex proprio suo dictamine, vel indiscretione
aliqua, factum fuisse arbitramur. Quapropter, licet reverendus pater
Personius, pro sua prudentia, charitate, mansuetudine, atque dexteri-
tate, omnia aequa lance trutinando, optatissimum finem dissidiis nostris
jam tandem imposuit, pacemque dulcissimam conciliavit, illud tamen
vestraa paternitati optimo jure, tanquam authori, tribuendum esse cen-
semus ; quatenus eum ad hoc munus sponte sua designare dignata est,
qui solus illud posse praestare videatur. Probe intelleximus quam
jucunda paternitati vestrae nova ista pacis nostra3 extiterit reconciliatio ;
animorumque in nobis, post diutinas discordiarum moras, consensus
quam vobis cordi fuerit non siluistis. Paterni sane necessum est ag-
noscamus animi esse, adeo filiorum, tanquam unius moris in domo, con-
cordiae congaudere. Felices nos fore judicamus, si in vobis amantissimi
patris solicitudinem conservare, in nobis vero quae filios morigeros de-
ceant officia tueri, satagerimus; quod imposterum adimplere semper
cordi nobis erit. Interim pro tanto beneficio gratias, ut par est, im-
mortales omnes uno ore paternitati vestrae laeti refundimus ; easque non
ore tantum tenus, sed cordibus sinceris, quod rerum exitus comprobabit.
Unum restat animadvertendum (si tamen vestra paternitas pro sua
prudentia id non animadvertat), quod eo melius ista nostra recon
ciliatio jam fsoliciter inchoata perficietur, quo diutitis pater Personius
apud nos moretur, et quo ampliorem de rebus nostris, pro sua pru
dentia, disponendi authoritatem obtineat. Deus Opt. Max. vestram
paternitatem incolumem conservet. Romae, 17 Maii, 1597.
Vestrae reverendissimae paternitatis humillimi filii,

Tho. Hillus.

Cuthbertus Trolloppus.

Georgius Wolleus.

Antonius Champneus.

Edwardus Tempestius.

Edwardus Bennettus.1

1 [Two things are remarkable in this document : first, that, in two places, it is
corrected and interlined by Persons himself; secondly, that, of the six sub
scribing parties, two, namely Trollope and Wolley, were among those whom
Persons had destined to be removed to Douay. Their removal, however, did
not take place until the following October : and it is not improbable that Per
sons, at this period, had not announced his determination in their regard. The
delay arose from a laudable desire of avoiding whatever might give to their
removal the appearance of expulsion (Story of Domest. Difficulties, 177):
if the design was concealed, it might also originate in a wish to establish his
influence firmly in the house, before he adopted any measures of severity. — T.~\

APPENDIX. [NO. xvn.

No. XVII.— (Referred to at page 40.)

[MS. Copy in my possession, endorsed by Persons himself.]
Admodum reverende in Christo Pater,

Breves a vestra reverentia literas, Bruxellis datas 3° Octobris, accepi :
longiores vidi ad patrem Creswellum ; ambas de eodem argument o,de
dissidio nimirum nostratium qui istic vivunt, cui nonnullum fore reme-
dium reverentise vestrae videtur, si pater Holtus inde ad tempus amove-
retur, ut tempori hominumque importunitati cedamus. Ego vero
tantum reverentiae vestrae judicio notissimoque in nos affectui tribuo,
ut, si aliud nihil ad ipsum me induceret, hoc solum satis esset ad pro-
pensionem meam eliciendam, quod reverentia vestra ita judicat: sed
sunt praeterea alia quae a biennio jam et amplius hoc idem mihi suase-
runt, et ut rem serio cum reverendo nostro patre per literas pertracta-
rem impulerunt: — 1°. ut ipsius patris Holti paci et quieti hac rations
consulatur, desiderio etiam satisfiat, qui jam saepe, idque vehementer,
petiit istinc educi : — 2°. deinde, quia vere ejus opera valde egemus
hie in Hispania, et utriusque seminarii rectorumque votis plurimum
expetitur : — 3°. quoque, quia, cum pater Creswellus rerum Hispani-
carum non exiguum jam usum comparaverit, linguamque calleat, neque
desit illi suavitas ilia agendi quam V.R requirit in patre Holto, forsitan,
ut V.R. dicit, ad tempus aliquod gratior atque acceptior quibusdam
videretur ; — quamvis nullo modo sperem ilium pacis fructum secutu-
rum, apud eos qui patrem Holtum amovendum curant, quern V.R. sibi
proponit; cum multorum annorum experientia, certissimaque ratione
mihi constet, istos non hunc vel ilium patrem, sed societatem impetere ;
de quo postea.

Romae inquieti patrem Edmundum Herodum (Harewood), Anglum,
collegii confessorem, amoveri postulabant, eaque re omnia fore pacata :
sed, eo amoto, turbulentiora fuere omnia, quia inquieti palam in totam
societatem insurrexerunt.1 Nunc tantum aio me, his causis motum,
de mutatione patris Holti cum nostro patre et cum ipso patre Holto
diu tractasse, atque statim iterum me tractaturum cum Romam venero :
jam enim in itinere hoc scribo, causamque itineris prioribus literis ves
trae reverentiae me significasse memini, — voluntatem nimirum reverendi
nostri patris Generalis, horumque seminariorum Hispanicorum negotia
quaedam necessaria, quae, nisi cum sua sanctitate ac nostro patre rite
transigantur, damnum patientur sfminaria. Spero me, Domino bene

i [This, it will be remembered, was written before his arrival in Rome, and,
of course, only on the authority of hearsay. To ascertain whether it was cor
rect, let the reader turn to his letter of May 5, page Ixxix. ante. — 7".]

NO. xvii.] APPENDIX. 1XXXV

adjuvante, brevi omnia confecturum, ac in Hispanias rediturum ; ea
enim conditione hinc discedo, nisi obedientia superiorum aliud statuerit.
Atque haec de his.

Et quanquam haec ita se habeant, propositumque sit mihi serio rem,
ut dixi, cum reverendo patre nostro tractandi, negare tamen non possum
magnas se mihi difficultates in re exequenda offerre, hoc maxirne tem-
pore, quas reverentiee etiam vestrae proponam.

Prima est quod dux Feriensis ac Stephanus de Yuarra, ministri regii
qui nuper isthinc e Belgio venerunt, mihi fassi sunt se, in instructionibus
vel advertentiis quas, regis mandate, serenissimo archiduci cardinali
de statu Belgii reliquerunt, id, primo loco, inter caetera, affirmasse, so-
cietatem vehementer rebus regis utilem esse, ideoque expedire ut qua-
cumque ratione promoveatur ; deinde vero in rebus Anglicanis, quse
maxime hoc tempore regis interest ut bene tractentur, patrem Holtum
pree caeteris omnibus audiendum esse, ob experientiam fidemque ac
prudentiam in agendo, neque semulos ejus ulla ratione audiendos esse,
ut e Belgio amoveatur : atque id ipsum regi turn literis turn sermone
retulerunt ; ex quo quid nobis difficultatis ad hanc mutationem acces-
serit, V.R. facile videt.

Secunda difficultas etiam recens nata est, quod, ex sermone summi
pontificis cum doctore Barretto, seminarii Daucensis rectore, nuper in-
tellectum est, istos ipsos, qui amotionem patris Holti apud reverentiam
vestram, cseterosque patres nostros pacis specie solicitant, ad sanctita-
tem suam scripsisse, non tantum contra patrem Holtum, sed etiam
contra omnes societatis patres qui in Anglia versantur ; affirmantes eos
clero reliquo dominari, imo omnibus per tyrannidem imperitare (quod
etiam de patre Holto nominatim asseruerunt), hacque ipsa de causa
omnes esse amovendos; quod etiam, istorum exemplo atque suasu,
scholares nonnulli Romani, ab istis eorumque complicibus ad rebellio-
nem excitati, per memorialia petierunt, atque affirmarunt maximo ini-
quissimoque mendacio ; cum patres illi non nisi omnium commodis
inserviant, et horum etiam ingratissimorum inter cseteros, et prae caeteris,
quod de patre Holto vere affirmare possum, qui suis literis saepe ac ve
hementer causam eorum egit in curia Hispanica, qui maxime eum im-

pugnarit.

#**•**

Atque hsec quidem reverentiaa vestrse, occasione hac oblata, dicere
volui, non quod omni conatu illud non prosequi velim, quod R.V. pro-
posuit de mutatione patris Holti, cum reverendo patre nostro Generale,
sed ut R.V. intelligat quare spem exiguam habeam futurae pacis ex hac
mutatione, nisi Deus rerum et animorum immittat mutationem ; quod
summis ab eo precibus peto. Nihil omittam, Deo volente, dum Romae

APPENDIX. [NO. xvn.

fuero, quod ad pacem hanc procurandara pertinere posse videatur,
neque hactenus omisi. Et si quid reverentiae vestrae, vel etiam reve-
rendo patri provincial! (cum quo hanc epistolam eo secreto quo conve-
nit communicari desidero) occurrat, quod a me fieri debere judicant
hujus pacis conciliandse vel firmandge gratia, libere me admoneant; ero
enim obsequentissimus : tantum enim a RR.VV. humiliter peto, ut, pro
suaprudentia, videant ne hae voces hominum inquietorum contra patres
societatis apud nostros facilius admittantur, quam ratio et aequitas ferat,
inaudita aliorum causa ; inde enim magnum damnum et seandalum
quoque tandem sequeretur.

Quod ad patris vero Hold modum agendi (quousque negotium de
mutatione cum reverendo patre nostro transigatur) pertinet, si asperior
est quam reverentiae vestrse videatur expedire, aut nimium invidise aut
SBiiiulationi pateat, ut R.V. significat, non dubito quin una vestra admo-
nitione pater Holtus, pro ea quarn erga vestram reverentiam observan-
tia habet, in alteram partem facillime se flectet. Ego etiam eadem
ipsa de re ad eum scribo, nimirum, ut quacumque poterit ratione omnes
consoletur, omnes lucretur, invidiam ex modo agendi vitet. A reve-
reutia autem vestra peto, ut non gravetur iterum judicium suum mihi
Romas significare de universe hoc negotio, ut maturius statuatur quod
ad majorem Dei gloriam pertineat. Sanctis vestrse reverentise sacrifi-
ciis humiliter me commendo. Barchenoni, 10 Januarii, 1597.

Servus in Christo

Robertus Personius.

*** The same to the same, April 12, 1597.

[Persons's own copy, in my possession.]
Admodum reverende in Christo Pater,

Hoc ipso fere momento temporis literas reverentiae vestrse, 22° Martii
scriptas, accepi, quo fit per tabellarii festinationem non liceat mihi pluri-
bus ad easdem respondere. Laator valde reverentiam vestram viribus
adhuc et valitudine frui ; et cum minus hinc quam ex Hispaniis impedita
sit literarum transmissio, facilior fiet et frequentior per eas communicatio.
Spero autem reverentiam vestram adhuc victuram, et visuram illud colle
gium Londinense, quod aliquando isthic una designavimus: reverentia
enim vestra semper nobis extitit pater amantissirnus, ac causae nostrae
Anglicanae patronus ; ex qua etiam re magis moveor, ut impense cupiam
ne tandem, post tot annorum tarn singularem unionem, judiciorum indu-
catur arte daemonis dissidium, ac ex eo etiam affectuum, quod sanctissi-
mus pater nostcr Ignatius prudentissime simul ac piissime praecavendum
nobis solicite admonet. Video enim reverentiam vestram valde serio
suscepisse delensionem eorum hominum, qui ex gente nostra patrem

NO. xvii.] APPENDIX.

Holtum impugnant : qua in re nonnulla scribit R.V., quibus ego libenter
assentior, — scilicet, homines istos nullo modo abalienandos esse, aut inju-
riis aut opprobriis, aut contemptu, aut partialitate, ut V.R. dicit, exaspe-
randos. Addo etiam, si Hugo Owenus quicquam in eos fecit, justum
est, non solum ut desistat, sed etiam ut satisfaciat. Idem etiam dico de
paire Holto, vel de meipso, vel alio quolibet nostrorum, qui contra hanc
mansuetudinem aut charitatem religiosam vel minimum offenderit. Ex
alia tamen parte, seque justum est, causam Hugonis Oweni, utpote viri
saacularis, si qua in re illos laesit, a nostrorum causa separandam, et non
omnia imputanda nostris, id est, viris societatis, quse Hugo gesserit vel
dixerit, quanquam nostrorum amicus sit, nobisque bene cupiat : neque
aequum est postulare ut pater Holtus ab ejus amicitia discedat, ob aliorum
in eum iracundiam, quae multis ab annis manifesta aemulatione duravit;
cum nihil societati nostrae fecerit mali, sed potius e contrario, et guber-
natores ornnes Belgii fidenter eo usi sint, neque ulla res contra ejus fide-
litatem bactenus probari potuerit, quod ego sciam.

Quod vero R.V. toties et ubique in suis literis illos " nobiles" appellat
qui patri Holto inferisi sunt, aliam vero partem appellat semper " Owen
et ejus sectatores," tanquam si illi solum nobiles, isti vero ignobiles, essent,
valde invidiosum est, ac male accepturn a pluribus nostratibus, qui socie
tati nostrae amicissimi hactenus extiterunt, et idem se istic observasse ex
sermone reverentiae vestrae quotidiano affirmant. Putant enim hinc re-
verentiam vestram velle eos ignobiles haberi, cum tamen isti, excepto uno
comitis Westmorlandiae nomine (qui tamen contra patrem Holtum nihil
se habere querelse apud amicos multos professus est, sed solum contra
Owen), longe se aliis nobiliores, vel saltern pares, esse contendunt. Cujus-
modi sunt D. Gulielmus Stanlaeus, cum fratribus, cujus merita in rem-
publicam aliorum omnium merita, judicio omnium, excedunt; et plus-
quam viginti etiam alii qui literis publicis in patris Hold justificationem
nuper subscripserunt, cum decem et sex sacerdotibus, quorum multi sunt
doctores ac viri ecclesiastici primarii. Sunt deinde in Hispaniis D. Fran-
ciscus Englefieldus, nuper mortuus, eques auratus et senator regius anti-
quissimus, D. Thomas Fitzherbertus, D. Jacobus Hillus, et alii, qui
D. Caroli Pagetti factioni, aliorumque paucorum variis modis variisque
de causis in hac contentione illi conjunctorum, semper se opposuerunt,
[et] numero et dignitate non parum [se] superiores putant, qui semper
se causse publicae h'deles, et societati nostraa amicissimos, rebus ipsis pro-
baverunt; quod tamen de aliis (quoad societatem saltern nostram) dici
non potest. Nam etsi V.R., literis suis ad patrem Alphonsum Agazza-
rium, affirmet se credere non posse istos nobiles societatem nostram petere
(neque ego de omnibus nominatim illud affirmaverim, cum non ignorem
diversis de causis diversos D. Pagetto hac in causa conjunctos esse, alios
nimirum ob inopiam, animique exulcerationem quae inde sequi solet, alios

APPENDIX. [NO. xvn.

ob aemulationem Oweni, alios ob nationum differentiam, aliasque similes
ob causas, et non ob odium societatis), praecipuam tamen factionis istius,
per Pagettum et Morganum ante qnindecim annos cceptae, intentionem
contra soeietatem fuisse semper ac esse, notissimum est iis, qui toto hoc
tempore negotia Anglican a tractarunt; quorum e numero P. Alphonsus
est, et Dr. Barrettus, et Dr. Worthingtonus, et alii testes externi : et
cardinalis Alanus saepissime mihi affirmavit ; et ego, et P. Creswellus,
P. Holtus, et P. Garnettus clarissime probavimus. Dux etiam Feriensis
eodem sensu quo V.R. per quosdam istius factionis imbutus, ac multo tem
pore confirmatus, tandem, perspectis rebus omnibus ac penitus penetratis*
sententiam penitus mutavit, ut nuper Barcanonae mihi significavit.

Et quanquam R.V. ad hoc argumentum respondeat, de Anglorum e
societate conspiratione, his literis suis, quod multorum conspiratio potest
aliquid minus provide aliquando agere vel scntire, tamen ad reverentiae
vestrae prudentiam et aequitatem appello, si probabilius non sit vestram
reverentiam hac in re posse falli, quae soliim quatuor mensium commer-
cium cum illis habuisse fatetur, ac verbis eorum tantum credidit, quam
nobis omnibus diversarnm nationum, statuum, ac locorum hominibus,
qui quindecim annorum facta perspeximus ac trutinavimus. Quod si
haec ratio adhuc vestrae reverentiae non satisfaciat, me admoneat, et de-
monstrationes aliquot evidentissimas afTeram, quibus constabit eos de
societate nostra indigna saepe locutos, viros nonnullos principes a societatis
nostrae affectu avertisse, libros curasse in soeietatem nostram universam
scribi, memorialibus contra soeietatem subscripsisse, et alia istiusmodi.
Haec omnia firmis ac indubitatis testibus [probabo] : quae omnia Dominus
scit non me ideo scribere ad vestram reverentiam, ut earn ab ullo huma-
nitatis aut benignitatis officio erga eos avertam, in quos ego meipsum
libenter impenderem ut eis serio inservirem, si istic essem1 (eamque ob
causam peto ut haec caute, ac prudenter, et sine offensione tractentur) ;
sed ideo hsec scribenda duxi, ne V.R., benignitatis hujus affectu rapta ac
desiderio pacis, quae difficile cum istis sic affectis constituetur, impingat
in contrarium incommodum (quod aliquousque jam fecisse video), nimirum,
ut incurrat in offensionem antiquorum amicornm, et istorum novorum
amicitiam (societati saltern) non consequatur firm am. Illud etiam erit
valde indignum, ut nostri judiciis et affectibus hac in causa inter se dimi-
cent, et ut hii alumni rebelles, qui, istinc animati, universam soeietatem
convitiis indies praescindunt, glorientur (quod modo facere coeperunt) non
deesse ex nostris praecipuis in Belgio qui eis faveant, et schisma suum
schisma etiam jesuitarum commovisse : quo fiet ut difficilius hie remedia
tanto morbo adhibeantur ; sed mala malis sine fine cumulentur. Atque
haec ex nova reverentiae vestrae aliorumqne patrum cum antiquis nostris

1 [Compare this with his advice to Don Juan d'Idiaquez, in the following
June, urging the banishment of some of this party, page Ixvii. ante. — 7.]

NO. xvii.] APPENDIX.

semulis facta amicitia spargi coeperunt, quae licet longissime ab inten-
tione vestra, quam sanctissimam esse non dubito, remota sint, tamen haec
initio aperienda esse reverentiae vestrae duxi, ne longius serpant, si fieri
potest.

De patre Holto statuerat reverendus pater noster Generalis, antequam
ego hue appellerem, multa esse propter quse in prsesentia mutandus esse
non videatur : postea commodius fieri posse judicat. Ego nondum coepi
cum summo agere pontifice de rebus nostris : cum illustrissimi cardinalis
nepotibus egi; et crastina fortassis die sua sanctitas me audiet. Omnia
videntur spem bonam facere, fore res collegii Anglicani pacatiores. Ege-
runt jam mecum nonnulli ex prsecipuis turbatoribus : ego autem sequar
earn humanitatis rationem in componendo [negotio], quam V.R. probat,
in quantum virtutis et disciplines ratio feret ; ac reverentiam vestram
frequentius faciam certiorem de successu; cujus sanctis precibus ac sacri-
ficiis plurimum me commendo Romas, 12 Aprilis, 1597.

*#* Attestation in favour of father Holt and the Society. Nov. 1596.

[Attested copy in my possession.]

Dolenter accepimus nos infrascripti Angli catholici, in Belgio exu-
lantes, querimonias quasdam a quibusdam nostrorum ad aures suae
sanctifatis, adversus reverendos patres societatis Jesu, delatas esse; —
esse, videlicet, in ilia societate iinum in Belgio qui gentiles suos tyran-
nizet ; esse alios in Anglia, qui in catholicos illic presbyteros tyran-
nidem quandam exerceant. Sane in Belgio neminem hujusmodi nos
cognovimus. Unum ex ilia societate R. P. Gulielmum Holtum a
multis annis cognovimus, pro gratia et authoritate qua apud hujus
Belgii gubernatores unum post alium valuit ; idque primum, ex illus
trissimi cardinalis Alani defuncti singular! commendatione, plurimos
hie in Belgio nostrates insigniter juvisse ; tyrannidem in nullum exer-
cuisse ; — nisi forte quos non juverit pro suo ipsorum voto (quia omnes
ccque juvare non potuit), eos tyrannice depressisse dici debeat. In
Anglia, tametsi, ab aliquot retro mensibus, aliqua fuerit aliorum sacer-
dotum inter se, et adversus reverendos patres, semulatio, tamen et earn
sine eorundem patrum culpa extitisse, et jam sopitam atque extinctam
esse, intelleximus: ipsos autem patres erga reliquos sacerdotes, omnes-
que illic catholicos, omnia pietatis officia, sine cujusquam offensione,
cum plurimorum sedih'catione, in spiritu lenitatis et humilitatis exercere,
multorum illinc ad nos venientium fida relatione compertum habemus.
Rogamus igitur, et ornni qua decet humilitate obsecramus suam im
primis sanclitatem, turn illustrissimum protectorern nostrum, demilni
R. P. Generalem societatis, hujusmodi iniquis delationibus ut aurem
non praebeant, quicumque tandem ex nostris delatores fuerint, nisi forte

XC APPENDIX. [NO. xvn.

certis arguments crimen probare valeant ; quae ut nos omnino latent,
ita nee illis suppetere posse arbitramur. Illud quoque enixius suppli-
camus, ut, si haec attestatio nostra criminationibus nostrorum repel-
lendis non sufficiat, dignetur sua sanctitas aliquod totius hujus causse
examen raandare atque committere ; ut qui vere in culpa esse depre-
hendentur, sive delati sive delatores, in illos animadvertatur ; ut ita
afflictissimse genti nostrae, ejusque reliquiis catholicis, tarn domi quam
foris, pax firma concilietur, honor et aestimatio servetur. Ex Belgio,
mense Novembri, 1596.

[The signatures follow. At their head are those of the eighteen clergymen,
Thomas Stapleton, Thomas Worthington, William Percy, John Wright,
Anthony Clark, Gilbert Burnford, Thomas Freeman, John Fenn, Caesar
Clement, Valentine Tayler, James Standish, Thomas Younger, Edmund
Lewknor, Bernard Gardiner, Robert Pilkington, William Storey, Nicholas
Lachlen, and Richard Sherwood. These are succeeded by the names of fifty-
one officers and members of Sir William Stanley's legion : then come thirty-
eight private gentlemen; then four lawyers; and lastly, the six following
ladies, — Mary Percy, daughter of the duke of Northumberland, Elizabeth
Allen, sister to the cardinal, Dorothy Arundell, Gertrude Arundell, Benedict
Guildford, and Mary Green. The parties by whose industry these signatures
were collected, were Worthington, Percy, Freeman, Ca?sar Clement, Sherwood,
Sir William Stanley, Thomas Clement, Gabriel Denis, Robert Tirrel, Tristram
Winslade, Ingram Thwing, Hu.ffh Owen, Lawrence Mompeson, and a layman
named Thomas Worthington. Their original letter, in my possession.

The attestation from the superiors of Douay was to the same effect as the
above. It was signed by the doctors Webbe, Harrison, Weston, James
Younger, and Kellison, by the professors Lancaster and Bretton, and after
wards by Dr. Barrett. Original in my possession. — 71.]

*** Dr. James Younger to Dr. Gi/ord. Nov. 12, 159fi.

[Copy endorsed by Persons, in my possession.]

I heartily rejoice at your safe return, good Mr. Doctor, and could
have wished your company here, if your business would have permitted
you to have come so far about : then haply you would have made known
unto us, your friends, such affairs as you had heard were handled
amongst our countrymen at Brussels. We hear by Dr. Worthington
that certain, who term themselves chief and principal of our nation,
have written unto the pope, that they are tyrannized by an English
Jesuit here in Flanders, with like tyranny they have complained to be
used by the Jesuits in England against our seminary priests. Mr.
Haddoc and Mr. Baynes write from Rome that the pope told Mr. Pre
sident (Dr. Barrett), and also father Alphonso (A gazzari), that thus much
was written unto him from out of Flanders. To give a counterbuff to
these men's proceedings, who have thus reported against the Jesuits, Dr.
Worthington hath taken in hand this worthy journey, as to travel up
and down, from place to place, to get every man's hand, who will not

NO. xvii.] APPENDIX. Xci

be counted a miso-jesuit, to subscribe to a bill drawn by him and his,
therein to clear father Holt from all crime, as likewise the Jesuits in
England. We all here gladly would have shunned to intermeddle in
this matter, wherein we know nothing what just accusation may be laid
against father Holt, or others in England, whose dealings are altogether
unknown to the most here : yet we are importuned, yea and violently
persuaded, by one who will not easily relent from his own preconceived
opinion (which hath been of long time his wonted manner, as you
yourself can better witness, being of ancient acquaintance with him ;
which custom I think he will not exchange, because he hath used it
these sixty-four years) : we must all forsooth needs subscribe to a
letter drawn in testimony of the fathers' innocency, against whom, in
truth, we know nothing ; and thus much we would willingly testify.
But this is not reckoned sufficient : we must also say that we disallow,
and disprove, and count slanderous all that the other parties object
against the Jesuits. To this we oppose, that in conscience we cannot,
seeing we know not the causes by which the others are moved to write
to the pope : we offer to write to the president a blank, wherein he may
testify, in all our names, that which in conscience he thinketh may be
said. This is not yet enough ; but we must write to father Alphonso,
in case the president be absent; and father Alphonso must have our
names, to use when necessity shall require. If this be refused, then
general speeches are used, that we are Scottilini generis, unde sequitur
nos nonfavere Jesuit is ; ergo, nee Hispanis ; ergo> nee causes catholicce :
quce si recte innectantur inviicB colligationes, dicam ego, ergo Sarmen-
titii smmis, fidei proditores, digni flammis et teternis ignibus. I pray
you write what you know in this case, so much at least as may direct
us, your friends. I fear that the two first authors of the report, Had-
doc and Baynes, are over lavish in their writing ; especially, because I
hear they are partial. You cannot but know something in so important
a business. I long to hear from you ; much more to speak with you.
Read these and burn them, I charge you in all friendship ; neither let me
hear afterward that this my conference with you is come abroad amongst
others ; for then actum est, &c. Scribbled in great haste, this present
morning, after yesternight's altercation. November 12, an<>. 1596.

Yours ever most faithful,

Ja. Yo.

If you let your friends know of this, in pain of eternal displeasure
open not my name. Farewell most heartily.

Endorsed by Persons — " Dr. Younger's letter to Dr. Gifford," &c.

XC11 APPENDIX. [NO. xvn.

*s|e* Dr. Barrett to Agazzari. Jan. 4, 1597.
[Extract from the original in my possession.]
Admodum Reverende in Christo Pater, —

Cum essem Bruxellis, binas dedi literas ad paternitatem tuam defe-
rendas, multo tardius quam vester erga me amor et desiderium de
itinere meo audiendi postulavit : spero tamen jam expectationi vestrae
in ea parte esse satisfactum. Restat jam ut de communibus negotiis
plenius et apertius scribam. Praeter alias difficultates, quae mihi Romse,
in communi causa et ipsa veritate defendenda, occurrerunt, istse duae
satis molestae fuerunt : — prima quod seditiosi illi, qui collegii pacem
tantopere perturbarunt, conati sunt Sanctissimo Domino et illustrissimis
cardinalibus persuadere quod sacerdotes et catholici in Anglia eodem
cum illis essent animo, id est, alienissimo a patribus societatis, cum
quibus tamen constat eos esse conjunctissimos, et majores fructus et
progressus in fide jam facere quam unquam forte antea. Idem constat
de reliquis omnibus Anglorum seminariis, in quibus quietissime et
obedientissime sub patribus vivunt. De nostro quid dicam ? Sunt
enim tarn inter se et cum patribus Concordes, ut ad unum omnes
maxime detestentur separationem illam, qua se non solum a patribus,
sed a fratribus suis conantur sejungere. Altera dimcultas fuit de statu
et animo Anglorum hie in Belgio : nam hos conati sunt ad suas partes
attrahere ; atque in eum finem et literas et nuncios miserunt, sicut
etiam et in Anglia obtinuerunt etiam a quibusdam literas in eorum
favorem, et contra patres aliquot societatis. Quibus ego, quantum in
me fuit, apud Sanctissimum Dominum et illustrissimos cardinales me
semper opposui ; et putavi necessarium ut Sanctissimus Dominus certior
fieret de statu ecclesiae Anglicanae per ipsos sacerdotes, qui in messe
Anglicana laborant; item de animo catholicorum in Belgio per aliquos
Anglos alicujus nominis et authoritatis. Sed ecce, mi pater, in causa
tarn bona tamque justa tuenda, quam multa acciderunt ante meum ad-
ventum, quse mihi certe non probantur, et vereor ne sanctitatem suam
et illustrissimum protectorem offendant. Intelligo de subscriptionibus
istis, quse passim a militibus, mulierculis, et vulgaribus hominibus
fiunt : habent enim speciem, ut dicitur, mutinantium. Quod a collegio
nostro factum est libenter quidem approbavi, quia pauci, et iidem
seniores, reliquorum omnium declararunt sententiam ;' quod commode
fieri potuisset in aliis locis, sine singulorum examinatione. Accedit
quod ille, qui singulorum subscriptiones procuravit, vir sit parum pru-

1 [He was evidently not aware of the circumstances mentioned in Dr.
Younger's letter. Younger, it will be remembered, was one of the persons who
signed the Douay attestation. — 71.]

NO. xvu.] APPENDIX. XC111

dens, et quamplurimis nimis ingratus, ut, propter eum, multi negarunt
qui alioquin praeclarum dedissent de societate testimonium; atque idem
ille, mea sententia, plus nocet patri Holto quam forte ejus adversarii:1
nam cum in generali significatum fuisset, sine nomine cujuspiam, venisse
literas ex Belgio in gratiam illorum qui collegium perturbant, et in
particulari contra aliquem patrem. ecce iste et alii similes, ex fervore
quodam benevolentiae erga suos, et animo nimis perturbato et alieno
ab aliis, accusant nominatim multos qui se per suas literas purgarunt
apud illustrissimum protectorem nostrum : ex quo tamen malo hoc
natum est boni, quod qui minus inter omnes Anglos in exilio putantur
affecti erga societatem, multa praeclare de societate videntur scripsisse,
ut nullo modo liceat in posterum seditiosis illis ad istorum patrocinium

confugere, de quibus inter se et apud alios tantopere solebant gloriari.

*****

Vale in Christo reverende pater, &c. — Duaci 4° Januarii, 1597,
Vestrse Reverentiae

filius et servus in Christo

Richardus Barrettus.

•*** Aquamva to father Oliver Manareus. April 12, 1597.

[MS. in ray possession.]

Argumentum his literis dabit pater Holtus, de quo vidimus quae re-
verentia vestra caeterique nostri de toto illius negotio, diversis tempori-
bus, scripserunt ; et gavisi valde sumus re ipsa tandem compertum
fuisse quod et R.V. et alii significabant, et nos ipsi facile sestimabamus,
nihil esse in his omnibus querelis et accusationibus adversariorum, quod
solicitum habere ilium deberet, et in quo innocentiam suam tueri ac
liquido probare non posset. Nunc igitur quod unum in eo desiderari
videbatur, de hoc ipsum meis literis moneo, ut suum ilium, qui non-
nullis asperior videtur, agendi modum temperare ac mitigare studeat, et
quam in omnes charitatem habet, earn, quod potest, omni exterius sua-
vitate patefaciat; ut sic etiam deinceps omnem ejusmodi praecidat oc-
casionem. Quod enim cogitatum fuerat de loci mutatione, id nobis
nullo modo visum est hoc tempore aggrediendum, non solum quod
recenti adhuc memoria istius accusationis inuri quaedam nota bono patri
videretur, sed quod verendum esset ne, cum vel maxime necessaria
nunc isthic ejus opera videatur, aegre id laturus, ac fortasse non per-
missurus esset serenissimus cardinalis. Accedit, quod minime expedire
judicamus, ut obsecuti hac in re ipsius adversariis videamur, de quibus

1 [A note on the back of the letter, in the handwriting of Persons, confirms
Dr. Younger's account, and says that the person here described was Dr.
Worthington.— 71.]

XC1V APPENDIX. [NO. xvn.

video hie non levem patrum opinionem, nee leves conjecturas, non esse
illos adeo societatis amantes ac videri volunt : quin contra, cavendum
esse ne, sub unius patris nomine, societatem ipsam petant, animorurnque
divisiones in ea quaerant: in quo quidem, etsi privatim insimulare
quemquam, aut judicare nolumus, neque a patribus his nominatim quis-
quam perstringitur, durum tamen nobis videatur, cum in hoc capite
consentiunt ubique nostri omnes qui ejus nationis sunt, et eos verisimil-
limum sit haec certius nosse quam caeteri nosse possint, non verisimil-
limum etiam esse quod sentiunt. Sed de his, quoniam pluribus ex ali-
orum literis brevi cognoscet R.V., plura ipse non dicam. Hoc tantum
addo circa id, quod a nonnullis in patris Holti causa proponebatur
(expediretne curare lit publicum aliquod scriptum extaret, quod fidem
faceret vana fuisse quse contra ipsum adferebantur), tametsi nobis id
recte factum visum est quod serenissimus, auditis partibus, constituit,
ut scripta omnia accusationis concrementur, idque ad patris innocen-
tiam declarandam satis fore videbatur, in omnes tamen eventus, et ad
majorem patris Holti consolationem, aptissimum et expeditissimum
visum fuisse consilium, ut a serenissimo cardinali binas, si possit, literas
procuret; alteras ad sanctissimum, alteras ad me ; earumque etiam ex-
empla penes se retineat, quibus doceat serenissimus patrem Holtum,
auditis omnibus, repertum fuisse innocentem. Hse literse usui nobis in
urbe essent, si quid contra jactaretur ; earumque pariter exemplis uti
posset pater Holtus, ubicumque ferret occasio. Hoc consilium reve-
rentiae vestree probatum iri non diffido, ipsamque in eo exequendo sua
authoritate non defuturam. Itaque aliud non superest, nisi ut patrem
ipsum reverentiae vestrse magis ac magis commendem, ut solita sua
charitate eum animet et consoletur, nunc quidem eo magis quod non
dubitamus quin eum baud leviter afflixerint hae simultates. Reverentiae
vestrae precibus et sanctissimis sacrifices, &c. &c. — Romse, 12 Aprilis,
1597.

Hoc mihi consilium occurrit sine strepitu et suavius quam si juri-
dice peteretur aliqua declaratio, quod pater Holtus videbatur cupere :
quod cum patri Personio communicassem, etiam ille praeferendum cen-
suit et amplexus est.

*** Manareus, to father George Duras, assistant of the society of Jesus.

Sep. IS, 1597.
[Original in my possession.]
Admodum Reverende in Christo Pater,

Pax Christi. Eodem temporis momento redclitae sunt quas reverentia
vestra ad me dedit, 16°, et 17°, et 123°, Augusti : primse literas et pos-
tremae agunt de negotio Anglicano illo molestissirno; et displicuisse

NO. xvii.] APPENDIX. XCV

mmciant, cum patri nostro turn vestrse reverentise, articulos quos mise-
ram, qui circumferebantur, et, nisi fallor, circumferuntur a plerisque
utriusque partis. Quamvis porro VMl. videatur sentire hos minus esse
culpabiles quod indigna multa isthic passa sit societas, et pater noster
ipse, ob ea quae contra societatem a nonnullis sparsa fuerunt, et adeo ad
suam sanctitatem delata, bona tamen pace dictum velim, non ideo nos-
tros debere uti majori licentia, sive in scribendo sive in loquendo, contra
alteram partem ; multo vero minus re ipsa facere sicuti fieri cernimus
contra utramvis partem dissidentium. Nam si ita pergemus agere, et
uti contra alios animositate, licet ii nobis incommodaverint, com-
movebimus multorum animos contra nos; et cum res adeo tenebrosa
sit ut veritas emicare nequeat, non video tutum esse adhaerescere (nisi
fortassis afFectu) magis uni parti quam alteri. Nam quod cum pater
noster, turn reverentia vestra aliquoties, turn denique pater Personius
scripserit. jam certis documents constare qui sunt authores factionis, ego
tamen tarn rudis sum, fateor, ut hucusque nihil omnino perspectum et
manif'estum viderim : puto tamen me vidisse eadem quse vos isthic vidistis,
saltern praecipua: et licet viderim, et,dum mihi legerentur,ostenderim me
sentire vobiscum, propter debitam reverentiam, quantum veritatis candor
passus est, non acquievit tamen intellectus : nam historia ilia quae prae-
tendit declarare originem primam discordiarum relatam ad congressum
quendam Parisiis habitum aliquot praestantium virorum cum oratore
regis nostri, a quo se exclusum fuisse Pagetus questus sit, et inde moliri
cceperit contraria, continenter magis ac magis videtur habere debile
fundamentum ; et pater Personius, in ea contexenda, potuit facile errare,
ex vetusto illo suo prsejudicio, in magna parte narrationis.1 Literaa
decani Insulensis2 jamdudum erant nobis perspectae, ut R.V. probe

1 [This account is in Persons's letter to Don Juan Idiaquez, page Ix. ante.

2 [Doctor William Gifford. The letter here alluded to was dated August 8,
1596, and is believed to have been addressed to Mr. Robert Markham, amongst
whose papers it was afterwards found, but without any superscription. Its
object was, to obtain the removal of Holt. It is written with much acrimony,
but contains many charges against his opponents, which are fully established
by the papers, printed in this Appendix. Amongst other things for which Holt
and his party denounce him as " the king's enemy, a favourer of the Scottish
faction, and the subducer of the king's subjects," he says, — " They lay to my
charge that which I did by authority and commandment of the nuncio, with
getting the new book, printed for the king of Spain's title, and reducing it to a
compendium, and sending it to cardinal Aldobrandino, which they condemn as
high-treason, although, at the same time, they sent it to England printed by
two thousand copies, and had dedicated it to the earl of Essex ; whereby it is
evident that they would have their doings rather known to the heretics and
arch-heretics, than to the see apostolic." He tells us, that " they threaten Mr.
Paget for his help in getting- the book, surnamed ' The Conference about the
Title,' &c. for the nuncio, and do labour all they can, to have order from
Spain, to put him in prison ;" and he concludes this subject by desiring his
correspondent to " tell the cardinal plainly, that never any thing was written

XCV1 APPENDIX. [NO. xvn.

novit ; nam Bruxellis ipsum autographum una vidimus, et hominis inge-
nium et molimina detestati sumus. Sed ille unus est, et unius et pau-
corum culpa et raaleficiura non debet officere caeterorum virtuti. Extat
praeterea epistola quaedam ad dominum oratorem quatuor virorum pri-
mariorum communis, quae querebatur sibi injuriam factam fuisse et no-
bilitati, quod contra earn ad suam serenitatem scriptum fuisset, non
audita parte, et quod inauditi fuissent condemnati apud suam serenita
tem. Sed haec epistola apud aequos judices videtur posse excusari, nisi
forte quod paulo vehementiores liters extiterint ; nam illi icti, et ab
altera parte turpiter delati ad suam excellentiam, non cohibuerunt for-
tassis satis animi dolorem : petebant autem sibi dici in quo peccarint
particulariter ; et hsec epistola sane non ostendit in nobilitatem posse re-
ferri juste originem seditionis.1 Summa est, quod discursus quidam longus,
quern vidi et legi, non satis probare quod intenditur, literas nobilitatis
nihil habere praeter indicium sui doloris, ob accusationem sui. Super-
est ergo ut unius decani, vel fortassis alterius, et eorum duorum semi-
naristarum,2 qui, alio anno, in Angliam navigarunt, literae sunt toturn
fundamentum judicii facti contra nobiles, et eorum accusationes. Nam
de Pageto non est quoestio, cum ille, sive vere, sive Hon, judicatus, est
semper suspectus. Ego de eo sic sentio, quod ingenio et prudentia
caeteris praestat, et quod forte, tractando ipsum humaniter, pater Holtus
potuisset ilium lucrifacere : sed a quindecim circiter annis vidi ilium
fuisse patri Personio, ac demum patri Holto, semper suspectum. Fuit
ille, sive ab Hugone3 sive ab altero, delatus ad ducem Parmensem :
causa ejus commissa fuit Pamelio praesidi, domino a Broschia, domino
Salinas, viris eximiis: ille absolutus est, et honorifice dimissus, honori-
busque auctus a duce ; neque tamen audivi unquam ilium excitasse ob
hanc accusationem turbas aut strepitus ullos contra ullum. Hugo fuit
delatus secrete, non, sicut ille, publice et in aperto. Inquisitum de
ipso : statim excitatae sunt implacabiles animorum commotiones ; et
nobilitatem ac patrem Creitonum continue authores inquisitionis pub-

which hath made such a broil, as hath this book ; the authors, by the king's
ministers, persecuting all that speak or mislike with it ;— a thing far unfit to
proceed from father Persons, a Jesuit, printed by father Holt, a Jesuit, who have,
in England and every where, professed, that, by order of their society and his
holiness, they were commanded not to meddle with any matter of estate : and
was not this hundred years a matter of estate of greater importance handled by
any man, than is this, the translating of a realm to a new race, and which needs
must be begun, maintained, and ended, with infinite blood." Attested copy of
the letter, in my possession. — TV]

1 [I have described the letter, here referred to, in a note to the Duke of
Feria's memorial, p. liv. ante. — T.\

2 [Norris and Button. Barrett's Letter, in my possession. — TV]

3 Hugh Owen.

NO. xvii.] APPENDIX. XCVU

licavit et affirmavit, licet sanete jurare parati sint se nihil sci-

visse, et testes assignent ipsosmet commissaries regios, a quibus coacti
fuerunt, non sine minis, ut aiunt, coram se deponere : nihil tamen ob-
trusisse se, sed tantum respondisse candide ad ea de quibus interroga-
bantur, tacitis multis quo3 proponere potuissent.

Quae affero ut V.R., quse haec non ignorat, recogitet non deesse pas-
siones graves in parte Hugonis, et fore multo melius ut studeremus
animos nobilitatis nobis conciliare, quam earn magis exasperare : nam
revera valde exasperati sunt, praesertim post literas purgatorias patris
Holti a cardinale obtentas, quod bonus pater, ut vehemens est, et ve-
hementibus passionibus interdum impellitur, statim velut gloriabundus
plerisque dixerit, se nihil amplius curare alterius partis studia, qui jam
absolutus per sententiam esset a sua sanctitate, a sua reverenda paterni-
tate, ac demuin a sua serenitate ; quod nobiles mi hi ascribunt. Sed
parvi illud facio ; magni autem ut eos lucrifaciamus Domino et socie-
tati : alioquin video futurum, ut societas aliquando gravia patiatur, in
Anglia praesertim ; nam haec durare nequeunt, suntque nimis utrimque
violenta.

Quod ad remedium attinet, non video aliud, ante oculos Domini posi-
tus, quam ut, primum, pater Holtus hinc revocetur, quia ad pacem fo-
vendam non est aptus, nee sibi potest temperare ubi in minimo leesum
se putat, etsi in opinione fallatur: secundum, ut pater Personius magis
etiam se accommodet ad horum hominum reconciliationcm, quamvis id
jam vix posse fieri video, tarn sunt animi exulcerati ; quod ipsius mo-
liminibus et studiis tribuant se jam cecedisse de gratia regis et serenis-
simi, ac se in patria aliena perire ejusdem studiis. Utinam esset reli-
quum remedium ex parte patris Personii, ut veniret ipse in has partes
loco patris Gulielmi, audiret quas hie geruntur et gesta sunt, ac conare-
tur ipsos nobiles reconciliare suae serenitati, reconciliatis ipsis prius
inter se, et posita omni passione. Nam quod V. R. prudenter ait, nos-
tros Anglos scire et sentire injurias ac calumnias societati illatas, et
convenire ut ea suavibus modis earn ab illis vindicent, hoc ipsi
etiam, ni fallor, intelligunt, et saepe illis inculcavi. Sed maxima pars
nobilitatis detestatur eos, qui talibus injuriis societatem affecerunt : licet,
cum ipsi dabarit maims, et paratos se exhibebant ad omne bonum
officium, novis ipsi vel literis ex urbe, vel sermonibus in gente jactis,
magis magisque exasperati, fere desperarunt : et subintelligo etiam in
Anglia graves rumores inter catholicos et sacerdotes excitari, nee
minorem fortassis esse seditionem quam fuerit Romae. Superest igitur
ut pater Personius ipse veniat, et in suo adventu patrem Holtum, cum
bona gratia principis, hinc amoveri studeat; nam, nisi fecerit, non est
qui facere queat. Nam cum serenissiiuo sit persuasum ex iis qu;e ex
VOL. III. !>'

XCV111 APPENDIX. [NO. xvii.

urbe et Hispania accepit, et quae hie audivit et continenter audit, de-
ceptos vel partiales esse qui aliter sentiunt quam Hugo et pater Holtus,
et omnes Anglos nostros conspirare contra nobilitatem, seu partem
Hugoni adversantem, non est qui raelius eximere possit ipsi hanc opi-
nionem, quam pater Personius, qui, cum Anglus sit, vir prudens, et qui
novit res quse in Hispania et in urbe actae sunt, reputabitur ab ipso
serenissimo cardinale non impelli ulla passione. Quod ad me attinet,
possem equidem agere cum ipso (sed tamen excitarem illi dubium et
formidinem de rei statu), nisi vellem aperire quae hactenus de Hugone,
et de patre Holto, et de aliis, diligenter tacui, ut ipsorum et societatis
honori et concordiae ipsi consulerem. Ut autem hoc faciam minime

etiamnum expedit.

* * *

Ecce quam prolixas dedi ad reverentiam vestram literas, et quam
gravis illi factus sim : condonet mihi. Deus earn nobis conservet quam
diutissime incolumem, cujus precibus me commendo. Gandavi, 18

Sept. 1597.

Vestrae reverentise Servus in Christo Jesu,

Oliverius Manareus.

*** The same to the same. Octob. 12, 1597.

[Original in my possession.]
Admodum Reverende in Christo Pater.

Pax Christi. Pridie quam discesseramus Bruxellis, redditae sunt sub
noctem quas R.V. dedit 19 Septembris, quibus significabat R.V. Bonog-
nesium nostrum a profectione fuisse revocatum, ob opinionem pestis in
Germania et Belgio grassantis. Faxit Deus ut base remora sit illi pro-
pitia, et interim non incidat in majorem debilitatem.

Quum Cantii venerint, excipiemus et tractabimus qua potuerimus
charitate.

De octo illis alumnis Anglicanis, de quibus R.V., nihil quidquam
adhuc inaudivi. Faxit Deus ut seditio, quam isthic V.R. scribit conso-
pitam, sit penitus extincta. Speret quidem R.V., hie apud nos idem
futurum : ego vero vereor valde ne pejus multo quam unquam in Anglia
res turbetur. Atque utinam octo illi ita veniant animis comparati, ut
pacem promoveant : de quo dtibito, si gravius fuerint a sua sanctitate et
cardinalibus admoniti. Nam quidquid fuerit asperitatis conferent in nos,
ut in authores : sed spero admonitionem fuisse paternam, et suavem, et
quae non exasperaverit.! Causa quac me movet ut tarn male augurer de

1 [The students, here alluded to, were those who, by Persons's advice, were
removed from the Roman college, in October, 1597. Persons's copy of the
pontiff's address to them at their departure is now before me. It speaks with

NO. xvi i.] APPENDIX. XC1X

rebus Anglicanis est, quod jam sunt scissurse magnse in clero et populo,
occasione eorum qui ex collegio Anglicano eo venerunt, et earura discor-
diarum quse Lie sunt et hactenus extiterunt, cui curandae non videntur
mihi sumpta media congruentia. Nam curare ut nobilitas hinc abire
cogatur, quid aliud est quam concitare eorum propinquos et amicos, qui
in Anglia sunt, contra nos quos authores reputant sui infortunii et acceptse
contumeliae ? Recesserunt etenim aliqui : dominus baro Dacre, vir mo-
destus et pius, recessit, et Morus, vir item nobilis, et qui multa prsestitit
pro ecclesia Dei : recessuri sunt brevi reliqui, valde exacerbati ; neque
alteri assignant causam suge calamitatis quam patri Holto immediate et
D. Hugoni; mediate vero patri Personio.i Quam habeant hujus rei
occasionem Deus novit : non dubito eos habere aliquam.

