Records of Early English Drama
PLEASE RETURN TO
RECORDS OF EARLY ENGLISH DRAMA
150 CHARLES STREET WEST
TORONTO, ONT. M5S 1K9
ATTN.SALLY-BETH MACLEAN
416-585-4504
RECORDS OF EARLY ENGLISH DRAMA
Records of Early English Drama
DORSET
EDITED BY ROSALIND CONKLIN HAYS and C.E. McGEE
CORNWALL
EDITED BY SALLY L. JOYCE and EVELYN S. NEWLYN
BREPOLS^ PUBLISHERS
and
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO PRESS
University of Toronto Press Incorporated 1999
Toronto Buffalo
Printed in Canada
First published in North America in 1999 by University of Toronto Press Incorporated
ISBN 0-8020-4379-8
and in the European Union in 1999 by Brepols Publishers
ISBN 2-503-50813-8
Printed on acid-free paper
Canadian Cataloguing in Publication Data
Main entry under title:
Dorset. Cornwall
(Records of early English drama)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-8020-4379-8
1. Performing arts - England - Dorset - History - Sources. 2. Performing
arts - England - Cornwall - History - Sources. 3. Theater - England -
Dorset - History - Sources. 4. Theater - England - Cornwall - History -
Sources, i. Hays, Rosalind C. n. McGee, C. Edward, 1949- .
in. Joyce, Sally, iv. Newlyn, Evelyn, v. Title: Cornwall, vi. Series.
PN2595.5.D67D67 1999 790.2 094233 C98-932491-5
The research and typesetting costs of
Records of Early English Drama
have been underwritten by the
National Endowment for the Humanities and the
Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada
Contents
SYMBOLS IX
DORSET
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 3 TRANSLATIONS 314
INTRODUCTION ENDNOTES 326
Historical Background 7
Local Customs, Music, and Drama 31
The Documents 48
Editorial Procedures 87
Notes 91
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY 104
MAPS 108
THE RECORDS
Dioceses 113
County of Dorset 117
Boroughs and Parishes 121
Households 290
APPENDIXES
1 Undated Records 292
2 Post- 1642 Records 293
3 Lyme Regis Cobb Ale 297
4 Sir John Digby s Embassy to Spain 309
5 Saints Days and Festivals 313
VI CONTENTS
CORNWALL
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 371 TRANSLATIONS 579
INTRODUCTION ENDNOTES 593
Historical Background 375
Drama, Music, Dance, and Popular Customs 397
The Documents 417
Editorial Procedures 439
Notes 444
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY 458
MAPS 461
THE RECORDS
Diocese of Exeter 463
Boroughs and Parishes 468
Monasteries 527
Households 529
County of Cornwall 534
APPENDIXES
1 Vocabularium CornicunY: Old Cornish Translation of ,/Elfric s Glossary 539
2 Cornish Plays and Their Evidence for Performance 541
3 Ancient Parishes with Possible Examples of the Plain-an-gwary 559
4 The Hurling Game in Cornwall 564
5 Sample Church Ale Expenses at Kilkhampton 572
6 A Merry Tale of the Queen s Ape in Cornwall 574
7 Saints Days and Festivals 577
PATRONS AND TRAVELLING COMPANIES 613
GLOSSARIES
Introduction 627
Latin Glossary 631
English Glossary 646
INDEX 655
Records of Early English Drama
The aim of Records of Early English Drama (REED) is to find, transcribe, and publish
external evidence of dramatic, ceremonial, and minstrel activity in Great Britain before
1642. The executive editor would be grateful for comments on and corrections to the
present volume and for having any relevant additional material drawn to her attention at
REED, 150 Charles St West, Toronto, Ontario, Canada M5S 1K9 or reed@chass.utoronto.ca.
ALEXANDRA F. JOHNSTON University of Toronto DIRECTOR
SALLY-BETH MACLEAN University of Toronto EXECUTIVE EDITOR
EXECUTIVE BOARD
PETER CLARK University of Leicester
C.E. MCGEE University of St Jerome s College
PETER MEREDITH University of Leeds
DAVID MILLS University of Liverpool
A.H. NELSON University of California, Berkeley
BARBARA PALMER Mary Washington College
* D O
J.A.B. SOMERSET University of Western Ontario
ROBERT TITTLER Concordia University
DEVELOPMENT BOARD
JENNIFER CLARK
EDWARD JACKMAN op
PATRICIA KENNEDY
J. ALEX LANGFORD
MOIRA PHILLIPS
ROSEANN RUNTE
EDITORIAL ADVISORY BOARD
J.J. ANDERSON University of Manchester
HERBERT BERRY
DAVID BEVINGTON University of Chicago
L.M. CLOPPER Indiana University
JOANNA DUTKA University of Toronto
IAN LANCASHIRE University of Toronto
RICHARD PROUDFOOT King s College,
London
JOHN M. WASSON
GLYNNE WICKHAM
LAETITIA YEANDLE Folger Shakespeare
Library
EDITORIAL STAFF
ARLEANE RALPH Associate Editor
WILLIAM ROWCLIFFE Graphic Artist /
Typesetter
MIRIAM SKEY Bibliographer/Copy Editor
ABIGAIL ANN YOUNG Associate Editor
Symbols
BL British Library
Bodl. Bodleian Library
CRO Cornwall Record Office
CUL Cambridge University Library
DRO Dorset Record Office
JRL John Rylands Library
PRO Public Record Office
RIC Royal Institute of Cornwall
SRO Somerset Record Office
SSL Sherborne School Library
WM Weymouth Museum
WRO Wiltshire and Swindon Record Office
A
AC
DNB
DNHAS
JRIC
PDNHAS
REED
SONS
STC
VCH
Wing
*
(...)
! 1
(blank)
r i
t j
Antiquarian Compilation
Antiquarian Collection
Dictionary of National Biography
Dorset Natural History and Archaeological Society
Journal of the Royal Institution of Cornwall
Proceedings of the Dorset Natural History and Antiquarian Field Club
Proceedings of the Dorset Natural History and Archaeological Society
Records of Early English Drama
Somerset and Dorset Notes and Queries
A.W. Pollard and G.R. Redgrave (comps), Short-Title Catalogue . . . 1475-1640
The Victoria County History of the Counties of England
D.G. Wing (comp), Short-Title Catalogue . . . 1641-1700
(after folio, page, membrane, or sheet number) see endnote
lost or illegible letters in the original
cancellation in the original
a blank in the original where writing would be expected
matter in the original added in another hand
interlineation above the line
interlineation below the line
caret mark in the original
ellipsis of original matter
change of folio, membrane, sheet, or page in passages of continuous prose
right-hand marginale
marginale too long for the left-hand margin
DORSET
Acknowledgments
Any REED collection represents the collaboration of many generous scholars. Our work on the
Dorset records owes a great deal to the interchange between REED editors and other students
of the drama, interchange fostered by REED and nurtured by the project s founder and director,
Alexandra F. Johnston, and the indefatigable efforts of executive editor, Sally-Beth MacLean.
Their wisdom, expertise, breadth of vision, and sheer energy teach and inspire and also serve
as catalysts for a remarkable generation of ideas. We are enormously grateful to them and to
other REED editors from whom we have learned a great deal.
We would like, in particular, to thank Sally-Beth MacLean for her unfailing encouragement,
her skilful coordination of REED S work on the Dorset records, her insightful assessment of
each section of the collection, and her work on first proofs. Associate editor Abigail Ann Young s
editorial suggestions have been invaluable, as have her meticulous paleographical corrections,
translations of Latin documents, and creation of the Latin Glossary; we greatly admire the
breadth and precision of her knowledge. The patience and skill Miriam Skey brought to the
sometimes frustrating process of copy-editing and proof-reading the text have been enormously
helpful as has been her relentless bibliographical work. We are most grateful for Arleane Ralph s
many hours of work on the lists of patrons and travelling companies, for her scrupulous but
genial attention to detail in proofing the entire collection, and for her willingness to tackle the
thankless task of a two-collection index. REED: Dorset owes a great deal also to Sheena Levitt s
expertise in financial administration; to Theodore DeWelles bibliographic work; to William
Cooke for the English Glossary; to Richard Gyug, Philip Collington, and William Cooke for
paleographical checking; to Catherine Emerson for checking the Latin Glossary and Translations;
and to William Rowcliffe for typesetting the collection. Subash Shanbhag of the Department
of Geology at the University of Toronto furnished us with a modern map of Dorset.
British archivists, librarians, and holders of manuscript collections have welcomed two North
American scholars and given us a great deal of much-needed assistance in locating, identifying,
and interpreting the records. Most important has been the help given by the several archivists
at the Dorset Record Office and their staffs: Hugh Jaques, Dorset County Archivist, and his
predecessor, Margaret Holmes; principal archivist, Sarah Bridges; assistant and junior archivists,
Caroline Ferris, Jennifer Hofmann, M. Prescott, David C. Reeves, and Mary Rose; and read
ing room assistant Felicity Cohen. I.K.D. Andrews, Town Clerk of Poole, and G.M. Smith,
then Curator of Museums at Poole, were extraordinarily helpful, permitting us to see some
damaged records in early stages of repair and to examine manuscripts on display in the Poole
DORSET
Museum as well as those then held in the Poole Borough Archives. John Warmington, Librarian
of Sherborne School, made available some of the parish s earliest manuscripts, then kept in
the subterranean reaches of the school. We also thank Tom Mayberry of the Somerset Record
Office, S.D. Hobbs, County Archivist, and J. d Arcy, Principal Archivist, at the Wiltshire
Record Office and his staff. Mark Nicholls, Deputy Keeper of Manuscripts, Cambridge Uni
versity Library, and Peter McNiven, head of Special Collections at the John Rylands Library
in Manchester, kindly checked documents for us. Others who checked documents included
Michael Heaney, who verified entries at the Bodleian and other Oxford libraries and aJso
transcribed quotations from the manuscript of Leland s Itinerary; Alasdair Hawkyard, who
worked on the voluminous and scarcely legible membranes of Condytt v. Chubbe at the
Public Record Office; Eileen White, who confirmed readings of manuscripts at the Wiltshire
Record Office and who also located and did preliminary transcriptions of ecclesiastical court
records; and Julia Merntt and Monica Ory, who checked PRO records. Claire Breay checked
records at the British Library and helped us secure reproductions of the earliest map of Dorset,
Alan Fletcher checked records at Marsh s Library, Dublin, and Adrian Moon did some early
checking of records at the Dorset Record Office. We are especially appreciative of the efficient
and expert work of Richard Samways who did extensive checking of records at the Dorset
Record Office, the Poole Borough Archives, and the Weymouth Museum as well as locating
and transcribing records at the PRO.
Among the many scholars with whom we have discussed this collection we particularly thank
James Stokes, REED editor for neighbouring Somerset, for his generous sharing of records
relevant to both counties and for the assistance his findings gave us in interpreting the Dorset
records. John Elliott, Jr alerted us to relevant material in Robert Ashley s autobiography and
Father Owen Lee clarified crucial aspects of the Dorchester show for Bishop Thornborough.
Early discussions of Dorset material with John Fowles, David Underdown, Adrian Moon, and
the late Maureen Weinstock were also helpful. Each of us has benefitted from the enthusiasm
and informed interest of colleagues as well, particularly Sister Mary Clemente Davlin, O.P.,
of Dominican University (formerly Rosary College), Lynne Magnusson of the University of
Waterloo, and Paul Stevens of Queen s University, Kingston, Ontario.
Financial support for the work on the Dorset records has included grants to REED from
the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRCC) and the National
Endowment for the Humanities, a substantial individual SSHRCC research grant, and generous
grants from Fadier Edward Jackman, O.P., and the Jackman Foundation. A sabbatical leave from
Dominican University supported work with the records. St Jerome s University offered both
moral and financial support for the research and both universities supported the presentation
of preliminary results at several scholarly conferences.
We are most grateful to the following libraries and owners for permission to quote extracts
from documents in their possession: the Bodleian Library, University of Oxford; the British
Library; the Dorset Record Office; the Public Record Office; the Somerset Record Office; the
Wiltshire and Swindon Record Office; and the Weymouth and Portland Borough Council.
Crown copyright material in the Public Record Office appears by permission of the Controller
of Her Majesty s Stationery Office and excerpts from the Gillingham Manorial Court Orders
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
(Nicholas MS 69) are reproduced by courtesy of the Director and University Librarian, the
John Rylands University Library of Manchester. Extracts from manuscripts and early printed
books in the Cambridge University Library collection appear with the kind permission of the
Syndics of Cambridge University Library. The excerpt from William Kethe s Sermon made at
Stanford Forum (STC: 14943) appears by permission of the Bodleian Library, University of
Oxford, the owner of a copy (Mason CC 73) of the printed book, and the excerpt from John
Stows Chronicle of England (STC: 23333) by permission of the Folger Shakespeare Library. We
thank also the owners of copies of episcopal visitation articles from which we print extracts:
the Rector and Fellows of Exeter College, Oxford; the Master and Fellows, Magdalene College,
Cambridge; Manchester College Library, Oxford; the Governors and Guardians of Archbishop
Marsh s Library, Dublin; and the Master and Fellows of St John s College, Cambridge.
Finally, we thank our families. Rebecca and David Hays enjoyment of enforced Dorset
vacations taught their mother about parts of Dorset she might otherwise have missed and
they tolerated many more bo-o-oring conversations about Dorset records than any child or
teenager should have to endure. Haley McGee, first as a baby and then as a toddler, made
research trips to Dorset more complex - and enormously more fun - for her father, and Rory
McGee has graciously put up with stories of times and travels before his time. Donna Penrose
has been a constant source of perspective, support, and love throughout all the years of work
on this project. Jo Hays provided a willing ear, a thoughtful editorial eye for drafts of the histor
ical introduction, and love that is beyond price.
Historical Background
Modern Dorset - apart from her eastern urban complex - has remained a pre-eminently rural
county, still displaying much of the rustic and sometimes wild country and parochial culture
described by Thomas Hardy and the Dorset poet William Barnes. The shire attracts fewer
tourists than more spectacular Devon and Cornwall, Hampshire s Southampton overshadows
Dorset s ports, and the main routes westward from London or Salisbury to Exeter or Bristol
now cross through only the narrow northern part of the county. There seems a striking continu
ity between the modern shire and the sixteenth- and seventeenth-century county, it, too, was
prosperous, overwhelmingly rural, and of little importance in national affairs, and early modern
travellers to the west country tended to bypass most of the county. 1
Dorset s terrain is extraordinarily varied. The centre of the county is dominated by the
broad crescent of the chalk downs that sweeps north and west from the rocky coast east of
Portland, turning east to join eventually with the range that continues through Wiltshire to
the Marlborough and Berkshire downs. This high and broad range of hills has encouraged
continuous patterns of settlement and farming since at least Roman times. The hilltops are
most useful as pastureland, land that supports the animals so important for the fertilizing value
of their manure on the rich arable in the well-watered river valleys between the hills. 2 The downs
were first settled in neolithic times and more thoroughly cultivated during the four centuries
of Roman dominance in Dorset; the pattern of settlement continued and expanded after the
belated Saxon conquest of the county. Thus, cultivation of the chalk down country after Domes-
day was an extension and development of long-standing patterns of land use. Both the pastures
on the hilltops and the use of valley ploughland favoured collective agriculture, and medieval
and early modern downland Dorset was typified by nucleated villages and important manors.
The heath country between the rocky Isle of Purbeck in southeastern Dorset and the arc of
the chalk downs has relatively acidic and, hence, poor soil; it was perhaps settled and cultivated
most fully by the Saxons. Early Purbeck farmers could eke out a living but the area was most
valuable in the medieval period for the limestone and marble quarried for building. And al
though there were isolated farmsteads throughout the county from prehistoric times, the
heavier clays in Blackmoor Vale and in northern and western Dorset, regions also more heavily
wooded than the down country, were more profitably cultivated only after the development
of medieval agricultural technology.
Seventy-five miles of coast and easy access to important shipping routes have meant that
DORSET
much of Dorset s history and several of her more important towns have been linked to the
sea. Both small river mouths and natural harbours could admit the vessels bringing Roman,
Saxon, or Danish invaders or the small ships carrying medieval and later coastal commerce.
Much of that coast is dominated, however, by magnificent but unmanageable cliffs; havens
useful in the medieval centuries were less accessible to the larger sixteenth-century ships. Only
the natural harbours at Weymouth-Melcombe Regis and Poole and the artificial harbour at
Lyme Regis were to be of more than local importance after 1500. Nonetheless, much of Dorset s
interchange with the world outside the county was by sea, so much so that sometimes the
coastal towns seem to have had more to do with their trading partners outside the shire than
with inland regions of the county itself.
Dorset was relatively well-developed at the time of the Conquest. Its country was heart
land that boasted nearly 300 mills, and the moderate development and expansion of the
arable in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries was accompanied by population growth but not
radical social change. 3 The county borders are ancient and have changed but little from the
borders implicit in the process of the Saxon conquest (modern county reorganizations have
exchanged a few parishes between Dorset and Devon; more importantly, territory including
Bournemouth and Christchurch was added to the eastern end of the county). In the medieval
period the county had close connections with the king: nearly forty Dorset manors made
William i the most important landlord in the shire, and several medieval kings spent fair periods
of time in Dorset, with Dorchester an important point on the itineraries of Edward I and
Edward n. The west country had, of course, been the core of Alfred s territory in the ninth
century; it witnessed civil war both immediately after the Conquest and during the conflict
between Stephen and Matilda when Dorset castles at Sherborne, Powerstock, Wareham, and
Corfe were besieged. Sharing a sheriff with Somerset during much of the medieval period,
Dorset was a frequent source of supply for royal ventures."
Dorset s religious life was shaped by institutions initially founded in the Saxon period. The
county was originally in the diocese of Sherborne: that see was united to that of Ramsbury,
Wiltshire, in 1058 and the bishop moved to Old Sarum after 1075. Under the bishop of
Salisbury s jurisdiction until 1542 (when the county was joined to the new diocese of Bristol),
several sections of the county were in one or another peculiar jurisdiction that provided some
ecclesiastical independence, most notably the very large parish and royal peculiar centred on
the royal free chapel of Wimborne Minster, and the peculiar of the dean of Salisbury that pre
served both the property rights and influence of the dean and prebends of Salisbury Cathedral
within Dorset even after the shire was joined to Bristol diocese. Much of the pattern of
parish and monastic life was firmly rooted, however, in the Saxon church. Saxon Dorset was
dominated by the huge parishes of the minster churches, some of which still served large
parishes in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, although many former dependencies had
acquired parochial independence in the intervening years. Sizeable monasteries at Abbotsbury,
Cerne Abbas, Shaftesbury, and Milton Abbas were beginning to serve as centres for towns by
the time of the Conquest. These houses and three others - Sherborne Abbey (the Benedictine
monastery which became the focus of Sherborne life after Sherborne s bishop moved to Sarum),
the college of secular canons at Wimborne Minster (founded after an earlier monastery was
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
destroyed in the late tenth-century Danish invasion), and the twelfth-century Cistercian house
at Bindon - dominated monastic life in Dorset until the Dissolution; although the friars were
active in the county, their houses were never so influential as the large pre-Conquest monas
teries.
Expanded land use, such technological developments as the horizontal loom and the fulling
mill, and the emigration of skilled craftsmen from guild-dominated towns to the countryside
were among the factors that stimulated the growth of west country cloth production in the
twelfth and thirteenth centuries, particularly in the cheese country of Somerset and Wiltshire.
The Dorset sheep herds also grew during this period and contributed to the growth of local
wool cloth production. As prosperous agricultural communities developed markets, the
Dorset markets and small market towns also grew. J.H. Bettey tells us that four Domesday
Dorset boroughs (Bridport, Dorchester, Shaftesbury, Wareham; Wimborne Minster also had
burgesses) were joined by ten other boroughs by the end of the fourteenth century, including
the successful ports of Lyme Regis, Melcombe Regis, Poole, and Weymouth."
The Black Death entered England through Melcombe Regis and it is probable that Dorset
lost a higher percentage of its people than other rural counties to the initial epidemic and fre
quent recurrence of disease in the next three centuries. Some villages were deserted, particu
larly in wilder, more heavily wooded west Dorset and in the Blackmoor Vale. In the chalk
country and in most towns, population loss resulted in the contraction of economic activity
in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, although it is possible growing sheep flocks may be
linked to shrinking population and arable acreage in the downlands. Fifteenth- and sixteenth-
century growth of such coastal towns as Poole and Lyme Regis, on the other hand, was import
ant to the general economic recovery of Tudor Dorset. 7
An early seventeenth-century description of the county may serve to emphasize the con
tinued rural character of the shire in the early modern period:
Though the Aire of this Territorie bee good and healthfull, yet is not the Soyle barren, but
rich and fruitfull ... The more Northerne Part, divided from the South almost by a con-
tinuall Ridge of high Hills, is somewhat flat, and was in foregoeing Ages wholely Forrests;
neither is it yet in this decaying Age of ours altogether destitute of Timber Trees, and Woods;
abounding also with verie good Pastures, and Feedeings for Cattell; watered with fine
Streames, which take their Courses through rich Meadowes . . . the South Parte . . . consisteth
altogether of Hills, (Downes we call them ... ) all overspread with innumerable Flockes of
Sheepe, for which it yeelds very good and sound Feedeing, and from which the Countrie
hath reaped an unknowen Gaine. Valleys it hath diverse, but not large, in the which, for
the most parte, the Townes and Gentlemens Houses are seated, for avoideing those sharpe
Blasts which this Southerne Parte is subject to; for it is somethinge wilde, and verie destitute
of Woods; Cornefeilds they have plentie, which seldome deceive the Husbandmans Expecta
tion; and adjoyneing to the Rivers good Meadowes, though not in soe great Plentie as the
North Parte of the Shire...
It is generallie well watered with Rills, and swift runneing Brookes; which, passeing
through the Plaines and Valleys, doe at the last in a most loveing manner unite themselves,
10 DORSET
and of their manie Branches make two bigge bodied Streames, Frome and Slower, both
passeing full of good Fish, which neverthelesse is not soe much respected there, because the
adjoyneing Sea doeth furnish the Countrie with all Kindes of Fish."
Most striking about Thomas Gerard s description of Dorset is the extraordinarily rural tone of
his account, perhaps to be expected in the voice of a member of the gentry most interested
in the fortunes of his own kind. But some circumstances conspired to preserve Dorset s relative
isolation. There were in the county few large landholders of national prominence: Henry vu s
mother, Margaret Beaufort, had close connections with Wimborne and was eventually buried
in the minster; Sir Christopher Hatton was for a time at Corfe Castle, later purchased by Sir
John Bankes, attorney-general to Charles I; and Sir Walter Ralegh spent much time at his seat
at Sherborne Castle and exercised both patronage and authority in Sherborne. For the most
part, however, such figures from national politics had little to do with the county and Dorset
politics remained in the hands of prosperous local gentry families, headed by the Strangways
of Abbotsbury and Melbury Sampford. Gerard s impression in the 1620s was that the Dorset
gentlemen were for the most pane ... of antient Descent although freeholders, profiting
from rakt Rent ... doe now beginne much to encroch upon the Gentrie, producing occasion
ally new Families of note. 9 It is notable that he found Dorset gentlemen essentially local
worthies, although they sometimes bought lands or intermarried with families from neighbour
ing counties. The considerable social upheaval in Dorset in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries - almost 50 per cent of the leading families in the 1630s first appeared among the
Dorset gentry after 1529 was fed by immigration, notably of Devonshire gentry families,
the purchase of confiscated monastic properties by lesser Crown servants and local gentry, the
social rise of local farmers, the economic success of Dorset merchants, and the occasional
movement of local town patricians into the ranks of country gentlemen. As David Underdown
has argued eloquently in Fire from Heaven, prominent Dorset men could be very much aware
of national and international events. But Dorset s own affairs were generally her own; the
county was largely free from the domination of aristocrats or of political figures of national
influence. 1 "
Dorset apparently adapted successfully and reasonably peacefully to the changing agricultural
markets of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The flocks pastured on the downs increased
greatly and there were frequent enclosures of downland commons for both sheep pasture and
arable, often by common agreement of the tenants or between the tenants and a great land
lord. By the seventeenth century the county boasted twenty-one important markets and forty-
six annual fairs; by far the most important fair was the centrally-located September fair at
Woodbury Hill near Bere Regis, which attracted many visitors from outside the shire." From
the early seventeenth century there were also experiments with water meadows, and some
increased specialization and some expansion of pasturage and arable into cleared and enclosed
waste and forest also occurred in the claylands of Blackmoor Vale and the west country.
Apparently such developments occasioned little social upheaval in most cases, although in the
1620s and early 1640s riots followed the disafforesting of Gillingham, riots Joan Thirsk associ
ates with general, multifaceted economic depression and David Underdown with attacks on
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
the clique of courtiers and Londoners whom local villagers saw as responsible for the disaf-
forestation. 12
Expanded exploitation of the land contributed to Dorset s general prosperity. Indeed, u
general, the pattern of Dorset s early modern development was one of growth and successful
adaptation of an economy that nonetheless remained second rank. Dorset s growing herds
supplied a sizeable Dorset broadcloth manufacture in the fifteenth century, for example; weavers
were turning to both the newer dyed cloths and narrower and cheaper kersies and Dorset
dozens by the early seventeenth, and Dorset ports exported cloth made in Somerset as well as
Dorset. But the centre of marketing for the expanding cloth trade lay to the north in Wiltshire
and Somerset, and Dorset cloth was considered inferior to that of neighbouring counties.
Similarly, enterprising Dorset coast towns took advantage of new opportunities for growth.
Poole and Weymouth early joined the new trade with the fisheries of Newfoundland, import
ing and re-exporting Newfoundland fish with great profit, and Bridport and Lyme Regis may
have helped redistribute the fish in southwest England. The manufacture of sailcloth and
rope, particularly for shipping and the navy, were important industries in west Dorset, especially
at Bridport, and Dorset was also one of the chief sixteenth-century woad-producing shires.
But despite considerable growth, Dorset s coastal commerce was adversely affected by the shift
of commercial shipping to London: the harbours at Lyme Regis, Weymouth-Melcombe
Regis, and Poole were also too small or shallow to allow for the increasingly large ships that
became the commercial carriers and more important naval vessels of the sixteenth century. 13
Tudor governments like their medieval predecessors - brought sometimes reluctant Dorset
coast towns into the structure of coordinated English maritime defence, building additional
coastal forts, such as Sandsfoot Castle, near Weymouth. Dorset coast towns were all involved
to some extent in furnishing ships to fight the Armada but their participation was mainly
through money or the provision of small, armed merchant ships, a fact reflecting the strong
but secondary prosperity of these small, vital ports, important for supporting the larger ships
against the Armada, as they were important for supporting coastal shipping increasingly
dominated by London. Perhaps symbolic of the enterprising, flexible, and very localized
character of county commerce is the county s involvement in privateering, smuggling, and
piracy in the late sixteenth century. At least thirty-six ships from Weymouth, Lyme Regis,
and Poole captured foreign prizes as part of the privately financed maritime activities against
Spain after 1585. Pirates based first in West Lulworth, and later in Purbeck, were linked to
members of the Dorset gentry, to the deputy of the vice admiral for the Isle of Purbeck, and
to the deputy searcher for Weymouth-Melcombe Regis, as was discovered during Crown in
quiries of the 1570s and 1580s, and both pirates and smugglers operated with the cooperation
of villagers in the hinterlands, town officials from several towns, and profit-taking merchants
and gentry. The piracy was suppressed and the pirates hanged from gallows stretched out
over the sea. But smuggling continued as a cooperative local enterprise adding to the profits
of enterprising agriculture and successful town adaptation to the Tudor market economy." 1
The prosperity of the county is reflected in the growth of Dorset s towns in the sixteenth
century (records of performance activity survive largely from towns that were successful), in
the increased amount of land brought under cultivation and the innovative techniques used
12 DORSET
in agriculture, and in the apparent complacency and increasingly visible affluence of Dorset
gentry. Prosperity is also reflected in the relative placidity of the shire s relationship to national
signs of conflict. Dorset was divided, for example, about religion in the sixteenth and seven
teenth centuries. But signs of Lollardy had been less frequent in Dorset than elsewhere in the
west country - there was a great deal of church rebuilding in fifteenth-century Dorset - and
Dorset monasteries surrendered to Henry vin s commissioners peacefully." Conflict about
religion seems generally confined to town or parish in the succeeding generations, perhaps in
part because Dorset s 1542 assignment to the often headless diocese of Bristol and the con
sequent lack of effective episcopal supervision during Elizabeth s reign made difficult enforcement
of any policy against local sentiment. When Devon and Cornwall rose in the conservative
prayerbook rising of 1549, Dorset remained calm. The county s quiescence probably did not,
however, mean enthusiastic support for reformed religion, for the county militia fought only
reluctantly against their more passionate neighbours." In the Elizabethan period Puritanism
gradually gained a hold in many towns, particularly in Dorchester and Poole, but several
prominent Dorset families preserved Catholic traditions. Attempts to stamp out undesirable
religious opinion tended to be inconsistent and probably limited in their effect. For example,
Elizabethan efforts against Catholicism resulted in the execution of priests at Dorchester in the
1580s and 1590s, but in 1592 a member of one of Dorset s more prominent Catholic famil
ies was appointed to the commission supposed to uncover Jesuits in the county; seventeenth-
century presentments from the Wimborne peculiar show the church pursuing both recusants
and sabbath breakers. Religious factionalism was a prominent factor in the quarrels that
divided several Dorset towns early in James is reign, and by the 1630s Archbishop Laud s
visitors found many Dorset Puritans, particularly in Poole, Dorchester, and Lyme Regis, but
the Dorset countryside still harboured considerable anti-Puritan sentiment. 17
Any interpretation of the records of performance activity in Dorset must consider Under-
down s recent challenging interpretation of early seventeenth-century popular politics and
culture, particularly in the west country. In Revel, Riot, and Rebellion, Underdown argues for
a model of understanding popular culture in the region, based on contrasts between "tradi
tional" areas of open-field, sheep-corn husbandry in the nucleated villages of the chalk down-
lands, and the more individualistic economies and settlement patterns of the north Somerset
and Wiltshire cheese and cloth-making country; with the less industrially developed pasture
region in south-east Somerset and Blackmore Vale representing an intermediate type in respect
of both economic and settlement patterns. 1 " He describes a Tudor and Stuart England in
which there was a natural survival of popular traditions of various sorts. Communities often
maintained such traditions because of civic pride as well as local sentiment and sometimes
abandoned them for practical reasons, when other fund-raisers or fund-raising techniques
seemed more efficient or profitable than traditional merry-makings. Moreover, campaigns
against traditional feasts - against traditional popular culture - were fuelled by a preoccupation
with social discipline . . . visible at all levels of English life 1 1 that ranged the Protestant country
gentry and middling sort . . . against what they perceived as the corrupt and popish extravag
ance of the Court and its hangers-on and also ranged many of the gentry, the Puritan clergy
and their allies among the respectable parish notables against the bulk of their social inferiors
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
and the poor. 2 " The campaign for moral reform was generally more successful, he believes, in
wood-pasture regions. Traditional festivals and other plebeian amusements survived longer,
and continued to reflect an older notion of community in the arable downlands, while a few
pasture regions - including Dorset s Blackmoor Vale - remained as culturally conservative as
the downlands. 21
Underdown s work has been the object of much cogent criticism, summarized succinctly
by Ronald Hutton. 22 As Hutton indicates, Underdown s topographical analysis has borne the
brunt of criticism, notably by Martin Ingram, who found similar patterns of declining festiv
ity in Wiltshire regions of all types. Finding revels and Robin Hood games throughout all
regions of Somerset and staunch defence of traditional entertainment in the heart of wood-
pasture areas, James Stokes similarly concludes that reform-minded justices had more to do
with efforts at controlling traditional entertainment than Somerset s topography and that
support for traditional culture had less to do with class and income level than with whether
one was native to the area or a recent immigrant. 25 Nor does our examination of Dorset evid
ence yield more support for Underdown s model, although our conclusions must be even
more tentative than Stokes or Ingram s. A major difficulty in fitting Dorset into Underdown s
framework is the peculiarities of the Dorset evidence. For much of the period with which we
are concerned ecclesiastical records are fragmentary; no sixteenth-century Bristol bishops
registers or ecclesiastical court books survive, for example. Although there are extant quarter
session records for other counties - the Somerset evidence is particularly rich - for Dorset
there is only a single order book (1625-37). Most of the Dorset evidence for performance
activity comes from towns, generally outside the framework of Underdown s regional analysis
(although he suggests that most of the towns shared political views with the rural areas around
them). In general, we find it difficult in Dorset to distinguish clear geographical patterns for
survival or disappearance of popular custom. Indeed, Underdown s model implies a general
cultural conservatism in the Dorset countryside, where there was little that could rival the
individualistic enterprise of the north Somerset and Wiltshire cheese country. Much of the
Dorset evidence does suggest, however, that the decline or continued support for revelry or
traditional custom was partly associated with religious beliefs and the fear of disorder. Like
Hutton, we think that Underdown s stress upon the power of ideology may well be correct. "
Second, a detailed examination of the Dorset evidence suggests that individual pieces do
not always fit Underdown s use of them. For example, Underdown talks of James is reign as a
transitional period, during which festivals survived in many places; he states that at Cerne
Abbas the maypole survived the earlier Puritan attack, only to be cut down to make a town
ladder in 1635, just when maypoles were reappearing in other places after the second Book of
Sports. " Since the only surviving reference to the Cerne Abbas maypole relates to its destruc
tion, the Cerne maypole may have languished unused for several years before the parishioners
used it for timber, or it may first have been built in 1634. Surely the reference cannot support
Underdown s indication on a map showing Dorset popular festivals that 1635 was the latest
recorded date for a public revel in Cerne Abbas. 2 " Other points where we think Underdown
or others have used Dorset evidence incorrectly will be indicated in endnotes to the records.
In brief, we find Underdown s discussion of patterns of social and economic change stimu-
14 DORSET
lacing, as is much of his discussion of the geographical distribution of Dorset political sentiment
during the 1640s and 1650s; we can, however, only regard his framework for understanding
regional patterns of cultural conflict as unproved in the case of the county whose records we
have examined. Sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Dorset, like the rest of England, was experi
encing far-reaching changes in economic and social structure. Generally Dorset s reflection of
the national pattern is seen both in the county s moderately successful response to economic
setbacks and opportunity and in the increasing gulf between the expanded ranks of the gentry
and successful middling sort and the expanding ranks of the poor. Various communities suc
ceeded in different ways in adapting to change, just as individuals succeeded in different ways;
some of the differences in success or failure are almost certainly reflected in the continuance or
abandonment of traditional culture, including both revelry and performance. A comprehen
sive and convincing model for understanding those differences, however, has yet to be written;
promising elements of that model may be the ideology stressed by Hutton and his suggestion
that the principal development of the early Stuart period in the history of [the old festive]
culture [was] to turn it into a national political issue. 27
Boroughs and Major Market Towns
BLANDFORD FORUM
A faire Markett Towne in the 1620s, pleasantlie seated upon the River, and neare unto the
Downes, 2 " Blandford Forum had begun to develop as a trading centre by the mid-twelfth
century. The town had several advantages over its immediate neighbours: it straddled a major
crossing of the Stour, one of Dorset s two largest rivers, and several roads converged there,
including both the road connecting Poole to the hinterland of northwest Dorset and Somerset,
and the main route from Dorchester to Salisbury, described by a writer of 1 588 as part of a
major secondary route between Exeter and London. 21 Although medieval Blandford only twice
sent members to parliament, there were markets in the town by the early thirteenth century
and Edward I granted fairs on the feast of the apostles Peter and Paul (29 June) and on the
vigil of saints Simon and Jude (28 October) and the fifteen days following, and James i would
confirm a one-day fair on St Mathias Day (24 February). 3 " By the Elizabethan period Bland-
ford Forum was a thriving country town with well-known markets and fairs. A council often
capital burgesses, headed by a bailiff, ran the town with advice from a steward appointed by
the duchy of Lancaster." The burgesses appointed chamberlains to carry out the main execut
ive responsibilities of the town s government. In 1605 the community, then numbering
perhaps 500-800 people, received a charter confirming its customs and giving the town lord
ship of the manor for which it would pay fee farm to the duchy. By that time Blandford was
exempt from manorial control and could appoint stewards for its own court leet. 32
Several signs suggest that in the sixteenth century Blandford was profiting from its position
as a county market town. A fire in 1570 had destroyed the town hall, and the community
undertook to build a new one, drawing on loans and gifts from individual burgesses as well
as on funds from various Blandford charities. The new hall was built by 1593 and in 1610
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
Camden, commenting on the town s phoenix-like recovery, would claim the town was built
more elegantly, and is better peopled with inhabitants. " The town s sense of community
appeared not only in its successful building campaign but also in the variety of ways the town
raised funds, ranging from the several different ales featured in the Elizabethan chambetlains
accounts and the renting of space to players to the sponsorship of annual races after 1600."
The Puritan preacher William Kethe. rector of tiny Child Okeford, denounced a Dorset
parish in his sermon to the justices at Blandford sessions in 1571 and it is tempting to guess
that the parish that profaned its sabbath with bulbeatynges, boulynges, drunkennes, daun-
cynges, and such lyke (see p 1 18) was Blandford itself. If so, the parish, according to Kethe,
staunchly resisted the reforming minister. We know little of Blandford s internal affairs, how
ever; repeated and devastating town fires, most notably that in 1731, destroyed most Bland-
ford records.
BRIDPORT
The Brit river flows into the sea through an impressive gap between East and West Cliffs; the
cliffs thus provide a sheltered river anchorage for small ships. Some distance north of the
anchorage, in the angle formed by the Asker and Woth rivers as they join the Brit, was the
settlement that became Bridport, perhaps originally developed in connection with Anglo-
Saxon defence. By the time of the Conquest the town numbered about 120 houses. In the
thirteenth century the draining and cultivation of the Marshwood Vale fostered the growing
of hemp on land ideaJly suited to it; King John, who had visited the town a few years earlier,
ordered Bridport sailcloth and hemp thread for ships cables in 1211. The development of
flax and hemp growing between Bridport and Beaminster contributed in turn to Bridport s
growth; the harbour and the manufacture of rope and sailcloth - particularly for naval stores
were to prove the focus of Bridport s economy. By the fifteenth century the growing urbanity
of a town increasingly shaped by its relationship to trade and manufacturing may be seen in
the numerous confraternities founded in each of the two local churches."
Although until the late fourteenth century Bridport s river was still too underdeveloped to
provide more than a mooring for ships perhaps a mile and a half from the town itself, by the
reign of Edward in Bridport sea captains participated in the Gascon wine trade and Bridport
rope and sail manufacture was recognized by the Crown. Late fourteenth-century efforts to
dredge the Brit and build a well-developed harbour set what was to be the pattern for the
remainder of our period: time and again Bridport tried to gain permission and raise funds to
build a well-equipped harbour but never managed to construct and maintain anything but a
safe landing site for small ships. 3 "
In the meantime, Bridport activity in an increasingly complex rope manufacture had grown.
Even by 1315 many of the townsmen s assets included flax, hemp, and rope, and by 1530
Bridport successfully petitioned for a local monopoly of hemp selling and rope making. The
town s prominence in the industry came mainly as a result of the very high quality of the
local hemp and flax. 37 So well known was the Bridport hemp that a sixteenth-century morality
play could use taw halters of Burporte as an image for a hangman s noose. 3 " By the 1590s,
16 DORSET
however, the town s rope production had begun to decline as did seventeenth-century Bridport s
domination of the industry. Contributing to the decline were Bridport s cumbersome organ
ization of the trade, high transportation costs related to relatively poor overland transport as
well as the silted-up harbour, and competition, both from rope-walks near to the naval yards
and from Dutch and Russian hemp, of somewhat higher quality than the Dorset product."
Bridport sent members to parliament regularly after 1295; her government was a self-
perpetuating council of capital burgesses. In his Itinerary Leland called her a fair larg town
in the 1530s 4 " but it was not until 1593 that Elizabeth granted the town a market and fairs,
including a one-day fair on the feast of the Annunciation (25 March), a three-day fair on the
feast of the Ascension (the Thursday following Rogation Sunday), and a one-day fair at Michael
mas. In her grant the queen stated that Bridport was an ancient Borough and mercantile
town and formerly was a port of great celebrity and resort until the entrance and ascent of
the same port were lately choked by the sand of the sea and almost blocked up, by reason of
which the same Borough in commerce and merchandise is diminished and deteriorated and
the buildings and edifices of the same Borough are in great decay ruin and dissolation. 41 The
queen was probably responding to requests from Bridport burgesses, whose determination to
revive the town s economic health Robert Tittler sees in the celebrations surrounding the
opening of a new market house in 1593. 42 The influence of an active local group of Puritans
may also be visible in Bridport s quick support for parliament in 1642. 43 Consensus like that
of 1642 was not easily obtained earlier in the century, when Puritanism set Bridport citizens
at odds with one another. In 1614 allegedly libellous verses attacked The puritans of Bridporte
Towne as smug, self-righteous hypocrites whose supposedly religious gatherings masked
sexual self-indulgence and adultery (see p 1 58). Named in the verses were many members of
the town s leading families, men who had held or would go on to hold Bridport s highest civic
offices.
DORCHESTER
The Romans probably chose to build a fort and administrative centre at Durnovaria (Dor
chester) because of its proximity to British hill forts at nearby Poundbury and Maiden Castle:
the site had been pre-eminent in the area since the Bronze Age. Although there is no clear
evidence of continuous occupation, the wealth of Roman remains at Dorchester and the pros
perity of the town during the medieval period suggest that the city on the Frome River
maintained its importance. In the time of Edward the Confessor the town boasted over 170
houses, of which perhaps 100 were destroyed by 1086. Bettey estimates the population of the
town as about 700 at the time of the Conquest. " 1
Its location, economic role, and continuing political role in the neighbourhood all contrib
uted to Dorchester s growth in the Middle Ages. The town was on one of two major sixteenth-
century routes between Exeter and Salisbury or London, although the main road between
Bristol and Weymouth bypassed the town. Growing agricultural prosperity in the region seems
to have contributed to Dorchester s revival and growth as a market town. By the thirteenth
century Dorchester had borough status and routinely sent members to parliament after 1295. 4 " 1
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
K J. Penn sees a sizeable local Jewish community as evidence of Dorchester s thirteenth-century
participation in more than local commerce. 4 " In the first half of the fourteenth century the
town was granted several market days a week and several days of fairs a year. The town also
had the right to maintain a prison. It was the main commercial and political centre for south
Dorset during the medieval period, 47 important both as a centre of exchange for the wool
from the surrounding sheep farming areas and as a textile manufacturing town. As the king s
justice became more influential in the shires, Dorchester also grew in importance as the county
town and the town where the king s justices came when they sat the assizes.
In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries Dorchester remained important primarily as a
market town, selling a wide range of commodities at her weekly markets in addition to the
cattle, sheep, and corn that were the markets mainstays. The town held fairs on the day after
Trinity Sunday, St John s Day (24 June), St James Day (25 July), and received an early Eliza
bethan grant for a fair at Candlemas (2 February). 4 " Camden found Dorchester neither great
nor beautifull, being long since despoiled of the walls by the Danes, " but perhaps he visited
the town when sixteenth-century depression and inflation had had their worst impact on
Dorchester s population and economy/" His opinion was not shared by Gerard a generation
later. Although in 1613 a devastating fire had consumed 300 houses and Dorchester suffered
more fire damage in 1622, Gerard could comment, nonetheless, that Dorchester hath encreased
and flourished exceedeinglie, soe that nowe it maye justlie challenge the Superioritie of all
this Shire, as well for quick Marketts and neate Buildings, as for the Number of the Inhabitants;
manie of which are Men of great Wealth. " 1 At least some of Dorchester s e^ite were drawn
from an influx of substantial immigrants to the town in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth
centuries; besides such newcomers to Dorchester, Underdown tells us the dlite included
Dorset men who parlayed land investments into wealth, some even moving to the ranks of the
gentry. The importance of the town s men of substance may be seen influencing the reshaping
of Dorchester s cultural milieu in the seventeenth century, in their contributions to local
charities and support for the Free Grammar School founded after the 1613 fire, in their leader
ship in the Dorchester Company, and in their successful campaign for a new Dorchester charter,
one that was to give Dorchester a unique form of municipal government after 1629."
By Gerard s time many Dorchester men were Puritans, many of them relative newcomers,
and all of them greatly influenced by the preacher John White, rector of Holy Trinity and of
St Peter s, 1605-48. White s dominance in the town had met some initial resistance. As early
as 1607 well-to-do burgesses of Dorchester were engaged in factional wrangling, perhaps best
seen as resulting from schisms among members of a ruling elite. The reciprocal accusations
employed the rhetoric of religion: White was reported to preach extreme Puritan doctrine
and, in turn, he and his friends accused opponents of sabbath breaking as well as recusancy.
A dispute of this type, one which incidentally associated opposition to drama with hypocrisy
and foolishness, eventually reached the Star Chamber (see pp 173-98 and 340-5). In this
nest of quarrelling the fire of 1613 seemed to provide heavenly support for the Puritan inter
pretation of Dorchester s condition as well as for the town faction allied to its godly rector. In
his recent study of Dorchester, Underdown shows how events after the fire brought White
and his allies to dominance by the 1620s, placing them in a position to engage in a ferocious
18 DORSET
and partly successful campaign to suppress frivolity and enforce godliness in Dorchester.
Underdown also suggests ways in which there may have been substantial resentment against
the Puritan reformers, particularly from among the young and the poor. 3 The 1631 catalogue
of the Dorchester library describes a collection which seems to mirror Dorchester s religious
interests and the continuing religious controversy in the town. Although there are many Pur
itan tracts and several answeres to Catholic treatises, the catalogue also lists tracts defending
English Catholics or relating the lives of English Catholic martyrs. M
White was also deeply engaged in the organization of companies and the recruitment of
investors interested in the promotion of trade and colonization in New England. In 1623
fifty Dorset gentry as well as humbler men and some men from other counties were subscribers
to the New England Planters Parliament that was to become the Dorchester Company of
Adventurers. White was influential in both the Dorchester Company and its successor, the
Massachusetts Bay Company, in which west country investors cooperated with those from
East Anglia to send expeditions to New England." Such endeavours, initially stimulated by
the commercial enterprise of Dorset gentry and Dorchester townspeople, probably also owed
much to the desire to provide a haven for those dissatisfied with the increasingly less puritan
Anglican church.
The era of White s predominance in Dorchester saw the drastic curtailment of freedom of
behaviour and thought within the community, but it also encouraged a strongly independent
spirit with respect to outsiders, a spirit visible in the town s reaction to an incident in the
parliament of 1629. Denzil Holies, one of the Dorchester MPS, held the speaker in his seat
while opposition resolutions were read in the Commons; hearing of their representative s
subsequent imprisonment, the Dorchester townsmen voted him a silver cup. s "
LYME REGIS
Sixteenth-century Lyme Regis was a praty market toun set in the rootes of an high rokky
hille down to the hard shore and close to the Devon border." A settlement noted for its pro
cessing of salt in pre-Conquest England, by the second half of the thirteenth century Lyme
had also developed as a port. The town was in competition with Dartmouth for overseas trade
by the 1260s; in 1284 Edward [ chartered Lyme as a free borough with a merchant guild and
with institutions like those of nearby Melcombe Regis. By the 1280s Lyme seems to have
been an active participant in the French wine trade. In the thirteenth century the townsmen
with much Industrie and Charge" 1 " built the Cobb, a massive breakwater curving into the sea
to create Lyme s artificial harbour. Lyme Regis began to send members to parliament in the
1290s and the town was asked to provide ships for the Crown. By the early fourteenth century
Lyme Regis was apparently a very prosperous port. v
A series of fourteenth-century misfortunes, including partial destruction of the Cobb by
heavy November gales in 1377 and devastating French raids, left the town too impoverished to
pay its fee-farm; the patent rolls picture the town in 1401 as so devastated by disease, war, and
natural disaster that scarcely a twentieth part of it is now inhabited. 1 " Lyme s port continued
to develop in the fifteenth century, however, exporting locally-produced cloth and importing
19
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
various goods destined for the Dorset hinterland/" By the sixteenth century the town s for
tunes were again improving; Leland said Lyme hath good shippes and usith fisshing and
marchauntice, commenting also on the wine trade with Brittany." 2 There are many signs of
Lyme s continued revival and growth in the sixteenth century, largely connected with her
continued development as a port. Public building included extension of the church, repair of
the guildhall and almshouse, and maintenance of the Cobb." s Elizabeth s reign witnessed Lyme s
seamen s involvement in profitable smuggling and in the semi-legal piracy that accompanied
late sixteenth-century diplomacy: according to Kenneth R. Andrews, eleven of the twenty-Six
Dorset privateers operating between 1 589 and 1 591 were from Lyme Regis, second only to
Weymouth-Melcombe Regis among the Dorset privateering ports; in 1 598 four of ten Dorset
privateers came from Lyme. M
On the basis of evidence from Dorset port books, W.B. Stephens believes Lyme Regis to
be the most prosperous Dorset port in the early seventeenth century." His analysis does not
take into account the thriving Newfoundland trade of Poole and Weymouth - from which
Lyme also profited after 1608 1 " - but it is nonetheless suggestive of Lyme s continued growth
and relative prosperity, even during the depression years of the 1620s. A 1618/19 royal assess
ment of the ports to fund an expedition against Moorish pirates demanded that Lyme Regis
and Weymouth pay four times as much as Poole. " Stephens suggests that Lyme had better
physical facilities than Poole and Weymouth because of the depth and protected waters of its
harbour, which a visitor of 1 635 said was so strongly encompass d, as they feare no wracke . . .
although they have incroach d so farre into Neptunes bosome. " Stephens figures show Lyme
exporting almost as much cloth as Weymouth in 1622 and considerably more than both Poole
and Weymouth by the late 1630s, importing almost as much wine as "Weymouth and much
more than Poole before 1640, and rapidly expanding both imports in general and her share
of Dorset imports before 1640. During this period Lyme served as an export centre for cloth
merchants from Bristol, Bridgwater, Chard, Taunton, Tiverton, and Exeter, as well as exporting
cloth produced in the Dorset-Wiltshire-Berkshire area; she also was unique in being the only
provincial cloth port continuing to deal chiefly with [the French] market on a large scale during
the l630s." J Evidence of the town s growing sense of civic pride may be seen in the construction
of a new town hall in 1612, partly financed - as had been earlier repairs to the Cobb - by
drawing on funds intended for the poor. 7 "
Factionalism about religion, social conduct, and economic activity was expressed in acrimo
nious and reciprocal attacks in both religious and secular courts in the next several years. All
these causes of social discord came together in the Star Chamber libel suit of Robert Salter v.
Benjamin Cowper, Richard Harvey, and Edward Rotheram. The conflict had an economic
basis since Salter was one of the farmers of the king s customs and Cowper, Harvey, and
Rotheram were officers of the borough engaged in the same work. However, their allegedly
libellous attack focused on Salter s conduct, which they represented as relentless, adulterous
sexual hunting. Given the inclusion of Robert Hassard and John Viney among the confeder
ates of this libellous action, this case may well have had a religious aspect as well; Hassard
and Viney were deprived of their magistracy by an order of the town council in October 1608
in part because they were supporters and special favourites of John Geare an vnbeneficed
20 DORSET
Preacher who hath bin a cause of great factions & deuisions amongst vs. 7 The interactions
among Lyme s citizens at this time were very complex, far more complex than a simple binary
opposition between moderate and radical Protestant factions. John Viney, for instance, who
lost his civic office because of his loyalty to Geare, fought the vicar in the borough court for
several years in the second decade of the seventeenth century. 72 And John Geare, whose activism
probably helped put an end to the Cobb ale, did not dominate the corporation; indeed, in
1616 Lyme parishioners reported their vicar for over-zealous Puritanism, but Bettey describes
the town as strongly Puritan by the 1630s/ 1
POOLE
Although its entrance tends to silt up and only frequent dredging permits the passage of very
large vessels, Poole Harbour is one of the world s largest natural harbours. The medieval town
of Poole was situated on a rounded and very visible promontory extending into the protected
harbour; Leland said the peninsula standith almost as an isle in the hauen. 74 It is in some
ways surprising that the first port to develop in the harbour was not at Poole but at the Saxon
settlement of Wareham to the north and west.
In the thirteenth century Poole, then merely a settlement at the edge of the great heath and
commons belonging to the parish of Canrord," s began to develop as a settlement of fishermen
and traders; the town acquired the right to hold markets and fairs by 1239 and in 1248 the
community purchased its first charter from William Longespee, lord of Canford Manor.
These were the first of many steps in Poole s gradual achievement of commercial success and
greater political independence. 1
Medieval Poole continued to thrive as a port serving the Dorset hinterland and as a haven
for ships plying the coastal and Channel trades. Asked to supply ships to Edward I, it also sent
occasional burgesses to fourteenth-century parliaments. Early fourteenth-century feuds with
the Cinque Ports presaged Poole s recognition as their equal in 1364, shortly before William
Montacute, earl of Salisbury, sanctioned its mayoral government and jurisdiction over breaches
of market assizes. Poole s prosperity as a port made it not only the home base for the pirate,
Henry Paye, but also the target of French raids during the fourteenth century. By the fifteenth
century Poole had become the richest port on the Dorset coast. The wool staple was moved
to Poole from Melcombe Regis in 1433 in letters patent recognizing Poole s larger population
and more secure harbour. The town also profited from a lively trade with the Channel Islands.