Dolui his proximis diebus Tressamum mihi legisse literas patris Per-
sonii acriores, et quibus indicabat falsas fuisse accusationes ipsius et
aliorum contra patrem Hokum, quod cardinalis ipse suis literis ad ponti-
ficem, ad dominum oratorem, ad patrem nostrum Generalem, declarasset
eum patrem omnino fuisse innocentem, et non fuisse credendum calum-
niatoribus, qui illi detraxerant, et infamise notam inusserant ; se expen-
disse omnes scripturas ultro citroque productas, et nihil invenisse contra
ipsum patrem, prseter mendacia. Haec erat summa paragraph! epistolae
quam mihi legit. Dolui, inquam, non quod demus operam purgando ac
justificando fratri nostro (quod charitatis est), sed quod acrius invehamur
in eos, quorum dolorem lenire et amaritudinem mitigare deberemus ;
nam haec ratio agencli et scribendi exulcerat magis : — addo quod fortassis
non placebit cardinali, quod literas, quas non admodum libenter dedit,
eas ostentemus cum aliqua jactantia, hie atque adeo in Anglia et in urbe
asserentes, quod quasi juridice expenderit scripturas utrimque productas;
quod non fecit, sed tan turn nixus est relatione mea et domini de Tapis,
qui pariter pro bono societatis retulimus, ea, quce producta fuerant, fuisse
parlirn falsa, parti m levia, partim dubia, quae putabamus patrem Holtum

pain of the late disturbance in the college, exhorts them to lay aside the spirit
of contention, and tells them that, unless they can enter upon their mission in
England with humble minds, they will be more likely to fall themselves, than
to be the means of saving others (Orig. MS. in my possession). Persons, from
the circumstances with which he connects it, gives a turn of asperity to this
admonition, which probably did not belong to it. In the same manner, he
afterwards published an account of it, in his " Briefe Apologie" (60b), telling us
that the pope, having " given them first a vehement reprehension for troubles
past, exhorted and commanded them there, with like instance, to be at peace,
for the time to come, both among themselves, and, namely, with the fathers of
the society." — How different this from the amiable tone of Manareus's
letter!— TV)

1 [The reader who will turn to Persons's letter of June 30, 1597, addressed to
Don Juan d'Idiaquez (p. Ixvii., ante), will see that Persons was, in fact, one
of the principal and immediate causes of their removal. — 71.]

gt

APPENDIX. [NO. xvir.

urbe et Hispania accepit, et quaj hie audivit et continenter audit, de-
ceptos vel partiales esse qui aliter sentiunt quam Hugo et pater Holtus,
et omnes Anglos nostros conspirare contra nobilitatem, seu partem
Hugoni adversantem, non est qui melius eximere possit ipsi hanc opi-
nionem, quam pater Personius, qui, cum Anglus sit, vir prudens, et qui
novit res quse in Hispania et in urbe actae sunt, reputabitur ab ipso
serenissimo cardinale non impelli ulla passione. Quod ad me attinet,
possem equidem agere cum ipso (sed tamen excitarem illi dubium et
formidinem de rei statu), nisi vellem aperire quae hactenus de Hugone,
et de patre Holto, et de aliis, diligenter tacui, ut ipsorum et societatis
honori et concordia? ipsi consulerem. Ut autem hoc faciam minime
etiamnum expedit.

Ecce quam prolixas dedi ad reverentiam vestram literas, et quam
gravis illi factus sim : condonet mihi. Deus earn nobis conservet quam
diutissime incolumem, cujus precibus me commendo. Gandavi, 18

Sept. 1597.

Vestra? reverentiae Servus in Chnsto Jesu,

Oliverius Manareus.

***

The same to the same. Octob. 12, 1597.

[Original in my possession.]
Admodum Reverende in Christo Pater.

Pax Christi. Pridie quam discesseramus Bruxellis, reddita? sunt sub
noctem quas R.V. dedit 19 Septembris, quibus significabat R.V. Bonog-
nesium nostrum a profectione fuisse revocatum, ob opinionem pestis m
Germania et Belgio grassantis. Faxit Deus ut ha3c remora sit illi pro-
pitia, et interim non incidat in majorem debilitatem.

Quum Cantii venerint, excipiemus et tractabimus qua potuerimus
charitate.

De octo illis alumnis Anglicanis, de quibus R.V., nihil quidquam
adhuc inaudivi. Faxit Deus ut seditio, quam isthic V.R. scribit conso-
pitam, sit penitus extincta. Speret quidem R.V., hie apud nos idem
futurum : ego vero vereor valde ne pejus multo quam unquam in Anglia
res turbetur. Atque utinam octo illi ita veniant animis comparati, ut
pacem promoveant : de quo dubito, si gravius fuerint a sua sanctitate et
cardinalibus admoniti. Nam quidquid fuerit asperitatis conferent in nos,
ut in authores : sed spero admonitionem fuisse paternam, et suavem, et
qua? non exasperaverit.! Causa qusc me movet ut tarn male augurer de

1 [The students, here alluded to, were those who, by Persons's advice, were
removed from the Roman college, in October, 1597. Persons's copy of the
pontiff's address to them at their departure is now before me. It speaks with

NO. xvn.] APPENDIX. XC1X

rebus Anglicanis est, quod jam sunt scissurae magnse in clero et populo,
occasione eorum qui ex collegio Anglicano eo venerunt, et earum discor-
diarum quse hie sunt et hactenus extiterunt, cui curandae non videntur
mihi sumpta media congruentia. Nam curare ut nobilitas hinc abire
cogatur, quid aliud est quam concitare eorum propinquos et amicos, qui
in Anglia sunt, contra nos quos authores reputant sui infortunii et acceptae
contumeliae ? Recesserunt etenim aliqui : dominus baro Dacre, vir mo-
destus et pius, recessit, et Morus, vir item nobilis, et qui multa praestitit
pro ecclesia Dei : recessuri sunt brevi reliqui, valde exacerbati ; neque
alteri assignant causam suss calamitatis quam patri Holto immediate et
D. Hugoni ; mediate vero patri Personio.i Quam habeant hujus rei
occasionem Deus novit : non dubito eos habere aliquam.

Dolui his proximis diebus Tressamum mihi legisse literas patris Per-
sonii acriores, et quibus indicabat falsas fuisse accusationes ipsius et
aliorum contra patrem Holtum, quod cardinalis ipse suis literis ad ponti-
ficem, ad dominum oratorem, ad patrem nostrum Generalem, declarasset
eum patrem omnino fuisse innocentem, et non fuisse credendum calum-
niatoribus, qui illi detraxerant, et infamise notam inusserant ; se expen-
disse omnes scripturas ultro citroque productas, et nihil invenisse contra
ipsum patrem, praeter meridacia. Haec erat summa paragraph! epistolse
quam mihi legit. Dolui, inquam, non quod demus operam purgando ac
justificando fratri nostro (quod charitatis est), sed quod acrius invehamur
in eos, quorum dolorem lenire et amaritudinem mitigare deberemus ;
nam hsec ratio agendi et scribendi exulcerat magis : — addo quod fortassis
non placebit cardinali, quod literas, quas non admodum libenter dedit,
eas ostentemus cum aliqua jactantia, hie atque adeo in Anglia et in urbe
asserentes, quod quasi juridice expenderit scripturas utrimque productas;
quod non fecit, sed tantum nixus est relatione mea et domini de Tapis,
qui pariter pro bono societatis retulimus, ea, quae producta fuerant, fuisse
partirn falsa, partim levia, partim dubia, quae putabamus patrem Holtum

pain of the late disturbance in the college, exhorts them to lay aside the spirit
of contention, and tells them that, unless they can enter upon their mission in
England with humble minds, they will he more likely to fall themselves, than
to be the means of saving others (Orig. MS. in my possession). Persons, from
the circumstances with which he connects it, gives a turn of asperity to this
admonition, which probably did not belong to it. In the same manner, he
afterwards published an account of it, in his " Briefe Apologie" (60b), telling1 us
that the pope, having " given them first a vehement reprehension for troubles
past, exhorted and commanded them there, with like instance, to be at peace,
for the time to come, both among themselves, and, namely, with the fathers of
the society." — How different this from the amiable tone of Manareus's
letter!— TV)

1 [The reader who will turn to Persons's letter of June 30, 1597, addressed to
Don Juan d'ldiaquez (p. Ixvii., ante), will see that Persons was, in fact, one
of the principal and immediate causes of their removal. — J1.]

C APPENDIX. [NO. xvn.

facile solvere ac eluere posse. Credidit cardinalis verbis nostris ; et nihilo-
minus tertio a me petiit an eas literas dare posset. Ego, ut verum fatear,
cum scrupulo respond! quod sic, quod res patris Holti ita se haberent
sicut ante dixeramus. Ego vero nilebar potius societatis innocentia, et
patris Holti praesumpta bonitate, quam ipsius resporisis ad articulos, quae
vidi non multa : nam ex paucis illis sic responded ad reliquos ratus sum ;
ac denique rem esse tarn implexam, ut ostium pateret ad magnam litem
et examiriationem, et illam periculosam pro honore societatis, si pro-
gressa res esset ulterius. Quod ergo cardinalis tarn aegre dedit, et adeo,
ut ad pontificem nolueritdare literas, scriberemodo ad partem contrariam,
quoe de hac justificatione unius partis, se non auditis, queritur, et apud
cardinalem querelas brevi depositura videtur, poterit certe cardinalem
offendere, qui putavit suas literas tanttim ostensas iri vel pontifici, vel
cardinalibus protectoribus, vel aliis personis gravibus.

Suspicor modo reverentiam vestram et eundem patrem Personium
existimaturos me propendere magis in alteram partem, ob ea quae jam
commemoravi ; quoniam scribit patrem Personium ita esse persuasum, et
hoc ex ipsius literis alioquin cognovi : scribit enim R.V., ipsum dicere
D. Hugonem cum suis sociis asserere, me ipsis adversatum fuisse, et
etiamnum adversari ; in quo valde falluntur cum patre Personio:
neque extat ullum fundamentum nisi omnino falsum, quia, viz., non ita
adha3serim ipsorum actionibus et judiciis, ut sim persecutus indiscrimi-
natim totam nobilitatem alterius partis, et non egerim cum ipsis ut ipsa
ejiceretur ex ditionibus regis ; quod postea scivi eos fuisse molitos ; nam
antea, ejus ipsorum consilii eram plane ignarus ; et, si scivissem, certe
me opposuissem ipsis, Hugoni dico et aliis (quod nunquam feci, rei
ignarus), quia certum est quod tale consilium sit conjunctum cum
magna pernicie societatis et catholicorum Anglic. Quid enim non
facient amici et propinqui, ut tueantur honorem suorum propinquorum ?
Quid non molientur contra societatis homines, authores tanti mali ?
En jam, perspecta hac divisione cleri solius, de quatuordecim millia
florenorum quos erogabant sacerdotibus in carcere detentis, detraxerunt
septem millia pro principio (si vera sunt quae intelligo) ; et propinqui jam
submittunt pecunias suis propinquis exulibus, quod non deceat (ut in-
quiunt), propter unum patrem Holtum deserere suos propinquos a rege
ejectos .... [Here a whole line is carefully obliterated] . .

, concordia non consistet

in uno seminario urbis, cujus alumni plerique alta consilia forte pre-
munt silentio, quse aliquando erumpent contra nos. Sed negotiant est
cum Anglis sparsis per Belgium et per alias partes, et in Anglia degen-
tibus sacerdotibus et laicis omnibus.

Appello Deum judicem in animam meam (quandoquidem ad id

fo.xvu.] APPENDIX. Ci

faciendum impeller), me quo potui studio et conatu promovisse existi-
mationem et honorem patris Holti ; me ex animo promovisse semper
concordiam et pacem inter omnes ; nunquam me adversatum fuisse vel
Hugoni vel ipsi patri, neque detraxisse ipsorum honori et existima-
tioni, neque me denique quicquam fecisse magni vel parvi momenti,
cujus non fecerim reverentiam vestram, vel superiorem domus con-
sciam, vel ante, vel statim postea. Addo quod semper invenerim nobiles
valde humanos, etiam quando illos monui vel reprehendi aliqua de re ;
contra vero, Hugonem, cum suis, valde acerbos, animosos, elatos, mi-
naces, et de aliis maledicentes ; ut mirer patrem Personium mihi scrip-
sisse, et jam significare per vestram reverentiam, me nimium adhaerere
illis qui societatem contumeliis affecerunt, vel falsis criminationibus
violarunt. Si talis est Pagetus nescio : neque vestra reverentia nee
alius quisquam aliqua argumenta, qua3 id docerent, protulere ; ettamen
ipse nunquam mihi fuit familiaris:- non rejeci tamen, nee rejicere
debui, dum de concordia agebatur, ad me interdum venientem, sicut
neque unquam rejeci aut subterf'ugi (Deus mihi testis est) dominum
Hugonem, vel alium quemvis, licet trepidarem, quando cum illis con-
grediendum mihi erat, ob ipsorum choleram et maledicentiam. Sed et
reverentia vestra, amabo, quomodo excepta est aliquando ab ipsis?
Nonne aliquoties ea de re familiariter questa est mecum ? Consilium
igitur et remedium illud unum succurrit, ut pater Personius, positis
suspicionibus veteribus, hue advolet ; et conetur apud cardinalem agere,
ut nobilitas revocetur, et bene hie et honorifice habeatur; et quam-
primum scribat ad me qui sunt illi qui societatem persecuti sunt et
persequuntur, ut non ambulemus in tenebris, sicuti facimus : quoniam
in re tanta non sufficit habere suspiciones et conjecturas aliquas, sed
lucem die clariorem. Pagetum pater Personius fecit mihi suspectum ;
et etiamnum propterea suspectus est mihi : sed nullum indicium ille
mihi dedit hujus mali. Tresamum, baronem, comitem, et alios ple-
rosque novi societatis amantissimos : sed occasio datur illis ut inimici
fiant, et nos persequantur ; quod tribuendum esset illis infirmitati,
nobis autem imprudentise. Decanum Insulensem scio fuisse contra-
rium nobis ab eo tempore, quo erat in collegio et cum domino Mal-
vasia, tune nuncio : cum hoc nunquam negotium habui ullum. Super-
est ergo ut V.R. et pater Personius sese aperiant, et dicant qui illi sint
nominatim a quibus nobis debemus cavere, vestro judicio ; vel potius,
patrum assistentium et meo judicio, eos impensius curare, etbonis officiis
nobis conciliare et devincire. Si haec epistola non sufficiat ad efficien-
dum ut prospiciatis mala impendentia, rogabo Deum ut de hac re not?
patiatur me amplius scribere, quoniam revera fatigor. Christus Do

Cll APPENDIX. [NO. xvm.

minus reverentiam vestram conservet, cujus sanctis precibus me valde
commendo. Cortrac, 1597, 12 Octob.

Vestrse reverentise servus in Christo,

Oliverius Manareus.

No. XVIII.— (Referred to at page 40.)

A Decree of Pope Clement VIII. restraining Missioners from taking
Degrees, before a due Time employed in Studies.

[MS. in my possession.]

Ad perpetuam rei memoriam. Pastoralis cfficii nobis, divina dis-
ponente dementia, commissi ratio nos admonet, ut eorum honori ac
dignitati libenter consulamus, qui non solum, inter pravos eorum pa»
trise errores, ab haeresis labe sese immunes conservare student, sed
etiam, nullis vitas periculis deterriti, totis viribus patriam ipsam a pravis
haeresum erroribus revocare contendunt. Cum itaque, sicut accepimus,
postquam in Anglise regno, hrereticis illius tyrannis jubentibus, haereses
impune grassari, ac fides catholica palam impugnari, et in ejusdem fidei
catholicse cultoresimmanitersaeviricoeptum est, apud catholicos Anglos,
qui, gravibus persecutionum procellis cedentes, ad alia catholicorum
regna confugerunt, is irrepserit abusus, quod nimirum juvenes non-
nulli Anglicani, praeter leges et consuetudines olim celeberrimarum
Angliae universitatum Oxoniensis et Cantabrigiensis, doctoratus gradus
apud exteras nationes, nulla fere actatis, moruin, aut studiorum habita
ratione, precibus seu precio quodammodo sibi caperent ; cumque, ex
hac juvenilis prsesumptionis licentia et terneritate, non solum hujusmodi
gradus, qui magni olim apud Anglos honoris et praecipuae dignitatis
loco erat, plurimisque privilegiis fulgebat, contemni, et flocci fieri
cceperit, sed eo pacto sacerdotibus, etiam antiquioribus, gravioribus, et
doctioribus, qui in Anglicana vinea laborant, non in exigua irrogari
soleat injuria, dum aetate juniores, omni genere meritorum inferiores,
ipsis provectioribus et veteranis quasi militibus, ob hujusmodi doctoratus
gradum, praecedere contendunt. Ad has igitur oftensionum et dissen-
sionum occasiones tollendas, Nos, motu proprio, et ex certa scientia, ac
mera deliberatione nostra, deque apostolicae potestatis plenitudine, ut
nullus e natione Anglicana in posterum, donee apud Anglos haeretici
praevaluerint, et quousque regnum illud ad sedis apostolicae obedientiam
ac unionem reductum fuerit, doctoratus gradum in sacra theologia, vel
altero juris, suscipiat, nisi, post cursum ordinarium quatuor annorum
in eadem scientia ac professione absolutum, alios adhuc quatuor annos ad
minimum, ad solidanda, persolidanda, ac perficienda haec eadem studia,et
quo maturior, doctior, graviorque quilibet evadat, antequam ad doctor
atus gradum ascendere possit, expectet ; neque tune quoque, nisi cum

NO. xvm.] APPENDIX. Chi

approbations in scriptis superioris collegii seu seminarii in quo quisque
studuerit atque educatus fuerit, atque Anglicanse nationis, apud nos et
apostolicam sedem, protectoris, vel personae quae illius vices ac facultates
ad hoc ipsum habuerit, in partibus ubi quis proraoveri voluerit, hujus-
modi gradum accipere possit. Si vero contigerit (ut saepe solet) eum,
qui hujusrnodi gradum suscipere voluerit, in diversis vixisse seminariis
Anglicanse nationis, approbationem a rectore, seu superiore, illius col
legii, in quo ultimo studiorum causa vixit, habere debeat : qui rector,
seu superior, aliorum quoque rectorum, sub quibus antea ipse graduan-
dus vixerit, judicia, tarn de moribus, quam de scientia illius, exquirat,
atque de omnibus prsedictum protectorem, aut eum qui ejus vices ha
buerit, certiorem faciat, authoritate apostolica tenore praesentium, per-
petuo statuimus et ordinamus. Verum cum casus aliquis extraordina-
rius intervenerit, vel necessitas, vel personse dignitas, vel alia justa causa,
dictorum superiorum ac protectoris judicio, super his dispensationem
mereatur, praedicto protectori nunc, et pro tempore existenti (raro
tamen), super his dispensandi facultatem concedimus et impertimur:
Decernentes, si quis deinceps, infra statutum hie tempus, vel sine supe
riorum suorum, ac protectoris, aut vicem ejus gerentis facultate, doc-
toratus gradum ubicunque locorum et gentium suscipere praesumpserit,
hujusmodi gradum nullum esse et fore, neque ipsum doctorem appellari,
aut ulla doctoris dignitate vel privilegio gaudere unquam posse, perinde
ac si ad dictum gradum prornotus non fuisset ; ac praeterea excommu-
nicationis pcenam, cujus absolutionem nobis, et sedi apostolicae speciali-
ter reservamus, incurrere : Sicque per quoscunque judices ordinaries
et delegates, et causarum palatii apostolici auditores, sublata eis, et
eorum cuilibet, quavis aliter judicandi et interpretandi facultate et au
thoritate, judicari et definiri debere; ac irritum et inane, quicquid secus
super his a quoquam quavis authoritate, scienter vel ignoranter, con
tigerit attentari : Non obstantibus quibusvis constitutionibus et ordina-
tionibus apostolicis, et cujuscunque universitatis, studii generalis, etiam
juramento, confirmatione apostolica, vel quavis firmitate alia roboratis,
statutis et consuetudinibus, privilegiis quoque, indultis, et literis aposto
licis eisdem universitatibus, eorumque rectoribus, et quibusvis personis,
in contrarium praemissorum quomodolibet concessis, confirmatis, et ap-
probatis : Quibus omnibus et singulis, eorum tenores praesentibus, pro
expressis, et ad verbum insertis habentes, illis alias in suo robore per-
mansuris, hac vice duntaxat specialiter et expresse derogamus, caete-
risque contrariis quibuscunque. Volumus autem, ut praesentium tran-
surnptis, manu alicujus notarii publici subscriptis, et sigillo alicujus
personae in dignitate ecclesiastica constitutae munitis, ubique in judicio,
et extra, fides eadem habeatur, quae ipsis praesentibus haberetur, si

CIV APPENDIX. [NO. xix.

forent exhibits, vcl ostensae. Datum Romae, apud S. Marcum, sub
annulo piscatoris, die 19 Septemb. 1597. Pont, nostri anno sexto.

M. Vestrius Barbianus.

No. XIX. — (Referred to at page 44 )

*#* Sacerdotum octodecim Wisbicensium Literce ad P. H. Garnet.
Feb. 1, 1594—5.

[Original, Stonyhurst MSS. Aug. A. ii. 2.]

Contulimus inter nos ab heri et nudiustertius, venerande pater et
frater, de meliore disciplina, propter ea qua? emerserunt apud nos intra
septennium, vel mala, vel species mali, vel aperta scandala, vel obven-
tura pericula scandalorum ; et deprehendimus justitiam nostram non esse
tarn inculpatre vitsc (utinam fuisset) ut requiescere debeamus ultra in
ilia fiducia sanctorum, — " Lex non est posita justo: " — quin potius ex-
perientia edocti, et eventu rerum difficillimarum eruditi, emulamur
legem, et quidem legis animam ipsam, judicem, vindicem, censorem.
Quern tandem inquis ? — Edmundum tuum, vel potius nostrum, quern
adhuc pro instantia nostra quotidiana nee votis flectere, nee verbis fran-
gere possumus, ut assumat onus pro levandis cervicibus nostris : imo
suffrages nostris electus, uno ore, pleno consensu, incunctanter electio-
nem hanc nostram quantum potuit impedivit, et tarn tristi responso
castigates dimisit nos, dicens, — " Revera, fratres, tentatis imponere
mihi onus impar viribus meis, quod nemo assumit qualis ego sum.
Homo sum sub potestate constitutus, qui habeo superiorem, cui servio
in auditu auris coram angelis Dei, ut dicat mihi pro arbitrio suo, vade,
fili, et vado ; veni hue, et venio ; fac hoc, et facio. Proinde hoc dicta-
men tanti moment i et ponderis, addo et gravaminis, quo ego magis one-
ratus qudm konoratus era, sic mihi assmno, si ita vultis, et ita oportet
fieri, ut, annuente patre meo, robis placeam ; renuente vero, mihi ipsi
satisfaciam." In hac repulsa quid agere debeamus, venerande pater,
certe integrum non habemus, nisi tu, pro tua humanitate et prudentia,
velis hunc filium tuum et patrem nostrum, virum nobis tarn multis no-
minibus necessarium, in re tarn gravi, in solicitudine pari, in causa
commutii, jacentem excitare tuis commonitionibus, hserentem in argu-
meritis expedire, et defixum in humilitate votorum suorum aut solvere
aut rumpere ; ut, auctior factus in suo jure, non cunctetur amplius, aut
agat lentius, quasi paralysi correptus mentis sua5, quern nos dimisimus
per tegulas ; sed tollat grabatum suum in nomine Domini, et ambulet co
ram nobis fiducialiter in via recta, id est, in via justorum. Res ipsa pos-
tulat, flagitatque : idcirco reverentiam tuam hortamur enixe, et obtes-
tamur in visceribus Domini nostri Jesu Christi, ut, lectis articulis nos-
tris hie inclusis, et nouiiuibus infra subscriptis, opportune re provisa,

NO. xix,] APPENDIX. CV

velis, jubeas Edmundum reddi nobis totum, quern expetivimus solum,
et designavimus unicum, prseter quein neminem alium eligere, cum quo
nemiuem alium consistere, volumus ; hoc est, sancte et religiose nosmet
inter nos definivimus. Vale, pater et frater nobis conjunctissime, et
noli abesse longius in excessu prudentiae, quin accede propius, ut tan-
gamus invicem, maxime vero ut animi nostri contingant in tarn bono
centre disciplinae. Atqueaudis? Quern reddis, redde quamprimum,
ut rei suapte natura gratte, quantum insuper possis, gratiam adjicias.
Dat. 1594, Febru. 7.

Reverentios tuae studiosissimi,
Ludovicus Barlous, Alexander Gerardus,

Jacobus Powell, Philippe Strangwaies,

Willelmus Parrie, Thomas Haburley,

Gulielmus Chadocus, Christopher Driland,

Robertas Nutterus, Edmond Bradocke,

Thomas Bramstonus, Roberte Woodroffe,

Leonard us Hidus, Rodolphus Bicleus,

Joannes Boltonus, ^Egidius Archerus,

Joannes Greeneus, Christof'erus So tb worth us.

Endorsed by Father Persons, thus :

" Literae sacerdotum in castro Wisbicensi ad P. Garn. 1595, pro
confirmandd elect-tone P. Edmundi. Autographum."1

%* Garnet to Aquaviva, General of the Society of Jesus.

July 12, 1595.

[Original, Stonyhurst MSS. Ang. A. ii. 4.]
Pax Christi.

Multi jam anni elapsi sunt, ex quo a presbyteris optimis Wisbicen-
sibus rogatus sum, ut remedium aliquod nonnullis malis, qua? inter
ipsos manabant quotidie latius, ab illustrissimo cardinale, aut etiam a
quocumque superiore impetrarem. Ego vero respondere solitus sum,

1 [I am particular in noticing1 this endorsement, because it clearly admits
that the authority of Garnet was invoked, not to enforce the acceptance of an
office which was "refused, but merely to u confirm an election" which was other
wise complete. This was the manner in which Persons himself understood the
address : and yet, having printed its introduction in his " Briefe Apologie," he
suddenly breaks off, before he comes to the passage which I have marked by
italics, and shortly adds that the writers subjoined " much more in their letter,
alleging many reasons of their demand, and how that father Edmund had
wholly refused, and could not be persuaded unto it" (p. 73). Garnet also, as the
reader will see in the following paper, asserts the same thing ; and almost every
writer connected with the society has since repeated it. To prove that it is at
variance with the fact, the reader need only turn to the present letter. Westoii
certainly declined to act, without the consent of his superior : but he distinctly
Accepted the appointment, provided that superior approved of it. — 7YJ

CV1 APPENDIX. [NO. xix.

me nullo raodo alien orum defectuura esse velle delatorem ; in illis pate-
faciendis invidiae atque indignationis plurimum conciliari posse ; reme-
dium nullum meo judicio repertum iri, nisi Deus Opt. Max. amorem
ilium, qui omnis pacis ac recti ordinis fons est, ipsorum omnium cor-
dibus imprimeret : — unde ipsi, unanimi consensu, errata corrigere, col-
lapsa restaurare, inordinata in certos limites ac can cellos redigere,
suapte sponte statuerunt. Nuper tamen melior illorum pars (quae sane
omnes complectitur qui ea gravitate ac pietate praediti sunt, quae om
nium bonorum benevolentiam conciliavit) viam ac rationem excogita-
runt, qua et sibi ipsis consulere videantur ut recte vivant, et, si quid
(quod sane aliquando eventurum putant) scandalosum, a quibusdam
discolis perpetratum, in vulgus emanet, minime cedat in omnium infa-
miam, aut in catholicae religionis aut ordinis sacerdotalis vituperium ;
sed omnium judicio culpa in perturbata atque inordinata paucorum vi-
vendi ratione resideat. Huic quidem eorum proposito quoniam multi
calumniam atque odium struunt, et, qui domi cum ratione ac modestia
parum gerunt, per inquietos ac loquaces praecones replent querimoniis
catholicorum aures, ne eo tandem impudentiae veniatur, ut res ad illam
vestram urbem et gravissimum senatum deferatur, necessarium duxi
tota de re vestram paternitatem quam brevissime certiorem facere ; ut
ipsa, pro sua charitate ac prudentia, silentio omnia contegat, nisi vel
mederi his malis se facile posse videat, aut depromenda contra calum-
niatorum injustas accusationes necessario judicet.

Cum P. Gulielmus Westonus (qui jam fere ab omnibus P. Edmun-
dus vocatur, quod id sibi nomen, antequam apprehenderetur, assump-
sisset) omnia quotidie in pejus vergere animadverteret, in publicis con-
ventibus omnia esse plena rixis ac tumultibus, in refectorio exiguam
modestiam, in publicis litaniarum aut exhortation um exercitiis multo-
rum sive compotationes, sive clamores, in recipiendis aut tradendis
pecuniis non optimam fidem, et, quod caput est, suspectas cum foeminis
familiaritates, re diu apud se deliberata, et cum nonnullis etiam com-
municata, oeconomum monet ne sibi victum praeparet, habere se negotia
quaedam, quas, cum expediri celeriter oporteret, non patiantur com-
niode ad mensam communem accedere. Hanc secessionem cum post
biduum aut triduum mirari coepissent alii, accedunt quidam qui domi-
nari solebant in clericis, et, quamvis nescio quam potestatem in alios
assumpsissent, nihil tamen pro morum reformatione aut agere volue-
runt aut potuerunt, quique potius erga alios se molestos exhibuerunt.
Scissitantur causam. Narrat simpliciter pater, se nolle plane commu
nem vitam cum illis agere, nisi regulas quasdam communibus votis con-
scriberent, quas omnes se servaturos pollicerentur ; videre se suam
vocationem esse omnium fere haereticorum, non in Anglia solum sed

NO. xix.] APPENDIX. CV11

urbique terrarum, obloquiis expositam ; fieri non posse quin, si scanda-
losum aliquid ab illo contubernio admitteretur, quod ad haereticorum
aures perveniret, id, ipso quoque aut participants, aut certe connivente,
perpetratum censeretur. Illi vero patris consilium probare, aequissimum
postulatum collaudare, rein esse dignam cornmuni deliberatione praedi-
care. Cum vero urgeret pater ut regulas scriberent, animadverteretque
eos diem ducere, ac nihil minus quam ordinem velle, ab ea spe plane
decidit, donee ad eum accedunt alii multi, doctrina, pietate, ac gravi
tate praestantes, qui omnes consentiunt ut scribantur regulae, quas qui-
dem ipsi observarent ; alii, salva charitate, viverent ut vellent : fieri
posse, ut suavitate regularum, ac pulchritudine ordinis allicerentur ali-
quando reliqui omnes. Scribuntur igitur regulae faciles, suaves, non
quae monachos aut religiosos instituant, sed quae homines probos ac
bene moratos ad christianse vitas normam communem informent, qua-
rum aliqua capita hie perscribam. " Unusquisque ita se comparet ut
aliis aedificationi sit:— Proinde si quis aliquid scandalosum committat
(quod Deus avertat), vel levem se aut immodestum ostendat, praesertim
erga fceminas, judicari se permittat, ac prenam subeat, quam commu-
nitas statuet : — Abstineant a rixis et convitiis : — In mensa non conten-
dant pro locis : — Intersint omnes precibus publicis atque exhortationi-
bus;" — et alia multa quae ad quietam atque ordinatam oeconomiam
spectare videantur.

Subscribunt hisce regulis, praeter patrem Gulielmum et fratrem nos
trum Thomam Pondum, octodecim alii, cum in universum triginta tres
illic vivant : reliqui tresdecim neque mutuo afFecti bene sunt, neque
ulla alia in re fere consentiunt, nisi quod ordinem nullum volunt.
Unum jam deesse videbatur, — ut superior aliquis eligeretur, qui juxta
regulas illas reliquos gubernaret. Sine controversial ab omnibus eligitur
P. Gulielmus. Ille obfirmatissime renuit.1 Ad me scribunt omnes
(mitto ipsorum autographum) : ego, quamvis non sine causa invidiam
pertimescerem, tamen neque reprehendere ausus sum quod viri tarn pii
ac prudentes, quibus res suae optime cognitae essent, statuissent, neque
negare illis rogantibus tarn a?quum postulatum potui ; praesertim cum
hunc videam nostras missionis scopum, non ut laicos solum, sed etiam
presbyteros, omni consilio et auxilio adjuvemus ; reperiri in optime in-
stitutis collegiis congregationes peculiares, qua3 nulla ratione censentur
esse dedecori iis qui illas non ingrediuntur; quod si patrem ab illo
officio abstraherem, nullum prseterea esse cui se regendos cornmitterent.
Re igitur cum duobus sociis, qui turn forte aderant, communicata,
Roberto nimirum et Balduino, in hunc sensum rescripsi ;— non dubitare

1 [See the preceding note. — T.~\

CV111 APPENDIX. [NO. xix.

me quin pater nihil in se susciperet, quod non esset vocation! nostrae
consentaneum : proinde hac quidem in re me illorum votis, quantum in
me esset, annuere, dummodo tria haec observent, — primum, ut minime
superior haheretur, sed tanquam praeco potius alios convocaret ac mo-
neret, aut tanquam antesignanus, qui aliis, exemplo non imperio, osten-
deret quid esset gerendum: Proinde si quid esset aliquando corrigendum,
aut si qua prenitentia injungenda, communibus suffragiis id fieret, in
quibus pater nullam vocern habeat : Denique, quoniam haec sua con-
gregatio aliis fortasse esset odiosa, ita studeant omnibus satisfacere, ut
omnes intelligant communibus consiliis omnia gesta fuisse, neque tota
invidia in patre resideat. Et haec quidem omnia, quoad fieri potuit,
praestita surit. Cumque hactenus in mensa pater certum locum haberet,
nunc promiscue sedet, ut omnes intelligant se nolle haberi superiorem ;
neque quicquam gerit auctoritate, sed consilio atque exemplo. Cumque
negotium hoc placide domi fieri potuisset, absque eo quod externi un-
quam aliquid de hujusmodi congregatione suspicarentur, divulgare
statim ccepit altera pars jesuitas sibi potestatem in illos injuste arrogare
(et quidem alienissimo tempore, cum nimirum ex Gallia ob similes am-
bitionis afFectus exterminentur) ; homines esse solos qui discordias inter
principes christianos disseminent, quique soli adhaereant Hispanicae fac-
tioni. Res delata est ad duorum sacerdotum externorum judicium.
Bini selecti sunt ex utraque parte, qui pro reliquis responderent. Hi
liberam potestatem tribuunt duobus illis presbyteris de re tota decern-
endi : sed cum animadverterent inordinati illi horum alterum, virum
gravissimum theologise doctorem, eo inclinare ut in ordinem quendam
redigerentur, accurrunt, exclamant se ratum non habere quod alii pro
se sponderant, neque velle horum judicio consentire. Itaque, re infecta,
discessum est; totamque rem doctor ille scriptis mandavit.1 Invenit
ille quae non expectavit. Cumque crimina nonnulla essent examinanda,
quaa patrem et suos ad regulas conscribendas permovissent, ilia patefa-
cere partim noluerunt, quia alios accusare pigebat ; partim non potue-
runt, ob iniquissimas propositas conditiones, — nimirum ut procederent
secundum ordinem juris canonici ; ut qui deficeret in probatione subiret
pcenam talionis ; ut securi redderentur nunquam eadem crimina ordi-

1 [As this is the account of one side, it is only right to say that a very dif
ferent version of the affair is given by the other; and that, whilst the relation
of Dr. Bavant, the person here alluded to, supplied Garnet with his statement,
that of Dolman, the other of the two arbitrators, furnished a narrative, to which
the opponents of Weston were enabled to appeal with equal confidence (see
True Relation, 23 — 27). As regards the failure of the present attempt to
reconcile the two parties, the probability is, that each was entitled to a share
of the blame ; though, in favour of the dissidents, it must be acknowledged
that, both in this and in a subsequent instance, the proposal of the arbitration
originated with them. Weston\s letter, in Stonyh. M8S. Aug. A. ii. 34. — 71.]

NO. xix.] APPENDIX. C1X

nario aut episcopo delatum in-! Scripsi ego ad patrem, ut suis signifi-
caret quoniam duo essent quae aiiis displicerent ; — primura, ordo ipse ac
norma certa vivendi ; alterum patris ilia qualiscumque potestas : facile
fore ut omnium ora obstruantur, si alii cura ilia ac potestas deman-
detur ; quod quidein omnibus suis meo nomine significant. Respon
dent, si pater illam curam deponat, ut omnia corruant necesse esse.
Quare cum omnia mendaciis nitantur, ac videam optimis quibusque
catholicis hac in re satisfactum esse, et sine patris cura nullam fore inter
eos disciplinam, sustentandam potius judicavi hanc invidiam quam dies
ac veritas paulatim delebit, quam negotium tarn pium ac necessarium
esse dissolvendum. Ante quindecim dies, custos, sive prrefectus castri,
quern ilia altera pars sibi jampridem comessationibus ac compotationi-
bus arctissime devinxerant, acerbissimis verbis illis ipsis objecit sua
crimina atque infirmitates ; quin sibi providerent, et vel aliorum regulis
subscriberent, vel rationem reddant cur abnuant, vel aliam discipline
rationem ipsi excogitent. Hsec surnma est harum turbarum, quas
facile spero apud nos sedatum iri, quando preecones calumniarum cla-
mando ac vociferando defatigati fuerint. Vestvam paternitatem volui
hujus rei minime esse ignaram, ut habeat quod aliorum calumniis, si
quas moliantur, opponere possit: — quam vis qui inter tredecim illos ca-
put esse vult, olim ab Urbano collegio jure expulsus fuerit. Vestra3
paternitatis sanctissimis orationibus ae sacrificiis nos suppliciter com-
mendamus. Londini, 12° Julii, 1595.

*£* Garnet to Dr. Christopher Eagshawe. October 8, 1595.
[Copy in Garnet's own hand. Stonyhurst MSS. Aug. A. ii. 6.]
Reverende Domine, in Cliristo mihi semper charissime,
Pax Christi.

Etsi ego separationis istius vestrse auctor fuissem, ut me tua domina-
tio saltern fama vulgar! praedicari asserit, non video sane cur me jure
pcenitere deberet : neque enim ea in re, quanquam tu aliter sentis, ali-
quid instituissem, quod, meo quidem judicio, ab exemplis inter christia-
nos probatissimis abhorreret. Vidi enim ego, et tu ipse, amantissime

1 [This last condition is not fairly stated. It is true that they required to be
secured against future proceedings; but they also agreed, in the event of crimin
ality being proved against them, to submit to any censures that might now be
pronounced by the arbitrators (True Relation, 26). I may add, with regard to
the other conditions, that the parties in question had a right to know the specific
nature of the charges against them ; that the men, who had attacked them with
general accusations, could scarcely be permitted to escape the proof of what
they had asserted, by pleading an unwillingness to criminate ; and that, in a
case of this description, it is difficult to conceive what "injustice" could have
been discovered, either in the demand for a canonical investigation, or in the
proposal that an unjust accuser should undergo the penalty, to which he would
have subjected an innocent opponent. — T.~\

CX APPENDIX. [NO. xix.

domine, expertus es, in christianis et catholicis et prsestantissimis urbibus,
inter laicos confraternitates multas, inter clericos varia contubernia, in
iisdem collegiis peculiares congregationes, et, quod maximum judico, in
unica interdum religiosorum familia, sub eodem capite, sub eadem re-
gula, varias observationes, diversas reformationes.

Quae quidem omnia cum virtutis studio, ac spiritualis profectus ac
perfectionis desiderio ab aliis suscipiuntur, tantum abest ut aliis injuriosa
videantur, ut ab ipsis summis pontificibus approbentur, et tanquam
ecclesise Christi maxime salutaria commendentur. Neque ego sane, eo
tempore, in hac vestra separatione aliud aut ipse spectavi, aut ab aliis
sibi proponi ullo modo judicavi, quam ut, absque aliorum contemptu,
salva charitate, illaesa cujusvis etiam minimi existimatione, alii id aggre-
derentur quod eos, et in doctrina et in pietatis curriculo, cum omnium
mortalium aedificatione, promoveret, et (ut est natura nostra ad malum
semper proclivis) ab omni perturbatione, confusione, ac ruinse periculo,
regulis quibusdam, quasi frseno, si quando opus esset, cohiberet. Nam
quod separationem illam, illasque regulas ad vestram infamiam com-
paratas existimatis, ego rem totam semper longe profecto aliter inter-
pretatus sum. In suis enim illis comnmnibus ad me literis, ideo se
regulas scripsisse profitentur, quod in justitiis suis (ut ipsorum verbis
utar) earn fiduciam non haberent ut dicere possent, " Justo non esse
legem positam": et in prima regula pcenam sibi ipsi constituunt, si
quando (quod absit) ab ipsis scandalosum aliquid perpetretur. Qui
igitur justitias suas incusant, et fragilitatem suam pcenis et regulis in
posterum constabilire conantur, si ulli, certe sibi ipsis non vobis solis,
infamiam conciliant.1

Vide, igitur, reverendissime domine, quibus ego me rationibus defen-
derem, si illis auctor fuissem, non vestrae contumeliae sed sui profectus
desiderio, novum hunc vitae cursum inchoandi : nam quod tua domina-
tio conqueritur rem hanc gestam esse inconsultis et omnino insciis illis,
ad quos scivisse spectabat maxime, id illi fortasse pernegabunt. Sed
ut ut fuerit, non video cur hominibus liberis, in re sibi salutari, nemini
injuriosa, Deo, ut videbatur, gratissima, non licuerit suo jure sine cujus-

1 [Garnet must have felt that this was an unfair representation of the letter in
question. If the writers spoke of mistrusting their own virtue, they were also
careful to intimate that their danger originated in the wicked example of the
other party. That their accusations were levelled either wholly or in part
against themselves, is distinctly contradicted by the letter, which Persons de
scribes, but of which Garnet himself studiously omits all mention. It was
written in January, 1595, — a few days or weeks before that to which he here
alludes ; and, under ten distinct heads, contrived to charge the opponents of
Weston with the most disgraceful immoralities. See page 43, ante. Weston
also himself says, in a letter to Manareus, that the object of the separation
was, to shame the other party, Stonyh. MSS. Ang. A. ii. 34. — TJ]

NO. xix.] APPENDIX. Cxi

quam facultate uti ; id est, sine vestro permissu, semulari charismata
meliora. Et ego sane sincere ac candide profiteer, dubitare eo tempore
non potui, quin brevi omnes ad tarn sanctum atque utile institutum
animum ac vires omnes applicarent.

Sed longe se res aliter habet, mi domine, quam aut fama vulgaris
praedicat (parcat Dominus illis qui ejusmodi rumores dissiparunt), aut
quam tu literas illas meas interpretaris. Separationis vestrae auctor
non fui, non consultor, non approbator. Literarum mearum exemplar
ego quidem nullum habeo: nunquameni msuspicabar fore ut tot judi-
cum tarn rigidam censuram illse liter® subirent, aut separatio ilia, initio
haud dubie nonnullis injucunda futura, tot nihilominus ac tantis clamo-
ribus ac reprehensionibus exciperetur. Verumtamen inter vos, fortasse,
illae meae literae salvse permaneant. Illas ego appello : appello etiam
eorum literas ad me scriptas : omnes denique appello presbyteros, viros
gravissimos, qui causam hanc sequius ac diligentius ventilarunt. Hos
ego testes haud dubie habebo, nunquam a me petitum esse ea de re
consilium, nullam neque petitam neque datam separationis istius appro-
bationem. Illi rem totam ante apud se, post maturam deliberationem
firmiter statuerant : me obnixe rogabant ut Edmundum meum illis su-
periorem ac judicem, omnium suffrages electum, constantissime tamen
renitentem, tribuerem. Dedi ilium quidem, verum non superiorem, non
caput, non judicem, non rectorem; sed ut esset inter regulares (ut ita
dicam) regulatissimus, inter observantes (quoad fieri posset) observan-
tissimus ; primus ad onera, pervigil ad omnium commoda, et, si ita
vultis, omnium qui ita cupiebant pater: neque enim fas esse judicavi ut
hominem regularem a regularum professione subtraherem, neque a nos-
tro institute alienum puto, ut qui inter alios necessario vitam degere
cogitur, eosdem, pro virili, omni opera atque industria, in iis praesertim
quae ad suam et aliorum communem pacem atque utilitatem spectant,
juvet ac consoletur. Hanc alii praelaturam vocent; nihilmoror: veri-
tas ipsa se tandem patefaciet. Sit plena invidi® : at non invident illi
qui sponte sua elegerunt, qui pene infimis precibus ilium mihi extorse-
runt, qui tanquam divinitus approbatum hoc suum institutum putant,
dum ejus prasstantiam ex manifestissimis ac praaclarissimis efFectibus ac
fructibus aestimant, pietatis, doctrines, caritatis, ac suavissimae animorum
quam sentiunt teneritudinis. Hoc factum a me libenter profiteer, atque
hujus facti mei rationem libentissime reddam iis ad quos spectat ; nee
dubito quin apud aequos judices haud magni sceleris propterea condem-
nabor.

At cur, inquies, separationem hanc non improbasti? — Egone quod
tarn multi viri, pii, prudentes, docti, religionis catholicae et sacrorum
ordinum stisceptione ac professione antiquissimi, nemine contradicente,

CX11 APPENDIX. [NO. xix.

in re pia, nulli injuriosa, in propria necessitate, sibi nota mihi incognita,
tarn serio statuerant, in quaestionem ac controversiam adducerem?
Deum ipsum hie testem invoco, ad cujus ego gloriam literas illas et
negotium illud, utpote non levis apud me moment! tune temporis, refe-
rebam, si id fecissem, summae me arrogantiae, superbiae, imo etiam im-
pudentiae condemnassem, atque adeo jam condemnarem. Et tamen duo,
ut opinor, fretus illorum humanitate, illis commendavi, quae mihi vel
corrigenda vel magni facienda videbantur: non quod mihi approbationis
officium assumerem, sed ad quaedam declinanda incommoda. Alterum
erat (nisi me memoria fallat) ne suffragiaita darentur ut colligenti inno-
tescerent : alterum ut, quoniam haee separatio communi consilio decreta
fuisset, ita ipsi, pro sua prudentia, se gererent in ilia instituenda atque
aggredienda, ut tota invidia in uno patre Edmundo non resideret : qua
quidem in re utrum recte conjectarim, noruntomnes catholici quotquot
separationem hanc, non ad unius Edmundi invidiam, sed ad universae
societatis nostrae infamiam detorqueri contemplantur. Sed nequaquam
insolita patimur. Dominus faciat cum hac et aliis tribulationibus ilium
proventum, non solum ut sustineamus, sed ut abundemus magis in om-
ne opus bonum, ut, Deo adjuvante, omnibus fere in locis hactenus ex-
perti sumus.

Jam quod ad malorum vestrorum remedium attinet: — equidem
omnes vosea charitate atque amore complector qua par est; te imprimis,
cui me semper charum esse summis votis expetivi. Non sum tamen tanti,
ut antae controversiae, inter tales viros exortae, diribitor aut esse possim
aut velim.1 Ut non possim, facit partim imperitia, partim absentia
mea ; nam regulas aut ordines praiscribere, aut proponere, aut etiam
approbare, iis quorum ingenia, actiones, singula etiam vitae momenta
ignores, perinde est ac si sutor vestem illi faciat, quern nesciat magnusne
an parvus, longae an brevis naturae sit ; aut tanquam medicus illi phar-
maca mittat, cujus neque complexionem, neque morbi symptomata,
neque ullam denique affectionem inspexerit. Facit vero ut non velim
multorum praestantium virorum in lubrico opere jamdudum frustrata
pietas atquendustria. De patre Edmundo curabo ut nihil faciat im-
pune quod religiosum non deceat : quae autem ad vestram ceconomiam
pertinent, nolo ad meum judicium revocare. Adeo illius prudentiae ac
pietati confido, ut verendum non sit ne quicquam faciat se indignum

i [Yet, in the preceding letter to the general, he had decided the contro
versy, hy attributing the proceedings of Weston's opponents to the worst possible
motives. The desire to possess the affection of Bagshawe contrasts strangely
with the hint, thrown out at the conclusion of the preceding letter : — " tamen
qui inter tredecim illos caput esse vult" — he is speaking of this very Bagshawe —
" olim ab Urbano collegia jure expulsus fuit" — 71.]