In 1453 Poole s mayor and bailiffs received jurisdiction over weekly Thursday markets and
two week-long annual fairs beginning on the feast of the apostles Philip and James (1 May)
and the feast of All Souls (2 November); after 1453 the town always sent two members to
parliament."
With the fifteenth-century decline of the wool trade, Poole may also have declined. Leland
insists that Ther be men alyue yat saw almost al ye town of Pole kyuerid with segge and risshis,
but by the 1540s, he asserts, the town has recently been much encreasid with fair building
and use of marchaundise. >? * By then the town may also have benefited from the enterprise of
several immigrant families from the Channel Islands who were, for example, to provide the
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
town with five sixteenth-century mayors named Havilland. Poole s early sixteenth-century
record books reveal the town s developing civic pride, reflected in the development of civic
ceremony and the quest for civic autonomy by the emerging town elite. A charter from
Henry vni exempted the town from admiralty jurisdiction (the records of Poole s court of
admiralty date from the 1 550s). Finally, in 1 568, after a great deal of expense and effort, Poole
won the Great Charter that made the town a separate county corporate. 7 "
The 1568 charter added to Poole s autonomy, probably both confirming and stimulating
the further development of the town s civic pride and spirit of enterprise. The records reveal
the continuous sixteenth-century development of a community with great adaptability and
little deference to outsiders. With the Great Charter, Poole acquired legal recognition of the
relative freedom from external authority that in some senses it already enjoyed. Earlier sixteenth-
century records show Poole s mayor or bailiffs exercising many of the powers confirmed by
the charter and assigned to the mayor or to the new sheriff. County status, however, provided
an unusually strong basis for preserving town autonomy and for ensuring the role of prominent
Poole men in influencing the exercise of royal authority in Poole as well as wielding power of
their own.""
Although many south coast towns suffered reverses in the second half of the sixteenth
century, Poole maintained distinct prosperity right up to the 1580s. * The town s population
(1,200-1,400 in the early Elizabethan period) grew by about 1.5 per cent per year for at least
part of the period, growth paralleled by substantial public and private building and by growing
overseas trade, which partly compensated for a decline in Poole s share of coastal shipping.
Periods of lively building and commercial activity occurred from 1520 to 1545 and in the
1560s and 1570s. Before the 1580s the brewing, shipbuilding, and butchery industries were
important to the town but Poole s main business was commerce and, according to Tittler, it
proved relatively immune to the competition and dominance of Elizabethan London, perhaps
partly because of the diversity of Poole s trade, perhaps partly because of the town s healthy
relationship with the Channel Islands." 2 Only in the 1580s did Poole s commercial vigour
decrease; Tittler suggests that by then the decline of Poole s coastal trading partners hindered
the resale of its imports. Poole was also troubled by epidemics in the early 1 580s. An atmo
sphere of crisis may also have been generated by incompetent government, reflected by the
enormous debts contracted by townsmen who had financed over-expansion and . . . bad
management. 85 But although the slump was to last until the end of Elizabeth s reign, Poole
retained commercial viability and was also developing new areas of activity during the late
sixteenth century.
Poole s interest in the Newfoundland fisheries began in the 1550s and developed steadily in
the late sixteenth century. In 1583 the town bailiff, Christopher Farwell, thought the New
foundland trade so important and potentially profitable that he left for Newfoundland despite
his office and without the town s consent; he was heavily fined, probably as a part of the parry
quarrels of Poole s leading political figures of the period. By the early seventeenth century,
Poole was regularly sending ships to Newfoundland and re-exporting several hundred pounds
worth of Newfoundland fish to European ports; in 1619 the mayor claimed that the New
foundland fishery and one other trade together occupied all the port s shipping. " 4
22 DORSET
The mayor s comment, however, may suggest more about the decline of Poole s other
commercial activities than about prosperity based on Newfoundland fish: by 1622 Poole was
a distant third to Weymouth and Lyme Regis in the export of cloth and the town was similarly
placed with respect to the import of wine and other trade by the 1630s." Despite the flexibil
ity that led her merchants to change their cargoes with changing markets - Poole was, for
example, shipping considerable tonnage of Purbeck clay for tobacco pipes to London by the
1630s" 1 - Poole s fortunes ebbed in the seventeenth century. In the 1620s the town suffered
from the general depression experienced by cloth exporters after the failure of the Cokayne
experiment. One of several ports reporting shrinking markets, unfavourable trading conditions,
credit tightness and widening poverty in 1621, Poole pleaded her poverty to avoid taxation
in 1622;*" in 162$ Gerard said Poole was much fallen from the pristine Glorie, yea, and soe
much, that nowe the Houses beginne to decaye for want of Dwellers. "" In the 1630s the town
was again ravaged by plague and seems not to have recovered its prosperity until some time
after the Restoration.
During Edward vi s reign, Thomas Hancock, one of the more avid Puritan preachers, served
as curate to Poole s church of St James. Hancock himself was initially distressed because, he
said, Poole s citizens lacke the favor and frendship of the godly rewlars and governors to defend
them, and some of his parish walked out while he was preaching. The town remained gener
ally Puritan in its religious preferences, however, although in Poole s late sixteenth-century
internal political turmoil it is unlikely that any controversial opinion could have gone un
challenged. Like Dorchester and Weymouth, Poole supported parliament in the 1640s." 11
SHAFTESBURY
Shaftesbury was one of King Alfred s three Dorset burhs; it was built on the flat-topped spur
of a high down in the northern part of the county. Alfred also founded a Benedictine abbey
for nuns under the protection of the fortress walls and, perhaps partly because Edward the
Martyr s grave was there, the house grew to be England s largest and richest nunnery. A secular
settlement sprang up in the shadow of both the protective fortress and the prosperous monastery,
probably profiting from the patronage of both at various times, but the town was almost
certainly less able to develop as an independent community than the coastal ports or Bland-
ford Forum. 90
Thus, Shaftesbury s prominence and role in the countryside were very ancient. The town
had perhaps 1,000 inhabitants at the time of the Domesday survey and was the largest of
Dorset s five Domesday boroughs; its prosperity depended on both the prominence of its abbey
and its developing economic role in the neighbourhood. " As early as 1252 Shaftesbury s
charter gave assurance that the king s justices would regularly visit the borough. Despite con
fusing jurisdictions (the town lay within two manors) and some conflict with the abbey, the
town remained generally prosperous. By the fourteenth century Shaftesbury had a mayor and
constables, although both king and abbess continued to profit from the town market and
tolls. Friction between abbey and the town may have had several sources: the abbey s church
was large and beautiful and, as at Sherborne, the townspeople had to make do with a much
sm
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
....alter church and were generally barred from the abbey precincts. After the abbey s dissolu
tion in 1 539, the monastic property was granted to Sir Thomas Arundell; Sir Thomas heir let
the buildings fall into ruins and they came eventually to serve as quarry for building stone. "
By the sixteenth century, however, Shaftesbury s location along the main London-Exeter
road and position as an entrepot between the Blackmoor Vale and the downlands of Wilt
shire and Dorset had made the town largely independent of the nunnery. Although it is a
steep climb from any direction except the northeast and the town had to be supplied with water
from communities down the slopes, Shaftesbury served as the major distributor of much of
the grain grown in the countryside. Town markets also sold fish and salt and other goods as
well: ironware, candles, gloves, leather, and cloth are among the wares listed by Bettey; Shaftes
bury s fairs were held the Saturday before Palm Sunday, 22 November, and for the four days
before and four days after Midsummer Day (24 June)." By the seventeenth century its role
as a town with one of the most frequented of all the markets in the region"" enabled Shaftes
bury to support twenty-four licensed inns and alehouses, although the numbers of the poor
grew as well. s An active Puritan faction in the early seventeenth century seems not to have
prevailed; Shaftesbury was the home of a disproportionate number of royalist pensioners after
the Civil War. 1 " A charter of James I (1604) incorporated the ancient borough; the borough s
pride is evident in its public building (a new hall in 1 568 and possibly another in the 1620s,
according to Tittler ^) and in the town s faithful adherence to its traditional ceremonial.
SHERBORNE
Sherborne nestles between the hills that surround the Yeo River valley of northwest Dorset,
near enough to the Somerset border so that the town has sometimes had more developed
relationships with Somerset than with other Dorset communities. Made the episcopal see of
the Saxon diocese in the early eighth century, the town continued to grow both as a service
centre for its ecclesiastical core and as a market town, even after the bishop transferred to
Salisbury in 1075, for by then a large abbey for Benedictine monks had grown up in Sherborne.
In the early twelfth century Salisbury s bishop built a castle outside the town; the castle was
designed primarily as a domestic residence and was near an extensive deer park. " Taken over
by the Crown in the 1 140s, the castle remained a potential local customer for trade and services,
and the town could also profit from its position on the main London-Exeter road.
The town grew as a market centre, always dominated by the great abbey at its core and its
relationship to its manorial landlord, the bishop of Salisbury. The bishop s men also controlled
the hundred courts that had jurisdiction over Sherborne and Sherborne s abbot had a voice in
the bishop s chapter in Salisbury. The thirteenth-century markets and fairs of the community
proved profitable; in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries the town for Largenesse,
Frequencie of Inhabitants, and quicke Marketts, giveth place to none in these Partes. w
Like Shaftesbury, the community of Sherborne was sometimes restive under the domination
of a large and wealthy monastery. Originally the townspeople worshipped in the nave of
St Mary s, the abbey church; later the townspeople met in All Hallows , Sherborne, a small
chapel of ease built close to the west end of the abbey church in the fourteenth century."" The
24 DORSET
All Hallows priest was subordinated to the abbot as rector of Sherborne and incumbent of the
prebend belonging to the abbot and monastic congregation. Tithes and other parish revenue
had been appropriated to the prebend in 1091."" By the fifteenth century there seems to have
been a number of long-standing disputes between the parish congregation and the monastic
community, notably a suit in the bishop s court in which the monks opposed a new parish
baptismal font. The lay congregation claimed their font was needed because the monks had
narrowed the processional door connecting All Hallows ambulatory to the west end of St Mary s.
The quarrels remained intense even after an episcopal attempt to reconcile the disputants
and in 1436 the townsmen reportedly set fire to the roof of the abbey church with a flaming
arrow. Although they were forced to contribute to rebuilding St Mary s, it was at this time
that All Hallows became an independent, parochial church." 12 A further contemporary sign of
the growing autonomy of the rown community may be seen in the fifteenth-century develop
ment of the community almshouse. In granting letters patent empowering the masters of the
almshouse as a corporation, Henry vi was both recognizing the recent efforts of local philan
thropists and providing a structure for community action. A building drive was shortly underway
and new almshouses were soon built with funds raised by a house-to-house collection; the
institution remained a focus for civic charity and civic spirit throughout the period before the
English Civil War.""
The Reformation made possible the development of still more autonomous town institutions.
After the Dissolution the abbey passed to Sir John Horsey, a privy councillor and former
steward of the monastery. He in turn sold St Mary s Church to the vicar and parish of Sherborne
at 100 marks for the abbey church; the roof leads and bells brought the total to nearly 250. "*
The parish promptly tore down tiny All Hallows and parochial life henceforth was centred
in the same church that still effectively dominates Sherborne s landscape. Although the parish
was annexed with the rest of Dorset - to the newly-formed diocese of Bristol in 1542, the
manor and castle of Sherborne continued to belong to the estates of the bishop of Salisbury,
and Sherborne was one of the parishes in the peculiars that continued in the jurisdiction of
the diocese of Salisbury. The see of Bristol was also vacant for much of Elizabeth s reign and
the parish perhaps gained autonomy because of the unenforceable and conflicting claims of
powerful and absent ecclesiastics. Moreover, Sir John Horsey obtained the farm of the prebend
of Sherborne, which, before the Dissolution, had supplied revenue to Sherborne s vicar as
well as to Sherborne Abbey s abbot and sacrist; Sir John and his heirs enjoyed the revenues
from the leased lands of the prebend until the early seventeenth century; thus, after about 1540
the income Sherborne s vicar received was inadequate to attract powerful clergy. 1 " A single
vicar held sway from 1 538 to 1 566; interestingly enough he and the parish apparently cooper
ated in adapting to the prevailing religious winds during that period."" Some later clerics
accepted the Sherborne living only on condition that their income be supplemented from other
sources and this may sometimes have made them dependent on the continued goodwill of
neighbouring lords like the Horseys or on the townspeople themselves; other vicars did not
live in Sherborne. 1 " 7 For a time Sherborne s churchwardens may have been more independent
of the incumbent than were those in other parishes. Although after 1632 the Sherborne vicar
was a Puritan preacher and the town s autonomy may have dwindled, Underdown can still
refer to mid-century Sherborne as the least puritan town in the entire west country. "
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
Fragmentary evidence shows the existence of a medieval grammar school in Sherborne,
closely associated with the abbey, although the schoolmaster seems to have been a layman by
the 1530s. Lands of five suppressed Dorset chantries were used by Edward vi to endow a new
grammar school in 1 550. Men who became governors of the school might also have held office
as masters or brethren of the almshouse corporation or as churchwardens of the parish; all
three institutions thus became foci for growing community feeling and civic pride, particularly
among Sherborne s multi-occupational elite citizens. 11 " Members of the corporations of the
almshouse and the school took the reversion of the lease of the bishop of Salisbury s fairs and
markets in Sherborne in 1582, in Fowler s opinion a distinct stage in the evolution of the
town s freedom from manorial control. After that date community records increasingly use
the word town to refer to an autonomous entity, according to Joseph Fowler; he suggests that
by the end of the century community affairs were beginning to pass from the hands of the lay
churchwardens to some body made up of the townspeople.
Almshouse, parish, and eventually school were also active in the economic life of a town
that was enjoying at least modest growth as a market centre. Each of the three institutions
derived revenue from shops and the like, and each might build so as deliberately to take advant
age of greater opportunities for commercial rentals. A good example of the phenomenon may
be seen in the history of the parish church house, also of interest because its upper storey was
used for both church ales and later dramatic productions. A series of false starts was finally
concluded in the 1520s by the decision to build a church house with a large upper-storey room
and a well-equipped kitchen, enabling it to function as a parish hall, and with several ground-
floor shops that could be let to tenants for income that would help to support the main build-
ing. 1 "
But if the parish was growing in independence and civic pride, and the economy of market-
minded Sherborne seems generally prosperous during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries,
the town was still less independent than other large Dorset towns, perhaps because of the
continued presence in the town of important landlords and its close proximity to the seat of a
prominent family. Sherborne Old Castle, still standing until it was destroyed in the Civil War,
was joined in the 1590s by Sherborne Castle, built to replace an early Tudor hunting lodge
by Sir Walter Ralegh, who had first admired Sherborne on a journey from London to Plymouth,
and who found Sherborne a congenial place to live after his amorous adventures lost him
favour with Elizabeth. While there he was feted by the town, served as MP for Dorset, and
organized a salon society of intellectuals who may have dabbled in magic and certainly aroused
suspicions of heterodoxy among their more orthodox neighbours." 2 Ralegh was based at
Sherborne when he sailed for Guiana, Cadiz, the Azores, and Jersey. After Ralegh s attainder
and imprisonment, Sherborne Castle passed through several hands; by 1620 the lease had been
sold to Sir John Digby, later first earl of Bristol.
WEYMOUTH AND MELCOMBE REGIS
The shelter of the remarkable limestone formations of Portland Bill and of the peculiar deposit
of sea-swept stones that forms the eighteen miles of Chesil Beach make the mouth of the Wey
a natural and pleasant harbour. Although there is some evidence of earlier settlement, both
26 DORSET
the medieval towns that attempted to use and profit from the harbour date from the thirteenth
century. Weymouth was founded before 1244 on a narrow strip of land on the south side of
the river where it leads from the placid waters of Radipole Lake to Weymouth Bay itself.
Weymouth s church was a dependent chapel of Wyke Regis, a rural village on top of the steep
hill rising sharply behind the town. A bailiff and a royal steward headed the sixteenth-century
town government. Facing Weymouth from less than a sixty-yard ferry ride across the Wey
River, Melcombe Regis was established by 1268 on a peninsula perhaps 3/8 mile wide, between
Radipole Lake on the west and Weymouth Bay on the east. Melcombe became a borough in
1280 and Edward in granted the town an eight-day fair on the eve, day, morrow and five
days following the feast of St Botolph (17 June). Medieval Weymouth and Melcombe Regis
seem to have had similar populations; in each the more well-to-do townsmen made their livings
from trade. Both were summoned to send members to parliament from the early fourteenth
century. Vulnerable like other Dorset coast towns to the depredations of pirates and of the
French during the late fourteenth-century wars, and the site of the first devastating inroads
of the Black Death in 1349, Melcombe Regis was decayed enough in the early fifteenth
century for the king to transfer the wool staple to Poole. " 3
Both towns grew in the early sixteenth century, both apparently profiting from the rise of
overseas trade in the reign of Henry vui. But by the 1 560s the towns were continually embroiled
in competition for control of the harbour and its shipping, vying for rights to collect customs,
maintain wharves, and so on. Disputes between them were supposedly formally resolved in
1564 but neither that agreement nor the forced union of the two boroughs in 1571 saving
their ancient liberties and privileges, ended the controversy between them." 1 The corporation
created by the union was to be governed by a mayor, two bailiffs (whom Weymouth saw as
continuations of her pre-union government), six aldermen, and twenty-four capital burgesses,
with the aldermen and burgesses forming a council. But until 1 597, when a bridge across the
Wey physically united the two towns, the governments and citizens of the boroughs continued
to be at odds; lengthy and acrimonious disputes were accompanied by reciprocal arrests and
lawsuits. The bridge induced rich Weymouth men to settle in expanding Melcombe Regis
and by 1616, when letters patent of James I cleared up remaining ambiguities about the form
of the union, the town was more peaceful. The late sixteenth-century records, however, are
dominated by internecine fights between the formerly independent towns.
They are also dominated by Weymouth-Melcombe Regis adaptations to the opportunities
of Tudor economic growth. Perhaps not so forward in the Newfoundland trade as Poole, by
the early decades of the seventeenth century Weymouth would be as active as her Dorset rival
in the trade and transshipment of Newfoundland fish to continental ports. Together with
Lyme Regis, Weymouth was active in privateering attacks on Spanish shipping, activities that
brought considerable wealth to prominent families of both boroughs. There also seems to have
been a great deal of piracy in the town, although the distinction between privateering and piracy
was not always clear. Judging from the expansion of the town settlement on the Melcombe
Regis peninsula in the Elizabethan and early Stuart periods, the town seems to have grown
rapidly, dominated, as one might expect, by merchant families. Community experience was
also coloured by more than ordinarily bitter local politics and more than ordinarily complex
relations (for such a relatively small town) with the national courts and central government.
27
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
In the seventeenth century, although hampered by the low draught of her harbour, Weymouth-
Melcombe Regis came to outstrip Poole as a port, particularly in the export of cloth before the
slump of the 1620s; by the 1630s Weymouth s cloth exports were clearly declining but the
port continued to be an important importer of wine and her general trade continued to exceed
Poole s, although lagging behind that of Lyme Regis."
Since both Weymouth and Melcombe Regis were served by dependent chapels during most
of the period (a newly built church in Melcombe Regis was finally made parochial in 1606),
in neither town did the parish church serve as a focus fot community activity. Puritan influence
may be seen in the early seventeenth-century municipal court s stern attitude to tippling or
games on the sabbath or during evening service and Bettey describes the town as strongly
Puritan by the 1630s. "
WIMBORNE MINSTER
Jude James subtitles his 1982 history of Wimborne Minster A Country Town, a title connoting
Wimborne s past and present central function as market place for the surrounding country
side." 7 The town is still dominated visually by the imposing minster church and its dual cent-
rality in the religious and commercial affairs of a large area was the community s distinctive
trait for the whole of its early history. Indeed, when sources mention Wimborne Minster it
is often not clear whether what is meant is the town itself or the much larger rural parish,
including the several villages within the parish. The site of the town, where the Allen River
flows into the Stour, is so low you have to cross water from almost every approach, "* and
much of the surrounding country was heathland and did not encourage such dense settlement
as the valleys of western Dorset, for example. A settlement at Wimborne may have preceded
the eighth-century founding of a Benedictine nunnery there by Cuthburga, the sister of King
Ine of Wessex; the town, however, flourished after the monastery was founded and the church
was, by the time of Alfred the Great, a minster at the centre of a huge rural parish with several
dependent chapels. In the late tenth century the monastery was probably destroyed by Danish
raids; it was converted, perhaps by Edward the Confessor, into a house for a dean and college
of secular canons. By the time of the Conquest the town had developed into a small and
flourishing township with the monastic church at its centre, a township with close connections
to several manors at least partly within the parish, and a town whose inhabitants generally
depended, directly or indirectly, on agriculture for their livings." 9
The college of canons came to include chaplains for the dependent chapels of St Peter in the
Wimborne town square, St Catherine at Leigh, and St Stephen at Kingston Lacy, and Wim
borne was also a royal free chapel with considerable independence from the diocesan bishop.
This freedom was reflected in the status of the parish as a royal peculiar with its own ecclesi
astical court. By 1218 the town had a market under the minster s dean and was growing both
to the south on minster property and in the present East and West Boroughs, perhaps creations
of the lords of Kingston Lacy, who ran markets in competition with the dean s market. Sim
ilarly both the manorial courts of Kingston Lacy and those of the dean held jurisdiction over
some Wimborne parishioners. 12 "
The Black Death must have greatly reduced the parish population (estimated by James at
28 DORSET
slightly over 1,400 in about 1330; the town itself had a population then of about 325). Demo
graphic loss probably occasioned the desertion of the Leaze, that part of the expanded town
on land controlled by Wimborne s dean, 121 and probably resulted in the beginnings of the
gradual conversion of much of the land in the parish to copyhold tenure, a process that began in
the early fifteenth century. Both markets and two annual fairs at nearby Pamphill - on the feast
of St Luke (18 October) and the feast of St Thomas the Martyr (29 December) - contributed
to the parish revenues after 1496; the parish fair of St Cuthburga was on 31 August. 122 At
least from the early fifteenth century the parish churchwardens had considerable responsibility
for maintaining the minster building and managing the properties and functions that provided
the church revenues. These included several church houses during the fifteenth and sixteenth
centuries and the proceeds of church ales and church cakes, as well as rent from several
properties in the parish. For most purposes the town as a secular community and the parish
are indistinguishable before the reign of Elizabeth. Leland tells us that the early sixteenth-
century town was meatly good and reasonably welle inhabitid. 12
Some conflict - notably in 1539 - preceded the dissolution of the college of canons and
the minster chantries in 1547. The Wimborne community was particularly upset by the
threat to their college-run school, founded by Henry vn s mother, Margaret Beaufort, and
determinedly continued by the parish in the years following the Dissolution, despite royal
interference and inadequate resources. In 1563 Elizabeth yielded to petitions from the parish
and granted Wimborne a charter, establishing a corporation to run both town and grammar
school, the latter endowed with many of the former properties of the Wimborne canons. 124
The twelve Elizabethan governors of church and school also appointed an official to preside
over the ecclesiastical peculiar court. l2
Although Wimborne undoubtedly experienced some social dislocation during the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries, the general impression left by the Wimborne records is that of a
sleepy country town, dominated by what continued to be overwhelmingly local concerns. Many
of the same individuals served as both churchwardens and governors of the grammar school;
they could also, through the peculiar court, supervise much of the life of the town. As late as
the 1 590s the parish of Wimborne seems to have had an unusual number of CauHolic recusants;
Thomas Norman, the Wimborne minister after 1597, also offended many of the church
wardens and sidesmen with his Puritan views and preaching. Town dissension arising from
such diversity of religious views is reflected in the records of the peculiar court, quoted extens
ively below for their references to local festival and games. Devastation by plague in 1638
seems, however, to have been of more importance to the community than economic change
or religious controversy. The spirit of the age was also shown in the endowment of a number
of late sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century charities. 12
Miscellaneous Parishes
Three of the scattered parishes represented in the records were of some importance in the six
teenth and seventeenth centuries. Beammster and Bere Regis were commercial centres, Corfe
Castle a focus of military and judicial authority.
29
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
Today Beaminster is a charming village in a lovely west Dorset vale at the head of the Brit
River valley, north of Bridport and west of Sherborne. In the sixteenth century, Leland
described it: Bemistre is a praty market town in Dorsetshire 1 and usith much housbandry
and lyith in one streat from north to south: and in a nother from west to est. Leland also
stressed the subordination of Beaminster s chapel of ease to Netherbury s parish church, as
well as its closeness to Salisbury. 127 A local historian estimates that the population grew from
less than 500 in the first quarter of the sixteenth century to about 1 ,350 in 1642, growth sup
ported by Beaminster s participation in cloth manufacture and hemp growing as well as by
its market. 12 " Leland comments that the land from Bridport to Netherbury and on to Beaminster
is in an exceding good and almost the best uain of ground for corne and pasture and wood
yat is in al Dorsetshire. 12
From the time of the Conquest when the manor at Beaminster had been part of the endow
ments of the episcopal see relocated at Salisbury, Beaminster had ordinarily boasted little
self-government. The town market was granted in the thirteenth century and the town may
have become a minor trading centre with some craftsmen as citizens by the first half of the
fourteenth century. Some sense of community may be seen in the extension of the church in
the fifteenth century and the building of a market house in 1626. During Elizabeth s reign
quarter sessions were held in Beaminster, probably because it was the most convenient central
town in the relatively underpopulated western reaches of Dorset. 13 "
The village of Bere Regis was the centre of a manor at the intersection of chalk downlands
east of Dorchester and of forest country extending east to Poole Harbour. King John frequently
visited the manor. By the end of the thirteenth century it was held jointly by the nuns of
Tarrant Keynston (southeast of Blandford) and the Turberville family; after the Dissolution the
whole was held by the Turbervilles, who lived in a manor house within sight of the parish
church. 131 The latter dates from at least the twelfth century and Bere was a market town by the
end of the thirteenth century. The wealth of the village was almost certainly increased by the
annual celebrations at the September fair on Woodbury Hill, a nearby Iron Age hill fort; the
fair was important enough for seventeenth-century communities several miles away to date
their records by. Fires in 1633 and 1634 consumed much of the town; damage was estimated
at about 7000, which small grants from the county and neighbouring towns can have done
little to alleviate. 132
Corfe Castle originated in a Saxon village and a Norman keep commanding a break in the
long chain of chalk downs running across the Isle of Purbeck, a natural gate ... in to the most
fertile part of the peninsula. 133 Nestled in the shadow of the castle hill, the medieval town
profited greatly from its role in the quarrying and shipping of Purbeck marble for which there
was something of a national market. Corfe markets and fairs date from the early thirteenth
century, although the town was not incorporated until the sixteenth century, a period when
the influence of the relatively important holders of the castle tended to dwarf any independent
stirrings on the part of the village. 1 " Elizabeth made Sir Christopher Hatton constable of the
castle and vice admiral of the Isle of Purbeck c 1571, creating an enclave of independent
jurisdiction for Hatton. The mayor of Corfe Castle was to hold petty sessions twice annually,
and Purbeck was exempted from Dorset jurisdiction. Something of the castle s influence may
30 DORSET
be seen in the requirement that a Purbeck father obtain the constable s permission to marry
his daughter to a Dorsetman. Hatton ordinarily ruled Corfe itself through his deputy,
Francis Hawley. Another prominent castle constable was Sir John Bankes, attorney-general
to Charles I, appointed to Corfe in 1635. "
Local Customs, Music,
and Drama
Much of the performance activity in Dorset was local in origin. Church ales and drinkings
under civic sponsorship, musters and maypoles, Dorset-born fiddlers and fortune-tellers, bon
fires and bell-ringing, parish plays and Corpus Christi processions and, of course, all the games
people played (legally and illegally) when they were not playing plays " combined to produce
a rich, varied cultural scene. Assessing how widespread and long-standing such activities were
is difficult because the records often document only those events at which something occurred
ro attract the attention of ecclesiastical or civic authorities. Had Benjamin Goodwin not shot
a piece into the church at Puddleton during the Whitson ale in 1617, no trace of that sea
sonal custom there would survive." 7 Had the city fathers of Cerne Abbas not turned their
maypole into a ladder (see p 169), had some of the citizens of Wimborne Minster not forni
cated at the setting vpp of a may pole in Spettisbury (see p 275), had the mayor of Poole not
interfered with the use of a maypole with a parret vppon the topp therof (see p 245), had a
good man Paul not died, smitten by the stroke of God, because of his determination to see
the summer pole set up at Symondsbury (see p 276), we would have scant evidence of the
survival of this popular custom in Dorset. Similarly some bullbaitings, some drumming, some
singing and dancing by individuals, and one performance by a disguised morris dancer were
noticed because they occurred at the time of divine service or in the middle of the night.
Such evidence, however, is misleading to the extent that it suggests that there was a solid,
steadily increasing block of opposition to such forms of celebration. In Dorset there was on
going debate about such practices."* William Whiteway, writing in 1633 about the reissuing
of The kings majesties declaration . . . concerning lawfitl sports, suggested what tensions existed
when he noted that ministers were required to publish the book in church but diuerse in
conscience refused to do, & many after they had read it shewd that it was against the word of
God. y In spite of such clerical opposition some civic authorities supported such festivities.
As late as 1641, for example, the city fathers of Weymouth (where a maypole had been so
important a landmark that, even after it had been taken down, it was used to locate other things
and places) spent 3s on a maypole at Wyke Regis (see p 283). Although Shaftesbury s early
records are fragmentary they also include evidence in 1655-6, 1662, and thereafter until 1830
that the borough continued to observe its annual custom." 1 " In Lyme Regis John Geare, the
zealous vicar whom several historians credit with the demise of the Cobb ale, 141 failed to extirp
ate all such activities. Even after thirty years in Lyme he had to accept local citizens making
DORSET
bonfires on Sundays and holy days for the Christninge of Apples (see p 224). Indeed he some
times had to contend with them, as on Ascension Day 1635 when one William Alford, callinge
himself a Captaine, disturbed the morning prayer and Geare s sermon by organizing a muster
of men who marked the occasion with Gunninge and drumminge and shootinge (see p 224).
Perhaps the best indication that opposition to civic festivities and entertainments did not build
steadily toward 1642 and Cromwell s regime is to be found in the visitation articles for the
diocese. From 1569 to 1640 episcopal visitation articles register the abiding anxiety about pro
fane uses of the church by lords of misrule, dancers, minstrels, and participants in may games
or by those enjoying plays, feasts, or ales (see pp 113-116).
Several Dorset communities had their olde custums, traditional, ritualized celebrations
peculiar to specific boroughs or parishes and employing basic elements of drama: procession,
spectacle, costume, role-playing, music, dance. Annually on Whitsunday morning citizens of
Lyme Regis marched forth with a flag, drummer, and other musicians to gather boughs and
returned for breakfast at the Cobb house (see pp 222-3). At Wimborne Minster the great
cacke was browght thorowe the churche and in Bridport there was a riding of the jack-o-lent
(see p 138). I4; Hocktide was the season for fund-raising by the women of Charlton Marshall
probably in 1600 and certainly in 1603-4, Poole in 1573-4, and Blandford Forum from 1567
until 1617. Bridport, Netherbury, and Poole also had collections or ales associated with Robin
Hood. The records of Netherbury suggest that acting was involved since in 1568, according
to an undated commonplace book probably of the seventeenth century, the people kept their
Whitsunday ales and had their Robert hoode and Littell lohn &C the gentle men of the said
parish the cheef acters in it. Although this entry provides the last explicit reference to a Dorset
Robin Hood the character may have persisted for several years. Almost all of the basic dramatic
elements listed at the beginning of this paragraph come together in the annual Coostom of
Shaftesbury, an annual procession with a bejewelled bezant to Enmore Greene in nearby
Motcombe where there was music, dancing, and play ei ng in the greene (see p 250). M3 The
custom of Shaftesbury has further significance for, in addition to the performance elements,
the festivity had a political and economic purpose. The mayor of Shaftesbury presented the
bailiff of Gillingham Manor two penny loaves of bread, a calf s head, a gallon of the best ale,
and a pair of gloves as a symbolic way of securing access to the water from the spring-fed wells
of Motcombe. Shaftesbury s use of civic entertainment to reaffirm its right to an invaluable
resource is not unusual.
Ales, the dominant form of festivity, were regularly used to raise the funds needed to finance
local projects such as paving the streets in Sherborne, building the market house and the
school house in Bridport, caring for the sick in Blandford Forum, and maintaining the Cobb
in Lyme Regis. Unfortunately the records are often frustratingly vague about what kinds of
performance enlivened the ales. The only aspect of the Cobb ale of Lyme Regis that adverts
to the possibility of musical entertainment is a silver whistle to be passed on each year to the
new Cobb wardens and to be worn at the ale (see p 299). Though they may have played the
whistle, it seems more likely that the whistle was a device for commanding the attention of a
tippling crowd. The accounts of the stewards of the special ale organized in 1592-3 by Brid
port for the building of their new market house and school are unusually detailed in registering
LOCAL CUSTOMS, MUSIC, AND DRAMA
payments not only for the wages, liveries, and lodging for musicians, but also for wine for
the kinge of loders. This ale had both music and role-playing, the latter being a feature of
the Robin Hood ale of Bridport and the Sherborne church ale, over which the king of Sher-
borne presided. These celebrations frequently achieved their principal purpose - fund-raising.
In the early 1590s the annual street ale of Sherborne, for example, never gathered less than
20 and in 1 592 the take exceeded 30. " The Cobb aJe of Lyme Regis had earned more than
enough to cover the annual cost of repairing the Cobb so that in 1591-2 the city appropriated
over 58 from the profits of the ale to cover the costs of purchasing the charter for the fee
farm (see p 303). In Elizabeth s reign Blandford Forum held annual ales (the St {Catherine s ale,
the Maiden ale, the Bailiff s ale) and organized special purpose ales, such as those in 1 592
and 1593 in support of the new guildhall. Robert Harden learned how important such fund-
raising endeavours were when in 1582 he gave the town of Blandford 57s lOd for that hee
did not keep the bailifes Ale this yeare. 1 " The Blandford bailiff might organize as many as ten
festive meals at the race meetings the town sponsored in the early seventeenth century, on
one occasion hiring Sir Ralph Horsey s cook to help prepare the feasts; the town cleared more
than 30 from the races of 1605. Apart from the economic utility of ales and ancient customs,
such celebrations had an important social role to play for, in the words of Underdown, they
not only provided welcome relief from toil but also brought neighbours together and affirmed
the links that bound them to each other and to the world of nature. 14
As church and civic ales occurred at regular intervals and on special occasions, so various
forms of music marked the cultural scene of many Dorset towns annually and occasionally.
For some of the townsfolk of early sixteenth-century Poole, music seems to have been a daily
experience, given the minstrel or piper who played the hole yer goywg mornygw & yeuenyr/g
(see p 239). Poole, however, is the exception, Dorchester closer to the rule. There each year the
bells of Holy Trinity were rung on Accession Day and on Guy Fawkes Day; but bell-ringing
also heralded special occasions in a way that connected this small town in the southwest of
England with newsworthy events for the nation: a successful treaty with France in 1624, the
birth of Prince Charles, a victory by the king of Sweden, the arrival of the vicar general, the
success of the parliament in 1640. 14 In Bridport the bells rang out to welcome local gentry to
the town and to celebrate (normally along with bread and beer laid on at the expense of the
bailiffs) the monarch s coronation day. Lyme Regis rewarded two drummers, musicians regu
larly associated with musters in Dorset, at the time of the proclamation of King Charles i,
and a trumpeter accompanied the city fathers of Poole when they went to Broonesey to see
the shippe of london. 1 " The frequency with which Poole and Weymouth had to repair their
town drums may be an indication of how often this basic form of music was used to enhance
the dignity of such formal occasions. " Less dignified but no less purposeful were the libellous
verses allegedly sung by defendants in cases heard in Star Chamber. Motivated by intense reli
gious beliefs or by economic rivalries citizens of Bere Regis, Bridport, Dorchester, Lyme Regis,
Melbury Osmond, and Over Compton satirized their enemies in poems which they nailed
to the pillory or church door, reproduced and distributed, recited in public places, or sang in
inns, taverns, and alehouses (or so, at least, plaintiffs alleged).
Royal visits to Dorset were marked by such ceremony as well as by the discharge of local
34 DORSET
ordnance. Henry VTI had rewarded players from Wimborne Minster on New Year s Day, 1494,
and made offerings at the minster in 1496. The parish of Wimborne Minster spent 6d for
Redyng and makyng clene of the chyrche yard for the king s visit in 1505-6. Far more costly
was the visit of the queen in 1511, when Wimborne paid to one of the king s footmen what
was, in effect, a fine of 2s for defawte of ryngyng at ye quene ys departyng. 15 " Poole cleaned
up the town gates and relocated ordnance there in order to welcome with some ceremony
King Edward vi when he visited the southwest in 1552. IM Bere Regis laid on beer for the men
who rang the bells when King James I came through the town in 1615. " These scraps of
information suggest how seldom members of the royal family travelled through Dorset in the
late medieval and early modern periods and how simple (compared with the pageantry laid on
by boroughs such as York, Bristol, Coventry, Chester, or Worcester) was the ceremony with
which they were received. Sometimes the problems for the Dorset towns were compounded
by uncertainty about the royal itinerary. This happened in 1623 when Prince Charles and the
duke of Buckingham returned from Spain. The first report of their landing, in September of
that year, prompted some Londoners to write ballads but when the reports proved to be un
founded the ballad singers were imprisoned (see p 199). When the prince did arrive in October,
landing at Portsmouth, there was great joy in Dorchester, where the bells were rung and the
great ordnance of the town shot off." 3
In addition to evidence of singers of ballads and other allegedly libellous songs, Dorset
records provide information about several musicians, professional and amateur. An apprentice
ship agreement identifies one, William Keele of Bridport (see p 154), IM and a deposition to
the peculiar court of Wimborne Minster extends what is known about the organist of that
village, Robert Durham, by noting his skill on the harp, lute, and rebeck. 1 " Like these appar
ently well-established, respectable members of their local communities, a W. C. and his son
H. C. had the authority of a licence from Queen Elizabeth to wander &C goe abrode w/ th
there uzstrumentw vsinge there trade of Minstrelcye, pleyinge or singynge throwghe &C iwall
plac w/thin ye seyd cowntye onlye. Two conditions obtained however: that they behave
themselves orderlye and that they use their licence accordinge to ye seyd statut (see p 118).
Unfortunately no record of any of the performances of these musicians is extant. When per
formances of minstrels or fiddlers are recorded their names are never specified unless the per
formance was in some way illegal. The churchwardens of Wimborne Minster, for example,
presented John Pyke, minstrel, for playing at the time of evening prayer on 20 September 1601
and for playing on Midsummer Day, a Sunday, ten years later (see pp 284 and 286). In 1624
Thomas Angell, fiddler of Wyke Regis, was twice fined (and once stocked) by the constables
of the mayor s court for playing in at least one alehouse in nearby Weymouth (see p 282).
William Scot, a fiddler of Hinton Martell, was required in 1629 to answer unspecified charges
against him at the next assizes. William Lucas, alias Bright, minstrel of Holt, four times ran
afoul of the ecclesiastical officials of Wimborne Minster, in 1591-2, 1606, 1610-11, and
1620. In every case his offence was playing at the time of divine service. The performance in
1620 (at Cowgrove), however, was associated with drinking and a dancing match. Moreover,
in 1620 old bright was presented w/th his boy and his daughter, all of whom played their
fiddles. Despite his conflicts with legal authorities old William Lucas (Bright), illustrates how
LOCAL CUSTOMS, MUSIC, AND DRAMA
acceptable and how popular was minstrelsy in Dorset, for he used his trade for almost thirty
years and trained his young companions to follow in his footsteps. 1 " The accounts of Sir Giles
Strangways, the most influential of local magnates, confirm this impression in registering his
New Year s gift to fiddlers who visited his estate to enliven the Christmas celebrations of
1638 and 1639. He also rewarded fiddlers when he was on his travels, as he did at Knebworth
and Oxford in 1638 and at London in 1640, where he also paid 5s for a place to see the king
ride to parliament (see pp 290 and 291).
The records of Dorset men connected to shows of various kinds are fraught with uncer
tainty. The one Dorset patron, Sir Richard Rogers of Bryanston, never appears in the records
of his home county but he does turn up in those of Plymouth in 1 569-70, Bath in 1 577-8,
and Exeter in 1582-3. How many entertainers he sponsored and what kind of entertainment
they provided remain uncertain, for his performer(s) are associated with possible bearbaiting in
Plymouth, bullbaiting in Exeter, and some undefined form of playing in Bath. 1 " The same
is true for Trustrum and company, who rented the guildhall of Blandford Forum in 1 594-5,
and for the young men ofSherborne, who rented its churchhouse in 1599-1600; in both
cases the income is entered as proceeds from playing. Other individuals associated with the
production of plays, such as John Merywether in Wimborne Minster (see p 283) or Andrew
Pope and John Gawler of Blandford Forum (see pp 127 and 128), were collectors of the rent
for the playing place rather dian performers. Since Pope and Gawler (and perhaps Merywether
too) acted as local agents for a production mounted outside the town, their involvement
cannot be taken as a sure sign of local dramatic activity. What solid evidence we have of drama
that originated in the county is to be found in the records ofSherborne or in those of Dorset
schools.
The plays by schoolboys had a dual function. Schoolmasters used performances as peda
gogical devices which helped students master the content of a work, strengthened their grasp
of languages, and developed their oratorical skills. When Paul Rawlins, schoolmaster of Blox-
worth, confessed to the court of the dean and chapter of Salisbury that he had arranged for the
performance of a dialogue in the parish church on Shrove Tuesday, 1 589, he gave as his rationale
the better exercyse of his scholers. The educational value of performing was surely a factor,
though on the face of it not the crucial factor, in the production of plays at Corfe Castle in
1575/6 and at the Free School in Dorchester in 1623. In these two cases the plays were part
of the festivities for the entertainment of a powerful visitor. Robert Ashley, who later repres
ented Dorchester in parliament, mentions in his autobiography his involvement in the per
formance at Corfe Castle, where comedies and solemn spectacles were presented for the
entertainment of Henry Herbert, earl of Pembroke. According to the Dorchester merchant,
William Whiteway, comedies also provided the entertainment there in 1623 when Bishop
Wright visited (see p 199). Judging from Whiteway s entry in his diary both the schoolboys
and their master, Robert Cheeke, performed . Mr cheeke acted two comedies at the sheerehall
for his comming, by his schollers. For this use of drama Cheeke had a precedent since he had
produced a theatrical presentation on the occasion of a visit by Bishop Thornborough (see
pp 171-2). The plays at Dorchester have important political implications given the allegations
that Robert Cheeke was of the Puritan faction led by John White. At a time when other boroughs
36 DORSET
were paying travelling companies for sendinge them out of towne (see p 224), Dorchester s
use of plays to entertain and to edify the ecclesiastical authorities suggests that some local
Puritans were not opposed to plays or playing per se. More subtle issues were at stake, so that a
schoolmaster, like Robert Cheeke, satirized in a poem for sharing the anti-theatrical prejudice
of other Puritans, could use plays both to educate his pupils and to enhance the festivities in
honour of a powerful guest (see pp 1712).
Of local Dorset drama the Corpus Christi plays of Sherborne are the most fully developed
instance. These plays, like the procession they replaced, were an expression of different versions
of community at different stages in the town s history. "" Although Sherborne Abbey domi
nated the skyline of the town, the parish of All Hallows remained fiercely independent of the
Benedictine monks who owned the abbey. Each year the parish confirmed its communal life
through two special celebrations: a Whitsun ale and a Corpus Christi procession. The latter
appears to have been a modest affair in which four men, later in the company of others with
banners, carried a shrine. Records of the procession, which begin in the first decade of the
sixteenth century, break off abruptly in 1 538, the last year (1 537-8) in which the churchman
who collected at the church ale was referred to as king. Perhaps this is an indication that the
parish had given up its customary procession in favour of a different form of celebration but it
is difficult to know for certain because there is an unfortunate gap in the records after the
account of 1538-9.
A turning point in the dramatic life of Sherborne can certainly be seen in 1 540, however.
Following the dissolution of the monastery in 1539 Sir John Horsey obtained Sherborne
Abbey; he then sold the abbey church to the townspeople, who tore down the little church of
AJ1 Hallows and celebrated the acquisition of the abbey with a play on the feast of Corpus
Christi. Although the churchwardens records from 1540 to 1548 never mention the subject
matter of the play, they do indicate clearly that Sherborne s Corpus Christi festivities had taken
a dramatic form: pynnes for the pleyerw were purchased; costumes were made, painted, and
repaired; boards were set up for the performers; money was collected from the Stondyngfof
peopell vppon the Churche at the pley ; and the bokoff corpus chm/i were registered in
the inventories of the parish. In this dramatic activity Sherborne resembles Tewkesbury in
Gloucestershire, Chelmsford in Essex, and Bishop s Stortford in Hertfordshire. " All these
substantial southern communities, where the parish and the town coincided, developed an
elaborate production of their own and facilitated dramatic activity elsewhere by renting their
players gear to other towns. But when through the 1550s Sherborne began to rent its costumes,
it was apparently no longer producing its Corpus Christi play. The playbook disappears from
the inventories after 1 548-9, boy bishops garments acquired from the abbey were sold in
1550-1, and in 1561-2 the churchwardens sold the olde Corpuschm/i Garment to Richard
of Yeovil and the sepulchre cloth and two Bannmzlothes to his fellow townsman, Richard
Damper.
Not until 1571 did Sherborne revive the practice of producing plays for the feast of Corpus
Christi. The churchwardens hired John Dier to oversee the designing and the making of
costumes Towards Corpus Christi playes. Dier may well be Dorset s only theatrical entre
preneur. His involvement in drama in Sherborne goes beyond the Corpus Christi play. In 1567
LOCAL CUSTOMS, MUSIC, AND DRAMA
he rented the church house for the performance of interludes and he may have been associated
with the only Dorset touring company, the sherborn players, who performed in the church
in Lyme Regis in December 1567- Dier s experience in theatre would have helped him meet
the challenges presented by Sherborne s Corpus Christi play in the 1570s. The fairly detailed
accounts for 1572-3 and 1573-4 suggest the scale and the difficulty of the project as they
register the costs of numerous costumes as well as of tents, boards for stages, stands for the
audience, properties, banners, visages for the players, a gilded face for one of them, a canvas
giant, a vyse coote, gunpowder, carriage, storage, security, and a trumpeter among other
aspects of the production. These accounts, along with the brief one for 1575-6, also provide
hints about the content of the play or plays, for they note expenditures for staynynge of Sodom
clothes and for the new dressyng of Lott wyffe, whose transformation into a salt stone was
represented by a figure made of wheat meal. The revival of dramatic activity in Sherborne in
the 1570s was short-lived. After the production of the play(s) of the destruction of Sodom
and the punishment of Lot s wife in 1575-6, the evidence in the churchwardens accounts of
the performance of the play ceases. Thus, Sherborne s celebration of the feast of Corpus Christi
with procession or plays comes to an end at about the same time as the great cycles of mystery
plays did.
Were there connections between local festivities, customs, and performances and the various
kinds of touring players travelling through Dorset? John Dier is one performer who worked
both on plays that he mounted independently and on a play sponsored by a community but
his case suggests a separation of the non-local, secular drama from the parochial, sacred drama.
Whereas his interludes were mounted in the church house, a space later regularly rented to
touring players such as the queen s men, the Corpus Christi play remained in the church and
the churchyard. The church house served only as a place from which some members of the
audience could view the play. Perhaps, however, a tradition of dramatic activity within a com
munity fostered a taste for the same and led to a more receptive attitude toward travelling
players. That seems to be the case, judging from the many times that players performed in
Sherborne compared with the few occasions when they visited Wimborne Minster, both of
which parishes provided the actors with a playing place." " Two minstrels were licensed to tour
within Dorset but no evidence survives to connect their putative tour with occasions of local
festivity (see p 118). Only one travelling performer, Thomas Nehellyng, who kepeth three
fyghting bulls, securely links travels through the county with local customs (see p 274).
Arrested in Somerset in 1608, he confessed that since the preceding Easter he had been on a
profitable tour of church ales and watches from Ikon in Somerset, through Mere in Wiltshire,
to Sturminster and Sherborne in Dorset.
Playing Places
Many of the local festivities of the type Underdown would link to the traditional culture in
Dorset predictably occurred in public spaces. Bullbaiting and maypoles, of course, were out
door affairs. Weymouth s maypole was in a central place on the Melcombe Regis peninsula
(see p 363), for example, and according to local tradition Dorchester s bullring was between
38 DORSET
the river and High East Street. Church ales or town ales might be held in community buildings
like the church house that hosted the King revel at Sherborne (see pp 250-8 and 356-8)
or they might be outdoors like the later Sherborne street ale or the Bere Regis church ale
where a fiddler ran afoul of the vicar s musical preferences in 1590. Some of the dancing and
revelry censured by Wimborne s early Stuart sidesmen seems to have been outdoors, perhaps
in the greens of the parish s subordinate villages, although fiddlers or minstrels might play in
inns, and private houses might also host dancing (see pp 284-7). Shaftesbury s ceremonial
procession down the wide, steep road linking Shaftesbury to Motcombe certainly symbolized
the debt owed by the larger town to the supplier of its water; perhaps the festival was also a
symbolic suspension of hierarchy, a limmality encouraging Motcombe and Shaftesbury to ex
perience a temporary community of the type described in David Harris Sacks discussion of
Bristol s ceremonials.""
Playing places at Sherborne may stimulate further speculation on the political import of
parish celebration and its association with place. The pre-Reformation Corpus Christi proces
sion was outside All Hallows , the small parish chapel of ease sheltering under the west doors
of the abbey church. Men carried a shrine in procession into the churchyard where tents were
erected; from 1530 the tents were raised at the church door (see pp 255-8). The dramatic
innovations of the 1540s, coming shortly after the parish acquisition of the abbatial church -
the first reference to players is in 15423 may represent the townsmen s triumph over the
monks and pride of ownership of the monastic church." 2 The evidence suggests that events
were staged both inside and outside St Mary s: players plaid vppon boards in the churche
in 1543 4 and may have acted on bord before the ij lowe alters/ in 1547-8 when the
parish also collected money for the Stondynge of peopell vppon the Churche at the pley, and
although the procession was apparently discontinued, the wardens continued to have tents set
up outdoors for the Corpus Christi festivities (1543-4, 1546-7, and 1547-8).
When Sherborne again mounted a Corpus Christi play in the 1570s - after a more than
twenty-year hiatus - it seems to have been an outdoor production in the parish churchyard.
The parish collected substantial sums of money from spectators standing on the leads of the
church roof (1572-3, 1573-4, and 1575-6), or using the roume a gaynste the churche
(1572-3) or the ground in the churchyard (1573-4). Expenses for the play include many
payments for tents, including a heygh te[ay]nte (1572-3) and backer tents used as dressing
rooms (1573-4). Parish memories of indignities suffered at the hands of the monks had
faded and the parish now took for granted its splendid place of worship. The 1570s production
was probably an outgrowth of community spirit in the decades Sherborne s historian finds
decisive in the transition from parish to civic institutions; public presentations in the
churchyard seem to mirror this transition, preserving the distinction between the Tudor citizen
drama of worship to which Ian Lancashire refers and the secular drama staged by John Dier
in the church house, but also shifting celebration from clearly sacred space to a more ambigu
ous church exterior. " 3
Most of what we would now call drama in Dorset was performed by travelling players, in
dividuals or companies, who visited the county more and more frequently during the course
of the sixteenth century. Where did they play? The evidence is frustrating, for the sites of
39
LOCAL CUSTOMS, MUSIC, AND DRAMA
most performances are unknown. The boroughs record many payments telling us as little of
playing places as they tell us of scripts or the size of companies. If the references we have are
at all representative, however, some patterns emerge.
Before and early in Elizabeth s reign performers might play in the homes of leading burgesses
of boroughs: Richard Allyn of Poole (see p 240); Richard Leonard (see p 21 1), Rkhard Buck-
ford (see p 212), and Robert Davey (see p 213), all of Lyme Regis. In the first decades of the
seventeenth century playing places might still be private: fiddlers performed in private homes
of wealthy magnates such as Sir Giles Strangways of Melbury Sampford (see pp 290-1) and of
commoners such as Julian Facy of Fordington (see p 209). Morris dancers, perhaps making
their rounds of households in Wimborne Minster in 1611-12, were reported to have performed
at Robert Fulford s home there. But increasingly public meeting places were the normal
venue for performances by travelling companies from outside Dorset and sometimes for local
players as well. Such meeting places included the churches of Poole (1551-2), Lyme Regis
(1558-9, 1567-8, 1568-9), Beaminster (1591-3), Bloxworth (1589), and Bere Regis (1599);
the shire hall in Dorchester and by default rooms in the George Inn there (see pp 177 and
191); and the schoolhouse in the Lyme Regis churchyard (1606-7). The churches of St Michael
the Archangel in Lyme Regis, St Mary in Beaminster, and St John the Baptist in Bere Regis
survive relatively unchanged. They must have been attractive places in which to perform.