NO. xix.] APPENDIX. CX111

no vocation e sua. Nolo ita raea potestate, quantulacumque ea est,
abuti, ut, quoniam iile superiorem habet, ii, qui nullis peculiaribus re-
gulis subjici volunt, ilium pro regulis ac disciplina certantem nimis
facile ad judicium citent, ipsi a nemine judicandi. Sin me audire vul-
tis, per Christi Domini charitatem curate ut omnes catholici intelligant
vestros animos, in ista separatione corporum, esse conjunctissimos. Per-
mittite illis vivere arbitratu suo ; neque enim votum ullum aut lex ulla
id prohibet. Vos interim rivite ut vultis ; id est, ut presbyteros doctos
ac pios decet, quod hactenm fecistis; neque enim Eequum est ut novis
regulis sine liberrimo consensu constringamini. Qui manducat non
manducantem non spernat. Divisiones gratiarum sunt, uni sic, alteri
autem sic, Nulla sit mentio prseteritorum; hsec enim, veluti perniciosa
vulnera, nimia tractatione semper magis recrudescunt. Facile sibi om
nes catholici persuadebunt omnia bono loco esse, si vos ita divulgetis,
quamvis rationes ac circumstantias non norint. Hac ratione scandalum
omne et catholicorum et hsereticornm evanescet : neque enim ab initio
ulla admiratio, ne dicam scandalum, extitisset, nisi vestri suis literis ac
nunciis, antequam de separatione ulla suspicio emanasset, hominum ani
mos permovissent ; cujus rei ego ipse oculatus testis sum ; cum, e con
tra, pars altera ne verbum quidem vel ad me unquam scripserat, quo
cujusvis fama Isederetur.1 Sin vos ipsi estis quibus scandalum gignitur
(quod sane fieri non potest quin a vobis emanet longius), non estis
profecto adeo pusilli, ut scandalum hoc infirmorum judicandum sit.
Quod si aliorum spiritualibus commodis vos, homines spirituals, im-
pedimento esse velitis, neque alia ratione acquiescere, nisi illi sine
ratione desipere velint, norunt illi D. Bernard! in simili causa saluber-
rimum consilium, — " Non valde illorum vobis curandum est scandalum,
qui non sanantur nisi vos infirmemini." Audite etiam vos Spiritura
Dei prcecipientem, " Noli prohibere eum qui potest benefacere ; sed, si
vales, et ipse benefac." Dominus det vobis omnibus id quod quotidie
postulo, pacem illam sine qua nemo videbit Deum !

D. Nordonum meo quaeso nomine salutet. Ejus literas, una cum
tuis, nudiustertius accepi. Miror eum meam de jurepatronatus sen-
tentiam aut non percepisse, aut oblivioni tradidisse. Aio papam non

1 [If this was true, upon what authority did Garnet advance the serious
charges contained in his letter to the General ? — The fact, however, is, as the
reader already knows, that Western's friends had written the most serious
accusations against their opponents: hut, because these accusations were
general against the whole body, and not directed against any individual by
name (Brief Apology, 71b), Garnet seems to have considered himself justified in
asserting that " no "one's character" had been impeached.

The charge of having first divulged the disagreement was urged by each
party against its opponents. — True Relation, 30, 31. — T.]

VOL. III. /*

CX1V APPENDIX. [NO. xx.

posse dispensare ut juspatronatus vendatur : aio hoc esse contra jus
divinum : aio etiam facultatem illam, quicquid ipse sentiat, adhuc in-
columem permanere, qua materialiter tantum juspatronus venditur.
Plura scrips! in aliis literis, quas aliena manu descriptas ad eum misi
(ut et has modo ad tuam dominationem mitto), justissimas ob causas,
non contemptus gratia, ut ille sine causa interpretatur. De aliis ejus
querimoniis nihil habeo quod scribam. Nolo ego me in tantas sale-
bras conjicere, ut illi de rebus infinitis respondeam. Habebit ille, si
velit, qui ipsi gratificari, quovis in negotio, cupiat maxime. Qui in
harum controversiarum labyrinthum se libens praecipitet, alium, si
velit. quasrat: rnea plurimum abhorret ab hisce molestiis et conditio et
natura. Dominum obnixe precor ut vos omnes faciat in dorno Dei
ambulare cum consensu ; qua in re, domine amantissirne, tuam operam,
et pro me ipso piam deprecationem, suppliciter imploro. 8 Octob. 1595-
Has literas, si placet, alteri parti ostendere dignetur; ita enim illis
significavi fore, ut videant quse sit mea de reconcilianda amicitia, ac
controversiis sopiendis sententia.

Reverendse dominationis tuae

Servus in Christo,

Henricus.

No. XX.— (Referred to at page 44-.)
*** Dudley and Mush to Garnet. November 8, 1595.

[Original, Stonyhurst MSS. Aug. A. ii. 7.]
R. P.-

We having now ended all these contentions, and united all the com
pany again, it resteth that we all be thankful to our common Lord, by
whose mercy and grace, by the intercession of his saints poured abun
dantly on this blessed company, the mortal enemy is overcome and
driven away, and a perfect reconciliation of hearts is made. And we
too, your own children and servants, greatly rejoice, and think
ourselves exceedingly bound to you, in that you so willingly employed
us again in this affair, and concurred and assisted us so sincerely by
your sweet letters, whereby, we assure you, the most of our difficulties
were removed. We have fought and striven indifferently, we hope,
between them : but we assure ourselves we were unworthyest and un-
fittest of many, to deal or compass so great a matter. And no doubt
the victory had not been gotten, unless you on the mountain had fer
vently lifted up your hands to heaven, and assisted (with the charitable
fellowship of devout brethren and friends) your own good desires and
our endeavours, with most zealous prayer and clamours to God and
his triumphant saints, in the celebration of their common feast. Good
news, therefore, you receive ; the blessed fruit of your blessed desires

NO. xx.] APPENDIX. CXV

and pains. You would have wondered to have seen the vehemency of
God's spirit, in one moment to make all hard hearts to relent; and where
there was most froward aversions immediately before, there was sudden
ly seen to be most intense affections and tenderness. Such humiliation
one at another's feet ; such wringing, clipping, and embracing ; such
sobs, tears, and joyful mourning, — that for joy also our hearts were like
to burst among them. And verily, father, neither among themselves,
nor to our sight, they appeared, after, the same men they were before.
We thought it one of the joyfullest days that ever we had seen. Heec
mutatio dextra Excelsi. Now, good father, as this most comfortable
and happy effect hath followed of your sincere endeavours in this cause,
so, by all means, confirm the same, and, by all means your wisdom can
devise, prevent and hinder the devil's malice, that no such contentions
and debates may hereafter arise. You live nearer them than we, and
worthily you are respected of all, and may do more than a great many
of us. It will be both your greatest credit and ours, and most to God's
honour, the good of the common cause, the comfort of all our friends,
and discomfort and ruin of our enemies, that we love, honour, credit,
cherish, embrace in all friendliness, and help and defend one another ;
bearing, in the inviolable purity and infringible bonds of Christian or
brotherly charity, the weakness, infirmities, imperfections, and froward-
nesses of our fellow-members and brethren, whom our Saviour hath
bought so dearly with his precious blood, and called so mercifully to be
of the number of his saints, beautified now on earth with the gift of
their holy confession and other worthy graces, and in heaven to be ex
alted to the high rooms of dignity prepared for God's children, — not,
perhaps, as appeareth likely to us here, but as best pleaseth our heaven
ly Father: — for, if we honour, love, and defend one another, the
enemies are too weak for us ; but if difference, contempt, and emulation
be amongst us, we thereby enfeeble ourselves, and strengthen the ad
versary's force. We are yours, good sir, from our hearts ; and we
beseech you to write to the whole company some sweet and comfort
able letter, at your best leisure, of the joy you have of their union ; and
that you would in particular write friendly to Mr. D. Norden, that,
from hence, you and all yours do forgive and forget all matters past of
discontentments among you ; and that you request him so to do also : —
for, with a little friendly usage now and then, the good man may easily
be won, and kept a friend. He is sharp, you see, and bitter, when he
imagineth to have an adversary ; but yet kind enough again, when he
findeth courtesies, and thinketh he is beloved. We have dealt with
him to surcease, and let all things pass, in matters between yours and
him heretofore; and (God, of his mercy, hold it!) we find him most

CXV1 APPENDIX. NO. xx.

tractable, and no man of that side yielding more frankly to concord and
pacification than him. Remember us, we pray you, to our dear friend
father Thomas Lis[ter], to the good afflicted lady, to Mrs. ,»

with whom we, but specially I \_the letter is in the handwriting of Mush],
have a quarrel of unkindness, that we might not see them. Forget us
not in all your devotions. Our Lord preserve you. In haste, this 8th
of November, 1595. Yours assuredly

R. D. M. J.
Endorsed by Garnet, —

" Mr. Mush and Mr. Dudley to me,

after the pacification of Wisbeach."

*#* D. Bagshaice ad P. Henricum Garnet. Nov. 8, 1595.

[Original, Stonyhurst MSS. Ang. A. ii. 9.]

Vidi fratrum lueorum ad te, reverende pater, scriptas literas, plenas
gratiis, gratulationibus, gaudiis : nee ideo minus meas, sed vel multo
magis, duxi necessarias. Victorias siquidem temporalis nuncius ominanti
Davidi bonus erat, quia solus, in qua unus vincit, sed alius vincitur :
victoriae vero spiritualis nuncius, si solus, nunquam bonus, quia quisque
propterea vincit quia etiam vincitur. Bellum apud nos finitum est, pax
stabilita. lis, qui, statum nostrum intellecturi, ad nos mittuntur, jam
pridem respondimus, — " Ite et renunciate quse audistis et vidistis."
Gratulor tibi preces pro nobis effusas, literas solicitudinis, sinceritatis,
charitatis plenas, nuncios fideles, longeque (non dubito) nobis, et vel eo
nomine paternitati ture, futuros charissimos. Gratulor tibi Edmundum
nostrum, qui, in hoc negotio componendo, et obedienter erga te, et
amanter erga fratres, et propter eos qui foris sunt prudenter, se gessit.2
Confirma hoc Deus, quod operatus es in nobis. Tuae partes primae fue-
runt : sint secundae, sint tertise, sint omnes. Charitatem inchoatam quam
laeti excipimus, charitatem indies magis magisque augescentem postu-
labimus enixe, praBstabimus, spero, ingenue. Me in hanc spem inducit
sanctorum omnium festivitas, quibus vel ideo res nostras curse et cordi
esse magis persuasum habeo, quod in illorum celebritatem adventus ad
nos tuus multo charissimus,et postbiennium decursum litterarum tuarum

1 [The names here omitted, as well as the words which I have distinguished
by italics, hut which are still legible, appear to have been obliterated by
Garnet.— T.]

2 [Such was the testimony which Bagshawe could bear to the conduct of
Weston, at a moment when his better feelings were alive, and truth was most
likely to be uppermost in his thoughts. It was only at a later period, and when
his temper was soured, and his mind distorted by passion, that he could des
cribe the same person as "exceeding loath to lay down the sceptre of his agency,"
as hinting that he was " not bound in that case to the obedience of his pro
vincial," and as finally sinking "as if he had been in a swoon," when the
defection of Ms adherents convinced him that his power was at an end (True
Relation, 41). It is melancholy to contemplate these strange contradictions. — T.~]

NO. xxi.] APPENDIX. CXVli

effectus supra quarn dici potest optatissimus, inciderit. Illorum mentis
demississime peto, per mutuas nostras preces, nostras commendentur.
Vale desideratissime frater, et me in eorum numero pone, qui tecuni
conjunctissime Dei (si is dederit) gloriam promovebunt. Salutant te
omnes fratres nostri. In octava omnium sanctorum, 1595. Tuus in
veritate, Cr.

Endorsed by Garnet, —

" Dr. Bagshavve's letter to me

after the union at Wisbeach."i

No. XXL— (Referred to at page 47.)

*** Rationes pro Episcopis duobus Anglicanis, 1597.

[MS. in my possession, endorsed by Persons.]

Cum ecclesia catholica Anglicana in corpus magnum excreverit,
atque indies excrescat magis, numerus etiam sacerdotum ex seminario-
rum multiplicatione factus sit auctior, humiliter petitur a vestra sancti-
tate, ut, ad incommoda vitanda, qua? ex corporis regimine, quod nullam
membrorum subordinationem hactenus agnovit, oriri necesse est, et
praecipue ad schismatum ac divisionum occasiones tollendas, qua? jam
alicubi pullulare cceperunt, duo saltern episcopi Anglicanae nationis
constituantur, qui reliquos moderentur ac gubernent ; alter in Anglia,
alter vero in Belgio qui in Anglia moranti correspondeat ac cooperetur ;
— idque ob rationes sequentes.

De Episcopo in Anglia.

Necessitas unius episcopi in Anglia pro praesenti rerum catholicarum
statu magna et multiplex esse videtur: — 1°. Ad roboraridum catholico-
rum animos, &c. — 2°. Ad sacramentum confirmationis conferendum,
&c. — 3°. Ad chrisma oleumque sacrum conficiendum, &c. — 4°. Ad
sacros ordines quibusdam conferendos, qui, cum alioquin digni sint,
exire tamen regno ad eos suscipiendos non possunt ; vel quod carceri-

1 [It is a common remark, that the most trifling incidents often furnish the
best index to a man's character and feelings. On the very day on which Garnet
received this and the preceding- letter, he was also addressed in another, signed
by the eighteen priests who had formed the party of Weston (Stonyhurst MSS.
Ang. A. ii. 8). All three are endorsed by himself; the first two, in the manner
which the reader has seen above; the third with these significant words, — "A
generall letter of the good at Wisbeach, of their union." — How strangely do
these few simple words contradict the whole of the studied assurances in the letter
to Bagshawe (p. cix. ante); and how painfully do they reveal the fact, that,
whilst those, who were supposed to have been his enemies, had thrown aside
every embittering recollection, and were pouring out their hearts in thankful
ness to him, Garnet himself was in private recurring to the memory of the
past, for the very purpose of pronouncing an implied censure upon their con
duct! Yet addressing1 Bagshawe in another letter, only nine days later, he
says,— "When the blessed souls in heaven did sing- with one consent 'Glory
be to God on high,' you at Wisbeach preached and restored comfort, ' and in
earth peace to men of goodwill'." — True Relation, 43. — !/'.]

CXV111 APPENDIX. [NO. xxi.

bus teneantur, vel justa alia aliqua causa impediti. Aliquando etiam e
seminariis remittuntur scholares aliquot, sanitatis recuperandae causa,
in Angliam, qui sacerdotio digni sunt, nee tamen, ob setatis defectum,
ordinari possunt ante missionem.

5°. Ad consilium dandum in rebus dubiis, arduis, ac gravioribus, quae
cum saepe incidant his difficillimis Angliae temporibus, neque aliquis
modo sit in universe clero, qui aliis authoritate praeeat, non leve inde
damnum rebus communibus accedit.

6°. Ad informationes veras et cum authoritate, turn ad vestram sanc-
titatem ac cardinalem protectorem, turn ad reliquos principes, de rebus
Jlnglicis mittendas ; cujus rei defectu unnsquisque modo scribit quae
affectus vel error suggerit.

7°. Ad tollendas sacerdotum inter se aimulationes, et terminandas
lites, qua una re plurimum paci ac concordire omnium consuletur.

80. Ad disponendos ac collocandos sacerdotes locis idoneis, iisque
movendos cum erit necesse, aut majoris Dei gloriae ratio postulabit ;
qua etiam una re multum alleviabuntur patres societatis turn oneri turn
invidiae aliquorum ; cum ipsi hactenfas sacerdotibus omnibus, quantum
potuerint, hac in re prospexerint, non ex officio, sed tantum ex charitate.

Ad juvandum hunc episcopum petunt catholici adjungi numerum
aliqueni praecipuorum sacerdotum, qui per Angliae provincias degunt,
hoc est, ad septem vel octo, qui, vel archipresbyterorum, vel archidia-
conorum nomine, episcopo assistant, et a conciliis sint; ita ut vices
suas per provincias eis, tanquam commissariis, delegare possit. Horum
quatuor nominari statim a vestra sanctitate petunt, reliqui vero ab epis
copo ipso jam constituto, cum, pro regionum varietate hominumque no-
titia, ipse meliiis intelllget quinam magis idonei ad hoc munus erunt.1
De Episcopo Anglo in Belgio.

Hujus etiam episcopi constituendi par necessitas ac utilitas se offerre
videntur : 1°. Quia cum episcopus in Anglia jurisdictione episcopali
uti non possit in f'oro exteriori, ob metum persecutorum, hie in Belgio
clegens illam supplere poterit, evocando ex Anglia, et puniendo, si
opus fuerit, quemcumque itle, qui in Anglia vivit, castigare non
audebit.

1 [But why then was the bishop to have the nomination only of four, or it
might be of three, of these assistants ? And why was Rome, confessedly less
qualified for making a proper selection, to nominate one-half, perhaps four-
sevenths, of the whole number? The answer is manifest. The appointments at
Rome would be made under the influence and advice of Persons himself, who
would thus possess the means of securing a majority in the governing body of
the clergy, and consequently of engaging them to act in accordance with the
views of his party. It is evident, I think, from this and from another passage
which I have printed in italics, that the present scheme was originally devised
with a view to the very same political object, for the promotion of which the im
proved idea of an archpriest was afterwards substituted. — T.~\

NO. xxii.] APPENDIX. CX1X

2°. Ut infornmtiones ex Anglia acceptas videat, et, pro diversitate
eorum hominum qui ad ipsum scribent, varia conferat, et ea quae certa
sunt, ex assistentiura suorum consensu, ad vestram sanctitatem de rebus
Anglicis transmittat.

3°. Ut examinet eos sacerdotes vel scholares qui, ex superiorum
suorum mandato, Angliam sunt ingressuri, iisque facultates impertiat,
vel non impertiat, pro mentis vel demeritis; et judicium suum de ipsis
ad episcopum in Anglia degentem perscribat, ne omnibus liceat pro
libitu ingredi, et causae catholicorum incommodare, quod modo saepe n't.

4°. Hie episcopus plurimum juvamenti adferet ad causam Anglica-
nam promovendam, juvabit etiam ad unionem et concordiam catholi
corum qui in Belgio vivunt, praesertim si ei sex archipresbyteri adjun-
gantur, ex praecipuis nationis Anglicanse sacerdotibus, quernadmodum
supra de episcopo diximus, qui in Anglia victurus est.

Si vestrae sanctitati visum fuerit catholicis Anglicanis has gratias
concedere, expediet, primo, ut hi duo Episcopi in partibus nominentur,
et quod non habeant titulos Anglicanos, turn ob vitandas aemulationes,
turn etiam ne persecutors magis inde exasperentur : Secundo, ut
uterque habeat jurisdictionem in universam Angliam, et forsan, ut, qui
in Belgio victurus est, archiepiscopus sit, ob subordinationem : Tertio,
ut fiant secreto, per brevia apostolica, unius tantum episcopi ordina-
tione, ubicumque ille reperiatur, sive in Anglia, Francia, Belgio, Scotia,
vel Hibernia; hoc enim necessarium est ad secretum servandum :
Quarto, ut res expediatur, si fieri possit, antequam innotescat, aut
hairetici Anglicani aliquid de ea suspicentur, ne majori diligentia ob-
servent portus, ad egressum vel ingressum alicujus episcopi.

No. XXII.— (Referred to at page 48.)

Literce Cardinalis Cajetani, qiiarum Vigore Georgius Blackivellus con-
stituitur Archipresbyter in Anglia. Martii 7, 1598.

[MS. copy in my possession.]

Henricus tituli sanctaj Potentiance, cardinalis Cajetanus S. R. E.
camerarius, Anglicanas nationis protector, Georgio Blackvvello, sacer-
doti Anglo, sacrse theologia3 baccalaureo formato, in vinea Anglicana
laboranti, salutem.

Scitum est, atque usu fere quotidiano compertum, divina providentia

1 [It must here he remarked, that, although Persons himself, in his Bricle
Apologie (f. 101b, 102a.), and, alter him, Moore (146), Constable (Modest De
fence, 68), Hunter (Specimen of Amendm. 100), and others, have constantly
proclaimed the existence of this document, they have nowhere hinted that the
prelates, whom it proposed to institute, were to he only "bishops in partibus."
The reader will also observe, that Persons has drawn up the paper as the petition
of " the English Catholics" petunt Catholici, &c.) ; yet, in the Brief Apologie, he
expressly, and there is no doubt correctly, claims it as his own. f. 102a.--T.]

cxx APPENDIX.

ad bonorum exameu atquc exercitationem sic disponente, ubi majora
eduntur ad Dei gloriam opera, ibi acriores etiara existere, ad haec
psa impugnanda, vel retardanda, satanse atque couimunis hostis co-
natus : nesjue ullum sane vidimus his annis illustrius, quam in causa
Anglicana, exemplum ; qua?, ut iiisignem accipit a Domino pietatis,
fortitudinis, patientise, atque constantiae gratiam, durissimamque1 turn
confessorum, turn etiam martyrum gloriam, sic accerrimam quoque
ab haereticis impugnationem passa esse noscitur; ita ut locum in ea
hab.?at illud, quod de anima electa Spiritus Sanctus pronuntiat, Certamen
forte (/edit ei Deus, ut vinceret ; et de vase electionis Christus Dominus,
Qslendam Hit, quantum oporteat earn pati pro nomine meo. Imo catho-
licos ipsos, et sacerdotes nonnullos seminariorum, qui caeterorum duces
atque antesignani ad omnem excelsae virtutis laudem hactenus extite-
runt, aggredi satanas non dubitavit, ut inter se collideret, et unionis
murum, quo omnis nititur Christiana? pietatis spes, dissiparet. Cui
hostis conatui, Romas quoque nuper emergenti, cum sanctissimi D. N.
suinma prudentia ac paternus amor remedium salutare, per Dei gra
tiam, diebus pra3teritis, adhibuerit, cupiatque, ad hujus collegii Roraani
exemplum, quod summa pace et tranquillitate fruitur, reliquis quoque
in partibus eandem curari etconservari animorum concordiam, sine qua
nihil boni exitds sperari potest, speciali mandate nobis injunxit, ut
huic rei procurandae omni nos, qua possumus, vigilantia impendamus ;
quod perlibenter quidem facimus, eo quod hoc cardine potissimum to-
tius causae momentum versari non ignoremus.

Cum igitur non parum interesse, ad hoc ipsum, nonnulli censeant, si
subordinatio aliqua inter sacerdotes Anglicanos constituatur, et rationes,
ab ipsis sacerdotibus pro ea re reddita?, a sanctissimo D. N. probataj
f'uerint, nos, sanctitatis suae piissimam providentissimamque voluntatem
sequentes, hoc ipsum statuere decrevimus: atque, pro iis quidem sacer
dotibus Anglicana? nationis dirigendis ac gubernandis, qui in Anglise,
Scotiaeve regnis in praBsentia versantur, vel in posterum eo venturi sunt,
dum hacc nostra ordinatio duraverit, te delegimus, cui vices nostras pro
tempore delegamus, inducti relatione ac fama publica virtutis, eruditio-
nis, prudentiae, ac laboruin tuorum in ista vinea Anglicana per multos
annos excolenda.

Facultates autem, quas ad hoc ipsum tibi concedimus, has sunt :
primiim, ut caeteris omnibus seminariorum secularibus sacerdotibus (ut
jam dictum est) authoritate archipresbyteri praasis, quoad sanctissimus,
aut nos, ejus mandato, aliud statuerimus :

1 [In the former edition, instead of this word, Dodd printed " clarissimamque."
It is, liowcver, " durissimamque " both in the MS. which Dodd used, and in
another ollicial copy which I possess. — T.~\

NO. xxn.] APPENDIX. CXxi

Deinde, ut eosdem sacerdotes dirigere, admonere, reprehendere, vel
etiam castigare possis, cum erit opus ; hocque vel facultatum, sibi a
quocunque seu quandocunque concessarum, restrictione, aut etiam revo-
catione, si id necessitas postulaverit :

De iisdem etiam prseterea sacerdotibus disponere, ac de una resi-
dentia in aliam (cum major Dei gloria, animarumque lucrum illud
exigat) movere, ac commutare :

Dubia quoque et controversias exorientes audire, et pro rerum aEqui-
tate ex sequo bonoque determinare ; schismata, divisiones, ac conten-
tiones amovere vel etiam compescere ; earumque rerum causa quem-
cunque sacerdotem ad te vocare et convenire ; plures etiam unum in
locum convocare, cum necesse fuerit, et cum sine probabili periculo
fieri posse in Domino videbitur; congregatis vero prseesse, eisque pro-
ponere, vel quae. istis observatu necessaria judicaveris (auditis assisten-
tibus, de quibus mox dicemus), vel quae hue, aut ad doctorem Barrettum,
collegii Duaceni pra3sidem (cui his etiam in rebus specialis a nobis,
sanctissimi jussu, tributa est potestas, ut vobis assistat), scribenda duxe-
ris. Quod si quis his in rebus (quod futurum sane, de virtute omnium
confisi, non timemus) inobedientem se, aut inquietum, aut contumacem
ostenderit, hunc, post debitas admonitiones ac reprehensiones fraterna
charitate prsemissas, licet etiam poenis coercere ecclesiasticis ; ablatione
etiam facultatum, vel suspensione, quoad se emendaverit ; vel, si hinc
etiam emendatio non sequatur, tune vel ad D. Barrettum, vel ad nos
scribatur, ut vel hide evocetur, qui hujusmodi est, vel gravioribus etiam
censuris istic humilietur.

Ut vero facilius suaviusque hanc solicitudinis partem tibi commen-
datam exequi possis, sex quoque consultores, seu coadjutores, assigna-
mus, qui, oneris participatione, nonnihil te labore levare possirit ;
Johannem nimirum Bavandnm, Henricum Henshawum, theologiee doc-
tores, Nicolaum Tirvettum, Henricum Shawum, Georgium Birkettum,
et Jacobum Standishium, qui nuper apud nos Romae fuit, quos ex an-
tiquioribus esse, optimeque mentis, multorum relatione accepimus.
Tibi vero facimus potestatem, alios quoque sex, prater hos, isthic eli-
gendi ; iisdem habitis aritiquitatis, gravitatis, ac laborum rationibus,
prsecipue tamen prudentiae, moderationis, atque studii unionis atque
concordiae, non parum etiam authoritatis atque existimationis, quam in
provinciis habent, in quibus vices tuas nostrasque gerunt.

Omnes vero duodecim, tarn a te, quam a nobis nominatos, tibi sub
ordinates esse oportebit, ut melius conservetur unionis ratio, ad quam
omnia diriguntur tuendam. Cum vero eos delegeris ad hoc munus,
quos maxime idoneos in Domino judicaveris, admonendps nos curabis
de eorum nominibus, ac qualitatibus: ipsi etiam, quoad fieri sine peri
culo pobsit, suis literis, saltern hoc initio, significent, quo animo sint ad

CXX11 APPENDIX. [NO. xxn.

hoc praestandum, quod ab iis pro conservanda unione postulatur.
Deinceps vero, turn iis turn tibi injungimus, ut sexto quoque mense, si
fieri possit, communibus vel privatis literis ad nos datis, de statu rerum
apud vos scribatis ; ut ex iis sanctissimo domino nostro referamus, quae
scitu erunt digna, vel quae causse vestrae interesse judicabuntur, ut a
sua sanctitate cognoscantur.

Si quis vero ex his duodecim, quos tibi in consilium rei melius per-
agendae assignavimus, absens fuerit aut captus, carcereque detentus, aut
extra Angliam egressus, aut infirmitate, aut morbo, aliove justo impe-
dimento retardatus, quominus officium suum implere possit, aut recte
in eo non se gesserit, facultatem tibi facimus aliura ejusloco substituen-
di, ita ut nos deinde ea de re literis tuis admoneas.

Si vero archipresbyter ipse moriatur, vel ex Anglia egrediatur, vel in
hostium manus incidat, sic ut officio suo commode fungi nequeat, turn
antiquissimus ex consultoribus, qui Londini, per id tempus, vel proximo
Londino resederit, vices archipresbyteri sustineat, quoad nos admoniti
alium assignemus.

Illud denique vel imprimis scire debetis, quod jam supra attigimus,
prgecipuam sanctissimi D.N. meamque his in rebus intentionem eo ferri,
ut disciplina ecclesiastica, quantum pro temporum hominumque ratione
isthic fieri possit, conservetur ; et prae caeteris, pax, unioque animorum,
atque concordia inter fratres ac sacerdotes, nominatim etiam cum pa-
tribus societatis Jesu, qui una vobiscum laborant in[eadem vinea; quod
sua sanctitas dignata est quibusdam sacerdotibus, hinc in Angliam
discedentibus, nuper ore proprio, me praesente, serio ac instanter preeci-
pere. Neque hoc sine justissima causa: nam patres illi non solum hie,
atque alibi, strenue impigreque laborarunt, pro causa Anglicana susten-
tanda, fundandis seminariis, juventute instruenda, egenis fovendis, aliis-
que mediis plurimis, verum etiam in Anglia quoque eadem charitatis
opera prosequuntur ; hocque usque ad sanguinis eiFusionem, ut eventis
factisque demonstratum est. Cumque nullam ipsi habeant, nee habere
praetendant, in sacerdotes seculares jurisdictionis aut potestatis partem,
nee ullam illis molestiam exhibere, manifesta sane hostis astutia, ac
diaboli fraus censenda videtur, ad universum opus Anglicanum ever-
tendum comparata, ut quisquam catholicus aemulationem in eos exer-
ceat, vel excitet; cum, contra, potiiis omni amore ac reverentia prose-
quendi sint, quo ipsi majore alacritate sacerdotes ac reliquos (ut hacte-
nus) officiis, beneficiis, ac paterna plane charitate complectantur, ut sic,
conjunctis animis operisque, opus hoc sanctissimum promoveatur.
Unde, si quis fuerit, qui hanc concordiam labefactare studeat, eum,
juxta apostoli sententiam, et apostolicae sedis intentionem, notare debe-
bitis; ut vel admonitione corrigatur, vel poena coerceatur.

Reliqua, si qua erunt, ea vel in instructiones his annexas conjicientur,

NO. xxii.] APPENDIX. CXXiii

vel postea perscribentur, cum ex literis vestris intellexerimus, quibus
amplitis rebus isthic indigeatis.

Ut finem igitur imponam, nescio quibus vos alloquar potius verbis,
quam illis, quibus toties apostolus suos alloquebatur simili in causa, et
non dissimili occasione neque tempore. Idem sapite : pacem kabetote.
Et adhuc longe instantius: Si qua consolatio in Christo, si quod sola~
Hum charitatis, si qua societas spiritus, si qua viscera miserationis, im-
plete gaudium meum ; idem sapiaiis, eandem charitatem habentes, una-
nimes, idipsum sapientes, nihilper contentionem, nee per inanem gloriam,
sed in humilitate superior es sibi invicem arbitr antes, non qua sua sunt
singuli consideranf.es, sed ea quce aliorum. Hanc apostoli regulam
atque exhortationem si sequamini, omnia vobis tuta erunt atque gloriosa,
sicut hactenus : si ab hac unionis constantia vos dcjici, hostis insidiis,
patiamini, raagnos scopulos incursura est causa vestra, patriaque vestra;
quod Deus avertat ; vosque semper tueatur. Yestris orationibus me ex
animo commendo. patres, fratrcsque amantissimi, ac reverendissimi
Christi confessores. Romse Martii 7, 1598.
Reverentise Vestrae

uti amantissimus Frater,

Henricus Cardinalis Cajetanus, Protector.

Henry Cardinal Cajetan, to Dr. Richard Barret, President of the

English, College in Douay.
[Original belonging to the Dean and Chapter.]

Per ea, quae his adjuncta vobis transmittimus literarum exempla,
intelligetis quid reverendissimo domino nuncio apostolico Belgii, quid
etiam in Angliam, sanctitatis sua? voluntate ac mandate, scripsimus,
pro subordinatione quadam sacerdotum Anglorum inter se instituenda,
ad divisionum ac schismatum occasiones praescindendas : quse omnia
ad vos quoque pertinere, quoad usus erit, existimabitis. Ea enim est
mens sanctissimi D.N., ut D.V., cum pro loci authoritate quern pos-
sidet, turn etiam pro experientia, ac notitia, quam in rebus Anglicanis
adepta est, denique pro ea opinione, quam de fide, zelo, prudentia,
aliisque vestris virtutibus sua sanctitas nosque non irnmerito concepi-
mus, archipresbytero in Anglia constitute pro cseteris dirigendis promp-
tissime assistat, atque opera consilioque continue opituletur : istic
vero in Belgio, ut sacerdotibus omnibus seminariorum ssecularibus
praasit, qui reverendissimi domini nuncii apostolici peculiari curae com-
missi non sunt ; hoc est, qui extra provincias Brabantias atque Flan-
driaa vixerint, vel qui ex quacunque Belgii, Galliae, aut Germanise parte
ad missiones Anglicanas profecturi sunt ; ac facultates ejusmodi iis
tribuatis (ex iis, quas vobis jam dedimus) quales ad majorem Dei glo-

CXX1V APPENDIX. [NO. xxm.

riam, consideratis temporis, loci, et personae circumstantiis, expedire,
auditis consultoribus vestris, in Domino judicabitis. Quod si aliis etiam
facultatibus indigere vos, ad hoc ipsum officium pra3standum, significa-
veritis, eas vel transmittemus statim, vel pro iisdem apud sanctitatem
suam intercedemus. Consultores autem, ad sublevandam oneris par-
tern, assignamus reverendos viros, D. Laurentium Webbum, ac Guliel-
mum Harrisonum, theologiae doctores (quorum merita a multo mihi
jam tempore cognita sunt), aliumque, tertio loco, quern tibi permitti-
mus eligendum : quorum judicium, in rebus majoribus agendis vel
decernendis, cum audieris, penes teipsum tamen resolutionis arbitrium
remanere volumus ; ne ulla judiciorum disparitas divisionem aliquam
pariat animorum, quam penitus ex hoc opere abolere cupimus : in
eaque re maxime industriam vestram enitere oportebit, ut pax, unio,
ac disciplina conservetur. Porro, sexto quoque mense, tarn ipse, quam
consultores, ad me rerurn Anglicanarum statum (si non saepius) per-
scribetis ; tarn quae isthic apud vos, quam quae in Anglia gerantur ;
praecipue vero, qua animorum conspiratione procedatur, post hanc
subordinationem institutam, quique maxime sint, qui earn promoveant,
vel impedimenta afferant ; ut sanctissimus dominus (prout par est) de
omnibus quam verissime informetur. Quod si ex Anglia significatum
vobis fuerit per eos, quibus jurisdictio in alios commissa jam est, vel
per qu.oscunque fide dignos, aliquem sacerdotem inquiete, vel scanda-
lose ac cum ofFensione bonorum, se gerere, hunc licebit vobis admo-
nere, vel reprehendere, aut facultates ejus restringere, vel etiam auferre,
si necesse fuerit ; imo et ex Anglia evocare : licet hoc extremum, non
nisi nobis prius admonitis (ut cum sanctissimo domino rem confera-
mus), nostroque response accepto, faciendum vobis erit : nisi ejusmodi
casus accidat, in quo periculum manifestum in mora dilationeque fu-
turum conspiceretur. Neque modo plura occurrunt : quae erunt reliqua
postea perscribentur. Vale.— Romse, ex axlibus nostris, 7°. Martii, 1598.
Reverentisa vestrae uti frater,

Henricus Cardinalis.

No. XXIII.— (Referred to at page 48.)

The Protestation of Mr. John Mush, one of the chief of the Appellant
Clergy, concerning the Archpriest's Power. March 8, 1599.

[MS. formerly in Douay College.]

Quaeritur an acceptare velim pro meo superiore archipresbyterum,
eidemque me subjicere, quern alii dicunt jussu suae sanctitatis, alii vero
narrant ejus injussu, et per solum illustrissimum cardinalem protectorem,
super universum clcrum Anglicanum constitutum esse superiorem?

NO. xxrv.] APPENDIX. CXXV

Dico: cum ex hujus authoritatis occasione, et ejus prima promulga-
tione, gravissima scandala et contentiones in ecclesia Anglicana oborta
sint, et inde adhuc raagis quotidie eadem ingravescant, asseraturque a
multis presbyteris, hanc potestatem non ex jussu, vel mandate, S.D.N.
institutam, sed ad quorundam privatorum instantiam, absque aut om
nium, aut plurimorum certe sacerdotum consensu, vel notitia, esse sur-
reptam : interea cum, communibus ejusdem cleri suffrages et votis,
ageretur de quibusdam mittendis Romam, qui a sua sanctitate episco-
pos peterent, vel suffraganeos in variis regni provinciis constitui, et
nobis praefici, pro maximis ecclesiae Anglicanse necessitatibus sublevan-
dis : cum denique presbyteri aliqui jam Romam profecti sint, qui S.D.N.
de omnibus reddant certiorem, atque ad nos referant quid in quaque re
sua sanctitas statuere velit, ac jubeat observari ; num videlicet episcopos
nobis prreficiendos, vel archipresbyterum decernat ; — dico, inquam, me
nihil ad quaesitum jam posse respondere, donee plenius constiterit, quid
sua sanctitas in hac controversial decernere et statuere velt. Sed cum
primum sanctissimi D.N. sententia et decretum nobis innotuerit, eidem
libentissime et promptissimo animo in omnibus me pariturum profiteer.
Interea autem, dum haec sciantur, archipresbytero, quern narrant nobis
superiorem jam esse constitutum, in nulla re contradicam, aut ejus au-
thoritati (qualis qualis fuerit) refragabor ; ut Christiana pax et charitas
integra inter nos et illaesa in omnibus permaneant.

Ita ego Johannes Musheus, Presbyter, mea manu.

No. XXIV.— (Referred to at page 50.)

Cardinal Cajetan to the Archpriest, Mr. Black well. Nov. 10, 1598.
[Copy formerly in Douay College.]

Henricus cardinalis Cajetanus S. R. E. camerarius, Anglia? protector,
&c. admodum reverendo, et dilecto in Christo, Georgio Blackwello,
archipresbytero, salutem in Authore salutis.

Admodum reverende, ac in Christo dilecte, uti frater. Vehementer
sane delectati sumus iis literis, quas satis frequentes ad me, his diebus,
turn charitas tua, turn consultores etiam tui presbyteri assistentes, alii-
que viri graves non pauci dederunt, de justa leetitia communique appro-
batione subordinationis illius, quam sanctissimus Dominus, justissimis
piissimisque de causis, per nos in clero isto Anglicano instituendam
curavit. Hoc enim et a virtutis vestrae singular! opinione, et vitae quo-
que professione excellentis expectandum omnino erat, ut qui, ad restitu-
endam Christi vicario sedique apostolicae obedientiam debitam, tot pe-
ricula ac labores obitis, ipsi obedire ejusdem sanctse sedis ordinationibus
non recusaretis; sed alacri potius animo (quod fecistis) summi pastoris

CXXV1 APPENDIX. [NO. xxiv.

vestri statuta, ad utilitatera, pacem, et corroborationem vestram edita,
obviis, ut aiunt, ulnis amplecteremini. Itaque ex hac vestra bonorum-
que omnium presbyterorum adeo prompta hilarique obedientia, quam
literis contestati sunt, cum sanctissimus Dominus, turn ipse etiam, pro
officii mei ratione, ac eo praeterea, quern in vos sentio singularem amo-
rem, gaudium profecto atque sedificationem non mediocrem accepimus,
quam optassem quidem perpetuam, vel certe diuturnam. Sed posteri-
oribus quidem nunciis turbari aliquantulum coepit, cum esset perlatum,
quosdam (uti fieri solet) refragari ccepisse, ac contentiones ciere, con-
venticula quoque agitare, ut superiorum mandata in questionem vo-
centur. Tandem denique ad sanctitatem suain per ministros, in par-
tibus Borealibus (uti videtur) existentes, significatum est, duos ex
Anglia presbyteros a tumultuantibus his emissos jam esse, qui huic
subordinationi ecclesiae Anglicanae, sanctitatis suas jussu institutag, con-
tradicant. De qua re factus certior, sanctissimus permolesto animo
(prout aiquum est) accepit ; voluitque plenius de perturbatoribus in-
formari. Cumque charitas tua nihil adhuc certi hac de re, neque de
hominum istorum moribus, vel actionibus, ad nos scripserit (quod tuse
sane modestiac ac pietati tribuitur, ne facile ad fratrum descendas accu-
sationem), nunc tamen, sanctissimo id postulante, ut inforrnatio debita
de omnibus habeatur, faciendum tibi erit omnino, ut rerum veritas per
te patefiat; acceptis et ad nos transmissis (quoad commode et sine pe-
riculo fieri poterit) bonorum tecum conspirantium sententiis, ac reluc-
tantium etiam separatim notatis nominibus, causisque percensitis, quas
reluctationi sure prastendunt. Quod ut facilius citiusque ex nostraj
ordinationis authoritate perficias, hoc tibi caeterisque presbyteris injun-
gimus, ut statim ac diligenter fiat ; variaque harum literarum autographa
ad te mittenda jussimus, quo facilius multis, ad rei peragendre brevita-
tem, ostendi possint : Dominum precantes, ut magna bonorum suorum
abundantia vos compleat, et pace, veraque charitate, quas perfectionis
omnis vinculum est, dignos efficiat, neque defatigemini animis, ut apos-
tolus hortatur, si difficultates et contradictiones nonnullas in hoc vestro
regimine experiamini : id enim vel optimis semper ecclesiarum recto-
ribus ab initio contigit ; et idem apostolus ipsius Christi Domini exem-
plum vobis proponit : Qui talem, inquit, sustinuit a peccatoribus adver-
surn semetipsnm contradictionem. Sed omnia tandem ipse Dominus
pacabit, fluctusque exurgentes compescet, vosque de laboribus vestris
ac patientia cumulate remunerabitur. Ipse vos custodiat semper.
Romas, die 10 Novembris, anno 1598.
Reverentiae vestrse uti Prater,

Henricus Cardinalis Cajetanus, Protector.

NO. xxv.] APPENDIX. CXXvii

No. XXV.— (Referred to at page 52).
Colleton to Black well. Aug. 11, 1598.

[MS. formerly in Douay College.]
Very Reverend Sir, —

Although some be pleased to pass their hard censures of me, yet, by
the record of my own conscience, I both fear and am loath to offend,
and do no way affect ignorance. I requested you once heretofore, and
now again, with all instance and like humility, do redouble the petition,
that I may receive from you perfect notice of all such particulars,
wherein your authority bindeth me to obey. Suffer not, good sir, an
unwilling mind to err. I hope I ask no other thing, than what of
right to me belongeth ; nor after an undue manner. Verily, if I see my
self, I dare affirm my will and care for such, as I would not, for aught,
advisedly disobey in any command, whereto the most of your authority
stretcheth, or may justly be extended. In other points, wherein my
understanding holds me not tied, I must confess that the manner of
usage I have received from you, and the hard conceits, which you
carry of me, divulged, and brought by many ways to my hearing, have
made me much less respective, and of more unfriendly demeanour,
than otherwise I should have been, or by nature am inclined to. Fare
you well. August 11, 1598.

By him, who desireth to see, and amend, what is, or hath been, amiss,

John Colleton.

No. XXVI.— (Referred to at page 52.)

Literts communes Cardinalium Cnjetani et Burghesii ad Recforem Col-
legii Anglorum de Urbe, §c. de causa Gulielmi Bishop et Roberti
Charnock. April 21, 1599.

[Copy, formerly in Douay College,]

Reverende in Christo pater, uti frater. Cum audita his diebus et
examinata duorum sacerdotum Anglorum causa, nobis a sanctissimo
coinmissa, Gulielmi nimirum Bishopi et Roberti Charnocki, qui sancti-
tatis SUEB jussu per menses aliquot in isto collegio detenti fuerunt, visum
nobis fuisset, nullo modo causa? Anglicana3 expedire, ut dicti presbyter!
statim ad eas partes revertantur, ubi controversias cum aliis sui ordinis
hominibus exercuerant, id ipsum modo, re cum sanctissimo collata, ej us
que desuper voluntate iterum explorata, decernendum ac statuendum
duximus. Quapropter prasfatis Gulielmo et Roberto sacerdotibus,
sanctitatis sua3 nostroque nomine, ordinamus, ac in virtute sanctae obe-
dientiae, sub pcena suspensionis a divinis ipso facto incurrendae, aliisque
censuris pcenisque sanctissimi D.N. judicio infligendis, stricte praecipi-

CXXV111 APPENDIX. [NO. xxvn.

mus, ut, nisi de expressa sanctitatis suae, aut illustrissimi cardinalis pro-
tectoris licentia, Angliae, Scotise, vel Hybernise regna pro tempore
adire non praesumant; sed apud alias regiones catholicas, quibus a
nobis prsescriptum eis fuit, quiete, pacifice ac religiose vivant ; curent-
que tarn literis, quam nunciis, aliisque modis omnibus, quibus possunt,
ut pax unioque inter catholicos Anglicanos, tain domi, quam foris,
conservetur. QUSD si ipsi vere ac rebus ipsis prrestiterint, citius deinde
licentia revertendi restitui eis poterit. Haec vero interim legitime ab
eis observari, fideliterque executioni mandari praecipimus; hocque
nostro nomine R. V. eis significet. Dat. Romse in aedibus nostris, die
21 Aprilis, 1599.

Reverential Vestrae

Uti frater, H. Cardinalis Cajetanus, Protector.

Uti frater, C. Cardinalis Burghesius.

No. XXVII.— (Referred to at page 53.)

Breve dementis Papce VIII. confirmam Instifutionem Georgii Black-
welli Archipresbyteri. Aprilis 6, 1599.

[Copy formerly in Douay College.]
Clemens Papa VIII.

Ad futuram rei memoriam, &c. Inter gravissimas nostrae pastoralis
solicitudinis curas, illas, de catholica religione nimirum conservanda et
propaganda, prsecipuum locum obtinent. Propterea, qusecunque ad
hunc finem, mandate nostro, per S.R.E. cardinales gesta et ordinata
sunt, ut debitum consequantur effectum, apostolicaa confirmationis ro-
bore communimus. Nuper siquidem, dilectus films noster, Henricus,
tituli sanctas Potentianse, presbyter cardinalis Cajetanus, S.R. Ecclesiae
camerarius, ac nationis Anglicanae apud nos et apostolicam sedem pro
tector, pro felici gubernio et regimine, ac mutua dilectione, pace, et
unione catholicorum regnorum Angliaa et Scotia3, et pro disciplina ec-
clesiastica conservanda, et augenda, de mandato nostro, dilectum
filium Georgium Blackwellum, sacerdotem Anglum, sacra? theologian
baccalaureum, ob ejus pietatem, doctrinam, catholica3 religionis zelum,
et alias virtutes, in archipresbyterum catholicorum Anglorum, cum
nonnullis facultatibus per eum, et alios duodecim sacerdotes, illius
assistentes, respective exercendis, per ipsius patentes literas expeditas
(quarum initium est: Scitum est, atque usufere quotidiano compertum
&c., finis vero ; vestrisque orationibus me ex animo commendo, patres
fratresque amantissimi, Christi confessores, die 7 Martii an. 1598),
deputavit, prout in praedictis patentibus literis, quarum tenorem prae-
sentibus, ac si ad verbum insererentur, pro expresso habere volumus,
plenius continetur. Nos autem cupicntes deputationem prsedictam, ac

NO. xxvni.] APPENDIX. CXX1X

omnia in praefatis literis patentibus contenta, tanquam de maudato et
ordine nostro, ac cum participatione ac plena scientia nostris facta et
ordinata, plenarie execution!, ut par est, demandari, et, ut ilia omnia
pleniorem roboris firmitatem obtineant, providere volentes, motu pro-
prio, et ex certa scientia, et matura deliberatione nostra, deque aposto-
licae potestatis plenitudine, deputationem supradictam ac praenominatas
Henrici cardinalis protectoris patentes literas desuper expeditas, cum
omnibus et singulis in illis expressis facultatibus, privilegiis, indultis,
instructionibus, declarationibus, ac aliis quibuscunque contentis, in om
nibus, et per omnia, perinde ac si omnia hie nominatim expressa et
specificata essent, authoritate apostolica tenore prsesentium confirma-
mus, et approbamus; illisque apostolicae ac inviolabilis firmitatis robur
adjicimus ; et omnes, ac singulos defectus, si qui in iisdem inter vene-
rint, supplemus ; eaque omnia, et singula, de expresso mandate et or
dine, et cum participatione, et certa scientia nostris, facta et ordinata
fuisse, et esse, ac propterea valida, firma, et efficacia existere, et fore,
ac plenissimam roboris firmitatem obtinere, suumque plenarium effec-
tum sortiri et obtinere, sicque ab omnibus censeri, et ita per quoscun-
que judices ac commissaries judicari ac definiri debere ; ac irritum et
inane quicquid secus super his a quoquam, quavis authoritate, scienter
vel ignoranter, contigerit attentari, decernimus ; non obstantibus con-
stitutionibus et ordinationibus apostolicis, caeterisque contrariis quibus-
cumque. Datum Romae, apud S. Petrum, sub annulo piscatoris, die
6 Aprilis, anno 1599, pontificates nostri anno octavo.

M. Vestrius Barbianus.

No. XXVIIL- (Referred to at pa</e 53.)
*^* T. G -- . to Garnet. June 1, 1599.

[Original Stonyhurst MSS. Ang. A. ii. 56.]
Reverend Sir, Primo Junii.

I am willed by Mr. Wells ' briefly to advertise you that, this Friday
night, he and Mr. Collinton, who is newly come from Wisbeach, have
met and conferred, touching the business he went thither for. He
found, at his coming, no resistance to be made against the authority*
by any that heretofore had opposed themselves (he having assured them
that he had seen a breve) ; only they complained of wrongs offered
them, as they think, and, namely, of complaints carried to Rome against
some of them ; yet protesting that they never resisted the authority,
but exacted authentical proofs, to persuade them to obey it. That
proof being now come, they receive it with all obedience, and desired

VOL. III.

Blackwell.

As^""

i

iBRARY )S

CXXX APPENDIX. [NO. xxix.

the general opinion to be had of it, through the whole house : which all,
with one voice, allowing, such as heretofore had been contentious de
sired that a general reconciliation might be made amongst them all,
and that all quarrels and unkindness might be forgotten and forgiven :
in token whereof, they met all together in friendly shew at supper, and
have resolved upon a union never to be broken again.

Mr. Collinton hath brought the copy of most extreme orders, set
down by the council, for the prisoners, which, by cause they be many,
I will omit all in general, until you shall see them at convenient leisure.
Mr. Collinton is gone now out of town, but will be here again on Mon
day, at the farthest, purposely to talk with you, and to make a chari
table conclusion of all unkindnesses. This favour Mr. Wells1 desireth
you to grant him, who will likewise meet you, to talk about other oc
casions. If I may know your mind, by letter or message, I will accord
ingly inform the parties. And thus, sir, late this Friday night, I take
my leave, resting at your commandment.

T. G.

Endorsed by Garnet,
" A friendly letter to me, concerning the submission of Wisbeach."

No. XXIX.— (Referred to at page 53.)

Sententia Facultatis Theologies Parisiensis de Causa Archipresbyteri.
May 3, 1600.

[MS. in my possession.]

Anno Domini millesimo sexcentesimo, die 3° Maii, propositum fuit
facultati theologiae Parisiensi, quod, literis cujusdam illustrissimi car-
dinalis, quidam superior ecclesiasticus in regno quodam constitutus est,
cum titulo et dignitate archipresby teri, ut haberet authoritatem et juris-
dictionem super omnes alios presbyteros in eodem regno commorantes.
Cardinalis autem in illis suis literis declaravit, se id fecisse juxta volun-
tatem et beneplacitum summi pontificis.

Multi vero ex illis presbyteris recusarunt subsignare authoritati ejus-
dem archipresbyteri priusquam ipse obtinuisset literas apostolicas, con-
firmationis suse tenorem continentes ; turn quia novum omnino erat, et
in ecclesia catholica hactenfrs inauditum illud genus regiminis, ut
archipresbyter universe regno praeesset, et talem jurisdictionem haberet
in singulos ejus regni sacerdotes; turn etiam quia, ex quibusdam verbis
illarum literarum illustrissimi cardinalis, visi sunt sibi videre, talem
archipresbyterum, et authoritatem ejus, ex falsa informatione a summo

1 Blackwell.

NO. xxix.] APPENDIX. CXXX1

pontifice fuisse concrssam; turn denique, quia in electione ejusdem
archipresbyteri, et consiliariorum ejus, magnam adverterunt extitisse
personarum acceptionem. Propter qaas et alias nonnullas rationes,
sacerdotes illi miserunt ad summum pontificem nuncios, qui has suas
difficultates ei aperirent; unaque significarent, se paratissimos esse in
toto hoc negotio, aliisque omnibus, suse sanctitati semper obedire.

Archipresbyter vero, et qui ab ejus parte stant, illos sacerdotes schis-
matis accusant, quod literis cardinalis, quas etiam ex summi pontificis
voluntate exaratas dicit, parere detrectaverint.

Qucestio igitur est, an illi sacerdotes sint schismalici ? Et si non sint,
an graviter saltern peccaverint P

Viri principes facultatis theologiae Parisiensis, selecti a tota facul-
tate, congregati in domo majoris apparitoris sui, anno et die suprascripto,
re mature considerata, ita censuerunt:

Primo, illos sacerdotes, qui distulerunt obedire ob dictas causas, non
esse schismaticos :

Secundo, censuerunt illos, eo facto, in se spectato, non peccasse
prorsus.

De mandate dominorum decani, et magistrorum nostrorum depu-
tatorum et selectorum sacratissimae facultatis theologies Parisiensis.

Delacourt.

Blackwell's Decree against the above-recited Determination,
May 29, 1600.

[Copy formerly in Douay College.]

In the name of God, Amen. We, George Blackwell, archpriest of
England, and protonotary apostolical, by the authority sufficiently and
lawfully committed unto us, do strictly command, in virtue of obe
dience, and under pain of suspension from divine offices and loss of all
faculties, in the fact itself to be incurred, all ecclesiastical persons (as
also all lay-catholics, under pain of being interdicted, semblably in the
fact itself to be incurred), that they neither directly nor indirectly'main-
tain or defend, in word or in writing, the censure of the university of
Paris; whether it be truly given, or forged ; whether upon true infor
mation, or otherwise; as being prejudicial to the dignity of the see
apostolic, and expressly contrary to his holiness's brief, and to the sen
tence judicially given by the two cardinals, appointed judges in our
cause, and to our common peace, so much wished for by his holiness.
And this we command to be inviolably observed, under the pains afore
specified ; and greater also, according to his holiness's pleasure.

i 2

CXXX11 APPENDIX. [NO. xxx.

%* Blacktvell to Garnet, June 1, 1600.
[Fragment. Original. Stonyhurst MSS. Ang. A. ii. 66.]

Collinton, by my censure, is defeated of all his triumphs. He had
twenty sheets ready for the print, to disprove us : but now he saith,
" I will take heed not to incur the pain of the censure, lest I lose my
faculties, which are greater than Mr. Blackwell will or can give me."
Now questions are moved, whether they may not defend their own
private opinion, that they were not schismatics, or whether they may
not utter so much. I answer that I will not have any more speech in
defence thereof; and so much the words imply, directe aut indirecte.
They be at their wits' end, and cry out " sharp, sharp" It is hoped
that I will not signify the matter to Rome.

Charnock must be censured with suspension a dtvinis, et amissionis
facultatum : for he hath brought in with him an answer, as I am told,
of three sheets, against father Persons's Reply ; and this made by no-
doctor Bishop. He vaunteth that the judgment of the cardinals was
imperfect, as having the one part referred to be put down by father
Persons : " and therefore," saith he, as I am told, " it is no judgment:"
and for this he hath the opinion of a public notary. He hath not an
swered my letter. I pray you put down briefly . . , . ccetera desunt.

[This fragment originally formed the middle of the letter, the beginning and
the end of which have been carefully cut off. What remains is endorsed by
Garnet himself, with the words, " A piece of Customer's letter to me. Primo
Junii, 1600." "Customer" was a cant appellation for the archpriest. — 71.]

No. XXX.— (Referred to at page 53.)

Blackwell 's sentence against Mush and Colleton. Octob. 17> 1600.
[MS. formerly in Douay College.]

Omnibus dilectissimis mihi assistentibus, et clero Anglicano salutem.

Sciatis nos, antegressis temporibus, duobus istis D. Joanni Musho et
D. Joanni Collingtonio facultates suspendisse, propter eorum manifestam
inobedientiam, et perturbationem pacis ; postea autem eas restituimus,
ex ipsorum submissione. Quoniam autem illi jam defendunt causam
suam, et satisfaction em petunt, &c., et varias ad nos literas dederunt,
contumeliis sive calumniis plenas, partim emissas in nosmetipsos, par-
tim in alios etiam superiores, atque etiam hoc ipso tempore multa
satagunt contra pacem, &c., Ideo nunc, Nos, Georgius Blackwellus, archi-
presbyter Anglise, revocamus his duobus omnes facultates, &c. ; ju-
bentes ut omnibus catholicis id noturn faciatis, ne ab iis fortasse sacra-
menta rccipiant. Plura ex communibus literis intelligetis; in quorum

NO. xxx.] APPENDIX. CXXXiii

fidem hisce nostris literis, sigillo nostro munitis, maim propria sub-
scripsimus, Londini, 17°. Octobris, 1600.

Vester servus in Christo,

Georgius Blackwellus,

Archipresbyter Anglise.

Colleton to Blackwell, ivilh the Appeal. Nov. 25, 1600.

[Copy formerly in Uouay College.]
Very Reverend Sir, —

We send you our appeal here enclosed, and have prefixed the reasons ;
to the end, yourself denying to mitigate the rigour on foot against us,
our country may see, till further satisfaction come forth, whereupon
the discreet may suspend their condemnation of us. Another cause,
that alike moveth us thereunto, was, the affiance we hold, that your
reverence, understanding our grounds in this full manner, would neither
reject the appeal, nor blame us for the making [of it], and less punish
us, for a necessity so many ways behoveable. Again, our poverty, want
of means, skill, and friends, to prosecute the matter, did not a little per-
swade the particularizing of some of our pressures, in regard the per
sons, whose helps we are to solicit in the managing of the business,
may the more willingly, viewing the measure of our oppressions, yield
us their most furtherance. How long, and with what discontentment
of my fellows, I have prolonged the sending of the appeal, in hope of a
more quiet issue in the difference, none almost, that are of our side,
but can witness. And now, being brought in despair of expecting any
such good end, by the tenour of your yesterday's letter, I can but
grieve, and commend the success to God. Concerning that part of
vour last edict, which forbiddeth, under heaviest penalties, either to give
or collect suffrages upon any cause soever, before the same be com
municated to yourself, or to two of your reverend assistants, how hard
soever the injunction appeareth, yet, for obedience, we acquaint you
by these, with our determination of procuring other our brethren to
subscribe to the appeal, and, as their names shall come to our hands,
so to send them unto your reverence. Thus beseeching the goodness
of Almighty God ever to guide you to the doing o( his holy will, I take
my leave. November 25, 1600. Dutifully yours,

John Colleton.

*** Appeal of Thirty-three Clergymen against Blackwell. Nov. 1 7, 1600.

[Colleton's Just Defence, 192.]
To the very Reverend Master George Blackwell, archpriest of the

seminary priests in England.
Very many and most unworthy are those things which, for these two

CXXX1V APPENDIX. [NO. xxx.

years last past, we have endured at the hands of the fathers of the
society of Jesus, and of your reverence, both approving and multiplying
their injuries done against us.

Among the reasons, why hitherto we have borne with silence so un
just burthens, our affiance was not the least, that the equity of our
cause by little and little seen deeper into, some ease or toleration of
our said burthens would in short time grow unto us. But having now,
by more than long trial, found both ourselves to be deceived in our
hopes, and also the weight of our afflictions so excessively increased, by
reason of such our patience, that not only we ourselves, but a great
number of lay catholics, most deservedly dear unto us, are thereby also
marvellously oppressed, we are enforced, by appealing, to flee to the
see apostolic in most humble manner for succour. The reasons of
which appeal are these that ensue.

I. First, for that your reverence hath often approved the too great
injuries and reproach, which the fathers of the society, in word and
deed, most wrongfully laid upon us ; as, namely, when father Lister,
Jesuit,1 composed and had set forth a Treatise of Schism against us
(who, upon just causes, deferred for awhile to subject ourselves to your
authority, till, either by view of apostolical letters, or other canonical
proof, the same were shewed to be instituted by his holiness's com
mand, and enjoined unto us) : in which, beside other unseemly speeches,
he hath these slanders in the fifth paragraph : —

" These factious persons are stricken down with the dolour of their
own ruin, in that they have resisted the popes decrees. They have lost
their place among priests : they are debarred the practice of their holy
function: their judgment, is to be contemned, and already they are con
demned by the holy apostolic church."

And in the conclusion, or seventh paragraph, these : —

1. " Ye are rebels."

2. " Ye are schismatics, and are fallen from the church and spouse
of Christ"

3. " Ye have trodden under foot the obedience you owe to the pope.1'

4. " Ye have offended against all human faith and authority, by re
jecting a moral certainty, in a moral matter "

1 [It is of this Lister that Garnet, writing to the general in 1597, says,
" Angor animi, ac dubius atque anceps hacreo, quid [cum] illo again, cujus
omnis moibus, non tarn a cerebri infirmitate, quain ex animi perturbatione ac
levitate proiiciscitur. * * * Ego ilium amo, ac vicissim, ni fallor, ab eodem
redamor ; sed magna profecto opus est prudentia ac luce Spiritus Sancti, quam
per dominationem vcstram mihi impctratum ire confido." — Stonyh. MSS. Ang. A.
ii. 33.— TVj

NO. xxx.] APPENDIX. CXXXV

5- " Ye have run headlong into excommunication and irregularity."

6. " Ye have lost the faculties by which you should have gained souls
to Christ."

7. " Ye have raised up so great scandal in the minds of all the godly,
that, as infamous persons, you are tennised in every man's mouth."

8. " Ye are no better than soothsayers and idolaters, and, in regard
ye have not obeyed the church, speaking unto you by the highest bishop,
you are as ethnics and publicans."

When, after the publishing of these detestable untruths, we made
petition to your reverence, to know whether you did approve these
defamations against us, you answered, under your own handwriting, as
folio weth, March 26, 1599' : — " I allow of the said discourse and cen
sure. George Blackwell, archpriest."

Furthermore, when, at another time, we made humble request to
your reverence for the revoking of the said slanderous treatise, you
wrote back this answer, April, 1599 :2

" Your request is, that we should call in the treatise against your
" schism ; and this is unreasonable, because the medicine ought not to
" be removed, before the sore be thoroughly cured. If it grieve you,
" I am not grieved thereat. George Blackwell, archpriest."

Also in your letters of the 14th of March, in the year following, we
having then written again to your reverence about the several infamies
wherewith three of the fathers of the society had charged us, and spe
cifying some of them in particular, you gave this answer:3

"You note, in these, terms condemning untruths, not seeing how
" truly and justly your condemned deserts did draw such names upon
"you before your submission ; and these names might have taught you
" how each man's iniquity evermore hurteth himself, [and] never
" profiteth.

"George Blackwell, Archpriest, and Protonotary Apostolical."

In brief, when father Henry Garnet, provincial of the Jesuits in
England, writing to one of our ancient priests,4 avowed, among other
indignities, this over bold assertion ; — " Ye have, in the judgment of all
" the learned, incurred the most shameful note of schism ;" and turning
his speech to the priest himself thus, — " You have so entangled them,
" whom you have brought to Christ, or whose pastor and father you
" have been, as, if they shall receive sacraments of you, if they shall
" induce you to say mass, or shall assist you in celebrating, they seem
" to partake with you in the crime of exercising your function un-

1 Letter to Colleton. 2 Letter to Mush, Colleton, and Hehourne*

3 Letter to Colleton, Drury, Hebounie and another. 4 Colleton.

CXXXV1 APPENDIX. [NO. xxx.

" worthily, and, in lieu of a medicine, carry away poison ; March 7,
1599:" — and when the priest, to whom the aforesaid letters were
written, had rejoined, complaining of the injury, your reverence, in
behalf of father Garnet, thus by letter answered him again :

" You ought for their writings and admonitions to have thanked
" them in most dutiful and humble manner." And after a few lines, —
" I will defer to chasten you fora while, in hope of your recovery ; and
" therefore this shall be to you but as a messenger of punishment for
" your disobedience, and as an advertisement for you, to view ad-
" visedly hoMr ignorance, error, pride, and obstinacy, have drawn you
" within the compass of schism."

II. The second cause is, because, notwithstanding we ever, by word
and writing, protested our ready obedience to all and every command
ment of his holiness, and that neither breve nor other binding testimony
should sooner at any time be shewed unto us, but it should find us
submissively obedient in whatsoever (neither was this more or other
wise than what our deeds themselves made good ; for, as every man
can witness, no moment passed between the shewing of his holiness's
breve, and our acceptance, or absolute submission to your authority :
yea farther, we were then also content, merely for peace' sake, to remit
all the reproach, infamy, calumniation, all and singular injuries that
were most riotously spent, in the interim, as well against ourselves, as
our best friends) ; we say that, notwithstanding all this our pressed
readiness and submission, your reverence divulged the resolution fol
lowing; which too too unlucky fact was the total cause of these our
new debates : —

" We have received a resolution from our mother city, that the
" refusers of the appointed authority were schismatics : and surely I
" would not give absolution to any that should make no conscience

"thereof. And therefore my direction is, that they

" make account thereof, and do make satisfaction before they receive
" the benefit of absolution."

And according to the purport of this dispersed resolution (which,
albeit, by your own affirmance, you received it either from father
Warford or father Tichbourne, two English Jesuits resident at Rome,
yet your reverence did so propose and grace the same, as many then
did, and as yet some do, believe, that the said resolution came as a
definitive sentence from the see apostolic), yourself would not restore
Mr. Benson to the use of his faculties, neither upon his own humble
suit, nor mediation of his fellow-prisoners, who also had, and then did,
suffer very hard imprisonment with great constancy, unless he would
first agnize and testify under his hand, that he was grieved for his

NO. xxx.] APPENDIX. CXXXVil

adherence to the schisrnatical conventicle; your reverence being
pleased to dub our company with so hateful a name.

Also in your letters to another priest,1 bearing date the 22d of
February, 1600, thus you write ; — " I determined that, hereafter, who-
" soever had faculties of me, he should first be content to recal his
" peevish opinion ;" — terming the opinion peevish, that doth not hold us
for schismatics.

Furthermore, your reverence affirmed (which shook and galled the
new peace not a little) that assertion of father Jones, a priest of the
society, to be true ; avowing all those to incur presently the censures of
holy church, who should stiffly defend that we were no schismatics:2
which position you again ratified in your letters given the 14th of
March, 1600.3

III. The third cause is, because that, after the contentions thus re
vived by your reverence and the fathers of the society, we, who ever
more most desired peace, did never but find you partial on our ad
versaries' side, and towards us and the cause in controversy a hard
superior, and so exceeding prone to have us generally condemned, that
you spared not to forbid us to defend our own good names, under
threat of grievous punishment, as is manifest by your letters of the
12th and 17th of February, and the 14-th of March, where these words
are read : —

" If ever I can find hereafter that, either by word or writing, you
"justify your enormous disobedience (viz., in delaying to yield your-
" selves absolutely to our authority, before the coming of his holiness's
" breve) as void of sin, this being a sign of want of grace and the
" maintenance of sin, which is a high pride, I will suspend you from
" your function, as unworthy to exercise the same."

Likewise when we, to take away the scandal, which, by reason of
this our imputative schism, was rife every where, and to make peace
again in our church, now a long while most miserably rent through
this mutual discord, besought most earnestly your reverence and the
fathers of the society, that it would either please you to leave off to
renew the calumny of schism against us, or afford your assistance and
furtherance, that the question might quietly be conferred of, or dis
puted, by some of either side, before three or four of the senior as
sistants, and one ancient priest of our part, as umpires and determiners
of the whole controversy, your reverence utterly rejected the petition :
in what sort, the words of your own letters do best testify, the four
teenth and sixteenth of March :

1 Mush. 2 Letter to Collctou.

:i Letter to Drury, llelxuinie. and others.

CXXXV111 APPENDIX. [NO. xxx.

" Your petition is a tumultuous complaint. — Your prescriptions (so
" terming our supplication) are as empty of due consideration, as they
" be blown out with the spirit of a tumultuous presumption. — Your
" supplication cavilleth against my proceedings, and the speeches of my
" best friends. I shall much muse if ye shall not be abashed of this
" your attempt." '

Moreover, when several detractive letters, written by father Persons
and others, and made common in our country, did daily more and more
wound in credit both ourselves and our dearest friends ; and when, for
this cause, our ghostly children (who, together with us, were both re
puted and shunned by you as schismatics, or, at the least, as very
grievous sinners, and for none other fault, save only that they took our
part, and relieved our miseries) very instantly dealt with us that now,
without any further delay, we would address ourselves to free both their
and our own innocency from the crimes and calumniations imputed :
wherefore, as men thereunto obliged in conscience, we determined, as
well for the removing of infamy from our priesthood, as to bring quiet
ness of conscience to such as are under our charge, to divulge a tem
perate apology ; which intention and design of ours being understood,
your reverence anon prohibited, under heavy censure and forfeit of
faculties, the divulging of such a defence ; and, to this purpose, used a
smooth pretence of godliness and peace, viz., lest the lawful state might
be troubled, or any man's good name receive blemish, as is apparent by
the specialties that follow : —

" I George Blackwell, archpriest in England, in virtue of holy obedi-
" ence, and under pain of suspension from your office and loss of all facul-
" ties, in the deed itself to be incurred, do prohibit all priests to divulge
" any book set out within these two years, or hereafter to be set out, by
" which the lawful state may be disturbed, or the fame of any clergy
" catholic person of our English nation may be hurt by name : and the
" same commandment is also given to the laity, under pain of being
" interdicted. Jan. 17, 1599. " George Blackwell, Archpriest."

The severity of which edict appeareth so much the greater, in that
your reverence afterwards declared, that you took the word " book "
in the signification which it carrieth in Build Ccenee Domini, where he
retical books are forbidden : so as now we fall into the above-mentioned
penalties, if we but divulge the least writing or defence, whereby any
English catholic clergyman (such as all our hard friends be) shall or
may receive blot or hurt in his good name : neither skilleth it whether

1 To Colleton, Mush, mid others.

NO. xxx.] APPENDIX. CXXxix

justly or unjustly, upon desert or without ; the edict containing no such
limitation or proviso at all. And being after this manner suspended
and deprived of faculties, we are therewith bereft of all the means of
getting sustenance, harbour, or other temporal succour, these every
way depending on the practice of our priestly function, and use of
faculties.

Finally, seeing that there was neither mean nor measure kept, in op
probrious speeches against us, nor that we might any way obtain a
friendly discussing and ending of the matter between ourselves, no, nor
as much as to be licensed to defend our cause or good name, either by
word or writing, we, especially for the greater safety of our conscience,
held it our bounden duty to propose the whole difficulty and state of the
controversy to the divines of the university of Paris, to the end that
they, taking pity of the calamity of our church, and the sooner through
the mediation of our humble suit, would vouchsafe to deliver their
censure and opinion in the difference. Which good and charitable
office they no sooner performed, but your reverence enacted a decree,
that no one, upon pain of heaviest forfeitures, should any way maintain
the censures of so great and famous clerks. The state of the question,
the resolution of the university, and the edict of your reverence follow
word by word.

\These have been given in the preceding number of this Appendix .]

IV. The fourth cause is, because your reverence doth very earnestly
defend whatsoever the fathers of the society either speak or do against
us ; insomuch that, when we refused to obey them in that counterfeit
imputation of schism, and required a retractation of that foresaid in
famous libel, your reverence stood so mightily against us, that, for this
cause, the seventeenth of October, 1600, it pleased you to revoke, and
wholly to take away, all faculties from two of our most ancient and
reverend priests : by which fact, very many, of good place and account,
were touched with so great grief, scandal, and offence, that every where
they bewailed and complained of this calamity ; and so much the more,
for that these were the special men that had longest and best deserved
of our church, and, being greatly loved of cardinal Allen, of pious
memory, were by him honoured with special and extraordinary facul
ties above the rest.1

1 [Mush and Colleton.— Allen's letter to the former, dated March 16, 1594,
affords not only a beautiful picture of the writer's mind, but also a convincing
testimony of his regard for Mush. Addressing him as his " well-beloved father
and friend," he says, " Because I could not satisfy myself enough, nor make
you know so fully as I desired, in presence, how much contentment I took of
your late company and conversation, and especially of the often and large rela
tion you made me of the state of the catholic cause, and. in particular, of every

CX APPENDIX. [NO. xxx.

Furthermore, although your reverence could not but see that all
these perturbations of peace and concord, which are now in our church,
took their beginning at first, and continued afterwards, upon no other
cause or motive but the defence of father Garnet, and father Lister's
paradox of the imaginative schism, and the patronage of that more im
probable assertion of father Jones above said ; and albeit likewise that
your reverence very well knows, that all these mischiefs or home-dis-
sentions might, at the beginning, and may yet, without any difficulty,
be quenched by the retractation of these opinions, yet, for all this, your
reverence had rather that all places should be disquieted with the
trouble of these variances, and that masters and servants, parents and
children, husbands and wives, pastors and sheep, priests and lay people,
should grow to a hurly-burly and mutual contention, yea, and that
priests themselves should fall at jars by means of this controversy,
than that those three fathers of the society should revoke their errors,
or, by acknowledging their temerity, make satisfaction to those, whom
they had offended by such and so great an injury.1

V. The fifth cause is, that, seeing the holy canons do ordain, and the
laws of nature itself and of all nations do require, that no man, being

of my loving fathers', brethren, and children's pains, perils, zeal, constancy, and
most generous proceedings, in defence of faith, and promoting our country's
salvation, I could not omit further to assure you of my said contentment in the
premises, by these few lines of mine own hand, which may serve for a more
stable memory betwixt us of all such communication and conference, as hath
passed at your late being here. Christ's blessing be ever on my sweet fellows and
children ! " — and he then proceeds, in words burning with charity, to deprecate
all " dissention, disorder, and emulation of one towards another," to enforce the
duty of brotherly affection, and to entreat Mush to " be earnest and peremptory"
in delivering his solemn "charge and adjuration" to " all parties;" that "those
of the secular order, and especially all those that have been brought up under
the fathers, and found so great love, charity, and help, in all places, at their
hands, be correspondent in all gratitude and thankfulness, reverencing them in
word and deed, as is requisite to their merit and calling; and the fathers, on
the other side, to love, cherish, favour, and embrace all the secular as their own
bowels, life, and souls, and as their dearest fellow soldiers, brethren, and chil
dren. My good friend," he adds, " inculcate in my name, yea, rather in God's
behalf, to both deles this point, lest they lose all, and bring my grey hairs the
sooner to the grave " (Stonyhurst MSS. Aug. A. i. 78). Yet, in a spirit which
must always be lamented, this letter of universal charity, professing1, in one
place, to be ignorant of the merits of the case, condemning none, and addressing
its admonitions equally to all, is endorsed by Persons with the following words :
— " The letter of cardinal Allen to Mr. Mush, against the faction raised ayahwt
the Jesuits." In reference to the extraordinary powers mentioned in the Appeal,
it must be added, that Mush certainly, if not also Collcton, was authorized by
Allen to grant, or " subdelegatc," faculties to the rest of the clergy. Garnet to
Persons, 'Stonyh. MSS. Aug. A. ii. 37.— 71.]

1 [This appears to be unjust. Blackwcll (and it was one of the most objec
tionable features of the institution) was the archpriest only of the seciilar clvray.
He possessed no authority over the Jesuits, and had no power to enforce or com
mand the revocation of the writing's in question. His real fault was, that he
defended them. — T.]

NO. xxx.] APPENDIX. Cxli

accused, ought to be condemned of the crime, or endamaged in his
goods or fame, or suffer any punishment in his person, till he be first in
some sort cited, and permitted to answer unto the crimes objected, yet
your reverence doth testify, by your own writing, that you in no sort
are bound to any of these rules, either in judging or punishing, and this
also by the will of his holiness himself: by which new kind of judgment
and authority, never heard of since the world begun, your reverence
hath lately taken away all the faculties from our two priests, as is said
before ; and there is none of us but may justly fear lest that ours like
wise be taken from us, how much soever this course of proceeding seem
to violate the express tenour of the letters patents of the most illustrious
cardinal Cajetan, protector, of good memory, by the which your autho
rity was delegated unto you ; as doth manifestly appear to him that
reads the same. Your reverence's own writing we will here set down
word for word.1

" It is not his holiness's intention, and never was, that, in exercising
" of my authority for correction of manners and conserving of our
" ecclesiastical discipline and peace, in this time and in these difficulties,
" we should be bound in anywise to the form of contentious and court
" trials, especially in the revocation of faculties, the grant whereof, as
" also the continuance, is to be deemed merely voluntary ; whereas de-
" legated faculties do cease, without any crime committed, at the only
" pleasure of the granter, or of one that hath authority from him.
" June 17, 1600. G.B., archpriest of the catholics of England."

VI. The last cause is, for that your reverence hath, by ordaining,
decreed (we will use your own very words) and promulgated a decree,
wherein you have pronounced and declared all us, who, before the
coming of the apostolic breve, made stay of submitting ourselves, for
many causes, unto your authority, to be in very deed disobedient to the
see apostolic, and rebellious to your office instituted by the same see ;
and have, moreover, under pain of suspension, interdiction, and loss of
all faculties, to be incurred ipso facto, prohibited us that by no means
we should presume, either by word or writing, directly or indirectly, to
defend that our delay, wherein your reverence and the provincial
father of the society of Jesus, with others your complices, do affirm and
boldly maintain the nature of deadly sin and very schism itself to be
included : and many more, through your authority and persuasion, have
commonly holden us, and do still repute us, as men guilty of the said
enormities. Whereupon, we cannot but wonderfully admire the too
too great severity of this decree, both depriving us of the reputation of

1 Letter to Charnock.

APPENDIX. [NO. xxx.

our good names, and bringing burden intolerable for many respects
upon us. For, seeing we are commanded both by God's law and
man's, yea, by the very instinct of nature itself, and lastly, by the reason
of our office, to defend our fame, and, so near as we can, to preserve it
from touch or blemish, your reverence hath expressly forbidden us
this duty, under most grievous ecclesiastical penalties and censures.
And whereas, beside, we took our orders of priesthood (by which in
stitution of life we fell into the heavy displeasure of our prince, and are
made incapable of all temporal commodities, and are every minute in
continual danger to lose our lives) only for the recovery of souls, and
for propagating the catholic faith, your reverence hath bereaved us of
that special thing which, before others, was most necessary to the attain
ing of the same, viz., the use of our faculties, for this only cause, that
we laboured to free our good names from infaming calumniations, as
we are bound to do : whereof it must needs follow, that we shall, in
short space, be brought to unseemly beggary and want of all neces
saries, and, soon after, to most certain destruction of life. We pur
posely omit here to make any mention of that prohibition of yours, to
wit, that no man go about to seek or give any voices, or make any meetings
or assemblies ; which restraint is thought to be ordained by your reve
rence to this end, that all courses may be debarred us, by these means,
both of repelling unjust oppressions by mutual connexion of voices and
wills, and likewise of appealing to Peter's chair.

With the like severity, your reverence, in the same decree, doth also
thunder the penalty of interdiction, to be incurred ipso facto, against
all the laity that submit not themselves to your sentence or judgment
in this controversy : the sharpness of which hard dealing may justly
seem to them, for this cause, the more violent, in respect that the
penalties, [with] which they are charged by the laws of our country,
become so much the heavier and more burdensome unto them. For
those, that are of ability, pay twenty pounds a month to the queen's
exchequer, and those, that pay not the former sum, forfeit all their
goods, and two third parts of their lands ; and, if it can be proved that
they have heard mass, they pay one hundred marks. Likewise, if they
receive any priest into their house, or otherwise relieve his wants, they
lose all their goods, lands, and life. Which being so, they think your
reverence dealeth too severely and unjustly with them, by inflicting
this censure of interdict, whereby they neither can receive sacraments,
nor be present at divine service, nor yet be buried after Christian man
ner, if they defend the sentence of the most famous university of Paris
(as appeareth by the decree of your reverence before alleged), or take
upon them in any sort to defend the good names of their ghostly

NO. xxx.] APPENDIX. Cxliii

fathers, or any way clear those from the imputation of schism, by whose
good means they were either first brought to the obedience of the see
apostolic, or continued in the same, and do well know, by their long
conversing with them, the sincere integrity of their lives. The decree
is as follovveth : —

" We, by our authority received from his holiness, do pronounce and
" declare that those first letters of our institution did truly bind all the
" catholics in England ; and that those, who have any ways wittingly
" impugned our authority, were truly disobedient to the see apostolic,
" and rebellious against our office instituted by the same see." And a
little after: —

" We forbid all priests, in virtue of holy obedience, and under pain
" of suspension and interdict (the absolution whereof we reserve to our-
" selves), I add also, the loss of all their faculties, to be incurred ipso
"facto (the laity likewise, under pain of interdict to be incurred ipso
"facto), that none of them presume in any wise, by word or writing,
" directly or indirectly, to defend that former disobedience, the cause
" of so great perturbation of peace amongst us.

" Instructed by long experience what great inconveniences have
" grown, to the upholding of discord, by those privy meetings, which,
" in former years, we have prohibited, so far as they have been the
" nourishments of schisms, [we] do therefore once again strictly forbid
" all such assemblies, commanding all our assistants, and other reverend
" priests, that they advertise us of all such meetings and assemblies,
" which tend not to the furtherance of piety and hospitality, or of
" civility and peace. And we prohibit, under pain of suspension from
" divine functions, and loss of all faculties, that no priest, in any wise,
" by word or writing, go about either to seek or give any voices, for
" what cause soever, before the same be known to be communicated
" with us, or with two of our assistants." — These things are in the
aforesaid decree.

For which intolerable wrongs and oppressions, and many other in
dignities which we have endured, these two years' space and more, and
for that, likewise, we do not know whether your reverence hath any
authority at all to make decrees, seeing no such faculty appeareth in
the constitutive letter, —

In the name of God, Amen: In the year of our Lord, 1600, thir
teenth indiction, the 17th day of the month of November, and in the
ninth year of the papacy of our most holy father Clement, by the pro
vidence of God the eighth of that name, We, English priests, whose names
are underwritten, finding ourselves aggrieved in the premises, and fearing
more grievous oppressions in time to come, do make our appeal and

APPENDIX. [NO. xxx.

provocation to the see apostolic, and ask of you, Master George Black-
well, the first, second, and third time, instantly, more instantly, and
most instantly, our apostles, or dimissory letters, submitting ourselves,
and all we have, persons, faculties, goods, and rights, to the tuition,
protection, and defence of our most holy father Clement the eighth,
and to the see apostolic. And we make this our appeal in our own
names, and in the names both of the clergy and laity ; of which latter
there are many hundreds, whose names, for just causes, are concealed,
that adhere unto us by means of the controversy of schism, or in any
of the aforesaid matters, or dependence, or prosecution thereof, or after
any other sort ; desiring, if there be any thing to be added, taken away,
or changed, for the more validity of these presents, that the same may
be added, taken away, or changed, as the form of law shall require.

Given at Wisbeach, the year and day of the month, indiction, and
the year of the papacy as above.

Thomas Bluet. Francis Montfort.

Christopher Bagshaw. Anthony Hebourne.

Christopher Thules. Anthony Charnpney.

James Taylor. John Bingley.

John Thules. John Boswell.

Edmund Calverley. Robert Thules.

William Cox. Cuthbert Trollop.

James Cope. Robert Benson.

John Colleton. Richard Button.

George Potter. Francis Foster.

John Mush. Edward Bennet.

William Watson. John Bennet.

William Clark. William Mush.

John Clinch. Doctor Norris.

Oswald Needham. Roger Cadwallader.

Roger Strickland. Jasper Lobery.

Robert Drury.

[Three months later, Blackwell placed the following paper in the hands of a
Mr. Jackson, by whom it was shewn to Colleton.]

*** Blackwell's further censure of Colleton. Feb. 21, 1601.
[Just Defence, 190.]

Because master John Colleton, not only for those former letters, pre
fixed before the pretended Appeal (which may truer bear the title of
an infamous libel), whereunto himself doth acknowledge to have given
' Ms consent, but also in respect of his letters lately sent, the 29th of
Janiiary, not unlike to these later [former] which came from Wis-
}•'•*',

NO. \xx.] APPENDIX.

beach, hath fallen into the same penalties,1 him likewise we declare to
have incurred the like censures and penalties (namely, suspension, in
terdict, and the loss of all faculties), which we by these presents do
impose upon him. Which truly we ought necessarily to have done,
though it had been but for this only cause, that master doctor George
Trensham (whom the framers of that libel call by the name of Potter),
James Cope, and Richard Button, partly by their own handwriting and
oath, and partly, as we have heard, by serious protestations, do deny
ever to have given their consent to those letters : the blame of which
fraud we truly know not to whom we should rather impute, than to
Mr. Colleton, who sent us the letters.

Colleton to Blackwell, in reply to the preceding. March 10, 1600-1.

[Copy formerly in Douay College.]
Sir, —

M. Jackson hath shewed me the writing, that Master N. delivered
him from you. These are (as much as I may, without prejudice to my
appeal) to request you, first, to give me to understand, by what autho
rity you interdicted me ; in respect, that neither the letters patent, nor
his holiness's brief, nor any addition, that I ever heard of, give you any
shew of the like jurisdiction : Secondly, if you have more authority
than the constitutive letter, the additions, instructions, and the brief
import, yet to vouchsafe to let me know the ground and warrantize
you proceed upon, in suspending, and declaring me to be interdicted,
without citing me before : Thirdly, that, being the imposer of these
heavy censures, you would not refuse to acquaint me, by what law or
right you can (having admitted my appeal) take this severe course, so
infinitely both to my own hurt, and to the temporal and spiritual
damage of many others : Fourthly, to instruct me, by what rule of con
science you charge me with fraud, and so grievously punish me for the
same ; making it a cause of inflicting the censures, for that three names
were put in the appeal, which the parties themselves, whose names they
were, do now deny to have yielded their consents thereunto ; wherein
I am as free, be it true, or be it otherwise, from all fault (the setting
down of their names being no act of mine) as yourself, or any man in
the world.2 You say, because I sent you the appeal. A weaker colour
could not be set out. I expect a better reason ; or else, I must think
the injury to be most great. That Mr. Trensham was put down in

1 [Some other person seems to have been censured in a preceding part of the
paper.— 71.]

2 [The parties, here alluded to, afterwards "renewed and sent their several
peals to Master Blackwell."— Just Defence, 183. — T.~]

VOL. III. It

Cxlvi APPENDIX. [NO. xxxi.

the appeal by the name of Potter (this being the name, whereby he
was usually called both in Rome and Wisbeach, and taken to be his
right name) is so light an error, as, amongst the wise, not [to be] worth
the reckoning of. I desire to receive your answer and satisfaction to
these ; and in writing, as you delivered my rebukes. Or, if you mean
not to deal so charitably with me, I would by these advertise you, that
there is small reason, why I should make scruple to serve God in
wonted manner. Our Lord forgive you, and father Garnet, if his
advice be to these afflictions; as, without his advice, one of the in
structions directeth you not to do any thing of weight.1 I leave ; not
mistrusting but, when the extremities are truly known, a good part of
Christendom will cry shame upon the injustice and measure. March 10,
1600, when I receiv your's.

Your Reverence's

John Colleton.

No. JXXI.— ( Referred to at page 54-J
*** Bluet to Mush. July 1, 1601.

[Briefe Apologie, 210.]

What you do abroad, or what you think, I do not know ; for I know
not how to write unto you. I spare not my body, nor my purse, in
following this matter, &c. These fourteen weeks, I have spent £12;
and in dividends I have not received seven shillings. Sed non in hoc
justijicatiis sum. The case standeth thus : — I have, by opening the
cause unto their honours and to Caesar (the queen], obtained that four
principal men shall be banished, after a sort, to follow the appeal, —
doctors Bagshawe, Bluet, Champney, and Barnaby, all prisoners. They
shall be here with me on Wednesday next. A month they shall have,
within the realm, of liberty, to ride abroad for money amongst their
friends, and then choose their port, to be gone with some countenance.
I hope no man will be offended with this plot of mine, but with their

1 [The following passage from a letter written by Garnet to Persons, in June,
1598, relative to these " Instructions," embodies some curious facts : —

" The article, which was omitted in the first copy of the instructions, shall be
added. But yet, I would you had considered that it toucheth nobody but
myself: so that herein there will be matter of some triumph unto such as
chiefly sought to have our faculties abridged : for there was never any secular
that had authority to subdelegate, but Mr. Mush ; and that expired by cardinal
Allen's death. By this also I have lost the chiefest means that I had, to win the
favour of good honest priests : but, if it may not be continued, or renewed, that
which by the see apostolic was so long since granted, I hope yet that we shall
all gain, for our particular, encrease of faculties, the copy whereof I expect.
And verily, it will be no small prejudice to the common necessities, when none
can communicate, but the archpresbyter alone, who cannot so easily be met withal"
Stonyh. MSS. Ang. A. ii. 37.— ST.]

APPENDIX. CXlvii

purses assist us. It hath cost me many a sweat, and many bitter tears,
ere I could effect it. I have, in some sort, pacified the wrath of our
prince conceived against us, and of her council, and have laid the fault
where it ought to be, and proved that the secular priests are innocent,
for the most part, &c. Be cheerful and hope well in spe contra spem ;
and keep this secret to yourself. I have made M. Watson's peace, if
he will himself. When I come down, I will tell you more. You are
well thought of, &c. Pridie visitations B. V. MariEe, 1601 .'

Yours,

Thomas Bluet.

No. XXXII.— (Referred to at page 54.)
*** - -to Blackivell. Sept. 16, 1601.
[Copy, apparently in Garnet's hand, Stonyhurst MSS. Ang. A. iii. 3.]
Good Sir,

With the remembrance of my humble duty, it may like you to give

1 [I print this letter as it is given by Persons in his Briefe Apologie ; and, as far
as it concerns the particular point for which I have cited it, it is sufficient. It is
right, however, to remark, that it is confessedly only an extract ; that there is an
omission at each of the places marked by an " &c."; and that, as Persons has in
serted it, for the express purpose of attacking Bluet, it is not improbable that only
so much is given as seemed best qualified to answer this purpose. Persons, in
fact, was never scrupulous in his mode of dealing with these papers. Three in-
stances of his infidelity the reader has already seen (pp. lix. Ixxv. cv.), a fourth, not
less remarkable than the others, at this moment occurs to me. With a view to
set forth the importance of his own services in the pacification of the Roman
college, he prints, among other documents, a portion of a letter, addressed to him
by the general of the society, only a few days before matters were arranged with
the students. In it, Aquaviva looks forward to a speedy termination of all dif
ferences ; tells Persons that, in appeasing the timiults, and reforming the disor
ders, of the college, he will have all the merit of a second founder ; and then
concludes, so Persons at least assures us, with the following invitation to
Naples. " This lord viceroy desireth much to see you here shortly ; and I have
committed the matter to your own consideration for the time, what will be most
convenient " (Briefe Apol. 58). To avoid the possibility of doubt or mistake, a
marginal note is affixed to this passage ; and we are there distinctly informed
that the viceroy alluded to is "the Counte Olyvares." Now, the original of the
letter here cited, which is in Spanish, is at this moment before me: and will the
reader believe that it not only does not contain the passage in question, but
that it makes not the most distant allusion to anything of the kind: that neither
the viceroy, nor any other person whatsoever, is mentioned ; and that what is
here represented as the anxiety of a great man to see him, is, in reality, nothing
more than the expression of a hope on the part of the writer, that he (Persons)
will continue to employ his piety and prudence in the affair with which he is
entrusted, that he will see every necessity as it arises, and will apply such
remedies, at such time, and in such manner, as shall be most conducive to the
great object in view ?— I subjoin the words of the original. " No tengo que decir
en este particular, sino esperar que vuestra reverencia, con su religion y pru-
dencia yra viendo toclos los particulares, y applicando los remedies quales,
quando, y como converna." (Original in my possession). — As almost all the
worst charges against the appellants rest originally on the authority of Persons,
it is necessary to point out these things. — 7T.l

Cxlviii APPENDIX. [NO. xxxu.

me leave shortly to advertise you of some particulars, whereof I am
informed.

This day, the sixteenth of this present, our ambassadors for Rome
depart, if Mr. Colleton's scribe can make an end of such things as he
is in copying out, because they are to have them with them: otherwise,
they stay till to-morrow, or the next day, that they be done. The
matters he is in copying are, for the most part, letters written by some
of the society, namely, that which was written by one of them to the
lady N., and such like matters of that sort. The men, that go at the
present, are Mush, Champney, and Barnaby. These are to stay in
France till the rest do come to them, which are Bagshawe and Bluet;
but a doubt is made of Bluet's going ; at the least, of his passage, any
further than France, in regard of his age. They have received com
fortable letters of late (as some of them have uttered): but I cannot
learn from what place. This day Bagshawe is expected to come to
the town, if he came not yesternight.

They are very well moneyed, as I hear, to the value of almost 1,000/.,
whereof well near 400/. of the money was made of gold chains and
other jewels exchanged. This I learn of one, through whose hands
much of it did pass.

They are fully bent to uphold the matters they have printed, and to
prosecute the course they have begun, by all the means and friends
they can make; and will aggravate all things to the uttermost. I hear
that yourself, father Walley,1 father Gerard, and father Lister are the
persons they chiefly enquire after : and it is told me that Barrowes,
now at his return, hath brought letters to you all four, and a pair of
beads of straw in particular to father Gerard, from a religious woman
at St. Omer's.

Watson keepeth most at Putney, under the bishop's elbow, by whose
appointment he is placed there. He is now in penning of certain
articles against the Jesuits, together with a large preface and discourse
upon the same, which, as is intended, shall shortly be printed. There
was a consultation, not many days past, of eight of them met together
by appointment, whereof Watson was one.

These things I could not hear, but that I thought it my part to ad
vertise you of it. And I wish that father Walley also may have notice
of their intentions: and God grant that their endeavours may be so en
countered, that they may receive a just rebuke for their tumultuous
dealings.

Thus with my humble commendations, I take my leave, beseeching

1 Garnet.

NO. xxxiii.] APPENDIX. Cxlix

Almighty God to prosper you and protect you. This~16th of Septem
ber, 1601. [Humbly yours in all obedience.

No.fXXXIIL— (Referred to at page 54.)

Breve dementis VIII. Papa pro tollendis dissidiis Anglicanis, circa
Georgium Blackwellum"mArchipresbyterum. Aug. 17, 1601.

[MS. in possession of the dean and chapter]

Dilectis filiis magistro Georgio Blackvvello, nostro et sedis apostolicae
notario, regni'Angliae archipresbytero,"ca3terisque ejus regni presbyteris,
clericis, et'populo catholico universe.

Clemens Papa VIII.

Dilecti filii, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Cum nobilissi-
mum Anglise regnum,~quod olim studio sincerae pietatis, et catholicae
fidei cultu maxirne floruit, a multis annis, pravis haeresum erroribus
infectum, et*a catholics ecclesiae unitate, ac Romani pontificis, Christi
in terris vicarii, obedientia sejunctum fuerit, facere non potuimus, quin,
gravissimae hujus jacturae causa, intimo sensu cordis et magno animi
dolore semper afficeremur. Non mediocri tamen laetitia perfusi postea
sumus, quod intelligeremus, orthodoxam religionem in eodeni regno
paulatim reviviscere, et aliquos fideles presbyteros, strenuos verbi Dei
ministros, potestates mundi hujus non tirnentes, ac Deo potius, quam
hominibus obedire cupientes, ibi diligentem navare operam, non solum
ut catholici, qui residui sunt, in fide conserventur, sed etiam, qui a
recto veritatis tramite recesserunt, ipsorum ductu et exemplo in viam
salutis redeant, et fidem Romanae ecclesise, illiusque obedientiam am-
plectantur. Nuper vero, ingenti gaudio fuimus affecti, quod, Deo
nostra bonorumque omnium vota adjuvante, catholicae religionis cul-
tores in tantum numerum excrevisse audiremus, ut diutius sine rectore
animarum esse non possent, sed superiore aliquo spiritual! indigerent,
qui earn multitudinem in Domino regeret, atque ad optatum aeternse
felicitatis portum traduceret. Habita igitur jam a biennio super hac
re matura deliberatione, bonae memoriae Henrico titulo sanctae Puden-
tianae presbytero cardinali, Caietano noncupato, nationis Anglorum
protectori, commisimus, ut virum aliquem probum qui hoc onus, ad
communem catholicorum utilitatem, posset sustinere, deligeret ; eum-
que archipresbyterum ejusdem regni Angliae, authoritate nostra, con-
stitueret. Qui Henricus cardinalis protector, multorum relatione, et
fama probitatis ac prudentise tuae, fili archipresbyter, adductus, te in
universo Angliae regno archipresbyterum eadem authoritate deputavit,
omnibusque ibidem fidelibus catholicis prasfecit, cum nonnullis declara-
tionibus, privilegiis, indultis, instructionibus, facultatibus, tibi attributis,
prout in ejusdem Henrici cardinalis protectoris literis latius continetur.

APPENDIX. [so. xxxin.