St Michael, for example, provided a spacious playing space, with the nave measuring 61 x 16.5 ,
the chancel 32 x 16.5 , and aisles 85 x 16.5 . St Andrew, Bloxworth, was substantially rebuilt
in the seventeenth century and unfortunately St James, Poole, was torn down in 1819. The
schoolhouses of Lyme Regis and Dorchester and the George Inn and guildhall of Dorchester
are no longer still standing."" 1
Perhaps most interesting is the theatrical use of certain Dorset parish or town halls ordinarily
available to players for a fee. Such halls included the guildhall at Blandford Forum (see pp 14
15, 41), a church house at Wimborne Minster (see pp 40 1), and the church house at Sher-
borne (described below, p 40)." " Tittler has shown us that in the Elizabethan and early Stuart
period many Dorset towns experienced a rise of self-conscious civic pride and sense of them
selves as autonomous communities, a civic-mindedness associated with the construction of
secular buildings." 1 We may also associate such community building with other material civic
improvement (the rebuilding of the Cobb at Lyme Regis, for example), the deliberate acquisi
tion of broader rights to self-government (Dorchester, Poole, and Weymouth-Melcombe Regis),
or the founding of charities designed to succour the poor by teaching them self-sufficiency.
Innovative civic fund-raising and changing civic ceremony could reflect the needs or aspirations
of a new town spirit. In few communities were changes in civic consciousness as drastic as in
Dorchester where Pastor White s Puritan regime greeted the Tire from heaven of 1613 with a
systematic attempt to build a city on a hill. But there were changes in many places, nonetheless,
and their relationship to the performance climate for players is intriguing. We can certainly link
growing civic consciousness, for example, to the prideful spirit in which some communities -
Lyme Regis, Poole, and Weymouth - made sure that companies associated with prominent
patrons were amply rewarded. 1 " 7 The decision to charge players for playing space may represent
a different manifestation of a similar growth of community.
40 DORSET
In the early Tudor period the Sherborne churchwardens had paid about 4s per year for the
use of a building with a furnace and at least some dinnerware for large parties. During that
period the major parish fund-raiser was a relatively elaborate and quite profitable ale at Whit
suntide, at which the King of Sherborne presided and collected the parish profits. In about
1530 the churchwardens rented a site in Half Moon Street from the master of Sherborne s
almshouse at 26s 8d per annum; hiring temporary quarters for the ale in 1534-5, they built a
long two-storey building on the almshouse property. The ground floor was divided into four
shops and a kitchen and would be rented out by the Elizabethan churchwardens for total re
ceipts of more than 20s a year. The upper storey seems to have been a single long room, 116
x 19 , although one end may have been partitioned off as a storeroom. Curved oak rafters
and beams supported a ceiling that rose from a height of 7 above the floor where it met the
walls to 18 2" at the peak. The room was lit along the long south wall by fourteen windows,
each with four vertical panes, 41" high x 12" wide. A large fireplace in the east wall and an
elaborate staircase with nine stone steps, probably at the west end, completed the room." *
Sherborne s churchwardens paid for numerous repairs to the building during the 162 years
it was used as a church house. Elizabethan inventories for the house, complete for most years
after 1567, tell us that its equipment included trestles and table boards, cooking and brewing
gear, platters and pottingers, and, for a time, the parish armour. Other parish necessities -
ladders, buckets, racks for weighing - appear in the lists after the 1580s."
The Sherborne community might use the large room that was our part of the church house
for community functions like the church ale, but the room and its inventory were also fre
quently rented out after 1567. When the building was first built in 1533 the rate for using
the room on hallemasse fayre daye was set at I6d. Elizabethan parishioners seem to have
been able to hire the hall for as little as 4d, paying as much as 2s 9d for the use of both church
house and the church house vessels. Rented out more than sixty times, the room was used for
several late Elizabethan weddings as well as for the mayor to entertain Sir Walter Ralegh
(1 595-6). l7 " Elizabethan players paid the churchwardens for the use of the room on twelve
separate occasions. In addition to John Dier and his interludes in 1567-8, players hired the
room five times between 1 588 and 1591, paying the churchwardens between 6d and 4s.
Between 1597 and 1603 companies hired the hall six times. The queen s players and two
anonymous companies paid 2s, Cerrayne players paid 4s 6d, but the young men of the town
paid 16s, four times the ordinary fee. It is possible that local youths contributed all their net
receipts to the parish or that they could expect a more profitable run than visiting companies.
Wimborne Minster also maintained one or another church house throughout the sixteenth
and early seventeenth centuries. A thatched house at the west end of the church was used in
the late fifteenth century (and stocked with dishes probably used for church ales or other
parish functions). This building was supplanted in the 1540s when the parish repaired the
former St Peter s Church in the town centre and converted it to use as a church house. The
building had glass windows, a chimney with a hearth furnished with an iron bar, and plastered
walls. Repairs and other parish expenses for the church house for the rest of the century sug
gest it served the same community purposes as Sherborne s church house. In 1636 when the
church house was leased to a town clothier, the school governors (who by then controlled the
41
LOCAL CUSTOMS, MUSIC, AND DRAMA
property) reserved the use of all that vpper roome towards the East end of the said house now
and heretofore vsed by the inhabitants of Wimborne Minster aforesaid for publike meetings. 1
Although Wimborne churchwardens accounts record many fewer rentals of the church house
facilities than Sherborne records, a rome in the church house might be hired for a bruyng
or other purposes. 172 Twice in 1 573-4 and once in 1 589-90 the churchwardens recorded
receipts of rentals for a playe or from players that played in the church house. The building
decayed in stages: the last remaining wall of St Peter s was levelled in about 1800 and the
whole of the ground on which St Peter s and the later town hall stood is now buried under
the pavement of the Wimborne Minster town square. 17
Between 1587 and 1599 companies of players hired the Blandford guildhall on at least six
occasions; if, as seems likely, the customary fee in the 1 590s was 2s 6d, the records probably
represent as many as fifteen different visits of groups of players. 174 Further players rentals occur
in 1608-9, 1615-16, and 1620-1. Although the records do not demonstrate private rentals
like those common in Sherborne and Wimborne Minster, town-sponsored ales, including the
Bailiff s ale, may also have met in the guildhall (the last ale was in 1594-5). The building
was destroyed in the great Blandford fire of 1731. "
Evidence that towns charged players to play is generally much rarer than records of rewards
to players. Elsewhere in Dorset, even when economic restraint, fear of sickness, or religious
scruples led seventeenth-century town fathers to forbid a performance, they often paid players
not to play. In more welcoming times some Dorset towns made up the difference between
what players collected from the audience and what the town thought a reasonable reward.
Nothing tells us with any certainty why these three northern Dorset towns chose to charge
players rent during the period when companies were most likely to visit the county and most
likely to receive rewards from other communities.
If we presume that each of these towns was experiencing a growing sense of autonomy and
that each also was experimenting with new sources of revenue, the choice made by these three
communities seems more explicable, although other towns made other choices. Late Eliza
bethan Blandford s sense of greater civic pride was, says Tittler, reflected in the construction
of a guildhall costing many times the town s ordinary annual revenue. I7I> Although the town
ales or collections were profitable, the community was seeking new sources of funds. Fees
from players never raised more than 1 a year but we may still see the rental charged players
as part of a complex of experiments with new sources of revenue; after all, players played in
the building that represented the town s greatest expenditure. As Sherborne groped toward a
clearer identification as a secular community, the old church ale gave way to a newer street
ale, a more clearly secular affair. The Sherborne church house had been designed partly to pay
for itself: the hard-headed spirit animating the Sherborne churchwardens would incline them
to see visiting players in the same terms as other tenants. Wimborne, too, was moving toward
a rational, planned government, the traditional ale yielding less and less revenue, the parish
looking for more consistent sources of funds that would eventually be available in the pew rents
and funeral fees of the seventeenth-century parish. As at Sherborne the ordinary uses for the
building the players rented influenced the town s reception of visiting companies more than
did the town s desire to please performers influential patrons.
42 DORSET
Travelling Players
Evidence of travelling performers in Dorset extends from 1511 to 1636. The picture produced
by performances by troupes and individuals from outside the county might be seen as a trip
tych, the first panel dominated by minstrels and the last one by miscellaneous entertainers,
such as William Sands and his puppeteers (see pp 121-2 and 200), William Gosling with his
representation of the city of Jerusalem (see p 207), and Mrs Provoe, a french woman that
had no hands, but could write, sow, wash, & do many other things with her feet (see p 206). l77
In the central panel, covering the years from about 1565 until 1625, acting companies, rising
then declining, occupy the foreground.
The very first record of travelling performers in Dorset epitomizes the cryptic, uncertain
quality of so many of these documents. Although this entry undoubtedly served the account
ant s purposes perfectly, the lump sum payment for Mynstrellw who visited Poole in the
151 1-12 accounting year fails to answer the questions posed by historians of early English
drama. Were the minstrels from Dorset or from outside the county? Whose minstrels played
there? When did they give their performance? What did they play? How were they received
by the audience? Such travelling troupes were an important part of the cultural scene for Poole,
which one year later formalized (perhaps not for the first time) the financial arrangements for
rewarding minstrels. Costs were to be shared by the mayor and the town, the former being
responsible for expenses associated with a performance, the latter covering the cost of the reward
to the troupe. The amount of a stipend, which other towns often pro-rated according to the
rank of the patron, was not specified but left to the judgment of the city fathers as they thywnge
cowuenyewtt (see p 239). In singling out the kyng mywstrellys among the troupes that might
visit Poole, the memorandum of 1 512/13 reveals the city s awareness that these travelling
players were playing a role in an elaborate patronage system. By providing the reward to the
players the town was not simply generously easing the mayor s financial burdens but also gar
nering what goodwill might come from a report of a gracious reception made by some noble
man s players; in short, the city fathers of Poole were seizing the opportunity to show respect
for a patron whose influence might be useful. 17
The queen s men visited Dorset more often than any other troupe. They visited at least
fourteen times during Elizabeth s reign ( at least" because they are presumably sometimes the
group identified merely as players in the records; see, for instance, p 217) and they visited
regularly from 1588 until 1602. Only the players under the patronage of James Blount, Lord
Mountjoy, returned to Dorset with the same consistency. Leicester s men are six times named
in die records (once as die lord high steward s players) but their appearances are scattered between
1570 and the year of his death, 1588. The Dorset records identify no other group of players
more than three times. Such fragmentary data do not encourage confident generalizations
but one factor emerges as important, the strong ties that patrons of the companies which
visited Dorset have to the west and/or the south of England either because of substantial
estates in those regions or by virtue of their position on the Council in the Marches of Wales.
Lord Mountjoy (c 1533-81) is the best example of such ties for he had been a justice of the
peace of Dorset and Wiltshire, lord lieutenant of Dorset, and commissioner ofoyer and
LOCAL CUSTOMS, MUSIC, AND DRAMA
terminer for the southwest, and he held Canford Manor (of which Poole was a part) during
Elizabeth s reign. In 1 559-60 Lord and Lady Mountjoy visited Poole, which laid on a banquet
in their honour and laid out rewards to various people, including players. Perhaps these were
Mountioy s own players, a troupe which performed in Dorset at least five other times: in
Lyme Regis in 1568-9, 1572-3, 1573-4, 1577-8, and in Poole in 1569-70. Other patrons
with land holdings in Dorset or administrative responsibilities in the region included Thomas
Fitz Alan, earl of Arundel, and his son and heir, William; Edward Russell, earl of Bedford;
Henry Grey, marquess of Dorset; Arthur Plantagenet, Viscount Lisle, and vice admiral; Charles
Howard, lord admiral and captain-general in the south of England; Thomas Seymour, lord
admiral, and his brother, Edward, duke of Somerset; John Dudley, duke of Northumberland
and lord admiral; and John de Vere, earl of Oxford, and his son and heir, Edward. However,
the players of the patron with the strongest Dorset ties, Sir Richard Rogers of Bryanston, are
not known to have performed in Dorset. Compared to the regular visits of Queen Elizabeth s
players to Dorset during the period from 1588 to 1602, the identifiable appearances by the
players of King James in Bridport in 1620-1, 1623-4, and 1624-5 constitute but a brief
flurry of dramatic activity. By then Dorset towns were not nearly as hospitable to players as
they had been during Elizabeth s reign. During the reign of King James I, the king s men, the
queen s men, the prince s men, and the children of the revels were all rewarded but at reduced
rates and usually not to play.
Evidence from Dorset confirms many features of the emerging picture of dramatic activity
in early modern England: the normal playing places, the arrangements governing payment for
playing (and not playing), the players themselves. Neither plays nor playwrights were worthy
of note, though occasionally an actor s name was recorded. For some reason John Hayes,
mayor of Lyme Regis, registered the town s gift to the queenes plaiers the duttons when they
played there in 1592-3. Gilbert Reason, one of the prince s men, gave the authorities of
Dorchester teason to record his name in 1615 by being insolent both to Sit Francis Ashley
and to John Gould, bailiff. The rewards to players who did perform were, it seems, pro-rated
according to the rank of the patron 17 1 and consisted of money collected plus a grant from the
city. In 1560-1, for example, Lyme Regis gave the players of the duchess of Suffolk 2s over
& aboue that was gatherid. In 1590-1 the mayor of Poole noted in his account book his
calculation of the players reward: ther was gatherell xj s. and I made it xx s. of the townes
mony. In 1592-3 Lyme Regis paid the difference between the 4s 8d given and the 10s reward
to Worcester s men and shortly after, it gave the queen s men twice that amount thanks to a
subvention of 12s 6d. Twenty shillings for the queen s men was half what the company usually
received from large towns such as Bristol and Norwich and two-thirds of Gloucester s reward
but it was certainly not an inappropriate sum for a borough the size of Lyme Regis. Occasion
ally the hospitality offered the players was extended to include wine. In 1616-17 Bere Regis
even went so far as to make a Visard for the players - special treatment, perhaps for a local
troupe.
Why travelling companies returned to perform at some towns and not others is a matter for
some speculation, particularly since three Dorset communities - Blandford Forum, Sher-
borne, and Wimborne Minster - had playing places that the players could rent. Players visited
44 DORSET
Sherborne at least a dozen times, Blandford perhaps even more frequently. But Wimborne s
church house attracted such visitors only three times. Is the difference explicable? 1 "" In this we
may perhaps look for a combination of reasons. Blandford was a centrally located market town
with a population of between five and eight hundred. " Sherborne and Wimborne were
probably smaller. The Blandford guildhall and Sherborne church house were likely larger than
the Wimborne church house and provided better playing spaces, although at higher fees than
those charged by Wimborne. We know nothing of earlier dramatic traditions at Blandford -
there is really only one set of relevant records from Blandford but a comparison of activity
in Sherborne and Wimborne suggests that Sherborne was also much more likely to provide
an audience for visiting players in the 1580s and 90s. Hundreds of years of churchwardens
accounts, decades of school records, and many ecclesiastical judicial records yield precisely
three instances when Wimborne may have shown interest in any non-local performers - the
three times the church house was let to players. Perhaps the players, learning the hard way
that although they could get a good venue in Wimborne they could not attract a substantial
and receptive audience, decided to forego a trip to that village. Apart from purely ecclesiastical
rituals, the only parish ceremony was a procession bearing the fund-raising parish cake. Late
Elizabethan Sherborne, on the other hand, had a rich and varied history of performance
activity: the town had kept a boy bishop s costume for a time; a king of Sherborne reigned
over the parish ale in the 1 530s; the townsmen s Corpus Christi procession was elaborated as
religious drama shortly after the parish took control of the former abbey church; Sherborne s
play costumes were important in the neighbourhood in the 1550s; and in the 1570s the town
and parish presented an elaborate play on Corpus Christi. Perhaps the tradition of performance
activity within Sherborne fostered a taste for the drama and led to a more receptive attitude
toward travelling players, an attitude that, in turn, influenced the players choice of public
playing places.
Tracking the movements of travelling companies within Dorset is next to impossible. Though
the picture of dramatic and musical entertainment there is more complete than ever before,
there are still only threee years when we know for sure that the same troupe performed at two
different Dorset towns: Leicester s men played Poole and Lyme Regis in 1570; the queen s
men performed in Poole and Weymouth-Melcombe Regis in 1590 1; and William Sands
puppeteers turned up in Dorchester in July and then at Beaminster in October 1630. Because
only the last of these records dates both performances, it is not clear if the queen s men or
Leicester s men were travelling from east to west or from west to east through the county. Nor
can we glean much about the travels of players in general from the trip of Sands and his com
pany: that they took about ten weeks to cover the twenty miles from Dorchester to Beamin
ster suggests that their route was not a direct one.
Dorset s place on a larger map of tours by travelling players is a little clearer. Currently
available evidence for the travels of players suggests that Dorset may have been part of a western
circuit, one looping down into the southwest and extending as far north as Yorkshire. Worcesters
men, for example, visited Poole, Plymouth, Barnstaple, Bristol, Gloucester, and Beverley in
1 570-1. * 2 Mountjoy s men were rewarded in 1577-8 by Bath, Lyme Regis, and Gloucester. 1 "
Coordinating information about performances in Dorset with those elsewhere in England
45
LOCAL CUSTOMS, MUSIC, AND DRAMA
suggests the possibility at least that some national companies chose to concentrate their efforts,
at least in some years, in the western regions of the country, in those areas where their patrons
had power.
More important for Dorset was its place on a southern line running between Kent and
Devon. The tour of Leicester s men in 1 569-70 illustrates one likely way of proceeding: a
spring season in Kent with performances in Canterbury, Faversham, Lydd, and Rye, followed
by a summer in the provinces (Poole dates its reward 1 1 July, Dartmouth its 30 July). 1 " 4 Evid
ence from other years complicates this impression however. In November 1 598, for instance,
Dartmouth, Devon, rewarded the queen s men and the company went on to receive payments
from Winchester in March and Dover in April. They were also rewarded in 1598-9 by Ply
mouth in Devon, Sherborne in Dorset, Reading in Berkshire, and Faversham and Lydd in Kent.
At Sherborne the company rented the church house, perhaps while on route from Dartmouth
to Winchester, for the churchwardens rendered their accounts on 21 January 1 598/9. "" In
any case, the movement from Dartmouth late in the autumn, through Winchester, to Dover
in spring suggests that the so-called southern line was not a straight line, but it was a two-way
route and one for all seasons.
The trip through the south of England may also have been part of a much larger, longer
tour, such as that of Worcester s men from the autumn of 1567 until that of 1569. The
troupe received rewards, some of them dated, from the following towns: Bristol (November
1567), Plymouth (1 1 June 1568), Lyme Regis (4 August 1568), Winchester, Dover, Canter
bury, Folkestone, Fordwich, Ipswich, and Nottingham (August 1569), Gloucester, Bath, and
Bristol (September 1569). " If we can assume that the dated rewards correspond loosely co
the date of performance and if we can assume that Worcester s men toured as a whole those
years, then we have the possibility of a large circular route involving many communities in
the south and the centre of England. Such a circuit, if it be one, calls into question other
long-standing assumptions: that the tours of travelling companies were annual projects and
that London was the normal home base for national companies. London may well have been
avoided by players who expected to make their living in the provinces and Coventry, or Bristol,
or Gloucester may have been the terminus ad quem of a troupe working its way through
Dorset.
The heyday for travelling players in Dorset was the last decade of Elizabeth s reign. From
that time on various developments economic decline, measures taken to protect boroughs
from the plague, Puritan antagonism to players in general, Sabbatarianism in particular, and a
concern with social order, which was threatened, some authorities argued, by travelling per
formers and the kinds of gatherings they occasioned - combined to jeopardize the activity of
travelling players. 1 " 7 The first payment to a troupe not to play occurred in 1615-16 (see p 279)
but opposition, civic and ecclesiastical, had been growing for many years in Dorset. The
major forces antagonistic to players came together in 1608 in the events that led to the Star
Chamber case of Condytt v. Chubbe. "" John Condytt, a Dorchester tailor, alleged that he and
his wife had been libelled in three poems that Matthew Chubbe, a Dorchester goldsmith and
at that time bailiff, had helped to contrive, publicly read, and otherwise distribute. One of the
verses attached to the bill of complaint attributes to Puritans a generalized opposition to
46 DORSET
plays and players and ends with a threatening postscript that they should not put down stage
plaiers nor Yet trew melody/ ffor yf thou doest thou shall be calld knave and foole/ and so
shall thy sonne in lawe chicke ye maister of the schoole (p 180). No doubt there were Puritans
in Dorset towns who judged plays and players to be anathema but this poem s construction
of the attitudes of Puritan reformers oversimplifies the situation: the Mr Cheeke who is alluded
to in the last line was the same schoolmaster who entertained ecclesiastical authorities with
comedies in 1623. Furthermore, this allegedly libellous poem is the only Dorset document
that conjoins Puritans with players in an antagonistic relationship and its self-confessed author
was Robert Adyn, a Catholic recusant. Religious opposition to public performances almost
certainly existed in Dorset in the early seventeenth century but it came out indirectly. Judging
from the bill of complaint in the case of Condytt v. Chubbe the more volatile issue in Dorchester
in 1608 was respect for the sabbath. Lord Berkeley s men wanted to play in the shire hall on
Sunday, which performance the burgesses would not permit. As a result, through the media
tion of Matthew Chubbe (so it was alleged), whose frustrations led to threats of revenge against
his fellow burgesses, the players put on their play before Sir Adrian Scrope and others at one
of the local inns. Besides the role of Sabbatarianism in this case, the problems produced by the
players refusal quietly to accept the will of the city fathers - the conflict between them and
some of the bailiffs, the quarrelling between Chubbe and his peers, ultimately the Star
Chamber cases between Chubbe and Condytt - intensified the opposition to the players.
Insolent actors, such as Lord Berkeley s men on this occasion, or Gilbert Reason in Dorchester
in 1615, or William Sands the puppeteer in Beaminster in 1630, produced more problems
than pleasure for the borough and betrayed the trust placed in them by their patron. The
patronage system on which the regional and national tours of minstrels and actors was based
lacked the imperative force it once had. The diary of William Whiteway, one of the most influ
ential merchants of Dorchester, confirms this impression. Whiteway seems to have been
fascinated by the power of the king, particularly by the king s taste in drama. At three points
in his diary Whiteway, whose sympathies were with the Protestant reformers, comes back to
the case of William Prynne and notes how brutally he was tortured for writing a booke
against Stag plaies & dancing (see pp 2025). Whiteway also reported the suicide of Dr Butts,
vice-chancellor of Cambridge, who hanged himself because the king shewed much dislike at
a play, w/?/ch he had caused lately to be acted before him in Cambridge (see p 202). In an
exceptionally long entry in his diary Whiteway also gives an account of the occasion of the
second performance of James Shirley s masque, The Triumph of Peace. King Charles invited
himself to the home of London s lord mayor, Ralph Freeman, for dinner and to Merchant
Tailors Hall for the masque as a way of resolving the dispute between the monarch and the
mayor over the new Westminster soap monopoly. This dispute, according to Whiteway, so
troubled the mayor that he kept his bed a whole moneth after it, & was like to dy, had not
the Kings message reuiued him (see p 204). Fatal for Butts, restorative (albeit only temporarily)
for Freeman: such was the power of Charles as theatre patron - close to the court. Down in
Dorset however, Whiteway and Sir Francis Ashley tell a different story: players travelling as
the prince s men (see p 198), puppeteers who had a warrant vnder the Kings hand (see p 200),
and Mrs Provoe who had a commission vnder the scale of the Master of the Reuelles (see
LOCAL CUSTOMS, MUSIC, AND DRAMA
p 206) were all summarily dismissed or, in Whiteway s words, not allowed here. Indeed,
Gilbert Reason was outraged with Dorchester s recorder, Sir Francis Ashley, and one of its
bailiffs, John Gould, because the latter refused to look on his Commission. Reason may have
glimpsed the implications of Gould s refusal for the entire patronage system, for the actor ac
cused the bailiff of being little better then a traitowr (see p 198).
The true eventual story of the decline not only of travelling performers but also of local
customs, sports, and recreation will have to be a complex one. Opposition to players was not
monolithic; Lyme Regis in 1607 saw town and church authorities at loggerheads when the
churchwardens presented the mayor for permitting players of interludes to perform in the
schoolhouse. Sometimes economic factors were crucial, as they were in Weymouth in 1600
and in Poole a year later, when the auditors disallowed gifts to players, a decision suggesting
that the boroughs were not opposed to drama but to spending public funds on it and perhaps
only temporarily. Similarly in Lyme Regis in 1622 economic factors and moral duty combined
to cause the city fathers co alter a long-standing custom by cancelling the feast upon St Stephens
Day so that the poor might be entertained at each man s private house." 1 Ten years earlier the
same group had used borough funds to fight a case initiated by the reformist vicar, John Geare,
who had procured an act against the mayor, aldermen, and Cobb wardens for the vsing of
profane and irreligious abuses. 1 " 1 Sometimes the danger of infection was crucial. Only once
was the plague used explicitly as the reason for refusing to permit a performer to play, by
Dorchester when William Gosling in October 1636 asked to shew the portraiture of the city
of lerusalem. The dangerous tyme of sicknes need not be taken as a mystification, a cover-up
for opposition that was actually sectarian, since Gosling had received a reward from Norwich,
one of England s sturdiest Protestant cities. 1 " Like many other items registered in account
books, the last payments to travelling entertainers fail to disclose the attitude of the boroughs
to the players because the entries record merely the reward and the recipient. In the records
of Dorset, incomplete as they are in the early seventeenth century, a pattern is clear however:
Dorchester arrested Gilbert Reason in 1615; Weymouth-Melcombe Regis paid the queen s men
not to play in 1616, as did Lyme Regis an unidentified troupe in 1621-2, and Bridport the
king s men in 1623; even Blandford Forum, a town that profited from performances in its
town hall as late as 1620, paid the children of the revels, that should have acted a stage playe
in the Hall, 10s to depart.
The Documents
The descriptions of the documents from which records are drawn are given in chronological
order under four headings: Dioceses, County of Dorset, Boroughs and Parishes (arranged
alphabetically) , and Households. William Whiteway s records of performance activity in
Dorset and elsewhere have been kept together among the records of Dorchester. Whiteway
was one of the capital burgesses of the town and frequently one of its officers and Dorchester
was the base from which he observed both local performances and dramatic activity in more
distant centres such as Cambridge and London. Visitation injunctions and articles appear in
the section on Dioceses. With the exception of the records from the peculiar jurisdiction of
Wimborne Minster, relatively few ecclesiastical court records for Dorset survive and even fewer
refer to public entertainment; descriptions of records from visitations and court records from
the diocese of Salisbury are therefore arranged by the borough or parish to which they refer.
Within larger boroughs, civic records are listed first, followed by legal records and miscellaneous
documents. Shelfmarks and titles given are according to the preference of the individual record
offices and libraries where the documents are preserved.
The description of a document yielding entries for more than one place is presented under
the first relevant borough or parish; included in the description is a list of other boroughs or
parishes from which records have been printed. Brief cross-references direct the reader to the
main description from those other locations.
Dioceses
For the diocesan areas of jurisdiction see p 8.
DIOCESE OF BRISTOL
Bishop John Thornborougtis Visitation Articles
ARTICLES I TO BE MINISTRED I AND TO BE ENQVIRED I OF, AND ANSWERED IN I the
first general! visitation of I the reverend father in God, John, I by Gods permission, Bishop I of Bristol!. I
[University device] I OXFORD, I Printed by loseph Barnes Printer to I the Vniversitie, 1603. src. 10143.
49
THE DOCUMENTS
Bishop Robert Skinner s Visitation Articles
ARTICLES I TO BE MINISTRED, I ENQVIRED OF, AND I ANSWERED: I In the first Visitation
of the Right Reverend 1 Father in GOD, ROBERT by Gods I Divine providence, LORD Bishop of I BRISTOL.
I [device - motto: ANCHORA. SPEI.] I LONDON, I Printed by George Miller. 1637. src: 10145.
ARTICLES I TO BE MINISTRED. I ENQVIRED OF, AND I ANSWERED: I In the (blank)
Visitation of the Right I Reverend Father in GOD, (blank) I by Gods Divine providence, Lord I Bishop
of BRISTOL. I [rule] I [device] I [rule] I LONDON, I Printed by George Miller I 1640,. STC: 10145.3. In
the Exeter College, Oxford, copy the second blank has been filled in with Bishop Skinner s name in a
contemporary hand.
DIOCESE OF SALISBURY
Bishop John Jewel s Visitation Injunctions
Injunctions I giuen by the reuerend father in christ I lohn by Gods proiudence, Bishop of I Sarisburie,
aswel to the Cleargie, as to the I Churchewardens and enquirers of euerye seueral I Parish, aswel of
his peculiar as general iurisdiction within I and of the Diocesse of Sarum to be obscrued and kept of
euery I of them in their offices and callings, as to them shal appertaine, for the I aduauncemcnt of gods
honor, thincrease of vertue, and good or- I der to be continued within his sayd Diocesse, and the
same to be enqui- 1 red of and put in vse by all the Archdeacons, Commissaries, and I other officers
excercising Ecclesiastical iurisdiction vnder the I sayde Bishop, according to the limittes of their
se- 1 ueral offices and Jurisdictions, in their I Synodes, visitations, I inquiries, and I Courts. I [device] I
Imprinted at London, by Henry I Denham for Richard lackson, I and are to be sold in Gutter Lane I
at the signe of the red Lion. I Anno. 1 569. I February. 22. STC: 10326.5-
Bishop Henry Cottons Visitation Articles
ARTICLES I to bee enquired of, by the I Churchwardens and sworne men, within I the Diocesse of
Sarum, in the visitati- I on of the Reuerend Father in God I Henry, Lord Bishop of Sarum, I in his first
general! vi- 1 sitation. I Holden in the 41. yeare of the I raigne of our most gracious soueraigne I Lady
Elizabeth, by the grace of I God, Queene of Englande, I France and Ireland, defender I of the faith, &c. I
[device - motto: THOV SHALT LABOR FOR PEACE (&) PLENTIE] I LONDON I Imprinted by
lohn Windet, dwelling at I Paules Wharfe, at the signe of the I Crosse Keyes. 1599. STC. 10327.5.
[device] I ARTICLES I OF INQVIRIE, GI- 1 VEN IN CHARGE BY THE RIGHT I REVEREND
FATHER IN GOD, HENRIE BY I the prouidence of Almightie God Bishop of Sarum, to be I answered
vnto by way of presentment vpon oath, by the Church- I wardens and Sidemen of each parish and chapell
through- 1 out the Diocesse of Sarum, in his ordinary and trien- I nail Visitation intended to be holden
in (blank) I next comming, in Anno Dom. 1614. I as followeth. I [device] I Imprinted at London by
Felix I Kyngston. 1614. STC: 10328. In the copy examined at the British Library the blank space for the
month has been filled in as lune ; another later hand has added the bishops surname in the right margin.
50 DORSET
Bishop Robert Abbots Visitation Articles
ARTICLES I TO BE ENQV1RED I OF, WITHIN THE DIO- 1 ces of Sarisburie, in the first visitation I
of the Right Reuerend Father, ROBERT by the I Prouidence of GOD, Lord Bishop of I SARUM. I [rule] I
HOLDEN I In the yeare of our Lord God I 1616. I [device] I [rule] I LONDON I Printed by IOHN
LEGATT. I 1616. STC: 10329.
Bishop Martin Fotherby s Visitation Articles
ARTICLES I to be enquired of, with- I in the Dioccsse of Sarisbury, in the first visi- I tation of the Right
Reuerend Father in I God, MARTIN by the prouidence of I GOD, Lord Bishoppe I of Sarum. I [rule] I
HOLDEN I Jn the yere of our Lord God, I 1619. I [device] I [rule] I AT LONDON I Printed by John
Beale, 1619. STC: 10329.3.
County of Dorset
A few, very miscellaneous documents yield entries for the whole of Dorset, rather than par
ticular boroughs or villages. These include a sermon given at a court sessions, included here
since the speaker, William Kethe, seems to respond to sinful behaviour in the whole of the
county, not merely at Blandford Forum where the justices were meeting when the sermon was
delivered.
William Kethe s A Sermon made at Blanford Forum
William Kethe was a Protestant divine, forced into exile in Frankfurt during the persecutions
of Queen Mary, at which time he wrote metrical versions of the psalms and several anti-
Catholic works. When he returned to England in 1561, he became rector of Okeford Superior
in the parish of Child Okeford in Dorset. As a result of this appointment presumably, he
gathered the evidence of the abuse of the sabbath in Dorset that he describes in the sermon.
In 1 563 Kethe accompanied the earl of Warwick, Ambrose Dudley, to Le Havre, where he served
as minister and preacher to the earl and to the troops resisting Catholic insurgents. When
Kethe published the sermon he gave at Blandford Forum, he dedicated the work to Warwick.
A SERMOty I made at Blanford Fo- I turn, in the Countie of I Dorset on Wensday the I 17. of lanuarij
last past at I the Session holden there, I before the honorable and I the worshyppefull of that I Shyre,
by William Kethe I Minister and Preacher I of Gods word. I 1 571 . I AT LONDON I Printed by lohn Daye, I
dwellyng ouer Aldersgate. I <T Cum gratia & Priuilegio I Regiae Maiestatis. STC: 14943.
Licence for Minstrels
Taunton, Somerset Record Office, DD/HI 469, vol 2; late 16th century; English; paper; 193 leaves +
booklet of 4 leaves; 310mm x 210mm; unnumbered; sewn booklets; parchment cover made from a
Dorset deed. No date, title, or identification, except the name Raphe Barrtt, which appears on the
THE DOCUMENTS
cover. The book contains precedents from the reign of Elizabeth i or earlier, a court baron description,
and orders from a sessions court in Dorset.
Petition of Somerset Clergy to Sir John Denham
An abstract of the relevant item has been printed in John Bruce (ed), Calendar of State Papers,
Domestic Series, of the Reign of Charles i. 1628-1629 (London, 1859), 20.
Kew, Public Record Office, SP 16/96; 15 March 1627/8; English; paper; single sheet; 262mm x 170mm
(175mm x 135mm); folio number (15) in pencil in the centre at the bottom; verso blank except for
modern dating in pencil, obsolete page or folio numbers ( 13 in the upper left corner and, just to the
right of that number, 78 ), and the dating 1627 in ink and in a hand contemporary with the document;
marks and wear from the horizontal folds hamper legibility. Bound as f 1 5 (of 1 55 leaves) in modern
binding: grey paper over boards, blue cloth corners and spine, bearing the title: Domestic Charles I
1627 Mar. 15-21.
Assize Order for Western Circuit
This volume begins with the Lent circuit 1631 and ends with material from the same circuit
of 1640/1 . It appears to be a fair copy of the orders for most of the volume is in one hand;
however, some relevant documents transcribed by others have been inserted. It is the first of a
nine-volume series of Western Circuit Assizes Order Books, which volumes cover the period
from the summer assizes of 1629 to the winter assizes of 1648. For a description of the series,
seeJ.S. Cockburn (ed), Western Circuit Assize Orders: 1629-1648: A Calendar (London, 1976),
who includes on p 33 an abstract of the relevant item.
Kew, Public Record Office, Assi 24/20/1 40; 1631-40/1; English; paper; 310mm x 200mm (210mm x
150mm); modern foliation; good condition: leaves restored and mounted on guards; modern binding:
white cloth over boards, title on spine: Assizes 24/20 Part I.
Boroughs and Parishes
BEAMINSTER
Beaminster was one of the Dorset parishes which remained in the jurisdiction of the peculiar
of the deanery of Salisbury when Dorset was incorporated in the new diocese of Bristol in
1542; hence a few visitation documents survive for the parish. Unfortunately Beaminster
churchwardens accounts do not survive.
Churchwardens Presentments for Salisbury Deanery
Trowbridge, Wiltshire and Swindon Record Office, D5/28/6, item 34; 1591-3; English; paper; single
sheet; 203mm x 1 55mm; written on recto only; condition good but torn at top left corner. One of
52 DORSET
176 loose sheets, numbered in modern pencil, tied with a cloth ribbon between two cardboard sheets.
A typescript list of the parishes for which presentments are found in this bundle has been inserted at
the beginning.
Quarter Sessions Orders
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, QSM: 1/1; 1625-38; English and Latin; parchment; ii + 642 + iv;
305mm x 200mm; modern pencil and ink foliation; headings in bold, some catchwords; excellent
condition; modern brown leather binding with a blue panel on the front and on the spine displaying:
Dorset Quarter Sessions Orders 1625-37 in gold letters.
This book also yielded an entry for Hinton Martell.
BERE REGIS
Bere Regis remained in the jurisdiction of the peculiar of the deanery of Salisbury after 1542.
Deposition Book for Salisbury Deanery
Trowbridge, Wiltshire and Swindon Record Office, D5/22/2; 1588-97; Latin and English; paper; 55
leaves; 310mm x 210mm; modern foliation; rebound with modern covers and flyleaves (no original
flyleaves survive).
Churchwardens Presentments for Salisbury Deanery
Trowbridge, Wiltshire and Swindon Record Office, D5/28/7, item 4; 1597-9; English; paper; single
sheet; 225mm x 197mm; written on recto only; condition fair, some text obscured by fold at top and
tear and hole at centre bottom. One of 128 loose sheets (paper and parchment), numbered in modern
pencil, tied with a cloth ribbon in a green cardboard folder.
St John the Baptist s Churchwardens Accounts
The Bere Regis churchwardens accounts are detailed to about 1620; several years are missing
after that date. The accounting year ran from the Sunday after Easter to the Sunday after Easter.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/BER: CW1; 1607-16; English; paper; 27 leaves; 350mm x
200mm; modern pencil foliation; paper booklet; some pages badly damaged; inscription on front cover;
Bere Regis I A Book belonging to the I Churche of Bere Reges off the churchO Oardens I acountel
Beere Regis 1607 and 1608 I Bere Reges./ 1616. I Leonard Church I Robert ffrench.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/BER: CW2; 1616-19; English; paper; 4 leaves; 317mm x 200mm;
modern pencil foliation; paper booklet; headings m bold; tops of pages stained and some damaged
sections.
THE DOCUMENTS
BLANDFORD FORUM
A disastrous fire in 1731 destroyed most of the civic records of Blandford Forum as well as
many of the records of the archdeaconry of Salisbury. Surviving records, on deposit in the
Dorset Record Office, relate principally to various Blandford charities; a single, beautifully
preserved volume of chamberlains accounts contains references to public entertainment. The
town s accounting year seems to have run from Michaelmas to Michaelmas and the chamber
lains usually rendered accounts in November or December.
Chamberlains Accounts
The front section of the manuscript begins 6 November 1595 and refers to loose town papers
in a locked chest; accounts in the series are summary until 1627 and detailed after that date.
The series of accounts beginning at the back of the manuscript are mid-seventeenth-century
copies of the loose papers then in the town s possession. There is on f B38v the following
statement:
All these accompmatt this ende of the Chamberlens booke of accompt backwarde:
from the yeare of our Lorde 1564 beeinge founde in the Councell howse in loose papers
vnto the date of our Lorde 1627 (except som of them w/^ch are Lost as those from the
yeare 1603 vnto the yeare 1608) ware in this yeare of our Lord Christ 1658 entred into the
saied Chamberlens booke by Augustine Drake and the loose papers are still remayninge
in the Councell howse: and in the 5 th yeare of the gouerment of Olliuer Cromwell Lord
protector of the 3 nations of England Scottland and Ireland who had that power Conferd
on him the 16 th daye of december 1653:
By mee Augustine drake
transcribed in anno domino 1658
All the accomptsuckseedinge: from the yeare of our Lorde 1627 are constantly entred
euery yeare att the other end of this great booke: in particuler: where there is an entry
of diuers things worth the readinge & takinge notice of.
Similarly, there is on f F18v the following: All the fformer accomptwfrom 1564 vnto this
yeare 1628 ware entred att the other end of this booke taken out of loose papers founde &;
remayninge in the Councell howse by Augustine drake in the yeare of our Lord Christ 1658.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts; 1564-1750; English;
paper; i + 261; 420mm x 290mm (text area varies); modern ink foliation, 1-159 (front section, here
designated F) and 38-1 (back section, here designated B), 63 blank leaves between f Fl 59 and f B38;
some folios ruled, some with headings for pounds, shillings, and pence; parchment binding with spine
reinforced with 3 pieces of leather sewn with thongs of twisted leather, taped to spine is a piece of
paper with typescript: Town A/CS etc. 1564 to 1627.
54 DORSET
BLOXWORTH
Dean and Chapter Act Book for Salisbury Deanery
Trowbridge, Wiltshire and Swindon Record Office, D5/19/12; 1589-91; English and Latin; paper; ii
+ 275 + ii; 290mm x 200mm; foliated; bottom 60-70mm of all leaves damaged by damp, many pages
torn, text faded; bound in grey cloth over boards with olive green cloth spine.
BRIDPORT
Many of the Bridport records were numbered in ink and catalogued by Thomas Wainwright.
References to the old classification scheme are included in the present catalogue and documents
may be identified within bundles according to their old numbers; document numbers used
here to refer to law court records are those of Wainwright s classification scheme.
Civic Records
Bailiffs Accounts
A letter patent of 37 Henry ni (1252-3) established that Bridport was to be governed by a
council of fifteen burgesses who elected from their membership two bailiffs each year. Their
accounts are extant in thirty-seven separate, unbound booklets, the earliest of which is for 1307,
the latest for 1645. Almost half of these account books date from the first half of the seven
teenth century. The accounting year extended from Michaelmas of one year to Michaelmas
of the next, and the official counting day fell during the last week of October. Normally an
account book included a section registering revenue followed by one listing expenses, expenses
for the poor, the sick, and other activities of the borough. The account books are tied together
with ribbon into two bundles: twelve from the years 1307 to 1464 in one bundle, twenty-
five from 1 558 to 1645 in the other. The last page of almost every booklet is blank except for
an imprint of the Bridport seal and various catalogue reference numbers assigned by Thomas
Wainwright in the late nineteenth century. The numbers preceded by the letter K refer to his
published catalogue, The Bridport Records and Ancient Manuscripts. The more complete and
precise reference numbers are those he assigned in 1903 when compiling his manuscript
Calendar of the Ancient Records of the Borough of Bridport, now DC/BTB: PQ/28 at the
Dorset Record Office. He assigned a number to indicate the class of document (for example, 9
for bailiffs accounts and 10 for cofferers accounts), followed by a three- or four-digit number
to identify each document. Bailiffs accounts and cofferers accounts are hard to distinguish in
practice and sometimes the class numbers are inaccurate; however, the reference system currently
in use by the Dorset Record Office normally incorporates Wainwright s document class numbers
but not the individual document numbers. These individual numbers are given in the document
descriptions below, whenever available.
THE DOCUMENTS
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/BTB: M2/11; 1614-15; English; paper; original half-sheet folded
lengthwise to make a bifolium; 395mm x 1 55mm (383mm x 134mm); unnumbered; good condition.
Assigned reference numbers K21 and 2191 by Wainwright. Contains the account of Robert Miller.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/BTB: M2/9; 1616-17; English; paper; 3 bifolia sewn together
to make a booklet of 6 leaves; 310mm x 197mm (276mm x 182mm); unnumbered (ff [IvJ, [2v], and
[3v] blank); frayed along the outside edges. Assigned reference number 199 by Wainwright. Contains
the account of Stephen Colfox.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/BTB: M2/1 1; 1623-4; English; paper; 1 half-sheet plus 2
bifolia, making a booklet of 5 leaves; 203mm x 154mm (f (1J), 385mm x 154mm (ff [2-5]); un
numbered (f [lv] blank); badly torn (57mm at the widest point) across the bottom so that the last 3
or 4 entries have been lost. Assigned reference number 1669 by Wainwright. Contains the account of
Richard Payne.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/BTB: M2/9; 1624-5; English; paper; bifolium; 395mm x
154mm; unnumbered; poor condition: wrinkled, stained, torn at the top and the bottom left. Assigned
reference number 200 by Wainwright. Contains the account of Robert Miller, dated 3 November.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/BTB. M2/9; 1633-4; English; paper; 2 bifolia making a booklet
of4 leaves; 304mm x 197mm (274mm x 172mm); unnumbered. Assigned reference number 1941 by
Wainwright. Contains the account of William Wey and Walter Baylie.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/BTB: M2/9; 1638-9; English; paper; bifolium; 320mm x 195mm
(315mm x 180mm); unnumbered; fair condition. Assigned reference number 904 by Wainwright.
Contains the account of William Wey.
Cofferers Accounts
The incomplete series of Cofferers Account Books begins in 1400. Bundled and tied with
ribbons, there are ten fifteenth-century booklets (DC/BTB: M6), eleven sixteenth-century ones
(DC/BTB: M7), and forty-five from the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. The
accounting year ran from Michaelmas to Michaelmas. A complete account book usually had
a section listing revenues (chiefly from rental of properties) followed by a section of payments
made on behalf of the borough.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/BTB: M7; 1 555-6; English; paper; bifolium; 287mm x 198mm
(text area varies); unnumbered; good condition (tears along the top and in the centre at the fold line do
not damage the text). Assigned reference numbers K98 and 10.2271 by Wainwright. Contains the
account of Richard Tygens and John Moyne.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/BTB: M7/10; 1574-5; English; paper; bifolium; 310mm x
208mm (290mm x 175mm); unnumbered; fair condition. Assigned reference number 2170 by Wain
wright. Contains the account of Stephen Shower and Peter Cooper.
56 DORSET
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/BTB: M7/10; 1578-9; English; paper; single sheet; 305mm x
204mm; unnumbered; good condition (except for verso, stains on the right corners of which make the
text illegible). Assigned reference numbers K102 and 2275 by Wainwright. Contains the account of
William Hassard and Thomas Daffege.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/BTB: M8/10; 1614-15; English; paper; bifolium; 325mm x
204mm (325mm x 196mm); unnumbered; good condition. Assigned reference numbers K20 and
2190 by Wainwright. Contains the account of Richard Payne and William Wey.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/BTB: M8/203; 1620-1; English; paper; 2 bifolia making a
booklet of 4 leaves; 314mm x 197mm (303mm x 162mm); unnumbered (ff [5v] and [6] blank, f [6v]
blank except for the Bridport seal and the number 203, likely one in Wainwright s K series of reference
numbers); fair condition, now held together by paper clips. Contains the account of William Whettam,
dated 25 October 1621.
Other Accounts
Bundles of miscellaneous financial records are to be found in DRO: DC/BTB: M13 and
DC/BTB: Ml 8. The former contains ten bundles and a total of fifty-three documents from
the years 1419 to 1835, but only two of these bundles have material from before 1642. Bills,
receipts, summary accounts, payments for the poor, and costs of banquets are the kinds of
documents found in DC/BTB: Ml 3. The latter class (DC/BTB: Ml 8) contains thirty-six
separate accounts from the years 1555 to 1757, along with other kinds of financial records.
Robin Hood Ale Account
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/BTB: M18/1 1; 1555; English; paper; bifolium; 304mm x
210mm (270mm x 160mm); unnumbered; fair condition. Assigned reference numbers K18 and 2188
by Wainwright. Contains the account of Henry Wey and Stephen Shower, collectors.
Ale Account for Town Buildings
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/BTB: M 1 5/ 1 1 ; 1 592-3; English; paper; 5 bifolia sewn with black
thread to make a booklet of 10 leaves; 305mm x 204mm (text area varies); unnumbered (ff [1], [lv],
and [10] blank); fair condition. Assigned reference number 1947 by Wainwright. Contains the account
of Henry Browne and George Francke, collectors.
Town Accounts
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/BTB: Ml 8/10; 1602-3?; English; paper; 2 bifolia sewn to make
a booklet of 4 leaves; 305mm x 205mm (text area varies); unnumbered (ff [lv] and [2v] blank); fair
condition except for the faded ink on the upper half of f [1] which makes some entries illegible. As
signed reference numbers K105 and 2278 by Wainwright. The accountant is not named.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/BTB: M18/9; undated; English; paper; 1 half sheet; 300mm x
195mm (292mm x 180mm); fair condition. The accountant is not named. Besides the Bridport seal
THE DOCUMENTS
and the document number noted above, the verso has in black ink the number 2 IB, likely the number
in Thomas Wainwright s K series of reference numbers.
See Appendix 1 for this undated document.
Account of Thomas Merefeild
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/BTB: M13; 1625-6; English; paper; 1 half sheet, formerly folded
3 cimes (twice horizontally, once vertically) to make a small square; 270mm x 146mm (248mm x 131mm);
unnumbered; fair condition. One of twenty items in a bundle of documents from 1567 to 1630.
The account is unusual in that it begins, not on Michaelmas, but on 18 April 1625 and includes
a note, dated 19 April 1626 and signed by Merefeild, that he had received from the town all
money due to him. It is not clear what office Merefeild held during the period covered by the
account, but the current catalogue of Bridport manuscripts asks if he was serving as a constable
of the borough during the period covered by the account.
Legal Records
Bridport s voluminous records for the three-weekly and leet courts include many references
to citizens amerced for playing unlawful games. The games that are identified include dice,
bowls, ball games, and the like; those records that refer to unspecified unlawful games probably
refer to gambling or unlawful sports. Miscellaneous sheets recording memoranda from or
presentments to the borough court also survive.
Court Leet Proceedings
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/BTB: C87, item 2; 6 October 1606; Latin and English; vellum;
single membrane; 630mm x 285mm; right half of bottom third of document (220mm along right side
eating into the document about 1 50mm) torn away; headings in bold and note to the text in the left
margin. Part of a bundle of three court leet records 1606-8.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/BTB: C88; 1608-10; Latin and English; parchment; 29 sheets;
305mm x 205mm (280mm x 155mm); modern pencil foliation (followed here) as well as an older
pencil pagination beginning on f Iv and numbering odd page numbers through 13; bound in a vellum
sheet, right side of the front cover damaged, title on the front: Liber Curiarum Burga de Brideport I A
tribus septimanis in tres (...) feste sancti I Michaelis Archangeli Anno Domini 1608: vsq ibidem I festum
Anno 1609: tempore Ioha(. )nis Alforde et Georgii I ffranke ad tune Ba(...) Burgi predict Morgano I
Moo(ne) exiscerue communi Clerici et Georgii Trencharde ! Militis (...) senescalli eiusdem Burga ; to
the left, opposite the second line of this title, is Bridport. The records are not all in order however.
The earliest entry seems to be for Monday 1 August 1608 and the last for September 1610.
Court Leet Presentments
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/BTB: E2/unnumbered; c 1641; English; paper; single sheet;
58 DORSET
205mm x 160mm. Although originally undated a later, pencilled 1641 and the names of the presenters
suggest the date c 1641. Part of a bundle of forty-two documents of presentments to court leet.
Miller et al v. Maries et al
Four documents comprise the composite manuscript of this case: the bill of complaint (mb 4),
which includes a transcription of the allegedly libellous verses, and the answers of several of
the defendants: John Abbot (mb 3); Hugh Syms, Anthony Mathew, and William Marshall
(mb 2); and William Maries and John Lack (mb 1). The last of these, providing a generalized
denial of any guilt and a call for a dismissal of the charges, sheds no light on the reproduction
and distribution of the libels; as a result it has not been included here. Naming many of Brid-
port s leading citizens, this case reveals the divisive force of religious debates among the town s
ruling elite.
Kew, Public Record Office, STAC 8/214/2; 1614-15; English and some Latin; parchment; modern
pencil numbering; 4 membranes sewn with thread. Individual items include;
mb 4: 1 June 1614; English; 587mm x 680mm (524mm x 617mm); fair condition with some tearing;
endorsed with date and style of cause. Contains the plaintiffs bill of complaint.
mb 2: 1 1 July 1614; English and some Latin; 200mm x 408mm (125mm x 408mm); fair condition;
no endorsements. Contains sworn answer of three defendants.
mb 3: 28 November 1615; English and some Latin; 387mm x 654mm (371mm x 633mm); fair con
dition; no endorsements. Contains sworn answer of another defendant.
Account of a Sabbath Breaking
This document is one of several (including notes of examinations, presentments, and fines)
in connection with the administration for the poor.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/BTB: DEI 0/3; 1637; English; paper; bifolium; 319mm x
204mm; unnumbered; poor condition (worm holes through the top half of the document and dirt
hamper legibility). Assigned reference number 809 by Wainwright.
CERNE ABBAS
Cerne Abbas, best known today for the giant carved into the rocky hill that overlooks the
village, was prosperous when the abbey of Cerne Abbas dominated the village and provided
its principal market, but it declined after the Dissolution. 1 12 The earliest surviving Cerne Abbas
churchwardens accounts are from 1628; the accounting term for the period represented in
the Records ran from Easter to Easter.
THE DOCUMENTS
St Mary s Churchwardens Accounts
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/CEA: CW 1/1; 1628-85: English; paper; 143 leaves; 305mm x
195mm (text area variable); later ink foliation; some parts of text with ruled margins and amounts of
payments or receipts in columns; bound in vellum.
CHARLTON MARSHALL
No longer a separate parish, this community is now part of the parish of Spettisbury cum
Charlton Marshall. The accounting term during the period relevant for the Records ran from
one Easter to the next.