Et licet haec archipresbyteri in eo regno institutio, quae priraa fuit post
cultum catholicum ibi per haeresim dissipatum, multorum approbatione
et gaudio accepta fuerit, qui se tuis mandatis libenter obtemperaturos
dixerunt, nonnullos tamen reluctari coepisse audivimus : Primo quidem,
eo prsetextu, quod cuperent voluntatem nostrarn per literas apostolicas,
aut alias certiils sibi innotescere : deinde, quod eorum aliqui ejusdem
Henrici cardinalis protectoris literas in dubium vocare non dubitaverint.
Qua in contentione atque animorum discrepantia, multa inter eos qui
fidem literis dicti Henrici cardinalis protectoris adhibendam, tibique ob-
temperandum esse statuerant, et illos qui authoritati tuse subjicere se re-
cusarunt,niutua cum off'ensione,acerbe dicta factaque esse, non sine animi
nostri molestia accepimus. Atque imprimis, adversus eos qui tibi obedire
recusabant, tractaturn quendam de schismate editum fuisse intelleximus,
in quo multa de obedientia Romano Pontifici denegata, de fide et au-
thoritate humana contempta, de schismate et rebellione, ac de excom-
municationis et irregularitatis incursu, aliisque multis, contra eos scripta
et divulgata fuerunt. Quare, cum gravis admodum in eorundem animis
agitatio commota esset, turn vero longe major indignatio suboriri ccepit,
quod tu, certis causis adductus, rogantibus illis ut eum tractatum revo-
cares, per literas tuas respondisti, medecinam non prius amovendam
esse, quam ulcus persanaretur. Cumque hisce tuis, ac privatis aliorum
literis, iidem inobedientias et schismatis insimularentur, ac ne ii quidem
ab injuriis in alios inferendis temperarent, acrior inter eos dissensio visa
fuit excitari. Quare nos, ad tollendam hanc omnem discordiam, literas
nostras in forma brevis ad te, fili archipresbyter, misimus ; quibus,
literarum praedicti Henrici cardinalis protectoris tenorem pro expresso
habentes, ejus de tua persona electionem, et in dicti regni archipresby-
terum constitutionem, cum omnibus privilegiis, indultis, instructionibus,
declarationibus, et facultatibus, tibi per dictum Henricum cardinalem
protectorem concessis, authoritate apostoliea approbavimus et con-
firmavimus. Quse nostrae literse simul atque promulgate ad vestram,
n'lii presbyteri, notitiam devenerunt, omnem illico sedatam fuisse dis
cordiam, et summam pacem, reconciliata inter vos gratia, depositisque
odiis et simultatibus, initam fuisse, magno nostro cum gaudio cognovi-
mus. At vero, quia nonnullorum animis adhuc haerebat offensio
quasdam, quod illi, qui primo tibi, fili archipresbyter, obtemperare
recusaverant, schismatic! a quibusdam esse censerentur, eaque de re
satisfactionem aliquam sibi fieri postularent, tu, iisdem causis adductus,
constitutae authoritatis detractores videri tibi schismaticos fuisse, re
spondisti (quod dolentes referimus), et ideo consilium judiciumque
tuum fuisse, ut ipsi aliquam ejus rei rationem prius haberent, ac satis
factionem facerent, quam absolutions bencficium acciperent. Quas

NO. xxxm.] APPENDIX. cli

res simul atque proposita fuit, subito, quasi novo inflicto vulnere, ilia
omnia, quae jam consanuisse videbantur, recrudescere cceperunt;
pristinaeque dissensiones et discordiae renovatae sunt : quod, videlicet,
illi neque schismaticos se fuisse, neque tales se haberi aut existiraari,
velle dicerent. In quo dissidio, licet aliqua edicta a te facta essent, ea
tamen illorum aniraos magis irritarunt. Quamobrem ii ad nos, et ad
sedem apostolicam appellarunt; nosque eorum appellationem, non-
nullas causas et brevera quandam rei gestae relationem continentem,
aliquorum presbyteroruni manibus subscriptarn, vidimus atque perlegi-
raus. Caeterum, his omnibus visis atque consideratis, facile primo ad-
vertimus, omnem hanc dissensionum procellam a patre discordiarurn
diabolo esse suscitatam, qui, cum eo in regno salutem animarum omni
studio conetur impedire, nullam viam faciliorem sibi putat, quam si
intestina inter presbyteros catholicos, ad earn promovendam ibi con
stitutes, odia dissensionesque excitet ac foveat ; ut, dum privatis con-
tentionibus intenti sunt, communem animarum procurationem negli-
gant. Quocirca, ut his incommodis ac malis, pro nostra pastorali
solicitudine, et paterna in regnum istud charitate, consulamus, literarum
tarn dicti Henrici cardinalis protectoris, quam nostrarum supradictarum
tenores praesentibus pro insertis habentes, te imprimis in tua dignitate,
et officio archipresbyteri, in eodem Anglias regno, cum facultatibus per
alias nostras literas tibi attributis, eadem authoritate apostolica tenore
prsesentium confirmamus, et, quatenus opus sit, de novo praeficimus ;
necnon ea, quse per dictas literas tibi attributa fuerunt, sine ulla contra-
dictione exercere posse, ac debere, volumus et declaramus : quanquam
hoi; etiam te meminisse convenit, totam hanc authoritatem ad ani
marum aedificationem, non ad destructionem, a nobis tibi esse con-
cessam, teque non modo omnium, qui ibidem sunt, catholicorum
spiritualem superiorem, sed etiam patrem, esse, eorumque curam ita
gerere oportere, ut pascas eum, qui sub te est, gregem Domini ; pro-
videns, non coacte, sed spontanee, secundum Deum, nee dominans in
clero, sed forma factus gregis ex animo ; ut, cum apparuerit princeps
pastorum, percipias immarcessibilem gloriae coronam. Omnium itaque
salutem, pacem, et animorum tranquillitatem debes procurare; quod
non difficile tibi fore putamus, si pari omnes facilitate paternaque
charitate complectaris, neque te hisce magis quam istis propensum esse
demonstres. Is enim, qui in ecclesiastica dignitate caeteris praeest, et
omnibus prodesse cupit, in hoc maxime eniti debet, ut summis virtuti-
bus et singulari charitate reliquis antecellat, spectata prudentia, adalios
regendos necessaria, et patientia, Christiano homine ac praesule digna,
prseditus existat. Sit verus omnium pater, sequus judex, pastor bonus,
qui animam suam, exemplo Christi Domini, ponat pro ovibus suis.

APPENDIX. [NO. xxxm.

Atque ideo etiam te monemus, ut, in hoc delate tibi regimine severitati
mansuetudinem admiscens, munus tuuni et fortiter et suaviter exe-
quaris ; ne scilicet aut hi benignitate tua abutantur, aut isti a te tua
severitate avertantur : disciplina eniin et misericordia rnultuin destitui-
tur, si una sine altera teneatur. Praeterea non priiis verbo aut scripto
quemquam damnes, quam re mature deliberata, atque comperta ;
fidelium vero tibi subditorum libellos famosos in vulgus edi minime
patiaris: omnem demum subortara inimicitiarum et contentionum
segetem, antequam altius crescat, celeri manu praecides ; ne> qui mutuis
altercationibus atque dissidiis vacant, graviora mala non prsecaventes,
in deterius rnisere prolabantur.

At vero vos, filii presbyteri, qui libenter institutum a nobis archi-
presbyterum suscepistis, valde in Domino commendamus, et vehemen-
ter exhortamur, ut ea, quae ad initarn pacem conservandam pertinent,
sedulo procuretis. Caeterum, quia non licet Christiana? humilitatis et
obedientiae fines transilire, vos etiam monendos esse duximus, ne in
vestris bonis operibus vobis plus aequo arrogare velitis, neque ullos
damnare aut contemnere praesumatis : precipue vero, ne obloquentes
aliis exprobretis, neve scripto aut verbo quenquam offendatis ; lingua
enim universitas iniquitatis, instar ignis urentis, corpus animumque in-
flammat, et odia provocat. Verum, si quis adversus fratrem suum
aliquid habuerit, corripiat eum secreto in charitate, et spiritu mansue-
tudinis, ut eum lucretur. Quod si ille ejusmodi monitioni non acquies-
cat, turn demum ecclesiae dicat, cujus est examinare, et quod justum
est judicare. Unusquisque vero vestrum in summa lenitate, et chari
tate non ficta, muneri et officio suo diligenter incumbat. Neminern
irritet, neminem verbis provocet. Quod si aemulationem Dei habetis,
videte, ut secundum scientiam habeatis. Nunc autem ambulate in
sapientia, non quae terrena est, sed quae desursum est, quae pacifica est,
modesta, plena misericordia et fructibus bonis, non judicans, sine simu-
latione. Denique diiigite alterutrum ; omnis enim lex in hoc sermone
impletur, diitges pruximum tuiim sicut teipsum. Quod si invicem mor-
detis et comeditis, videte ne ab invicem consumamini. Quare iterum
vos hortamur, ut spiritu ambuletis : fructus autem Spiritus estcharitas,
gaudium, pax, patientia, et benignitas.

Vos autem, filii presbyteri, qui archipresbytero, superiori vestro,
obedire neglexistis, quid causae habuistis, cur praedicti Henrici cardina-
lis protectoris literis fidem non haberetis? Sane vestro superiori vos
submittere, atque ei obedire debebatis. Quare vos paterne monemus,
et toto animi nostri afFectu hortamur, ut omni memoria discordiarum
perpetua oblivione deleta, simultatibusque depositis, in veram et since-
rarn amicitiam redeatis, et ornnia libenter pro Christo, cujus causam

NO. xxxni.] APPENDIX. cllii

agitis, invicem condonetis. Nos enim nihil a quoquam vestrum, hac
in causa, ulterius requiri debere decernimus ; et propterea vobis, et
aliis quibuscunque vestrse nationis, super praemissis omnibus et singulis,
perpetuum silentium imponimus. Vestrae autem appellationi minime
deferendum duximus : communem enim unionem et concordiam, non
vestram dissensionem, desideramus ; quam, si eidem appellationi detu-
lissemus, magis augeri posse existimavimus. Ut vero totius discordise
fomes e medio tollatur, tractatum ilium de schismate, scriptaque omnia
hac occasione edita, ex quibus odium dissidiumve rursus excitari pos
set, authoritate apostolica supprimimus ; atque ut ilia, aliave ejusmodi
ad hanc rem spectantia, nullo unquam tempore conscribantur, divul-
gentur, aut retineantur, seu conscribi, divulgari, aut retineri ab aliquo
consentiatur, sub excommunicationis, ipso facto incurrendse, pcena, per
prsesentes vobis, fili archipresbyter et presbyteri universi, prsecipimus
et mandamus ; ac nomen schismatis, hac de causa, inter vos penitus
extinguimus et abolemus ; et ne ullam amplius illius mentionem faciatis,
vobis sub iisdem poenis interdicimus et prohibemus. Prseterea, vos
omnes ejusdem regni presbyteros per viscera Domini nostri Jesu
Christi obsecramus, ut id ipsiim dicatis omnes, et sitis perfecti in eodem
sensu, et removentes omnem dissensionem ; cum omni humilitate, man-
suetudine, et patientia supportantes invicem in charitate : solicit! ser-
vare unitatem spiritus in vinculo pacis : contentiones vero, aemulationes,
animositates, detractiones, neque sint inter vos, neque ullo modo nomi-
nentur. Verum si diligenter proprise vitae institutum attendatis, spera-
mus fore, ut in concordiam facile redeatis. Nonne animas vestras
tradidistis in ministerium evangelii pacis? Unde igitur dissentiones
inter vos, qui pacem prsedicatis ? Nonne multos quotidie Christo lucri-
facere studetis, in laboribus plurimis, in fame et siti, in periculis, in
persecutionibus ? Ac vosmetipsos ad carceres, ad cruces, ad mortem
denique pro nomine Domini nostri Jesu Christi cornparatis ? Cur
igitur invicem non suffertis, qui tanta perferre parati estis ? Verum
hasc summa est fallacis diaboli astutia, qua vos non apertis armis op-
pugnat, sed occultis inimicitiarum insidiis a mutua charitate conatur
separare ; ut qui conjunctis animis ecclesiam Christi aedificare debetis,
divisi in vestram et aliorum perniciem magno cum dedecore ruatis.
Sed nolite locum dare diabolo ; verum idem sapite : pacem habete ad
invi cem : omnia denique facite sine murmurationibus et hsesitaionibus,
ut sitis sinequerela, et simplices filii Dei, sine reprehensione in medio
nationis pravae et perversae. Obedite igitur omnes unanimiter praopo-
sitis vestris, humiliantes animas vestras sub potenti manu Dei, ut vos
exaltet in tempore visitationis. Omnes honorate ; omnes invicem hu-
militatem insinuate ; fraternitatem diligite. Verum, si forte laicorum

Cliv APPENDIX. [NO. xxxiv.

aliqui istius regni Angliae, ad quos harum rerum riotitia pervenit, ex
hac ecclesiasticorum dissentione ofFensi fuerint, nos eosdem pariter in
Domino hortamur, ne id sibi scandalo sumant, aut ob earn causam
aliquid debitae religiosis et sacerdotibus reverentiae detrahant, vel a
procuranda catholics fidei propagatione retardentur : sed, animadver-
tentes omnem hanc contentionis originem et progressionem a cornmuni
humani generis hoste factam esse, religiosos omnes et sacerdotes debito
honore prosequantur ; et in amplificandae catholicae religionis studio
magis accendantur. Fides enim nostra super firmam petram aedificata
est, adversus quam portae inferi praevalere nunquam poterunt ; et iv-
ligio catholica rebus adversis crescere, et positis impediments dilatari,
consuevit. Volumus autem ut prsesentium nostrarum literarum exein-
plaria, etiam impressa, manuque notarii publici, et sigillo prselati eccle-
siastici, aut illius curiae obsignata, eandem ubique locorum fidem faciant,
quam ipsae praesentes facerent, si essent exhibitae vel ostensae. Dat.
Romae apud S. Marcum, sub annulo piscatoris, die 17 Augusti, 1601,
pontificates nostri anno decimo.

M. Vestrius Barbianus.

No. XXXIV.— (Referred to at page 55.)

*^* The Appellants in Rome, to their Brethren in England.

March 4-, 1602.
[Copy in my possession. Directed to Mr. Edward Bennett.]

The great desire we have of your welfare in all things will not permit
us to have any comfort, without making you partakers thereof. To
satisfy, therefore, that longing expectation which we know is in you, to
hear something both of our estates and the terms of that business,
wherein we are employed by you, we thought good to address unto you
these few lines, joining you all in one, for saving of time and labour,
and also to signify that our desire is, that all our brethren shall be par
takers thereof. To omit, therefore, all superfluous compliments, and to
come to the purpose, —

We do you to understand that the 16th of February, stilo novo, we
all arrived at Rome, in good health (God be thanked); our journey
having been more prosperous, than we could have expected at this time
of the year. Before we came, our adversaries gave out that we durst
not come;1 and, since our coming, they have laboured to prevent us
with all those, with whom they think we shall have to do. Their accu
sations are such, for the most part, as, by our very coming, are satisfied.
It is a world to see how they bestir themselves, and what reports they

1 [" But, as we persuade ourselves, they mean not to go thither; having done,
said, and written, as they have." Persons's Manifestation, 69a. — T.]

NO. xxxiv.] APPENDIX. Civ

give out of us. We, in the mean time, are quiet and silent ; which
course is approved best by all our friends : and our adversaries do them
selves small good, and us no harm, by their scandalous manner of pro
ceeding. We have not as yet spoken with any one of our opposite
friends, nor intend to do, but by the way of civil salutations.

We have, by God's providence, and the favour of the Christian king,
found here such friends, as (God willing) we shall not need to fear the
power of our adversaries. This day, after dinner, we are (God willing)
to have audience of his holiness, who hath promised to hear our cause
at large ; which, being the thing that we have all so long desired, is no
small comfort unto us, nor no small hope will be to you.

This is all we can say, for the present, concerning the estate of our
affairs : hereafter, as things succeed, we shall not be unmindful to let
you understand. In the mean time, whilst we are in the fight, hold up
your hands to the Almighty God, and pray that truth, equity, and
justice may have the upper hand, of whose side soever it be. And when
our business is a little over-passed, we shall (God willing) not be for
getful of you, in these holy places, where we know you all desire to be
remembered.

Here is objected unto us the printing of certain books, containing
heresy and evil sounding propositions : they are said to be divulged in
the name of the secular priests. Our answer is, and most truly, that
we neither knew nor consented to the printing of any such. If any of
our brethren, therefore, have committed any such error, it is necessary
that he acknowledge it, and satisfy for it.i

There is a book printed by our adversaries, which is titled " An
Apology of the Hierarchy instituted by his holiness," or to this effect.2

1 [The books here particularly alluded to, are the " Important Considera
tions," and the " Quodlibets," both published by Watson, in this and the pre
ceding year. — T.~\

2 [This book, as the reader is aware, was written by Persons, though, to
further his own views, he attributed it, in the title-page, to the " priests united
in due subordination to the archpriest." 1 have elsewhere remarked (page 54,
ante), that the breve, signed on the 17th of August, 1601, and immediately trans
mitted to Blackwell, was, by that functionary, suppressed until the end of the
following January. There is reason to believe that the cause of this strange
proceeding may be discovered in the present work. The breve forbad all future
publications on the subject of tlie late controversy. Persons knew this: but he
was, at the very moment, engaged in writing the Apology; and not only
Colleton, in his " Just Defence " (pref. 1, 2), but also Dr. Ely (Brief Notes,
pref. 4), and others assure us, that he instructed Blackwell to withhold the
breve, until such time as the Apology should have appeared. The latter was
published, with Blackwell's permission, at the beginning of the new year ; the
former on the twenty-sixth of January. Colleton immediately replied to the
Apology by his " Just Defence ; " and Persons, on the ground that Colleton
had violated the prohibition of the breve, forthwith denounced both the writer

APPENDIX. [NO. xxxiv.

In it, under the name of the obedient priests, are answered the two
books; that to the pope, and that of Letters and Discourses.1 We
have not. seen the book itself, which is in English, but an epitome of it,
which they have printed in Latin. In it they say there was never any
such thing in cardinal Bellarmine's letter from Ferrara, as that father
Persons need not come thither.3 I pray you send us the copy of the
letter, if you have it, with some testimony that it accordeth with that,
which was shewed in England for his. * * * Very many other
things they deny ; which maketh us wonder at their impudency, seeing
they know them to be most true.

To conclude, here is with us Mr. Dr. Cecil, who saluteth you all in
kindness, and best manner. He hath undertaken this journey at his
own charges, for the greatest part. His endeavours hitherto have been,
and we doubt not but hereafter will be, such as will give contentment
and satisfaction even to those, who have been most jealous of him. We
hear that you have sent us some supply of money, for which we thank
you. It is not as yet come to our hands, but is like to make some stay
in the way ; yet in good time we shall have it, as we hope. If that
ointment fail not, we fear not the good success of our business ; for, if
we be able to stay it out, there is no doubt that equity will prevail.
And thus with our heartiest commendations to you all in general,
and every one in particular, we desire to be remembered to all our
children and friends. We cease. From Rome, this 4th of March,
stilo novo, 1602.

Your loving brethren,

Anthony Champney
Jo. M.

&c.

We pray you send us a copy of father Southwell's Supplication to
the Queen.

*** Mush to Mr. Edward Farrington (Bennet). March 31, 1602.

[Original in my possession.]
Good Sir,—

I received yours of the 22d. of December, about the last of February,

and his work to the pope. Stonyh. MSS. Ang. A. iii. 21 . It is Persons's rough
draft— 71.]

1 [The former of these was Mush's " Declaratio Motuum : " the latter bore
the title which is here given to it, and contained, besides an address to the
reader, two discourses on the insufficiency of cardinal Cajetan's first letter to
Blackwell, a treatise by Champney on the same subject, a letter from Persons to
Bishop in defence of his conduct towards that envoy and his companion
Charnock, and lastly a commentary or censure on this letter, together with
Bishop's own reply to it. — T.~\

2 [Apologie, p. 91 :— but see page 50, ante, of this volume.— 7'.1

NO. xxxiv.] APPENDIX. civil

in Rome We are safe under the protection of the king of

France ; otherwise we had been fast at the first. Persons is very badly
disposed, and strongly backed by his society and the Spanish ; yet, I
hope we put him to his tramps. He hath defamed us with pope, car
dinals, and all the town : but his credit weareth out apace, and he be-
cometh to be thought a very Machiavelian, and not worthy of credit in
any thing he raileth against us.1 Yet none list to displease him. We
have no dealing with him, nor he can entreat us to come at the college;
which grieveth him much. Thomas Hesket, Haddock, Baines, Thomas
Fitzherbert, and one Sweet are his mercenarii, to deal against us, and

1 [Sincerely as we must condemn the asperity of this writer's language, there
is, unfortunately, too much reason to acknowledge the truth of his present
statement. Of the conduct of Persons towards the appellants the reader will
find some specimens in the following papers : but, to comprehend the full force
of the bitter and unscrupulous animosity with which he pursued them, it is
necessary to turn for a moment to a memorial written by him, about this time,
and still preserved at Rome. It is drawn up professedly for the information of
the pope and cardinals, and is entitled " An account of the morals of some of
the principal appellants." After a pathetic declaration of the unwillingness,
with which he enters on so painful a topic, the writer proceeds to state the
reasons that have induced him to sacrifice his feelings to the public good ; calls
God to witness that he has no enmity to gratify, no intention to injure the un
fortunate subjects of his address; and then at once passes to the immediate
object in view, the lives and characters of his principal opponents. The parties
here noticed are Cecil, Bagshawe, Bluet, Watson, Clark, Colleton, Charnock,
Calverley, Potter, Mush, and Champney. Among these, however, the first place
in infamy is assigned to the present deputies of the appellants. Cecil is a
swindler, a forger, a spy, the friend of heretics and persecutors, and the betrayer
of his own brethren. Ba«-shawe is a sower of sedition, an expelled and degraded
student of the Roman college, a man of suspected faith and unchaste living, the
author of the opposition to Blackwell, and the corresponding agent, at the
present moment, between the appellants and the English government. Bluet's
qualifications are of a different order. A drunkard and a brawler, he has, at
one time, hurled a priest down stairs, and, at another, fallen intoxicated into the
Thames : in one instance he has been prevented from murdering a fellow
prisoner only by the interference of his companions, and, in another, has at
tempted, but in vain, to administer the sacraments, whilst reeking and stagger
ing from the effects of a drunken debauch. Champney and Mush, though
treated with less virulence than their companions, do not entirely escape. Both,
says the writer, have been candidates for admission into the society, and both
have been rejected, on account of their impracticable tempers. Hence the
enmity of each to the fathers ; and hence Mush, in particular, yielding to the
suggestions of an impetuous and resentful disposition, has been led to join with
the heretics against his brethren, and to assist in writing those books, which
have at once defamed the society, and scandalized every orthodox catholic (MS.
in my possession, copied from the original in Persons's handwriting, under the
inspection of the late Rt. Rev. Dr. Gradwell). Such is a brief outline of the
principal parts of this extraordinary document. That it justifies the assertions
of Mush and the other deputies, there can be no doubt : that its charges were
deemed " unworthy of credit," we want no better proof, than that they were
suffered to pass unnoticed by the pope (Letter from Deputies, copied by Dr.
Gradwell, MS. vol. in my possession, p. 169). The reader, however, will pre
sently see some of Persons's own acknowledgments on the subject. — 7YJ

dviii APPENDIX.

[NO. xxxiv.

spread calumnies. He and they charge us with heretical propositions,
contained in certain English books, set out since we came, they say, by
Mr. Watson. These we must answer, when father Persons hath set
them down in writing ; for so we desired of his holiness that he might
do. ' We have had audience. The pope told us what he had been in-
formed against us, and granted us cardinals Burghesius and Arrigone
to hear all, and relate to him. We now are in hand with the contro
versy, which cardinal Burghesius assures us will be declared for us,
shortly after this holy time. We hear that father Persons writeth
many lies abroad ; but trust nothing, unless you hear it from us. We
hope very well ; for the French ambassador is a father to us. Our diet

1 [Persons, in consequence of this, drew up a list of fourteen printed works,
to be censured by the congregation of cardinals. Besides the two books already
mentioned (p. civ.), this list contained the following : —

1. Declaratio motuuni ac turbarum, &c., ad S.D.N. Clementem VIII. ex-
hibita, by John Mush. Rouen, 1601.

2. Copies of certain Letters and Discourses. They have been described
in a preceding note.

3. Relatio Compendiosa Turbarum quas Jesuitoe Angli concivere, &c., by
Christopher Bagshawe. Rouen, 1001.

4. A sparing Discovery of the English Jesuits, lately imprinted. 1601.

5. Hope of Peace, by laying open such Doubts, and manifest Untruths, as
are divulged by the archpriest. Francf. 1601.

6. A True Relation of the Faction begun at Wisbeach, &c. By Christopher
Bagshawe. Newly imprinted, 1601.

7. A Dialogue betwixt a secular Priest and a lay Gentleman. Rheims,
1601.

8. An Answer to a Letter of a Jesuited Gentleman, by his Cousin. 1601.

9. Rationes redditae pro impressione librorum, &c.

10. 11, 12. Three works, which Persons had not seen, with whose titles and
contents he was unacquainted, but which, nevertheless, he here denounces to
the congregation. "Tres alii commemorantur jam editi, sed nondum eos
vidimus." MS. in my possession, copied from the original, in Persons's hand
writing, at Rome, by the late Rt. Rev. Dr. Gradvvell.

As a specimen of Persons's language towards his opponents, I subjoin the
passage with which he elsewhere closes his remarks on the fourth of the pre
ceding books : — " And here now the very multitude of these outrageous libels,
with the immensity of hatred, hellish spirit, and poisonous entrails, discovered
therein, do force us, against our former purpose, to cut off and stay all further
passage and proceeding in this horrible puddle of lies, slanderous invectives,
and devilish detraction ; for that the very looking them over doth weary the
heart of any true Christian : and consequently, whereas, before, we had deter
mined with ourselves to give you some tastes or examples out of them all, yet
now, finding the multitude to be without end, and the quality so base, vile, a'nd
malicious, as the venom of any lost or loose tongue, armed with audacity, and
defended with impudency, stirred up with envy, and enraged with fury, and
bounded noways by any limits of conscience, piety, or fear of God, can vomit or
cast out, to defame their brethren,— finding this, we say, we have thought good
to cease here, without further stirring the loathsome rags of so filthy a dunghill"
(Manifestation, 94). This was written and published, after the pope, by his
breve of August, 1601, had expressly prohibited all such writings, under pain of
excommunication, to be incurred ipso facto. — T.~]

NO. xxxiv.] APPENDIX. clix

is ten crowns by month : other charges about four more. Our money
waxeth low ; and small hope to have relief here. Cardinal Burghesius
hath often told me that the archpriest's opinion of schism and disobe
dience ever displeased the pope and cardinals ; and putteth us in very
good hope of the resolution shortly. Indeed, Persons's credit decayeth,
and ours increaseth : the most he doth is by lying and deceit ; and he
beginneth to be spied on all hands. The great controversy between
the Jesuits and dominicans is hotly in hand now here. Will all our
brethren to be of good comfort, and to stand fast together, and no
doubt but we shall prevail, specially if you assist us with your daily
prayers and otherwise, as every one can. Salute your brother John,
your daughter, with all the rest. It goeth not well with me, that every
day I must attend in courts, and yet profit little ; for all goeth piano,
piano, and friends do more than the equity of a cause. The cardinals
will scarce believe us, when we tell them the last breve not to have
been published in the beginning of January last. We hope shortly to
have another, of better quality for those points in controversy. Jesu
keep you. This 31st of March, 1602.

*^* Memorial against the Appellants, written by Persons, and presented
in the name of the Archpriest's agents, April, 1602.

[Rough Draft, in the handwriting- of Persons. Stonyhurst MSS. Ang. A. Hi. 11.]

Quandoquidem ea est jam Angliee nostrae misera sub haereticorum
jugo conditio, ut neque prselatos catholicos, neque notarios publicos
habent, quorum opera et authoritate acta solemnia atque instrumenta
authentica de rebus controversis confici possint, neque, etiamsi haec
adessent, liceat presbyteris catholicis per hsereticorum saevitiam una
convenire, ut de his tractent, ideo nos hue missi sumus, ut coram
sanctitate vestra, communi omnium afflictorum patre, sincere, ac con-
scientia teste, ac interveniente etiam jurejurando, referamus ac contes-
temur ea, quse in hac causa vere habentur: et licet omnia juridice,
stantibus sic rebus nostris, probari non possint, ea tamen nobis adeo
certo constant, ut pleraque, non nostro tantum testimonio, sed mani-
festis etiam turn judiciis turn rationibus, ex communi catholicorum fere
omnium judicio atque estimatione, asserere non dubitemus.

Capita vero praecipua haec sunt, quaa nos alias fusius, si opus fuerit,
deducturi atque ostensuri sumus. Primum, de praesenti Angliae statu,
qui cum haereticos et catholicos complectatur, hii, a multis jam annis in
sectas divisi, illud semper moliti sunt, ut catholicos etiam inter se com-
mitterent: quod jam etsi aliquousque per hos presbyteros, magna
ipsorum laatitia, se consecutos existiment ac glorientur, non tamen, per
Dei gratiam, ejusmodi est vulnus, quin facile sanctitatis vestrse opera

Clx APPENDIX. [NO. xxxiv.

atque authoritate curari possit. Nara cum nobilium ac laicorum uni-
versum plane corpus (quod maximum sane est, quodque presbyteris
omnibus tarn hospitia quam alimenta cseteraque ad vitam necessaria
subministret) penitus se ab his tumultuantibus subtrahat (quippe quos
quotidiana cum reginae consiliariis, sibi suisque fortunis, honori, ac
vitae insidiantibus, commercia habere videt) ; cleri vero catholici multo
maxima meliorque pars omnino eis adversetur; alii nonnulli, animis
nonnihil dubii et plurimum ab illis solicitati, finalem vestrae sanctitatis
sententiam avide expectent, perspicuum fit quam non sit futurum
vestrae sanctitati difficile has omnes turbas quamprimum compescere.

Secundum caput est de ipsis inquietis, qui numero paucissimi sunt,
si cum caeteris componantur : ita plerique illorum notissimis quibus-
dam vitiis insigniti sciuntur. Inter caetera vero magis eminent ambitio,
seditio, et mice dissolutio, quse praecipua horum omnium tumultuum
fundamenta judicantur. Atque ambitio quidem manifesta in eo appa-
ruit, quod, nullo habito superiorum assensu, associationes quasdam in
Anglia instituere conati sunt, seque ipsarum praelatos constituere, eaque
de re miras excitare turbas ; quse res omnibus est notissima, et mul-
torum literis etiam publicis contestata.1 Seditio vero inde constat,
quod, ex triginta appellantibus, quindecim saltern ex hoc collegio
Anglorum de urbe extiterint, in eoque tumultuati fuerint, ut tain ex
visitatione illustrissimi cardinalis Sega, quam ex collegii registro mani-
festum fit. Reliqui vero nihilo se melius in aliis collegiis gesserunt-
Dissolutio demum vita in nonnullis eorum manifestissimis argurnentis
ac testimoniis convincitur; imo causa praecipua fuisse praesumitur cur
multi eorum adeo obstinate superiori a vestra sanctitate constitute
restiterunt, ne, scilicet, haec ipsorum vivendi licentia ejus authoritate
carceretur aut puniretur, aut ex laicorum aedibus, in quibus pro libito

1 [This relates to the congregation, which I have elsewhere descrihed (p. 45,
46 ante). The charge against the appellants of an ambitious design to place
themselves at its head, is contradicted by the very rules of the association, and
must, consequently, have been known by Persons to be untrue. The society, in
fact, was intended to embrace the whole body of the secular clergy : the su
perior, with his assistants, was to be elected annually by the majority of the
members ; and if, therefore, the parties, here alluded to by Persons, were likely
to be placed at its head, it could only be because they were possessed, in an
eminent degree, of the confidence and respect of their brethren.

The other part of the accusation requires little comment. Left without a
head, destitute of an authority to guide and to protect them, the clergy proposed
to associate for their mutual comfort and support. They bound themselves to
no extraordinary observances, they aimed at no extraordinary distinction. They
sought only to supply the want of a superior, to unite themselves as a body, for
the purpose of working out the general good, and to perform for themselves
some of those offices, which the society had hitherto volunteered in their behalf.
For such an institute what more approbation was necessary, than had been
sought for the association under Weston, at Wisbeach ? — T.~\

NO. xxxiv.] APPENDIX. clxi

vivebant,1 petentibus ipsis laicis, subinde mutarentur ; cujus rei non
pauca exempla proferre poterinms, si id facere sigillatim a. sanctitate

1 [How can we reconcile this acknowledgment, that the houses of the laity
were constantly open to the appellants, with the charge of dissolute morals,
which is here levelled against them ? or with that of publicly conspiring with
the enemies of religion and of their benefactors, as asserted in the next para
graph ? or with that not less extraordinary statement, put forward by the same
writer, in his " Story of Domestical Difficulties," that, in consequence of the
general depravity of the clergy, the laity would scarcely hold any intercourse
with a secular priest, unless the latter were specially recommended by some
member of the society? — " Qui etiarn (catholici) tot tantisque seminaristarum
naufragiis perterriti, nullum fere cum illis usum consuetudinemque habere
volunt, nisi a patribus societatis vel voce, vel scriptis, vel denique aliquo signo,
fuerint comprobati " (p. 167). This was Persons's description of the clergy in
1596 : let the reader, however, contrast it for a moment with the following
private account, written scarcely four years earlier, by a person on the spot,
and transmitted with a general narrative of the persecution to Verstegan, at
Brussels.

" The fruit that priests do," says this writer, " is unspeakable. It was not
long since, that the use of sacraments was very rare; priests shunned for fear;
and very few found that refused to go to church : whereas now, confession and
receiving are the greatest comforts that catholics esteem of; and infinite are
desirous to use and to have the help and presence of priests, for the benefit of
their souls.

" If some priests have fallen, yet can it not be much marvelled at, considering
the rigour of the persecution : but, sure, it is a manifest miracle, that, among
so many, so few scandals have risen ; especially, these things considered : —
First, there is no superior over any ; every one being equal with other, and in
none more power to control than in other : and, therefore, more than the law of
conscience and fear of God, here is neither censure, nor other temporal or
spiritual penalty, that can be, according to the ecclesiastical discipline, practised
upon any (which hitherto, God be thanked, hath little needed); and so, men
not standing in awe of these bridles, it is marvel they keep so happy a course
as they do : — Secondly, their attire, conversation, and manner of life must here,
of force, be still different from their profession ; the examples and occasions,
that move them to sin, infinite : and therefore, no doubt, a wonderful goodness
of God that so few have fallen : — Thirdly, the torments to priests most cruel
and unmerciful, and able to daunt any man, without singular grace : and this
also increaseth the marvel. In sum, where only vice escapeth unpunished, and
all virtue is suspected and subject to reproach ; the very use and liberty of
sinning being so common, and all opportunities so ready, it is the finger of
God, yea, and his strong hand and high arm, that keepeth so many and so
young priests, in the flower of their age, from infinite scandals.

" It is a singular comfort, to see how willingly they venture their lives, never
sleeping one night in security, nor eating a bit of bread without fear, but, like
men ever in hazard of their liberties and lives, they are still in expectation of
the persecutor : yet, nothing dismayed with all these frights, they still pursue
their labours, and attend to gain souls, riding, going, toiling, and wearying
themselves in all kind of travails.

" And God hath so framed the minds of catholics, that, notwithstanding all
dangers, they are, in regard of their conscience, contented to venture lives and
livings for priests' safety ; rather hazarding that they have, than that they are,
and preferring God and their soul before all earthly things.

" The reverence and respect of catholics to priests is very much ; and whereas
there are now no prelates nor bishops to honour the clergy, God hath so disposed
their minds, that every priest is as much reverenced, as heretofore bishops.

VOL. III. I

APPENDIX. [NO. xxxiv.

vestra jubebimur; licet inviti admodum h?ec tarn ingrata rel'erre
velimus.

Tertium est de manifesto, conspiratione istorum hominum cum
publico fidei hoste, qua3 sensim primo ac clandestine, exeunte anno
1598, tentata atque inita est, posted vero palam publiceque continuata,
in maximam catholicorum praejudicium, ac manifestum ipsorummet
periculum, cum nulli fere hactenus ad bane cum hsereticis con-
fcederationem * * *

C cetera desunt.

*** Persons to Mmh, May 25, 1602.
[Copy in Persons's own hand. Stonyhurst MSS. Ang. A. iii. 12.]
My old friend, Mr. Mush.

For this is the vigil of the Holy Ghost, which came as to-morrow
upon the first professors of our Christian religion, giving them that true
divine spirit, whereby only men may be saved; and for that no spirit is
so opposite and repugnant to this, by the testimony of Christ and his
apostles themselves, as the spirit of disunion, contention, envy, emula
tion, anger, and enmity, as St. Paul, you know, in particular setteth
down to the Galatians (at the very cogitation whereof I confess unto
you truly and sincerely, in the sight of Almighty God, that my heart
trembleth, whensoever I consider the danger) ; and for as much as you
and your company, having been now full three months, I think, in this

" They so much esteem the blessing of a priest, that they not only ask it
every day, at their first meeting with priests and their last parting from them,
but, if any other come, between these times to ask benediction, they all ask with
them, never weary, yea, never almost satisfied, with being blessed. So hath
God planted in their hearts a reverent and loving regard to this function."
Stonyhurst MSS. Ang. A. i. 70, cap. 9.

As I have mentioned the Story of Domestical Difficulties, I will briefly
refer to a passage which I have cited (page 45, ante), from that work. Since
the foregoing sheets were printed off, I have discovered that Persons, whom I
had supposed to be the author of the words, " certe quisquis infelicissimo illi
regno," &c., elsewhere repeats them, and attributes both the words themselves,
and the sentiment which they embody, to cardinal Sega. As regards Persons
himself, the difference is material : but it is not sufficient to disturb the in
ference which I have drawn from the passage. That the opinion expressed in
it was unfounded, there can be no doubt. Still, it was held and proclaimed by
the heads of the party. If not originally pronounced, it was, at least, delibe
rately adopted, by Persons ; and it is not, therefore, improbable that it may so
far, at least, have operated on the mind of Garnet, as to prompt the unguarded
expression, attributed to him by his opponents.

As regards the members of the society, it may, perhaps, be a fact worth men
tioning, that their numbers in this country were extremely small. Hunter,
himself a Jesuit and the zealous antagonist of Dodd, assures us that " there
were not, in those days, above five or six of them, at any one time, in England"
Reply to Dodd's Secret Policy, MS. at Stonyhurst, Dialogue 3.— T.~\

NO. xxxiv.] APPENDIX. Clxiil

city, have fled, as it were, our company and conversation, that are of
the same religion and communion with you, and have been your old
friends and brethren in times past, and have invited you divers ways,
since your coming to the city, to more friendly and charitable meetino-
and dealing together, than you hitherto have shewed yourself willing
to embrace ; — for all these and some other considerations, which here
in particular you will perceive, I have thought good, at this time
(though, in most men's opinions, / be the man of all other most injured
by you and your brethren, in their books and speeches), to break this
long silence, by occasion of this high and holy feast, putting us in
mind what spirit we must put on and follow, if we mean to arrive to
eternal salvation, and what spirit we must fly, to avoid perdition, ac
cording to the plain denunciation of the apostle, " Si quis spiritum
Christi non habet, hie non est ejus." And whether this be the spirit of
Christ, to contend in this sort, to emulate, to envy, to fly company one
of another, and to raise such scandals in our new planted English
catholic church, that lieth so grievously under the hand of the persecu
tor, yea, and to join with the persecutor himself, to help out our
passionate pretences against our own brethren, this, I say, is easy to
consider to all them that are out of passion, for the present, and will
be, at the day of judgment, to all the world, but especially to the doers
themselves. Alas I Mr. Mush, is it possible that priests, illuminated
once with God's grace, and brought up, for many years, in the exercise
of meditation of spirit and spiritual courses, should come now by
passion into such darkness, as not to see or discern these so damnable
things, which every common and ordinary catholic man, understanding
the cause, doth condemn, and cry shame to our whole nation for the
same.1

1 [With what feelings must the reader, who bears in mind the contents of
the last few pages, peruse this and other similar passages of this letter ! That
Persons wrote under the supposition, that his practices against the deputies and
their friends had escaped their observation, is, I think, clear : but that he should
have drawn up the charges contained in the preceding document, that, within a
few weeks or days from the moment at which he was writing, he should have
deliberately committed to paper the appalling accusations described in a former
note (page clvii. ante), and that be should nevertheless have been able to pen
such a letter as the present, carries with it something so painful, and, at the same
time, so humbling, to our nature, that the mind gladly and almost instinctively
turns from its contemplation. — Yet this is not all. Only fifteen days later, we
find him, under the disguise of the archpriest's agents, returning to many of his
former charges, declaring, on mere suspicion, that the very men, whom he is
now addressing as brothers, had instigated the late executions in England, and,
in terms that can scarcely be misunderstood, entreating the pope's permission
to deal with them in such a manner, as to make them feel the enormity of their
crime, and be thankful for any future indulgence : — " ut cum illis qui Roma?
sunt appellantes, quique totuin hoc in Anglia incendium literis suis sustentare

/ 2

APPENDIX. [NO. xxxiv.

Your best friends, both here and elsewhere, as far as I could ever
understand, do not otherwise go about to defend or excuse you or
your fact, but by saying that all men have their passions, when they
are exasperated, and consequently that you ought not to have been so
much irked in England, as you were : — which grant it were so, and
that you were provoked indeed somewhat more by sharp words and
facts, upon occasion given by you, than other men would have wished
(in which point, notwithstanding, other men defend themselves,1 and
you cannot in conscience deny to have known and seen my desire to
the contrary, by my often letters both to you and others for sweetness
and moderation), — but grant, I say, that the excuse of your friends
were true, arid that you had some occasion to enter into passion and
breach as you did, yet, seeing this excuse granteth your motive to have
been occasioned passion, it doth not deliver you from the guilt of such
scandals and damages, as, by your perseverance in that passion, have
ensued since, and daily do increase, both at home and abroad. Neither
doth it take away your obligation to lay down that passion, especially
now, after so long time, and to come to some moderate and reasonable
atonement with your brethren, by staying matters at home, and by
discussing your controversies friendly and charitably here,2 as Christ
commandeth all men so to do, but especially such as offer at his holy
altar daily: And you cannot but remember the dreadful threat of his
apostle against them that receive there his body unworthily ; which
unworthiness both himself, and St. John, and other saints, do hold, as
you know, to be in the highest degree in him, that is in hatred, enmity,
contention, envy, or emulation with his brethren.

creduntur, sic agi permittatur, ut errata sua videant saltern ac confiteantur, quo
magis hide fiant idonei ad agnoscendam quamcumque sanctitas vestra in eos
postea exercuerit indulgentiam." Rough Draft of Memorial, in Persons's
hand-writing, Stonyh. MSS. Ang. A. iii. 17. — T.~\

1 [In private, and to the members of the society, Persons could speak more
candidly. Writing to Garnet in the following October, and touching upon this
very point, he says, — " So many sharp letters have been shewed here, as made
our best friends say there was too much fervour, which, encountering with no
less heat on the other, hath brought out this flame, and all lighted upon 446
(Persons). Well, now I trust the matter is well past on ; and he prayeth
you to let him repose awhile; at least for a year or two, for so he hath need"
(Stonyhurst MSS. Ang. A. iii. 24). How much more conciliating would this
frank avowal have been, than the magisterial tone adopted above, or the vain
attempt to conceal or to deny the errors of his own party ! — 71.]

a [Notwithstanding Persons's disclaimer, in a subsequent part of the letter,
I am inclined to suspect that these words betray his real motive for writing.
It was already evident that the government of the archpriest would be retained:
but the questions of reprimanding Blackwell and prohibiting his communica
tion with the society were to be discussed : Persons felt that, on these points,
he was likely to he foiled ; and it, of course, became an object of importance
to conciliate the minds, and, if possible, to neutralize the opposition, of the
deputies. — 71.]

NO. xxxiv.] APPENDIX. clxv

Wherefore, I do most heartily beseech you. Mr. Mush, and the rest
of your fellow priests there with you, even for the love of our Saviour,
Jesus Christ, giver of all good spirits, and for reverence of the Holy
Ghost, whose happy and blessed coming is celebrated to-morrow, that
you consider well with yourselves what spirit leadeth you and yours in
this contention, whither it tendeth, what lamentable effects it hath
wrought already, and doth work daily, in England, by the breach there
made among catholic people, what scandals have fallen out, and do fall
out continually, beyond your expectation or wills, I am sure ; this being
the nature and condition of divisions and contentions once begun, to
break out further and to fouler effects, than the authors, at the be
ginning, did imagine ; whereof, notwithstanding, they remain culpable
both before God and man, if they seek not to stay them in time : and
you must remember that it will be but a small excuse to posterity for
so great mischiefs, to say that you were put in anger or rage by others,
and much less defence and excuse can it be with God, at his tribunal,
whose just dread ought to possess us all. Neither must you think or
say, as men are wont to do that love not peace, that this is written for
any other end, but only to put you in mind of this present holy feast,
and of all our duties therein, to look to the spirit whereby we are
guided, and to take the course which Christian catholic priests ought to
do. For, as for other matters, touching the controversy in hand,
about your superior in England, you may easily guess, by that you
have seen already, how it is like to go in the end, and how little cause
we have, that stand with the archpriest, to seek other atonement, than
by judgment and sentence of his holiness and judges appointed: neither
do we desire, or can accept, other ; but yet, for that Christian charitable
behaviour, in the mean space, doth nothing prejudicate this final and
judicial determination in my opinion, I was induced to write you this,
for the present. God's holy Spirit inspire you to take and use it, to his
glory and your own good ; to whose holy benediction I commend you
and yours, and myself to all your prayers. From the English college,
this Whitsuneve, 25 May, 1602. *

Endorsed " F. Persons to Mr. Mush, the vigil of Pentecost, 1602."

1 [When, in addition to what has already been said, it is further stated that,
almost at the very moment when Persons wrote this letter, he was publishing
his " Manifestation ;" that, in that work, the deputies, who are studiously con
founded with Watson, are assailed with the most unmeasured abuse ; and that
the very person, who is here addressed in terms of friendship, is there sneered
at as having been originally " a poor rude serving-man," received and educated
by the Jesuits, in the" English college, out of charity, and known afterwards by
the appellation of " Doctor Dodipof Mush" (f. 95t>., 96a.), the reader will scarcely
be surprised to learn that the present epistle, as well as two others, subsequently
addressed, the one to Mush, the other to all the deputies, in the same strain
(Plowden. 33!) — 344), was suffered to lie unnoticed. — 7'.]

APPENDIX. TNO. xxxiv.

*** Persons to , May 25, 1602.

[Persons's rough draft. Stonyhurst MSS. Ang. A. iii. 13.]
Good Sir,

By ray last of the 27th of April, I advertised you what then occurred
about our appellant priests in this place, telling you how earnestly they
denied to be privy or consenting to any of the books printed by
Watson or his fellows, but only two in Latin, disclaiming all the rest,
and detesting the authors : though hitherto we cannot understand that
they have done the same under their oaths, nor yet condemned the
scandalous and heretical propositions, therein contained, under their
own hands ; though they offer to do it. And divers chief learned men
here, having heard the case how it standeth, and that these books were
published by some of their company, and in the name of their whole
association, do affirm that they are bound in conscience so to do, under
pain of grievous sin. We shall see in time what they will do in that
point : but, in the mean space, his holiness hath commanded the same
to be censured by the inquisition ; which censure is expected shortly to
come forth authentically. In the mean space, both his holiness and all
others do see the propositions to be most wicked and heretical, nor is
there any doubt of their condemnation.

Father Persons hath been forth of town, for the most part, since I
wrote my last. ***** jn m's absence, I hear of little done
in the appellant's affairs ; his holiness, and the cardinals to whom the
matter is committed, seeming to be full weary thereof, to see so great
clamours raised upon so small grounds, and so obstinate contention
continued about things of no substance. Yet I understand that the
appellants having exhibited eleven gravamina, or aggrievances, against
the archpriest, and offered to prove all out of his own letters, a day was
appointed when the said letters should be examined, which was upon
the 22d of this month, in the presence of cardinal Burghesius (the
other being out of town); which letters being brought forth by Mr.
Mush and Champney, and the two procurators of the archpriest and
two English fathers of the society being also present, albeit the said
letters did mention and handle some of those points which they call
aggrievances (namely, for their reprehension, restraint, or suspending of
faculties, and the like), yet, when the whole letters were read, with
their reasons and arguments, and all circumstances considered, it
seemed a far different thing, from that which they had odiously col
lected and urged against him : and the thing seemed greatly to move all
that were present, some to marvel, some to compassion, some to shame;
so as oftentimes the cardinal would have some parts of the letters read

NO. xxxiv.] APPENDIX. clxvii

over again, and could not but wonder to see such spirits among us : so
that the said letters did indeed fully answer themselves, in those six
grievances which there were handled.1 Five more remain for another
day.