St Mary the Virgin s Churchwardens Accounts
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/CHM: CW 1/1; 1582-1642, 1651-6; English; paper, v + 1 15 + iii;
305mm x 205mm; modern pencil foliation; originally a paper volume of accounts, some now in scraps,
restored in 1907.
CORFE CASTLE
John Stow s Chronicles of England (AC)
The Chronicles 1 of England, from Brute I vmo this present yeare I of Christ 1 580 I Collected by lohn
Stow I Citizen of London I [device] I Printed at London by Ralphe I Newberie, at the assignement I of
Henrie Bynneman.l Cum Priuilegio Regia Maiestatis. STC: 23333.
Autobiography of Robert Ashley
Robert Ashley (1565-1641), elder brother of Sir Francis Ashley (see p 62), studied first at
Magdalen College, Oxford, where he performed as a lord of misrule at Christmas 1587. He
went on to study at the Middle Temple, where he was called to the bar c \ 596. Although he
practised law and sat as MP for Dorchester in 1597, he made his mark through his avocation
as a translator of works in French, Spanish, and Italian.
London, British Library, Sloane MS. 2131; 17th century; Latin and French; paper; i + 24 + xiii; 305mm x
190mm (295mm x 150mm); modern pencil foliation; original pages repaired and mounted on guards;
modern leather and cloth binding. Ashley s autobiography, dated c 1622 on spine, is on ff 16-20; other
works include an apologia dedicated to Edward Sackville, earl of Dorset, by John Bastwick and a section
of French poetry.
DORCHESTER
For the early seventeenth century various kinds of records for Dorchester survive: corporation
minute books and other administrative documents; the Offenders Book (otherwise known
60 DORSET
as the Borough Court Book), a detailed register of legal proceedings of the borough tribunal;
ecclesiastical and civil court papers; private journals, such as Dennis Bond s Chronology and
William Whiteway s Diary; and churchwardens accounts of Holy Trinity as well as records of
the town s two other parishes. While these records provide a sense of the social life within
Dorchester, the lack of financial records like those of Bridporr, Lyme Regis, or Poole deprives
us of the main source of information about the borough s reception of travelling players and
its investment in its own theatrical, musical, ceremonial, or customary activities. Many excerpts
from the records of Dorchester have been published by C.H. Mayo (ed), The Municipal
Records of the Borough of Dorchester, Dorset (Exeter, 1 908).
Civic Records
Borough Court Book
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/DOB: 8/1; 1629-37; English and some Latin; paper; vii + 361;
305mm x 193mm; modern pencil foliation (blank folios: 130-30v, 131, 167, 255-5v, 284v, 285,
296v, 301v, 303, 344, and 361v); 31 quires, each leaf of which has been reinforced with new paper be
cause of worn and torn outside corners, top and bottom (a presentment has been inserted at f 269v);
some personal names, titles, and marginalia written in display script; bound into 1 volume with modern
flyleaves, covered in red and white modern leather and bearing on the spine in gold: Dorchester Borough
Court Book 1629-1637.
Borough Court Minute Book
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/DOB: 16/4; 1637-56; English; paper; 128 leaves; 303mm x
1 94mm; unnumbered (last 2 folios blank); some personal names, titles, and marginalia written in dis
play script; vellum cover torn and badly worn.
Legal Records
Condytt et al v. Chubbe et al
Matthew Chubbe was one of the wealthiest and most powerful men in Dorchester. John
Condytt was a local tailor, a Puritan, and a follower of Reverend John White, otherwise known
as the Patriarch of Dorchester. The conflict between Condytt and Chubbe, which manifested
itself on the occasion of a visit by Berkeley s men to Dorchester, exemplifies the antagonistic
forces shaping the social history of the borough in the early seventeenth century. While the
case as a whole provides a fascinating glimpse of Dorchester life at the time, we have excerpted
those parts of the document that deal with the three allegedly libellous verses in which plays
are attacked or with the visit of Berkeley s troupe.
Kew, Public Record Office, STAC 8/94/17; 1608-9; English and some Latin; vellum; 22 membranes
of various sizes stitched at the top left corner; modern numbering at foot of membranes; written on
THE DOCUMENTS
: side only, with some administrative endorsements; generally good condition except for damage
t increases from mb 17 through mb 20 (damage at folds or at outside edges results in loss of text,
one i
that
most but not all recoverable under ultra-violet light). Relevant items include:
mb 19: 21 April 1608; English; 620mm x 784mm; ink rubbed and in some parts illegible except under
ultra-violet light; endorsed with date. Contains plaintiffs bill of complaint.
mb 20: nd; English; 300mm x 220mm; good condition; no endorsements. Contains text of a libellous
poem as exhibit accompanying the bill of complaint.
mb 21: nd; English; 428mm x 233mm; good condition; no endorsements. Contains text of a libellous
poem as exhibit accompanying the bill of complaint.
mb 22: nd; English; 320mm x 222mm; good condition; no endorsements. Contains text of a libellous
poem as exhibit accompanying the bill of complaint.
mb 17: 21 April-7 May 1608 (based on dates of bill (mb 19) and writ to examine defendants (mb 11));
English; single membrane with small attachment (containing final interrogatory); 718mm x 452mm
(attachment at foot 105mm x 435mm); condition poor in parts with much fading at edges; no endorse
ment. Contains plaintiffs interrogatories for examination of defendants.
mb 18: 2 June 1608; English and some Latin; 628mm x 693mm; good condition; no endorsements.
Contains sworn answer of two defendants, Matthew and Margaret Chubbe.
mbs 14-16: 2 June 1608; English and some Latin; 3 membranes (present order is opposite to order of
writing: text begins at top of mb 16 and runs to mb 14); 660mm x 283mm, 713mm x 326mm, 717mm x
328mm; good condition; mb 14 endorsed with style of cause and delivery date, 8 June 1608, mb 15
endorsed: Conditt et al versus Chubbe et al. Dedimus potestatem. Contains examinations of the same
two defendants.
mb 2: before 13 February 1608/9 (based on date of writ (mb 1) naming commissioners to examine
witnesses); English; 642mm x 362mm; condition generally good with some fading at lower right edge;
endorsed: Condytc versus Chubbe el al. Interrogators pro dzfendentibus. Contains interrogatories for
examination of witnesses drawn up by the defendants.
mbs 7-8: before 13 February 1608/9 (based on date of mb 1); English; 747mm x 31 1mm, 748mm x
314mm; good condition; mb 8 endorsed with style of cause. Contains interrogatories for examination
of witnesses drawn up by the plaintiffs.
mbs 3-6: 26 April 1 609; English and some Latin; 640mm x 368mm, 732mm x 298mm, 308mm x
318mm, 348mm x 370mm; good condition; mb 6 endorsed with delivery date, 8 May 1609. Contains
examinations of witnesses on behalf of both the plaintiffs and the defendants.
mb 9: 29 June 1609; English and some Latin; single membrane; 386mm x 455mm; good condition;
no endorsements. Contains sworn answer of another defendant, Robert Adyn.
62 DORSET
Casebook of Sir Francis Ashley
Apart from his practice at the Middle Temple and his work for the Crown as a king s Serjeant
at law, Sir Francis Ashley held several important offices in Dorset. He became recorder of
Dorchester following the resignation of Sir George Trenchard in 1610, sat in the House of
Commons for the borough in 1614, 1621, and 1625-6, and served as Dorset justice of the
peace from 1614 until his death in 1635. His casebook comes from Ashley s work in the last
of these offices; it is a fair copy of notes, some made by Ashley himself (see p 198) and others
made by various clerks, of cases in which he was involved. A calendar of the manuscript has
been edited byJ.H. Bettey, The Case Book of Sir Francis Ashley, jr, Recorder of Dorchester, 16 14-
1635, Dorset Record Society, vol 7 (Dorchester, 1981). A member of a prominent Dorset
family, he was the younger brother of Robert Ashley (see p 59) and a cousin of Sir Henry
Ashley (see pp 74).
London, British Library, Harley MS. 671 5; 1614-35; English and Latin; paper; iii + 106 + iii; 297mm x
197mm; modern foliation (first 2 leaves blank); 2 notebooks, the first ending in 1621, have been bound
together in 1 volume, each quire separately mounted on a strip of strong paper sewn in the binding;
modern cloth binding with leather spine and corners, stamped in gold. All entries except those for the
last two years, occupying ff 93v-106, have been crossed through with large Xs.
This book also yielded entries for Fordington, Puddletown, Stour Provost, and Winterborne Monkton.
Miscellaneous Records
Prologue for a School Play
The Prologue is one of many items in a miscellany in prose and verse collected by, and partly
written by, Lew. F. , probably Leweston Fitzjames, a Dorset MP. Apart from a substantial
collection of John Davison s works and a playlet entitled Jokey Jenkins, the volume includes
songs, epigrams, poems, legal notes, epitaphs, translations, prayers, notes on primogeniture,
and letters on preaching.
Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS. Add. B. 97; c 1603-10; English and Latin; paper; 64 leaves; 189mm x
141mm; pencil foliation; 13 quires of 4 leaves each, except for 1 with 10 leaves (fT39-48v); vellum cover.
William Whiteway s Diary
William Whiteway (1599-1635) was a wealthy merchant of Dorchester and a strong Puritan.
Like his father, William Whiteway, Sr (who was mayor of Dorchester in 1631), he traded
principally with France, as a result of which connection he had information about Europe,
especially about the persecution of Puritans there, that he recorded in his diary. He became
one of the fifteen capital burgesses of Dorchester in 1624, sat as one of its MPS in 1626, and
served as bailiff of the town in 1628 and 1632. Whiteway s Diary, which covers the years 1618
THE DOCUMENTS
to 1635 and occupies ff 3-1 13v of the manuscript, records local, county, national, and inter
national events. The last of these were of particular interest to the first editor of the Whiteway s
Diary, W. Miles Barnes, who published selections from the manuscript as The Diary of
William Whiteway, of Dorchester, Co. Dorset, from November, 1618, to March, 1634, but
his principles of selection concealed Whiteway s interest in drama with political significance."
As Thomas Murphy argued in his unpublished edition of the diary (The Diary of William
Whiteway of Dorchester, County Dorset, From the Year 1618 to the Year 1635, pp lix-lxii),
Whiteway drew little of his information from printed sources of news; instead, he relied upon
the reports of family, friends, and business associates for the entries in his diary. Although
most of the diary appears to have been written as the events occurred, some parts were entered
or elaborated upon after the fact. An edition of the entire diary has been published by the
Dorset Record Society, William Whiteway of Dorchester: His Diary 1618 to 1635.
London, British Library, Egerton MS. 784; 1618-34; English; paper; ii + 127 + ii; 135mm x 75mm;
modern foliation 1-121 (+ 5 blank leaves of a lighter (modern?) paper, 1 blank leaf between ff 1 13-14);
19th-century leather binding, Whiteway s Diary. 1618-1634. stamped in gold on the top of the spine.
William Whiteway s Commonplace Book
William Whiteway s Commonplace Book, compiled between 1625 and 1635, includes in
addition to anecdotes about Dorset life a wide range of extracts from, for example, psalms and
passages from Greek and Latin authors, verses in French and Latin, Holinshed s Chronicles
and other historical works, and instructions on painting and limning, as well as a Latin-Polish
word list (ff 71-95). Within the commonplace book is Whiteway s private chronology, span
ning the period from 1518 to 1635 and consisting chiefly of brief notices of births, marriages,
and deaths of his family. In the last year covered, Whiteway s own death is registered by his
brother, Samuel. That this younger brother of William came into possession of the common
place book may help to explain how the volume ended up in the collections of Cambridge
University Library, for Samuel Whiteway studied at St Catharine s Hall, Cambridge. In April
1631 he matriculated as pensioner of the college and he went on to earn a BA in 1635. 14
Cambridge, Cambridge University Library, Dd.l 1.73; early 17th century; English, Latin, French, Greek,
Polish; paper; vii + 187 + vii (flyleaves modern); 193mm x 143mm; modern pencil foliation 1-144,
187-145 (fF I40-4v blank, final 43 leaves written upside-down and from back to front); hard paper
cover, leather spine, and gilt lettering, binding badly damaged (front board detached).
Chronology of Dennis Bond
Born on 30 August 1588 and baptized two days later in the parish church of Melcombe Regis,
Dennis Bond was the son of John Bond of Lutton and Margaret Pitt of Weymouth and cousin
of William Whiteway. Dennis Bond was a woollen draper by trade, who served as constable
of Dorchester in 1619, bailiff in 1630, and mayor in 1635. He is listed among the borough s
64 DORSET
capital burgesses in the charter of 1629. Bond was Puritan in his religious orientation: he sup
ported John White s New England project; he was nominated to try the king for high treason
in 1648 (although he seems not to have served in that capacity); and his son, John, became
an influential Puritan divine. Having sat for Dorchester in parliament from 1640-53 and for
Weymouth-Melcombe Regis in 1654 and 1656, Dennis Bond died in 1658.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, D/BOC: Box 22; 1634-46; English; paper and vellum; ii (modern) +
ii (original) + 44 + ii (original) + ii (modern); 40 vellum leaves, 390mm x 200mm (gathered in 4s, sewn
with 6 stitches), and 4 paper leaves, 340mm x 197mm; pages ruled in 4 columns of unequal width;
foliated 1-5 with Latin title on f 1 and table of contents on f 2 (ff Iv, 2v, 3-5 blank), then paginated
; -80 beginning from f 5v (pp [9], 21-5, 27-8, 55, 76, [82-5] blank); good condition; vellum cover
marked Vol. i on the spine, which is badly torn. Contains, in addition to a private chronology of
personal and public events from 1 100 to 1646, descriptions of property, pedigrees, and a list of Bond s
books, dated 1635. The start is dated 1634 on the spine but 1635 is on the title page.
FORDINGTON
The larger centre of Dorchester overshadowed Fordington, which grew up next to the walls of
what had been Roman Durnovaria (Dorchester). The fair at Fordington was on the eve, day,
and morrow of the feast of St George (22-4 April). 1 "
Churchwardens Presentments for Salisbury Deanery
Trowbridge, Wiltshire and Swindon Record Office, D5/28/35. item 57; 24 September 1635; English;
paper; single sheet; 205mm x 166mm; written on recto only; good condition. Now one of 104 items,
numbered in modern pencil, kept in a modern folder.
Casebook of Sir Francis Ashley
See Dorchester (p 62) for BL: Harley MS. 6715.
HALSTOCK
Churchwardens Presentments for Salisbury Deanery
Trowbridge, Wiltshire and Swindon Record Office, D5/28/34, item 41; 16 July 1634; English; paper;
booklet made up of 2 bifolia; unnumbered; 300mm x 198mm; good condition. Now one of ninety-
seven items, numbered in modern pencil, kept in a modern folder.
HAYDON
Churchwardens Presentments for Salisbury Deanery
Trowbridge, Wiltshire and Swindon Record Office, D5/28/10, item 62; 2 December 1607; English;
THE DOCUMENTS
paper; single sheet; 204mm x 123mm; condition generally good. One of 103 loose sheets and bifolia,
1605-10, numbered in modern pencil. A typescript list of the parishes for which presentments are
found in this bundle has been inserted at the beginning.
HINTON MARTELL
Quarter Sessions Orders
See Beaminster (p 52) for DRO: QSM: 1/1.
LYME REGIS
In 1943 Cyril Wanklyn began the task of identifying, sorting, and cataloguing the thousands
of records of Lyme Regis, a project that led to a series of articles first published in various
local magazines and later compiled as Lyme Leaflets and published by Spottiswoode, Ballantyne
& Co in 1944. Wanldyn s task was a daunting one given the richness and variety of Lyme s
muniments, including detailed legal, financial, administrative, property, and parish documents.
The financial records of Lyme in the second half of the sixteenth century are especially rich
because not only does a fair copy of the town accounts survive but so too do copies of many
draft accounts of the mayors. Unfortunately, seventeenth-century records of Lyme reveal less
about the community, partly because of big gaps in the records of the town s Hustings Court,
partly because draft mayors accounts are not extant, and partly because changes in accounting
practices eliminate the detail necessary to identify performance activity.
Civic Records
Mayors Accounts
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/LR-. N23/2; 14th-18th centuries; English; paper; miscellaneous
documents set into 1 volume with 1 document to each modern guardsheet; modern pencil numbering
of guardsheets but no system of foliation or pagination on individual documents; set between boards
covered in black buckram with skiver (very thin leather) on the spine and the corners of the fore-edges,
and fastened with 2 leather straps with buckles attached to the fore-edges of the covers. Calendared
and fully transcribed in DRO: DC/LR: N24/2. The documents include the following:
item 17: 1548-9; bifolium (ff [2-2v] blank); 311mm x 206mm; unnumbered except for 17 in pencil
in upper corner of f [1], but this does not provide the basis for a system of foliation; excellent condition.
The account of Mayor John Dey.
item 51: 1583-4; 2 bifolia making a booklet of 4 leaves (ff [4-4v] blank), once sewn and formerly
folded in 4; 414mm x 152mm; outside left edges ruled to set off It (Item), columns for figures on
the right side of each page. The account of Mayor Robert Davey.
item 58: 1 589-90; 2 bifolia making a booklet of 4 leaves, once sewn, now loose, the first recto shows
66 DORSET
evidence of being folded again in half horizontally (ff [2v] and [4v] blank); 4 12mm x 153mm. The
account of Mayor John Davcy.
item 75: 1601; bifolium and 1 half-sheet folded to make a booklet; 305mm x 205mm; unnumbered;
last page marked by fold lines and dirt on the bottom half but otherwise very clean. Contains the
account of Cobb warden John Roze.
Used in Appendix 3.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/LR: Gl/2; 1544-73; English; paper; ii + 31 + ii; 31 numbered
guardsheets, each bearing a separate booklet with a mayor s account; continuous modern pagination
(followed here) in pencil in the bottom right corner of each page, although some blank pages not
counted; modern blue leather binding with Finance. Vol. n in gold on spine. Entries transcribed in the
calendar (DRO: DC/LR: Gl/4a) are marked by a blue pencil line in left margin. The booklets include
the following:
no 8: c 1544-5; 3 leaves made up of 1 half-sheet and a sewn bifolium; 308mm x 309mm; modern
pagination 816; untitled. Pp 812 appear to belong to a different account than the rest: the stains on
the paper, the lines from folding, and the handwriting differ from those of pp 836, which belong to
the account of John Tanner, internally dated 1553 and continued on pp 87-92. The date of c 1544-5
has been assigned because the watermark on pp 81-2 resembles that in the paper used by John Tudbold,
whose account in DC/LR: Gl/2, f 1 is dated 36 Henry vin, and because the labourers paid by Tudbold
for repairing the Cobb house include many of the same workers also named in this account.
no 2: 15478; 15 leaves folded and sewn into a quarto-size booklet (leaf following p 40 has been cut
out; pp 16, 35ff blank); 217 mm x 160mm; modern pagination includes p 16 but does not count the
final blank leaves. Contains the account of Mayor Thomas Ellesdon.
no 9: c 1 552-3; 4 leaves made up of 2 half-sheets (second half-sheet has stub of other half remaining)
and a bifolium; 313mm x 210mm; modern pagination 87-94 (pp 93-4 blank); untitled. Apparently
a continuation of pp 83-6 judging by the similar watermark, stains, and traces of earlier folding. Part
of an account, mayor not named.
no 10: 1 553; sewn bifolium; 310mm x 210mm; modern pagination 95-8. Contains Mayor John
Morris rough account for Michaelmas quarter.
Used in Appendix 3.
no 12: 1553-4; 5 sheets folded and sewn into a booklet of 10 leaves; 314mm x 109mm; modern pagina
tion 107-26 (pp 108-10 blank); pp 107-12 stained but not enough to make the text illegible. Account
of Mayor John Morris, divided into the quarters Michaelmas, Christmas, Our Lady, and Midsummer;
Michaelmas section (pp 111-13) is a fair copy of account in no 10.
Midsummer section used in Appendix 3.
no 17: 1559; bifolium; 31 1mm x 108mm; modern pagination 151-4; tattered along the bottom, one
blot of ink hampers legibility on p 151; p 154 bears only a title for the entire booklet of which this is a
THE DOCUMENTS
part, a title in a different hand and different ink. The third-quarter account of Richard Hunt (mayor
1558-9), beginning at howrlady daye In Icnte.
no 19: 1560; 4 half-sheets folded vertically and sewn to make a booklet of 8 leaves; 392mm x 107mm;
modern pagination 163-78 (pp 164 and 171-8 blank); stained throughout by water across the top
and about three-fifths of the way down the left side of each recto, but legibility excellent. The third-
quarter account of John Holcombe (mayor 1559-60).
no 23: 1560; 2 bifoliasewn to make a booldet of 4 leaves; 295mm x 101mm; modern pagination 211-18
(pp 214-18 blank); text from p 212 shows through on p 21 1 making the reading difficult. The first-
quarter account of Richard Buckford (mayor 1560-1).
no 15: 1567-8; bifolium formerly sewn and folded again in half vertically so that the text covers only
half the page; 308mm x 214 mm; modern pagination 139-42 (p 142 blank but for lohn Hassard
Mayor 1567 in pencil at the top). Accounts cover the first two quarters of John Hassard s mayoralty
(1567-8).
no 28: 1568; half-sheet folded to make a bifolium; 316mm x 105mm; modern pagination 262b-d;
clean but for show-through on pp 262b and 262d; title on p 262b: lohn hasard last quarter booke in
his mayrallty 1568. Hassard s fourth-quarter account (mayor 1567-8).
no 24: 1569-70; 5 sheets folded and sewn to make a booklet of 10 leaves; 215mm x 100-1 07mm;
modern pagination 21938 (pp 2317 blank); almost the entire booklet is stained but only the stain
in the top left corners of rectos makes reading difficult; tightly bound, causing the loss of some figures.
The account of Mayor John Garland for the four quarters.
no 31: 1573; half-sheet folded in half vertically to define the writing area; 31 5mm x 205mm; modern
pagination 2712; text on right vertical half of p 271 and on the left side of p 272; no visible sewing
marks. Mayor Hassard s fourth-quarter account for 1572-3.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/LR: Gl/1; 1549-1665; English; paper (watermark: crowned pot);
ii + 197 + ii; 300mm x 195mm (written area variable); original foliation in ink in upper right corner
of each leaf to f 78, modern pagination in pencil in lower right corner throughout (pp 2, 814, 67,
69, 83, 153, 370-83, 385-7, and 392 blank); opening The accompte and totals in the early accounts
larger and lightly decorated; f 26 and the leaf preceding f 46 cut out without any loss of accounts;
modern, blue leather binding with Finance. Vol. i in gold on spine. Preceded and followed by several
miscellaneous documents; lacks accounts for 1 572, 1 576, 1636/7-43/4. Includes accounts for Mayors
John Perot (1555-6), John Holcombe (1559-60), Roger Garland (1561-2), Robert Davey (1562-3),
and John Bellamy (1591-2); as well as those for Mayors William Kirridge (1621-2), William Davey
(1623-4), John Hassard, Jr (1624-5), and Richard Roze (1633-4).
Sixteenth-century accounts used in Appendix 3.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/LR: G2/1; 1550-65; English; paper; 40 leaves sewn into 1 quire
(ff [lv], [2v], [4v], [lOv-1 Iv], [18v], [19], [21v], [25], [33v], and [35] blank), with a half-page summar
izing rents for 1558/9 pinned to f [9]; 312mm x 4 10mm (written area variable; f [10] different in paper
68 DORSET
and size (288mm x 202mm)); unnumbered; unbound, first page bears the title: Anno regnt regis Ectwardi
vj [ quarto. Almost all the material reappears in DRO: DC/LR: Gl/1.
Used in Appendix 3.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/LR: N23/3, item 2; 1568-9; English; paper; 403mm x 140mm
(booklet 1) and 410mm x 153mm (booklet 2); unnumbered; 2 booklets stitched together: the first
booklet, bearing the title, is made of 2 bifolia tied by 3 vellum stitches or ties, once folded again in half
horizontally (4 notes about payments stitched to the top left corner of f [lv]; a similar note attached to
f [3]; ff [3v] and [4-4v] are blank); the second booklet is made up of 2 bifolia bound by vellum ties at
the top and bottom (f [4v] blank). Contains the account of Mayor Robert Davey; now bound as no 2
in Fugitive Pieces in, a collection of miscellaneous documents bound up on numbered guard sheets.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/LR: G2/2; 1573-1685; English; paper; incomplete collection
of mayors quarter books, each booklet mounted on a separate, unnumbered guardsheet; a system of
numeration (followed here) appears on tabs bearing red numbers which correspond to the pagination
of the calendar and transcription of the documents made by the Public Record Office (DRO: DC/LR:
G2/3g), some pages have more than one tab and number; modern blue leather binding. The year of
the account appears in pencil in the upper right corner of each folio and the accounts are arranged in
chronological order. Individual booklets include:
1 573: single sheet folded to define 3 writing areas; 3 1 Omm x 3 1 2mm; numbered 5-7 in red ink on
tabs glued to the pages. The first-quarter account of Richard Baret (mayor 1 573-4).
1 573-4: bifolium (marks where it was sewn remain); 310mm x 212mm; numbered 8-12 in red ink
on white tabs glued to the pages. The remainder of Baret s account for his mayoralty.
1 5778: 3 bifolia making a booklet of 6 leaves, formerly folded again twice horizontally; 4 1 8mm x
150mm; modern numbering on tabs 13-17 omits blank pages. The account of Mayor John Jourdain.
1 584-5: 2 bifolia making a booklet of 4 leaves, once sewn; 306-309mm x 206mm; modern number
ing on tabs 22-30 (several numbers on tabs appear on individual pages). Mayor Jourdain s account.
1 586-7: half-sheet folded to make bifolium, traces of sewing remain; 41 5mm x 1 52mm; modern
numbering on tabs 31-5. The account of Mayor Walter Harvey.
1 587-8: 2 bifolia making a booklet of 4 leaves (outer bifolium now decayed to 2 loose sheets, sewing
marks remain); 408mm x 1 52mm; modern numbering on tabs 3644 (the entire fourth leaf is blank,
as are the versos of the first and third leaves); the top half is stained by water but quite legible. Mayor
not named but probably the account of John Jones.
1588-9: 2 half-sheets folded to make a booklet of 4 leaves, once sewn; 305mm x 104mm; modern
numbering on tabs 45-51 (the verso of the first leaf is blank; the verso of the fourth has only 1589
and some calculations). The account of Mayor John Hassard.
Used in Appendix 3.
69
THE DOCUMENTS
1592-3: 2 bifolia making a booklet of 4 leaves, once sewn, formerly also folded in half horizontally;
402mm x 145mm; modern numbering on tabs 53-60; clean and legible but for the show-through on
the last 3 leaves; top of the booklet now folded down to fit the portfolio, the inside edges of leaves in
this top part separated and frayed at the cost of some of the figures. The account of Mayor John Hayes.
Used in Appendix 3.
1593-4: 2 bifolia making a booklet of 4 leaves, once sewn, formerly folded again in half vertically;
305mm x 208mm; modern numbering on tabs 61-6. Mayor Harvey s account.
1594-5: 3 half-sheets folded to make a booklet of 6 leaves; 305mm x 103mm; modern numbering on
tabs 70-7. The second of two booklets comprising John Hassard s account; the first payment is dated
12 May (the last in the first booklet is dated 14 April).
1595-6: 7 bifolia making a booklet of 14 leaves (the first half of the fifth bifolium has been cut or torn
out, some figuring remains on the stub which is 296mm x 28mm), once sewn and also folded again in
half vertically; 308mm x 210mm (but the bifolia making up the fifth and tenth leaves and the sixth and
ninth leaves are of different sizes and kinds of paper from the rest); modern numbering on tabs 78-98;
repairs to the bottom of the first leaf do not affect the text. The account of Mayor William Ellesdon.
Used in Appendix 3.
Cobb Records
The Cobb, a breakwater of heavy timber and stone, extended out into the sea to create the
harbour of Lyme Regis. The Cobb wardens collected fees from ships that tied up at the Cobb, un
loaded cargo, and had it transported to the town. Because the Cobb did not adjoin the shore
the Cobb wardens could control imports tightly for goods would be transferred by smaller vessels
from the Cobb to the shore only after the appropriate dues had been paid.
Cobb Wardens Accounts
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/LR: G7/3; c 1 552-3; English; paper; 4 bifolia making a booklet
of 8 leaves (ff[4-4v] blank); 314mm x 215mm; unnumbered; the last page is dirtiest, showing evidence
of once being folded again in half vertically and bearing the name, slightly smudged, Ion batryn. F [3v]
of the booklet bears a total of the receipts of the Cobb for both this account and that of Richard Leonard.
Bound as ff [72-9] of a collection of miscellaneous accounts of the receivers of the Cobb (1546-64
but not in chronological order). Contains the account of John Batryn.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/LR: N23/1, item 63; English; paper; 12 June 1601; 1 half-sheet;
303mm x 201mm; show-through hampers legibility somewhat. Now bound as no 63 among a collec
tion of miscellaneous documents 1496-1696; each document is assigned to a numbered modern
guardsheet so that these numbers are, in effect, article numbers (individual articles not systematically
foliated or paginated). Transcribed by Cyril Wanklyn in DC/LR-. N24/1 . Contains an account of Cobb
warden John Roze.
Used in Appendix 3.
70 DORSET
Grant of Cobb Kitchen to Borough Corporation
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/LR: N23/4, item 3; 12 October 1579; English; parchment;
single membrane; 404mm x 175mm; witnesses names on the dorse, fragment of a seal attached. Now
bound up as no 3 in Fugitive Pieces iv, a miscellany of documents, 1288-1859, in which each docu
ment is attached to a numbered modern guardsheet.
Used in Appendix 3.
Legal Records
Churchwardens Presentments for Salisbury Deanery
Trowbridge, Wiltshire and Swindon Record Office, D5/28/9; 1606-8; Latin and English; loose documents
in a blue folder tied with cotton, including the following:
item 59: 1 1 September 1606; English; paper; bifolium; 305mm x 48mm; unnumbered; fair condition:
torn along the gutter, water-stained across the top, top right corner torn away.
Used in Appendix 3.
item 24: 20 April 1607; English; paper; single sheet; 300mm x 196mm; fair condition: badly stained
by water at the top, hole bottom centre.
Trowbridge, Wiltshire and Swindon Record Office, D5/28/1 1, item 24; 1609; English; paper; bifolium;
204mm x 303mm; condition generally good. One of thirty-nine loose sheets and bifolia, numbered in
modern pencil. A typescript list of the parishes for which presentments are found in this bundle has
been inserted at the beginning.
Trowbndge, Wiltshire and Swindon Record Office, D5/28/35, item 73; 22 September 1635; English;
paper; stitched booklet of 3 bifolia; unnumbered; 298mm x 195mm; good condition. Now one of 104
items, numbered in pencil, kept in a modern folder.
Bill of Complaint in Salter v. Cowper et al
Kew, Public Record Office, STAC 8/258/15; 17 November 1608; English; parchment; single membrane;
710mm x 385mm (667mm x 335mm); stained, faded, and wrinkled along the right edge so that legi
bility is hampered; inscribed on the dorse: lovis decimo septimo Novembris Anno Sexto lacobi Regis.
Edward lones.
MELBURY OSMOND
Cordon et al v. Auncell et al
Kew, Public Record Office, STAC 8/153/29; 1622; English and some Latin; vellum; 3 membranes
stitched together at the top left corner; modern numbering on left side. Relevant items include:
THE DOCUMENTS
mb 3: before 29 November 1622 (based on dates of sworn answers); English; 535mm x 420mm
(505mm x 395mm); generally good condition but stained in the bottom right corner and torn down
into the text in the top right, wrinkled so as to hamper legibility in the top right corner; endorsed:
Gordo(-) wrsuO AunceK... > Mich, vicesimo \arobi Regis. Contains the plaintiffs bill of complaint.
mb 1: 29 November 1622; English; 544mm x 210mm (490mm x 190mm); generally good condition;
no endorsements. Contains sworn answer of one defendant, Christopher Auncell.
NETHERBURY
Notes from St Mary s Churchwardens Accounts (AC)
The compilers of this manuscript (and the scripts are apparently seventeenth century) seem to
have had antiquarian interests. Folios [24v] and [25] are notes which the scribe says are based
on presentments from the manor of Yondover from 34 Henry vi to 2 Charles I; f [10] is a
chronology of events, 1618-40; other sections are more miscellaneous.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, D/KAT: 7623; 1455-1640; Latin and English; paper; 24 leaves;
303mm x 190mm (text area variable); unnumbered; paper booklet.
Churchwardens Presentments for Salisbury Deanery
Trowbridge, Wiltshire and Swindon Record Office, D5/28/1 1, item 31; 1609; English; paper; single
sheet; 200mm x 304mm; condition generally good. One of thirty-nine loose sheets and bifolia, num
bered in modern pencil. A typescript list of the parishes for which presentments are found in this
bundle has been inserted at the beginning.
OVER COMPTON
Churchwardens Presentments for Salisbury Deanery
Trowbridge, Wiltshire and Swindon Record Office, D5/28/12, item 20; 1609; English; paper; single
sheet; 198mm x 304mm; condition generally good. One of thirty-nine loose sheets and bifolia, num
bered in modern pencil. A typescript list of the parishes for which presentments are found in this
bundle has been inserted at the beginning.
Bill of Complaint in Abington v. Beaton et al
Kew, Public Record Office, STAC 8/42/14; 1618-19; English and some Latin; parchment; 9 membranes
stitched together at the top left corner; modern numbering; folio numbers stamped in the top right
corner, written in pencil in the bottom left; good condition. Includes:
mb 9: 19 February 1617/18; English; 688mm x 559mm. Exhibits several styles of handwriting, probably
by two different clerks.
72 DORSET
POOLE
Most of the Poole documents containing REED material are financial records, although the
privately-produced catalogue of Poole records kept both in the Poole Town Clerk s Office
and in the Dorset County Library lists many other kinds of records. For the catalogue see
Borough and County of the Town of Poole, Calendar of Local Archives, vol 1 (compiled by
H.P. Smith and Bernard C. Short, 1958). Poole s records have recently been moved to the
Dorset Record Office in Dorchester from the Poole Borough Archives and the reference
numbers given below, which reflect the classifications used in the Calendar, are likely to
change after the collection has been fully catalogued.
Poole s year began in January in the early sixteenth century; the Great Charter of 1 568 stated
that mayoral elections were to be held on the Friday next before the feast of St Matthew the
Apostle (21 September) and the accounting year after 1568 ran from September or October
to the same date in the following year. Accounts kept by both mayors and bailiffs (who expected
to become mayors) may refer to any sort of town expenditure. The purview of the mayors
and bailiffs was large. As the sixteenth-century ruling group grew narrower, it also acquired
more exclusive powers in town affairs. Choosing churchwardens and auditing church accounts
from early in the century, the town government acquired admiralty jurisdiction and independ
ence from manorial authority. Thus great authority was wielded by the small group of families
who filled the co-optive group of burgesses and aldermen making up the town council and from
whom were drawn the mayors and bailiffs. The records reflect many sixteenth- and seventeenth-
century quarrels between Poole burgesses; in particular, controversy between members of the
ruling group may have influenced the disallowing of expenditures made by mayors or bailiffs
that is sometimes our only evidence of the town s support of performance activity.
The first series of Poole manuscripts to be catalogued carry designations such as P23 or P191.
In the past fifteen years the borough has restored a number of damaged manuscripts; these
constitute the PA series.
Civic Accounts
Town Accounts
The first part of P26(4), intended as a greate boke for the town, collects material from pre
liminary accounts by subject, beginning in 1 568; some entries made in the 1 570s excerpt
earlier records. The accounts often contain cross-referenced double-entries. The first twenty-
four leaves constitute an incomplete alphabetical index to the accounts.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/PL: CLA P23U); 1490-1553; English; paper; 95 leaves; 203mm x
I44mm (I90mm x 140mm); modern ink pagination; good condition; contemporary vellum binding
reinforced with 2 pieces of dark leather piercing the spine.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/PL: CLA P26(4); 1554-78; English; paper; xxiv + 134;
THE DOCUMENTS
300mm x 205mm (opening index leaves 85mm wide with 10mm tabs); contemporary ink numbering
by openings, that is, facing pages assigned the same number (here designated as left and right );
headings, particularly in the elaborate first part of the volume, are often in bold; good condition; con
temporary vellum binding with B 1554 on the cover.
Mayors Accounts
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/PL: CLA P5K6); 1551-2; English; paper; 8 leaves; 215mm x
155mm (190mm x 135mm); modern incomplete ink pagination; sewn paper booklet. There are some
notes in later hand, including marginal summaries of payments.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office. DC/PL: CLA PA10; 1 552-3; English; paper; 18 leaves; 31 5mm x
220mm (270mm x 120mm); modern pencil foliation; paper booklet, top badly damaged and whole
skilfully repaired on all sides.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/PL: CLA Pi 03(60); 1 569-70; English; paper; 7 leaves; 220mm x
158mm; unnumbered; sewn paper booklet, stained and with frayed edges.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/PL: CLA P106(63); 1577-8; English; paper; 8 leaves; 420mm x
155mm; unnumbered; paper booklet, some holes and frayed edges.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/PL: CLA Pi 19(76); 1590-2; English; paper; 4 leaves; 203mm x
145mm (185mm x 90mm); unnumbered; paper booklet, good condition.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/PL: CLA P19KA32); 1601-2; English; 6 leaves; 200mm x 153mm
(185mm x 105mm); contemporary foliation with facing pages assigned the same number; paper book
let, good condition.
Bailiffs Accounts
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/PL: CLA P46(l); 1524-5; English; paper; 8 leaves; 280mm x
204mm (220mm x 155mm); unnumbered; paper booklet, edges frayed.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/PL: CLA P49(4); 1546-8; English; paper; 8 leaves; 220mm x
160mm (180mm x 130mm); unnumbered; sewn paper booklet, good condition.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/PL: CLA PA20(ii); 1562-3; English; paper; 6 leaves; 208mm x
155mm; modern pencil foliation 7-12 in the bottom centre of each leaf (followed here), incomplete
original ink pagination 1-8, starting at f 7v and continuing to f 1 1; badly torn along left edge with tear
extending 70mm into the page just below the centre, repaired by mounting on modern paper. Formerly
bound in a Latin vellum book, now an unstitched paper booklet, part of a group of loose papers and
unstitched booklets foliated 1-21 by conservators and stored in a modern blue manila folder.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/PL: CLA PA12; 1570-1; English; paper; 18 leaves; 300mm x
74 DORSET
205mm; modern pencil foliation; paper booklet, top half badly damaged, whole mended on all sides;
headings in bold. On the front cover are a number of statements identifying the mayor and bailiff to whose
year the account belongs and indicating the booklet was used as evidence in an eighteenth-century lawsuit.
Auditors Accounts
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/PL: CLA PA15; 1579-87; English; paper; 27 leaves (ff 1-25
form a stitched booklet in chronological sequence; ff 26-7 comprise an original bifolium account for
1584-5 now out of sequence); 210mm x 150mm; modern pencil foliation throughout (followed here)
with contemporary ink pagination beginning on f Iv; recently repaired and placed in modern blue
manila repair cover; original paper cover bears title: No. 26 1584 I 5 I 6 I 7.
Miscellaneous Records
Letter of Sir Henry Ashley
Sir Henry Ashley of Wimborne St Giles (1 519 88) was one of three deputy lieutenants of
Dorset responsible from the early 1580s for organizing the defences of Dorset against the
expected Spanish attack. In 1 584 he was one of five captains who were to train men from the
county; when he and the other deputy lieutenants divided the supervision of Dorset s supply
of powder and match in 1 586, Poole lay in his district. In July 1 588, when the Armada came,
Ashley s son, Henry (later Sir Henry Ashley), served as a vice admiral of eight ships, carrying
men mostly pressed at Poole. Robert and Sir Francis Ashley (see pp 59 and 62 above) were
the first Sir Henry Ashley s nephews; they were also the younger brothers of the Sir Anthony
Ashley who inherited Wimborne St Giles when the younger Sir Henry Ashley died leaving
only daughters. 1 *
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/PL: CLA P124(81); 21 May 1587; English; bifolium; unnumbered;
290mm x 198mm (240mm x 147mm); some small holes result in brief gaps in the text; addressed on
f [2v]: To my friende the MayoO of the towne of Poole yeue theis and endorsed: xxxvni Henry Ashley
to the Mayor adviseinge of 2 Commissioners being appointed to inspect the Caste Fortifications &c on
the Sea Coast 2 May 1587.
PUDDLETOWN
Casebook of Sir Francis Ashley
See Dorchester (p 62) for BL: Harley MS. 6715.
SHAFTESBURY
The rich collection of Shaftesbury records deposited in the Dorset Record Office was arranged
by Charles Herbert Mayo, who listed the documents in his catalogue, The Municipal Records
THE DOCUMENTS
of the Borough of Shaftesbury. The collection includes documents granting or confirming
borough privileges; court rolls from Shaftesbury Abbey; 100 charters of feoffment and other
similar instruments; nearly fifty rolls, books, and bundles of accounts and records of payments;
162 documents relating to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century lawsuits; and a dozen miscel
laneous documents.
Bishop Simon of Ghent s Register
Trowbridge, Wiltshire. and Swindon Record Office, D 1/2/1; 1297-1315; Latin; parchment; i + 410 + i;
270mm x 175mm; original foliation in 2 series superseded by modern foliation 1-174, 175A, 175B
(insert), 176-339, 340A, 340B, 341-9, 350A, 350B, 351-88, 389A, 389B, 390-409; modern binding
(original limp parchment covers preserved as flyleaves and foliated as 1 and 409).
Depositions in Gower v. Hascoll
Together with DC/SYB: ElOO-1 and E103-4, these are surviving documents from a lawsuit
against Mayor Hascoll for contempt, a suit dismissed February 1625/6.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/SYB: E102; 1626; English; paper; 106 sheets; 400mm x 310mm;
ink numbering; written on one side only; sheets sewn together at the top and the whole rolled and tied.
Borough financial Papers
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/SYB: Cl 1, item 17; 1629; English; paper; single sheet; 175mm x
200mm (156mm x 185mm). Originally one of a number of small slips of paper of varying sizes tied
in a roll with a leather thong. This item is now in a folder containing twenty miscellaneous financial
documents.
Antiquarian Records
We have not succeeded in tracing the original documents relating to Gillingham Manor which
contained references to Shaftesbury s annual procession (Gillingham Manor had jurisdiction
over the village of Motcombe; see p 248). By 6 April 1661, Gillingham had been conveyed to
Sir Edward Nicholas, secretary of state to Charles i and Charles n, and a member of the
Nicholas family of Winterbourne Earls, Wiltshire; a copied reference to Shaftesbury s custom
survives in the Nicholas MSS. The antiquarian John Hutchins (1698-1773), who copied
other references from sources still extant in the eighteenth century, was the son of a curate of
Bradford Peverell who would later serve as rector of All Saints , Dorchester. Educated at Balliol
and with a Cambridge MA, Hutchins was ordained in the early 1720s and served as curate
and usher to the vicar of Milton Abbas, rector of Swyre (after 1729), rector of Melcombe
Horsey (after 1733), and rector of Holy Trinity, Wareham (1734-73). He compiled the
history of Dorset between 1736 and 1773; with the aid of generous subscriptions he included
material from major libraries and from records in the Tower of London as well as local records.
76 DORSET
t
Gillingham Manorial Court Orders (AC)
Manchester, University of Manchester, John Rylands Library, Nicholas MS 69; 1574-1637; English;
paper; 12 leaves; modern pencil foliation; 320mm x 210mm (290mm x 155mm); paper booklet; title
on the cover: The Orders of the Courte of the Manner of Gillingham with the Boundarye of the said
Manner Sent upp by Mr Breenker f to yor . . . with his \etteres in January 1 638. The orders are appar
ently all excerpts from court books of the manor.
Gillingham Manor Court Roll (A)
John Hutchins, The History and Antiquities of the County of Dorset, 3rd ed, corrected, augmented, and
improved by William Shipp and James Whitworth Hodson, vol 3 (Westminster, 1868).
This work also furnished an entry for Appendix 2.
SHERBORNE
The pre-Reformation parish church in Sherborne was All Hallows . After the Dissolution the
parish took over the former monastic church, St Mary s, and All Hallows was demolished.
The churchwardens accounts for the rwo thus represent a single series and are so treated by
the Dorset Record Office.
There are surviving churchwardens accounts for All Hallows or for St Mary s for 112 years
between the early sixteenth century and 1642. The accounting year varies. The early undated
accounts (CW 1/1-1/3) do not indicate when the accounts were made, but they probably
date from about 1505-1 1 (see p 356, endnote to DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/1 f [1]). CW 1/5-1/11
(scattered accounts berween 1513-14 and 1525 6) were usually rendered at Christmas, and
CW 1/4, dated 5 Henry viu, was probably also a Christmas account. Accounts for the rest of
the sixteenth century (CW 1/12-1/72) were usually rendered in January or February, although
on two occasions the accounting year ran to March ( 1 554-5 and 1 585 6). After 1602-3
the accounting year ended in late March, April, May, or early June. All Hallows records were
kept by a single warden who ordinarily had served as king of the church ale two or three
years before. After 15423 there were usually two wardens; the man who ran the parish ale
or served as collector for the parish became junior warden the next year and senior warden in
the year following.
The pre-Reformation accounts of All Hallows are printed with some omissions by Fowler
in SDNQ, vols 23 4. The accounts for the four years after 1 537-8 are missing. Fowler discusses
and prints the post-Reformation accounts of St Mary the Virgin, Sherborne, in SDNQ, vols
24-6. The last account printed was rendered on 29 January 1558/9.
All Hallows Churchwardens Accounts
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/1; undated, probably c 1505-8; English; paper; sheet
folded to form bifolium (formerly part of booklet); 290mm x 180mm; unnumbered; now repaired.
THE DOCUMENTS
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/2; undated, probably c 1508-10; English; parchment;
2 bifolia sewn as a 4-folio booklet; 285mm x 190mm; unnumbered; now repaired.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/3; 1510-11; English; parchment; 3 membranes,
sewn at top; 385mm x 295mm; unnumbered; mb [2] torn in 2 places.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/4, 1512-13; English; paper; 4 sheets, sewn ai bottom;
315mm x 225mm (largest) and 250mm x 220mm (smallest); unnumbered; top edges frayed.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/5; 1513-14; Latin; parchment; single membrane with
tiny paper list of expenses attached at the bottom; 720mm x 300mm; top torn; heading decorated.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/6; 1 514-1 5; Latin; paper; single sheet; 750mm x
300mm; badly torn at top and bottom.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/7; 1515-16; Latin with English inventory on dorse;
paper; single sheet; 720mm x 305mm.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/8; 1517-18; Latin with English inventory; parchment;
single membrane; 720mm x 300mm; corn at the top; decorated heading.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/9; 1523-4; English with Latin headings; parchment;
single membrane; 510mm x 320mm.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/10; 1524-5; English with Latin headings; parchment;
single membrane; 550mm x 380mm; top half torn.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/1 1; 1525-6; English with Latin headings; paper;
single sheet; 450mm x 340mm; ragged top edge.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/12; 1526/7-27/8; English with Latin headings; paper;
single sheet; 570mm x 380mm; badly frayed and torn.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/13; 1527/8-28/9; English with Latin headings;
parchment; single membrane; 560mm x 420mm; stained on the left side.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/14; 1530-1; English; parchment; single membrane;
570mm x 5 10mm; decayed, particularly at the top, first heading partially destroyed.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/15; 1534-6; English; paper; 16 leaves; 217mm x
160mm (200mm x 140mm); modern pencil foliation; paper booklet bound in a vellum leaf with writ
ing on the inside back cover (here designated f [17]).
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/16; 1536-7; English; paper; 6 leaves; 205mm x
150mm (185mm x 130mm); modern pencil foliation; paper booklet, good condition.
DORSET
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/17; 1537-8; English with Latin headings; parchment;
single membrane; 555mm x 355mm; heading decorated.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/18; 1538-9; English; paper; 10 leaves; 215mm x
160mm (200mm x 135mm); modern pencil foliation; paper booklet, good condition.
St Mary the Virgin s Churchwardens Accounts
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/19; 1542-3; English; paper; 4 leaves; 465mm x
205mm (380mm x 170mm); modern pencil foliation; headings in bold; generally good condition.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/20; 1543-4; English; parchment; 5 membranes sewn
serially; 530mm x 330mm; unnumbered; headings in bold; top badly torn.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/21; 1544-5; English; parchment; 5 membranes sewn
serially; 555mm x 370mm; unnumbered; top of the first membrane badly torn.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/22; 1 546-7; English; parchment; 6 membranes sewn
serially; 380mm x 310mm; unnumbered; headings in bold; top of first membrane stained and frayed.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/23; 1547-8; English; parchment; 6 membranes
sewn serially; 380mm x 305mm; unnumbered; headings centred and in bold; top of first membrane
torn and displaying the remains of an old inexpert repair.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/24; 1548-9; English; parchment; 5 membranes sewn
serially; 370mm x 310mm; unnumbered; headings centred and in bold; good condition.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/25; 1549-50; English; parchment; 5 membranes
sewn serially; 385mm x 310mm; unnumbered; headings centred and in bold; top of first membrane
damaged.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/26; 1550-1; English; paper; 7 sheets sewn serially;
380mm x 310mm; unnumbered; headings in bold; top of first sheet fragmented and repaired.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/28; 1552-3; English; paper; 4 sheets sewn serially;
350mm x 270mm; unnumbered; good condition.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/30; 1554-5; English; paper; 4 sheets sewn serially;
385mm x 310mm; unnumbered; top sheet frayed at the edges with an old repair at the top of the sheet.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/31; 1555-6; English; paper; 3 sheets sewn serially;
395mm x 330mm; unnumbered; top of first sheet damaged; headings and some initial words in bold.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/32; 1556-7; English; parchment; 5 membranes sewn
THE DOCUMENTS
serially; 370mm x 310mm; unnumbered; top of first membrane damaged, making heading illegible,
some words, including hem, in bold.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/33; 1557-8; English; parchment; 4 membranes
sewn serially; 595mm x 375mm (largest) and 185mm x 385mm (smallest); unnumbered; top of first
membrane cut to form binding for roll and somewhat damaged.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/34; 1558-9; English; paper; 3 sheets sewn serially;
360mm x 300mm; unnumbered; good condition; lu-m consistently in bold.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/35; 1 561-2; English; paper; 3 sheets sewn serially;
385mm x 310mm; unnumbered; first sheet very tattered at the top; Item in bold.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/36; 1565-6; English; paper; 5 sheets sewn serially;
380mm x 310mm; unnumbered; top of first sheet ripped and an old repair has proved inadequate;
many words in bold. The heading is missing but churchwardens names indicate this is the account for
1565-6 made early in 1 566.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/37; 1566-7; English; paper; 3 sheets; 400mm x
270mm; modern pencil foliation; right edges tattered and crumpled; paper booklet bound in vellum,
title on the cover: The booke off lohn Elyot Accounte Churche Warden of Sherborne 1 566. Et anno
i Regine Elizabeth Nono.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/38; 1567-8; English; parchment; 5 membranes sewn
serially; unnumbered; 700mm x 210mm (largest) and 240mm x 205mm (smallest); headings in bold;
good condition.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/39; 1568-9; English; vellum; 4 membranes sewn
serially; 340mm x 310mm; unnumbered; headings and some initial words in bold; second membrane
badly torn.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/40; 1569-70; English; parchment; 3 membranes
sewn serially; unnumbered; 630mm x 300mm; headings and some initial words in bold.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/41; 1570-1; English; parchment; 3 membranes sewn
serially; 685mm x 300mm; unnumbered; decorated heading on first membrane and other headings
bold.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/42; 1571-2; English; parchment; 4 membranes sewn
serially; 560mm x 310mm; unnumbered; decorated heading at top of first membrane and other head
ings bold; good condition.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/43; 1572-3; English; parchment; 6 membranes sewn
serially; 510mm x 300mm; unnumbered; headings in bold.
80 DORSET
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/44; 1573-4; English; parchment; 5 membranes sewn
serially; 600mm x 270mm; unnumbered; decorated heading at top of first membrane, first 2 marginal
headings decorated and other headings in bold.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/45; 1574-5; English; parchment; 5 membranes sewn
serially; 600mm x 210mm; unnumbered; decorated heading at the top of the first membrane and other
headings in bold.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/46; 1575-6; English; parchment; 4 membranes sewn
serially; 640mm x 195mm; unnumbered; first heading decorated and other headings in bold; top of
first membrane slightly torn.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/47; 1576-7; English; parchment; 3 membranes sewn
serially; 525mm x 250mm; unnumbered; headings, some initial words, and money amounts in bold;
good condition.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/49; 1577-8; English; parchment; 3 membranes sewn
serially; 610mm x 193mm; unnumbered; headings, some initial words, and some money amounts in
bold; good condition.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/60; 1588-9; English; parchment; 4 membranes sewn
serially; 890mm x 243mm; unnumbered; headings in bold; good condition.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/61; 1589-90; English; parchment; 3 membranes
sewn serially; 795mm x 197mm; unnumbered; headings in bold; good condition.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/62; 1590-1; English; parchment; 3 membranes sewn
serially; 775mm x 210mm; unnumbered; headings in bold; good condition.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/69; 1597-8; English; parchment; 5 membranes sewn
serially; 770mm x 190mm (largest) and 290mm x 193mm (smallest); unnumbered; headings in bold.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/70; 1598-9; English; parchment; 2 membranes sewn
serially; 775mm x 245mm; unnumbered; headings in bold.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/71; 1599-1600; English; parchment; 3 membranes
sewn serially; 815mm x 265mm; unnumbered; headings in bold.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/72; 1600-1; English; parchment; 5 membranes sewn
serially; 740mm x 228mm; unnumbered; headings in bold; good condition.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/73; 1601-2; English; parchment; 5 membranes sewn
serially; 730mm x 238mm (largest) and 150mm x 240mm (smallest); unnumbered; headings in bold;
good condition.
f
81
THE DOCUMENTS
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: CW 1/74; 1602-3; English; parchment; 3 membranes sewn
serially; 740mm x 230mm; unnumbered; headings in bold; good condition.
Depositions for the Defendant in Scarlett v. Stacker
Francis Scarlett, vicar of Sherborne, brought suit in 1603 against John Stocker, the purchaser of
Sir Ralph Horsey s remaining term in the parsonage of Sherborne and thus also impropnator
of the Sherborne prebend. This manuscript is one of those surviving from that lawsuit. Depos
itions were taken by two commissions in Dorset; three witnesses who appeared before the
commission which took evidence in the Hilary term, 1603-4, spoke briefly of incidents
related to preparations for a performance of the Sherborne Corpus Christi play, probably in
1572-3.
Kew, Public Record Office, E134/1 James i/ Hil 3; 1603/4; English; parchment; 7 membranes sewn
serially; 4200mm x 300mm; modern pencil numbering; good condition.
Somerset Quarter Sessions Roll
An entry from this roll (previously printed in Stokes with Alexander (eds), Somerset Including Bath,
pp 145-6), refers to a bullbaiter bringing his animals to Sherborne and Sturminster Newton
in Dorset.
Taunton, Somerset Record Office, Q/SR 37, pt 2; 1607-8; English and some Latin; paper; 94 leaves;
315mm x 200mm; modern foliation; individual booklets and other documents repaired and bound
together as one of a series of volumes following a 1905 order of the county council, all having identical
caramel-coloured covers tied with laces. The excerpted presentment originally formed part of Q/SR 2
and was transferred to this volume at some time after the original items were numbered; it is now
numbered 101 A.
SPETTISBURY
Examination of Anne Barter
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/WM: CP2/8, item 90; 23 February 1635/6; Latin and English;
paper; single sheet; 325mm x 202mm. Filed in a bundle of depositions taken before the peculiar court of
Wimborne Minster in cases of fornication.
STOUR PROVOST
Casebook of Sir Francis Ashley
See Dorchester (p 62) for BL; Harley MS. 6715.
82 DORSET
STURMINSTER NEWTON
Sturminster Newton was eight miles from Shaftesbury, ten miles from Blandford Forum, and
twelve from Sherborne; probably because of this relative isolation, the village developed as a
small market centre with thirteenth-century fairs at both Sturminster and Newton. 197
Somerset Quarter Sessions Roll
See Sherborne (p 81) for SRO: Q/SR 37, pt 2.
SYMONDSBURY
Henry Burton s A Divine Tragedie
Henry Burton s Divine Tragedie is a Sabbatarian work written to protest against Charles I s
reissuing of The kings majesties declaration . . . concerning lawful sports in 1633. Limiting him
self to cases that occurred within two years of the reissuing of this declaration, Burton cites
dozens of examples of people who perverted the sabbath and were punished therefore.
A DIVINE TRAGEDIE I LATELY ACTED, I OR. I A Collection of sundrie memorable ex- I amples
of Gods judgements upon Sabbath-breakers, I and other like Libertines, in their unlawful! Sports, hap- 1
ning within the Realme of England, in the compasse one- I ly of few yeers last past, since the Book was
published, worthy I to be known and considered of all men, especially such, I who are guilty of the sin
or Arch- I patrons thereof. I By that worthy Divine Mr. Henry Burton. I [woodcut of author entitled:
A-tatis suit 63} I Printed in the yeer 1641. Wing: B6161 (also Thomason Tract E176.1).
WEYMOUTH-MELCOMBE REGIS
In the Weymouth Museum is a large metal chest containing the Sherren Manuscripts, a col
lection purchased at auction in the late nineteenth century, catalogued by the Dorset historian
H.J. Moule in 1883, and kept for some time in the town vault. The documents in the collection
are kept in manila file folders, most often singly, but sometimes two or three to a folder. Cur
rent Weymouth Museum plans to recatalogue the manuscripts collection may result in new shelf
marks for the Weymouth manuscripts. Most of the REED material is in the mayors accounts.
The mayor s accounting year ran from Michaelmas to Michaelmas. The accounts were some
times audited immediately, sometimes only after a two or three-year delay. The auditors often
disallowed some expenses although they did not always give their grounds for doing so.
Civic Accounts
Mayors Accounts
Weymouth, Weymouth Museum, Sherren MS 177; 1590-6; English; paper; 4-leaf booklet; 310mm x
Q -3
THE DOCUMENTS
200mm; ink pagination beginning on the verso of the first leaf; slightly stained in centre. Contains the
account of Mayor John Bond for 1590-1, with comments from auditors in 1596.
Weymouth, Weymouth Museum, Sherren MS 184; 1596-1600; English; paper; 4- leaf booklet; 308mm x
205mm (295mm x 175mm); unnumbered; good condition. Contains mayor s account for 1596-]
and auditors remarks dated 23 September 1 602; some entries were crossed out by the auditors and
their comments are in the left margin.
Weymouth, Weymouth Museum, Sherren MS 185; 1597-1602; English; paper; 2-leaf booklet; 305mm x
201mm; unnumbered; good condition; among various notations on the cover is the inscription: lohn
Moket his Acompt In . 1 597 . & 1 598 / & pjarjte of 1 599. Includes some marginal notations made
by the auditors of 1 60 1 .
Weymouth, Weymouth Museum, Sherren MS 186; 1 599-1600; English; paper; 4-leaf booklet; 318mm x
218mm; unnumbered; good condition. Includes auditors comments from 1601 and 1605.
Weymouth, Weymouth Museum, Sherren MS 190; 1603-4; English; paper; 2-leaf booklet; 310mm x
203mm; unnumbered; good condition. Includes auditors comments from 1606.
Weymouth, Weymouth Museum, Sherren MS 191; 1605-6; English; paper; 2-leaf booklet; 304mm x
196mm; unnumbered; first leaf torn. Includes undated auditors comments.
Weymouth, Weymouth Museum, Sherren MS 206; 1615-16; English; paper; 4-leaf booklet, sewn;
31 1mm x 199mm (290mm x 175mm); unnumbered; good condition. Includes auditors comments
and records of repayments from 1617.
Borough Financial Records
Weymouth, Weymouth Museum, Sherren MS 243.1; 1640-1; English; paper; single sheet; 355mm x
159mm (345mm x 130mm); good condition; endorsed with remarks by the mayor about payment of
the bill to goodman minor, headed; A Noote for the Towne.
Borough Court Records
Borough Court Minutes
Weymouth, Weymouth Museum, Sherren MS 204; 1612-17; paper; English and Latin; 46 leaves; 310mm x
205mm (300mm x 190mm); modern pencil foliation; good condition; sewn booklet with a glued
brown paper cover.
Borough and Borough Court Minute Book
Weymouth, Weymouth Museum, MB.O-B; 1616-83; English and Latin; paper; xxix + 410 + iv;
435mm x 295mm (420mm x 275mm); partly contemporary, partly modern ink pagination co p 378,
84 DORSET
pencil pagination to p 636, and a separate pencil foliation of miscellaneous leaves bound at the end of
the volume; ruled for consistent indentation; generally good condition with some frayed and repaired
leaves; 19th-century green leather binding with scalloped metal corners, a shield-shaped escutcheon on
the front cover with the legend: The Records of the Charters and Matters of Justice for the Town of
Weymouth and Melcombe Regis, a circular escutcheon on the back cover engraved 1646, and a large,
black letter B on the spine.
WIMBORNE MINSTER
St Cuthburga s Churchwardens Accounts
Wimborne Minster s surviving churchwardens accounts date from the early fifteenth century,
as do references to the parish ale. Many accounts for the 1550s and early 1560s are missing;
those that survive were rendered on 14 December and, despite an agreement (p 160) to render
accounts on the feast of St Luke the Evangelist (18 October), the accounts resume with end
ing dates in December in the 1560s. The accounting year ran from December to December
until 1605; a blank page in CW 1/42 is followed by an account running from December
1605 until 22 April 1607 and the accounting year ended in April or May from 1607 to 1635.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/WM: CW 1/40; 1475-1581; Latin and English; paper; iv + 249 + iv;
425mm x 295mm; modern ink pagination; headings of individual accounts often in bold and some
times decorated; leaves repaired; modern tooled leather binding with gold decoration on the covers and
the ridged spine.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/WM: CW 1/41; 1581-1636; English; paper; ii + 267 + v;
435mm x 290mm; modern pagination; generally good condition with some pages repaired; headings
in bold with elaborately decorated initials; cardboard binding with a leather spine.
Churchwardens Presentments to the Peculiar Court
The consistory court of the peculiar and exempt jurisdiction of Wimborne Minster met
under the presidency of an official appointed by the twelve governors of the parish and dealt
with a great variety of legal and ecclesiastical business. 1 " Most REED material occurs in the
preliminary itemization of presentments of miscellaneous offenders by the churchwardens
and sidesmen, apparently written down hastily by someone present in court and often signed
by either or both churchwardens and sidesmen. Later, usually less detailed material concerning
some of the incidents presented to the court by the parish officials appears in the Act Book of
the peculiar court (PE/WM: CP1/1).
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/WM: CP2/10; 1589-1714; English; paper; a bundle of docu
ments of varying sizes, 142 of them before 1642, wrapped between sheets of cardboard. Although some
documents are folded leaves or several leaves, most are single; the documents are calendared in PE/WM:
CP3, where the dating is not always accurate. The present volume includes transcriptions from the fol
lowing documents:
85
THE DOCUMENTS
item 8: 1591-2; single sheet; 200mm x 155mm.
item 16: 12 June 1595; single sheet; 300mm x 195mm.
item 51: 23 September 1601; single sheet; 301mm x 198mm.
item 55: 1602; single sheet; 303mm x 203mm.
item 74: 28 April 1606; single sheet; 198mm x 148mm.
item 75: 26 February 1606/7; single sheet; 300mm x 196mm.
item 82: 1607-8; single sheet; 300mm x 198mm.
item 92: 1609-10; single sheet; 305mm x 198mm.
item 94: 1609-10; single sheet; 306mm x 95mm.
item 95: 1610-1 1; single sheet; 155mm x 150mm.
item 99: 1610-1 1; single sheet; 305mm x 205mm; edges torn and some of the ink has run.
item 100: 1610-1 1; single sheet; 165mm x 190mm.
item 93: 1611-12; bifolium; 278mm x 202mm.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, PE/WM: CP2/12, item 60; 1620; English; paper; single sheet;
150mm x 195mm; torn and stained on the left side. Now part of a bundle of seventy-one paper docu
ments, 1619-40, sewn together with a cord, varying considerably in size; the documents at the back
of the bundle are in poor condition.
WINTERBORNE KINGSTON
Winterborne Kingston was served by a chapel of ease belonging to the larger market centre of
Bere Regis, two miles to the southwest. IOT
Churchwardens Presentments for Salisbury Deanery
Trowbridge, Wiltshire and Swindon Record Office, D5/28/28, item 92; 3 July 1628; English; paper;
bifolium; unnumbered; 305mm x 195mm; written on f [1] only; slight tear at fold. Now one of ninety-
eight items, numbered in modern pencil, kept in a modern folder.
86 DORSET
W1NTERBORNE MONKTON
Casebook of Sir Francis Ashley
See Dorchester (p 62) for BL: Harley MS. 671 5.
Households
STRANGWAYS OF MELBURY SAMPFORD
Giles Strangivays Account Book
Giles Strangways (1615-75) was a member of one of the most powerful families of the Dorset
gentry. He served as MP for Melcombe Regis in 1640 and for Bridport in 1641, a position
from which he was disabled in 1645 because of his fierce loyalty to the royalist cause. Like his
father, Sir John, Giles Srrangways, colonel of the horse in the army of King Charles i, suffered
arrest, imprisonment in the Tower, and severe fines for his loyalty to the monarch. His per
sonal account books indicate that, although the dominant concerns of this country gentleman
were hawks, hounds, horses, and haberdashery, he also built up a library to which he added
approximately 100 books and pamphlets between 1638 and 1640.
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, D/FSI: Box 220; English; paper; iv + 82; 265mm x 180mm; foliated,
original folio numbers to f 73 in top left corners, ff [74] and [75] lack folio numbers (ff 5v-l 1, 12v,
76-82 blank); the second flyleaf torn in half vertically; pages ruled for columns of figures along each
right side; vellum binding, title on the cover: My Booke of Accounts for 1638: 1639 1640 1641.
Editorial Procedures
Principles of Selection
The records of Dorset, like other collections in the REED series, gather together contemporary
evidence of public performance before 1642. Neither public nor performance is interpreted
narrowly. The public might be a crowd such as that which assembled on specially built stand
ings for the Sherborne Corpus Christi plays or, no less significant for our purposes, a small
group like that entertained by a fiddler in the Dorchester jail. Although most entries refer to
performances that occurred, both records of players who were paid not to play or who were
arrested for performing and records of antagonism to local customs shed light on the activities
of entertainers and on the social scene in which they plied their trade, and they are included
for that reason. The range of kinds of performance is also broad, including not only plays,
puppet shows, pageants, music, singing, dancing, juggling, fooling, singular exhibitions such
as that of the portraiture of the city of Jerusalem (see p 207) and undefined Teates of actiuity
(see p 223), but also the observance of folk customs and civic ceremonies with maypoles, sum
mer poles, a jack-a-lent, a boy bishop s gear, bullbaiting, racing, a Robin Hood, or a local king.
The category of civic ceremonies also includes civic ales, processions, and local rituals if, on
at least one occasion, they included mimetic or musical elements; in such cases all references,
even those that do not make explicit the role-playing or music, have been transcribed. Historians
have made the Cobb ale of Lyme Regis central to the cultural life of the town but none of the
records of that civic ale establishes that performances by dancers, musicians, amateur actors, or
professionaJ ones contributed to the festivities. Given the special status of the Cobb aJe, records
of it have been included as Appendix 3.
In accordance with REED S normal principles of selection, we have excluded performative
aspects of liturgies (repairs to musical instruments for use in church and provisions or stipends
for singing boys or men there) and ritualistic practices of boroughs: musters, feasts, perambul
ations of civic boundaries, and bell-ringing. Since the Sherborne Corpus Christi play of the
1540s seems a direct replacement of the pre-Reformation All Hallows Corpus Christi proces
sion, and it is possible that features of the procession anticipated the more elaborate play in
St Mary s, Sherborne, we have, however, printed the references to the Sherborne All Hallows
Corpus Christi procession, last recorded in 1 538-9. The pre-Reformation Sherborne parish
sometimes also paid for tents on Corpus Christi, probably for use in non-liturgical celebration,
88 DORSET
additional evidence that Sherborne s earlier practice may have prefigured customs surround
ing the parish-sponsored drama of the 1 540s.
The materials produced by civil and ecclesiastical courts complicate the meaning of play
and players by using these words to refer respectively to illicit games and those engaged in
them. The documents sometimes make explicit what such players were playing: handball,
tennis, bowls, kayles, fives, cards, and, most often, dice. Unlike performances involving animals
(such as the Blandford Forum horse race), such games of athletic skill and such games of
chance have not been included.
Normally only the item relevant to performance or performers has been transcribed. For the
Dorset records this is the norm because financial records have proven to be the richest source
of relevant information and the accountants rarely made explicit connections among the items
in their lists of debits and credits. Although, for example, one mayor of Lyme Regis registered
the expenditure for reglazing windows immediately after the reward given to a troupe of
travelling players, we cannot conclude simply on the basis of the juxtaposition of items in an
account that the performers or the audience broke the windows. Similarly, private diaries,
official memoranda, and casebooks present material in discrete bits, which we have transcribed
as such. For other legal documents we have transcribed the reference(s) to performers or per
formance in the context of the case. Faced with lengthy Star Chamber cases, for instance, we
have transcribed in extenso all passages referring to plays, players, singers, and allegedly libellous
songs. Beyond that we have included the bill of complaint, the defendant s answer, exhibits,
and excerpts from interrogatories and examinations corresponding thereto so as to put the
performance in historical context.
The character of any REED volume is determined in part by the survival of certain kinds of
records and the loss of other ones. Unlike Somerset, Dorset lacks extensive quarter sessions
records to establish the activity of certain kinds of performers and their circuits within the
county. The records of ecclesiastical visitations are limited to the peculiar jurisdictions of Wim-
borne Minster and that of the dean of Salisbury. For some boroughs for which one would
hope to have early records - most notably Wareham, a thriving town in the early modern
period - none is extant. It should also be noted that two classes of records have not been
searched exhaustively: records of the court of Star Chamber and seventeenth-century diocesan
records. Of the former, what appears in this volume is the result of a carefully delimited explora
tion of the records of the court for their potential relevance to the interests of REED. Only the
most accessible cases (those of the reign of King James i), and of those only the ones judged
likeliest to include relevant material (cases of defamation, riot, unlawful assembly, and offences
against religion), were read. Of the latter, the ecclesiastical court records, churchwardens pre
sentments were searched entirely but act books, deposition books, and citations were only
sampled because preliminary work on them turned up no relevant material beyond that known
from the presentments. Otherwise we have tried to live up to the REED ideal to search exhaust
ively all the manuscripts and printed sources of information about Dorset before 1642. While,
like others doing this kind of work, we look forward to the discovery of new materials, we hope,
having done this work, that we have not missed too many.
EDITORIAL PROCEDURES
Dating
Documents arc dated as precisely as possible, preferably on the basis of evidence in the docu
ments themselves. Dates deduced from information external to a particular document are
discussed in the endnotes and undated records are collected in Appendix 1 and cross-referenced
by endnotes and the index. When the date is given by regnal year or by reference to the term
of a civic official, it has been translated in the heading into a calendar date. However, one
aspect of the early modern calendar - the beginning of a new year on Lady Day (25 March) -
is acknowledged, indirectly at least: a split year date, 1 588/9 for example, is used for an event
that occurred between 1 January to 24 March of a year. Most financial records cover an account
ing year that went from Michaelmas in one year to Michaelmas in the next.
Entries taken from such accounts are identified in the heading by a double-year, such as
1558-9. Subheadings supply the limits of an accounting year which does not extend from
Michaelmas to Michaelmas. Occasionally documents include even more precise information
about the date of an entry; when this occurs that date has been transcribed as part of the
Records text. Often, however, that more precise information specifies when a payment was
made rather than when a performance took place. We have followed a similar procedure in
dealing with court records, which are put under the date of the session. Subheadings to these
records supply dates of hearings and the Records themselves include specific information about
the date of performance if that information appears in the document. See The Documents
(pp 48-86) for more specific descriptions of the character of the records, the accounting year
of particular boroughs, and gaps in the extant materials.
Although the terminus ad quem of REED volumes is 1642, a few later documents which
are especially illuminating in their additional detail and/or establish the survival of a form of
entertainment have been included in Appendix 2.
Edited Text
The layout of the edited text approximates as far as practicable the format of the original
documents. The paragraphing of the manuscripts has been retained but the lineation has not
been kept in prose passages. Left marginalia appear as such. Right marginalia, identified by
the symbol , have been moved to the left margin. Interlineations above the line are set off
with upper half brackets ( r l), and the caret that normally signals such additions is retained
in the printed text. Square brackets ([ ]) enclose cancelled matter. Diamond brackets )) mark
places where a manuscript is damaged. Where the damage makes the text altogether illegible,
dots are used to suggest the extent of the textual loss; a single dot within the diamond brackets
indicates the likely loss of one letter; two dots, two letters; three dots, three or more letters.
With one exception all forms of scribal errors appear in the text, with proposed corrections in
footnotes. The exception is the use of too few or too many minims in a word; in these cases
the printed text has been corrected and the scribal error noted. A change in the hand within
a manuscript has been indicated by two raised circles ( ). Where a scribe has left space for
90 DORSET
words to be added later this is indicated by (blank). When the work of more than two scribes
is evident in a manuscript, a note discusses the character and extent of their shares. Manuscript
braces, line fillers, and otiose flourishes have as a rule not been reproduced; however, manuscript
braces are preserved where it seems advisable for sense both in accounts and in other sorts of
texts. When a brace was used to mark a list of receipts or expenditures for which a sum total is
given, the sum total appears flush right following the last item in the list. Except in abbrevi
ations for numerals, superior letters have been silently lowered.
The printed text of the long Star Chamber case (see pp 173-98) follows these guidelines
concerning format for the individual membranes relevant to the case. However, the order in
which the membranes have been sewn together is not reproduced. Instead, the material is set
forth in accordance with the sequence of steps by which the court conducted its business: the
charge brought by the plaintiff, the defendant s answer, the interrogatories, the several answers
to the interrogatories. The decision of the court in this case, were it available, would complete
the business. The headings and the endnotes indicate the original arrangement of the docu
ments.
In transcribing the documents, the original spelling, capitalization, word division, and
punctuation have been retained. In transcribing original manuscript sources, capital T and T
are not distinguished; only T is used, as ff is for F. A thorn has been set as such in docu
ments in which the scribe distinguishes between it and y ; otherwise this alternative spelling
of th appears as y. Sometimes it is not clear whether an initial letter was intended to be
upper-case or lower-case; when such ambiguity exists, the letter has been rendered as lower
case. In instances of ambiguous word division, we have followed the precedents within the
document. In documents that are inconsistent in their usage, words that are not clearly con
joined or divided are transcribed as two words. Manuscript virgules have been printed as /
and //. The abbreviations Xpi and xpi have been expanded as Chrwri or chrwn.
Normally scribal abbreviations have been expanded and set in italics, which are used for this
purpose only. Hence, the transcriptions do not reproduce the use of italics in manuscripts
written in secretary hand or those used for proper nouns or key words in early printed sources.
A few types of abbreviations - those for measures and sums of money (such as li., !., d.,
ob., and di. ) and those still current (such as Mr, Viz., &c. ) - have not been expanded.
Likewise, in the case of words which have been abbreviated in ways that leave the number or the
case of the word ambiguous, the abbreviation has not been expanded; instead, it is indicated
by an apostrophe.
A note on the Dorchester Borough Court Book (DRO: DC/DOB: 8/1) is in order because of
the difficulty in transcribing the court hand. Words are often abbreviated but not systematically
so that it is often impossible to decipher a word letter by letter. To set forth a readable text we
have decided not to set every illegible letter in diamond brackets but to transcribe the documents
as if every letter were visible and discrete. Footnotes or diamond brackets mark substantive
gaps.
Notes
1 For the relationship of Dorset to medieval road systems see the maps in Brian Paul
Hindle, Roads and Tracks, The English Medieval Landscape, Leonard Cantor (ed)
(London and Philadelphia, 1982), 193-217, and in John Ogilby, Britannia, Volume
the First: or, An Illustration of the Kingdom of England and Dominion of Wales: By a
Geographical and Historical Description of the Principal Roads Thereof (London, 1675).
For details of the physical description of Dorset see Taylor, Dorset, particularly pp 214.
Any description of Dorset must rely on Hutchins, History and Antiquities, and on numer
ous articles in the Proceedings of the Dorset Natural History and Antiquarian Field Club
(PDNHAFC; continued as the Proceedings of the Dorset Natural History and Archaeological
Society (PDNHAS)). Underdown, Revel, is particularly helpful in relating the county s
physical characteristics to patterns of agriculture in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries. See aJso VCH: Dorset, vol 2.
2 Barbara Kerr, Bound to the Soil: A Social History of Dorset, 1750-1918 (London, 1 968) , 8 -9.
3 Michael Williams, Marshland and Waste, The English Medieval Landscape, Leonard
Cantor (ed), p 93; Bettey, Dorset, pp 39, 41-3; Taylor, Dorset, pp 84-101.
4 Hindle, Roads and Tracks, pp 200-1; Bettey, Dorset, pp 33-8; Bettey, Wessex, pp 29-30,
32-3.
5 VCH: Dorset, vol 2, pp 5, 29; David M. Smith, Guide to Bishops Registers of England
and Wales (London, 1981), 40, 188. For an introduction to the history of the larger
religious houses see VCH: Dorset, vol 2, pp 47-90 and 107-13. There are lengthier
histories of such houses as Milton Abbas and the college of secular canons at Wimborne
Minster; see Clegg, History of Dorchester; J.P Traskey, Milton Abbey: A Dorset Monastery
in the Middle Ages (Tisbury, 1978); and Patricia H. Coulstock, The Collegiate Church
of Wimborne Minster (Woodbridge, 1 993).
6 Bettey avoids the always vexing question of when a town did or did not have borough
status. See Dorset, p 63 and Wessex, pp 23, 49. Borough status and other technical
questions are dealt with in Penn, Historic Towns.
Taylor, Dorset, pp 110-18; Bettey, Wessex, pill; Leonard Cantor, Introduction: The
English Medieval Landscape, The English Medieval Landscape, Leonard Cantor (ed)
pp21-3.
8 Gerard, Survey of Dorsetshire, pp 3-4.
9 Gerard, Survey of Dorsetshire, pp 6-7.
92 DORSET
1 On local gentry see J.P. Ferris, The Gentry of Dorset on the Eve of the Civil War,
Genealogists Magazine \ 5 (1965), 104-16, particularly p 4; cited in Underdown, Revel,
p 122; Taylor, Dorset, pp 135^0; for examples of immigration to a Dorset town in the
late sixteenth century see Underdown, Fire from Heaven, pp 41-4. For Dorset s lack of
provincialism see Underdown, Fire from Heaven, pp 168-75.
1 1 J.H. Bettey, The Marketing of Agricultural Produce in Dorset during the Seventeenth
Century, PDNHAS 99 (1977), 1; J.H. Bettey, Markets and Fairs in Seventeenth Century
Dorset, SDNQ 30 (1974-9), 203-4; for the importance of the fair at Woodbury Hill
see also Bettey, Wessex, pp 148-9.
12 Bettey, Dorset, pp 45-52; Taylor, Dorset, pp 126-35; Joan Thirsk, The Rural Economy
of England (London, 1984), 206; Underdown, ReveL, pp 10712. There were some
deserted villages: see J.H. Bettey, Economic Pressures and Village Desertions in South
Dorset, MWQ33 (1991-5), 3-6.
13 B.E. Supple, Commercial Crisis and Change in England, 1600-1642: A Study in the
Instability of a Mercantile Economy (Cambridge, 1964), 5; Joan Thirsk, Economic Policy
and Projects: The Development of a Consumer Society in Early Modern England (Oxford,
1978), 28, 74; J.H. Bettey, Cloth Production in Dorset 1570-1670, SDM?31 (1980-5),
209-1 1; J.H. Bettey, The Dorset Wool and Cloth Industry, SDWQ 29 (1968-73),
240-2; Bettey, Dorset, pp 74-5; Thirsk, Rural Economy, p 210; Bettey, Wessex, pp 137-8
and 146; Gillian T. Cell, English Enterprise in Newfoundland 1577-1660 (Toronto,
1969), 136-44.
14 For a general overview of Dorset s maritime history see M. Oppenheim, Maritime
History in VCH: Dorset, vol 2, pp 175-228; for Dorset pirates see C. L Estrange Ewen,
The Pirates of Purbeck, PDNHAS! (1949), 88-109, and Lloyd, Dorset Elizabethans,
chapter 1; for more sophisticated accounts of Dorset s participation in maritime enter
prise and privateering see Kenneth R. Andrews, Elizabethan Privateering: English Privat
eering during the Spanish War 1585-1603 (Cambridge, 1964), 252-4, 269-70, and
Trade Plunder and Settlement: Maritime Enterprise and the Genesis of the British Empire,
1480-1630 (Cambridge, 1984), 21, 251.
15 Bettey, Wessex, pp 104-7; Taylor, Dorset, pp 121-2; Bettey, Dorset, pp 98-102.
16 Julian Cornwall, Revolt of the Peasantry 1549 (London, 1977), 99-103, 115, 121, 178.
17 Lloyd (Dorset Elizabethans, chapter 2) discusses the careers of many Dorset Catholics,
particularly the Arundells of Chideock and of Wardour Castle; Underdown, ReveL, p 89;
VCH: Dorset, vol 2, pp 23-37; J.H. Bettey points out that several Dorset parishes re
ported unfavourably on the Puritan sentiments of parish clergy. See Bettey, Dorset
Churchwardens Presentments: Early 17th Century, Swq29 (1968-73), 263-5 and
Varieties of Men.
18 Underdown, ReveL, p 8. Underdown s analysis draws on national as well as west country
evidence and much of his discussion necessarily lies outside the concerns of this volume.
His analysis of cultural conflicts, however, relies partly on interpretations of records
(from Wiltshire and Somerset as well as Dorset) like those transcribed in this volume.
19 Underdown, Revel, p 48.
NOTES
20 Underdown, Revel, p 72.
21 Underdown, /fri>f pp 103-4.
22 Hutton, Rise and Fall pp 161-4.
23 Stokes with Alexander (eds), Somerset Including Bath, vol 2, pp 614-1 5 n 4.
24 Hutton, Rise and Fall, p 163. See Martin Ingram, Church Courts, Sex and Marriage in
England (Cambridge, 1987), cited by Hutton, Rise and Fall, p 162.
25 Underdown, /?<W pp 91-2.
26 Underdown, Revel, p 92, map iv.
27 Hutton, Rise and Fall, pp 163, 198. Hutton vividly depicts the presence or relative ab
sence of national patterns for the rise and decline of customs related to the ritual year
from the fifteenth through the seventeenth century. For the rise of church ales, hocktide
celebrations, Robin Hood plays, and morris dancing in the fifteenth century, for example,
see pp 59- 67; in a tightly reasoned argument, pp 121-52, Hutton concludes that for an
Elizabethan decline in festivities, of paramount importance was evangelical Protestantism,
not royal or ecclesiastical policy. Hutton s model is, it must be stressed, a national one, in
contrast to Underdown s west country model. Hutton s suggestion that late Elizabethan
quarrels about revels may depend predominantly on local developments is consistent
with the Dorset evidence. But Dorset performance records are too thin or too ambiguous
in the early Stuart period to allow us direct comment on Hutton s conclusions.
28 Gerard, Survey of Dorsetshire, p 105.
29 William Smith, The Particular Description of England. 1588. With Views of Some of the
Chief Towns and Armorial Bearings of Nobles and Bishops, Henry B. Wheatley and Edmund
W. Ashbee (eds) (London, 1879), 69.
30 Hutchins, History and Antiquities, vol 1, pp 216-18; Cox, Book of Blandford Forum, p 19.
31 VCH: Dorset, vol 2, p 1 39; Cox, Book of Blandford Forum, p 21 .
32 Weinstock, Blandford, pp 1 18-22; Cox, Book of Blandford Forum, p 39; Hutchins,
History and Antiquities, vol 1, pp 242-3.
33 DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts f Bl Iv; Tittler, Building of Civic
Halls, pp 38, 42; William Camden, Britain, or a Chorographicall Description of the
Most Flourishing Kingdomes, England, Scotland, and Ireland, and the Hands Adioyning,
out of the Depth ofAntiquitie, trans by Philemon Holland and ed by William Camden
(London, 1610; sre 4509), 215.
34 Hutchins, History and Antiquities, vol 1, p 21 5; Weinstock, Blandford, pp 121-2.
35 Janice Pahl, The Rope and Net Industry of Bridport: Some Aspects of Its History and
Geography, PDNHAS?,! (1961 for I960), 143-54, especially pp 144-6; Basil Short and
John Sales, The Book of Bridport (Buckingham, 1980), 74; Bettey, Wessex, p 140.
36 G.W. Hannah, The Evolution of Bridport Harbour, PDNHAS 108 (1987 for 1986), 27-31 .
37 Pahl, Rope and Net, p 1 44.
38 Hycke Scorner, cited in VCH: Dorset, vol 2, p 347. See also Ian Lancashire (ed), Two Tudor
Interludes: Youth and Hick Scorner (Manchester, 1980), 178, 1.243.
39 Pahl, Rope and Net, p 146.
40 BodL MS. Top. gen. e. 10 f 44v.
94 DORSET
41 Quoted in Short, A Respectable Society, p 1; in 1610, Camden, after praising Bridport s
hemp and rope making skill, stated Neither is this place able to maintaine the name
of an haven, albeit in the mouth of the river being on both sides enclosed within little
hilles, nature seemes as it were of purpose to have begun an haven, and requireth in
some sort art and mans helpe to accomplish the same (Britain, p 210).
42 Tittler, Building of Civic Halls, pp 38, 44-5.
43 Underdown, Revel, pp 54, 166.
44 Bettey, Wessex, p 24; Bettey, Dorset, p 38.
45 J.S. Roskell, The House of Commons 1386-1421, The History of Parliament, vol 1
(Stroud, 1992), 369; Smith, Particular Description, p 69; Ogilby, Britannia, plate 60;
VCH: Dorset, vol 2, p 139.
46 Penn, Historic Towns, p 61.
47 Taylor, Dorset, p 199.
48 Hutchins, History and Antiquities, vol 2, p 339.
49 Camden, Britain, p 212.
50 Our account of late sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Dorchester relies heavily on
Underdown, Fire from Heaven. Underdown s brief survey of Dorchester s sixteenth-
century economy and Dorchester s response to the problems of poverty is on pp 10-12.
51 Gerard, Survey of Dorsetshire, p 69.
52 Underdown, Fire from Heaven, pp 8-10 and 22-4; Penn, Historic Towns, pp 62-3.
53 Underdown, Fire from Heaven, chapters 25.
54 A Catalogue of ye Bookes in ye Library of Dorchester w/th ye Giuers, taken in ye yeare,
1631 (DRO: DC/DOB: 28/1).
55 Ann Natalie Hansen, The Dorchester Group: Puritanism and Revolution (Columbus, Ohio,
1987), 15-34.
56 Cecil N. Cullingford, A History of Dorset (London, 1980), 61; Underdown, Revel, p 128;
for Dorchester s reaction to national policies in general and as they specifically affected
the town, see Underdown, Fire from Heaven, chapter 6.
57 Bodl.: MS Top. gen. e. 10 f 43v. For the history of Lyme Regis see Fowles, Short History
ofLyme Regis, and Wanklyn, Lyme Regis: A Retrospect. A great deal of the information
in Roberts, Social History, derives from Lyme Regis records.
58 Gerard, Survey of Dorsetshire, p 1 1.
59 Penn, Historic Towns, p 72.
60 Quoted in Bettey, Wessex, p 1 13; See also Hannah, Evolution of Bridport Harbour,
p 28; Thomas Cox, Dorsetshire, from Magna Britannia et Hibernia, vol 1 (London,
1720-31), 548-604.
61 Bettey, Wessex, pp 1 19-20.
62 Bodl.: MS. Top. gen. e. 10 f 43v.
63 Penn, Historic Towns, p 73.
64 Andrews, Elizabethan Privateering, pp 32-3 and p 33, Table 2, n 2; Lloyd, Dorset Eliza
bethans, pp 579.
65 Stephens, Trade Fortunes, pp 71-3.
NOTES
66 Fowles, Short History ofLyme Regis, p 1 5-
67 VCH: Dorset, vol 2, p 2 1 1 .
68 The visitor was probably named Hammond. See A Relation of a Short Survey of the
Western Counties: Made by a Lieutenant of the Military Company in Norwich in
1635, L.G. Wickham Legg (ed), Camden Miscellany 16, Camden Society, 3rd series,
vol 52 (1936), iii, 73, quoted in Stephens, Trade Fortunes, p 71.
69 Stephens, Trade Fortunes, p 73; Fowles says Lyme s economic fortunes were at their
height in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (Short History ofLyme Regis, pp 15-19).
70 Tittler, Building of Civic Halls, pp 38, 42.
71 DRO: DC/LR: Dl/1 (Order Book) p 29.
72 DRO: DC/LR: Bl/8 (Court Book 1613-17) pp 51-4.
73 Roberts, Social History, pp 240 and 343-4; Fowles, Short History ofLyme Regis, pp 19-20;
Bettey, Dorset, p 102, and Varieties of Men, p 847.
74 Bodl.: MS. Top. gen. e. 10 f 52v.
75 Bettey, Dorset, p 67.
76 Cullingford, Poole, pp 35-6. For Poole s history see also Smith, History of Poole; Syden-
ham, History of the Town and County of Poole; Bernard C. Shorr, Poole: The Romance of
hi Early History, 2nd ed (Poole, 1945). According to the DNB Longespee has often been
called the earl of Salisbury although he never actually held the title.
77 VCH: Dorset, vol 2, p 139; Cullingford, Poole, pp 46-7; W.R. Childs, Channel Island
Shipping as Recorded in the English Customs Accounts, 1300-1 500, A People of the
Sea: The Maritime History of the Channel Islands, A.G. Jamieson (ed) (London and New
York, 1986), 44-58. Childs points out that Channel Islands trade represented 17 to
34 per cent of late fifteenth-century Poole s shipping, carrying 34 to 63 per cent of
Poole s imports and over 40 per cent of the town s cloth exports, 1465-8 (p 47). See
also Hutchins, History and Antiquities, vol 1, p 20.
78 Bodl.: MS. Top. gen. e. 10 fT53v, 52v. The early sixteenth-century town records suggest
an active and growing municipality; Leland s informants may have been very old.
79 Smith, History of Poole, vol 2, p 94.
80 Smith, History of Poole, vol 2, pp 87-92.
81 Tittler, Vitality, p 95.
82 Tittler, Vitality, pp 96-107. Southampton had granted trading concessions to the
Channel Islands in 1515 and Island trade was to shift from Poole to Southampton
during the course of the sixteenth century; J.C. Appleby, Neutrality, Trade and Privat
eering, 1500-1689, A People of the Sea, pp 59-105, particularly pp 79-84.
83 Tittler, Vitality, p 107. Some of the town s financial chaos can be seen in the attempt
by Mayor John Hancoke to clean up town records and town finance recorded in Han-
cokes difficult script in DRO: DC/PL: CLA P26; there are many instances in late Eliza
bethan records of auditors disallowing expenses incurred by earlier town officials.
84 DRO: DC/PL: CLA P25 f 28; Cell, English Enterprise in Newfoundland, p 102.
85 Stephens, Trade Fortunes, p 71.
86 T.S. Willan, The English Coasting Trade: 1600-1750 (Manchester, 1938), 1 55-6.
96 DORSET
87 Supple, Commercial Crisis and Change, pp 557.
88 Gerard, Survey of Dorsetshire, p 85.
89 Hancock s autobiography, quoted by Hutchins, History and Antiquities, vol 1, p 53;
Underdown, Revel, p 147.
90 Histories of Shaftesbury include Laura Sydenham, Shaftesbury and Its Abbey; John Rutter,
An Historical and Descriptive Account of the Town of Shaftesbury (np, 1827); Bowles,
Shaftesbury Corporation; and Mayo, Municipal Records of the Borough of Shaftesbury.
91 Bettey, Wessex, pp 23-5; Bettey, Dorset, p 38.
92 Penn, Historic Towns, p 88.
93 Bettey, Marketing, p 2; Hutchins, History and Antiquities, vol 3, pp 7-8; Mayo, Muni
cipal Records of the Borough of Shaftesbury, pp 57-8.
94 Bettey, Wessex, p 147; see Bettey s fuller description of Shaftesbury s market in Markets
and Fairs in Seventeenth Century Dorset, SD/VQ 30 (1974-9), 203 6.
95 Underdown, Revel, p 37, cites J.H. Bettey, Agriculture and Rural Society in Dorset,
1570-1670, PhD thesis (University of Bristol, 1977), 348-50; for Shaftesbury s inns
and alehouses see Bettey, Wessex, p 147. See also Bettey, Markets and Fairs, p 206.
96 F. J. Pope, Puritans at Shaftesbury in the Early Stuart Period, SDNQ 13 (1912-13),
160-2; Underdown, Revel, pp 89, 196.
97 Tittler, Building of Civic Halls, p 38.
98 For a detailed history of Sherborne, including detailed summaries of many Sherborne
sources see Fowler, Mediaeval Sherborne.
99 Gerard, Survey of Dorsetshire, p 122.
100 Fowler (Mediaeval Sherborne, pp 164-7) argues from documentary evidence that All
Hallows dates from about 1300; it is assigned to about 1400 by Newman and Pevsner
in Dorset, p 370.
101 Fowler, Mediaeval Sherborne, p 88.
102 VCH: Dorset, vol 2, p 67; Fowler, Mediaeval Sherborne, pp 264 6. Fowler mistakenly
gives the date of the abbey fire as 1437 but see P.N. Dawe, Sherborne Almshouse
Building Accounts, 1440-1444, SDNQ 29 (1968-73), 74-8; Richard Rochell, the
accountant who managed the building of the almshouse and served as its first master,
had also served as All Hallows churchwarden (Fowler, Mediaeval Sherborne, p 235).
103 Fowler, Mediaeval Sherborne, pp 231-58; the subservience of Sherborne to its ecclesi
astical lords in comparison to the relative autonomy of other Dorset towns is stressed
by Madeleine C. Fripp and Phyllis Wragge in VCH: Dorset, vol 2, p 245.
104 Fowler (ed), Post-Reformation Churchwardens Accounts, SDNQ24, pp 285-8.
105 Fowler, Mediaeval Sherborne, pp 319-21.
1 06 J.J. Scarisbrick, The Reformation and the English People (Oxford, 1 984), 1 03-4.
107 Fowler, Mediaeval Sherborne, pp 321-5.
108 Bettey, Dorset, p 101; Underdown, Fire from Heaven, p 229.
109 Fowler, Mediaeval Sherborne, pp 342-7; for the early history of the school see Nicholas
Orme, Education in the West of England: 1066-1548 (Exeter, 1976), 15, 103-4; some
indication of the links between pre-Reformation parish and school may be seen in the
NOTES
fact that Pancras Grout seems to have served as both schoolmaster and parish organist
in the 1520s, according to N. Orme, Two Tudor Schoolmaster-Musicians, SDNQ 31
(1980-5), 19-26.
110 Fowler, Mediaeval She rborne, p 404. The fair of St Thomas Becket was probably held on
7 July, Sherborne s most profitable fair was held at Michaelmas; see Fowler, Mediaeval
Sherborne, pp 403-5- In the absence of the rights which would have belonged to an
incorporated town, the roles taken by officials of Sherborne s institutions - the parish,
the school, and the almshouses - are sometimes confusing. Thus, records for the street
ale which succeeded the churchwardens collection, itself the successor to the earlier
church ale, were still held in Sherborne Grammar School in the 1980s, although other
records relating to the street ale are in parish vestry accounts. See DRO: S.235: Bl/24;
S.235: C51/1; S.235: C5/2/1-, and S.235: C5/2/7-9 (formerly SSL: MS A26a; MS SI;
MS S3; and MSS SlO-12), and vestry account DRO: PE/SH: VE1.
1 1 1 Fowler, Mediaeval Sherborne, pp 286-93; building accounts for the church house and
later records of repairs to the building, nearly continuous records of rents paid the
parish for the shops on the ground floor of the building, and inventories of the contents
of the upper room used as a parish hall are preserved in the numerous sixteenth-century
Sherborne churchwardens accounts.
112 Lloyd, Dorset Elizabethans, pp 233-92.
1 13 Weinstock, Weymouth and Melcombe Regis in Tudor and Early Stuart Times, More
Dorset Studies, pp 1-46, particularly pp 4-5; Taylor, Dorset, pp 190, 192; VCH: Dorset,
vol 2, pp 139, 242; Hutchins, History and Antiquities, vol 2, p 449.
114 Weinstock, Weymouth and Melcombe Regis ; R.R. Sellman summarizes the history of
the dispute in an essay incorporated within Weinstock s essay, pp 5-17. For seventeenth-
century Weymouth government see Maureen Weinstock, The Government of Wey
mouth and Melcombe Regis during the Reign of Charles i, Studies in Dorset History,
pp 1 1-25. The salutary effects of the bridge may be seen in the changes Camden made
to his brief references to Weymouth in Britannia: in the 1586 Latin edition he merely
noted that the two towns had been joined by act of parliament but in the 1610 trans
lation he said they had been conjoined of late by a bridge, and growen very much
greater and goodlier in buildings by sea-aduentures than heeretofore (p 21 1).
1 1 5 Cell, English Enterprise in Newfoundland, pp 139, 1 4 1 , and 1 44; Andrews, Elizabethan
Privateering, pp 32-3, 241, 252-4, and 269-70; Stephens, Trade Fortunes, p 71;
Weinstock, Weymouth Trade in the Early Seventeenth Century, Studies in Dorset
History, pp 26-51; for the expansion of settlement in Melcombe Regis see the excellent
maps in Weinstock, Weymouth and Melcombe Regis.
1 16 Penn, Historic Towns, pp 1 14 and 1 18; WM: MB.O-B pp 107, 331, for example; Bettey,
Dorset, p 102.
117 James, Wimborne Minster. Other histories include Clegg, History ofWimborne Minster;
Mayo, History ofWimborne Minster; for a recent history of the medieval church see
Patricia H. Coulstock, The Collegiate Church of Wimborne Minster (Woodbridge, 1993).
118 Garry Hogg, History, People and Places in Dorset (Bourne End, 1 976), 88.
98 DORSET
119 James, Wimborne Minster, p 19.
120 For aspects of the history of the royal peculiar, particularly in the sixteenth century, see
A.W. Stote-Blandy, The Royal Peculiar Court ofWimborne Minster, PDNHAS 64 (1943
for 1942), 43-57; J.M.J. Fletcher, A Century of Dorset Documents, PDNHAS 47 (1926),
25-50; Kaye Le Fleming, Notes on the Royal Peculiar ofWimborne Minster, PDNHAS
62 (1941 for 1940), 50-3. The jurisdictional confusion in the parish is exemplified in
the systems described by C.C. Taylor in Wimborne Minster, PDNHAS 89 (1968 for
1967), 168-70.
121 James, Wimborne Minster, pp 24, 27.
122 Clegg, History ofWimborne Minster, pp 184-5, citing Henry vn s patent; James says
St Cuthburga s fair was on 3 September but the saint s feast day was 31 August (Wimborne
Minster, p 32).
123 Bodl.: MS. Top. gen. e. 10 f 54v.
124 For the history of the grammar school see Orme, Education in the West of England,
pp 184 6; Clegg, History of Wimborne Minster, pp 75-7; James, Wimborne Minster,
pp 38-40.
125 Coulstock, Collegiate Church, p 191.
126 Clegg, History ofWimborne Minster, pp 1357; James, Wimborne Minster, pp 4452.
127 Bodl.: MS. Top. gen. e. 10 f 45.
128 Eedle, History of Beaminster, pp 35-6; Bettey, Marketing, p 1; Bettey, Wessex, pp 137, 140.
129 Bodl.: MS. Top. gen. e. 10 f 45v.
130 Penn, Historic Towns, p 15.
131 Lloyd, Dorset Elizabethans, p 87.
132 Newman and Pevsner, Dorset, pp 90-1; Bettey, Markets and Fairs, pp 203-6; Pitfield,
Book ofBere Regis and The Churchwardens Accounts ; Hutchins, History and Antiquit
ies, vol 1, p 158.
133 Hutchins, History and Antiquities, vol 1, p 469.
134 Newman and Pevsner, Dorset, p 167.
1 35 See RW. Hasler, The House of Commons 1558-1603, vol 2 (London, 1981), 276 for Hat-
ton s date of appointment; see also Lloyd, Dorset Elizabethans, p 30; Bettey, Wessex, p 184.
136 John C. Coldewey, Plays and "Play" in Early English Drama, Research Opportunities
in Renaissance Drama 28(1985), 181-8.
1 37 Bettey (ed), Casebook of Sir Francis Ashley, p 3 1 .
138 Hutton, Rise and Fall, pp 190-1, discusses both the support in the 1620s for the yearly
cycle of religious ceremonial and ritualized social entertainments and the conflict be
tween civil and ecclesiastical authorities arising from the effort initiated in 1632 to ban
church ales in Somerset and Dorset.
139 BL: Egerton MS. 784 f 96; for a published edition of this manuscript see Whiteway,
William Whiteway of Dorchester: His Diary.
140 See Appendix 2, pp 293-6.
141 Roberts, Social History, pp 343-4; WankJyn, Lyme Regis: A Retrospect, pp 8-9; Fowles,
Short History of Lyme Regis, pp 1 9-20.
99
NOTES
142 DRO: PE/WM: CP2/10, item 39 single sheet. In 1599-1600 two Wimborne parish
ioners brought the great cake into the church during a baptism. On a similar occasion
in 1600-1 one Robert Allen caused many cakes to be brought into the church (DRO:
PE/WM: CP2/10, item 28 single sheet). See Fletcher, Church Cakes.
143 The playing that occurred as part of the Shaftesbury custom may have been a kind of
dramatic activity; if it were, then the green can be added to the Sherborne churchyard
as outdoor playing places used in Dorset. However, the playing may have involved
displays of athletic skills rather than the production of a play.
144 See DRO: S.235: C5/2/7 (the account of Robert Asheborne) for the account of 1 592,
S.235: C5/2/8 (the account of Steven Exoll) for 1593, and S.235: C5/2/9 (the account
of John Lambarte) for 1 594. The ale probably raised a comparable sum in 1 588, when
Edward Knoyle had receipts of 39 19s lOd for the ale, fairs, and markets combined
(MS S3).
145 DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts f B6v; other ale entries appear on
ffB2-7, BlOv-llv, B13-14.
146 Underdown, ReveL, p 45-
147 William Whiteway s diary, BL: Egerton MS. 784 f 45v, notes the king s order that the
conclusion of the French match be celebrated with bonfires, discharging of ordnance,
and bell-ringing. For payments for ringing the bells to mark the other special occasions,
see the Holy Trinity Churchwardens Accounts, Dorchester (DRO: MS PE/DO(HT)
CW 1 ff 45v, 48, 53a, 66v). Payments for ringing on Guy Fawkes Day also appear in
the Churchwardens Accounts on ff 33 (1625), 39 (1627), 42 (1628), 45v (1630), 48
(1631), 50 (1632), 52 (1633), 53a (1634), 54v (1635), 57 (1636), 59 (1637), 61 (1638),
and 63 (1639); those for ringing in celebration of the proclamation, coronation, or
accession of King Charles i appear on ff 31 (1624), 34 (1625), 50 (1632), 52 (1633),
53a (1634), and 66v (1640). David Underdown and David Cressy suggest that bell-
ringing in Dorchester had political significance in that many of the events that were
celebrated in this way were seen either as successes for Protestantism in England or in
Europe or as Protestant holy days; see, respectively, Fire from Heaven, pp 171, 194, and
Bonfires and Bells, pp 61, 138.
148 Presumably the representatives of Poole attended with some ceremony on this occasion
because the borough bore part of the responsibility for the maintenance of Brownsea
Castle, which required repairs, munitions, and guards.
149 Weymouth made six payments for drum repair, 1 596-1600 (WM: Sherren MS 184 f [2v];
Sherren MS 185 ff [lv] and [2v]; and Sherren MS 186 f [2v]); Poole collected from a
citizen for spoylinge of the drvm in 1584-5 (see p 244).
150 DRO: PE/WM: CW 1/41 pp 35 and 43; for the Wimborne Minster players at court in
1494 see BL: Additional MS. 7099 f 13, and W.R. Streitberger, Court Revels, 1485-1559
(Toronto, 1991), 27, 240, 428; PRO: ElOl/414/6 f 41.
151 DRO: DC/PL: CLA PA 10ffl3v and I4v.
152 Cressy, Bonfires and Bells, p 72.
153 Dennis Bond notes in his Chronology (DRO: D/BOC: Box 22 f 44) that he authorized
100 DORSET
the firing of ordnance. The churchwardens of Holy Trinity paid for the ringing; see
DRO: PE/DO(HT)/CW1 f 29.
154 One of Dorchester s registers includes in 1624-5 George Burford barber surgeon borne
in Towne and serving Mr. lohn Burford vj yeares in Town in musick and v yeares in
London w/ th a barber surieon is generally admitted to the trade of barber surieon (DRO:
DC/DOB: 13/1 f [18v]), but it seems likely that music is here an error for physic.
155 DRO: PE/WM: CP2/8, item 32 f 1, reporting a conversation dated about the end of
September 1590.
156 For provincial evidence of a similar family of players, see John C. Coldewey, Some
Nottinghamshire Waits: Their History and Habits, REED Newsletter! .\ (1982),
40-9.
157 The Devon records include a reward from Plymouth to Mr Rogers bearward 1569-70
and one from Exeter in 1582-3 to Sir Richard Rogers man for baiting a bull. In the
second of these entries, the phrase following the patron s name, the phrase men beinge
players, has been cancelled by the scribe. See John M. Wasson (ed), Devon, REED
(Toronto, 1986), 159, 239. Bath posted a payment to S/r Richarde Rogers players in
the accounts of 1 577-8; Stokes with Alexander (eds), Somerset Including Bath, vol 1,
p!2.