In this conference, and another private speech the day before, in the
same cardinal's house, between some of the appellants and of the other
side, divers matters passed, which were over long to recount here :
only you must know, that, as they take themselves greatly injured,
when any knowledge or consent of the former books printed is attri
buted to them, so also, when any least mention is made that they mean
to draw the Jesuits out of England, they are highly offended, utterly
denying the same : in so much that, when they saw the foresaid two
Jesuits to appear there at the examination of the letters, they asked,
why they came, or did meddle in this matter, that appertained unto
secular priests? Whereto they answered, for that they had forced
them thereunto, by making them a principal part in all their books and
clamours. And moreover, this then is their course here, far different
(as it seemeth) from that they hold there with you. And, further, it is
noted that, whereas, in their said books, the greatest subject of all their
invectives is father Persons, here they have not hitherto so much as
named him in all their writings given up,2 which are divers and large
(as before I signified), and such as contain the body of the whole cause,
together with the final conclusion and judgment for a better ecclesiasti
cal government among them, under six archpriests, two supreme
syndics, with several assistants; all, even archpriests, to be chosen
yearly, or every second year, by the priests assembling themselves
together, for that purpose : which, therefore, how many difficulties and
inconveniences it will have in practice, every man here of mean judg
ment doth discover, ascribing this desire of innovation to unquietness

1 [That Persons knew this to be untrue there can be no doubt. Independent
of the evidence of the breve afterwards published, Persons himself, on the very
next day after he had written this account, employed Smith to address a body
of instructions to the Jesuits Jackson and Hunt, which the reader will presently
see, and in which he acknowledges all that is here denied. Yet this strange
misrepresentation is written on the very same day, on which he penned the
adjurations, contained in the preceding epistle to Mush and his companions!

With regard to the "grievances" themselves, Bennet tells us that there
were fourteen in all ; that seven were heard and examined on the first day ;
and that these so fully bore out the general charges of the appellants, that it
was deemed unnecessary to go into the remainder. He adds, that all four of
the deputies were present. Original MS. in my possession. — T.~\

3 [It may be that they had not spoken of him ly name : but, in their very
first memorial, presented on the 14th of March, they complained generally of
the imputations cast on them by their adversaries : — " de gravissimis criminibus
per adversaries delati sumus." Gradwell MS. in my possession, p. 187. — 71.]

APPENDIX. [NO. xxxiv.

of spirit and ambition in the movers, and, according to this, not like to
end.

And this is all I have to write now, but only that Bagshawe appeareth
not yet here, but remaineth at Paris, from whence we are informed of
his and his fellows' frequent treating with the English agent there, how
to prosecute this matter, and maintain this division:1 and the like, no
doubt, do his correspondents there with you, towards my lord of Lon
don ; and what good or godly effect may finally ensue of this, every
virtuous man will easily see. And so to God's holy providence I leave
both you and them. Rome, this 25th day of May, 1602.

*** Father Nicholas Smith, to the fathers Jackson and Hunt, on their
departure for (he English mission. May 26, 1602.

[Copy, Stonyhurst MSS. Ang. A. iii. 16.]
Pax Christi.

Reverend good Fathers.

Father Persons, by reason of his great business not having leisure to
write himself, at this time, hath committed this office unto me, which T
perform most willingly, both for discharge of my duty to him, and also,
by this occasion, lo begin acquaintance with you, and crave of you that
I may be partaker of your holy and happy labours, in that holy service
of our Lord, to the which you are called. *****

You have heard, or may and will hereafter, of the dissension and

i [This was one of the charges against Bagshawe, contained in that extraordi
nary paper, which I have described in a former note (p. clvii., ante). As the
reader will recollect, it was there inserted, for the purpose of being placed as a
substantial accusation under the eye of the pontiff. It is here again repeated :
and yet, only twelve months later, he writes to Bagshawe as his " old friend, Mr.
Doctor;" pretends scarcely to recollect the nature of the charge; assures him
that it came to him as a report, to which he paid but little attention at the time ;
and finally acknowledges that his subsequent enquiries have convinced him of
its calumnious character. As the passage will go far to shew the real value of
Persons's accusations, I think it right to subjoin it. " Being further informed,"
says he, " that you were grieved with a new report that should be made here, of
your writing into England to some of the council, with Percival and his fellows,
when from Paris they went thither, I thought best by these few lines to salute
you again, and to confirm hereby whatsoever I wrote in my former letter, or
the captain signified in his, touching my disposition and des're to ancient union,
love, and peace, and that all former disputes and debates be wholly forgotten
and forgiven, as, on my part, I trust they have been long agone. * * * *
And for the present, concerning the former rumour, 1 do not now well remem
ber what was reported, or written hither, about that matter, nor did greatly
regard the same ; the report? being infinite that ran up and down, in those times
of trouble, and many upon slight grounds : but, since that time, I have had
particular occasion to inform myself, by the coming hither of Percival, who
cleared you fully in that behalf; and so I have signified to divers friends."
Stonyh. MSS. Ang. A. iii. 34.— TV]

NO. xxxiv.] APPENDIX. clxix

discord, raised, these later years, amongst 1;he priests, and the evil
affection some of them seem to bear towards their superior, the arch-
priest, and our fathers; for the remedy whereof, though many good
endeavours have been done, both here and in England, yet nothing
hath succeeded hitherto; but that pernicious fire hath grown still
greater,— God so permitting, for our further trial. Concerning this
point, by father Persons' order, I am to enlarge myself a little, and to
signify unto you, for your better instruction, what he would have you
do herein.

His opinion is, and so he hath often written, and would have you
inculcate earnestly, in his behalf, when you shall be arrived in England,
that it behoveth our fathers very much, as also the archpriest, that they
be very circumspect and careful in their speaking and writing, and give
not the least occasion of offence or aversion to any, but, by charity and
patience, labour to get and keep the good affection of all ; and, how
soever any of the discontented should exceed, as heretofore they have,
either in words or deeds, never to reply upon them, which were con
trary to the prohibition of the apostle, reddere maledictum pro maledicto,
but rather to dissemble all, that each one may say with David, cum his
qui oderunt pacem eram pacificus, and with our meek and sweet
Saviour, Ego gloriam meam non qucp.ro, est qui qucerat el judicet.
And this is not only his opinion, but the will of his holiness and of
father General, who, having seen here a certain appeal made by the
unquiet, though, for the substance thereof, they condemn them and
their uncivil demeanour towards their superior,1 yet observe also, and
much mislike, the manner of proceeding used by the archpriest and his
friends, and wish he had shewed more mildness, and rather a sense of
feeling of compassion, than of so much choler and indignation : for,

1 [This assertion is opposed to the truth. Persons, indeed, through Black-
well's agents, had suggested to the pope the expediency of reprehending the
conduct of the appellants, and of signifying his displeasure in the breve about
to be published : " An non expediat presbyteros etiani appellantes similiter re-
prehendere (it had been determined to reprehend the archpriest) de inordinato
ipsorum procedendi raodo ac tumultuatione (saltern in generali), ne alii ipso-
rum exemplo ad similia animentur" (Dr. GradwelPs MS. copy in my posses
sion). On another occasion, the same point had been urged in the following
terms : — " Si nulla etiam presbyterorum appellantium, post tot tantasque tu-
multuationes et gravissima in Anglia scandala excitata, expressa habeatur hoc
in scripto reprehensio, ingentem movebit turn catholicis, turn haereticis, admi-
rationem, et haeretici quidem videbunt, aliosque liberioris vita? presbyteros ad
facta similia excitabunt, catholici prsecipui animis cruciabuntur, qui frequenti-
bus literis id se cupere atque expectare, ut digna aliqua castigatione eoerce-
antur " (Ibid). The pontiff', however, refused to listen to the advice; and the
breve, though it condemned Blackwell, passed no censure on the proceedings of
his opponents. — T.~\

APPENDIX, [NO. xxxiv.

although they are well persuaded of his good mind, and attribute all to
his great zeal,1 yet they hold it had been much better to have dissembled
many things, and referred them hither, to be censured here, from
whence there might have come less offensive and more effectual remedy.
Yea, they shewed themselves somewhat offended, to see such multiply
ing of edicts, and threatening of censures, in so sharp phrases as are
set down in the appeal.

And to come to our fathers: some writings and sayings also of
theirs in this affair have been misliked by his holiness and father
General; and especially the " Treatise of Schism" in regard of the
vehement exaggerations, uttered in more sharp terms than they think
was beseeming for a religious person to set down ; and therefore could
serve no other end, but to exasperate more the sick and sore minds of
those passionate men, as experience hath taught.2

His hope is, therefore, that hereafter they will be more wary, and
seek to remedy errors past, by the most convenient means they can.
And his desire further is, that you deal effectually with them in this
point, assuring them, that (howsoever they persuade themselves) not-

1 [The reader will presently see an extract from the proceedings 'of the con
gregation of cardinals, shewing that they attributed Blackwell's violence and
errors, not to " his great zeal," but partly to his ignorance, and partly to the
mischievous advice of others. — 71.]

2 [It may, perhaps, be doubted, whether the terms, in which Persons, both
here and elsewhere, instructs Smith to speak of the appellants, were calculated
to produce any very ardent feeling of charity and brotherly attachment in their
regard. At all events, it is painful to think that the man, who could dictate
the excellent advice contained in this letter, should himself, by his writings, be
among the foremost to act in opposition to it; and that, although he could here
privately condemn the production of Lister, as unworthy of the religious cha
racter, he could nevertheless, in his communications with the aggrieved parties
themselves, seek to justify its assertions, and represent its sustained violence, as
the accidental, and not always misapplied, warmth of a good man's zeal. How
unlike the acknowledgments of the present letter is the following passage from
one of his epistles to Colleton ! — " I can learn," says he, " no other cause of this
new broil, but only the book, written in the former troubles, concerning schism;
which, considering when and for what cause it was written, to wit, to stay men
from further breach ; and that it nameth no man in particular, nor defmeth
any several man's action, and that all is past, and the atonement wholly made
on both sides (this was not true), I do not see by what reason, or with what good
spirit any man may review the same again, or prosecute that controversy to the
making of new breaches : for, whether the matter were schism or no (which de-
pendeth of the intention, manner, and degree of each man's fact in particular),
yet all men do see that the whole controversy did tend to schism, if it had con
tinued ; and consequently, though the book were written with somewhat more
sharpness than many particular men's actions deserved (as, in such occasions and
times, good men are wont to write), yet ought the thing now to be no new matter
of contention (Stonyh. MSS. Aug. A. ii. 60). Would not a candid acknowledg
ment of Lister's " vehement exaggerations " have been far more conciliating,
than this impotent attempt to palliate or to justify his accusations ? — 71.]

NO. xxxiv.] APPENDIX.

withstanding all good offices he hath done, both by himself and others,
to inform the superiors the truth, alleging what hath been done by the
archpriest and our fathers, to quiet these unquiet and contentious per
sons, so far forth, as they seem persuaded that these discontented have
deserved much more than hath been done unto them,1 yet can they not
but think (the circumstance of time and place considered) both arch-
priest and our fathers might and should have proceeded otherwise, and
therefore cannot wholly be excused : so as, unless they will incur their
further displeasure, they must of necessity alter their courses, and shew
such charity, patience, and humility hereafter, especially our fathers, as
it may evidently appear that obstruitur os loquentium iniqua, non
habentium mala dicere de nobis, and that nothing is omitted on our
part, that may help to end this contention, of which there ariseth so
much scandal, and so great hinderance to the catholic cause.

Oh! that there is not another St. Augustine, to say or write to them
as he did, on the like occasion ! — " Heu mihi, qui vos alicubi simul in-
venire non possum ! Forte, ut moveor, ut doleo, ut timeo, prociderem
ad pedes vestros, flerem quantum valerem, rogarem quantum amarem,
nunc unumquemque vestrum pro seipso, nunc vos omnes pro omnibus,
et pro aliis, et maxime pro infirmis pro quibus Christus mortuus est,
qui vos tanquam in theatro vitae hujus cummagno suipericulo spectant,
ne de vobis ea conscribendo spargatis, quae quandoque concordantes
delere non poteritis qui nunc concordare nolitis, aut quse Concordes
legere timeatis, ne iterum litigetis."

I would ask with the same St. Augustine of any that could tell me, —
"Unde inter illos, qui conjunctissimi et familiarissimi mella scriptu-
rarum sanctarum lambebant, tantae amaritudinis irrepsit pernicies? Et
quando hoc ? Cum, abjectis jam sarcinis saecularibus, expediti Do-
minum sequi profiterentur. Ubi tandem ? addo ego. In Anglia ; in-
sultantibus haereticis, gementibus catholicis, quod per haec dissidia
ecclesia ipsa, qua? in se non potest, in suis membris, dissoluta charitatis
compagine, laceretur, dum pars a parte divellitur, quae sub uno tamen
capite utraque vivere gloriatur." Being fallen into Latin, I forget my
self. God, I beseech him, " spiritum nobis suae charitatis infundat, ut
quos sacramentis paschalibus satiavit, sua faciat pietate Concordes."
Amen. Romae, 26°. Maii.

Yours assured ever

N. Smithe.

1 [The reader will remark this distinct acknowledgment of the efforts of
Persons, " both by himself and others," against the appellants.— Y1.]

APPENDIX. [NO. xxxiv.

*#* Memorial written by Persons, and presented in the name of the
archpriext's agents, to the cardinals Borghesi and Arr'igoni, 1602.

[Extract from Persons's Rough Draft. Stonyli. MSS. Ang. A. iii. 18.]
[77m paper, in the original, is entitled "Humillima Supplicatio etDeclaratio
Procuratorum Archipresbytcri et Cleri Anglicani, apud illustrissimos cardinales
Burghesium et Arrigonium, de gravissimis scandalis, damnisque irreparabilibus
universorum catholicorum causes imminentibus, si presbyterorum reluctantium
ac tumultuantiuin importunitati quicquam contra praxentem ecclesiac Anglicance
statum, receptamque sua? sanctitatis subordinationem concedatur." Having stated
that success, in the present instance, would only encourage the appellants to make
further demands, and that a change in the form of government now established
ivould le at once a source of triumph to the protestants, and a concession to men,
whose morals and whose practices had degraded them in the eyes of the catholics,
it thus proceeds'] : —

Quamcumque isti rationem proponant, ea majoribus longe

difficultatibus atque incommodis implicata reperietur, quam haec archi-
presbyteri subordinatio. Tria eiiim omnino sunt, quse ab istis proponi
possint: J°. Ut fiant episcopi, loco archipresby teri ; 2°. Ut archipres-
byteri authoritas in alium transferatur; 3°. Ut nullus sit prorsus cum
authoritate superior. Istorum primum cum ab initio postularetur,
gravissimis de causis a sua sanctitate, consulta etiarn sacrae inquisitionis
congregatione, rejectum est, ne graves inde excitentur persecutiones :
nunc autem plures multum habet difficultates, turn de eligendis per-
sonis, turn etiam de iisdem in Anglia sustentandis, ac denique quod
multum magis reginae ac consiliariis suspecti erunt, neque propterea
audebunt catholici, rebus sic stantibus, in sedes suas eos recipere.
Secundum vero, de mutanda archipresbyteri persona, praaterquam quod
difficillime in universe clero Anglico alius reperietur ei comparandus,
durum omnino catholicis videretur, ut, ob defensam a se, suis cum
periculis, sedis apostolicae authoritatem, tarn ignominiose, ad solam
inquietorum petitionem, vir dignissimus loco moveretur : nee quietorum
hominum aliquis auderet postea hanc provinciam tarn periculosam
sustinere, neque inquieti ullum facient altercandi finem, cum solis se
clamoribus superiorem suum opprimere posse cernent. Tertium vero,
ut nullus omnino in tanta plebe atque clero catholico superior esset,
non poterit suas sanctitatis prudentiae atque experientiaa non absonum
videri, cum ingens inde rerum hominumque confusio, tarn in Anglia
quam in seminariis, sequeretur; nunc prsesertim post hanc subordina
tionem institutam, ac nonnullorum annorum spatio continuatam: cujus
etiam sententiae sunt, non tantum catholici omnes quieti, sed hii etiam
tumultuantes; ut ex ipsorum literis passim apparet.

Hoc judicium catholicorum omnium prudentiorum est, tarn eccle-

NO. xxxiv.] APPENDIX. clxxiii

siasticorum quam laicorum, hanc ipsam regiminis formam, per archi-
presbyterum atque assistentes, a sua sanctitate institutam, non soltim
necessariam fuisse, sed, rebus etiam Anglicanis sic stantibus, reliquis
omnibus minus incommodam minusque hsereticis invidiosam. Quod si
tamen, ut in humanis fere rebus contigit, res ipsa, vel aliquorum ho-
minum infirmitas vel perversitas, incommoda aliqua sanctitati suae
attulisse videbitur, ea non erit difficile, vel explicatione aliqua, vel in-
structione, vel moderatione, qusecumque ei placuerit, adhibita, quam-
prirnum amovere. Nam quod ad archipresbyterum attinet, sive de
modo regendi atque officium suum administrandi, sive de ferendis aut
coercendis inquietis, sive de castigandis delinquentibus, sive de eisdem
ex uno in alium locum transferendis agatur, paratissimus erit illud
omne accuratissime observare, quod sua sanctitas per suas ei instruc-
tiones ordinaverit. Patres vero societatis, de quibus tantopere isti
queruntur, etsi nullam unquam jurisdictionis aut potestatis particulam
in presbyteros seeculares habuerunt, atque, ad hujus rei declinandam
invidiam, instantissime laborant ut base subordinatio penes presbyteros
tantum sseculares esset, tamen, tarn longe ab hac ambienda authori-
tate, quam isti objiciunt, alienos esse scimus, ut quamcumque pacis
conditionem libentissime amplexuri sunt, modo liberi esse possint ab
hac malignantium impugnatione, ut pacate animarum salutem procurare
possint: — nominatim, vero, si clausula ilia unica in illustrissimi car-
dinalis Cajetani instructionibus posita, ab istis tarn vindicte ubique
exagitata, ab ipsomet vero cardinal! protectore ad unionem animarum
et concordiam adhibita (qua nimirum clausula archipresbytero
ut res majoris momenti, consilii capiendi causa, cum superiore societatis
conferantur), incommodum aliquid habere videatur, facile erit suae
sanctitaii, pro singulari sua prudentia, de hoc etiam quod videbitur
statuere.1 *****

1 [When, however, it was subsequently resolved by the cardinals to abrogate
the clause in question, and to relieve the archpriest from the necessity of con
sulting the superior of the society, a memorial was instantly presented to the pope,
setting forth the inconveniences likely to arise from such a step. The fathers
themselves, it says, will gladly accept the relief: yet, " tarn stricta prohibitio, si
in Anglia publicetur, duo magna incommoda hahitura est : primum, quod viros
optime de Anglicana ecclesia meritos gravi nota tarn apud haereticos quam ca-
tholicos afficiet : secundum, quod archipreshytero officii executionem multis in
rebus impossibilem plane faciet, praesertim in recipiendis ac disponendis sacerdo-
tibus, qui in Angliam ex seminariis recenter veniunt. Nam cum illi, Londinum
venientes, nullum aliud haheant refugium quam ad archipresbyterum, ut ipsis
tarn de residentia quam de rebus ad vitam necessariis provideat, ille vero nullam
possit habere de ipsis informationem forinsecus, nisi a patrihus qui seminaria
gubernant, neque in AngliA, nisi per patrum operam, industriam, ac charitatem,
ullo modo eis provideri possit, fiet necessario, ut, hac communicationis prohibi-
tione, tota haec specialis negotiatio, quam patres hactenus magnis laborious ac

APPENDIX. [NO. xxxiv.

*** Persons s Reasons against increasing the number of Archpriests.

1602.

[Rough Draft in my possession.]

1. Considerandum primo videtur reginam Anglise ejusque consilia-
rios diversos omnino, imo plane contraries, fines habere, in hac causa
tractanda, iis quos habet sanctissimus, cum id habeat sibi proposi-
tum sua sanctitas ut religionem catholicam in Anglia promoveat, ac
unionem inter catholicos conservet ; regina vero, e contra, ut fidei catho-
licae progressus impediat, et catholicos inter se divisos et discordes
teneat : ex quo sequitur istos appellantes, quamdiu a reginee voluntate
pendent, et cum ejusdem ministris tractant, non se posse vere, quic-
quid interim dicant vel promittant, ad sues sanctitatis intentionem
conformare.

2°. Cum omnibus sit notorium suam sanctitatem jam tria vel quatuor
brevia apostolica emisisse, quibus archipresbyteri institutio ejusque
authoritas confirmatur, cunctique catholici, exceptis paucissimis, hoc
est, laici omnes, et longe maxima sacerdotum pars, earn summa animo-
rum voluntate atque consensione amplexa sit, videtur ad sedis aposto-
licae dignitatem atque existimationem vehementer pertinere, ne facile
quicquam, ad ejusmodi hominum petitionem, qui manifesta habent
cum hasreticis commercia, in prsesenti regimine immutetur.

3°. Cum duo sint in Anglia catholicorum genera, presbyteri atque
laici, hii vero maximum persecutionis pondus, tarn in bonis quam in
personis suis, sustineant, hinc fit ut maxima horum ratio habenda sit.
li vero omnes has appellantium molitiones valde exosas habent, turn
ob gravissima scandala inde enata, turn ob maxima ipsis impendentia
pericula ex horum hominum cum fidei hostibus commercio. Quare
quicquid de eis alibi statuatur, certum est hos catholicos laicos domi in
Anglia difficillime eis fidem habituros, vel iterum eos in aedes suas ad-
missuros, quoad de praeteritis cum hsereticis coitionibus satisfactum
ipsis fuerit : facile enim prasvident hii catholici, nobiliores praisertim ac
prudentiores, presbyteros hos, qui cum reginae consiliariis se implicue-
runt, neque continuare posse commercia, nisi alios prodendo, neque

periculis sustinuerunt, penitus concidat, vel in difficultates inextricablies in-
currat" (MS. Gradwell, in my possession, 101, 192). Persons also, in a letter
written principally in cipher, and addressed to Garnet in August, evidently
speaks of this prohibitory clause, but in terms expressive of anything but a
willing assent to it. " As for the clause," he says, " 450, 39 &c., it must needs
stand for the present ; otherwise there would be no peace : after, when incon
veniences are proved, they may he represented by means of 266, who, with help
of 255, may procure sufficient remedy" (Stonyhurst MSS. Ang. A. iii. 24).
The reader will afterwards see in what manner Persons attempted to set aside
the prohibition. — T.~]

NO. xxxiv.] APPENDIX. clxXV

facile posse inceptum tractatum disrumpere, nisi magno proprii capitis
periculo.

4°. Hoc etiam animadvertunt facile catholici, haereticis eura esse
propositum scopum, ut duae catholicorum hoc artificio excitentur partes
seu factiones ; una hominum leviorum ac inconstantium, seu factioso-
rum, imo discolorum, ac quacumque de causa ofFensorum ac alienato-
rum, in quam etiam confluant politici, athei, et alii istiusmodi, quibus
ipsi se haeretici, ad hanc partem fovendam, conjungant, ut sua authori-
tate ac favore aliam partem bonorum ac constantium catholicorum, qui
praecipue hereticorum conatibus obsistunt, impugnent atque perse-
quantur ; eo maxime colore, quod praesenti reipublic03 statui non fa-
veant, sed summis pontificibus et Hispaniae regibus, in restituenda
etiam per arma religione catholica, adsensi atque obsecuti existimen-
tur : qua etiam de causa ab istis inquietis apud magistratum hzereticum
quotidie traducuntur.

5°. Si ergo ulla ratione favor aliquis a sede apostolica huic divisioni,
tantopere ab haereticis expetitae, praeberetur, cresceret sine dubio statim
in immensum, turn inquietorum insolentia atque multitude, turn bono
rum omnium afflictio, ac de restituenda religione prope desperatio.
Favorem autem interpretabuntur omnes singularem, si non solum isti
eorumque socii, post tot excitatos tumultus, talesque libros editos, im»
puniti dimittantur, verum etiam id obtineant quod praecipue habue-
runt in votis, ut alium vel alios superiores habeant, seque ab aliis, ut
corpus aliquod distinctum, separent: qua una re id consequentur quod
maxime cupiunt haeretici, nimirum, ut, per duo vel plura constituta
capita, initium pradictis duabus factionibus authoritate publica detur,
quarum ea quae deterior est, quanto velocius, tanto periculosius ac per-
niciosius augebitur, turn quod malorum turba ex libertate vitaeque
licentia citius coalescit, turn quod magistrates haaretici in Anglia etiam
favor fraudulentus, et nonnulla saltern ab initio indulgentia, rem earn
promovebit.

6°. Hinc fit ut, constitute semel et quasi authorizato hoc perniciosis-
simo divisionis incendio, ardebit statim universa Anglia seditionibus
partiumque studiis, bonis omnibus ac constantibus catholicis his se
opponentibus, istis vero illos prodentibus, ac in hcereticorum manus
tradentibus. Impossibile etiam erit seminaria externa (ex quibus
prascipua reducendse Anglise spes dependet) ulla mediocris disciplines
norma continere vel regere : ut enim cuique puero vel juveni indis-
ciplinato libitum fuerit tunmltuari, vel licentiositis vivere, contrarise se
esse factionis profitebitur, et alios etiam pervertere studebit ; nee ullum
erit remedii genus, nisi ejectio, quod, praeter ejecti ruinam, multa etiam
secum alia adfert incommoda. Domi etiam in Anglia nulla disciplinae

APPENDIX. [NO. xxxrv.

lex, nulla regiminis forma teneri poterit, sed perpetuas erunt tumultua-
tiones : nulla etiam spes de futuro successors catholico : denique mira
erit et miseranda rerum omnium confusio.

7°. Haec vero omnia vitari posse videntur, si suse sanctitatis factum
ex catholicorum omnium probatorum voto ac desiderio defendatur, et
brevia apostolica jam ea de re edita observari jubeantur, his vero con-
tradicentes pro rerum commissarum gravitate reprehendantur, ac dein-
ceps obedire jubeantur, libri etiam enormes debita censura feriantur,
commercia ac tractatus cum magistratu hseretico in catholicorum per-
niciem, sub gravibus censuris, in posterum prohibeantur. Si vero
errata vel incommoda aliqua in prsesenti archipresbyteri regimine hac-
tenus commissa vel enata reperiantur, ea non erit difficile, moderatione
aliqua adhibita, tollere, absque eo ut majori divisioni occasio praebeatur,
ut nos ante, scripto separate, ostendimus, ad quod nos remittitnus.

8°. Atque hac ratione dubium esse non potest, quin, per Dei gra-
tiam finis exoptatus universae huic molestissimae controversies imponi
possit ; cum certum sit plerosque istorum repugnantium (qui omnes
centesimam bonorum catholicorum partem non efficiunt) ad suae sancti
tatis voluntatem atque ordinationem se fore accommodaturos, idque
necessario, ne alioqui a nobilioribus laicis (qui omnes, uti diximus,
tumultus hos invisos, habent) ob inobedientiam repellantur : e contra
vero, si paucis istis animus ulla ratione, per ea quse hie statuuntur,
addetur, certum est longe majores ac graviores paulo post exorituras
esse discordias, turn ex istorum sociorumque insolentia, turn ex
bonorum omnium catholicorum querelis, qui certissime sibi per-
suadent, literisque continuis id etiam significant, se id omnino expecta-
re, ut ad exemplurn aliorum hii tumultuantes, ob tot excessus, debita
aliqua animadversione coercantur.

*** Persons to , concerning the business of the Appellant Priests

in Rome, from the first of August unto the 14^/t of Sept. 1602.

[Persons's copy, Stonyhurst MSS. Aug. A. iii. 22.]

In my former letters of the first of August, as also by an addition
of the eighth, I gave you a brief relation, according to my promise,
of all that passed in our appellant priests' affair, unto that day : now I
will adjoin the rest that hath ensued, unto this present, which is not
much, nor of any great consideration; but only that I desire you
should know truly and sincerely how things do pass, in regard of the
different rumours, which are spread and written abroad of this affair,
as I perceive by your letters.

First, then, you shall understand that, as, in my former addition, I
signified the cardinals of the inquisition having set down certain

NO. xxxiv.] APPENDIX. clxxvii

points, about our English affair, in their congregation of the twentieth
of July, 1602, to be communicated unto his holiness, it was thought
good, after some days, that the same points should be imparted also
with both parties, as well the priests as the procurators of the arch-
priest, to see what they would reply. The principal articles and most
substantial of this agreement were ; —

That the archpriest should remain as before, without any alteration
in his government, though, in divers points, he was to be admonished
for the manner of proceeding, for the time to come, especially with
these appellants that were come to this court:1

Item, that the books imprinted in England, and in Rouen of France,
containing many injurious things against the fathers of the society and
other men, " mult a etiam lueresim sapientia," as the words of the de
cree are, were " omnino prohibendi et damnandi," utterly to be con
demned in respect of the said heresy :2 and it was added in the same
decree, that it seemed good to some of the said cardinals, that these
appellant priests here in Rome should be forced to declare, at least in
general terms, that they did condemn the said books :

Another article was, that all participation and communication with
heretics, in prejudice of catholics, should be forbidden, under pain of
excommunication and loss of all faculties :

Item, that all appellations, for the time to come, and other business of

1 [Let the reader compare this with the article, as it really stands, in the acts
of the congregation. " Actum fuit cle gravaminibus illatis ab archipresbytero
presbyteris appellantibus ; et illustrissimi domini censuerunt archipresbyterum
multum gravasse eosdem presbyteros, cum saepe declaraverit ipsos esse schis-
maticos, rebelles, et inobedientes, eisque, hac de causa, prohibuerit usum suarum
facultatum, acne ab hujusmodi nota et censura se defenderent, ne insimul con-
venirent, ne suffragia invicem sibi darent, ne ad partes transmarinas transient,
et appellationibus ad sedem apostolicam interpositis noluerit deferre.

" CaHerum dictum fuit, ipsum excusari aliqua ratione posse, turn quia non
est jurisperitus, turn etiam quia vero simile est, plura ex his fecisse aliorum
consilio.

" Actum deinde fuit de forma regiminis ecclesiae Anglicana?, proposita a dictis
presbyteris appellantibus: et eisdem illustrissimis dominis visum fuit nullo
pacto ad prsesens expedire ut aliqua mutatio fiat ; sed injungendum esse archi
presbytero ne suas facilitates excedat, prout excessisse visum fuit, tarn in posnis
et censuris infligendis, quam in procedendo contra laicos et sacerdotes, qui non
fuerunt alumni seminariorum, contra quos nulla sibi jurisdictio attributa
reperitur. * * *

" Dixerunt denique restituendas esse facultates presbyteris appellantibus,
qui ad curiam contra archipresbyterum venerunt, et eidem archipresbytero in-
jungendum esse ne in futururn contra eos procedat, nisi prius certiorcm faciat
protectorem, et ab ipso responsum habeat." Act. Cong. 20 Julii. MS. in my
possession. — T.~\

2 [The words " in respect of the said heresy" are an addition made by Persons
to the decree : their object evidently is, to represent each of the prohibited books
as containing doctrines savouring of heresy. This, however, was not the
fact.— 71.]

VOL. ITI. m

APPENDIX. [NO. xxxiv.

importance, touching our English ecclesiastical affair, shall be devolved
to the cardinal protector here in Rome, and not to any other person :

That all writing of books by one catholic against another shall be
forbidden, under pain of excommunication, except it be with the
license of the said protector :

And finally, that his holiness will have this to be a full end of this
controversy, and all silence put upon the same, for the time to come,
with due obedience to the superior appointed by him.

These were the chief and most substantial points,1 whereunto I un
derstand that the procurators of the archpriest replied very little ; but
only represented certain difficulties that might fall out, in the manner
of execution, with their opinions how they might be remedied :2 which
seemed well to content the cardinals, in respect both of the reasons
alleged, as also of the modesty, wherewith they were represented. The
other party, I hear (and that by relation of some cardinals themselves),
made divers earnest replies, alleging both impossibilities, inequalities,
inconveniencies, and other like incommodities.

The impossibilities were, for that they could not possibly be under
the archpriest, nor concur with this kind of government : but these
were easily seen to be voluntary impossibilities.

The inequalities were, that their books were condemned, xvith note
of heresy, injuries, and the like, but, on the other side, books were only
forbidden to be written for the time to come ; whereas, they said that
both the Apology was as injurious as any of theirs, and some other
books also had as bad propositions : for proof whereof, they exhibited
a certain supplication, made, as is said, some years past, by father
Southwell to her majesty, out of which book they alleged (as one car-

1 [This is not true. Besides the articles here mentioned, two other resolu
tions, not less important, were adopted; 1°. to prohibit Blackwell from com
municating with the Jesuits, in matters connected with the duties of his office;
2°. to admonish him on the necessity of being faithful in the distribution of the
alms, intended for the relief of his distressed or incarcerated brethren (Act.
Cong. 20 Julii). Did Persons, when he concealed these decrees, still hope to
obtain their reversal?— T.]

2 [To shew the incorrectness of this assertion, I need only observe that I pos
sess copies of two memorials, presented by the agents of the archpriest on the
subject of these resolutions. From one the passage, already cited, in opposition
to the clause prohibiting Blackwell's communications with the Jesuits, is taken
(page clxxiii., ante). That passage assuredly professes to point out " certain dif
ficulties" likely to arise from the prohibition : but \heremedy, suggested by the
memorialists, is no other than the total omission of the clause. In the other
parts of these documents, the main object is, to save Blackwell from the mor
tification of a public reprimand, and, if possible, to obtain the condemnation of
the appellants (MS. Gradwell, 189—193, 215). The space which Persons here
devotes to the answers, real or fictitious, of the other side, forms a singular
contrast with the brief notice bestowed on those of his own party. — T.~\

™ xxxiv.] APPENDIX. Clxxix

dinal himself related in my hearing), that he called the queen " clemen-
tissimam et supremam post Deum dominam ;" which, belike, was, in
our English tongue (for I have not read the thing itself) « most 'cle
ment and sovereign lady under God;" which these now urged for
heinous matter.

The inconveniences were, that they were forbidden to deal with
heretics, in prejudice of catholics, which might be captiously taken or
misunderstood : that the appeals to the protector was a matter of great
length, and might have many inconveniences : whereupon they made
divers other new suits and petitions, and, among the rest, that some of
their company might be assigned for assistants in the present govern
ment, if it could not be changed ; and that the archpriest should not
be able to do without their consent. They urged also greatly the
matter of alms, that accounts should be taken thereof, at the arch-
priest's hands ; which the cardinals themselves answered to be unpos-
sible, seeing he had no ordinary alms to take up, nor that any was
bound to give him, and, if any man gave, it is like he would not have
his name known nor registered, in respect of the peril. After this,
they returned again to urge extremely that some other books might be
condemned also, as well as theirs ; using, for this and all other their
demands, the help and authority of those, to whom they came recom
mended from France : whereupon, to give them some contentment, if
it might be, his holiness was content that both the Apology and the
other book before mentioned, of father Southwell, should be viewed.
But, on the other side, the procurators of the archpriest made suppli
cation to his holiness, that the matter might be despatched, seeing it
had hanged so long in suspense, with increase of dissension every
where, both at home and abroad ; and that, forasmuch as the chief and
substantial points were agreed upon, to wit, the continuance of the
present government, the condemnation of the foresaid books, the pro
hibition of dealing with heretics, and the manner of appeals for the
time to come,1 these things might be first published and established for
staying of further inconveniences; and that, if his holiness would have
all books seen and viewed, that had been written on both parties, con
taining injurious speeches, slanders, or calumniations, they were very
well content therewith, and would beseech his holiness to commit the
same to some judge or judges, to examine juridically both the books
themselves, or witnesses on both sides, and accordingly give sentence
for punishment of them that had exceeded. But, for that this was a

1 [These were the points, as the breve will presently shew, in which Persons
and his friends had succeeded, and which, not unnaturally, they were now
anxious to secure. — T.~]

C1XXX APPENDIX. [NO. xxxiv.

matter requiring more length of time, and that the books already con
demned were of another quality (being censured for heresy) than were
these other now to be examined for injurious speeches, they prayed
that this second might not hinder the despatch of the first :l where
upon, his holiness, after some deliberation, being wearied, as he said,
with the interpellations of both sides, and desiring to have the matter
ended, willed the foresaid cardinals of the inquisition to hasten the
despatch, and to make another peculiar congregation about the same :
which they did upon Friday, the sixth of this present, and, upon Thurs
day following, represented the same to his holiness, when a final end
was taken, and order given for the despatch to be put in writing, which
we expect daily to come forth, though hitherto the particulars are not
known : but it is presumed that, in substance, they are not much dif
ferent from that which before was decreed. Notwithstanding, all men
think that his holiness, of his piety, will condescend, for this time, in
what he can possibly, to content and pacify these men, by all manner
of benignity; though divers other men do think that it will not work
the good effect, that his holiness most desireth. But this must be left
to God's judgments ; his holiness' pious endeavours being much, in the
mean time, to be commended ; and all those are made more inexcusable
that will not be quiet, and hold [their] peace, for the time to come.

And truly, good sir, if a man consider well what hath been gained
hitherto by all this long journey to Rome, and by this whole last year's
travail and trouble, and by the contention of divers years before, it is a
pitiful thing, and a matter of much grief and compassion, that men
dedicated to Gods service, in so high a duty and holy a work, as the
mission of England is, should, by art of the enemy, be turned aside
from prosecution of the said work, and fall the one upon the other,
seeking to buffet and break heads, with the laughter of all their enemies,
and intolerable grief of their friends and superiors, and will not be
pacified nor induced to follow their former work again, in peace with
their fellows ; which we hope now verily, by God's grace, that all
parties will do, that have care either of their consciences with God, or
of their credit with good men ; seeing the infinite damages and scandals
that do ensue of the contrary. Christ Jesus grant it, and preserve you
ever. Rome, this 14th of September, 1602.

1 [It is clear from the whole of the foregoing statement, that Persons was
solicitous to avert the condemnation of his own book. The pope, however, felt
the impropriety of any exception : and when the breve was published, all books,
containing criminatory statements against either party, were equally con
demned. — 7'.]

NO. xxxi v.] APPENDIX. clxxxi

Breve of Clement VIII. in favour of the Appellants. Octob. 5, 1602.
[MS. copy in my possession.]

Dilecto filio magistro Georgio Blackwello nostro et sedis apostolicse

notario, regni Anglise archipresbytero,

Clemens PP. VIII.

Dilecte fill, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Venerunt nuper
ad nos nonnulli sacerdotes Angli, qui de gravaminibus sibi a te illatis
vehementer conquesti sunt, ac multo ante ad nos et sedem apostolicam
appellarant ; quibus auditis, et diligenter, quae pro utraque parte faciunt,
consideratis, nos ante omnia te monendum esse consuimus, ut authori-
tate, a nobis et apostolica sede tibi eoncessa, caute et prudenter utaris;
neque facultates tuas excedas, ut visus fuisti quibusdam in rebus exces-
sisse. Nam jurisdictionem quidem habere te volumus in omnes Anglise
sacerdotes, juxta formam, in literis deputations tuae in archipresbyterum,
a bonse memoriae Henrico cardinale Cajetano tibi hactenus praascrip-
tam, et in casibus in iisdem literis conteritis tantum, nullam tamen vo
lumus te exercere potestatem in presbyteros, qui seminariorum alumni
non fuerunt, aut in laicos : neque facultatem tibi competere infligendi
censuras, aut statuta condendi ; neque contra presbyteros appellantes,
qui ad Romanam curiam venerunt, procedendi, nisi regni Anglioe pro-
tectore, nunc et pro tempore existente, prius consulto, et de omnibus
certi ore facto, ej usque sententia expectata ; neque auferendi, vel sus-
pendendi facultates a sede apostolica vel aliis superioribus, quovis modo,
certis presbyteris, qui ad nos appellarunt, concessas, nisi de consensu et
mandato ejusdem protectoris ; neque eosdem presbyteros de una in
aliam residentiam, nisi ex causa, transferendi ; quas quidem facultates
iidem presbyteri appellantes sibi antea concessas, causa et occasione
prsesentis schismatis, rebellionis, et inobedentiaB, nunquam arniserunt,
prout nee eos illas amisisse, quatenus opus sit, per hasce nostras literas
declaramus.1

Atque ut tu, sine ulla cujusquam offensione, ac majore cum ani-
morum quiete, et omnium pace et concordia, officio tuo fungaris,
authoritate apostolica, tenore praesentium, tibi in virtute sanctas obedi-
entiae mandamus, ut nulla negotia ad officium tuum spectantia ex-
pedias, communices, aut tractes cum provinciali societatis Jesu, vel aliis
religiosis ejusdem societatis, in Anglia existentibus ; ne scilicet novae

1 [An attempt had been made, but in vain, to give to this clause the appear
ance of restoring faculties, which had been legally withdrawn ; and, at the same
time, to exclude Watson, Clarke, and Bluet, from its operation : — " An resti-
tuendae sint facultates omnibus promiscue, prasertim Watsono, Clarko, Bluetto,
qui magis publice cum htereticis tractarunt, et scandalose se gesserunt ; et an
non prius proiiteri tenebuntur, se parituros huic sua3 sanctitatis decretoriae de-
cisioni?" Gradwell MS. 216.— T.]

APPENDIX. [NO. xxxiv.

discordioe et contentionis inter eos et presbyteros appellantes occasio
praebeatur : ac propterea instructionem tibi a dicto Henrico cardinale
Cajetano super hac re traditam, pari authorite per prsesentes penitus
tollimus et abrogamus. Insuper tibi praecipimus, ne de ecclesias Angli-
canae administratione et regimine, vel de rebus ad dictum regimen et
officium tuum pertinentibus, per literas, vel interpositam personam, vel
alio quovis modo cum religiosis ejusdem societatis in Romana curia,
vel alibi ubicunque commorantibus, agas; sed omnia ad nos, et Ro-
manum pontificem, aut ad protectorem pro tempore existentem referas.
Non quod nos aliquid sinistri, aut mali, de iisdem religiosis suspi-
camur, quos scimus sincero pietatis zelo duci, et quag Dei sunt vere
quaerere; sed quod, pro pace et quiete inter catholicos in eo regno
tuenda, sic convenire judicamus : quod et iidem religiosi societatis
verum esse, atque expedire censuerunt.1 Licitum tamen sit rectoribus
collegiorum seu seminariorum ejusdem societatis, alumnis, in eorum
recessu, dare literas testimonials et commendatitias, tibi et pro tempore
existenti archipresbytero directas, juxta formam a protectore praescri-
bendam: ac etiam integrum sit dictis religiosis in Anglia commorantibus
eosdem alumnos in eorum accessu, fovere, dirigere, ac adjuvare.

Simul atque vero contigerit, aliquos ex modernis assistentibus de-
ficere, similiter tibi mandamus, ut tres ex presbyteris appellantibus in
eorum locum successive, prout eos deficere contigerit, substituas ;
quorum opera in officii tui negotiis utaris. Monemus etiam, ut ele-
emosynas, quae quotannis ex largitione fidelium copiose admodum, ut
accepimus, colliguntur, personis indigentibus, ac praesertim iis qui pro
fide catholica in carcere detinentur, large et fideliter distribuas; utque
appellationibus ad nos et sedem apostolicam interpositis, in casibus
quibus de jure deferendum erit, deferas : Quac quidem appellationes ad
protectorem, nunc et pro tempore existentem, devolvantur.

Caeterum, ut omnis hujus controversies memoria penitus aboleatur,
eadem authontate damnamus et prohibemus omnes libros, ubicunque
impresses, in quibus aliquid continetur contra institutum societatis
Jesu, seu contra privatas illius personas, et qui etiam in alterutrarn par-
tern criminosi, seu quovis modo injuriosi sunt; illosque ab omnibus
damnari, prohiberi, et interdici mandamus. Ac insuper omnibus et
singulis sive laicis, sive clericis secularibus, aut cujusvis ordinis ac insti-
tuti regularibus, et nominatim ipsis presbyteris appellantibus, et re
ligiosis societatis Jesu, aliisque quibuscunque ejusdem regni Angliae, sive

1 [BlackwelFs agents requested the pope to say that the fathers of the society
had petitioned to be relieved from the duty of advising the archpriest : — " An
non expediat illud nominatim exprimere (saltern per parenthesim aliquam),
patres societatis petiisse ut tolleretur clausula de ipsis consulendis" (Gradwell
MS. 215). — This, however, was refused. — T.~\

NO. xxxiv.] APPENDIX. clxxxiil

in eodera regno, sive extra illud existentibus, sub amissionis omnium
facultatum, a sede apostolica, vel aliis superioribus, quovis modo, ipsis,
ut prsBfertur, concessarum, necnon excommunicationis, ipso facto
absque alia declaratione incurrendse, poenis, interdioimus et prohi-
bemus, ne libros ullos pro alterutra parte in posterum edant, nisi prius
obtenta protectoris similiter, nunc et pro tempore existentis, appro-
batione et licentia. Quicunque vero aliquod genus librorum, literarum,
aut tractatuum, in quibus alicujus viri catholici fama violari poterit in
posterum, aut aliquando fuerit violata, aut ex quibus excitari possent
veteres, aut nova? contentiones ; vel queecunque alia scripta contume-
liosa, ex quibus odium, dissidiumve inter partes, quovis modo, renovari
posset, communicaverint, seu penes se retinuerint, vel evulgaverint, aut
aliquid de hac controversia publice vel privatim scripserint, defendendo
vel impugnando unam vel alteram partem, aut personas aliquas ; vel
denique, qui cum hsereticis, in praejudicium catholicorum, quovis prae-
textu, vel causa, participaverint, aut communicaverint, eos, in supra-
dictis omnibus et singulis casibus, iisdem amissionis facultatum suarum,
necnon excommunicationis, ipso facto, ut praefertur, incurrendae, pcenis
volumus subjacere.

Et quamvis ex iis, quae pro utraque parte audivimus, longe plura
scribere ad te poteramus, tamen, cum te mentem nostram, ex his quae
diximus, intelligere posse arbitremur, paucis contend fuimus : ac so-
lummodo te, ac omnes tarn religiosos, quam presbyteros sseculares
quoscunque, et eos qui ad nos appellarunt, hortamur in Domino, ut
communi privataeque inter vos paci ac concordiae studeatis, ac idipsum
invicem sentiatis, non alta sapientes, sed humilibus consentientes. Nam
si evangelicam prsedicationem in charitate Christi suscepistis, cur
evangelicam pacem in eadem charitate non sectamini ? Charitas omnia
suffert ; non irritatur, non aemulatur. Charitas docet vos inimicos
diligere ; quanto magis amicos et socios fidei ac laborum ? Itaque vos
per viscera misericordiaa Dei et Christi obsecramus, ut diligatis invi
cem ; nemini detis ullam ofFensionem; nulli malum pro malo reddatis,
ut non vituperetur rninisterium vestrum, sed benefaciatis omnibus, pro-
videntes bonum, non solum coram Deo, sed etiam coram hominibus,
et, quod ex vobis est, pacem cum omnibus habentes; ut fructum,
quern laboribus vestris, in summis periculis et tribulationibus quseritis,
et nos cum universa ecclesia toto animo expectamus, tandem, adjuvante
Domino, qui est vera pax et charitas, cum animi vestri exultatione re-
feratis. Datum Romae, apud S. Marcum, sub annulo piscatoris, die
5 Octobris, 1602, pontificates nostri 11.

M. Vestri us Barbianus.

APPENDIX. [NO. xxxv.

No. XXXV.— (Referred to at page 55.)

*#* A Proclamation against Jesuits and others. Nov. 5, 1602.
[Rymer, xvi. 473.]

As the clemency wherewith we have ever found our heart possessed
towards our subjects of all sorts, and our desire to avoid all occasions
to draw blood, though never so justly grounded upon the rules of
policy and vigour of our laws, have been a great cause that, of late
years, we have used greater forbearance from the execution of some
ordinances, established, by advice of our parliament, for the conserva
tion of the true religion now professed in our kingdoms, and for the
resisting of all disturbers and corrupters of the same (especially from
foreign parts), and the receivers and harbourers of them, than the just
consideration of the safety of our estate may well endure, or the ex
amples of some other princes, where one form of religion hath ever
been only allowed, do regularly approve ; so do we truly confess that
our hope was, that those Romish priests, who were sent into this realm
by foreign authority to seduce our people from their affection to re
ligion, and so, by consequence, from the constancy of their obedience
to us, having felt for a time the severity of our laws formerly inflicted,
would either by our clemency have been moved, or out of their own
judgment have learned, to forbear to provoke us to any sharper course
of proceeding, and not have so notoriously abused our mercy as they
have done: For whilst we, in our princely commiseration, and pity of
their seduced blindness, held this so mild and merciful hand over them,
[they] in the mean time, greatly forgetting our patience and lenity,
have sought, like unfaithful subjects, the utter ruin both of us and our
kingdom, to the uttermost of their abilities.