158 Hays, "Lot s Wife", p 115
1 59 We are indebted here to Peter H. Greenfield, Tewkesbury s Parish Plays and the Southern
Dramatic Tradition, a paper presented at the Twenty-Second International Congress
on Medieval Studies, Western Michigan University, Kalamazoo, May 1987.
160 An argument to this effect is developed by Hays, Dorset Church Houses, pp 17-18.
161 David Harris Sacks, The Widening Gate: Bristol and the Atlantic Economy, 1450-1700,
The New Historicism: Studies in Cultural Poetics 15 (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1991),
chapters 4 and 5.
162 For an extended discussion of the sixteenth-century Sherborne play, see Hays, "Lot s
Wife", pp 99-1 25.
163 Ian Lancashire, History of a Transition: Review Article, in Medieval and Renaissance
Drama in England: An Annual Gathering of Research, Criticism, and Reviews 3 (1986),
278-9.
164 Newman and Pevsner, Dorset, pp 84-6, 89-91, 102-3, and 259; Derek Beamish, John
Hillier, and H.F.V. Johnstone, Mansions and Merchants of Poole and Dorset, Poole
Historical Trust, vol 1 (Poole, 1976), 161.
165 Hutchins, History and Antiquities, vol 1 , p 21 5, and vol 3, p 228.
166 Tittler, Building of Civic Halls, pp 37-45.
167 Apart from many lavish gifts to players by each of these towns, there are more explicit
traces of their purposes. In 1512-13, for example, the mayor and his brethren in Poole
agreed to procedures for determining town rewards to the king s mywstrelh/f or ffott
me. In 1590 1 the mayor paid the queen s players, who played with the children of
the chapel, enough to bring the 1 Is gathered up to the respectable sum of 20s. In Wey-
mouth, on the other hand, there seems to have been a factional dispute over whether
101
NOTES
or not the town should sponsor frivolity; payments to players are sometimes disallowed
by later town administrations; see p 277 and the endnote thereto.
1 68 Much of the information regarding the Sherborne and Wimborne Minster church houses
appeared first in Hays, Dorset Church Houses. For references to rents and repair of
the early Tudor church house and the dinner vessels of the house see DRO: PE/SH: CW
l/3mb [2] andCW l/4mb [3]. Many of the earliest building accounts of the 1534-5
church house are in DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/15 ff 9-l6v. The parish collected 21s 4d in
rent for shops, church house cellar, and kitchen in 1570-1 and 25s 4d in the 1590s,
according to DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/41 mbs [\}-(2] and CW 1/65 mb [2]. C. Edward
McGee explored and described the upper-storey room of the former church house in
1986; his description, repeated here, was first printed in Hays, Dorset Church Houses,
p 14. The room is now divided to accommodate the separate shops of the ground-floor
tenants and a modern low ceiling in the upper storey creates a third-storey attic. Accord
ing to Fowler (Mediaeval Sherborne, p 293), the conversion of the building dates to
about 1700. For a photograph of the exterior of the Sherborne church house see Scott
McMillin and Sally-Beth MacLean, The Queen s Men and their Plays (Cambridge, 1 998),
76.
169 For a slightly more detailed description of the Sherborne church house inventory see
Hays, Dorset Church Houses, pp 14-15 and notes 12-14.
170 The rentals are recorded in the Elizabethan churchwardens accounts. For the weddings
and Ralegh s entertainment see DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/46 mb [2], CW 1/52 mb [1], CW
1/67 mb [2], and CW 1/75 mb [1].
171 See DRO: PE/WM: GN8/1/3 single sheet.
172 Almost all information about the Wimborne church house is in DRO: PE/WM: CW 1/41
and CW 1/42. Repairs to the building are also mentioned in the Wimborne school
governor s accounts.
173 Hutchins, History and Antiquities^ vol 3, p 228.
174 As is explained in the description of Blandford s documents and in the notes to Bland-
ford records, the major manuscript reflecting the town s finances includes a 1658 copy
of many earlier records, some of them duplicating entries. Thus the records for 1 5945
include copies of three separate accounts: a list of rents received by one of the stewards,
specifying that three named companies paid 2s 6d; a list of moneys laid out by the
same steward (that is, paid by him to the town); and a stewards account. Each of these
refers to payments from players totalling 7s 6d. If we assume that the standard fee for
players hiring the hall was 2s 6d in 1594-5 and that the three accounts do not overlap,
we would conclude that players hired the Blandford guildhall on nine separate occasions
that year; we can be sure they did so three times. Assuming a 1590s fee of 2s 6d gives
us three players visits in 1594-5, three in 1595-6, and eight in 1598-9, in addition
to the visit of 1587-8.
175 DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts f B14; Hutchins, History and Antiquit
ies, vol 1, pp 215-16.
176 Tittler, Building of Civic Halls, p 42.
102 DORSET
1 7 The identification of this woman is based on the records of her performance in Norwich
in July of 1633; see David Galloway (ed), Norwich 1540-1642, REED (Toronto, 1984), 211.
1 78 Mary A. Blackstone, Patrons and Elizabethan Dramatic Companies, Elizabethan Theatre
10(1988), 118.
179 Unfortunately no Dorset civic ordinances prescribing the conditions of performance
survive as they do for Gloucester; see Peter H. Greenfield, Professional Players at
Gloucester: Conditions of Provincial Performing, Elizabethan Theatre 10 (1988), 77-80.
180 See Hays, Dorset Church Houses, pp 16-18 and notes 31-7.
181 Weinstock, Blandford in Elizabethan and Stuart Times, pp 118-19.
1 82 For Poole see p 243; for Barnstaple and Plymouth, Wasson (ed), Devon, pp 44 and 241;
for Gloucester, Greenfield and Douglas (eds), Cumberland/Westmorland/Gloucestershire,
p 301; for Bristol, Pilkinton (ed), Bristol, p 79; and for Beverley, Beverley Guild Hall:
Governors Minute Book 3 f 36. We are grateful to Diana Wyatt, editor of the Beverley
collection in the REED series, for information about the original records of that borough.
183 For Bath, see Stokes with Alexander (eds), Somerset Including Bath, vol 1, p 12; for
Lyme Regis, p 214; for Gloucester, Greenfield and Douglas (eds), Cumberland/Westmor-
land/Gloucestershire, p 305.
184 For Canterbury, see Canterbury Cathedral Archives (CCA): CA/FA 17 f 70v; for Faver-
sham, Centre for Kentish Studies, Maidstone (CKSM): FA/FAc 1/2 mb 13; for Lydd,
Lydd Town Archives: Ly/FAc3 p 183; for Rye, East Sussex Record Office (ESRO): Rye
60/8 (Chamberlains Accounts) f 164; for Poole, p 243; for Dartmouth, Wasson (ed),
Devon, p 67. None of the Kent records assigns performances by Leicester s men to the
spring or early summer; however, they likely played there at that time, given the evidence
of the troupe s westward movement from Poole to Dartmouth and given the hasty
retreat that would have been necessary to return from Devon for a series of performances
in Kent prior to Michaelmas, the end of the accounting year for Canterbury, Faversham,
Lydd, and Rye. For references to travelling players in Kent and Sussex we are indebted
to James Gibson, editor of the Kent: Diocese of Canterbury collection and to Cameron
Louis, editor of the Sussex collection, both in the REED series. We are grateful for their
permission to use the materials they have deposited at the REED office and to cite the
sources of information about players in Kent and Sussex as they have established them.
185 For Dartmouth, see Wasson (ed), Devon, p 68; for Winchester, Murray, English Dramatic
Companies, vol 2, p 406; for Dover, CKSM: Dover Chamberlains Accounts 1581-1603,
f 402; for Plymouth, Wasson (ed), Devon, p 257; for Sherborne, p 272; for Reading,
BRO: R/FCa 2/81 f 4; for Faversham, CKSM: FA/Fac 28 mb 3; and for Lydd, Lydd Town
Archives: Ly/FAc 7 p 217. We are grateful to Alexandra F. Johnston, editor of die Berk
shire collection in the REED series, for permission to use her work on the Berkshire
records both to track the routes of travelling players and to identify the original manu
script sources of the documents.
186 For Bristol, see Pilkinton (ed), Bristol, pp 75 (for 1567) and 76 (for 1569); for Plymouth,
Wasson (ed), Devon, p 238; for Lyme Regis, p 213; for Winchester, Murray, English
Dramatic Companies, vol 2, p 404; for Dover, CKSM: Dover Chamberlains Accounts
NOTES
1558-81, f305; for Canterbury, CCA: CA/FA 17 f 27v; for Folkestone, J.O. Halliwell-
Phillipps, Literary Scrapbook Fol. W.b. 174, p 10; for Fordwich, CCA: Fordwich, Bundle
8, no. 37 (Chamberlains Accounts) f 2v; for Ipswich, E.K. Chambers (ed), Players at
Ipswich, Collections, vol 2, part 3, Malone Society (Oxford, 1931), 266; for Nottingham,
Nottingham Chamberlains Accounts, Nottinghamshire Record Office: CA 161 1 f 3v;
for Gloucester, Greenfield and Douglas (eds), Cumberland/Westmorland/Gloucestershire,
p 301; and for Bath, Stokes with Alexander (eds), Somerset Including Bath, vol 1, p 10.
We are grateful to John Coldewey, editor of the Nottinghamshire collection in the REED
series, for permission to cite his research findings for Nottingham.
187 Button, Rise and Fall, p 163, notes the widespread anxiety about disorder and the ease
with which other concerns, such as those about traditional forms of civic celebration,
attached themselves to that anxiety.
188 For die disputes between Chubbe and Condytt, see PRO: STAC 8/94/17 and STAC 8/1 04/
10. Excerpts from the former are printed among the records of Dorchester 1608. The
latter case alludes to the former one, as John Condytt accuses Matthew Chubbe of prosec
uting him in order to get even with Condytt and his wife for their earlier libel suit.
189 DRo:DC/LR:Dl/l (The Old Book of Orders 1 594-1671) p 63.
190 DRO: DC/LR: Dl/1 (The Old Book of Orders 1 594-1671) p 42.
191 Galloway (ed), Norwich, p 219.
192 For Cerne Abbas after the Dissolution see Penn, Historic Towns, p 30; VCH: Dorset, vol 2,
pp 54-5; Bettey, Dissolution and After, pp 43-53; G.D. Squibb, Cerne Abbas in
1617, SDNQ28 (1961-7), 4-5; Bettey, Dorset, 128; Bettey, Wessex, p 133; Gibbons,
Cerne Abbas: Notes and Speculations.
193 See C. Edward McGee, Stuart Kings and Cambridge University Drama: Two Stories by
William Whiteway, Notes and Queries 233 (1988), 494-6 and "Strangest consequence",
pp 31 1-44.
194 See Murphy, Diary, Appendix 2, and pp xxv, xxx, xliii, and xlv.
195 Hutchins, History and Antiquities, vol 2, p 791.
196 Lloyd, Dorset Elizabethans, chapter 4; Hutchins, History and Antiquities, vol 3, pp 594-5.
197 Hutchins, History and Antiquities, vol 4, p 336.
198 See A.W. Stote-Blandy, The Royal Peculiar Court of Wimborne Minster, PDNHAS 64
(1943), 43-57.
199 Hutchins, History and Antiquities, vol 1, p 146.
Select Bibliography
The Select Bibliography includes books and articles that contain transcriptions of primary
documents relevant to this collection as well as reference works that are essential for a study of
the county. No attempt has been made to list all works in the Introduction and Endnotes.
Adams, Victor J. When "The Players" Came to Blandford, The Dorset Year Book (1975-6),
25-30.
When the Players Came to Bridport, The Dorset Year Book (1977), 61-6.
- When the Players Came to Poole, The Dorset Year Book (1978), 129-35.
Barnes, Miles W The Diary of William Whiteway, of Dorchester, Co. Dorset, from November,
1618, to March, 1634, PDNHAS 13 (1892), 57-81.
Bates, E.H. (ed). Quarter Sessions Records for the County of Somerset. Vol 1, James I, 16071625.
Somerset Record Society, vol 23 (1907).
Bettey, J.H. Dorset (Newton Abbot, Devon, 1974).
- Puppet-Players at Beaminster in 1630, SDNQ 30 (1974-9), 19-21.
Varieties of Men: Contrasts among the Dorset Clergy during the Seventeenth Century,
SDNQ 32 (1986-9), 846-50.
- Wessexfrom AD WOO (London, 1986).
- (ed). The Casebook of Sir Francis Ashley, jr, Recorder of Dorchester, 1 61 4-35. Dorset Record
Society, vol 7 (Dorchester, 1981).
[Bowles, Charles]. Shaftesbury Corporation and Charities. Copy in Dorset County Library
attributed to Charles Bowles of Shaftesbury (Shaftesbury, 1831-2).
Bruce, John (ed). Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series, of the Reign of Charles i. 1628-
1629 (London, 1859).
Clegg, A. Lindsay. A History of Dorchester, Dorset (London, 1972).
- A History of Wimborne Minster and District (Bournemouth, I960).
Clinton-Baddeley, V.C. Elizabethan Players in Sherborne, Theatre Notebook -1 (1952-3), 83.
Cockburn, J.S. (ed). Western Circuit Assize Orders, 1629-1648: A Calendar. Camden Society,
4th ser, 17 (London, 1976).
Cox, Benjamin G. The Book of Blandford Forum (Buckingham, 1983).
Cressy, David. Bonfires and Bells: National Memory and the Protestant Calendar in Elizabethan
and Stuart England (London, 1989).
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
Cullingford, Cecil N. A History of Poole and Neighbourhood (C\\\c\\<xw, 1988).
Douch, Robert. A Handbook of Local History: Dorset (Bristol, 1962).
Eedle, Marie de G. A History ofBeaminster(C\\tcr\esKr, 1984).
Ferris, J.P The Gentry of Dorset on the Eve of the Civil War, The Genealogists Magazine \ 5.3
(1965), 104-16.
Fletcher, J.M.J. Church Cakes, SDNQ 18 (1934), 134.
Fowler, Joseph. Mediaeval Sherborne (Dorchester, 1951).
- (ed). Post-Reformation Churchwardens Accounts of S. Mary s, Sherborne, SDNQ.24
(1943-6), 285-8, 300-4; 25 (1947-50), 7-11, 23-30, 55-9, 64-8, 83-7, 105-9, 122-6,
169-74, 187-9, 206-10, 226-9, 257-62, 268-9, 287-93; 26 (1951-4), 6-10, 21-3, 24,
28-9, 49-54.
- (ed). Sherborne All Hallows Church Wardens Accounts, SDNQ!} (1939^42), 179-80,
189-94, 209-12, 229-35, 249-52, 269-72, 289-92, 311-14, 331-4; 24 (1943-6), 6-8,
25-8, 40-3, 66-8, 80-5, 101-6, 121-5, 140-4, 161-6.
Fowles, John. A Short History ofLyme Regis (Stanbridge, Wimborne, Boston and Toronto, 1982).
George, David. Anti-Catholic Plays, Puppet Shows, and Horse-Racing in Reformation Lanca
shire, HEED Newsletter 19.1 (1994), 15-22.
Gerard, Thomas. Coker s Survey of Dorsetshire (written by Thomas Gerard in the 1620s and
first published under the name of John Coker in 1732). 2nd ed (Sherborne, 1980).
Gibbons, A.O. Cerne Abbas: Notes and Speculations on a Dorset Village (Dorchester, [1962]).
Gourlay, A.B. A History of Sherborne School (Sherborne, 1971).
Hays, Rosalind Conklin. Dorset Church Houses and the Drama, Research Opportunities in
Renaissance Drama 3 1 (1992), 13-23.
"Lot s Wife" or "The Burning of Sodom": The Tudor Corpus Christi Play at Sherborne,
Dorset, Research Opportunities in Renaissance Drama 33 (1994), 99125.
Hutchins, John. The History and Antiquities of the County of Dorset. 3rd ed. W. Shipp and
J.W. Hodson (eds) (1861-74; rpt East Ardsley, Wakefield, 1973).
Hutton, Ronald. The Rise and Fall of Merry England: The Ritual Year 1400-1700 (Oxford, 1994).
James, Jude. Wimborne Minster: The History of a Country Town (Wimborne, Dorset, 1982).
Lancashire, Ian. Dramatic Texts and Records of Britain: A Chronological Topography to 1558.
Studies in Early English Drama 1 (Toronto, 1984).
Le Fleming, Kaye. Wimborne Minster Archives, roNHAs66 (1945 for 1944), 46-64.
Lloyd, Rachel. Dorset Elizabethans At Home and Abroad (London, 1967).
March, Henry Colley. The Giant and the Maypole of Cerne (Dorchester, 1902).
Mayo, Charles Herbert. Bibliotheca Dorsetiensis: being a carefully compiled account of Printed Books
and Pamphlets relating to the History and Topography of the County of Dorset (London, 1 885).
- A History of Wimborne Minster: The Collegiate Church of Saint Cuthberga and King s Free
Chapel at Wimborne (London, 1860).
- The Municipal Records of the Borough of Shaftesbury: A Contribution to Shastonian History
(Sherborne, 1889).
The Shaftesbury Bezant, SDNQ 3 (1892-3), 297-8.
- (ed). The Municipal Records of the Borough of Dorchester. Dorset (Exeter, 1908).
106 DORSET
McGee, C. Edward. Music for Marriage: The Education of Susanna Edwards, The Early
Drama, Art, and Music Re view 1 3 (1990), 7-12.
- A Performance at a Dorset Inn, REED Newsletter 20. 2 (1995), 13-15.
"strangest consequence from remotest cause": The Second Performance of The Triumph of
Peace, Medieval and Renaissance Drama in England 5 (1991), 30942.
Stuart Kings and Cambridge University Drama: Two Stories by William Whiteway, Notes
and Queries 233, no 4 (December 1988), 494-6.
Mills, A.D. (ed). A Corpus Christi Play and Other Dramatic Activities in Sixteenth-century
Sherborne, Dorset, Collections ). Malone Society (Oxford, 1977), 1-15.
Moule, H.J. Notes on a Minute Book Belonging to the Corporation of Dorchester,
FDNHAfc 10 (1889), 71-80.
Murphy, Thomas D. (ed). The Diary of William Whiteway of Dorchester, County Dorset,
From the Year 1618 to the Year 1635. PhD thesis (Yale University, 1939).
Murray, John Tucker. English Dramatic Companies 1558-1642. 2 vols (1910; reissued New York,
1963).
Nelson, Alan H. (ed). Cambridge. 2 vols. REED (Toronto, 1989).
Newman, John, and Nikolaus Pevsner. The Buildings of England: Dorset (1972; rpt London,
1975).
Pafford, J.H.P. Blandford Forum: Early Records of the Drama, 5D/vq30 (1974-9), 283-7.
Parker, Kenneth L. The English Sabbath: A Study of Doctrine and Discipline from the Reformation
to the Civil War (Cambridge, 1988).
Penn, K.J. Historic Towns in Dorset. Dorset Natural History and Archaeological Society Mono
graph Series 1 (Dorchester, 1980).
Pitfield, P.P. The Book ofBere Regis (Sherborne, 1978).
The Churchwardens Accounts 1607-1740, Bere Regis Parish Magazine (July 1961-
November 1966).
Popham, David. The Book ofWtmborne (Buckingham, 1983).
Roberts, George. The History and Antiquities of the Borough ofLyme Regis and Charmouth
(London, 1834).
The Social History of the People of the Southern Counties of England in Past Centuries (London,
1856).
Rose-Troup, Frances. John White: The Patriarch of Dorchester (New York, 1930).
Short, Basil. A Respectable Society: Bridport 1593-1835 (Bradford-on-Avon, 1976).
Smith, Harry Percy. A First Glossary of Tudor Words and Phrases Abstracted from the Poole
Corporation Records, PDNHAS63 (1942 for 1941), 41-69.
- The History of the Borough and County of the Town ofPoolt. 2 vols (Poole, 1947-51).
Speed, Peter. Dorset: A County History (Newbury, 1994).
Stephens, W.B. The Trade Fortunes of Poole, Weymouth and Lyme Regis, 16001640,
ws95(1974),71-3.
Stokes, James with Robert Alexander (eds). Somerset Including Bath. 2 vols. REED (Toronto,
1996).
Sydenham, John. The History of the Town and County of Poole (Poole and London, 1839).
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
Sydenham, Laura. Shafief bury and Its Abbey (Lingfield, Surrey, 1959).
Taylor, Christopher. The Making of the English Landscape: Dorset (London, 1 970).
Tittler, Robert. The Building of Civic HaJIs in Dorset, c. 1560-1640, Bulletin of the Institute
of Historical Research 58 (1985), 37-45-
The Vitality of an Elizabethan Port: The Economy of Poole, c. 1 550-1600, Southern
History 7 (1989), 95-118.
Trotman, E.E. The Church Ale and the Robin Hood Legend, SDNQ28 (1961-7), 37-8.
Udal, John Symonds. Dorsetshire Folk-Lore (Hertford, 1922).
Underdown, David. Fire from Heaven: The Life of an English Town in the Seventeenth Century
(London, 1992).
- Revel, Riot and Rebellion: Popular Politics and Culture in England 1603-1660 (Oxford, 1985).
The Victoria History of the Counties of England. A History of the County of Dorset. Vol 2.
William Page (ed). (London, 1908).
Wainwright, Thomas. The Bridport Records and Ancient Manuscripts ([Bridport, 1899]).
Wanklyn, Cyril. Lyme Leaflets (Colchester, London, and Eton, 1944).
- Lyme Regis: A Retrospect (London, 1927).
Weinstock, M.B. Blandford in Elizabethan and Stuart Times, SDJVQ30 (1974-9), 1 18-22.
- More Dorset Studies (Dorchester, [ 1 960] ) .
- Studies in Dorset History (Dorchester, 1 953).
- (ed). Weymouth and Melcombe-Regis Minute Book 1625-1660. Dorset Record Society, vol 1
(Dorchester, 1964).
Whiteway, William. William Whiteway of Dorchester: His Diary 1618 to 1635. Dorset Record
Society, vol 12 (London, 1992).
Wildman, W.B. A Short History ofSherborne. 2nd ed (Sherborne, 1902).
~~"~
Dorset with Dorchester inset from John Speed, 7*rr, .
Th.s item is reproduced by permission of The Huntington Library, San Marino,
"
Dorset coast showing Lyme Regis and the Cobb, from BL: Cotton Augustus I i 31-3
by permission of the British Library
>-
Dorset coast showing Weymouth and Melcombe-Regis, from BL: Cotton Augustus I.i.31-3,
by permission of the British Library
Dorset with principal Renaissance routes
Dioceses
DIOCESE OF BRISTOL
Abuses in
Churches
1603
Bishop John Thornborough s Visitation Articles STC. 10143
pp 10-11 (Articles concerning the laity)
10. Item, Whether the Ministers and Church-wardens, have suffered any
Lords of mis-rule, or Suwmer-Lords, or Ladies, or any disguised persons,
with may-games morishdances, or the like, to come vnreverently into the
church, or church-yard, & there to dance, or play any vnseemely parts, with
scofes, iestes, wawton gestures or ribauld talke, especially in the time of
common prayer? And what they be that cowmit such disorder, I or keepe
thew cowpany, or maintaine them? And whether there be any which fight,
braule, or chide in church, or church-yard, or any which strive for seates or
pews, & what be their names.
10
1637
Bishop Robert Skinner s Visitation Articles STC: 10145
sig Bl
Prophmingof 62 Item, whether is your Church or Chappell prophaned by any Playes,
Feasts, Banquets, Church-Ales, drinkings, which are forbidden in the 88.
Canon.
1640
Bishop Robert Skinner s Visitation Articles STC: 10145.3
sig B 1 v (Articles concerning the church)
Prophmingof 62. Item, whether is your Church or Chappell prophaned by any Plaies,
20
25
1 14 DIOCESE OF BRISTOL 1640 / DIOCESE OF SALISBURY 1599
Feasts, Banquets, Church-Ales, drinkings, which are forbidden in the 88.
Canon.
DIOCESE OF SALISBURY
1569
Bishop John Jewel s Visitation Injunctions STC: 10326.5
sigs Biiij Biiij verso
10
24. Item, to present likewise, whether there haue I bene any Lordes of misrule,
or disguised persons in Christmas, or dauncers, minstrels, or May gamers, at
any other time, that haue vnreuerently come into your Church, and there
played vnseemely parts, with scoffes, iestes, and ribauldrie talke, or daunsing,
and namely in time of Common prayer, and what their names be, and the 15
names also of such others as came with them to maintaine such disorder.
1599
Bishop Henry Cotton s Visitation Articles STC: 10327.5 20
sigs A6v Bl (Articles concerning the clergy)
\ \. Whether your Preachers or Ministers be peace makers, and exhort their
Parishioners to obedience towardes their prince and all that bee in authority
to the Ecclesiastical! gouernment now established, and to mutuall loue among 25
themselues: whether they be diligent in visiting the sicke, in comforting
them, and in exhorting them in their last wils to relieue the poore, whether
they be suspected to be fauourers of the Romish or forrain power, maintainers
of sectaries, corrupt in Religion, incontinent persons themselues, reported
or suspected to keepe any suspected man or woman in their houses or els 30
where, giuen to riote, idlenesse, drunkennesse, haunters of tauerns, alehouses,
or suspected places, giuen to any notorious crymes, light ordered behauiour,
or swearers, fighters, quarrellers, gamesters, carders, common table players,
dycers, dauncers, hawkers, hunters, stage players, vsing any lay- 1 call craft
disordered in apparrell, eyther in colours, guardes, light fashion, great ruffes, 35
or any other waies giuing any iust occasion of offence, whereby their
Ministerie should be slaundered or contemned.
sig Blv (Articles concerning the laity) 40
2. Whether the people of your parish, especially householders, doe faithfully
DIOCESE OF SALISBURY 1599-1614
endeuour themselues to resort with their children & seruants to their parish
church or chappell on the Sundayes and holydaies to morning & euening
prayer, & then and there abide orderly and soberly during the time of
common prayers, sermons, homilies and other seruice of God, there to be
vsed, giuing themselues to the hearing thereof reuerently and deuoutly, who 5
they be that negligentlie absent themselues, or come very late vnto the church,
or that walke, talke slumber, or otherwise vnreuerentlie behaue themselues
in the Church, who doe vse any gaming or pastime abroade, or in any house,
who doe sit in the streetes, churchyeard, or in any tauern, Inne or Alehouse,
vpon the Sundayes, or other holydayes, in the time of common prayer, 10
sermon, reading of homilies, eyther before or after noone, you shall deliuer
the names aswell of such persons that so offend, as of the persons in whose
house the offence is committed.
sig B2 n
5. Whether there be any that keepe any shop, or any part of their shop open
vpon the Sabboth daies, or vpon any holydayes: or doe vse any worke or
labour on those dayes, whether in anie fayres or common markets falling
vpon the Sundayes, there bee any shewing of any wares before morning 20
prayer be done, and whether any markets or selling of wares be vsed in the
churchyeards, whether any Lords of misrule, Sommer Lords or Ladyes, or
any disguised persons or Maygames, or any Morris dancers are suffered in
your parish, and being so suffered do come vnreuerentlie into your church
or churchyeard, or there to dance or play at any time: whether there be any 25
that fight or braul within your church or churchyeard, or any that for pues
or seates doe striue or contend, especially in the time of common prayer or
sermon.
30
1614
Bishop Henry Cotton s Visitation Articles STC: 1 0328
f [4v]
57 Item, whether you or your predecessors Church-wardens there, haue 35
suffered any plaies, Feasts, Banquets, Church-ales, Drinking, Temporall
Courts or Leets, luries, Musters, or any other prophane vsages to bee kept in
your Church, Chapell, or Church-yard, or bels to bee rung superstitiously
vpon hohdaies or eeues abrogated by the booke of Common Prayer, or at
any other time, without good cause to be allowed by your Minister and your 4 o
selues?
116 DIOCESE OF SALISBURY 1616-19
1616
Bishop Robert Abbot s Visitation Articles src: 10329
f [7] (Articles concerning parishioners, etc)
17 Whether haue you or your Predecessors, Church-wardens suffered any
playes, feasts, banquets, church-ales, drinkings or any other prophane vsages,
to be kept in your church, chappels, or churchyard, or bels to be rung
superstitiouslie vpon holidaies or Hues abrogated by the booke of common-
prayer, contrary to the 88. cannon?
10
1619
Bishop Martin Fotherby s Visitation Articles STC: 10329.3
sig B3 (Articles concerning parishioners)
15
17. Whether haue you or your Predecessors, Church-wardens suffered any
playes, feasts, banquets, church-ales, drinkings or any other profane vsages,
to be kept in your church, chappels, or churchyard, or bels to be rung
superstitiouslie vpon holidaies or Eues abrogated by the booke of common
prayer, contrary to the 88. canon? 20
County of Dorset
The abuse of
the Saboth day
The Sabboth
day turned into
a Reuelyng day.
1571
William Kethe s A Sermon made at Stanford Forum src. 14943
sigs Biiij-Biiij verso
The Lord God hath cowmaunded, and so do the lawes of this Realme 5
that the Sabboch day should be kept holy, that the people, should cease from
labour, to the end they should heare ye word of God, and geue them selues
to godly exercises, but custome and sufferaunce hath brought it to passe that
the multitude do most I shamefully prophane the Sabboth day, & haue altered
the very name therof, so as where god calleth it his holy sabaoth, the multitude 10
call it there reuelying day, whiche day is spent in bulbeatings, bearebeatings,
bowlings, dicyng, cardyng, daunsynges, drunkennes, and whoredome.
sigs Ciij Ciiij
There was within my remembraunce a Minister of this shyre, who
vnderstandyng what great disorders there were commowly at these Church
Ales vpon ye Saboth day, required his flock committed to his charge (as hee
was preachyng vnto them) both in Gods name, ye Queenes Maiesties name,
and the Lord Lieutenauntes name of the countrey, that they should not
assemble the people together, to offende God by theyr vngodly behauiours,
but rather geue them selues vppon the Sabboth day to serue God, accordyng
to their duties. The people could in no wise a I way with this exhortation, but
certaine of them, went to the lustices to desire licence for the commyng
together of the people. Sondry of the lustices both godly and wisely denyed
them. At lewght one Justice they founde who for good considerations (as he
thought) gaue them a licence for certaine dayes 1 may not say to commit
disorders, for we may well thinke no lustice would be so vndiscret, but they
abused hys authoritie. The Minister seying ye great disorders in hys Parish,
the next Sabboth day after they had obtained licence, wrote to the lustice of
IS
2C
118 COUNTY OF DORSET 1571-Lace 16th century
ye same, and wrote nothyng but that he will yet stand to. The lustice called
those that had abused hys authoritie and reproued them, but now ye shall
see the multitude. I
There were (by the Justices report) 36. whiche offred vp vnto hym theyr
names (which was as much as to saye, as that they would haue periured them 5
selues, if the lustice would haue put them to their othes) to testifie agaynst
the Minister, that where he complayned of disorder, they to ye contrarie
affirmed, that there was no disorder at all. And yet it was manifest that the
same Sabboth day was shamefully prophaned, with bulbeatynges, boulynges,
drunkennes, dauncynges, and such lyke, in so much as men could not keepe 10
theyr seruauntes frome lyinge out of theyr owne houses the same Sabboth
day at night, but yet in the ludgementes of .36. (or there aboute) there was
no hurt, nor disorder at al cowmited.
Late 16th century 15
Licence for Minstrels SRO: DD/HI 469, vol 2
f [124]
A licence for Mynstrelle*
H. V. zrmigerT. H. armiger iustic of ye Quenes Ma/wties peace wnhin ye 20
couwtye of .Dorset. To all & smguler Iustic of peace. Sheriffes, Mayers,
cowstables, bayliffes, tythyngmew & other ye Quenes Ma/tyes officers &
ministers w/thin ye seyd comztye to euerye of them, gretinge./. fforasmutch
as itt is not lawfull for anye person or persons to wander or goe abrode frow
towne to towne, or frow place to place & vse ye trade of Mynstrelles, but 25
onlie for sutche person & persons, as shaJbe therevnto licensed bye too Iustic
of peace, whereof one of them to be of the quoruw, or belonginge to anye
barow of this reaJme, or towards anye other honorable pmonage of greter
degre. As bye ye statut made iw ye .14. yere of ye Quenes reigne amongest
other thinges more att large apperethe. Knowe ye therefore we ye Iustic 30
aforeseyd att ye requeste &C sute of .W. C. ye father, & .H. C. his sonwe
dwellinge w/thin ye p^rishe of .G. iw ye couwtye aforeseyd Minstrell, & for
ye good & honeste behauior we owt selues doe knowe, & ye lyke reporte yat
we haue hard of ye parryes aforeseyd, We haue licensed ye seyd .W. G. ye
father & .H. C. ye sowne to wander & goe abrode w/th there iwstrument 35
vsinge there trade of Minstrelcye, pleyinge or singynge throwghe & iw all
places w/thin ye seyd co/mtye onlye, behavinge themselues orderlye &: vsinge
there seyd lycence accordmge to ye seyd statut, w/?/ch licence ys to endwer
34/ .W. G.: for.W.C.
COUNTY OF DORSET Late 16th century- 1631
ye space of one whole yere afrrrye date hereof. In wytnes whereof we ye seyd
lusticw haue to this owr licence put or hand & seales ye .xx. daye etc
1627/8
Petition of Somerset Clergy to Sir John Denham PRO: SP 16/96
single sheet* (15 March)
Sommeti To the Honorable Sir lohn Denham Knight one of
s the Barrens of his Majesties Excheqfr and Justice of
Assize for the County of Somersett./
10
The humble Petic/on of the ministers whose names are subscribed./
Sheweth
That whereas at the last Summer Assises held for the County of Dorsett; is
there was an Order made for the suppressing of all Reuells, Church Ales, and
other publique Ales [amongst other things] as by the Copie of the sayd Order
hereunto annexed appeareth.
Yowr Petitioners therfore humbly desier that yowr Lordship would be pleased
to grant the like Order at this Assises for the suppressing of the like Ales 20
and disorders in this County of Sommett.
Soe they shall alwayes pray for yowr Lordships long
health and prosperity.
Adam Abraham lohn fforde
William Gyllet lohn ffathers 25
Ralfe Turner George Drake./
15Marcij 1627
Let the Clerke of the Assizes draw vp the like Order for this County
(signed) lohn Denham./ 30
1631
Assize Order for Western Circuit PRO: Assi 24/20/140
f 35v* (21 July) (Summer assizes)
35
Held at Dorchester before Sir John Denham, baron of the exchequer
conccrmnge Whereas vpon Informadon given of soundry misdemeanors and
disorders yeerely happeninge by occasion of the keepinge of publique
9/ Sir lohn Denham: in display script and underlined in MS 29/ for: written & correction over other letters
\ll [amongst other things): square bracket in MS: no deletion
120 COUNTY OF DORSET 1631
Revells Churchales clerkes ales and other ales of like nature It hath ben
heretofore ordered att the Assizes holden att Sherborne in this County of
Dorset the thirteenth day of July .1628. that all suche Revells and publique
ales should be henceforth vtterly supposed wA/ ch said order not w/ th standinge
hath not in all thing taken suche effect as was expected and desired It is
nowe therefore farther ordered by this Court that not only the said former
order be henceforth carefully and strictly observed in all things (exceptinge
the dirrecc/ons formerly given for the publishing of the same in cuery parishe
Churche in this County) But besides for the better observac/on thereof that
the gentlemen of the grand lury and the Constables of euery hundred & 10
libmie shall make diligent inquiry of the keepinge of all suche revells and
Ales as are formerly menc/oned att any tyme hereafter ^ And 1 [neither shall]
the said Grand Inquest receive any presentment from the handes of the high
Constables vnles they rwticulerly expresse whether any suche Revells or Ales
as aforesaid have ben kept w/thin their hundred yea or nay and the keepers 15
of the said Ales and Revells tiplers and mynstrells resortinge vnto and keepinge
tiplinge & mynstrelsey there w/th all other misdemeanors and disorders
vsed &: committed therein /& 1 the same Grand Inquest shall carefully and
faithfully present A it to this Court att cuery Assizes to be holden hereafter
w;thin this County that suche course may be taken therein as to Justice shall 20
apperteyne And the Constables of euery hundred & libmie are to publishe
this order throughout their seufrall hundreds and liberties.
12/ [neither shall): cancelled in MS but needed for seme
Boroughs and Parishes
BEAMINSTER
1591-3
Churchwardens Presentments for Salisbury Deanery WRO: D5/28/6, item 34
single sheet*
we prent that there were stage players played in our fvmhe Churche.
dominus monun quod imposteruw non prrmittant tragediones ludere in
eccLf^ia &c
10
1630
Quarter Sessions Orders DRO: QSM: 1/1
ff 272v-3* (5-8 October)
15
Order made before Thomas Freke and John Strode, knights; John Whetcombe, DD;
John Browne, Leweston Fitzjames, Henry Drake, and Roger Gallop, esquires
Ordo versus fforasmuch as complaint was made vnto this Court that William Sands the
poppt ayers e jj er j o ^ n $ anc | s an( j William Sands the yonger doe wander vp and downe 20
the Countrey and about nine others of their Company w;th certaine
blasphemous shewes and sights w/>/ch they exercise by way of poppett
playinge contrary to the Statute, made against such vnlawfull wanderers. And
whereas the Constable of Beamister in this County and other inhabitants
there haue now alsoe informed this Court that the said William Sands thelder 25
and his Company are come to Beamister aforesaid and there haue sett vp
their shewes of poppett playinge, and there doe exercise their feats not only
in the day tyme but alsoe late in the night to the great disturbance of the
Townsmen there, and the greivance of diu^rs of the Inhabitants who cannot
keepe their Children and servants in their houses by reason that they frequent 30
71 parshe: forparishe
122 BEAMINSTER 1630 /BERE REGIS 1590
the said shewes and sights late in the night in a disorderly manner. And
likewise that the said lohn Sands and two other of their company on Sunday
last pursued the precher that prrched at Beamister aforesaid, from the Church
to his house and entred the said house, and there challenged him for his
sermon and gaue him threatninge speeches: and likewise that on Tuesday 5
night last there was an vproare in the said Towne of Beamister by reason of a
brawle between the said lohn Sands and a disorderly inhabitant of the same
Towne, the said lohn runninge in a forceible manner into a Townsmans house
there to the afrightinge of the people of the same house: Wherevpon this
Court takinge the said complaint and Informac/ on into considerac/on and 10
fmdinge the same to be true. And farther consideringe the great dearth of
Corne and other victualls at this time and the extremity that is like to come
on the poore of this Countrey by reason of the said dearth, and aJsoe by two
seufrall Proclamacons his Mazwtie hath commaunded the puttinge in
execuc/on the Law and Statutes against such wanderers, doe hold it very vnfitt 15
and inconvenient to suffer the said Sands and his company to exercise their
said feats in this Countrey. It is therefore by this Court ordered that the said
WilLzam Sands thelder lohn. Sands and William Sands the yonger shall
remove themselues and their shewes on Munday next and shall then forthwith
departe out of this County and that neither they nor any of them or any of 20
their Company shall henceforth vse or exercise their said feats or shew I their
said sights in this County but shall forthwith depart out of the County
toward the place of their dwellinge. And if they or any of them shall againe
vse or exercise their said ffeats or make shew of their sightes within this
County That then the Constables Tythingmen or other officers of the place 25
where they shall soe exercise their said feates or shew their said sightes shall
convey all the said parties soe offendinge contrary to this order before some
one of his Ma/f sties Iustic of the peace neare or next adioyninge to the place
where they shall soe offend to be by him bound over to the then next Assizes
to be held in and for this County and in the meane tyme to be of the good 30
behavior towards the kings Ma/mie and all his Leige people./
BERE REGIS
35
1590
Deposition Book for Salisbury Deanery WRO: D5/22/2
ff 4/v-S* (17 December) (Examination of Thomas How left, husbandman, aged 30)
Taken before William Wilkinson, LLD, the dean s official -so
14/ Proclamacons: /orProclamaaons. abhmiation mark musing 2 1/ shew: catchwords (or shcwe] that follow
BERE REGIS 1590
Ad 2 m et 3 m articulos libelli deponit That in the thursdaie in the whitson
weeke was xij moneth in a streete w/ thin the p^rishe of Bere Regis A the place
called newe in corner in the eveninge of the same dale this depomw beinge
then and there pramte [together] hard harry Gerrard art/enlaced speake to
Thomas whiffen in this arttcle mencyoned these word or the like in effect, 5
Thow arte a knave and an arrant knave, thow mightest haue turned att home
and make splites to bottome a seeve like a cuckold knave, and not to treble
vs here, w/>/ ch wordwere so spoken by the said Gerrard in the hearinge of
this exawiwate Thomas ffawkner, Thomas ffrye, Thomas Coffyn Willwm
Dunstee, and his contestes leffry Phipper and ffrauncw Blundon, with [may] 10
many more of the p^rishe, Et plura nescit depowfre ad hos art/Vwlos vt dicit
(Hewlett s replies to further interrogatories)
15
Ad 2 m intetwgatotmm r/>ondet that the arfz cwlate whiffen being a minstrell
and playing on his Instrum^wt att the church ale mr woodnutt vicar of Bere
came and [forbid] disliked (as itt should seeme) of his playing then Thomas
ffaw[(.)]kner one of the church wardens willed him the said whiffen (having
putt upp his instrument I to playe and he would aunswere itt, wherevppon 20
mr woodnutt desired the arf/rulate Gerrard to beare witnes, and present\\e
therevppon the said Gerrard vttered the wordby this respondent deposed
to the [thirde] second and third arftVles of the libell Et al/ ftr nescit respondere
isto \nteiTogatoi\o quam sup^rius per \psum responsum est dictis 2 et 3
Arfz cHlis libell/ predicti 25
Ad 4 m respondet That he neufrhard the said Gerrard speke the wordes
libellated but once Et zliter satisfactw est in deposicionibus
Ad 5 m A & vltiwwm interrogatoria respondet that the arr/rwlate Whiffen was
goinge awaye from the company, and as this respondent belevith the said 30
whiffen did not heare the word libellated
X
35
(Examination of Geoffrey Phiffer, husbandman, aged 31)
Ad 2 et 3 m arficulos deponit that in the thursdaie in the Whitson weeke
last was xij moneth Thomas whiffen [libellated] Arf/cwlated [playinge] abowt
supper tyme in the eveninge of the same daie [vppon] att the church ale
playinge on his Instrument in the streete w/thin the pwrishe of Bere Regis the
name of the place being called newe Inn Corner, mr David woodnutt 40
1-2/ thursdaie ... xij moneth: 22 May 1589 19-20/ (having putt . . instrument: closing parenthais omitted
18/ disliked: corrected from disliking 32/ X: Hoivlttt has signed with hu personal mark
124 BERE REGIS 1590
vicer there came and disliked of his playing there, So that presence the said
Whiffen putt vpp his instrument and was goinge awaye, and then certayne
word being passed betwene the said vicer and Thomas ffawcon^r
Churchwarden there the said vicer called the arttVwlated Henry Gerrard to
be a wirnes to the word spoken by the said ffawckner (but what those wordes 5
were this depon^rct cannot tell) And therevppon the said Gerrard vttered
and spake these word A viz he might haue byd away and not haue come
there a fidlinge like an arrant knave he might better haue byd att home a
making of spleet and bottoming of seeves like a cuckolde knave then to come
here a troblinge of the parishe being then and there presents w\\\iam Hick, 10
will/am dunster, Richard dunster, [and] Thomas ffawckner, [Thomas] and
his contestes Thomas Howlett & ffraunow Blundon with dyvers other bur
whether they hard the said word these depon^wt knoweth not -which word
were spoken (as this deporwwt verelie belevith) of the said whiffen by the said
Gerrard Et plura nescit deponere ad hos articulos vt dicit 15
f 48v (Phipper s replies to further interrogatories)
Ad 4 m 5 m et \\umum interro^foria responded that he hard the said Gerrard 20
speake the word by this respondent in the second &C third articles of the
libell deposed) but once/ And as this respondent verelye belevith the articulate
whiffen [was] did not then here the same wordso spoken Et plura nescit
respondere altter (\narn prfdeposuit.
25
(Examination of Francis Blundon, shoemaker, aged 21)
Ad 2 m et 3 m ar/;Vlos deponit That on Thursdaie in the whitson weeke last
was xij moneth the church ale being then kept, ^ & in a streete the place
thereof vsuaJly called newe in corner wnhin the parishe of Bere Reg/j in ye 30
afternoone towards night of the same daye mr woodnutt cowming to the
place and findinge the arfro/late Thomas whiffen playinge on an Instrument,
disliked thereof and asked what he was, and who gave him leave to play,
therevpon the said whiffen putt vp his instrumfwt and was going awaye, then
Thomas ffawckner being one of the churchwardens there willed the said 35
whiffen to come back and play againe and he would beare him owt therein,
wherevppon mr woodnutt called Henrie Gerrard articulated [b] to beare
witness to the word spoken by ffawckner, then the said Gerrard vttered
these word viz [he was] thow arte a knave, and an arrant knave and were
more fitter to be att home making of spleetw to bottome seeves like a Cuckold 40
10-13/ being then .., knoweth not: added at foot of sheet and marked for insertion here
BERE REGIS 1590-1608 12 5
knave, which wordeswere spoken of and ment by the said whiffen (as this
deponent in his conscyence verelie belevith) beinge then and there present
and harde the same his prctontestes Thomas Hewlett, & ffraunc Blundon
and others namelie Thomas ffrye L&J the said Thomas ffawkner w/th dyvers
others whom this deponent cannott nowe well remember/ Et plura nescit ad 5
hos ar/ifwlos deponere vt dicit/
f 49 (Blundon s replies to further interrogatories)
10
Ad 2 m 3 m 4 m 5 m et ulttmum interrogators respondet that he hard the said
Gerrard speake the word^J (by this respondent in the second and the third
articles of the libell deposed) but once & in that one place, and that as this
respondent beleveth) the said whiffen did not then here the said wordwso
spoken Et 3\iter nescit respondtre (\uarn in deposic/owibus suis per ipswrn 15
depositww est.
1599
Churchwardens Presentments for Salisbury Deanery WRO: D5/28/7, item 4 20
single sheet (Before 2 April)
Thomas frye the servante of lohn Spere George Dracke the Sonne of anne
Dracke for playing in the Churche and spoyling of the pewe dores./
25
1607-8
St John the Baptist s Churchwardens Accounts DRO: PE/BER. CWl
f 2* (12 April-3 April) (Receipts)
30
\tern made of the Church Ale xiij Lr.
f y (Payments)
35
Inprimis paide for mendinge of the drum vi s.
\\trn paide to the Minstrells in earnest iiji J.
5/ nowe: written as cornctwn over another word, fonibfy doc 23/ Sonnc: 3 mimms in MS
13-14/ as this respondent bcleveth). opening parenthesis omitted
BERE REGIS 1616-17 / BLANDFORD FORUM 1567-78
1616-17
Stjohn the Baptist s Churchwardens Accounts DRO: PE/BER: CW2
f 2 (7 April 1616-27 April 1617) (Receipts)
Money made at our Church ayle at witsvntyde last/ 1616: comes to 13 li. 7 s. 5
9d./
(Payments)
10
li. s. d.
Ittem for mending the weathercocke, & making a visard
for the pleayers 1 2.
15
for a meeting for the players 090
BLANDFORD FORUM
20
1567-8
A Chamberlains Accounts DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts
f B2v (Rendered in December) (Receipts)
hem more of the weamen geathred on hoppe Monday 00 06 25
1577-8
A Chamberlains Accounts DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts
f B5 30
li. s. d.
geathred att hocktide this yeare 02 00
35
5/ witsvntyde... 1616: 19-25 May 1616
25/ hoppe Monday: Hock Monday. 26 April 1 568
34/ hocktide: 7-8 Af nil 578
BLANDFORD FORUM 1587-99
1587-8
A Chamberlains Accounts DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts
f B9* (Rendered 22 November) (Receipts)
more of players that played in the yeld hall iij s. 5
1594-5
A Chamberlains Accounts DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts
f B14* (Rendered 5 November) (John Clf eves receipts) 10
RectWof Trustrum & his company for the hall 00 02 6
Receiuedof my lord Stafford man 2 s. 6 d.: of my
lord Mounteagles man 2 s. 6 d. 00 05
15
(Additional receipts)
thay Receiued of william Bryne for his fyne of adowble
Shamble which Joseph Walter had 40 s.: &C for players 20
in the yeld hall 7 s. 6 d. all which is 24 07 2
1595-6
Chamberlains Accounts DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts 25
f F2* (Rendered 2 December) (Receipts)
...more there was Received of plaiers that had plaied in the yeld hall this yere
vij s. vj d
30
1596-7
A Chamberlains Accounts DRO: DC/BFB. Finance: Chamberlains Accounts
f B15v* (Rendered 2 December) (Receipts)
ReciWofGawler for the playes in the gyld hall 00 07 6 35
1598-9
Chamberlains Accounts DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts
f F5* (Rendered 5 November)
There is also dewe to the towne by Androe pope for plaies made in /the 1
128 BLANDFORD FORUM 1598-1602
yelde hall this yere the some of xx s. dewe to be paied at the next accompte
to the town stewardes
This Daye there is Chosen to be steward for the borowe for one yere folowing
lohn Cleves and lehonadab Sherley and there is dewe oweinge by the towne 5
popes xx s. for plaies abuesaied the some aboue (blank) laied out by lonodab
Shereley the some of (blank)
A Chamberlains Accounts DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts
f Bl6v* (Rendered 5 November) (Receipts) 10
Icon mr Bailife Rawlingston of hock monye 01 01
receiuedof Mr lohn Gundrye 2 s. of lohn Sherlye 4 d. 00 02 4
Receiuedof Richard Bishoppe of Ock Monye 00 04 3
15
1599-1600
Chamberlains Accounts DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts
f F6* (Rendered 3 November)
20
. . .Receivell Also of Andrewe Pope the som of xx s. . ..
1601-2
A Chamberlains Accounts DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts 25
f B18v* (Rents due)
Keceiued of Thomas ffrye & George Harben beeinge soe much
restinge by them on the accompt of the benifitt made of the
race 1601 01 10 2 30
Receiuedthe Monye gathred by the weamen att hocktyde
beeinge 1602 01 00
4/ yere folowing: words obscurer! by smeared ink
61 abuesaied: yraboucsajed
12/ hock monye: Hocktide was 16-17 April 1599
21/ Receivell: for Received
32/ hockryde: 12-13 April 1602
BLANDFORD FORUM 1602-4 129
1602-3
Chamberlains Accounts DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts
f F8v
The Eight daie of November 1603 5
Richard Keynell bailiff and one of the Towne Stwerd w/th Robmt Keynell
the other Stwerde hath not as yett made or yelded [(...)] vpp their Accomptes
for the Towne rentand also of the benefitt of the Race wA/ch they are
accomptable for to the Towne 10
"This Richard Keynell died in prison for debt"
1603-4
A Chamberlains Accounts DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts
f B19* (Receipts)
Recw zW the Monye geathred hock Mondaye 01 00 2
ReceiueiJ that was made of the Race 26 02 1
20
ff B19v-20*
Monyes Receiued act the Race by lohn Cleeues 1603
Receiued on sonday supper 00 17 6 25
Rec/on monday dynner 02 14 6
Receiued on Monday att supper 09 06 6
Receiued act dynner on Tewsday 07 15 6
Receiued att Supper Tewsday 10 07 6
Rzceiued att dynner wensday 10 06 1 1 30
Rece iued at Supper wensday 09 06 5
Receiued att dynner Thardsday & supper 16 09 3
67 04 1
Recev zW ffryday dynner & supper 11 10 6
Receiued on Satterdaye dynner exc 04 01 8 35
Sume is 82 16 3
17/ hock Mondaye: 2 May 1603 33/ 67 04 1: 6, 04, and \ corrected over other figures
30/ 06: 6 corrected over another figure 34/ 6: corrected over another figure
31/06 5 . Viand ) corrected over other figures 36/ 16: 1 corrected over another figure
32/ 16 09 3: \, 9, and 3 corrected over other figures
130 BLANDFORD FORUM 1603-4
Rec zWby playe Monday 1 1 s. 4 d.: Receiuedby
play Tewsdaye 26 s. 01 17 4
Rec zWwensday by playe 53 s. 4 d.: receiued
Thurdsday by playe 64 s. 05 17 4
ReczWffryday by playe 69 s. 11 d., Receiued on 5
Satterdaye 2 s. 6d. 03 12 5
Sume is 1 1 07 1
Sumetotall 95 li. 09s. 4d.|
ReczWthat was made of brand 2 s. 6 d.: receiued
made of beeffe that was left 9s. 00 1 1 6 10
recetued for candles left 3 s. 6 d.: receiued for fish left 12 d. 00 04 6
receiued ioi sewett & dreppinge 4 doz. lack/w^2 li. art
2s. 8 d. doz. is 10s. 00 10
Sume is 01 06
paymentatt the Race 1603 as followeth
15
paied to my selfe as by my bill appeareth 08 02 06
paied for the hyer of a horse for ij dayes to Sir Ralfe Horssyes 00 02
paied for a messenger sent to Sir Care Rawleigh 20 d.: 20
paied to Arnold 4 d. 00 02
paied lo/m Hawker for 53 li. of Beeffe 00 08 10
paied for j load of ffaggottw 5 s. 6 d.: paied for iij sacks
of Cole to one of ffroome 8 s. 00 13 6
paied for fetchinge the broches 6 d.: paied yat Sir Georg 25
Morten had (blank) 7 s. 00 07 6
paied for Carrige of a hogshead of wyne 20 d.: paied
Nicko^zj Sole for fishing att brensley 16 d.: 00 03
paied widdow Boyte for 4 dayej fyndinge herselfe 2 s.:
paied for 4 sacks of Coles 18 d. 00 03 6 30
paied for a loade of wood 6 s.: paied for ij doz. Cotton
Candles 8s. 00 14
paied for 2 doz. of cutt Match Candles 7 s.: paied for
ij Sammons 26 s. 8 d. 01 13 8
paied him that brought them 12 d.: paied longs daughter 18 d. 00 02 6 35
paied for oatmeale 3 d.: paied for apples 2 s.: paied for
pares 1 2 d. 00 03 3
paied for a pecke of cutt salt 6 d. paied for j doz. of
(blank) 3 s. 9 d. 00 04 3
Sume is 13 00 6 40
28/ brenslcy: probably Brownsea hiand in Pooif Harbour
BLANDFORD FORUM 1603-4
paied for a bottle for strong waiter 2 d.: paied Thomas
Hellier for goinge to gunnell for a nett 6 d. 00 00 08
paied for a shoulder & Brest of Mutton 22 d.: paied for
aribbofbeefe22d. 00 03 8
paied for a horse to shroton 8 d.: paied for Tapps & Riben 5 d.:
paied for salt & lambe 3 s. 00 04 1
pazVd for eggs 3 s. 8 d.: paied for read herringe 1 2 d. paied
for Cockells 6 d.: 00 05 2
paied for 301 of oysters 10 s. 8 d. for 3 qw^rters of Cushinge
Cloth 9 d. 00 1 1 5 10
paied for 6 sacks of Coles 2 s. 9 d.: paied for a cupple of lings 2 s. 00 04 9
for a pynt of white wyne 3 d.: paied for candles 4 d.: 00 00 7
for fresh ffish att iij tymes 14 s. 4 d.: paied Thomas
hellyer &C his company for fishinge 9 s.: paied for rodds
20 d.: paied for a quarter of bread 3 d.: paied for apples 15
4s. 9 d. 01 10
paied Goodwiffe Gardner for a henn & a capen 2 s. 6 d.:
paied hugh Macham for cuttinge of sayes 8 d.: paied
Thomas Rawl ings ton for a rostinge pugg 18 d. 04 8
paied for a capen 12 d.: p#;Vd for a Capen to Mrs Barens 20
16 d.: for a capen to mrs Roove 2 s.: 04 4
paied to Byles for 14 quartwof white wyne & 3 pyntwof sack 08 6
pa^d to mr Macham for ij Capons 3 s.: paied George
payne for 2 hennes 18 d. 04 6
paied to higgons for 2 quarters & 4 leggs of Mutton 00 10 25
paied to Sander for 4 quarters of Mutton 8 s. p<z;>d
Thomas Morie for a lambe 5 s. 6 d. 00 1 3 6
paied to pyne for foynge ye Cloth in ye hall 6 d.: paied for
spriggs 3 d. 00 00 9
p<z/>d for 3 neats tongs 2 s. 6 d.: paied for Musterd 6 d.: ?0
pa/Vd for a ferken of beare 1 2 d. 00 04 00
paied to davis for naylinge ye railes 16 d.: paied for orenges
& lemons 8 d. 00 02
paied to Robme davis man for carringe a lettere to warham
& P oole 00 01 35
paied for 5 pyntw of rose watter & d. a pynte of sweete waiter 00 04 8
paied for a quarte of head att spennyes 6 d.: p^/>d Mary
Rawlingston for 5 henns 4 s. 2 d.: 00 04 8
21 gunnell: 5 mimmt in MS: Tarrant Gunville, about 5 milts northeast of BlanJforJ forum
5/ shroton: Iwtrne Courtney, alia known as Iwtme Shroton, about 5 miles northwest ofBlandforJ forum
132 BLANDFORD FORUM 1603-4
paied mrs Keynell for 6 henns 5 s. 6 d.: paied to Shepeard
forworkeSs. 00 10 6
paied Goodwiffe Gardner for ij hogsheads of ye best beare
& ijbarrells of other 01 05
paied william Bremble for j hogshead of Clarrett wyne 04 00 5
paied pellye for Candles 5 s. 10 d.: paied lohn Munns that
hee spent att sherburne 2 s. 00 07 10
paied for vennigeare 3 s. 4 d.: paied william Higgons 10 s. 8 d. 00 14
paied william ffreeman 13s.: paied Thomas pitt 13 s. 4 d. 01 06 4
paied lohn Roper 5 s.: paied Robert Hamond 5s. 00 10 10
paied to George Harben 64 s. 6 d.: paied Richard
Hardinge 10s. 6 d. 03 15
paied to lehonadab Sherlye 08 12 6
paied lone Bryce 22 s. 16 d.: paied Hugh Macham 5 s. 6 d.:
paied lone lellett 56 s. 04 04 02 15
paied lohn Hawker 89 s.: paied to Robert Swayne
14 li. 15s. 8d. 19 04 8
Sumeis 50 13 01
Monyes paied for waiges as followeth 20
paied Sir Ralfe Horssies Cooke 20 s.: paied Nicholas Cooke
& his boy 13s. 4 d. 01 13 4
paied to the widdow Gawler 2 s: paied to the widdowe
harrice2s. 00 04 25
paied to old Turnebroch 2 s. 4 d.: paied to the Clarkes
wiffe 12 d.: paied Thomas pellye* mayde 12 d. 00 04 4
paied Thomas Sherman 2 s.: paied Henry Mellidge for
7dayes7s. 00 09
paied Bishope 2 s. 6 d.: paied the widdowe Baylie 4 s. 6 d.: 30
paied the lame wench 18 d. 00 08 6
paied to Anne Grims 4 s.: paied lone knight for washinge
2 s. 6 d. 00 06 6
paied lames Cooke 16 s. 8 d.: paied for makinge Cleane
the broches 8 d. 00 17 4 35
paied that I gaue vnto lone Hawker 12 d.: paied mr pitt for
bricks vsed in ye kitchen 12 d. 00 02
6/ 10: corrected over 6 18/ 50 13: corrected over other figures
15/ 04 02: 4 and 2 corrected over other figures 23/ 01: 1 corrected over another figure
BLANDFORD FORUM 1603-5
oaied to muston for ij dayes worke about Robert Swaynes
Kitchen 2s. 2
Sumeis 04 07
more paied for such thinges as ware lost att the Race
paied for ij stone luggs 2 s. j table napken of fine canvas 12 d. 00 03
paied for ij wyne quarts 2 s. 6 d.: paied for a great carued
stonelugglSd. 00 04
paied for a lanterne 12 d.: p^fd for a dieper Napken 12 d. 00 02 10
paied lohn Roper for a carpett 8 s.: paied for a payer of
snoffers6d. 00 08 6
paied for a malt seeve 6 d.: paied for the mendinge of
a loyne stoole of mr pitt 4 d.
paied for 2 table Napkens 20 d.: there was lost by apce 15
of gold taken at one of ye tables 3 s. 00 04
paied for ij halland Napkens that ware lost 00 02 6
Sume is 01 05 6
The total Suwme of all the disbursment was 69 li. 06s. d.
Soe resteth to accompt for the suwme of 26 li. 02 s. 1 d. 20
paied to George (blank) 00 06 6
paied for j doz. & d. of (blank) 00 09 6
paied to Goodwiffe (blank) 00 03 6
paied to f^>U 00 04 25
to George (blank) 01 15
for iiij play boyes 00 02
Sume is 03 00 6
30
1604-5
Chamberlains Accounts DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts
f F9* (Rendered 10 December)
Theare was freed by the Race this yeare past and nowe accounted for by 35
lehonadab Sherly then Baylife the Som of xxx li. iiij s. x d. and it apperithe
by his bills, that there was Layde [of] out for the towne that yeare in sewt
15/ apce: for 3 piece (?)
\ll lose: I corrected over\\
22/ 6 2 -. corrected over Another figure
134 BLANDFORD FORUM 1604-9
of Lawe and other busines for the Towne the som of xlj li. xv s. x d. of the
wA;ch som he received of the wives at hoctiO xxvj s. vj {.)...
1606-7 5
Chamberlains Accounts DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts
f F 11 * (Rendered 2 November)
The Therteth Daie of March .1607.
This Daie at a gen<rall meetinge of the Bayliffe and Burgesses yt did appere 10
that there was made at the [(. .)pt] Race in mr Machams tyme beinge then
Bayliffe at Shrovetyde 1605. the some of ffifteene poundes cleare of all
charges besides thertie shillinges that was then given by the gentlemen and
distributed by mr Macham amongest the poore of this Towne./
allsoe this present Daie vppon viewinge of the accounts of the last Race 15
beinge at Shrovetyde 1606 mr Harbyn beinge then Bayliffe yt did appere
that there was clered six poundes three shillinges besides an allowaunce made
of fiftie shillinges for a silver beaker of Sir John Rogers and xxxj s. Disbursed
for a chest and thinges lost at the Race, there was allsoe [made] given then to
the poore by the gentlemen xliij s. which vj li. iij s. as yet resteth in mr Bayliffe 20
Harbyns hand, and the xliij s. ys disbursed accordinge to a note therof.
1607-8
Chamberlains Accounts DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts 25
f F 1 2v* (Rendered 7 November)
This Daie lustinian whiteinge and Thomas Pitt beinge Chamberlyns ... haue
recieved for the Towne rentes the some of xxiij li. vij s. vj d. of mr Robert
Swaine for the profett of the Race the last yeare when he was Baylieffe iiij li. . .. 30
1608-9
A Chamberlains Accounts DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts
f B22* (Rendered 6 November) (Receipts) 35
RecmWof players for playinge in the hall 00 03 4
2/ hoctic.x final letter illegible, potnbly at result of \7I six: s written over another tetter
attempted correction: for hoctid, 8-9 April 1605 1 71 chree: wrjtten over another word
BLANDFORD FORUM 1609-13
RecmWof my vnkell Keynell for monye geatherd on
Hock Monday by the weamen
00 13 3
1609-10
A Chamberlains Accounts DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts
f B22v (Rendered 6 November) (Receipts)
RecmWof the weomen gathred att hocktyde 01 03
10
1610-11
A Chamberlains Accounts DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts
f B23v* (Rendered 4 November) (Money still owed to the town)
15
more there is in the handes of lohn Gawler for monye receiued by
him beeinge bailiffe of the wemminge att hock Munday 161 1 (blank)
1611-12
Chamberlains Accounts DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts 20
f Fl4v* (Rendered 2 November)
There was made at Shrovetyde last by the race lehonadab Sherley
bemge then BayliefTe xxiiij li
25
A Chamberlains Accounts DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts
f B24v (Rendered 2 November) (Receipts)
Kceiued more of him gathred by the weamen Hock Mondaye 01 04 30
1612-13
A Chamberlains Accounts DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts
f B26 (Rendered 24 October) (Receipts) 35
Rec/of the hockmonye for this yeare 00 15
2/ Hock Monday: 24 April 1609 30/ him: Jchonadab Sherlye
9/ hocktyde: 16-17 Apnl 1610 30/ Hock Mondaye: 20 Apnl 1612
\7I hock Munday. 1 Apnl 1611 37/ hockmonye. Hocktide wai 12-1 3 April 1613
136 BLANDFORD FORUM 1613-16
1613-14
A Chamberlains Accounts DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts
f B26v* (Rendered 21 October) (Receipts)
Receiued of Hock Monye this yeare 1614 geathred by the 5
woemen 00 18
(Disbursements of Robert Swayne, chamberlain and bailiff)
10
more for the vse of my howse when Mr Sherlye was bailife
at the race 00 13 4
1614-15 is
A Chamberlains Accounts DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts
f B27v (Rendered 6 November) (Receipts)
Receiueetof Hock monye from the woemen this yeare 00 19 4
20
1615-16
A Chamberlains Accounts DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts
f B28v* (Rendered 4 November) (Receipts of Robert Keynell, chamberlain)
25
Receiuedof lohn Mundes that was paid by the players
for the hall 00 03 4
(Receipts of Thomas Pitt, chamberlain and bailiff) 30
Recf/zWatt Shroftyde by the profettof a race 07 03 4
Receiued of the weomen which thay geat on hock Munday 01 02 10
35
V Hock Monye: Hocknde wai 2-3 May 1614
19/ Hock monye: Hocktide wai 17-18 April 1615
34/ hock Munday: 8 April 1616
BLANDFORD FORUM 1616-31 / BLOXWORTH 1589
1616-17
A Chamberlains Accounts DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts
f B29v (Rendered 3 November) (Receipts)
Recw iWfor hock mony this yeare by the weomen colected 01 02 s
1620-1
A Chamberlains Accounts DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts
f B32v (Rendered 8 November) (Receipts) 10
Receiued of players for the vse of the yeeld hall 00 05
1630-1 5
Chamberlains Accounts DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts
f F23* (Disbursements)
given vnto the Children of the Revells, that should have acted
a stage playe in the Hall 0. 10. 0. 20
BLOXWORTH
1589 25
Dean and Chapter Act Book for Salisbury Deanery WRO: D5/19/12
f 30v (14 July)
Proceedings of a session held in the parish church at Bere Regis before George
Dawkes, us, the dean s official, in the presence of Giles Hutchens, notary public 30
Officiuw domini contra pauluw Rawlins de Bloxworth
Quo die comparw/t dicfus Rawlins quern dominus iuranvwto onerauit de
fidel/Y<?r r^ondendo ar/Va/lis &c. deinde exawiatw.f fatetwr that vppon
Shroft Tuisdaie last past( . ) beinge scholm^^r ther for the better exercyse of 35
his scholers did procure to play a dialoge wnhin the p^rishe Churche of
Bloxworth not any waies in derogation of the lawes established or otherwise
5/ hock mony: Hotktide was 28 -9 April 1617
34/ vppon: v corrected over another letter
35/ Shroft ... pastO: / / February 1 588/9
138 BLOXWORTH 1589 / BRIDPORT 1555-75
to prophane the Churche \nde dowmws iniunxit quod agnoscat crimen
predictum per \psum perpetrator coram magistro Rickman Rectore ibidem
prommendo se nuwqwam in similia relapsurww quibus peripsum p^ractis
dominus monuit cum ad certificandw in proximo apwd Sherborn^uel Sarww
sub pena iuris/.
BRIDPORT
1555 10
Robin Hood Ale Account DRO: DC/BTB: M18/11
f [1]*
C Memorandum of the Accowmpc and Rekenyng of henry waye and Stephen
Shower/ for the Robynhode Ale, made the yere aboue wrytten, as hereafter 15
ensueth
Rcc/>fj C Inprirrm Made w/t/? the Ale vij li. xj s.
hem receyved for the Bowth that was solde xxxij s.
C Summa of the hole Receipts amount to ix li. iij s.
20
1555-6
Cofferers Accounts DRO: DC/BTB: M7
f(2]
25
hem Receyvid of Robyn hod Mony vij li. vj d.
1574-5
Cofferers Accounts DRO: DC/BTB: M7/ 10 30
f [1]*
Itmi paid to WMam Bokerell for a Bull rope ii s. vj d.
hem paid to owyn for the making of lackaJent & his hors hire iiij s. 35
f [lv]*
hem to the Mynstrels a maye daye
BRIDPORT 1578-93 139
1578-9
Cofferers Accounts DRO: DC/BTB: M7/10
single sheet*
vnto Loveredge ffor the bulrenge iij d. 5
1592-3
Ale Account for Town Buildings DRO: DC/BTB: Ml 5/1 1
ff [2-7]* (Receipts) 10
Rcceiptai593: The accompt of Henry Browne and George ffrancke collectors for the
Anno buyldinge of the m#rkett house and scole house of Brydport Then
Eliubcthe ^ beinge Stewards for the Ale as Assistant to the said collectors lohn wey
& Henry Pounde in the yere of the Bayliewike of lohn Pitt and Gilbert 15
holman Baylefe of Brydport and henry wey Towne clarke who procured
the gifte of the free stone for the same buyldinge, of the roght honorable
the Lady Stourton. out of Chidioke quarrie as followirth. :1593:
Receved in collections of Townes and 20
parishes as followeth: & first of.
Of mr Richarde Russell ij s. vj d.
lohn Swaffilde ij d.
mres loane Sydwaye xij d.
willtam Byshop xij d. 25
Anthony Browne ij d.
lohn Stronge ij d.
mr lohn wey xx d.
Robm Keate xij d.
Robert Myller vj d. 30
Mr Henry Pounde ij s.
Thomas whithed vj d.
Nicholas Hardy iijj J
lohn Goldinge iij d.
Thomas Baker j d. 35
Richarde Hounsell vj d.
mr willwm porker jjjj d.
lohn wiles iij d.
Steven wey xij d.
Robm Hassarde iijj d. 40
chtistofer Davige x jj J
17/ roght: for right
140
BRIDPORT 1592-3
Symonde Colfox
mr lohn Pitt baylie
lohn Thressher
Richard Elworthe luruor
morgan Moone
will/am Singleman
will/<2m Shuer
The wydow Balstone
Steven More
lohn myller
Samuell mathewe
lohn Wood
Richarde Goste
Richard Prince
Richard Hardy
lohn Russell
lohn lames
Ambros Peryam
lohn Balstone
lohn Dollings
lames Whetham
Richard Colfox
Walter hallett
Robm Browne
lohn Coke
Thomas Triptree
lohn Colfox
Willwm Bagge
chrw/ofer Balstone
Thomas Browne
will/tfm webber
mr Henry wade
mr lohn Chaplyn
mr Arthur Maynarde
lohn whitmore
lohn Nicols
Mr Rogers
lohn Gibbes
Richarde Balstone
The wydow Colfox
The wydow Plucknett
Robm Buckerell
mr Nicholas Stratchlighe
ijd.
ij s. vj d.
ijd.
ijd.
xviij d. 5
xij d.
vd. I
vj d.
ijd.
ij d. 10
iij d.
ijd.
iij d.
jd.
ij d 15
in] d.
iiij d.
ijd.
ijd.
ij d. 20
vj d.
ijd.
vj d.
iij d.
iij d. 25
j pecke of malt
j bushell of malt
half bushell of malt
half bushell of malt
j pecke of malt 30
j pecke of malt
iij bushells of wheate
half a bushell malt
j pecke of malt 35
half a bushell malt
half a bushell wheat
j pecke of malt
j pecke of malt
j pecke of malt 40
ij li. of candels
j li. of candels
ij li. of bacon
BRIDPORT 1592-3
141
Summa in mony
Summa in malt
Summa in wheat
Sumwd in bacon
Summa in candels
xxv s. iij d.
v. bushells. j peck
iij bushells di.
ijlL
iij li. I
Porestocke
w\\\iam wall
Of Trevys
Offforde
Of Douche
Of mr knight
lohn Douche
master vicer of porestock
waiter Haywarde
Nicholas Browne
Edmond Browne
nil d.
iij d.
i)d.
iiij d. 10
iiij d.
iiij d.
iiij d.
iij d.
j bushel! malt 15
half a bushel/malt
Summa in mony
Summa in malt
Of the Lady Stourton and her house
Nicholas Gay
Of his sonne
lohn Peache
Symonde Bere
Richarde Orcharde
John myller
Thold Stone
The wydow myller
Giles wey
The wydow waldren
Ambros whitt
Richarde Olyver
The wydow Col fox
mr lohn Hodder
Summa mony
Summa malt
Summa wheat
Anne Hardy
lohn waddon
ij s. iiij d.
i bushe/ldi.
xiij s. ij d.
iiij d.
ijd.
vj d.
ijd.
ijd.
j pecke of malt
j pecke of malt
di. pecke malt
half a bushell malt
j pecke malt
j pecke malt
j pecke malt
di. peck malt
ij bushells wheat
20
xiiij s. vj d.
ij bushells
ij bushells \
j pecke of malt
di. peck malt
:
30
35
40
142
BRIDPORT 1592-3
Lode
Mawde Balson
Thomas Luter
Elizabeth wey
Alice hallett
Henry homborne
Lyonell Browne
willwm Durke
John Taylor
Margarett Sewarde
lohn Browne farmer
Richarde Newborough gentleman
Summa mony
Summa wheat
Summa malt
Robert Larder gentleman
Richard lustee vicer their
lohn Browne
The wydow keche
Henry Craforde
Edmund Rylande
Robert warren
lohn Craforde
lohn peache
lohn marshe
lohn Tinker
lohn Shipwike
lohn mathew
The wydow Adams
lohn warren
Thomas lane
Robm heare
The wydow hallett
lohn hallett
Nicholas Warren
Edmond Body
mr Barton
George Pitfold
Summa mony
Summa wheat
malt
j pecke of malt
j pecke of wheat
a bole of malt
half a bushel! ma[t
j pecke of malt 5
half a bushell malt
j pecke malt & iij d.
j pecke of malt
j peck malt
vj d. 10
iij d.
[ix] xij d.
j pecke
iij bushells iij pecke 15
j bushell ma\t
j bushell ma\t
} bushell malt
di. bj^//maJt 20
di. pec malt
pec malt
pec malt
pec malt
pec malt 25
pec malt
pec malt
pec malt
di. pec malt
j pec malt 30
j pec malt
di. bushel! malt
di. pec malt
di. bushell malt
iiij d. 35
iiij d.
ijd.
di. bushel! wheat
di. bushell malt
40
xd.
di. bushelL
viij bushells. j pecke di. I
BRIDPORT 1592-3
143
Nethcrbury &
miflgctton
Biunton
Askerswe
Porcsiocke
Mr Newboroughe promised
loane Hearne
lohn HaJlett
Henry Crabbe
Robert Mone
Robm knight
Richarde warr
Steven Lane
lohn harbor
Robm dollinge
Mawde Hawarde
Thomas Mynson
Richarde hardy
lohn Stronge
Will/am ffloude
Steven Hallett
lohn Akerman
Nicholas George
Steven Austyne
Thomas Hardy
Richard Egerdon
The wydow Hardy
John hardy farmer
Roger Hardy
christofci darby
Nicholas Browne
Edmonde Browne
Summa wheat
malt
Summa malt
Summa mony
Sumwa mony
Summa malt
di. \)ushell wheat
j bushell ma\t
di. bushel/ malt
di. bushell malt
di. bushel!
ij bushells
(blank)
di. bushell ma\t
j pec malt
j pec malt
j pec malt
j pec malt
j pec malt
j pec malt
di. pec malt
j pec malt
) pec malt
iij pec malt
j pec di. malt
vj d.
iij d.
iij bushells. iij pecke.
ixd.
j pec di. malt
di. bushel! ma\t
di. bushell malt
di. bushellmzh
di. pec malt
xij d.
xij d.
iij bush ells
) bushellmalt
di. bushellmalt
10
15
20
25
30
35
Summa malt
j bushel! d \.
20/ Steven: S written ove r another lette r
144
BRIDPORT 1592-3
Symondsboroughc. Arthur ffowke
lohn Terrell
Robm dyme
Robm Colmer
lohn Hounsell
Avice Mynson
lohn Crocker
Andrew Stevens
lohn hounsell
master Docter hounde
lohn Syms
Thomas Syms
Mr LLoyde
Richard Crafte
Richarde wade
Mylton
Adlington
Summa mony
Summa malt
Summa wheat
lohn Syms
Symonde donne
George Donne
Richarde wrixham
Talbott
Summa mony
Summa malt
Luke lurden gentleman
Richard Baylie
Thomas Chicke
Richarde Payne
Bastion Pitfold
The wydow Pitfold
will/am wey
Summa mony
Summa malt
Summa wheat
di
j bushell wheat
j pec wheat
j pec malt
j pec di. malt
j pec malt
bushellmah
j pec malt
j pec malt
j pec malt
j bushell wheat
xij d.
vj d.
vj d.
iij d.
iij d.
ij s. vj d.
1 1 bushellsdi. pecke
ij bushells j pecke
di. bushel! malt
j pec malt
j pec malt
j pec malt
vj d.
vj d.
j bushells j pecke
) pec wheat & a lambe
di. bushellms.lt
j pec malt
vj d.
vj d.
iij d.
iij d.
xix d.
iij pecke
j pecke I
20
Z5
<
15
40
Nctherbury
lohn Charde
j pec of malt
BRIDPORT 1592-3
The wydow Stone
lohn Games tenant
Thomas Egerdon
Nicholas Crabbe
lohn Clare
The Wydow Crabbe
Horsforde of bowood
Thomas Goudge
The ffarmer mylls
Hughe Baylie
Hughe Holt
lames Thatcher
Hughe Syms
Mr Thomas Gollop
master vicer there
Stone the myller
Thomas Crabbe
munden the Smythe
145
j pec malt
j pec malt
j pec wheat
j pec maJt
j pec malt
Summa mony
Summa wheat
Summa malt
di.
j pec malt
j pec malt
di. bws/>f//mah
di. pec malt
j pec wheat
) pec malt
di. bushel! ma\t
xij d.
xij d.
iiij d.
ijd.
ijd.
ij s. viij d.
di. bushell
iij bushells. di. & di. pecke
10
15
20
Roger Knight
will/am Newton
Richarde whit
mr waiter Gray
Nicholas darby
di.
j pec malt
j pec malt
xij d.
iij d.
25
Summa mony
Summa malt
xvj d.
j b us he II
Chikombe mystres Byshop
mr Humfry Byshop
mr Symondw
mr Holman
mr ffoster of pouncknell
mystres Holman
lohn Samsome
Summa mony
x s. iiij d. I
xij d.
iiij s.
xviij d.
xij d.
xij d.
xvj d.
vj d.
30
}5
40
146 BRIDPORT 1592-3
Bimon mr lohnson di. bushell malt
John Gregory j pec malt
Stevens iij d.
Richarde Myll iij d.
mres loane wareham jjjj d. 5
loane Phillips jiij d.
mres warehams gentlewoman ij d.
Yonge mr wareham jiij d.
Hughe myller ij d.
Mr lohn Strode xij d. 10
Summa malt iij pecke
Summa mony ij s. x d.
Bemystcr In pr/mis at the lusticw table xv s. vj d. 15
Item in the Towne and of Strangers vj s. viij d.
Somma mony xxij s. ij d.
Lymc Rcgu Of master mayor ij s. 20
mr Belmy xij d.
mr Barons xij d.
mr Davy xij d.
mr Norrys viij d.
mr Anthony moone xij d. 25
mr lurden xij d.
mr willwm Barons xij d.
mr Hill xij d.
mr Greemvorde xij d.
mres woodrofe iij pec of salt 30
mr downe vj d.
mr knevett vj d.
mres Belmy viij d.
mr Carpenter vj d.
mr Syms of charde vj d. 35
mr davy iiij d.
mr Broake vj d. I
Thomas Hyet xij d.
Markes Barons vj d.
Captaine Cranly vj d.
lohn Bellymy vj d.
lohn Shottocke xij d.
BR1DPORT 1592-3 l47
Henry davie V J d -
Richarde Barons v j d -
Elizabethe lizerde ) d.
George plee > U d -
Prest the baker vj d. 5
lohn Gollop i j d.
Sumwa mony xix s. xj d.
Sonwfczsalt iij pecke
10
Giftwof mr chr/Vtofer Syms xij d.
strangers mr jhomas whittle xij d.
william ffushe ij s. vj d.
Captaine lordanie xij d.
Of danby /2 marynors ij s. !>
Item on Sunday after may day of strangers wee mett on the way xix d.
Of other strangers the same morninge iiij d.
mr dowce xij d.
Of Browne ij d.
mr Pitt of Blandforde xij d. 20
mr George vj d.
Of strangers at the bull xij d.
VaJuntyne the carryer xij d.
mr Rayndell & his company iiij s. vj d.
mr
Erie
iij s.
mr Greenewood of Charde ix d.
master Captaine Moone ij s.
Of waymouthe Melcombe and in our way whomewarde
the same tyme xlv s. viij d.
mr Henry Harbyn j bwAc//wheat 30
Summa mony iij li. x s.
Somma wheat j bzA*7/wheatel
Receipts on may day 35
In pnmis receved at the Baylief table v s. iiij d.
Receipt^ Item at the other table iij s . x d.
Item on Holyrode day at breakfast iij s . v d.
Item the same after none for drinke xij d.
16/ Sunday after may day: 6 May 1593
148
BRIDPORT 1592-3
Receipt
Receipts
Item for ij pottof beare
Item the Sunday after may day at the baylief table
Item the same day at breakfast
Item vpon assension day at breakfast
Summa
XXVII) S.
In primis on whitsonday at breakefast
Item at dynndvthe same day
Item at Supper the same day
Item on munday at breakfast
Item more the same daye
Item on Tuysday at breakefast
Item at supper the same day
Item more at supper the same day
Item more of the goodwief ffrancke for drinke
Item on wensday at dynner
Item at supper the same day
Item on Thursday at dynner
Item at supper the same day
Item on Satturday at dynner
Summa
Of the panshe of Symondsboroughe
Of Shipton p^rishe
Of Netherbury
OfBradpole
Of Porestoke
Of Adlington
Of mr lacobb
Of mr Richarde Pitt
xviij li. xviij d.
Item at breakefast
Item the west streate spent
Item the Southe streat spent
Summa vij li. xiij s.
Trinitie Sunday
ijd.
iij s. x d.
ij s. ix d.
vij s. viij d.
xvj s. ix d.
viij s. iiij d.
xvij s. 10
viij s. xj d.
xxx j s.
vij s. x d.
xxix s. viij d.
xij s. viij d. 15
xiiij s.
viij li. iiij d.
xxv s.
iij s. vj d.
V S. 20
xxj s. vj d.
XXXIII) S. 25
xxiiij s.
xij s.
xij s. ij d.
xxxiij s.
xxvij s. 30
viij s. iiij d.
ij s. vj d.
x s.
xxxiiij s.
xlij s. vj d.
35
21 Sunday after may day: 6 May
4/ assension day: 24 May 1 593
8/ whitsonday: 3 June 1593
36/ Trinitie Sunday: 10 June 1593
1 40
BRIDPORT 1592-3
Item the East Streat spent
Item the west streate on trinitie munday
Item more of othe gyuftn then viij s. vj d.
Item on Tuysday of doctor lames & others iij li. ij s. inj d.
Item on wensday at supper x s - x d.
Itemofmrlones iij s. iiij d.
Summa xj li. xiij s. vj d.
Summa totalw malt - 42 bushelk at xviij d. per bushell iij li. iij s. 10
Summa total/5 wheate - 1 bushells at iij s. per bushell xxx s.
Summa totalw mony xlviij li. xiiij s. iiij d.
The totall some of malt wheat & mony Liij li. vij s. iiij d.
ff [7v-9v]* (Payments)
In primis for iij of owr suppers xvj d. 20
Item for v of or suppers when we gethered chilcombe ij s.
Item to willzam webber for heir of his mare vj d.
Item for iij of our suppers on thursday xvj d.
Item for iij of or suppers on fryday xij d.
Item paid to Peter for iiij dayes travell xvj d. 25
Item the next wike on thursday for iij of or suppers xvj d.
Item delyuered mr Baylie Pitt for fursher v s.
Item for vij calves heade* ij s. iiij d.
Item to Browne for ij li. j qw^rter of bacon ix d.
Item for ij calves header & a chiterlinge on holyrode day xij d. 30
Item for a pounde of bacon iiij d.
Item for v of OUT suppers when we gethered chidioke ij s.
Item for iij of owr suppers when we gethered the towne xij d.
Item for iij mens suppers that made the bower for tow nightej ij s.
Item paid to fursher for stones ij s. 35
Item for viij calves header ij s.
Item for iiij li. of bacon xvj d.
Item when we went to Netherbury for v of owr suppers at night ij s.
Item the next day for iij of or suppers xij d.
21 trinitie munday: II June 159)
V othc: Brother
150 BRIDPORT 1592-3
Item for iij of our suppers on fryday when we gethered Porestocke ix d.
Item paid to Peter for vj dayes travell ij s.
Item for iij of our suppers on munday sennight before whitsundaye xij d.
Item for v calves head Assension day xxj d.
Item for vj mackerell vj d. 5
Item paid to the carpenters for vj dayes worke at taske for iij persons xviy s.
Item for Peters wag for iiij dayes xvj d.
Item for a horse for one wyke xxij d.
Item for owr dynners at Bemyster xij d.
Item for horse meat at Lyme vj d. 10
Item for a quart of wyne viij d.
Summa pagine Lix s. xj d. I
Item paid iij carpenters for iiij dayes worke at taske ix s. iiij d. 15
Item paid for drayinge of stones x s.
Item paid to Corbyn and Pullam for ryddinge of the quarrie iiij s.
Item to Steven hardy for carnage of iij lode of stones from Chidioke iiij s.
Item to lohn homborne for vij lode of stones carriage from
Chidioke ix s. iiij d. 20
Item to Corbyn for ryddinge of the quarrie ij s. viij d.
Item to Gardyn^rand Skorche for vj dayes for drayinge of stones xij s.
Item to wodcock for his wik worke and iij more w/ th him at taske xxj s.
Item to Peter for his wag ij s.
Item to Prince for his horse heir xvj d. 25
Item for carriage of tymber vij s.
Item for vij hodgsheddrt of lyme xv s.
Item to the stone drayers iiij s.
Item to wodcocke iij s.
Item to lohn homborne for vj lode of stones carriage from 30
Chidioke vij s. viij d.
Item to Steven hardy for vj lode of stones carriage from
Chidioke vij s. viij d.
Item for the carriage of sande x d.
Item to ij persons for help ladinge of stones viij d. 35
Item to the stone drayers ix s. vj d.
Item to buckerell for help ladinge of stones iiij d.
Item to George ffranck for his horse heir and other charg ij s. viij d.
Item delyu^rd mr Thatcher vpon assumpsit vj s.
3/ munday . . whitsundaye: 28 May 1 593
41 Assension day: 24 May 1 593
BR1DPORT 1592-3
Item for xiiij hodgsheddw of here at xij s. the hodgshedd to
mr Richard Russell vii * vii ) s "
Item for x \3ushells of wheat
Item to Thomas Triptree for mutton xv s. x d.
Item for ij quarts of wyne and suger for master docter lames ij s.
Item for v quartw of wyne docter Gray had at the east bridge iij s. iiij d.
Item to Nicholas hardy for fettinge of ij calves viij d.
Item for a pecke of wheat for cakes i* d.
Summa pagine xviij li. vij d.
10
Item for half a bushel! of whe a te my wief bought to make
houshold breade xviij d.
Item for a calf bought by mr baylie mone vj s. ij d.
Item to Nicholas hardy for a q*mer of beof xxij s. iiij d. 15
Item paid more for beof vj s. viij d.
Item for mutton xvj d.
Item for fetchinge a calf iij d.
Item paid to Nicholas hardy for iiij lambes xx s.
Item for viij li. of powder viij s. :o
Item for lyveryes for the musicions ij s. vj d.
Item for rushes xiiij d.
Item for half a calf of Nicholas hardy iiij s.
Item for a quarter of mutton ij s. x d.
Item for suger for the kytchin iij s. 25
Item for xiiij quartofwine for the Iustic xij s. vj d.
Item for ij gammons of bacon iij s.
Item for a rostinge pigge ij s.
Item spent at Shipton iij s.
Item spent at Symondsboroughe iij s. 30
Item for iij [wine] quartof wyne mr pound called for
when the Iusticwere here ij s. iiij d.
Item to the Coke for his wag iij $.
Item for a bed of mutton xviij d.
Item for vj quarts of wine when docter Gray supped here iiij s. vj d. 35
Item for viij chicking^ xx d.
Item for viij chicking xvj d.
Item for ix chickinge xviij J
Item for ij capons xvj J
Item for butter iij s . v j J w
Item for a capon viij j
Item to lohn Russell for chicking^ ij s . iiij d.
Item for viij chicken xvjj <-{
152 BRIDPORT 1592-3
Item for ix chicken xx d.
Item for iij dozen of trenchard v d.
Item for vittuels for the musicions from wensday vntyll Sunday v s.
Item to Nicholas hardy for iij calves xxx s. iiij d.
Item to Nicholas hardy for half a mutton iiij s. 5
Item for sending for the bandore ij s.
Summa pagine viij li. xj s. ix d. I
Item for a capon viij d. 10
Item to Swete for half a veale v s.
Item for a quarter of veale ij s.
Item to Crabbe for beof ij s. viij d.
Item for mackerell ij s. vj d.
Item for butter iij s. 15
Item for beof ij s. iiij d.
Item for wyne on satturday after whitsunday for mr Preston xviij d.
Item to Peter for viij dayes travell in the holidayes ij s.
Item to chr/Vrofer Snell for a dayes work viij d.
Item to Prynce for meting Sir George Trencharde for or warninge iiij d. 20
Item for prewance ij $.
Item for vij quarts of vyniger xxj d.
Item for iij li. of suger ij s. vj d.
Item for glasses burste and lost ij s. vj d.
Item for salt xij d. 25
Item for viij li. of bacon ij 5. viij d.
Item to mr whithed for v bushells of wheat xv s.
Item to mr wey for iij bushells wheate ix s.
Item to Robm Buckerell for his mare for iiij dayes ij s.
Item for the colirs of Henry Browne and George ffrancke xiij s. 30
Item for sope and candels xij d.
Item for bakinge of breade xij d.
Item for iij quarts of wyne for the kinge of loder ij s. viij d.
Item to Alforde for beof ij s.
Item paid and delyu^rd to George ffrancke for and towardes 35
the buyldinge of the house x li.
Item more delyuml to mr maynarde by the wief of Henry Browne
to the townes vse iij li.
17 9 I
17/ satturday ... whitsunday: 9 June 1593
BRIDPORT 1592-1607
Charge for vituels when docter lames
dyned with vs. and other payments.
Item for a calf
Item for a sholder and a breast of veale xvj d.
Item for a fan lambe iiij s. iiij d. 5
Item for chicken ij s. iiij d.
Item for a hocke of veale xij d.
Item to Clare for a dayes worke xij d.
Item to williams for her worke uj s.
Item for tripes iiij d. if
Item to the musicions for there wagw Liij s. iiij d.
Item for there lodginge ij s.
Item to Locke for mendinge the drome and his worke about
the bower ij s. x d.
Item to Orcharde for his intendance xij d. is
Item to Thomas Buckcombe iiij d.
Item to George Guyer vj d.
Item to Robert wey for frethinge the bower vj d.
Summa iiij li. xxij d. 20
1602-3
Town Account DRO: DC/BTB: M18/10
f [1]*
25
Itew for making of lackalent and for ahorse iij s. iiij d.
f [3]*
30
Itew paid more to Mr Tiggins for the yearell of bedfords [m] mens
svpper ij s .
1606-7 35
Court Leet Proceedings DRO: DC/BTB-. C87, item 2
single mb (6 October)
. iiijd. Itmi that the buttwbe sett vp. befor{.. .)
And that the highway in the streete( . . . ) the bulring: & before the signe of w
th (...) nexte vpon payne
154
BRIDPORT 1609-14
This is not
concludd but
referred vntill
the next law
day.
1609-10
Court Leet Proceedings
f 23* (19 March)
DRO: DC/BTB: C88
Also the said Bailiffw haue placed Thomas maniford one of the sones of the
said John maniford decessed, w/th one William Keele musitian w/th him to
dwell & serve as an apprentice from the feast of the Anuwciac/on of or
Lady the virgin next coming ffor (blank) yeres thence following fully to be
complete By and vnder the covenants before expressed and that the said
wilL/iZm shall w/th due expedic/on and assone as the said Thomas shalbe
capable thervnto. teach & informe his said apprentice in the art & mistery
of musicke. w/th gentle vsage & moderate correction.
1613-14
Bill of Complaint in Miller et al v. Maries et al
mb 4* (1 June)
PRO: STAC 8/2 14/2
To the King most excellent Majestic
In humble manner shew and informe vnto yowr most excellent Maieme
your Highnes humble and obedient subiect Robr-rte Miller Aaron Cooke
Nicholas Horsford Angell Churchill lohn Chard Will/am Whettam William
Colefox Walter Hussey alias Bayly Inhabitants w/thin the Borough Towne
of Bridport in the County of Dorset That wheras Yor said Subiectw having
for many yeares togither now last past inhabited and dwelt w/thin the same
Towne of Bridport, haue soe carefully ordered and caried themselves in all
their acc/ons, and lived w;thin the same Towne in such honest and civill
manner that never any iust excepc/on was heertofore taken against them nor
any cause by them given wherby any scandale or reproach might any way
arise or grow to blemish their honest fames and reputac/ons: Insomuch as
there hath ben a special! choise made of yowr said Subiect Robme Miller to
execute the Office of a Bailiffe w/thin the same Borough w/?/ch hee hath
discharged w/th such faithful! and dutiful! service to yowr Majestic as the same
his office did require. Yet soe it is may it please Yor most excellent Maieme
that William Maries of Bridport aforesaid Barber lohn Lack of Bridport
aforesaid Mercer lohn Abbott the Yonger of Bridport aforesaid Mercer lohn
Lea of Bridport aforesaid Mercer Anthony Mathew of Bridport aforesaid
yoman Thomas Lack of Bridport aforesaid Shoemaker A Hugh Syms Will/am
Osburne and Will/tfm Marshall of Bridport aforesaid Miller, and diners
other persons to yowr Majesties said Subiectw yet vnknowne whose names Yor
v r said Subiect humbly pray may bee by License of this Honorable Cort
10
20
25
30
35
10
12/ wuh: w damaged by small hole
BRIDPORT 1613-14
inserted into this Bill of Complaint when they shall bee knowne, envying
and repyning at the prosperity and good fame of yor said Subiectw and of
dium other Yowr Mziesties Subiectw Inhabitants of the said Towne of Bridport
of honest fame and conversacion haue /in or about the moneth of January
now last past 1 vnlawfully conspired and practized how they might not only 5
soyle and blemish but vtterly extinguish and take away the honest fame and
reputac/on of yor said Subiect for ever, ffor which purpose they the said
Willwm Maries lohn Lack lohn Abbott John Lea Anthony Mathew Thomas
Lack /"Hughe Syms William Osborn" 1 and Willwm Marshall haue devised
made and contrived /in writing 1 diuers infamous Scandalous & ignomynious 10
Libelles in verse which they have sithence published dispersed and divulged
tending to the traducing of your said subiectw, and of diuers other Yor
Majesties Sublectes Inhabitants of the said Towne of Bridport, and to the
taxing and upbraiding them for following religious exercises by the Church
of England established and by your Ma/ t/ Ecclesiastical! Lawes enioyned 15
And namely on r or about 1 the first day of ffebruary now last past the said
Willwm Maries lohn Lack lohn Abbott lohn Lea Anthony Mathew Thomas
Lack A Hugh Syms William Osburne" 1 and Will/am Marshall, by the
vnlawfull conspiracy and practise aforesaide and in accomplishment therof,
did vnlawfully make, write, and contrive a false scandalous and ignomynious 20
Libell in verse against yowr said subiect, and other Yowr Majesties Subiectes
Inhabitants w/thin the said Towne of Bridport which Libell followeth in
these wordwviz. Runne hosford runne lohn Chard make haste Will/aw
Colfox make noe staye, for Miller with his trayne is gonne, make hast therfore
I saie: William Whettam calle Tom Merifeilde lohn Bishope and the rest, 25
for Baylye and the Angell bright with book are redy prest: Sweete Beniamine
(Camelion lite) make haste I do thee pray, lames Whettam Balston and Tom
Shutt remember Harry Waye: for Arons howse is fully fraught, with preachers
in greate store, Come quickly then delay noe tyme, make hast I say therfore:
Doe not forgett our sisters deare; for they with vs must pray, and sing a 30
Psalme before they preache, therfore make noe delaye. Lett Baylyes wife call
Beniamins, Alice Wade she will attende, and Whettams wives to Akermans
they forth wzth speede will sende; In any case lett Buckerelles trulls with
Mris Mullins mayde Call Ostelers wiefe for they will shedd greate store of
teares tis saide, Nell Merifeild calle Angells wife two sisters passinge brave; 35
with BaJstons wife and many more whose company wee crave. Proude Agnes
Mris Paynes fyne mayde for marriage she doth looke because shee hath
bestowed some coste, to buy a faire newe booke. Remember likewise speedily
to send for lohn Wads wife, for shee is calld wzth Moore tis saide to leade an
honest life: At lohn Chards howse you shall bee sure your Company to meete, 40
18-19/ by the vnlawfull . . practise apparently written over an erasure
156 BRIDPORT 1613-14
where they w/ th salutations most kindly will you greete; there Cheverell wzth
Counsell grave instructions will give And Aroun Cooke your Consciences
beinge wounded will relive: When Arons rodd begins to budd, and yeldeth
forth his blosome, these minssinge dames doe think indede, for them tis good
and holesome. The pride of flesh doth often swell his spiritt doth him move 5
and they with him incontinent will enterchange their love, ffor he doth often
walke abroade w;th them for recreation. It is the only way for soothe for
wenches of theire fashion. Hee is god wate a man of note w/th them to goe
or ride, his spiritt moves still to their loves at every tyme and tyde: What shall
I saye both night and day their lusts they will fulfill, Therfore tis tyme to 10
end this ryme and leaue them to their Will, finis. Ignore./ In and by which
Libell they haue maliciously and falsely slaundered yowr said subiects and
other honest Inhabitants w/thin the said Towne, and in coverte termes taxed
them Yowr Maiesttes said subjects and diiurs other Inhabitants of the said
Towne of Bridport w/th mcontynency and other crymes. And having made 15
or caused to be made contrived and writen the said slaunderous Libell as
aforesaid, they the said Will/^rn Maries lohn Lack, lohn Abbott lohn Lea
Anthony Mathew Thomas Lack /"Hugh Syms; Willwm Osburne" 1 and
Willwm Marshall on or about the second day of the said moneth of February
now last past and at dium and sundry tymes sithence haue maliciously and 20
vnlawfully published the said Libell, by repeating singing and vttering dium
verses and parts therof And haue dispersed and cast abroade sondry Copies
of the said Libell in sondry placsof the said Borough of Bridport, of intente
and purpose to publish the same to the slaunder and wrong of yowr said
Subiect. And the said Will/tfm Maries on or about the Third day of the said 25
moneth of ffebruary now last past came into the Shopp of one Thomas Chard
Mercer in Bridport aforesaid and then and there [in the presence of dium
Inhabitants of the said Towne], by the abettemfwt aduise and procurement
of the rest of the said confederate did vnlawfully publishe and reade the said
Libell in the presence and hearing of a greate nomber of your Majesties loving 30
subjects then and there prsmte: wherof your said subjects having intelligence,
made complaynt of the same to one Mr. Pitt (then and yet one of the
Bailiffs of the said Borough of Bridport) whoe being willing to suppresse the
same scandalous Libell, required the said Will/tfm Maries to deliufrvnto him
the said Bailiffe the same Libell, but the said Maries (thinking hee should 35
then fayle, of the end hee aymed at viz. A the disgracing Your said subjects)
yf hee should deliuerthe same Libell to the said Bailiffe) refused soe to doe
saying hee would first write a Copy of it. And afterwards on or about the
same Third day of ffebruary the said Will/Win Maries did write a Copy of the
same Libell and the said Mr Pitt repayring againe vnto him the said Willwm 40
36/ subicciw): closing parentheiu used in error for comma (?)
BRIDPORT 1613-14
Maries required him to deliver the same Libell and the Copy therof (wAz ch
hee had writen) vnto him the said Mr. Pitt, and the said Maries delivered the
said Libell to the said Mr. Pitt but did not deliufrto the said Mr. Pitt the
said Copy w/7/ch hee che said Maries had soe newly writen/ And after hee
had delinked away the said Libell, the same day hee the saide Maries having 5
the Copy of the same Libell, did reade the same in the presence and hearing
of sondry Inhabitants of the said Towne of Bridport at the Shoppe of one
George Waye glover in Bridport aforesaid. And the said Willwm Maries
conrynewing still in his malicious course against yor said Subiectsdid on
or about the Eighth day of the said moneth of ffebruary shew a copy of the 10
same Libell vnto one Thomas Bagge an Inhabitant w/thin the said Towne of
Bridport, and hath sithence given out diiurs Copies of the same Libell vnto
other pmonnes. And the said John Lea on or about the said Third day of
ffebruary did vnlawfully publish and reade in the presence of diuifrs Inhabitants
of the said Towne of Bridport the said Libell out of an other Copy wA/ch 15
hee had gotten therof: whereof yowr said Subiect Angell Churchill having
notice repayred vnto him and desired him to deliufr the said Copy vnto him
the said Angell Churchill that he might suppresse it which the said Lea refused
to doe. But in a short space after viz. an hower or therabouts, the said lohn
Abbot, one other of the said confederate came into the Shop where Yowr 20
said Subiecte Angell Churchill and the said Lea were, and then the said Lea
deliu^red the same to the said Abbot (whome the said Lea then served) and
the said Abbott did then and there vnlawfully reade and publish the same
Libell openly in the said shop in the presence and hearing of diuers persons
and smyled as hee was reading it, and did well like and allow therof. And 25
the said Will/^m Marshall on or about the Sixth day of the said moneth of
ffebruary now last past came into the howse of one Thomas Peirs in Bridport
aforesaid, and then and there in the presence and hearing of diufrs of the
Inhabitants of the said Towne of Bridport did singe certen verses of the said
Libell, and then and there drew out a copy therof out of his pockett and 30
deliu^red the same vnto one John Moone gentleman that hee might reade it:
but the said Mr. Moone endeauoring to suppresse the said Libell offered to
cast the same into the fire w/;/ch the said Marshall perceiving speedily caught
the same away againe, and saide yf Mr. Moone had burned the same, yet
hee had an other copy of the said Libell. And the said Willwm Maries lohn }<,
Lack lohn Abbott lohn Lea Anthony Mathew Thomas Lack /"Hugh Syms
William Osburne" and William Marshall in farther prosecuc/on of their
former malicious and vnlawfull confederacyes and practises against your said
Subiectfj and that their purpose of defaming and disgracing Yo!<r said
subiectn might the better take effect, on, or about the said ffirst day of 40
ffebruary now last past did vnlawfully make write and contrive, and cause to
be made writen and contrived an other false scandalous and ignomynious
158 BR1DPORT 1613-14
Libell in verse against your said Subiectw and other Yor Majesties subiect
Inhabitants w/thin the said Towne of Bridport, which Libell followeth in
these wordwviz. The puritans of Bridporte Towne; I wonder what they meane
to gorge themselves soe full of zeall being out of Charity cleane: I never yet
saw one of them that will small faults forgive; but yf they haue the vpper 5
hand they counts them selves a sheerve. The lord praier they forgett, they
doe it not remember as did apeere in towne of late, now in this last December.
A. meane man can thou not entreate no not a Justice of peace; they shewe
their malice what it is, and still doth it increase, Yet now they haue a man in
Towne: as some of them reporte that he an ang e lie is full shewer wherfore 10
they doe resorte, aswell by night as by the day, for they will spare noe tyme
to haue the word that hee doth saye, and all to make a cryme; I doe confTese
its verie good the word of god to heare, soe that wee make good vse of it,
and keepe our Conscience cleere. But they soe full of Mallice bee, that all
will not prevaile, although the offence it bee but small, yet need they must 15
to gaylle; Yet she had bine a woman knowne, and one of their owne minde,
and donne some matter worse then that, they would haue proved kinde:
There was of late as I did heere a matter did befalle as more at large it will
appeer it was in the new hall, of some that shewed littell witt when they came
forth of doore, it seemes that they had neuer a whitt nor yet they bee but 20
poore. Though poore in wealth as I doe meane which is a thing most shewer,
Yet rich to godward may they bee, god graunte it may endewer. An other
matter beyond all this doth make mee much to wonder, how that the cloths
from saddele treese is grone soe far a sounder. Thire is one in towne haue
made reporte although it was but evill, his dearest frinde his father went the 25
next way to the Divill, one yonge man more which in this towne some
hundred marke haue spente, in beer and aJle and other thinges yet now hee
doth repente, such a winter as this I never sawe for mildnesse of the weather,
I wonder men should pay soe deere for shewes which bee of leather And hee
that did these verses make Yf you did knowe his name some shame hearof 30
that he mighte take that he doth not the same. And yet hee is a learned man
as by this verse doth showe, yet let hym doe al that he can the crew will not
him knowe, and yet he can the scriptuer Read, and alsoe vnderstand, yet all
the knowledge that hee haue, is out of god owne hand: me thinke we
shoulde not haue it so a new broome to take place; to put the old broome 35
out of date, beinge comely in the place. The best of vs must haue an end
and soe shall now my Ryme god graunt that we may all amend to morowe
in [the] morning be tyme: Vbi incip^ris nole luri melier ibi Ensines esse bonas.