It is apparent to the world with how great malice of late our king
dom of Ireland hath been invaded by the king of Spain, and how Don
Giovan,1 his chief commander, published a warrant from the see of
Rome to deprive us of our crown, and to proclaim his master lord of
the same ; the Spaniards themselves having not only declared, but
afterwards bitterly complained, in their miseries and distresses, that the
secular priests and Jesuits have both of them invited the king their
master to that unfortunate enterprise, by abusing him grossly by re
porting our forces to be so contemptible, and their own party so
powerful, as the conquest of that realm was most assured. And that
we might not conceive any better hopes of them hereafter, it is, in like
sort, made manifest to the greatest part of Europe, as wre suppose, by
their own books lately published, that they have already very mali
ciously and wickedly combined themselves together, in this our realm,

1 Don Juan D'Aguilar.

NO. xx\v.] APPENDIX. clxxXV

for the advancement of our enemies, the perverting our subjects, and,
as much as in them lieth, the subversion of our estate, in that almost
all the secular priests, by yielding their obedience to a new kind of sub
ordination among them, have in effect subjected themselves to be wholly
directed by the Jesuits (men altogether alienated from their true allegi
ance to us, and devoted with all their might to the king of Spain),
whereby both the one sort and the other so linked together, not mind
ful of their duties to God, to us their lawful sovereign, and to our
kingdom their native country, are become most dangerous, and more
seditious, if it may be, than at any time heretofore ; being grown to
such a height of impiety as that they freely, in their late treatises,
profess that our subjects are bound to fight against us, and to join their
forces with any enemy the pope shall send, to subdue us and our do
minions, under pretence of restoring the Roman religion within our
kingdoms. Besides, such is their pride and presumption, as that they
thrust themselves into all the affairs of our estate, adventuring, in their
writings and speeches, to dispose of our kingdoms and crown at their
pleasures. If any of their own sort, being of a milder temper, as moved
in conscience, do but seem to acknowledge the lenity of our proceed
ings and government, it is a sufficient cause of their hatred and re
venge, to pursue and prosecute them as their enemies : and lest the
generation of those wickedly disposed persons should, in time, be
rooted out and decay, they make a usual market of transporting the
youth of our realm unto foreign seminaries, thereby to corrupt the best
families, and to hatch up a succeeding brood like to themselves, that
by libelling, treachery, and all kinds of traitorous practices, they may
still seek and endeavour to perturb and molest us.

And whereas, of late, much contention and controversy hath arisen
between the Jesuits and secular priests combined with them, on the
one part, and certain of the secular priests dissenting from them in
divers points, on the other part, thereby a great difference of offence
against us and our state, betwixt one and the other sect, hath mani
festly appeared; the Jesuits and the secular priests, their adherents,
seeking and practising by their continual plots and designs, not only
to stir up foreign princes against us, to the invasion and conquest of
our kingdom, but also even to murder our person ; the other secular
priests not only protesting against the same, as a thing most wicked,
detestable, and damnable, but also offering themselves, in their writings
and speeches, to be the first that shall discover such traitorous inten
tions against us and our state, and to be the foremost by arms and all
other means to suppress it, — so as it is plain that the treason, which
[is] locked in the hearts of the Jesuits and their adherents, is fraughted
with much more violent malice, perils, and poison, both against us and

APPENDIX. [NO. xxxv.

our state, than that disloyalty and disobedience, which is found in the
other secular priests, that are opposite therein unto them : In which
respect although we have so conceived of them, and that we could have
been well pleased that the same should farther have appeared, in dis
tinguishing betwixt them, by the execution of our laws, yet such is
likewise their carriage otherwise towards us, as we may not (according
to our natural disposition, ready at all times to apprehend the least
cause to shew mercy) any longer permit it, with the honour of our
state, good of our subjects, and safety of our kingdom : for it is evi
dent that, howsoever they be at variance with the Jesuits and that
faction, they concur notwithstanding and agree together in apparent
disobedience and disloyalty against us, masking themselves under the
vizard of pretended conscience (a suggestion of all other the most
perilous), thereby to steal away the hearts especially of simple and
common subjects from us their sovereign ; since, under colour thereof,
they labour day and night to win and withdraw them from their sound
and due obedience both to us and our laws, and to unite and knit them
to our mortal enemy the pope ; increasing thereby his numbers, and
diminishing ours, — a matter most dangerous to our state, and not to be
endured in the rule and policy of any well governed commonwealth ; —
the same our enemy having had, as a temporal prince, his banner in
the field, and still continuing his warlike stratagems against us.

Furthermore, we cannot conjecture, but do wonder, upon what
grounds they proceed (except it be our sufferance and benignity, which
is greatly neglected by them), in that they carry themselves with so
great and insolent animosity, as they do almost insinuate thereby into
the minds of all sorts of people (as well the good that grieve at it, as
the bad that thirst after it), that we have some purpose to grant a
toleration of two religions within our realm, where God (we thank him
for it, who seeth into the secret corners of all hearts) doth not only
know our own innocency from such imagination, but how far it hath
been from any about us once to offer to our ears the persuasion of such
a course, as would not only disturb the peace of the church, but bring
this our state into confusion.

And to the further aggravating of this their audacious boldness, we
find that their said conceit of a toleration is accompanied with very
great liberty and intolerable presumption, in that they dare adventure
to walk in the streets at noon days, to resort to prisons publicly, and
execute their functions in contempt of our laws, never ceasing, the one
side as well as the other, by these and many more their intolerable
proceedings, to waken our justice, which, for the respect before men
tioned, hath lain in a slumber ; — where, in all good policy, it had been
their parts (if ever), by a far contrary course, to have prescribed to

NO. xxxv.] APPENDIX. clxxxvii

themselves the strictest rules and cautions of giving any such notorious
scandals to so notable clemency, never moved but by constraint to
think upon any severity : From the which our said mild and merciful
connivency toward such unthankful and considerate (inconsiderate?)
persons, we find this further mischief proceeding, that some other na
tures, apt to innovation and affected much to their own opinions, have
broken forth, on the other side, into factious invectives in print against
our present government, whereunto they repute such remissness, as if
no care were had by any but a few of themselves, to preserve religion ;
of which pamphlets, or any other to come forth in like kind, as we
would quickly make the authors (if they were laid open) to feel the
weight of our indignation, in presuming to take upon them to censure
our government, according to their vain conceits, whereby they both
injure our innocence, and scandalise many other good and zealous per
sons, which are free from their unquiet humours, though opposite to
the adverse party.

So, to avoid, in some sort, all these inconveniences, mischiefs, mur-
murings, and heart-burnings in this realm (the government whereof
hath been, and is, as well in temporal as ecclesiastical things, most
firmly established by general consent in parliament), we have thought
necessary to give some general notice to our servants and officers, put
in trust in our several counties, for the government of our people,
how much we mislike it, that many of them, conceiving more of this
last cessation of justice than there was cause, have been so remiss in
preventing the resort of secular priests and Jesuits into places where
they have authority, -as they have seldom made searches for them, or
taken pains in apprehending them, as in former times was used to be
done, and as the laws of the realm do require :

And therefore we have resolved to publish this our admonition and
commandment, whereby we first require and charge all Jesuits and
secular priests, combined together as is before expressed, who are at
liberty within this our realm (by whose sole act of their very coming
into this kingdom they are within the danger of our laws), that they do
forthwith depart out of our dominions and territories, and not, by their
abode any longer, provoke us to extend the rigour of our laws upon
them ; and that the other sort also of the secular priests that are at
liberty, and in some things opposite unto the Jesuits, do likewise, in
the same respect, depart out of our dominions and territories, betwixt
this and the first of January next ensuing, except such of them as
shall, in the meantime, present themselves to some of the lords or others
of our privy council, to our president of Wales and York, or to the
bishops of the diocese, and, before them acknowledging sincerely their
duty and allegiance unto us, shall submit themselves to our mercy ;

APPENDIX. [NO. xxxvi.

with whom we will then (upon certificate from the president and bishop,
which we require to be sent up to our council, within twenty days after
such submission) take such further order, as shall be thought by us to
be most meet and convenient.

Next, we do warn and command both all those who shall hereupon
depart, as also all other Romish priests, be they secular or religious, as
well Jesuits as of any other order (being our subjects), now already out
of our realm, that they presume not to return into our kingdom, upon
any pretence whatsoever.

For such purpose also, we do hereby give notice to all our ministers,
to whom the administration of justice is committed, that, if the Jesuits,
and secular priests combined with them, shall not, within thirty days,
and the other sort of secular priests shall not, before the first of February
(except as before excepted), after this be published within this our
realm, repair to some known port, and there embark themselves for
foreign countries, then we leave them, their receivers, relievers, and
maintainers, to be dealt and proceeded with, according to the power and
justice of our laws, whensoever they shall be found within the same.

And, to the end they may be the sooner avoided from hence, and so
our realm free from the danger and infection, which is derived from
their continual working upon men's consciences, we do hereby strictly
command and charge all our lieutenants, deputy lieutenants, commis
sioners, justices of the peace, mayors, sheriffs, bailiffs, and all other our
officers whatsoever, that they be from henceforth circumspect and
vigilant, each of them in their several charge, to search all places sus
pected, or whereof they shall have any information given them, and to
apprehend all such Jesuits and secular priests, together with their re
ceivers, relievers, and maintainers, equally subject to the penalty of our
laws, and to advertise our council of their proceedings, to the end we
may be informed of the care and diligence, which shall be used in that
behalf, as they will answer the contrary at their peril.

Witness ourself, at Westminster, the fifth of November, in the
forty-fourth year of our reign, 1602.

No. XXXVI.— (Referred to at page 56.)
A Protestation of Allegiance made by thirteen Missioners to Queen

Elizabeth, January 31, 1603.
[MS. belonging to the Dean and Chapter.]

Whereas it hath pleased our dread sovereign lady to take some
notice of the faith and loyalty of us, her natural-born subjects, secular
priests (as it appeareth in the late proclamation), and, of her prince-
like clemency, to give a sufficient earnest of some merciful favour
towards us (being all subject, by the laws of the realm, to death, by our

NO. xxxvi.] APPENDIX.

return into the country after our taking the order of priesthood, since
the first year of her majesty's reign), and only to demand of us a true
profession of our allegiance, thereby to be assured of our fidelity to
her majesty's person, crown, estate, and dignity, we whose names are
underwritten, in most humble wise prostrate at her majesty's feet, do
acknowledge ourselves infinitely bound unto her majesty therefore,
and are most willing to give such assurance and satisfaction in
this point, as any catholic priests can, or ought to give unto their
sovereigns.

First, therefore, we acknowledge and confess the queen's majesty to
have as full authority, power, and sovereignty over us, and over all the
subjects of the realm, as any her highness's predecessors ever had.
And further, we protest that we are most \villing and ready to obey
her in all cases and respects, as far forth as ever Christian priests,
within this realm, or in any other Christian country, were bound, by
the law of God and Christian religion, to obey their temporal prince,
— as, to pay tribute and all other regal duties unto her highness, and
to obey her laws and magistrates in all civil causes, to pray unto God
for her prosperous and peaceful reign in this life, according to his
blessed will, and that she may hereafter attain everlasting bliss in the
life to come. And this our acknowledgment we think to be so
grounded upon the word of God, as that no authority, no cause, or
pretence of cause, can or ought, upon any occasion, to be a sufficient
warrant, more unto us than to any protestant, to disobey her majesty
in any civil or temporal matter.

Secondly, whereas, for these many years past, divers conspiracies
against her majesty's person and estate, and sundry forcible attempts
for invading and conquering her dominions, have been made, under
we know not what pretences and intendments of restoring catholic
religion by the sword (a course most strange in the world, and under
taken peculiarly and solely against her majesty and her kingdoms,
among other princes departed from the religion and obedience of the
see apostolic, no less than she), by reason of which violent enterprizes,
her majesty, otherwise of singular clemency towards her subjects, hath
been greatly moved to ordain and execute severer laws against catho
lics (which, by reason of their union with the see apostolic in faith
and religion, were easily supposed to favour these conspiracies arid
invasions), than, perhaps, had ever been enacted, or thought upon, if
such hostilities and wars had never been undertaken, we, to assure her
majesty of our faithful loyalty also in this particular cause, do sin
cerely protest, and, by this our public fact, make known to all the
Christian world, that, in these cases of conspiracies, of practising her
majesty's death, of invasions, and of whatsoever forcible attempts,

CXC APPENDIX. [NO. xxxvi.

which hereafter may be made by any foreign prelate, prince, or potentate
whatsoever, either jointly or severally, for the disturbance or subver
sion of her majesty's person, estate, realms, or dominions, under colour,
shew, pretence, or intendment of restoring the catholic religion in
England or Ireland, we will defend her majesty's person, estate, realms,
and dominions from all such forcible and violent assaults and injuries :
And moreover, we will, not only ourselves detect and reveal any con
spiracies or plots, which we shall understand to be undertaken by any
prelate, prince, or potentate, against her majesty's person or domini
ons, for any cause whatsoever, as is before expressed, and likewise, to
the uttermost of our power, resist them, but also will earnestly per
suade, as much as in us lieth, all catholics to do the same.

Thirdly, if, upon any excommunications denounced, or to be de
nounced, against her majesty, or upon any such conspiracies, invasions,
or forcible attempts to be made, as are before expressed, the pope
should also excommunicate every one born within her majesty's domi
nions, that would not forsake the aforesaid defence of her majesty and
her realms, and take part with such conspirators or invaders, — in
these, and all other such like cases, we do think ourselves, and all the
lay catholics born within her majesty's dominions, bound in conscience
not to obey this or any such like censure ; but will defend our prince,
and country ; accounting it our duty so to do, and, notwithstanding
any authority or any excommunication whatsoever, either denounced,
or to be denounced, as is before said, to yield unto her majesty all
obedience in temporal causes.

And because nothing is more certain, than that, whilst we endeavour
to assure her majesty of our dutiful affection and allegiance, by this
our Christian and sincere protestation, there will not want such as will
condemn and misconstrue our lawful fact, yea, and, by many sinister
suggestions and calumnies, discredit our doings with the Christian
world, but chiefly with the pope's holiness, to the greatest prejudice
and harm of our good names and persons, that may be, unless maturely
we prevent their endeavours therein, we most humbly beseech her
majesty that, in this our recognizing and yielding Cassar's due unto
her, we may also, by her gracious leave, be permitted, for avoiding
obloquies and calumnies, to make known by like public act, that, by
yielding her right unto her, we depart from no bond of that Christian
duty, which we owe unto our supreme spiritual pastor.

And therefore we acknowledge and confess the bishop of Rome to
be the successor of St. Peter in that see, and to have as ample, and no
more, authority or jurisdiction over us and other Christians, than had
that apostle by the gift and commission of Christ, our Saviour ; and
that we will obey him so far forth, as we are bound by the laws of God

NO. xxxvii.] APPENDIX. CXCi

to do ; which, we doubt not but, will stand well with the performance
of our duty to our temporal prince, in such sort as we have before
professed. For, as we are most ready to spend our blood in the de
fence of her majesty and our country, so we will rather lose our lives
than infringe the lawful authority of Christ's catholic church.

William Bishop. Robert Drury.

John Colleton. John Jackson.

John Mush. Francis Barneby.

Robert Charnock. Oswald Needham.

John Boseville. Richard Button.

Anthony Hebourn. Anthony Champney.

Roger Cadwallader.

No. XXXVII.— (Referred to at page 89).
The Arraignment, and Speech of Robert Barnes. July 3, 1598.

[Original, Stonylmrst MSS. Ang. A. ii. 41.]

The last day of June, being the feast of the commemoration of the
glorious apostle St. Paul, I, Robert Barnes, with Jane Wiseman, were
brought by writ to the King's Bench bar, where there sat only Justice
Fenner; we standing at the bar till our endictments were read against
us, the contents whereof was, forbearing sundry masses, [and] relieving
and harbouring of one Mr. Hethershall, and one Mr. Jones, two semi
nary priests, and we were demanded by the clerk of the court whether
we were guilty of those felonies or not. I answered, we were guilty of
no felony or fact against our prince or country. Then the clerk de
manded by whom we would be tried. Hereat I paused, and desired to
have longer time to answer ; for it concerned my life, and I had no
no notice thereof, before seven of the clock that day, and it was a matter
of the greatest moment unto me. Then justice Fenner said, if I would
stand to my trial, I should not be arraigned at that time, but deferred
off, until another time. I answered that, if I put myself upon the jury
once, I could not recall it, and therefore desired respite of time. The
justice said, it could not be: I must answer, yea or nay. I said I would
gladly satisfy his worship's mind ; but thus suddenly to put myself upon
a jury I was sure to be cast away; for my adversary, Topcliffe, had
oftentimes threatened me to pick out a jury that should condemn me;
and, therefore, to stand to any such jury I meant it not, considering
the simplicity of many juries, which, not well weighing the causes and
innocency of catholics coming to that place, how innocent soever, they
commonly condemn them. But, to satisfy his worship's mind, I would
put myself upon the judgment of my Lord Chief Justice, Mr. Attorney
General, Mr. Solicitor, Mr. Bacon, and Mr. Recorder of London, be
fore whom my cause hath been often discussed, and I cleared by them,
many times, of all Mr. Topcliffe's inventions against me : and, if they

CXC11 APPENDIX. [NO. xxxvn.

thought me culpable of this crime, and gave fidelity to my accuser, I
would acknowledge the endictment, and discharge the jury. This, Mr.
justice Fenner said, must not be permitted ; for my innocency or guilti
ness must not lie upon their necks, but, according to the law, I must
put myself upon God and the country. I answered, I was loath to
offend his worship ; and so as, if Mr. Attorney might be there, who hath
heard my cause from the beginning to the end, and knoweth my inno
cency, I would stand to any jury whatsoever. He said, Mr. Attorney
would and must be there, to plead for the queen, and, therefore, he said,
I must not think that he would speak any thing in my justification.
I said, I requested him not to speak for me, but for her majesty ; and
let him speak what he could against me, so as he himself plead for the
queen ; and let my adversary, Mr. Topcliffe, inform what he could, but
not be permitted to plead against me : for he always useth railing and
outrageous words ; and Mr. Attorney knowing my cause, I will but
charge him, upon his conscience, to manifest a truth in that he knoweth ;
and, so as he might be there, I said, I would be tried by God and my
country. Hereupon, the justice said, I warrant you he shall and will
be here.

Upon Monday following, I was brought to my arraignment, where it
was said that I was endicted, the last of June, for the causes before
said ; and being demanded by whom I would be tried, I put myself upon
God and the country. Therefore, now again I was to be demanded to
hold up my hand, and asked if I were guilty, or not guilty, of those
felonies laid unto my charge. I answered, Not guilty of any felony,
treason, or crime against my prince and country, as I took God in
heaven to witness. Then I was asked by whom I would be tried. I
asked where Mr. Attorney was ; for I was promised he should be there,
and thereupon I had put myself upon God and the country. My Lord
said, he could not be there; for I myself knew his state to be such, as he
came not to the hall, since the death of his wife, nor would not that term.
I said I was right sorry for his sorrow ; but he was well in body, and
might be there, according as I was promised he should ; for he being
away which knew my innocency, and could, and had cleared me of
many of Mr. Topcliffe's bad practices, my life were but cast away upon
a picked out jury, which Mr. Topcliffe had threatened to do. Mr. Top
cliffe said, " dost thou know that he is so well as to be here ? He can speak
nothing for thee ; for he must not but speak for the queen." I answered,
I would so desire that he should plead against me what he can ; but vet
I would charge him, in conscience, to testify for me what he knoweth,
and hath been confessed unto him to be true : and this was for the
queen, and not against, her; for she sought not the life of any subject
wrongfully, but,, according to her mercy, she measured all : and, there-

NO. xxxvn.] APPENDIX. CXCiil

fore, he not being here, I said my life was but cast away, to put myself
upon his picked out jury. Then my Lord said, he himself had so pro
vided, that I had as honest a jury, picked out by himself, as ever went
upon any man in that place ; and that I should have all favour, either
to challenge any of them, or to speak in my own defence what I could ;
and I should have audience. Then the jury was called, and 1 willed to
look upon them, and to challenge, if I misliked any. I answered, I
would challenge none, being of his lordship's appointment ; — for I knew
my life was gone (notwithstanding my innocency, which I protested was
guiltless of any crime), Mr. Attorney being away.

The jury being called, the witnesses for the queen were called in, and
sworn to give true evidence between the queen and the party. The wit
ness for the queen was only Blackwell, which, being sworn, said that he
brought one Jones, alias Buckly, to the new gatehouse, where, he said,
Jones did lie two nights with me, and said two masses. Here my Lord
asked him, in whose chamber ? He said, in Mrs. Bellamy's chamber.
Then he was asked, who was there, and heard the masses ? He said, my
mistress, Mrs. Wiseman, Mrs. Bellamy, two of Mrs. Bellamy's daugh
ters, Stannardine Passy, Mr. Barnes, who served him at the altar, and
himself at them both : and, at Mr. Buckly 's departure, Mr. Barnes did
give unto him a piece of gold. Here I asked him what gold it was ?
He said, a French crown ; and how, " in summer following, I came unto
Mr. Barnes, to borrow a roan gelding for this Mr. Buckly. The lend
ing of this gelding Mr. Barnes denied (i. e. refused) ; and then my
mistress, Mrs. Wiseman, gave me an angel to give him, to hire him a
gelding ; and Mr. Barnes did give her five shillings thereof again,
whereby they both relieved him." Whereunto I protested, upon my
faith, it was all most false, and desired my Lord that I might ask the
priest if he were one, and I would charge him, upon his priesthood, to
tell a truth. My Lord said he was dispensed withal, to swear any false
hood ; for himself had a letter written by Doctor Barret, wherein he did
dispense with any false oath. I told my Lord, I would charge him,
upon his soul, not to equivocate, but to tell a plain truth : and so, turn
ing unto him, I charged him, if that he were a priest, to tell a truth,
whether ever he said mass before me and us all, or ever I gave him any
piece of gold in my life. Then he said, " my Lord, I beseech you let me
speak for the innocency of this gentleman, before whom, I protest unto
you, upon my priesthood, I never said any mass, nor ever had any gold
or silver of him in my life ; and this fellow Blackwell did not know me,
nor any of them knew me, at that time when I came there, to be a
priest. I say it upon my priesthood." Hereat my Lord said, you are
dispensed withal to swear any falsehood. Mr. Buckly said, my Lord,

VOL. in. n

CXC1V APPENDIX. [NO. xxxvn.

God himself cannot dispense with a false oath ; for it is against himself,
which he cannot be. My Lord said, you must not speak herein, for you
are a party in the cause. He said, my Lord I speak in defence of their
innocency ; and I am not arraigned for this cause ; and I protest unto
you I will answer unto your lordship a simple truth. My Lord said,
you shall answer for yourself anon ; and then Blackwell was willed to
go forward.

Then Mr. Topcliffe said that Stannardine Passy had testified all this
under his own hand, and how now, when he should come to testify for
the queen, he had hid himself, and how your lordship knoweth I have
had a warrant these four days to apprehend him ; and I have sought
him, but cannot find him. Then Passy was called, and his bail to bring
him in ; but none appeared. Then my lord said, it is no matter: you
have his confession in writing : let that be read. Then it was read, and
therein he said he saw the priest in a silk vestment, which then was
pulled out, and shewed to me by Topcliffe. I protested I knew it not.
Then Blackwell said, it was the same that Mr. Jones did wear, and it
was brought thither by one Henry Foster, servant to Mr. William Wise
man, his mistress's son ; and there Topcliffe drew out breads and divers
other things, and asked if I knew them. I said I would answer that
anon : it belonged not to my endictment. Then it was read further,
how Stannardine Passy did see the priest to hold a thing over his head ;
and then we all did bow down ourselves. Then my lord said, " How
say you now to this ? This is his own confession, and his hand is
thereunto." First, I denied : it was not his hand : and then it was
shewed me, and I affirmed it was none of his writing. Then Mr. Solicitor
said, " Upon my credit, he set his hand thereunto, and confessed it to
be his, before me:" and, indeed, the name was written in another hand
than the examination, and Mr. Solicitor's hand thereunto. I said, Passy
had denied the same again, before Mr. Attorney, who could justify it, if
he were there, and also Mr. Wade, and Mrs. Bellamy, who heard him
to deny it : and he told unto Mr. Wade that he did it, by reason of the
threats of Mr. Topcliffe, and for fear. Hereupon my lord and justice
Fenner said that, if one confess a thing, and after, upon a deeper consi-
tion, would deny it again, it were not to be permitted ; for then no man
should be condemned. I said it were done by force of threatening, or
for fear of his own life threatened ; therefore, it was of no validity by
law : and that Passy had such cause of fear, I said, I would manifestly
prove ; " for that Mr. Topcliffe had proffered unto one Eversly, a gold
smith, a hundred pounds, to accuse Passy of high-treason, which Top
cliffe assured Eversly he would prove : and, if he would accuse him
thereof, he would give unto the same Eversly the promised hundred

NO. xxxvii.] APPENDIX. CXCV

pounds : And further, the said Eversly should have a warrant, to go
unto Stannardine Passy, when he would ; and by this means he should
carry-letters for him to Passy 's render, which he should find to be in the
gatehouse. All this Eversly voluntarily confessed unto Passy, in New
gate, in the presence of four men, whose hands are here set unto the
confession of the said Eversly. The like Mr. Topcliffe did proffer to one
Mary Adams, a condemned woman, whom Mr. Topcliffe sent for unto
one Mr. Fuller's house, in Warwick Lane, and there proffered her to get
her pardon, and to give her £20, to accuse Stannardine Passy for hear
ing of mass, during the time that he was prisoner in Newgate : and also
she should confess that the keeper of Newgate should permit mass to be
said there, he knowing thereof: and, farther to accuse Passy, that she had
heard him say that he would go into Ireland, and there join with the rebels,
and raise a new rebellion. To confirm all this, Mr. Topcliffe promised
her the above named promises, and gave her five shillings in silver, saying
he gave her the money, to bind her to perform the said accusations before
rehearsed : and this she voluntarily confessed, before four several parties,
and set her hand and their names hereunto: both which certificates are
here, for your lordship to consider." And I delivering the certificates,
my lord would not receive them. Then I said, " my lord, now let it rest
in your lordship's censure, whether he was in danger of his life, by
threatenings and this false dealing, yea or nay ; and, therefore, his con
fession, being forced by threats, and for the saving of his own life, espe
cially having denied it before Mr. Attorney, Mr. Wade, and Mrs. Bel
lamy, was of no force." So Blackwell was commanded to go forward to
the other endictment.

Then Blackwell said that he brought one Mr. Hethershall, a priest,
unto the gatehouse, who said two masses there, and went his way. This
Mr. Hethershall, he said, was a prisoner in St. Catherine's, and, going
abroad with his keeper, he met with him upon the Tower Hill. Here I
asked him how he knew Mr. Hethershall to be a priest ? He said, by
that oath he had taken, Hethershall had reconciled himself before. Then
I said, he was falsely perjured ; for he swore, before Mr. Attorney, Mr.
Solicitor, Mr. Bacon, and Mr. Recorder of London, that Mr. Jones had
reconciled him, upon the day of St. Luke, before he brought the said
Mr. Jones unto the gatehouse ; and so he protested unto their worships
he told me : and now, contrary unto that, he here presently swore that
Mr. Hethershall reconciled him, which is a plain contradiction, and,
therefore, he is perjured, and no credit to be given unto him. My lord
said, he did but mistake the name of the men. I said, " My good lord,
he sweareth both to be true ; and, therefore, my life depending thereon,
his oath must be taken most strictly against himself. Then Mr. Soli-

n 2

CXCV1 APPENDIX. [NO. xxxvi f.

citor said, they both reconciled him. I said, that could not be ; for two
never reconciled any, unless it be upon new causes, which he allegeth
none : and I willed the jury to mark his perjury. From the Tower Hill,
he said he brought him unto the gatehouse, where he saw him to say the
masses. I answered, I never saw Blackwell, nor he me in his life, at
any mass, as I took God unto witness : and as for Mr. Hethershall, he
never said any mass there. My lord said that Mrs. Wiseman and Mrs.
Bellamy had confessed, that we would have had the said Hethershall to
have said mass, and, at one time, as they confessed, there wanted an
altar-stone ; and so he could not say any mass ; and, therefore, we knew
thereby, by their confessions, that he was a priest, and came with inten
tion to have said a mass, which, he saith, was his function : and so we,
relieving him, offended against the statute. I said, " I nor any of us ever
did relieve him ; but only supposed him to have been a priest. But, if
he had said mass, I would confess it unto your lordship ; for it is without
the compass of the statute ; for the statute of the twenty-seventh of the
queen is, that whosoever, after forty days of the ending of the said par
liament, shall go beyond sea, and there be made priest, or any made
priest beyond sea since the first of this my sovereign lady, and shall come
in, abide, and remain within the land, after the forty days, shall be ac
counted a traitor, and the receivers as in state of felony. This Mr.
Hethershall (by the report of himself, and also of Nicholas Blackwell)
was taken at Flushing, sent over violently, committed presently, by the
lords of the council, to prison to St. Catherine's, after, by sir Thomas
Heneage and other, under their warrants, had liberty to go with his
keeper abroad, to get his relief, which he usually did, and returned to his
prison. He, coming with this keeper to the gatehouse, and with this
lewd fellow, he was still in prison ; and, therefore, I demurred in law, if
he were a traitor. Beside, we, never relieving him, nor hearing or see
ing him to do any priestly function, were in no danger of law." My
lord said, that Blackwell receiving him at the Tower-Hill, his keeper
going away, he was then at his own liberty in England, and so a traitor,
and we, for our intention to hear mass, [and] receiving him, in state of
felony. I said, his keeper came with him, and staid in the house be
neath ; but if his keeper did but only deliver him in charge unto Black-
well, as Blackwell said he received him of him, his keeper made Black-
well his guardian until his return, and so he [was] a continual prisoner,
having leave from sir Thos. Heneage and other of the council, to go
abroad to get his maintenance, for he had none of her majesty's allow
ance. My lord said, he was committed close prisoner : and Mr. Top-
cliffe drew forth his first commitment, which was, to keep him close ;
and bade me to shew the other warrant, if I could, for this was extant in

NO. xxxvii.] APPENDIX. CXCvii

court. I said, it was not in my power to shew any warrant of his en
largement : it was a sufficient warrant of itself, I thought, to know that
he went usually abroad, and returned at night to the prison again, and
his keeper going about always with him : which was a sufficient warrant
unto any man ; for the keeper durst not to do it, without a sufficient
warrant for his own discharge. " But, my lord, we neither had him to
say mass, nor to do any other priestly function, nor yet relieved him ;
wherefore, this cannot be imputed a crime unto us." " That," my lord
said, " must be put to the consideration of the jury." Then Mr. Top-
cliffe said, " This Hethershall, my lord, I had in Bridewell, for a Book
of Succession, wherein he would have had the puppet of Spain to have
had right unto her majesty's crown r"1 — and shewed forth the book, and
asked me if I did not know the same ? I asked him what he meant, to
lay the book unto my charge, and to induce the jury to think it was
mine ? for, I protested, I never saw the book in my life ; * * * *
and so desired my lord to give me leave to declare unto his lordship and
the jury my innocency, which I would do by lawful testimonies of
witnesses ; craving pardon of his lordship, and favour that I might not
be interrupted, during the time of my speech, for that my memory was
much weakened, through his hard usage of me in prison. And so,
having leave, I began as followeth : —

The first original of all my troubles proceeded from Anne Bellamy,
the daughter of Richard Bellamy, of Uxenden, in the county of Middle
sex, who, about the twenty-sixth day of January last past was six years,
was committed to the gatehouse prisoner, by my late lord of London ;2
where she lay not the space of six weeks, but was found in most dis
honest order, and, before six weeks more, being with child, was delivered
by Mr. TopclifTe's means, upon bail, not to depart above one mile from
the city : at which time, she lay at the house of one Mr. Basforde, in
Holborn, until midsummer day following ; being, in the meantime,
practised withal, by Mr. Topcliffe and Nicholas Jones, for the appre
hending of one Mr. Southwell, one of the society of Jesus, upon promise
(as she affirmeth, in a letter to her mother) from some of the council,
and also a letter under Mr. Topcliffe's hand, that none should be mo-

1 [Yet Persons, in his Briefe Apologie (187), boasting of the merits of this
work, and referring to those who had described it as an " exasperating- book,"
declares that they had thereby " shewn marvellous rancour, and corrupt af
fection, and no judgment or desire of truth at all;" and assures his readers
" that it was never heard of in England that any special persecution was made
for it." Persons seems to have been contented, that, however individuals might
suffer, no " special" general "persecution" had been avowedly raised in COIN
sequence of this publication. — '/'.]

2 Walter Copehmd.

CXCV111 APPENDIX. [NO. \\x\n.

lested in the house where he should be taken ; upon which promise Mr.
Southwell was apprehended. The means of his apprehension was this,
as is confessed, in the examination of Thomas Bellamy, unto Mr. Top-
cliffe : — One Thomas Bellamy, a brother of hers, upon midsummer day,
coming to London, and going to see his sister, she was importunate with
him to have him go with her to a seminary priest, which, she told him,
did lie hard by ; terming him by the name of a young man, giving great
praise of his virtue and learning, the like whereof she had done unto her
two sisters immediately before, desiring them, of all sisterly loves, that, if
any such person came unto her parents' house, she might have intelli
gence thereof, and, notwithstanding any bond to the contrary, she would
come thither. Her brother refusing to go with her, and going about his
other affairs, which she learned of him to consist most about Fleet-street,
in Fleet-street there met with him this Mr. Southwell, who having marks
given of him before to note him by, he asked him if his name was not
Bellamy, and he yielding thereunto, he told him his mother was his
country-woman, and her friends dwelt nigh unto his, and, therefore, he
would be gladly acquainted with her; desiring him to shew him that
favour, as to stay that night for him, and the next morning he would
ride home with him. The time and place being appointed, they took
horse together, at ten of the clock, and by twelve came to Uxenden.
Mr. Topcliffe being all that day at the court, which was at Greenwich,
yet having his horse laid for the nonce, three weeks before (as himself
confessed that night at Uxenden Hall), to apprehend Mr. Southwell
there, he made such fresh pursuit, as he came to Uxenden, with justice
Barnes, before twelve of the clock that night ; bringing a letter in his
hand, written by the hand of Anne Bellamy, giving him the way to the
house, giving him marks to know the house by, and directing him right
unto a secret place within the house, where he did apprehend Mr. South
well, — whom when he had apprehended, he left all the house in quiet,
and writ a letter, within three days, to Mrs. Bellamy, that it was her
majesty's pleasure that neither she nor any of her household should be
molested therefore. But, coming to London, to colour this foul fact, he
apprehended Anne Bellamy, and committed her to the gatehouse again,
where she remained until the feast of St. James following; at which time,
she growing very great with child, and Mr. Topcliffe fearing that this
matter would come unto light, to cast a cloak over the same, he caused
Nicholas Jones to tell unto his master, Pickering, that she should be
carried before the commissioners, to be examined ; but, in truth, she was
carried to Greenwich, and there married unto Nicholas Jones. After
their marriage, Mr. Topcliffe told unto her mother that her majesty
would not permit her to go home, but had committed her custody unto

NO. xxxvn.] APPENDIX. CXcix

him ; and that he would carry her unto a sister of his, called Mrs.
Brunell, so as she would lend him two geldings, and apparel her : the
which she performing, he carried her unto Somersby, in Lincolnshire,
his own house, where she lay three years at his charges ; and, at the
christmas following, she was delivered of a child. After her deliverance,
Mr. Topcliffe broke this unfortunate match unto her mother, saying that
she must needs condescend thereunto ; for that her majesty was pleased
therewith, and the lords of the council knew thereof; and that she must
also be a means unto her husband, for the obtaining of his good will to a
farm, called Preston, to the value of a hundred marks by year, for they
two to dwell in : and although she had married a poor man, yet, he
said, in his opinion, an honest man : and whereas he himself had never
obtained any thing at her majesty's hands, in recompense of his service,
he would now become an importunate beggar for Nicholas Jones, for the
good service he had done in apprehending of Southwell, — when he was
not at his apprehension, nor any means of his apprehension ; but caused
his woman at that time to send Mr. Southwell thither, and afterward to
give a notice, under her hand, of the secret place where Mr. Southwell
was apprehended, lest he should escape his fingers. Mrs. Bellamy de
claring this Mr. Topcliffe's proffer unto her husband, he by no means
would condescend thereunto, but thought it rather to deserve a punish
ment than a portion ; specially, for that her majesty was abused in her
prisoner, his stock stained, his daughter in prison deflowered ; and now, to
colour this foul fact, to cast her away upon one, who had no other means
to maintain her, but, by false suggestions, to cast away other men's lives
for their maintenance. He would by no means agree thereunto. The
which coming unto Mr. Topcliffe's notice, and not knowing how to dis-
burthen himself of this intolerable charge, [he] caused her to accuse
other ; promising and assuring them to obtain their livings for them, at
her majesty's hands.

Amongst a number, she accused me that I found (i. e. maintained},
one Birket, a notorious traitor, at her father's house, [and] sent Per
sons, Howwodd,1 and Bristowe, that notorious traitor, to her house from
my house in Barbican. I said flatly, he lied. He said, I harboured
fifty-six priests in my house, as she would justify; he assuring her my
living for them both. [Here my lord interrupted me, and asked me,
how I could prove that Mr. Topcliffe had promised my living unto
them ? Unto which I answered, that it hath been justified by two letters,
written by Mr. Topcliffe unto one Mr. Hampton, which hath been tes
tified to the lords of the council, and also the same confessed by Jones

[Perhaps Haywood. — T.}

CC APPENDIX. [NO. xxxvn.

himself unto one Atkinson, as shall be proved. And I writ a letter unto
that lord, yesterday, to have the warrant for the same Hampton, and
one W. Dodd, who could testify the same, and did testify it, within these
three days: but the lord refused to read my letter; but they both had
and would testify it. Whereat my Lord said, there must be no testi
mony brought against the enemy, and I was commanded to go forward.
Then I said,] The cause whereof she accused me was, that I should
pay for the board of one Hall, alias Birket, a seminary priest, at her
father's house, about twenty years since. [Hereat Mr. Topcliffe said,
that he was the notorious traitor that was in England, and that I went
over sea with him.] But now, my Lord, said I, for that this was before
any penal law to the contrary, if it had been true (as it hath been denied
by twelve persons), yet this would not effect his promise of my living.
And, therefore, he caused her further to accuse me, that I should go
beyond sea with this Hall (limiting dctys and times of my going and
return, and how we came over lousy, and brought a pair of beads from
Dr. Allen to Mrs. Bellamy), and to Dr. Allen, a proclaimed enemy unto
the state, thinking hereby to take away my life, and, consequently, my
living, for his promised reward. But all this I answered, three years
ago, before Mr. Attorney. But, for that Mr. Topcliffe thought her wit
ness was but a single witness, and not sufficient to condemn me, he
caused her further to accuse her father, mother, uncle, brothers, sisters,
friends, and acquaintance, to the number of twenty-six persons, all ex
amined by Mr. Topcliffe, most of them threatened by Mr. Topcliffe,
fourteen of them imprisoned by Mr. Topcliffe, he thinking to win some,
by suborning them to confess the same, other, by promise of liberty, to
justify it, or else, by threatenings, to enforce other to condescend there
unto (for all this means, my lord, he hath used); and beginneth with
her mother, threatening her that, unless she would condescend to that
which her daughter had accused her of, he would pick out a jury out of
Middlesex, that should condemn her; he would hang her, — reviling

her, calling her old , old witch, dishonesting her, that * * * * :

so as, through his threatening, and hoping to escape, she set her hand
unto whatsoever he had set down before. But, contrary to her hope,
he committed her close prisoner to the Gatehouse, where she remained
not the space of two hours, but she declared all this unto one Mrs.
Settle, a minister's wife, which was put unto her for company, who like
wise justified this to Mr. Topcliffe 's face, in justice Young's house. The
day following, I myself was sent for, to be examined before the com
missioners, and passing by her window, she flung out a letter unto me,
which my keeper took violently from me, and she, seeing that I could
not attain to the reading hereof, cried out, and desired me, for God his

NO. xxxv i [.] APPENDIX Cci

sake, to forgive her ; saying, how falsely she had accused me, which
was through the threats of Mr. Topcliffe, as before I have declared.
And this she said in the presence of three of my keepers, which, before
divers commissioners, had justified the same. Now, Mr. Topcliffe per
ceiving his bad juggling displayed, and finding his own error which pro
ceeded of her detainment, he came, the Sunday following, and told her,
in the presence of her daughter and divers other, that, if she would but
say that I brought Mr. Southwell to her house the first time, he would
have no more to do with her, but she should go home ; but she pro
tested the contrary, saying Mr. Southwell was never there, before the
time of his apprehension. Then he would have had her to have justified
that, which she had set her hand unto before, concerning her daughter's
confession. But she affirmed it was most false : and therefore, to be
revenged, he brought her to that pass, that, if God had not prevented
her by death, she had now stood at her majesty's mercy, notwithstanding
her most merciful commandment to the contrary.

But, my lord, for that he would have more ways to bring his purpose
to pass than one, he and Nicholas Jones came into Hampshire, unto a
neighbour's house of mine, one Mr. Garnet, a reverend old blind priest,
and apprehended him, and one James Atkinson, a kinsman of his and
his servant. These two they carried with them prisoners to Windsor, at
which time, the court lay there. There Jones entered into familiarity
with Atkinson, and asked him if he knew not me. He said, yes. He
asked what kind of house I had ; whether it were my fee simple, a
gentleman-like house, or not ? and, in the end, told him that, if he would
but say that I had priests resorting to my house, he would be his friend,
and never see him to want: otherwise, he would be his enemy, and never
give him over till he brought him to his end ; further telling him, that
Mr. Topcliffe had begged my living of her majesty for him, and, there
fore, said, that, if he would be wise, he might do himself good, shewing
him, therewithal, a warrant that Mr. Topcliffe had obtained at the lords,
for the searching of my house, and apprehending of me. Atkinson, lead
ing him with fair words, writ a letter unto one Mr. Fletcher, a kinsman
of his, willing him to look to himself, and to give warning hereof.
This letter he delivering to an acquaintance of his in Windsor, to be
carried to Mr. Fletcher, the letter was carried to Mr. Topcliffe, who,
reading the same, caused Nicholas Jones to bring Atkinson unto him at
ten of the clock at night, Mr. Topcliffe lying in his bed, having his sword
drawn lying thereupon. Jones, bringing in Atkinson, commanded him
to kneel down at Mr. Topcliffe's bedside, laying paper and ink before
him, and commanding him to write what he could say, concerning priests
resorting unto Mapledurham, my house. Whereunlo he protested he

APPENDIX. [NO. xxxvn.

could say nothing of any such matter. Then Nicholas Jones swore,
that, unless he told another tale, he would dash out his brains with his
sword ; and Mr. Topcliffe swore that, if he would not accuse me, he
would chop off his legs with his sword that lay there ; he would break
his thighs, send him to a place where the plague should devour him
(being, at that time, in the city of London), or else where the rats should
eat the flesh from his bones. So as, through the threats of these two, he
was compelled to set down whatsoever they two would have him to set
down, or dictated unto him; which he did with such trembling, that
Jones asked him if he were troubled with a quaking ague. All this he
confessed with tears, asking God forgiveness for his offence, and me
pardon, before the face of three several persons, his fellow-prisoners,
under two of whose hands here it is severally for you of the jury to con
sider of.1 The third was Mr. Topcliffe's own man, set in the prison to
entrap divers therein, to the endangering of their lives. [These two
letters I would have delivered unto the jury, but my lord said they must
have no letter against the queen, and the parties were not there viva voce.
I said, they were in prison, and had justified this to be true, before Mr.
Solicitor, and Mr. Bacon, who coming into the court, and would have
sitten under my lord chief justice's feet, his lordship said he were best
be gone ; for there was not room for him then. I was bidden to go
forward. I said,]

After James Atkinson had set down this forced confession, he was
committed to Bridewell, where no man might speak with him, until my
apprehension, which was the 5th day of June, 1594, at which time,
following my suits in law at this honourable place, I was committed to
the King's Bench by Mr. Justice Gawdy, and, the next day, sent for by
your lordship, who meeting you in the palace yard, you delivered me to
Nicholas Jones, by whom I was carried unto Mr. Topcliffe, who, after
examination of these two false accusations of Anne Bellamy and James
Atkinson, sent me to the Gatehouse, where I have lain now, four years
and more ; one year barred from all benefit of air, in my chamber, by
reason of Mr. Topcliffe's tyranny, who commanded my chamber window
to be nailed up, that I should not look into his yard ; and kept me with
out any fire, a whole winter, in so filthy a place, as my keeper often said
he marvelled how I could endure there, for the stench thereof. The
tenth day after my commitment. Mr. Topcliffe sent for me, and told me
that, if I would voluntarily confess the receiving of this priest, whereof
Anne Bellamy and Atkinson had accused me (Mr. Topcliffe, having his
hand upon the bible, before Sir Richard Knightly and other, swore that

Gamut Swiftc, and Nicholas Gilldislv.

NO. xxxvu.] APPENDIX. CClii

he would charge me with no man, but that he had two sufficient testi
monies to prove the same, yet, if I myself would voluntarily acknow
ledge the receiving of these priests), he would assure me of her majesty's
most gracious pardon ; and, to induce me thereunto, he shewed me the
forced confession of Atkinson, which was to this effect: That this
Atkinson, dwelling with one Mr. Garnet, an old priest, which was blind,
did write a letter unto me (and, therefore, he said, in his examination,
the contents of the letter was well known unto him), which was dictated
by the blind man, and was thus: — that I should speak unto one Parker,
alias Stanny, a seminary priest, at my house of Mapledurham, that he
should be a mean to make an atonement between one Mr. Grey and Mr.
Garnet : And there he saw the said Mr. Stanny to dine with me ; and
he sat at the table with us. Shortly after, he came to know what success
his supposed letter had (for that there never was any such letter, here it
is, under the hand of Mr. Garnet himself, for you of the jury to consider
of) ; and then he saw not only this Mr. Stanny, but one other, and, not
knowing his name, he asked one Michael Thompson what it was ; and
he said his name was Jetter, a seminary priest too. This Atkinson came
the third time, and that was a month before her majesty came to Cow-
dray, all the rest being within the same year ; and then he saw not only
the two above-named priests, but he saw one Mr. Curry, a Jesuit, and he
said mass in a chamber beneath my gallery, and I served at the altar,
and they all dined with me. This was the effect of his confession, the
which, I told Mr. Topcliffe, all was false ; for I was not at Mapledurham
of all that year, and, therefore, I would not confess an untruth against
myself; for so I should be the author of the shedding my guiltless blood,
and God would require it at my own hands. Mr. Topcliffe, seeing that
I would, not voluntarily confess it, caused Stannardine Passy to take me
away, and to lay irons upon me, wherein I lay ten days and nights :
after, he sent for me, and threatened to pick out a jury that should con
demn me, and that he would hang me up at Mapledurham gates;
threatening me also to send me to the Tower, there to be racked, to
Bridewell to be tormented ; and, going with him from Mr. Attorney's
unto my lord Burroughs his house, in the Close, before my lord's house,
he threatened to hang me up as high as the trees growing there, so as he
would make my head and feet to meet together, but he would enforce
me to confess it. [Whereat my lord asked what witness I had hereof.
I said Stannardine Passy. Topcliffe said, he had his lordship's warrant,
these four days, for to apprehend him ; but he would not be found. I
said if he were there (as he did me great wrong he was not ; for) he could
justify this and many other bad actions against me, done by Topcliffe.
Then I told how he reviled me, calling me " knave " and " traitor," at

CC1V APPENDIX. [NO. xxxvu.

every word ; the which, for that he had done it unto her majesty, unto
her honourable lords, and unto my own face, I desired their honours to
give me patient hearing, protesting that I would say nothing but that
which proceeded from my very heart, hoping some honourable or useful
minded man would inform her majesty of my loyalty, there truly pro
fessed ; which was (as I took God unto witness), that,] Never in my
life I ever invented any treason, never committed any treason, nor ever
gave any consent unto any treason ; but have always, do daily, and, God
assisting me, will pray for her majesty's prosperous success, and for the
happy estate of my country. I have been evermore ready to sell my
lands, spend my goods, and hazard my life to utter peril, in the defence
of them all ; and I take God unto witness, I would offer my blood most
willingly to be shed, either by Mr. Topcliffe, his fellow Jones, or to any
other bloodsucker whatsoever, to preserve her majesty and my country
from all peril and danger.

But, my lord, Mr. Topcliffe seeing that his threatenings would do no
good, he brought Atkinson and me face to face, before Mr. Attorney,
where I charged Atkinson, as he would answer, at the dreadful day of
judgment, for the shedding of my innocent blood, to tell a truth, whether
ever he saw Mr. Curry, the Jesuit, to say mass, or he ever heard
mass, or I served at any altar, in my house, in his life : and he,
before Mr. Attorney, denied the same. The other two he faintly
affirmed ; for which Mr. Topcliffe dismissed him from Bridewell, and
sent him to the Gatehouse, where Jones had always access unto him ;
and Mr. Topcliffe weekly sent for him, to confirm him in this their
most unconscionable practice, until it was the eighth of October, in
1594s when Mr. Topcliffe thought to effect his promise (unto Nicholas
Jones) of my lands, by my arraignment, and brought this Atkinson to
affirm this before Mr. Attorney, Mr. Sergeant Drew, Mr. Sergeant
Daniel, Justice Young, and himself : where Atkinson, upon his knees,
denied the whole confession, and told the threatenings they used to
him, to acknowledge the same. But they, being ashamed of Mr.
Topcliffe's bad practices, sent Atkinson back again to the Gatehouse,
where Mr. Topcliffe would not permit him to be long ; but, to be re
venged hereof, he found means that, the twenty-fifth day of January
following, Atkinson was again committed to Bridewell, where he lived
not the space of five weeks, but was dead and buried. I trust his soul
be with God. I pray God, Mr. Topcliffe, it crieth not, vindica sangui-
nem meurn unto God, against you, for his untimely death.

Mr. Topcliffe seeing that Atkinson had denied all his forced con
fession before the queen's learned counsel, and published his lewd
practices, he hud no other refuge but to fly now to Michael Thompson,

NO. xxxvii.] APPENDIX. CCV

which he called Michael of the Mount. Him he caused to be sent
for, Mr. Topcliffe writing his letters unto a justice of the peace in
Hampshire, saying, that I was in the Tower for high-treason against
her majesty's person, and that Thompson should be bound to curse the
time that ever he knew me. Thompson, being apprehended by force
of the justice's warrant, was delivered by the justice unto three men
and a constable (giving them in charge to look unto him, as they ten
dered the state of the whole realm, and caused them to ride with guns
charged with bullets), and so to bring him up to Mr. Topcliffe, before
whom when he came, Mr. Topcliffe commanded all men out of his
chamber, and then asked Michael Thompson, if he knew not one
Atkinson ? He said, Yes. Then Mr. Topcliffe demanded if he knew
not one Mr. Parker, alias Stanny, one Jetter, one Curry, alias Castell ?
— to which he protested he knew no such men. Whereat, Mr. Top
cliffe swore, by God's Body, he lied, and that they were three seminary
priests, and all used to his master's house, and he knew them, and, if
he would not confess the knowledge of .them, he would cast him into
prison, where he should lie until he rotted. This nothing terrifying
Thompson, he shewed him Atkinson's confession, and promised him
that, if he would confirm the same, he would give him three of my best
milch kine, my best gelding, and double his substance whatsoever it
were. He answered, upon his faith, it was most untrue ; and, there
fore, he could not confess it. Then Mr. Topcliffe desired him to con
fess it, only to satisfy his mind; and, as he was a gentleman, Mr.
Topcliffe said he should never come face to face unto me, to justify it,
and that it should neither hurt him nor me. Whereunto Thompson
said, to satisfy his mind he might say it ; but, if ever he came to my
face, he would testify the contrary: and then Mr. Topcliffe bad [him]
keep his own counsel, " and as for Topcliffe," said he, " assure thyself, he
can, and will, keep counsel." After this, he committed Thompson to
Nicholas Jones, who carried him to one William Taylor's house, Mr.
Topcliffe's man, where, the second night after, at ten of the clock,
Jones brought Thompson to Mr. Topcliffe's chamber, where he fell of
such a trembling, that his teeth chattered in his head, and Mr. Topcliffe
asked him, if he had an ague (perceiving, indeed, his grudge of con
science), and speedily after dismissed him into the country, in Candle
mas term.

Atkinson being dead, Mr. Topcliffe sent again for this Michael
Thompson, and would have had him to have written Atkinson's con
fession with his own hand ; but he denied it: whereupon, Mr. Topcliffe
committed him to Stannardine Passy, to be carried before Mr. Dean
of Westminster, to have him to affirm it before him. Mr. Dean com-

CCV1 APPENDIX. [NO. xxxvn.

manded Passy to read the same, and asked Thompson if it were his
confession ; and he denied the principal points thereof: whereupon
Mr. Dean willed Passy to carry him back again unto Mr. Topcliffe, and
to tell him, that it was a shame to urge men's consciences, to enforce
them to say more than voluntarily they would confess, " and, therefore,
tell Mr. Topcliffe to put out what Mr. Thompson misliketh, and bring
it unto me," saith he, " and I will put my hand thereunto." But Mr.
Topcliffe, hearing Mr. Thompson denied, put up the confession, without
any amends, and bade Thompson go his way home. Thompson de
parting was never quiet in mind, but said, he thought he should have
run out of his wits, until he writ divers letters unto the lords of the
council and commissioners, denying of Atkinson's confession ; and, at
Michaelmas term, 1595, came to London, to justify my cause before
the lords of the council ; the which Mr. Topcliffe hearing of, caused
one Collins, an attorney in the King's Bench, to arrest him in Paul's,
the which staying of him, to come to Mr. Topcliffe, without any war
rant, my brother Slegg gave his word, that he should come before any
of the council, when Mr. Topcliffe would ; and Thompson writ a letter
to Mr. Topcliffe, to the same effect ; but Mr. Topcliffe, fearing his
coming before the council, caused the aforesaid Collins and a minister
to arrest him, and to bring him to the court, where Mr. Topcliffe,
making his complaint to sir Thomas Puckering, late lord keeper, got
his warrant, to commit him prisoner close to the clink : where, the
summer following, Mr. Topcliffe, thinking to terrify him, brought him
before my lord chief justice, when he justified1 all Mr. Topcliffe 's bad
practices, and declared his proffers to my lord, before Mr. Topcliffe 's
face, and is now prisoner in the clink, ready to testify all this which I
have said to be most true. * * * *

Mr. Topcliffe also threatened one Mr. Grey, an old priest of the age
of fourscore, to put irons upon his hands, laying the irons before his
face, and threatened to lay him upon the bare boards, if he would not
accuse me of that, Mr. Topcliffe charged me withal ; unto which, for
fear of these threatenings, he set his hand ; and afterwards, being com
mitted to the Marshalsea, there, before Edy, Mr. Bellamy, and Mr.
Webster, laying his hand upon a bible, swore that he confessed it for
fear of Mr. Topcliffe's threats, and bade them to bear witness thereof,
and also confessed the same before my lord keeper, that now is, and
Mr. Francis Flower, before Mr. Topcliffe's face.

Mr. Topcliffe also apprehended one John Harrison, another man of
mine, and, because he would have colour to apprehend him, he laid to

i. e. proved.

NO. xxxvii.] APPENDIX. CCV11

his charge that he was a seminary priest, although he kept Jane
Harrison, his wife, twenty-three weeks in Bridewell, till she was almost
starved, and that he was commanded by my lord treasurer to dismiss
her, being great with child. * * * * This supposed priest Mr.
Topcliffe carried to my lord of London's, and, after examination, be
cause he would not accuse me most wrongfully, as Mr. Topcliffe would
have him, Mr. Topcliffe took a cord, and bound his hands together,
and, holding the other end in his own hand, he drew him after him
through the street, in that shameful order, unto Bridewell, and there
commanded to lay irons upon his hands, and that he should have no bed
to lie upon : so as, through the cold he took, and, though suing oft for
his liberty, being often crossed by Mr. Topcliffe, he in the end died in
prison, leaving a wife and three poor fatherless children behind him.
And this is the third person dying in this bad cause, by Mr. Topcliffe's
means. [Whereupon my lord and justice Fenner said I urged matters too
much against Mr. Topcliffe, being such a member for the state ; and
that it made my matter to have the less favour ; and bade me go for
ward to the matter of my endictment.]

Thus, my lord, he drove off two years and three quarters, upon the
proof of these old matters ; unto all which I answered most truly, and
acquitted myself so clearly, that the commissioners themselves were
daily ready to testify my innooency, and Mr. Attorney did clear me of
most of these matters before the lords of the council. Mr. Topcliffe,
seeing that I was ready to be delivered, thought it would redound unto
his great shame, if I should, after so long time, escape his hands, espe
cially for that he had said unto me, before sir Richard Sweetly and
others, that he never took any papist in hand but he brought him to
the gallows, or kept him in perpetual prison. He likewise had pub
lished me to her majesty to be as notorious a traitor, as ever was born
under her majesty : he had laid fourteen articles of treasons and
felonies against me at the council table, laying his hand thereupon, and
swearing he would never more come thereat, if he did not prove them
all against me, before Michaelmas day next following, which now shall
be four years ; therefore, that I should not, to his so great shame escape
him, he inventeth matter, supposed to be committed by me during the
time of my close imprisonment, which he would effect after this sort, by
the help of one Nicholas Blackwell, a poor and needy fellow, who daily
came to Mrs. Wiseman, to go on errands for her, of whom, Mrs. Bel
lamy, and myself, he received daily his dinner, and carried home with
him as much as found his household. This Blackwell, seeing Mrs.
Bellamy one day to make a searcloth, for that she had skill in surgery,
told unto her that there was one Mr. Buckly, a gentleman and country-

CCVlli APPENDIX. [NO. xxxvn.

man of his, who was a catholic, and had hurt his leg in the country, and
putting on a strait boot it increased it, and now, if he should go to a
surgeon, he would pick out a great deal of money out of his purse ;
desiring her to look thereupon. She agreeing thereunto, the next day,
Blackwell, towards night, brought this Mr. Buckly to Mrs. Bellamy,
which was the third of January, 1596. She dressing his leg, the salve
made his wound so grievously to smart, that he could scarce stand
thereupon ; wherefore Blackwell, seeing that it was impossible for him
to go home to his lodging, desired that the said Mr. Buckly might lie
with me ; the which I denied, saying, I durst not, without my keeper's
consent. Whereupon Blackwell went into the lower rooms, and pre
sently came up again, and said, the keeper willed that Mr. Buckly
should lie with me ; unto which, although against my will, I consented,
being loath to offend my keeper, whom I had thought to have willed it.
The next morning, Blackwell brought a bottle of wine, meat, and
bread, of Mr. Buckly's charge ; and so we all dined together. After
dinner, Mr. Buckly went away with Blackwell; since which time I
never saw him.

About midsummer following, Blackwell told Mrs. Wiseman that
now he, the said Blackwell, was a catholic. She demanded of him,
who made him one? — and he said Mr. Buckly, whom he brought to
Mrs. Bellamy, for to cure a sore leg. Mrs. Wiseman asked what he
was ; and Blackwell said, he was a priest and a friar ; and he and two
priests more said mass at his house, that day ; and to-morrow he would
bring his church stuff, and the said Mr. Buckly should say mass there.
Whereupon Mrs. Wiseman said, " if he be a friar and a priest, Tbe] not
so hardy, for thy life, to bring him hither ; for," said she, " I have
promised unto Mr. Pickering, my keeper, that I will bring no person
of danger hither, to endanger his house :" — And thus much, my lord,
she and Mrs. Bellamy did verify, before your lordship, Mr. Attorney,
and Mr. Solicitor to Mr. Topcliffe's face, this time twelvemonth, when
your lordship gave credit unto it, and would not permit this lewd fel
low to testify this untruth to his mistress' face ; and then Mr. Solicitor
promised unto her, that he would warrant her for having any harm.

After this, Blackwell went away discontent, arid came seldomer; yet,
not having that which Mr. Topcliffe expected, he came, and brought
(for baits to entrap us) sometimes beads, sometimes grains and medals,
sometimes church stuff, to sell ; and, seeing we would not bite at any
of these baits, upon St. Andrew's day, he brought a book of pardons,
thinking thereby to entrap us ; and, standing in Mrs. Wiseman's win
dow, which looked into Mr. Topcliffe's chamber, Mr. Topcliffe being
in his window, he was importunate with me to take the book into my

NO. xxxvii.] APPENDIX. Ccix

chamber, and to write out the same, or else to read it. I refusing it,
he said there was no good catholic in England, but would be glad to
receive the profit thereof : but Mrs. Wiseman, perceiving the device,
and seeing Mr. Topcliffe often at his window, winked upon rne, not to
take the book. For the device, my lord, was this. If I had taken the
book into my chamber, he had made a sign unto Mr. Topcliffe, and
Mr. Topcliffe had come, and taken the book in my hands, which had
been treason by statute ; and so, he would have prosecuted rny life,
and, consequently, have had my living for Nicholas Jones, according
to his promise. But I refusing the book, Blackwell departed, and
within ten days after, caused Stannardine Passy to be apprehended
before our faces, by Mr. Topcliffe, who in our hearings said, now he
had met our Mr. Passy, and how he was a traitor, for suffering mass
to be said in the new house, and priests to lie with Barnes. Very
shortly after this, he caused Mr. Buckly to be apprehended, and yet,
thinking we had not known it to have been done by him, upon Shrove
Tuesday following, he brought a letter to the Gatehouse, to his mis
tress, and would riot bring it up himself, but delivered it unto a poor
man, desiring him to deliver the same to Mrs. Wiseman from him,
saying he durst not come to deliver it himself, for fear of Mr. Topcliffe.
[Here Mr. justice Fenner said, I laid many subtle practices to be done
by Mr. Topcliffe, but it did but make my cause to be the worse, to
speak against so good a statesman, and it would hurt my cause the
more. I said I spake but a truth, and nothing so much as he had
practised against me ; and, as for this letter, it was a pestilent practice,
to take our lives from us for this Mr. Buckly, as I would make it mani
fest : for] This letter being brought to Mrs. Wiseman from Blackwell,
this was the contents thereof;—" Your Mr. Passy hath betrayed my
good friend, Mr. Buckly, and me, and us all ; and now I must be
driven to fly for a time,"— desiring Mrs. Wiseman to pray for his wife,
that God would send her a Christian soul, and to consider his want. The
conceit of this letter was, my lord, to have us to consent unto his
flight, and to relieve him to that end ; whereby he meant farther to
accuse us, and to make us, too, guilty of all that, which he had falsely
accused us of. But, considering the phrase and contents of the letter,
we knew, by the phrase, the letter to be of Mr. Topcliffe's endicting,
by his own phrase of " your Mr. Passy," used unto us before : and
presently we delivered the letter to Mr. Parlour, to be carried unto
Mr. Wade ; whereat Mr. Topcliffe was exceeding angry. And, the
next day, he sent for Mr. Parlour, and asked him, why he could not
bring the letter to him as well as to carry it to Mr. Wade ? Mr. Par
lour answered, he was at his door with it, but he was not at home.
VOL. III. °

CCX APPENDIX. [NO. xxxvu.

TopclifFe demanded if he took not a copy thereof, the which Mr.
Parlour shewed unto him. Then Mr. Topcliffe demanded what we
said or thought of the letter ? Mr. Parlour said, we said it certainly to
be Mr. Topcliffe's invention against us ; for we knew it by his phrase
of " your Mr. Passy" and the rest. Mr. Topcliffe swore that he never
saw that paper before ; which indeed, my lord, was true, for it was the
paper written by Mr. Parlour : but his tongue presently uttered the
conceit of his heart ; for presently he said to Mr. Parlour, " .... her,
for a subtle old fox. How subtle she is ! But yet, as subtle as she is,
she might have been overreached ;" — which, indeed, my lord, had been
very true : for, if, by his invention, she had concealed this letter, and
given content and relief for Blackwell's flight, Mr. Topcliffe had over
reached her indeed. So, the next day, Mr. Topcliffe came to the
Gatehouse, and commanded us all close prisoners ; where I remained
until Midsummer following, often suing unto the lords of the council
for my deliverance. In the end, my lord treasurer said, it was a shame
unto the whole state, to detain men in prison so long, without trial or
deliverance ; and sir Robert Cecil, looking upon my petition, said, they
could not in honour deny it, being so reasonable : whereupon, seven of
their honours signed it unto the queen's council, to take bail of me, if
they found no other cause to the contrary ; the which Mr. Topcliffe
seeing they had set their hands thereunto, he endorsed, upon the back
of my petition, all his causes he had laid against me, and this, concern
ing the supposed relieving of Mr. Jones (urging it above all the other),
and delivered my petition, to be carried unto Mr. Attorney and the
rest of her majesty's learned council ; by virtue whereof, I was called
before them, and they spending the whole morning about this matter,
in the end, they all adjudged me to be discharged out of prison, and,
sending in for a friend of mine, told him, they had spent the whole
morning in discussing my cause, and although they feared I was cul
pable in some matters, both before my commitment, and also since my
close imprisonment, yet they said it was her majesty's gracious will and
disposition, that I should not be strictly dealt withal : and having dis
cussed my matter at the full, they all adjudged me to be bailed, and
bade him bring bail, the next day, and I should be delivered out of
prison ; willing me to take more heed hereafter.

The next day, I bringing bail, Mr. Topcliffe, having understanding
of their resolution, came thither, and, falling from the matter, he fell
of accusing me for giving money to sir Robert Cecil and to Mr. Attor
ney, and brought this Blackwell to testify the same, who, in all their
presence, swore, as he hoped to be saved, he told nothing but a truth ;
and first said I had given fifty pounds to sir Robert Cecil, and other

NO. xxxvn.] APPENDIX. CCxi

fifty pounds to Mr. Attorney, for their good wills, to further my
liberty; the which when I heard him to affirm so impudently, and to
testify by oath so falsely, I protested, upon the salvation of my soul,
that he said most untruly, and that Mr. Attorney could well testify
whether ever he received any penny of me : and Mr. Attorney, striking
himself upon the breast, turning to Mr. Solicitor, said,—" Mr. Solicitor,
I take God to witness, I never had any penny of him in my life." Then
I said, " You may see what a fellow this is, who sticketh not to affirm
such an untruth by oath, before your worships." Then Mr. Solicitor
said, " Thou bad fellow, how could he come to give money unto Mr.
Attorney, when he was a close prisoner ?" He, being thereat amazed,
at last said, I sent it him ; and being demanded by whom, he said " by
his brother, Slegg," who being in the house, I requested he might be
called ; and, coming before them, he protested upon his truth, he never
gave one pennyworth unto either of them. Then Blackwell had no
other shift but to say I had told him so; and Mr. Solicitor asked him
who heard me to tell him so ? He said, Mrs. Wiseman and Mrs. Bel-^
lamy; the which both certified to Mr. Attorney the contrary, the same
day. * * *

All this Mr. Solicitor, now in Mr. Attorney's absence, you can justify
to be true ; and you know, in your conscience, it to be so ; and, there
fore, you of the jury are to consider hereof : — But, because Mr. Top-
cliffe promised to prove all this to be true, in Michaelmas term, and
other matters against me, I was again committed to the Gatehouse,
until Michaelmas term ; and Michaelmas term coming, he let it pass,
without any further accusing me. The term being ended, I sued again
to the lords, that, according to their former order, I might be bailed.
Then my lord treasurer bade Mr. Wade to go to Mr. Attorney, and will
him to certify, if I were bailable ; that their lordships might take order
for me. Mr. Topcliffe, seeing this, being assured that they would cer
tify for my deliverance, because they had adjudged me so before, to
prevent their certificate, he requested that he might have Candlemas
term, to try me in ; the which being granted, he let that term pass,
until the last day, at which time, I writing a letter unto your lordship for
the ending of my suits in law, now depending seven years in this court,
the which letter Mr. Topcliffe having intelligence of, he preferred an
endictment against me, the very last day of the term, when I could
have no trial, only of that matter whereof I had been adjudged, by all
the queen's learned council, to be discharged out of prison ; and by no
other witness than by this needy fellow, who hath falsely accused many
other for the same person and cause, and all discharged by the commis
sioners ; — discrediting him, a common cozener of every one ; cozening

O 2

CCX11 APPENDIX. [NO. xxxvn.

his own mistress (Mrs. Wiseman) and Mrs. Bellamy of 3/. 12s., which
they gave him, to pay for linen cloth to one Denis, a draper. He spent
the money, and left them so much in the merchant's book, where it is
unpaid.

Likewise he cozened one Mr. Walker out of a cloak, which was given
him to exchange, and money also to exchange the same : he spent the
money, arid sold his cloak, and Mr. Walker demanding the same, he
accused him for a recusant, and caused him to be cast into the Gate
house.

To Mr. Walker's father he came, and proffered him to take a chamber
in the said Blackwell's house, saying, he should there hear mass daily.
He refusing his proffer, for the danger thereof, he accused him for
relieving Mr. Jones with a piece of gold. Mr. Walker coming before
Mr. Attorney and you, Mr. Solicitor, unto whom he swore that he
knew not this Mr. Jones, you gave credit unto him, and dismissed him.
He telling Blackwell's proffer to hear mass daily in his house, Blackwell
justified it, and said, he did it that he might apprehend him, as he had
done Buckly, the priest.

He likewise accused Mr. Dr. Friar that he kneeled and asked Mr.
Jones's blessing, and Thomas Peacock that he had relieved the said
Jones, and had one hundred masses said in his houses. Doctor Friar
denying it upon his oath, and Peacock also, before you, Mr. Solicitor,
and Mr. Attorney, they were both delivered, to his great discredit.

He accused the wife of James Ducket to Mr. Wade, for persuading
his own wife to refuse to come to church. She taking her oath that
she never saw his wife but once, Mr. Wade accounted him a lewd fel
low, and discharged her.

He cozened one Mr. Clarke, a great benefactor of his, whom, about
four years since, he got discharged out of prison, and, upon the pro
mise to give him forty shillings a year, he promised to keep him out ;
[but] he failing of the payment one half year, he caused him to be
again committed to the Clink, where he was kept close ; and, upon the
giving of forty shillings to Nicholas, he got him liberty of house ; and
then, for forty shillings more at one time, and three pounds at another,
he promised him his full liberty : but there he lay, until the commis
sioners, taking compassion upon him for his infirmities, dismissed him.

Many other cozening pranks he hath played ; but these are sufficient
unto you of the jury, to prove the insufficiency of the man. So as he,
being a needy and beggarly fellow, and one that no doubt is corrupted,
as many other, hath, by Mr. Topcliffe, [been] drawn to testify untruth
against me (as I have directly proved) ; he being easily persuaded, for
reward, to swear any untruth, by reason of his poverty ; measuring his

NO. xxxvii!.] APPENDIX. CCXili

conscience always by his commodity; a man discredited by all the
commissioners (they discharging all whom he falsely accused for re
ceiving Mr. Buckly, as you have heard, and giving him money, but
only Mrs. Wiseman and myself, whom Mr. Topcliffe only persecuteth),
a man being a protestant at the time of his bringing of Mr. Buckly
thither, then, hoping to make a gain, by harbouring of priests and
dealing for catholics, he altered his religion and became a catholic :
they worthily forsaking him for his cozenage of every man, and for his
lewd life, he, being thereby grown so far in debt as he durst not walk
the streets, for fear of arresting, had no other refuge to fly unto, but
to run unto Mr. Topcliffe, that, covering himself under his protection,
under colour to do service for her majesty, by apprehending those
persons which before he had harboured, and falsely accusing of catho
lics, none durst now arrest him : so as, now he altered again his reli
gion, and became a protestant ; so as you which are here of the jury
are to consider, that he, which in no religion hath been true unto God
and his own conscience, but altereth upon every light occasion prof
fered, a perjured person as I have here manifestly proved, acknow
ledging himself to have been a harbourer of priests, whereby he is in
state of felony, and, yet more, accusing himself that he was reconciled
by a priest, whereby he hath confessed himself to be a traitor; and
yet to go unpunished ; now serving for no other service,

but to be used for an instrument for the shedding of this our innocent
blood, and especially produced by him (Topcliffe), who, by so many
subornations of some, fair promises of enlargement out of prison unto
others, threatenings of others, hath sought my blood by all these in
direct means (made manifest unto the lords of the council, and well
known to the commissioners), — that he hath sought, I say, my innocent
blood, as a sufficient satisfaction of his own revenge, and my living, to
disburthen himself of his untolerable load of Jones, his wife, and his
children, unto whom he hath promised it above six years since, as I
have directly proved before the lords. I hope this lewd man cannot in
your conscionable censure, be taken for a sufficient testimony against
me. * * * *

No. XXXVIII.— (Referred to at page 116).
An Act to retain the Queens Majesty's subjects in their due obedience.

[Stat. 35 Eliz. c. 1.]

For the preventing and avoiding of such great inconveniences and
perils, as might happen and grow by the wicked and dangerous prac
tices of seditious sectaries and disloyal persons, Be it enacted by the
queen's most excellent majesty, and by the lords spiritual and temporal,

CCX1V APPENDIX. [NO. xxxviii.

and the commons in this present parliament assembled, and by the
authority of the same, that, if any person or persons above the age of
sixteen years, which shall obstinately refuse to repair to some church,
chapel, or usual place of common prayer, to hear divine service esta
blished by her majesty's laws and statutes, in that behalf made, and
shall forbear to do the same, by the space of a month next after, with
out any lawful cause, shall, at any time after forty days next after the
end of this session of parliament, by printing, writing, or express words
or speeches, advisedly or purposely practise, or go about to move or
persuade any of her majesty's subjects, or any other within her high
ness' realms or dominions, to deny, withstand, and impugn her majesty's
power and authority in cases ecclesiastical, united and annexed to the
imperial crown of this realm, or, to that end or purpose, shall advisedly
and maliciously move or persuade any other person whatsoever to for
bear or abstain from coming to church, to hear divine service, or to
receive the communion according to her majesty's laws and statutes
aforesaid, or to come to, or to be present at, any unlawful assemblies,
conventicles, or meetings, under colour or pretence of any exercise of
religion, contrary to her majesty's said laws and statutes ; or if any
person or persons, which shall obstinately refuse to repair to some
church, chapel, or usual place of common prayer, and shall forbear, by
the space of a month, to hear divine service, as is aforesaid, shall, after
the said forty days, either of him or themselves, or by the motion, per
suasion, incitement, or allurement of any other, willingly join in, or be
present at, any such assemblies, conventicles, or meetings, under colour
or pretence of any such exercise of religion, contrary to the laws and
statutes of this realm, as is aforesaid ; that then every such person so
offending, as aforesaid, and being thereof lawfully convicted, shall be
committed to prison, there to remain without bail or mainprize, until
they shall conform, and yield themselves to come to some church, or
chapel, or usual place of common prayer, and hear divine service, ac
cording to her majesty's laws and statutes aforesaid, and to make such
open submission and declaration of their said conformity, as hereafter
in this act is declared and appointed.

Provided always, and be it further enacted by the authority afore
said, that, if any such person or persons, which shall offend against this
act, as aforesaid, shall not, within three months next after they shall be
convicted for their said offence, conform themselves to the obedience
of the laws and statutes of this realm, in coming to the church, to hear
divine service, and in making such public confession and submission,
as hereafter in this act is appointed and expressed, being thereunto
required by the bishop of the diocese, or any justice of the peace of the

NO. xxxviii.] APPENDIX. CCXV

county where the same person shall happen to be, or by the minister
or curate of the parish, that, in every such case, every such offender,
being thereunto warned or required by any justice of the peace of the
same county where such offenders shall then be, shall, upon his and their
corporal oath, before the justices of the peace in the open quarter ses
sions of the same county, or at the assizes and gaol delivery of the
same county, before the justices of the same assizes and gaol delivery,
abjure this realm of England, and all other the queen's dominions, for
ever, unless her majesty shall license the party to return ; and there
upon shall depart out of this realm, at such haven or port, and within
such time, as shall in that behalf be assigned and appointed by the
said justices, before whom such abjuration shall be made, unless the
same offender be letted or stayed by such lawful and reasonable means
or causes, as by the common laws of this realm are permitted and al
lowed, in cases of abjuration for felony ; and, in such cases of let or
stay, then within such reasonable and convenient time after, as the
common law requireth, in case of abjuration for felony, as is aforesaid :
and that the justices of peace, before whom any such abjuration shall
happen to be made, as is aforesaid, shall cause the same presently to
be entered of record before them, and shall certify the same to the
justices of assizes and gaol delivery of the county, at the next assizes
or gaol delivery, to be holden in the same county.

And if such offender, which, by the tenour and intent of this act, is
to be abjured, as is aforesaid, shall refuse to make abjuration, as is
aforesaid, or, after such abjuration made, shall not go to such haven,
and within such time as is before appointed, and from thence depart
out of this realm, according to this present act, or, after such his de
parture, shall return or come again into any her majesty's realms or
dominions, without her majesty's special license in that behalf first had
and obtained, that then, in every such case, the person so offending
shall be adjudged a felon, and shall suffer as in case of felony, without
benefit of clergy.

And furthermore be it enacted by the authority of this present par
liament, that, if any person or persons, that shall at any time hereafter
offend against this act, shall, before he or they be so warned or required
to make abjuration, according to the tenour of this a,ct, repair to some
parish church, on some Sunday, or other festival day, and then and
there shall hear divine service, and, at service time, before the sermon,
or reading of the gospel, make public and open submission and decla
ration of his and their conformity to her majesty's laws and statutes, as
hereafter in this act is declared and appointed, that then the same
offender shall thereupon be clearly discharged of and from all and every

COXV1 APPENDIX. [NO. xxxvm.

the penalties and punishments inflicted or imposed by this act, for any
of the offences aforesaid : the same submission to be as hereafter fol-
loweth, that is to say,

I, A. B. do humbly confess and acknowledge that I have grievously
offended God, in contemning her majesty's godly and lawful govern
ment and authority, by absenting myself from church, and from hearing
divine service, contrary to the godly laws and statutes of this realm,
and in using and frequenting disordered and unlawful conventicles and
assemblies, under pretence and colour of exercise of religion : and I
am heartily sorry for the same, and do acknowledge and testify in my
conscience, that no other person hath, or ought to have, any power or
authority over her majesty : and I do promise and protest, without any
dissimulation, or any colour or means of any dispensation, that from
henceforth I will, from time to time, obey and perform her majesty's
laws and statutes, in repairing to the church, and hearing divine ser
vice, and do my uttermost endeavour to maintain and defend the same.

And that every minister or curate of every parish, where such sub
mission and declaration of conformity shall hereafter be so made by
any such offender, as aforesaid, shall presently enter the same into a
book, to be kept in every parish for that purpose, and, within ten days
next following, shall certify the same in writing to the bishop of the
same diocese.

Provided nevertheless, that, if any such offender, after such submis
sion made as is aforesaid, shall afterwards fall into relapse, or eftsoons
obstinately refuse to repair to some church, chapel, or usual place of
common prayer, to hear divine service, and shall forbear the same as
aforesaid, or shall come or be present at any such assemblies, conven
ticles, or meetings, under colour or pretence of any exercise of religion,
contrary to her majesty's laws and statutes, that then every such
offender shall lose all such benefit as he or she might otherwise, by
virtue of this act, have or enjoy, by reason of their said submission, and
shall thereupon stand and remain in such plight, condition, and degree,
to all intents, as though such submission had never been made.

And for that every person, having house and family, is in duty bound
to have special regard to the good government and ordering of the
same, be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, that, if any person or
persons shall at any time hereafter relieve, maintain, retain, or keep in
his or their house or otherwise, any person which shall obstinately re
fuse to come to some church, chapel, or usual place of common prayer,
to hear divine service, and shall forbear the same by the space of a
month together, contrary to the laws and statutes of this realm, that
then every person, which shall so relieve, maintain, retain, or keep any

NO. xxxvin.] APPENDIX. CCXV11

such person offending as aforesaid, after notice thereof to him or them
given by the ordinary of the diocese, any justices of assizes of the cir
cuit, or any justice of peace of the county, or the minister, curate, or
churchwardens of the parish where such person shall then be, or by
any of them, shall forfeit to the queen's majesty, for every person so
relieved, maintained, retained, or kept, after such notice as aforesaid,
ten pounds for every month, that he or they shall so relieve, maintain,
retain, or keep, any such person so offending.

Provided nevertheless, that this act shall not in any wise extend to
punish or impeach any person or persons for relieving, maintaining, or
keeping his or their wife, father, mother, child, or children, wards,
brother or sister, or his wife's father or mother, not having any certain
place of habitation of their own, or the husbands or wives of any of
them; or for relieving, maintaining, or keeping any such person, as
shall be committed by authority to the custody of any, by whom they
shall be so relieved, maintained, or kept ; any thing in this act con
tained to the contrary notwithstanding.

And for the more speedy levying and recovering, for and by the
queen's majesty, of all and singular the pains, duties, forfeitures, and
payments, which at any time hereafter shall accrue, grow, or be pay
able, by virtue of this act, or of the statute made in the three-and-
twentieth year of her majesty's reign, concerning recusants, be it en
acted by the authority aforesaid, that all and every the said pains,
duties, forfeitures, and payments, shall and may be recovered and
levied to her majesty's use, by action of debt, bill, plaint, information,
or otherwise, in any of the courts commonly called the king's bench,
common pleas, or exchequer, in such sort, and in all respects as, by
the ordinary course of common laws of this realm, any other debt due
by any such person, in any other case, should or may be recovered or
levied, wherein no essoin, protection, or wager of law shall be ad
mitted or allowed.

Provided always, that the third part of the penalties, to be had or
received by virtue of this act, shall be employed and bestowed to such
good and charitable uses, and in such manner and form, as is limited
and appointed in the statute made in the twenty-ninth year of her
majesty's reign, touching recusants.

Provided also, that no popish recusant, or feme covert, shall be com
pelled or bound to abjure, by virtue of this act.

Provided also, that every person that shall abjure by force of this
act, or refuse to abjure, being '.thereunto required as aforesaid, shall
forfeit and lose to her majesty all his goods and chattels for ever; and
shall further lose all his lands, tenements, and hereditaments, for and

CCXV111 APPENDIX. [NO. xxxvm,

during the life only of such offender, and no longer : and that the wife
of any offender, by force of this act, shall not lose her dower : nor
that any corruption of blood shall grow or be, by reason of any offence
mentioned in this act ; but that the heir of such offender, by force of
this act, shall and may, after the death of every offender, have and en
joy the lands, tenements, and hereditaments of such offender, as if this
act had not been made : and this act to continue no longer than to the
end of the next session of parliament.

The Lords of the Council to the .Archbishop. Dean, Ordinary, and
Officials of the Diocese of Canterbury. August, 26, 1594.

[Wilkins, iv. 346.]

After our hearty commendations to your lordship and the rest.
Whereas it is credibly informed, that there be sundry men's wives,
dwelling within the diocese of Canterbury, that refuse to come to the
church ; and that sundry persons do entertain, keep, and relieve ser
vants, and others that be recusants, contrary to the statute made in
the last parliament ; sithence which time it is likewise notified unto us,
that many have shewed themselves rather more obstinate in divers
parts of this realm, in matters of religion, than any ways more
tractable or conformable ; for as much as this matter doth very much
import the true service of God, and the estate of her majesty and her
realm, and, therefore, ought with the greater care and diligence to be
looked into, we have, therefore, thought it expedient to send your lord
ship, in a schedule here enclosed, certain notes and directions for the
more exact and orderly proceeding herein, subscribed by us and the
clerk of the council, and do very earnestly require your lordship, &c.,
with all convenient expedition, to cause diligent enquiry to be made of
all wives, servants, and other recusants, within your lordship's diocese
and jurisdiction, according to the orders and directions prescribed in
the said schedule, and to make perfect certificate thereof forthwith to
us. So, not doubting, but your lordship will have that regard to the
due execution hereof, as appertaineth, and as her majesty and our
selves do expect, we bid your lordship, &c., very heartily farewell.
From the court at Windsor castle, the 26th of August, 1594-.
Your lordship's, &c., very loving friends,

Joh. Puckering, C. S. T. Buckhurst.

W. Burghley. J. Wolley.

Essex. J. Fortescue.

C. Howard.

NO. xxxvin.] APPENDIX. CCX1X

Notes and Directions sent with the foregoing.

[Wilkins, ibid.]

They shall first cause diligent inquisition to be made in every parish,
what wives be recusants, and shall certify the names and dwelling-
places of the husband and wife, and the condition and state of the hus
band, videlicet, knight, esquire, gentleman, &c. They shall cause also
enquiry to be made, who keep or relieve any servants, or others, that
be recusants, within their families, or under their commandment, con
trary to the statute, the thirty-fifth of her majesty's reign; and, for the
better knowledge thereof, they shall take strict order, that curates,
churchwardens, or sidemen of every parish, do make request to every
householder, man or woman, in her majesty's name, keeping any num
ber of servants, men or women, above the number of ten, to notify the
names of all the said servants ; and all the names so delivered and put
in writing, the said curate, churchwarden, or sideman, shall expressly
require every the said servants to resort to the church, according to the
law, and of the time of this request to keep a note in writing; likewise,
after a month next after such request, the curate or churchwardens
shall give notice to every one, that keepeth or relieveth any such ser
vant, or other recusant, and hath not come to any parish church, or to
usual place of common prayer, to hear divine service, but hath for
borne the same, for the space of a month before such notice given,
without any reasonable cause. And the order, which the said curate
shall use in his admonition, hereafter followeth : — I, A. B. curate of the
parish of C., do give notice unto J. S. that the servant of R. N. doth
obstinately refuse to come to any church, chapel, or usual place of
common prayer, to hear divine service, and hath forborne the same, by
the space of a month together last past, contrary to the laws and
statutes of this realm.

Jo. Puckering, C. S. Rob. Cecyll.

W. Burghley. Jo. Wolley.

Essex. A. Achley.

T. Buckhurst.

END OF VOL. III.

CONTENTS.

PART IV.— ELIZABETH.

ARTICLE IV.

Plots, 1 . Catholics excluded from the schools and universities, 3. Compelled
to seek an asylum abroad, ibid. Not disloyal, 5. Northern Rebellion, 6.
Progress of the Insurgents, 7. They are dispersed, 9. Their Punishment,
ibid. Character of the Rebellion, 10. Bull " Regnans in Excelsis," 12.
Mission of Dr. Nicholas Morton, ibid. The Bull is modified, 13. Elizabeth
seeks its revocation, 14. Penal enactments against catholics, 15. Pre
tended conspiracy at Rheims, 16. Conspiracy of Throckmorton, 19. Trea
son and Execution of Parry, 20. New Enactments against the catholics,
ibid. They petition the Queen in vain, 21. Babington's conspiracy, ibid.
Association against Mary of Scotland, 24. The Spanish Armada, ibid.
Catholics imprisoned, 26. Their Loyalty, ibid. It is rewarded with re
newed Persecution, ibid. Their Sufferings, ibid. The Pope assists the
Spaniards, 28. Cardinal Allen's " Admonition," 29. The " Spanish Party,"
ibid. Its designs, 30. Persons's " Conference on the Succession," 31 .

ARTICLE V.

Factions among Catholics. — Controversy respecting occasional conformity, 36.
Disturbance in the English College at Rome, 37. Its political origin, 38.
It is suppressed, 39. Father Holt and the Exiles, ibid. Breve concerning
the academical degree of Doctor, 40. Dispute among the Prisoners at
Wisbeach, ibid. Applications for Bishops, 43. Project of a Religious Con
gregation among the Clergy, 45. Institution of an Archpriest, 47. It is
opposed, 48. The Clergy send Deputies to Rome, ibid. The Deputies are
imprisoned, 50. The Archpriest is confirmed, 51. The Clergy submit, 53.
But are again driven to Appeal, ibid. The Appellants assisted by the Go
vernment, ibid. An Admonitory Breve to Blackwell, 54. He suppresses it
for some months, ibid. The Agents of the Appellants arrive in Rome, ibid.
Termination of the Dispute, 55. Proclamation against the Missionaries,
ibid. Their Protestation of Allegiance, ibid.

ARTICLE Vr.

Character of Elizabeth, 57. Her personal appearance, 58. Her abilities, ibid.
Her violent Temper, 59. Her dissimulation, ibid- Her motives in establish-

CONTENTS.

ing the Reformation, 61. Her Plundering of the Church, ibid. Her Re
ligious Opinions, 63. Her suitors, 65. Her Encouragement of Foreign
Rebels, 67. Her Persecution of the Catholics, 68. Her concluding years,
69. Her last sickness, 70. And Death, 73.

ADDITIONAL ARTICLE.

Persecution, 75. General Sketch of the Sufferings of the Catholics, 76. Im
prisonments, 77. Spies, 78. Searches, 79. Penal Enactments, 82. Power
attributed by the law to the Queen, 83. Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Presi
dent of the North, 85. His Enmity to Catholics, ibid. His Religion, 86.
Tyranny of his officers, 87. Their Character and Employments, 88.
A General Search, 90. Cruelties of the Pursuivants, 91. Protection of
Spies and Informers, 92. Topcliffe disappointed, 94. Luke Hutton, 95.
His Exactions and Proceedings, ibid. Other Pursuivants, 98. Powers of
the Lord President, 99. Commissions and Presentments, 100. The Presi
dent Summons the Catholics to appear at Durham and Newcastle, 102. A
Search in Northumberland, 103. Catholic Gentlemen imprisoned, 105.
Protestants bound to produce their catholic wives before the Commission,
106. A Search in York Castle, 109. Prisoners removed from York to Hull,
114. Other Searches, ibid. Cruelties Practised on the Catholic Clergy,
117. Search at Mr. Trollope's, 119. The President's Somners, 120.
Catholic Wives produced and committed, 121. Their Treatment in Prison,
122. Fruitless attempts to obtain their release, 124. Conditions of their
enlargement, 125. Oaths administered to Catholics, 126. Mode of Ex
amination, 127. Apprehension of Boast, 130. Of Ingram, 132. Their
Arraignment, 134. Arraignment of Swallowell, 139. They are all con
demned, 141. And executed, 144. Rishton's Diary of the cruelties prac
tised in the Tower, 148. Foxe's List of Catholics imprisoned, in 1579, for
their Religion, 159. Lists of Clergy executed for Religion, during this
reign, 161. Lists of Lay persons executed for the same cause, 166. List of
persons who perished in prison, 168.

APPENDIX.

Page.
No. I. — Proclamation of the Northern Insurgents, Nov. 1569 - i.

No. II. — Sentence of Deposition against Elizabeth, known as the
bull " Regnans in Excelsis," Feb. 25, 1569-70 - - ii.

No. III. — Questions proposed to the twelve priests, &c., with their
answers, and a letter from Dr. William Allen to Father
Agazzari, 1582 - - - iv.

No. IV. — Stat. 13 Eliz. c. 2., against bringing in, and putting in

execution bulls &c., from the see of Rome - xviii.

No. V. — Proclamation for the recal of all students from foreign
seminaries, and for the banishment of all Jesuits and priests
from England, Jan. 10, 1581 . xxi.

No. VI. — Stat. 23 Eliz. c. 1., for retaining the Queen's subjects in

their due obedience - _ xxiv.

No. VII. — Proclamation against Priests and Jesuits, April 1, 1582 xxvi.

No. VIII. — A Memorial for the Journey, 1583 ; with a letter from
the earl of Westmoreland and lord Dacre to Dr. Allen, March
5, 1583 . xxviii.

No. IX. — Stat. 27 Eliz. c. 2., against Jesuits, Seminary Priests,

and other disobedient persons . xxxiii.

No. X.— Stat. 29 Eliz. c. 6., for the more speedy execution of the

statute 23 Eliz. c. 1. _ xxxvii.

No. XI. — Stat. 35 Eliz. c. 2., for restraining popish recusants to

some certain places of abode - _ xxxix.

No. XII. — Declaration of the Sentence and deposition of Elizabeth,
being the abstract of cardinal Allen's " Admonition to the no
bility and people of England and Ireland," 1588 - - xliv.

No. XIII. — Two Memorials, from Englefield and the duke of
Feria, to the king of Spain (Sep. 8, 1596, Jan. 3, 1597), a letter
from Persons to Holt (March 15, 1597), Persons's narrative,
against Paget, Morgan, and others (June 30, 1597), and an
address to the Spanish minister, Pegna, on the subject of in
vading England, 1597 _ xlviii.

No. XIV. — Breve of Clement VIII. to the nuncio in Flanders,
concerning the succession to the English crown, with Persons's
instructions to the nuncio, on the same subject, July 12, and
July 20, 1600 - Ixx.

No. XV.— Dr. Barrett to Persons (April 10, 1596), Agazzari to
Persons (Aug. 27, 1596), and the petition of the students at
Rome to Dr. Owen Lewis - - Ixxiii.

No. XVI.— Persons to Holt (May 5, 1597), on the disturbance in
the Roman College ; Edward Bennet to Dr. Hugh Griffin on
the same subject (May 16, 1597); and six of the scholars to
Aquaviva, May 17, 1597 - - - Ixxviii.

No. XVII. — Correspondence on the subject of Father Holt, from

January 10 to October 12, 1597 - - - Ixxxiv.

CONTENTS.

No. XVTTI. — Decree of Clement VI IT. restraining missioners from
taking degrees, until four years after the completion of the
ordinary course of study, Sep. 19, 1597

No. XIX. — Common letter from eighteen priests, in Wisbeach, to
Garnet, (Feb. 7, 1595), with two letters from Garnet, one to
A qua viva, the other to Dr. Bagshawe, July 12, an 1 Octobers,
1595

No. XX. — Two letters, one from Dudley and Mush, the other from
Dr. Bagshawe, both addressed to father Garnet (Nov. 8, 1595)
on the subject of Wisbeach -

No. XXI. — Persons's reasons for the appointment of two bishops
for the government of the English church, 1597

No. XXII. — Cardinal Cajetan's letter, appointing Blackwell arch-
priest, with another to Dr. Barret, on the same subject, March
7, 1598

No. XXIII. — Protestation of Mush, concerning the archpriest's
power, March 8, 1599

No. XXIV. — Cardinal Cajetan to Blackwell, enquiring concerning
the proceedings of the appellants

No. XXV.— Colleton to Blackwell, Aug. 11, 1598

No. XXVI. — The cardinals Cajetan and Borghesi to Persons, con
cerning Bishop and Charnock, April 21, 1599

No. XXVII. — Breve of Clement VIII. confirming the appointment
of the archpriest, April 6, 1599

No. XXVIII. — Letter from T. G. — to Garnet, announcing the
submission of the appellants, June 1, 1599

No. XXIX. — Sentence of the Paris divines, on the conduct of the
Appellants (May 13, 1600), Blackwell's decree against it
(May 29, 1000), and a letter from Blackwell to Garnet, June 1,
1600 -

No. XXX. — Correspondence between Blackwell and the Appel
lants, with the Appeal of. thirty-three clergymen against the
Archpriest's proceedings, from Oct. 17, KiOO, to March 10,
1601

No. XXXI.— Bluet to Mush, July 1, 1601

No. XXXII.— Letter from to Blackwell, Sep. 16, 1601

No. XXXIII. — Breve of Clement VIII. in answer to the appeal of
the thirty-three clergymen, August 17, 1601

No. XXXIV. — Letters and memorials, on the subject of the Ap
pellants, from March 4, to Sept. 14, 1602, with the Breve of
pope Clement VIII., in their favour. Oct. 5, 1602

No. XXXV. — Proclamation against Jesuits and others, Nov. 5,
1602

No. XXXVI.— Protestation of Allegiance, offered by thirteen mis-
sioners to queen Elizabeth, Jan. 31, 1603

No. XXXVII. — Arraignment and Speech of Robert Barnes, July
3,1598

No. XXXVIII.— Stat. 35 Eliz. c. 1., for retaining the queen's
subjects in their due obedience; with letter and instructions
from the lords of the council, to the Archbishop and other per
sons in the diocese of Canterbury, Aug. 26, 1594 -

Page.

CX1V.

cxvi.

cxix.
cxxiv.

cxxv.
cxxvii.

ibid.

cxxviii.

cxxix.

cxxxn.

.cxlvi.

cxlvii.

- cxlix.

cliv.

clxxxiv.

clxxxviii.

LONDON : ( . 1UCHAKDS, 1'KIXTKR, 100, ST. MARTIN'S LANK, CHARING CROSS.

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Dodd's Church history

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