In and by which later Libell they haue maliciously and falsely slaundered
38/ Vbi ... boms: written in display script
BRIDPORT 1613-14
your said subjects and other Yowr Majesties subjects Inhabitants w;thin the
said Towne of Bridporte w/ th dium odious crymes and misdemeanors, but
very covertly and darkJy not naming but meaning yowr said Subiects, and
diiwrs other Yowr Majesties subiecte Inhabitants wnhin the said towne of
Bridport. And the said confederate having made and caused to be made
contrived and wricen the said second slaunderous Libell, they the said William
Maries, lohn Lack lohn Abbott lohn Lea Anthony Mathew Thomas Lack
and William Marshall on or about the said second day of ffebruary now last
past, and at diuirrs and sondry tymes sithence haue maliciously and vnlawfully
at Bridport aforesaid published vttered repeated and songe the said second 10
Libell. And haue dispersed and cast abroade, and caused to bee dispersed
and cast abroade diuers Copyes of the said second Libell in sondrey place of
the said Towne of Bridport. And to the intent that they might yet bring Yor
said Subiectw into more disgrace, the said Anthony Mathew, on or about
the same second day of ffebruary now last past did deliu<fr a Copy of the 15
said second Libell vnto one Thomas Waye of Bridport aforesaide tellinge the
said Way that hee should haue it bicause it concerned him the said Way, Yet
bound him by an oath to returne the same to him the said Mathew againe,
W/7/ch the said Way accordingly did deliuer vnto him the said Mathew. And
afterward A on or about the A said Third day of the said moneth of ffebruary 20
now last past the said Mathew delinked the same second Libell vnto the
said lohn Lack, one other of the said confederate; and the said lohn Lack
on or about the ffowrth day of the said moneth of ffebruary now last past
did reade the same second Libell openly in the streete of the said Towne of
Bridport in the presence and hearing of dium Inhabitants of the same 25
Borough of Bridport. And on or about the Tenth day of the A same moneth
of ffebruary now last past the said lohn Lack deliu^red a Copy of the same
second Libell vnto the said Thomas Lack, whoe on or about the said Tenth
day of ffebruary caried the same Lybell vnto one Henry Waye, willing him
to reade it whoe read it accordingly; and whiles hee was reading of a certen 30
verse therin, the said Thomas Lack stroke the said Henry Waye on the
shoulder saying: there is for thee: and when he read and other verse therin,
the said Thomas Lack saide there is for an other, naming one of yowr said
subjects, Wherby it appeareth manifestly that hee the said Thomas Lack
knew whoe were meant in and by the said second Libell. Now forasmuch as 35
the making dispersing publishing and publike reading of such slanderous
reproachfull false and ignominious Libelles wherby Yowr said subjects heerin
named, and diuers other Your Ma/ens loving subiects, and their good and
honest fame credit and reputac/on are traduced taxed slaundered and drawne
32/ and other: for an other
160 BRIDPORT 1613-14
in question, and therby Yor said subiectand the rest soe slaundered, are
left as publike and notorious examples of disgrace obliquy and infamy,
without iust cause given is contrary to the Lawes of this Realme now in force
for the better suppressing of suche enormous offence* and misdemeanors.
And forasmuch as daily experience doth witnes, that greate evilles doe spring 5
from this seditious and Divelish course of casting forth Libelles amongst
yo*<r Majesties Subiecter and how dangerous it is to the quiet estate of this
Yowr Majesties peaceable gouerwmewt, yf such notorious offenders and
malefactors should escape vnpunished. And forasmuch as the making and
publishing of the said pernicious Libelles by the personnes before named and 10
all other the offence* and misdemeanors aforespecified haue ben perpetrated
and committed sithence Yoz/r Maiesties last most gracious [most] general!
and free Pardon A and are directlie contrarie to diverse your majesties good
and holesome lawes and ordinwaunces of this your highnes realme of
Englande" and doe not only deprave Yowr said subiecte* and deprive them 15
of their good name and reputaczon (w/7/ch they hold and esteeme as precious
as their lives and haue formerly received and enioyed much comfort therin)
but alsoe derogate from Codes glory whoe by such abhorred courses and
Divelish practizes is infinitely dishonored and Yowr said subiecte* haue
received and sustayned greate damage and losse therby in their credittw and 20
reputac/ons wherof they humbly pray reliefe in this Yor Majesties high Cozm
of Starechamber May it therfore please yor most excellent Majestic to
graunt vnto yowr humble subiecte* Your Maiesties most gratious writt and
written of Subpena to bee directed vnto them the said William Maries lohn
Lack lohn Abbott lohn Lea Anthony Mathew Thomas Lack A r Hughe Sims 25
William Oburne" 1 and Willwm Marshall comaunding them and euery of
them therby vpon a certen daye and vnder a certen payne therin to be
lymited A & comprised personally to appeare and bee before yowr Maiestie
and yowr highnes most Honourable Counsell in yowr high Cowrt of
Starchamber then and there upon their corporall oathes to answeare the 30
premisses And farther to stand to and abide suche farther order and censure
heerin as to your Maiestie & your said Counsell shall seeme fitt to bee laide
and inflicted on suche heynous offenders and malefactors And yowr said
humble subiecte* shall ever (according to their bounden duty) pray vnto god
for the contynuance of your Majesties prosperous and royall Reigne over vs/ 35
(signed) lames More
Francis Ashley
26/ Oburne: yorOsburnc
BRIDPORT 1613-14 l61
Answer of Defendants in Miller et al v. Maries et al PRO: STAC 8/214/2
mb 2* (11 July)
The Aunsweres of Hugh Symes Anthony Mathewe and
die iulij A*m> Willwm Marshall defendants to the Bill of Complaynte
SffS/ of Robert Miller and others Complaynanw/
Harkcr The dcfendantes by protestac/on, not acknowledging nor confesseing any of
the Matters in the said Bill of Complaynte agaynst them exhibited to be
true, in maner, and forme as in the said Bill the same are sett forth agaynst 10
them, And aisoe saveing vnto them Selves nowe, and at all tymes hereafter
all advantages of excepczon to the vncertenty and insufficyency of the sayd
Bill of Complainte for plea and Aunswere therevnto they saye That longe
before the exhibiting of theire said Bill of Complaynte the Complaynant
and divers others of the inh/j6itantof Bridporte aforesaide to the nomber 15
of one hundred and vpward being poore simple people both men weomen
and Maydes often assembled themselves to some of cheire owne privatt
howses in A the night tymes and there handled and expounded parcells of
scripture Counterfeytmg preaching and Sange Psalmes pretending to professe
a more pure and zealous religion then others And alsoe often tymes gave 20
enterceynment to one Traske a young hot headed and excommunycated
Mynister and one (blank) Cheverell a yonge Scholemaster and preacher of
the same sect or oppynion Notw/thstanding the Rector and person of the
same p^rishe and Towne being a Reverend and learned preacher dothe take
greate paynes w/th his Charge being most willing to Teache Conferre and 25
give satisfacaon to any desirous to be satisfied in or of Doutfull questions
or poynctes of Religyon, Nevertheles the said Comp\aynantes and theire
Accomplices vtterly depyse his doctryne; deriding and making a laughing-
game at him and give out in speeches that they had as rather here A dogge
barke as here him preache, and that yf he were dead he would affrighte the 30
devells w/ th many other vnseemely wordwof reproche bothe of him and
others deceassed which theire assemblyes and Conventicles moved divers of
the inhabitants of Bridporte to suspecte that theire meeteingwere not in
deed to any good purposes, but rather to some evell and licentious ende,
and weare the rather moved to thinke soe because of theire ffeastinge and 35
drinckeing of greate store of wyne at such theire meetings And theire
assembleyes and Conventicles being contrarye to his Majesties lawes of this
ReaJme they the said Complaynantes and divers other of theire said assotiat
were by the Churchwardens of the said towne of Bridporte presented in the
spiritual! Courte before doctor Hussey Chauncelor of the diocesse of Bristall o
28/ dcpysc:
162 BRIDPORT 1613-14
w/thin which lurisdicc/on they dwell for theire said Assemblyes and
Conventicles And in shorte tyme after theire apparaunc before the said
docter and vppon the general! fame and reporte of theire lascivious vsages
and demeasners at there said meetings Certen Rymes and verses were written
and Cast abowte the Towne which theis defenddt doe thinke were devised 5
and written by the Complaynanmor some of theire A said Associates
purposely in policye that the same might be supposed to have byn written
or invented by the Churche wardens and other well affected persons of the
same Towne thereby to seeke revenge agaynst the said Churche wardeynes
and such others as the said Complaynames and theire said Complices 10
* imagyned to dislike of theire famyliar Assembles and Conventicles, All
which theise defend^wtw doe thinke the rather for that they have herd, that
a written Ryme was deliuered vnto one lohn Lea one of the defend^wt
menc/oned in theire said Bill of Complaynte, An apprentice and servant
vnto one lohn Abbott Mercer one of the Churchwardens and one of the 15
defendants likewise in theire said Bill menc/oned, and the next morneing
very earlie Angell Churchell a Taylor one of the Complaynantwand one
Thomas Bagge whoe likewise favoreth of the Complaynames Religion Came
to the shoppe of the said Abbott pretending to buye some of his wares, and
the said lohn Lea shewed them such wares as they seemed to buye but the 20
said Churchell and Bagg disliked the boyes prices and would not buy of him
but of his said Master, Therevppon the saide Lea wente to his Masters house
distant from the Shoppe and Cawsed the said lohn Abbott his Master, to come
to the shopp And then the said Churchell, and Bagge made a Cold showe to
buy some of his weares which was not theire occasion but to laye snares and 25
baytes to entrappe the said lohn Abbott to worke theire maJyciouse revenge
vppon him for doeing /but 1 his Office and Dewtye there vppon left the
priceingof the said wares, And Churchell told the said Abbott that his
boye (meaneing the said lohn Lea) as he hearde had Certen Rymes written
in paper which he desired to see, the said Abbott /aunswered him 1 , he knewe 30
not of yt And there vppon comaunded his boye to deliver them A yf he had
any and accordingly the said Lea Deliuered them to the said Churchell or
Bagge, Then they or one of them desired the said lohn Abbott to reade
them which he denyed, and they p<?rswaded him yt was noe hurte therefore
earnestly entreated the said Abbott agayne to reade them, vppon whoes greate 35
request the said /reade twoe or three lines & Cast yt to the saide Churchell
and Bagge agayne dislikeing yt, And sithence the Bill exhibited the said
Abbott heareing that he was menc/oned a defendant in the said Bill but not
then nor yet served w/th proces repaired to Miller one of the principall
Complaynarnes and demaunded him what reason he and the other 40
Complaynantes had to Charge him vppon the said Bill of Complainte whoe
36/ (He said: for the said Abbott
BRIDPORT 1613-15 63
neu^rintermedled wnh any thing but at the earnest request of Churchell
one of the Complaynantes (as aforesaid) the said Miller aunswered Abbott
that he was verye glad he had occasion to be revenged vppon him and would
be revenged thoughe he spente himselfe to his shirte, And the said said Hughe
Symes one of the defenddt sayeth that one willwm Reade, a Barber of >
Bridporte aforesaid one of the CompLzywatassotiatthath given forthe
that there is a Bayte laide for him the said Symes, what his meaneing is the
said defendant Symes knoweth not, And for further Aunswere and plea vnto
the said Bill of Complaynte theise defend/ztrt saye, and eyther and euery of
them for himselfe semrally sayeth, That they are not guilty nor eyther of 10
them is guiltye of the deviseing makinge Contriveing writing or devulginge
of the said Lybells in the said Bill of Complaynte menc/oned or of any other
rhe Misdemeanenors in the said Bill expressed in manner and forme as A in
the said Bill the same are sett forthe agaynst them, All which Matters theise
defenckm are readye to averr and prove as this right honorable Courte shall is
and will awarde And prayen and euery and either of them prayeth seuf rally
to be dysmyssed out of this honorable Courte w/th theire reasonable Costes
and Charges by them wrongefully susteyned in this behalfe./
(signed) Thomas hughes
Swanton 20
1614-15
Bailiffs Accounts DRO: DC/BTB: M2/1 1
f m*
2S
for a bill of Inditement against the fidlers at Lent assize ij s. 6 d.
Cofferers Accounts DRO: DC/BTB: M8/ 10
f [1] (Payments) 30
Item paied to Beves for paving the Bullring vj d.
Item paied to George Limbert for yron worke for the Bullring ij s. vj d.
35
Answer of Defendant in Miller et al v. Maries et al PRO: STAC 8/2 1 4/2
mb 3* (28 November)
Jurat* vicesimo The aunswere of lohn Abbott one of the Deffend/zHt,
Novembns to tne ^ " of Complaynte of Robte Myller Aaron Cooke 40
4/ said said. Autography m MS 33; Limbert: t corrected from A
16/ prayen: yc obscured by mk blotch 40/ Robte: for Robme, abbreviation mark m, is ,ng
164 BRIDPORT 1614-15
Anno Nicholas Horsford, Angell Churchell lohn Charde willwm whettam
icobi Re is will/am Colfox & waiter Hussey a\ias Baylie Comp\aynantes
Marker The said deffendant, now and att all tymes hereafter, saving vnto himself, all
benefytt, and advantage* of excepc/on, to the incertentie, and insuffyciencye 5
of the saide Bill by protestac/on, first saieth, that he verelie conceaveth, that
the same Bill ys presented against him this deffencLzwt, and mother deffend^t,
(being poore men) in this honorable Courte, w/th much mallice, and by
incouragemerct of some others, not named playntiffe in the same, and in
more particular against this deffendant, yt conteyneth many vntruthes 10
devyzed and sett forth, w/thout any iust cawse, or coullor of any mysdemeanor
comytted or done by this deffendant, Neverthelesse A who for a directe
aunswere to all the misdemen(...) wherew/th hee is charged in and by the
same Bill, Doth deny, that hee ys guiltie of them, or any of them, in such
soarte, and manner as in, and by the said Bill they are set forth and aJleadged 15
against him, for a farther declarac/on, and acknowledgement of soe much of
the matters therein conteyned as hee this deffend^wt hath ben acquaynted
w/thall and w/th the manner thereof A hee further saieth, That abowte
three quarters of a yere nowe last past, hee this deffend#t being then, and
yet, one of the Churchwardens, of the Towne of Bridport, in the Countie of 20
Dorset, togeather w/th one Nicholas Hardey, then thother churchwarden of
the same Towne receaved dyvers message*, sent him this deffend/zwt from
some of thofficers of the eccliasticall Courte of the said Countye of dorset,
that then tofore, there were; and had ben dyvers meetings or conventicles
of dyvers persons both men and women at certen howsses, vsually w/ thin 25
the saide Towne of Bridporte at vnseasonable howres in the night tyme, And
that if /hee 1 the saide deffendant, and the said othi?r Churchwardens of the
same Towne, dyd not shortlye presente such offences, being conceaved, and
sayde, to bee contrarie to the lawe, and ponisheable by that Courte, That
then the said Courte would ponishe them the deffendawt, and his fellowe 30
Churchwarden, Therevppon the said deffendflwt and his fellowe said fellowe
Churchwarden, havinge special! care therein, for the due performance of
theire said office therein conferred togeather thereof, and having consydered
of suche inconvenyency as this Deffendant, and his fellowe Churchwarden
thought might growe or happen by the not presenting of the said Offences, 35
They dyd present such persons inh/zitant w/thin the said Towne, as they
knewe to haue suche meetings at theire howses, and the howsses of other
persons, in that kynde, and alsoe such as vsed, and frequented such their
meetings, dyvers of which persons soe presented, are nowe Comp\aynantes,
71 presented: 3 minims in MS
1 6/ for: erasure before this word obliterated by line fillers
3 1 / his fellowe said fellowe: partial Jittography in MS, for his said fellowe
BR1DPORT 1614-15
in the said Bill, And thereuppon proces of Citac/on were awarded against
thoffenders soe presented, And vppon the said Citac/on the same Offenders,
or the moste of them dyd appeere /whereof the said Robme Myller was
one 1 , at a Courte holden at Blandford w/ thin the said Countye before lames
Hussey Esquier Doctor of the Cyvell lawe and Chauncellor of the diocesse
where the said Offences were comytted, and there, at the said Courte, or
before the said Chauncellor, the saide persons cyted, acknowledged theire
offences, and aJleadged their estat to be poore & verye vnable to beare theire
expencof attendans of the said Courte, yt being kept some fower, and
twenrye myles from their dwelling places or thereabouts, and promysed the 10
^aid 1 Chauncellor, that they the said persons cyted or the most of them,
woulde forbeare from henceforth, to comytt such or the lyke offences any
more or to such effecte, wherevppon the said Chauncellor remytted the
farther ponishenvm of theire saide offences, and for that tyme suspended
yt, and sent them home agayne/ principallie in regarde of theire small abilitye is
in hope of theire reformac/on and not for any cleernes with them of their
said offences, as this deffend/zwt thinketh And further this deffend/wt saieth,
that before thoffences aforesaid were presented, there were certen verses or
rymes made, and cast abroade in the sayde Towne as in the saide Bill ys
alleadged, but whoe devysed or wrote the same verses, or rymes, this deffend^wt 20
knoweth not nor knoweth what /were 1 the Contentes of the said rymes, or
verses but by the contents of this byll, Saving that yt is true, ,, thatt abowte
the tyme aforesaid, one paper written wzth verses, or rymes, but whether to
the effecte in the Bill menczoNed, this deffendam knoweth not, was delyvered
vnto one lohn Lea, one other deffend^m, this defendawt apprentyce being 2s
abowte the age of Sixteene or seaventeene yeres, as he tolde this defendant
by one Marye wyllyams, wiefe of lohn "Willyams of Bridporte aforesaide
whoe intreated the said Lea as hee said to readd the same paper or verses,
shee thinkinge as hee said, as the said Lea alsoe saide that yt had ben a \etne
sent vnto her, from her daughter, then and yet dwellinge att or neere London v>
but vppon hearing some Parte thereof, yt not falling out, to bee soe, shee
left the same with the said Lea, as hee alsoe affirmed which beinge made
knowen to the said Angell Churchchell one of the Complaynames and A one
Thomas Bagge, whereuppon, the said Churchell, beinge a tayler and this
deffend^wt a mercer early in the morninge then soone after, togeathur w;th 35
the said Bagge repaired to this deffenddwtashoppe (being distant from [hi]
his dwelling house a good space) and fynding the said Lea there, and this
deffendrfwt then, not come thither hee for a fashion and shewe as yt seem< . . . )
to shewe him the said Churchell some mercery wares for the said Bagge,
29/ hee: for shee (?)
32/ the ; : erasure before ihn word obliterated by lint fillen
38/ seem( . . .}: about 560mm of text area illegible through creating
166 BR1DPORT 1614-15
tryfling the tyme in expectadon of this deffendant comyng to his said
shoppe as yt seemed, Sayinge they woulde not buye any of the said wares
vnlesse they mighte buy yt of this deffendtfwt, himself Whereuppon an nother
of this deffendantesservAnr.es being then, in the said Shoppe went to this
deffendant A when he was [being] at his house and called him to come to 5
his said shoppe, and this defendawt repayred thithfr accordinglie, and there
found the said Churchell and Bagge, and then after some Little questyoning
abowte the said wares, the said Churchell told this deffendant, that hee had
annother busynes to this deffendant which was, that, hee had heard that this
defTendrft said servant, Lea, had a Libell which dyd concerne him the said 10
Churchell, and others of the Towne, or vsed wordes to lyke effecte, whereunto
this Deffendant, aunswered the said Churchell that hee knewe yt not. nor
dyd beleeve yt to be true, at which tyme of his this deffend*zt said 1
aunswere, hee this deffendawt had never scene, nor readd nor heard of the
same, but receaved the first notyce thereof at that tyme, from the said 15
Churchell, And the said Churchill replyed yt was the better for hym thes
deffencLmt if hee knewe yt not, And therevppon, this Defendant demaunded
his said Servant Lea for the said paper or verses which are the first intended
Libell as this defendant thinketh but knoweth yt not. And this said Lea, tolde
this Deffendant that hee had certen verses delyu^red vnto him by the said 20
Marye Wylliams, in such manner, as ys before, in this aunswere declared,
which hee then delyvered to this deffendant, and this Defendant delyvered
the same, vnto the said Churchell, w/thout any pfrvsall or reading thereof,
or of any parte thereof, not daring to doe yt because the said Churchell, had
called yt a Libell, which Churchell pfrceaving, hee said to this Defendant, 25
yow meaning [me] this defendant may read yt, and see what yow delyver, or
wordes to that effecte, yet this deffendant aunswered the said Churchill, that
hee would not read yt for yt woulde bring him this defendant into trouble,
and yet the said Churchill soe p<rswaded with this deffendant to reade yt,
Saying eftsoones, that there was no danger in reading of yt, And this 30
Defendant thereuppon alsoe not suspecting that the said Churchill plotted
to intrapp him this defendant, as nowe yt seemes he dyd, dyd take the said
paper in his hand, and turned his face from the said Churchill and Bagge,
and read about fyve, or sixe lynes of the same to himself inwardly or softlye,
and not otherwyse, and the said Bagge looked over this deffendantes shoulder 35
vppon the same verses, and said vnto the said Churchill, that those verses
were to the effecte of such as one Will/am Maryes one other of the defendantes
to this byll, had And this defendant thereby, and by readinge of the said
fewe lynes p^rceaving they were vnnecessarie and vnfytt verses, or rymes left
21 buyc: b corrected from p 71 some: erasure before this word obliterattd by line fillen
BRIDPORT 1614-24 167
of reading of them any farther, but forthw/th delyvered the same to the said
Churchill agayne, Whereuppon Churchill demaunded /of 1 this defendant
the contents of the said verses, of purpose, as yt nowe appeereth alsoe to
sifte this defendant & to take advantage against him And this defendant
aunswered, the said Churchill that they were idle verses, and hee which 5
made them was worthie to bee severely ponished for yt or to such effecte,
Sithens which tyme, this defendant doth verely [thinke] beleeve that the
Complayndntes doe presente this suite against him this defendant, in revenge
for presenting the said offences, And moreover this defendant saith, That,
hee is not guiltye of the devysing, making writinge contryvinge or publishinge 10
of the said Libells in the bill menc/oned or eyther of them, or of any other
the mysdemeanors or offenc wherew/ th hee ys charged in, and by the said
Bill, in such manner and forme, as in the said Bill of complaynte the same,
are set forthe and declared, All which hee ys ready to averre, and prove as
this moste honorable Courte shall awarde, And praieth to bee dismyssed out is
of the same w; th his reasonable /costw 1 charges and expencw, by him moste
wrongefullie susteyned in this behalf.//
(signed) Hugh Pyne
1616-17 20
Bailiffs Accounts DRO: DC/BTB: M2/9
f [3]*
[viijd] More to Richard Colfoxe & for ahorse to carrie a lugler
to Bridwell jj s . v \\j J 25
1620-1
Cofferers Accounts DRO: DC/BTB: M8/203
f [2v] (Rendered 25 October) (Payments for Midsummer quarter) 30
More to Henry Parker Sergiaunt for the king Plears that were
in Towne v s
1623-4
Bailiffs Accounts DRO: DC/BTB M2/11
f [4v]
hem geuen to the Kingw Players to thend they should not playe x s. 40
168 BRIDPORT 1624-39
1624-5
Bailiffs Accounts DRO: DC/BTB: M2/9
f [1] (Rendered 3 November)
li. s. d. 5
14 of december to the king players 050
1625-6 ,
Account of Thomas Merefeild DRO: DC/BTB: Ml 3
single sheet (18 April 1625-19 April 1626)
Item for rwoo fidlers viij d.
15
1633-4
Bailiffs Accounts DRO: DC/BTB: M2/9
f [2v]
20
Laide fforth the Therteeth day of Augwste vnto the Staige
Plaieares 00 ij s. vj d.
1637 25
Account of a Sabbath Breaking DRO: DC/BTB: DEI 0/3
f [2v]* ( 17 July-2 October)
Richard Miller confesseth he was at Will^m dacks house (...) willwm Sweete
(...) Avis Namies ( . . . )ster will/Wm th( . . )sters Christopher holte Richard 30
niccalle margery Swasey A lohan worth seruant unto Avys namies 1 & Robert
Sparke & ther had x single cuppes of Beere at dackes howse at iij of the clock
in [after] the morninge/ being sabeth day &c Sweete < . . .)chires & dack sange
wherby the neighbours could not sleepe/
35
1638-9
Bailiffs Accounts DRO: DC/BTB: M2/9
f [2]
40
Laide out for amending the bulringe 00 01 00
BRIDPORTf 1641 /CORFE CASTLE 1328-9 1 69
cl64l
Court Leet Presentments DRO: DC/BTB: E2/unnumbcrcd
single sheet*
S[et hem wee present will/am ffrench of hadstock butcher for killinge a bull
without beatinge within this Borrough contrarye to the Anscient Custome
of the towne since the Last Lawe day "anrurcitur ad iij s. j d.
CERNE ABBAS
CHARLTON MARSHALL
10
1633-4
St Mary s Churchwardens Accounts DRO: PE/CEA: CW 1/1
f 20* (21 April- 6 April; rendered 19 April 1635) (Payments)
15
Paid Anthony Thorne & others for taking downe ye Maypole
& making a /Towne 1 Ladder of it 00 03 10
20
1603-4
St Mary the Virgin s Churchwardens Accounts DRO: PE/CHM. CW 1/1
f 24v* (24 April- 8 April) (Receipts)
25
Itmi receyved of the weomen at hoctyd iij s.
CORFE CASTLE
30
1328-9
AC John Stow s Chronicles of England STC: 23333
pp 359-60*
rd Certaine men of this land, to ye intent to try what friends they had in England, 31
e craftily deuised that Edward the second king of England was aJiue in the
Castell of Corffe, but not to bee scene in the daye time, and therefore they
vsed manye nightes to make shewes and maskyng wyth dauncing vpon the
towers and Wals of the Castel, which being perceyued by people of the
71 jd.: \ corrected aver anoO,er Utter 26/ hoctyd: 2-3 May 1603
170 CORFE CASTLE 1328-1577
countrey, it was thoughte there had bin some great king vnto whom they
dyd these greate I solemnities: this rumour was spredde ouer all Englande,
to witte, that the olde King was aliue, whence it came to passe, that the
Earle of Kent sente thyther a Fryer Precher, to trye the truth of the matter,
Annoregu3. who (as it was thought) hauing corrupted the Porter of the Castell with 5
rewardes, is let in, where he lay all the day in the Porters lodge verye close,
and whew night was come, he was willed to put on ye habit of a lay ma,
and then was brought into the Hal, wher he saw (as he thought) Edwarde
the Father of the king sitting royally at supper with great maiestie. This Frier
being thus perswaded, returned againe to the Earle of Kente, and reported 10
as he thought, what he saw: whervpon ye Erie saide and affirmed with an
othe, that he would indeauoure by all the meanes he coulde to deliuer his
brother from prison.
15
1574-7
Autobiography of Robert Ashley BL: Sloane MS. 2131
ff I6v-17*
Sed cum Patri tune temporis per Dominum Christoferum Hattonuw Regine 20
Elizabethe vicecamerariuwdemandata esset custodia Corfe Castri in Insula
Purbeck qae agro Dorsettensi adiacet, eo cum familia illuc transmigrants
vbi Moderator ludi literarij bonam de se famam excitaverat ego ipsius curae
comwendatus facile illius Scholae princeps evasi vbi memini me ad luctam a
sodali inter ludendum provocatum supenorem evasisse, adeo vt postea laxati 25
inter luctandum cruris redemptionew a me exegerit I Ibi etiam cum A in
ferijs Natalitijs Redemptoris nostri A celebrandis Comedia inter no(.)
actitanda esset principes eius partes quae alij antea comissae fueranO mihi
postea per Magistrum delegatae qua gloriosa fortasse mihi nimium placui
Verum Preceptore Hadriano in Belgiam accito ac preparante ipse Sarisburiam 30
duodecimo aztatis anno inchoato traductus ad studioru< . ) cursum
continuanduw vbi in schola publica Sub Doctore A Adamo Hill Collegii
Bailiolensis quondam Socio literis incubui: Is ingenioruw haud segnis
aestimator currenti przconijs suis calcar addidit, et cum comediac /recitandz
ac alia solemnia spectacula coram illustrissimo Henrico Comite Pembrooke 35
(qui tu(. .) in vicinijs habitabat) exhibenda essent mihi primas partes
demandavit.
24/ Scholae: S written over s
25-6, 31/ laxati ... redemptioncm, duodecimo ... inchoato: phrasei underlined in MS
26/ Ibi etiam: aho appears onf!6i> as catchword following exegerit
DORCHESTER f 1603-10
DORCHESTER
c 1603-10
Prologue for a School Play Bodl.: MS. Add. B. 97
ff 63-4*
The Prologe to a Presentment of a
Playe before Bishopp Thornburie
& his Chauncellor, in his
Visitac/on at Dorchester. 10
by ye SchoolMaster Sheeke.
Sacrj Senate Lumen, Ornatissime
Salueto Praesul: tuqwfCancellarie,
Iteruw benignas quj iocis aures dabis 15
SaJueto, vosqwf caster), nostram quibus
Quascunqwfsit dicenda, non visuw est grave
Ornate vestra fabulam przsentia,
Et ludictis res serias poscponere.
Nam ludicra audietis, vt moneam prius: 20
Ne forte quisquaw conqueratwrpostea
Nee digna vestris eruditis auribus. &c.
Sed quis per hoc prosceniuw affectat viaw?
Discede. ode.
Tragzdiaw nullaw audies &c. 25
Hospes: Rumor est tamen.
- Id nostra curat scilicet
Dorcestria, quz damnat en nos, & tamen
Sunt Histriones maximj.
Hospes. Comedia igitur? 30
- At ne istac quidem,
Ne quasre, nunqu^m inveneris. etc.
Captetrvt ne risus? haud Mimj sum#,f,
Nee agimwf Histrioniam, vt tu putas:
Famosj agant, quos omniuw leges notant. etc. 35
Hospes: Quid igitur agetwr?
Gratulatwr praesulj etc.
- Splendore praestantj viro,
Hie quj sacrato preside! rector choro. &:c.
- Nomen a Spinis tenet, 40
Qmenque, quj p^rasperas spinas sacruw
Virtutis, & honoris tetigit ipsuw luguw. I
172 DORCHESTER C 1603-10
Hos/> Actores?
Puerj.
Hos/> Doctissimj.
O vtinaw quidem!
At ne quidem doctj at annoruw inscij, 5
Et artis etiaw, Elementa quj primum hauriunt
Gramwatica, Corderianj, & /tsopicj leues,
Terentianj, quj salutant literas
A limine ipso vix, imo ne vix quidem.
10
At tu tamen, quo pace dicatrtua,
Es curiosus, ista tarn subtiliter,
[Fastidiose & quzris, Ad luduw quasi
Ad (...)] Haec vna fuerit causa veniendj tibj.
Aliena curas vereor, excussus tuis. &c. 15
Et curiosos dicunt ewe garrulos
Quicquid rogabis expedj, at paucis roga. 6tc.
Virtutis & vitij viawexemplo decent, 20
Hanc vt sequatwr, alteram vt fugiat Schola:
Sic omne punctuw retulit is qu) miscuit
Dulcj vtile. &c.
Quid hie agenduw, quidue dicenduw foret 25
Processeraw dicturus, at nostro hospitj
Dum vellicatim singula require! modo,
Dixj omnia, vt sup<resse ia/w possit nihil
quod vos deceat: Hie omnes pra:cor,
Teqw^supfromnes (praesul Ornatissime) 30
Patrone Musis, atqw^comwunis Parens,
Quem nos tenemus Numinis (blank) loco
Maiora qoniam haud licuit in praesens darj,
His quz fatemwrparva sunt, ignoscite.
Vtinam apparatus ludos hie dignos daret,
Animos volentes & pios habeas tamen.
Sis bonus & almus facilis 6 faelix tuis.
Sumus puellj dabimus exact) nihil,
Sumus misellj dabimus eximij nihil,
Sumus pusillj dabimus excultj nihil. I 40
At sj placebunt ista qua; facimw tibj
Satis superqwf fuerit hoc totuw nihil.//
DORCHESTER 1608
1608
Bill of Complaint in Condytt et al v. Chubbe et al PRO. STAC 8/94/ 1 7
mb 19* (21 April)
To the Kings most excellent Mamtye
In humble Manner shewe and informe vnto your excellent Ma/tye your
humble and Obedient subiectw lohn Condytt of Dorchester in the County
of Dorset and Elizabeth his wieffe, that wheras your said subiect having for
many yeares togeather inhabited and dwelt in the same towne of Dorchester
haue so carefully ordered and Carried them selues in all their Acc/ons that 10
ther is not any person as they doe verily thinke in that Borough that can
iustlye taxe or depraue them of anye evell demeanour or offence offered him
in particuler of or of any publick scandall given in general!, the said Elizabeth
behaving her self w/thall sobrietye decency and woomanhood w/thout any
immodest or light behaviour wherby shee myght iustlye be suspected much 15
lesse censured for incontinencye or any other lewde or loose demeanour And
that whereas Ioh(. ) White Master of Artes minister and preacher of gods
word and Parson of the Church of the holy Trinirye in Dorchester aforesaid,
Robert Cheeke Master of Artes and Schoole Master of the ffree schole there
and lohn Aden of Dorchester Merchant being parsons of honest behaviour 20
and living by their seu*rall proffessions paynfully and honestlye w/thout
Scandall or offence to any man, Yet so yt is may yt please yowr excellent
MazVjty, that Mathewe Chubbe of Dorchester aforesaid Marchant and
Margaret his wieffe and Robert Aden of Dorchester aforesaid gentleman
envying and repining at the prosperitye and good ffame of yowr said 25
Subiectwand of the said lohn White Robert Cheeke and lohn Aden and
other parsons of honest and good behaviour haue vnlawfully conspired and
practised howe they might not onlye foyle and blemish but vtterly extinguish
and take away their honest ffame and good Reputac/on for euer, for wA/ch
purpose they haue devised made and contrived diut-rs infamous scandalous 30
and ignominious libelles which they haue sithence published disp^rsd and
divulged tending to the traducyng scandalizing and vniust taxing of yowr
said subjects s and of the said lohn White Robert Cheeke and lohn Aden
and to the stayning of them as much as in them lieth w/th fowle workes of
perpetual! disgrace obloquie and infamye, And namely on the ffower and 35
twentieth Daye of the Moneth of lune, in the ffowerth yeare of yowr
Ma/tyes Reigne they the said Mathew Chubb and Margaret his wiffe and
the said Robert Aden did vnlawfully make write and contrive an od< . . )us
and filthie libell against the said lohn Aden Robert Cheeke and yowr subiect
Elizabeth Conditt and other of yor Ma/Vftyes subiectw, A coppye of which 40
libell is also herevnto filed which beginneth w/th these wordes, Tall Sturdy
13/ of or of: first of redundant
174 DORCHESTER 1608
Puritan Knaue &c wA/ ch obscene and filthie lybell not fitt to be rehearsed
in this yowr honorable Court they the said Mathewe Chubb and Margarett
his wieffe and the said Robert Aden and other persons to yor said subiectw
yet vnknowne afterwards vzt: on the twenty sixeth daye of lune then following
did also vnlawfully dispers( . ) and cast the same abroade in seu?rall places of 5
the said Burrough of Dorchester and did also themselues read or cause the
same to be read to dium persons at seiwrall tymes both in the howse of the
said Mathewe Chubb and els where in the same Towne of Dorchester and
did often publish the same in seu^rall manner both by giuing out verye many
Coppies therof as also the said Margarett Chubb not onlye shewed the same 10
to some persons but did also tell and recompt the substance therof vnto
these persons offering that if they or any friend of theirs would haue a
Coppye therof they should haue yt, And that the said Mathewe Chubb did
make and contriue the same or did cause the same to be made and was
consenting therunto as also to the divulging and publishing therof may 15
appeare for that the said Mathew Chubb in the thirtieth day of the said
moneth of lune or therabout having conference w/ th a neighbour of his
concerning the said Libell did say and affirme that the sayd lohn White was
aimed at in one place therof and sayd moreou^r that he could find out the
Libeller w/th a wett finger yf he had listed, which neumhelesse he did not 20
p^rforme nor discoiwr the libeller, albehit in respect of his place and office
w/7/ ch he then supplied (being that yeare Bayliffe of the said Borough) he
ought to haue donn especially being charged also by Sir George Trenchard
Knighte so to doe, And the said Chubb having togeather w/th his other
confederate* and associates before named in this manner traduced yor said 25
subiect and the pmones before named and others, and taxed them w/th
the odiouse and hatefull name of Puritans amongst many other sclanders in
the said Libell contryued to bring them into the greater detestac/on and
hatred w/ th all men, wheras yowr said subiectwdoe in all poyntw conforme
them selues to your Ma/tyes Ecclesiastical! lawe ordeyned to be observed 30
in the Church of England, And not being yet sufficiently satisfied w/th their
Rude Rayling and hatefull backbiting of your said subiect and the Rest in
such secreat manner as aforesaid, but the more to add to their divellish
Impietie and to make vpp a full measure of their abhominable invectives
and the more amplye to discover the depth of their hatred conceived against 35
all persons that eyther professe the trueth of doctrine authorized by the Church
of England or doe endeavour to Hue religiously and w/thout scandall he the
said Mathewe Chubbe and his other Associates before named haue putt in
execution a more detestable practise then that before mentioned by
publishing reading and divulging out Coppies of his other execrable Lybell 40
9/ manner: for manners (?)
DORCHESTER 1608
made and contrived by them the said Mathewe Chubb and Robert Aden,
conteyning many false and accursed invectives and Rayling termes not only
against yor said subiect but eaven by name against that reverend Preacher
Mr William Park(...) of Cambridge deceased, who in his liffe tyme was
reverenced of all good men, yet such and so great is the malice of the persons 5
before named that on the ffowerth daye of August in the said ffowerth yeare
of yowr Ma/tyes Reigne The said Mathewe Chubbe then continewing and
being Bayliffe of the said Towne of Dorchester, did openly at a markett
Crosse in one of the streets of the said Towne read publishe and pronounce
an infamous dampnable and sclanderous Libell against your subiecu-5 before 10
named and the said Mr Perkins before that Tyme deceased terming him
among other words of Reproa(. . > Schismaticall Knaue, Dogg and ympe of
the divell, and most Barbarouslie scandalizing therby the said Mr Parkins
and yowr said subiects before mentioned and many other yowr levying subjects
in dispightfull manner as appeareth in these ver{...) vnto these presents 15
annexed beginning with these word/5 You Puritans all whatsoever you dwell
&cc. which Lybell the said Mathewe Chubb said was found in the streete and
brought him by an other, And having in such manner read the same at the
markett Crosse so publicklye w/th a lowde voyce in the presence and hearing
of many persons he offered Coppies therof for money and did after deliu^r 20
out Coppies of the same, and he the said Mathewe Chubb Margarett his
wieffe and Oobert Aden did at other tymes after reade and publishe the
same in other places And not yet satisfied w/th such th(. .) former slaunders
and abuses but escaping w/thout punishment or rebuke for the same in regard
yowr said subiectw did rather ( . . )deavour to winne them w/th Conivence 25
and silence then to procure reformac/on by CompLz;t they did thervpon
growe more imboldned and in pursuance of their extreame malice against
yowr subiectwThey the said Mathew Chubb & Margarett his wiffe and the
said Robert Adin did on the tenth day of October in the said ffowerth yeare
of yowr Maiesryes Reigne vnlawfullye make write and contriue a verye false 30
sclaunderous and ygnominious Lybell agaynst the said lohn White wherin
among other things they terme him by the name of Purytan Prelatte
condempning his doctrine for heresie and doe in their saide Lybell mainteyne
popish doctrine and opinons as maye /by 1 the same vngodly Lybell appeare
which is herevnto annexed, beginning w/th this superscription and directiow, 35
That is to saye, To the Counterfeite Companye and packe of Puritans, in
which they haue also maliciously and falsely slaundered your said subiects
lohn Condict and Elizabeth his wiffe and other yor Ma/tyes subiectes
and in Covert Termes taxed her w/th inc(.)ntinencye And having made or
caused to be made Contrived and Written the said sclaunderous Lybell, they 40
34/ opinons: ^ropin/ons; abbreviation mark muling
176 DORCHESTER 1608
the sayd Mathewe Chubbe and Margarett his wiffe and the said Robert
Aden or some of them did afterwards on the twelfth daye of October then
following and at diud-rs and sundrie tymes sithence maliciouslye and vnlawfully
disperce and Cast abroade and consent to the dispersing and casting abroad
of the said lybell in sundry places of the Burough of Dorchester, And because 5
they would not be prevented in their intended purpose of sclaundering and
depraving your saide subiectw and the other persons aforenamed who were
but covertlye poynted at in the same LybelK..) But would be suer the same
should be published and come to light and be knowne to be intended agaynst
them. Therfore the said Mathewe Chubb on the eighteenth daye of October 10
then following by the abbetment and consent of his said Confederates did
to divers and sundrye persons of his acquaintance and familiaritye report
and read the said infamouse libell, at which tyme the said lohn White being
in presence and beyng by the said Mathewe Chubbe informed that the same
Lybell was written against him and some doctrine of his thervpon he desired 15
the said Mathewe Chubb to lett him haue yt as fittest yt was he should
purposing therby to suppresse the same But the said Mathew Chubb thincking
that he should then faile of the end he aymed at in disgraceing the said
Mr White and yo;<r subiects now Complainames and others, refused to deliufr
the said Lybell and the more to dispight him and the rest therin scandalized 20
he did then publish and Reade the same him self w/th lowde voyce in the
presence and hearing of divers persons of good Creditt, And not herw/ th
contented he the said Mathewe Chubbe and other the afforesaid persons his
confederates before named did afterwards also at many other tymes since
reade the same to others in the presence of much people and haue given out 25
many Coppyes therof Affirming that yowr said subiect lohn Conditt and
Elizabeth his wieffe and the said John White and other persons which nowe
complayne not were intended and ment by the same and that the matters
conceyued in the same libell were true, being indede most sclaunderouse
and false, he the said lohn White having at no tyme preached taught or 30
defended the poyntw of doctrine in the same mentioned or any other sort
then the same are held by the Church of England, And as the said Chubb
hath bynn opposite to the said lohn White so hath he also to divers others
his predecessores in that Church and hath bynn euermore quarreling and
wrangling w/th them and other learned preachers and ministers neere the 35
said Towne of dorchester enviyng in deed more their doctrine then their
persons as may well be presumed, the said Chubb having often mainteyned
and defended publicklye the Popish doctrine of Salvac/on by meritts and
other poynt of doctrine held and maynteyned by the Church of Rome
contrary to the trueth professed in this Church of England, As also that the 40
said Chubb is verie much conumant and familier w/th the said Robert Adin
who is well knowne to haue bynn for many yeares past a verye dangerous
DORCHESTER 1608
Recusanc and Convict of Recusancie and so yet contineweth, And moreou^r
the said Mathewe Chubb and his partners in the aforesaid vile practizes
finding yor said subiect<r.r and other the persons aforenamed still apt to
beare and suffer their indigniryes and contumelies they yet ceased not their
infamouse Lybelling and traducing of yowr said subjects good name and
Credditt but they having at other tymes sithence your Maiestyes last pardon
plotted writen and compiled other libels against your said subjects and divers
other persons he the said Mathewe Chubb did in his owne howse read and
publish the same to divers persons to the disgrace and wrong of yowr said
subiectw wAjch they doe forbeare to vrge further to sett forth in particuler 10
for that they hope the due punishrruw for those before named wilbe a
sufficient admonition for vndertaking the like vngodly practises in tyme to
come, And wheras further on the Eleventh day of Aprill nowe last past or
therabout they repayered to the said Towne of Dorchester Certene stage
players intituling themselues the servants of the Lord Barteley who by much 15
intreaty obteyned license to playe in the Common hall of the said Towne
ConditionaJlye that they shoulde not playe on the Saboth daye, wA/ ch
neumhelesse they having an intent to doe by the incouragemf^t of the said
Mathewe Chubbe, the Bayliffe (for that tyme being) sent vnto them the said
players for the Key of the Towne hall wA/ch they refused to deliu<?r but carried 20
the Key to the said Mathewe Chubb who also refused to deliueryt to the
Bayliffe the same being by them required of him: Whervpon the Bayliffe and
other Burgesses of the towne being assembled and hauing consulted about
the Contempt & insolencye offered by the said playeres they were much
laboured by the said Mathewe Chubbe, to consent that they might playe in 25
the Comon Hall that daye, wA/ch they vtterly refusing to assent vnto, the
said Chubbe thervpon peremptorily and disdaynfullye sent them word in
threatning manner that he would be eaven w/th them and in dispight of the
then Magistrate of the said Towne and other the Burgesses their Assistantes
w^zch formerly w/thstood him in this behalf did that same Evening of the 30
said Saboth daye him self being a Constable of the said Borough at that tyme
cause and procure the said players to playe at An Inne in the same towne to
the heigh Contempt of Almighty God and his Ma/ myes proclamac/on to
the Contrarye made, And yowr said Subiects are also the rather persuaded
that the said Mathewe Chubbe doth knowe who was the auctor and penner 35
of the said Libells because he the said Mathew hath diu^rs tymes affirmed
that the said Robert Adynn is the Aucthor of them, wA/ch happely the said
Chubb reporteth but in policye to shadowe the discoiurye of the very aucthor
of them in deed the said Robert Adin being alreadye in so deepe punishm^wt
that much more can not be inflicted he remayning nowe and having so done 40
of longe tyme in the gaoll of Dorchester for recusancie and other misdemeanours
on whom the said Mathewe Chubb presumeth to fasten such a report and
178 DORCHESTER 1608
the said Robert Adyn shameth not to take yt vppon him at the instance of
the said Chubbe he being vsually and familiarly conversant with him
notwithstanding he knoweth him not only to be a popish recusante convict
but also to be verie daungerous to the state mutinous and factious in his
proffessiow, And knowing that the said Robert Adyn shortly after the late 5
Queenes Ma/e-ityes decease offered to sell the sayd Chubb A horse to be paid
for the same when there should be a masse said by Aucthoritye in Ste Peeters
Church in Dorchester and that the said Robert Adyn was punished for the
same by the ludges of Assize: Nowe for as much as the making dispersing
publishing and publicke reading of such sclanderous reproachfull false and 10
ignominious Lybells Wherby yowr said subiect herin mentioned and dium
others yor Ma/tyes loving subiect which fforbeare to complayne and
their good and honest fame Credditt and Reputac/ons are traduced taxed
sclaundered and drawne in questiow and therby yor said subiect and the
Rest left as publique and notorious examples of disgrace obloquie and 15
infamye w/thout iust cause given are contrarye to the lawes and statutes of
this Realme and contrarye to divers proclamac/ons heretofore made and
proclaymed for the better suppressing of such enormous offences and
misdemeanors, And for as much (.)s dayly experience doth witnesse what
great evels doe spring from this sedicious and divellish Course of casting 20
forth Lybells amongst yowr Ma/tyes subjects and howe Daungerous to the
quiett estate of this yowr Ma/tyes peaceable gouerment yf such notorious
offenders and malefactors should escape vnpunished, And for as much as
the makyng and publishing of the said pernicious Lybells by the persons
before named and all other the offences and misdemeanors afore specified 25
haue bynn perpetrated and comitted since any generalle pardon w/;/ch
pardoneth such offences and doe not only depraue yowr said subjects and
depriue them of their good name and Reputac/on wA/ ch they hold and
esteeme as pretious as their lives and haue enioyed and receyved much Comfort
and sweete contentment therin. But also derrogate from gods glorie who by 30
such abhorred Courses and divellish practises is infmitelye dishonored and
noe Remedye can be given or Condigne punishment inflicted on the said
Offenders and malefactors or meanes is left vnto your subiects by the Comon
lawes of this Realme for the repairing of their Credits fames and Reputac/ons
so steyned and blemished as aforesaid nor other releifs or remedye can be 35
found or given but by and from yor gracious Maiesrye, May yt therfore
please yowr most excellent Mairye to graunt vnto your said humble subiect
^ r nowe complainant 1 yor Ma/tyes most gracious writts of Sub pena to be
directed to them the said Mathew Chubbe and Margarett his wiffe and
Robert Adyn comanding them & euerye of them by yor ma/ tyes said 40
written vpon a daye and vnder a certeyne payne (...) to be limitted and
Compased to be and personallye to appeare before yowr Ma/tye and yowr
DORCHESTER 1608 179
heighnes honorable Counsell in yowr heigh Court of Starchamber then and
there to answeare the premisses and further to stande and abide such further
ordeO and censure herein as yowr Maiestyc and your said Councell shall
seeme fitt to be layd and inflicted on such heinous malefactors; And yowr said
humble subjects shall euer according to their bounden dewrye pray vnto god 5
for the Continewance (...) prosperous and Royall reigne oufr vs.
Exhibits attached to the Bill of Complaint in Condytt et al v. Chubbe et al
PRO: STAC 8/94/1 7
mbs 20-2* 10
p I a
Tall sturdy Puritan knave for soe rearmed was thy name
By player whome thou tearmest rogues to thy face spake ye same 15
Thou saiedst by the statute thou woulds affirme thy talle
wA/ch when thou hadst brought them forth thou couldst not at all
Thie mynd is high thie purse is small god knowes it to be trew
ffor were it not for otYier mens goodes thy state were of bad hue
Yow Puritans count yowr selves the greatest of men of all 20
But I trust in god ere longe to see all of yow to fall/
Examples two already haue by god of late bynn shewne
By some of yowr greatest secte the lyke was neufryet knowen
The one to make yow the more playner to vndmtand & know
is one Lawrence of Steepleton whome all this towne doe know 2 5
who made himself the vprights man that lived now a daies
& Comended much your deed in the beating downe stage playes
He has to fore most willing byn to lead a quiet lyfe
That now the divell vrgeth him to lye w/th Condittwife
or else he sayes he neu^r shall recoiurhis disease 30
She heareinge this a horse did take & rode his mynd to please
Is this the Puritans lyef that all of yow doe professe
Then all yowr pure lyves are nothing but dissemblinge as I gesse
our savyour Christ foretold that false profett should arise
that should make shewe of godlines but denie the lor^Christe 35
ffor yowr face and Contenance doth shewe yow dissemblars are
and soe much doth my slender wytt of yow so much Compare
I pray mr lacke pasty take it not in greef what I say
But rather giue me thank yat would yow haue to leave yowr bad waies
The Schoolemaster yat was one of them yat stood on yowr side
scaped very hard that he had not bynn forced ye foole to ride
Some of yowr sect would not yat ringinge we should haue and vse
40
180 DORCHESTER 1608
but other some more better then they will yowr word refuse/
And that soe much as he Rynginge doth so lyke & doth so loue
we wilbe thankful! vnto him as it doth vs behove
O god prosper longe our noble Kinge god send him long to raigne
And not to trust the Puritans nor yet the king of Spayne
Post scriptuw in Pumbry this 24 th of lune per me IA
Adyn yf this Come to thie handes behold and see
do thou not stand against stage plaiers nor Yet trew melody
ffor yf thou doest thou shalt be calld knave and foole
and so shall thy sonne in lawe chicke ye maister of the schoole I 10
Yow Puritans all wheresoeiuryow dwell
ymitateing yowr master the dyvell of hell 15
leaue of your devises the world to delude
least god from his blisse yoj/r soules do exclude
ffor noe ones so symple that on yow doth looke
but knowes yat you liue contrary to your booke
yow carry your bible gods word to expound 20
and yet in all knavery yow dayly abound
ffor envies hatred &: malice great store
in noe creatures lyveinge 1 thinke is more
as daylie by experience amongst vs we fynd
to mischeef and hatred none more enclynd 25
yea Covetousnes letchery and lijnge for gayne
amongst yow puritans is not Counted vayne
but first w;th pride if I should beginn
because it is knowne for a principal! synne
a question being asked where doth it abound 30
then in the pure prelate yizt seemes so profound
ffor lardg Cambricke Ruffe and laceing great store
bestowed on apparell where doe we see more
I name not french bodies that w/th whales bone are Made
for puritans are to holy to meynteyne that trade 35
And many things more I could now haue spoke
but yat some would say I did at them scoffe
wA/ch sure I doe not nor meane nothinge soe
yet who crosses their follyes is Counted a foe
others there are that are knowne very well 40
which for purenes of lyfe they say they excel!
yea Sainctes of heaven already Chosen they bee
DORCHESTER 1608
to iudge the good, and evill of tuery degree
yea in this present life they lett not to maynteyne
that their deere frend are damnd for lyueing vaine
And for theire reward hell fire they haue gained
and thus Parkyns hath said yai his father hath obteynd
of his mother he stands doubtfull her co recall
but his sister he is sure shee will neutr fall
But yet for all this when he was forth gonne
the dyvell found his body at play all alone
and taught him to dance the dyvells rownd 10
I could wish he had Parkyns in that pownd
But what a Clowne is this & Rascall Scismatike knaue/
that will iudg his frends such vglie torments to haue/
A gratious turne were yt if god had so pleasde
that Cerberus in this world on his bones had ceasde is
ffor example to others such Counterfaite mates
that will maynteyne Religeon w/th lyinge prates
yea this Scismaticke dogge and ympe of the dyvell
doth maynteyne that god is the author of evill
Such variety of Religeon amongst vs is vsed 20
that thus is the mazmy of god by them abused
I pray god in mercy forgyue vs our synne
and roote out theis presitions yat newe Religeon beginn
That flocke themselues in Corners both early and late
each knaue makeinge choise of a whoare for his mate 25
&: thus vnder Coulor and cloake of good purytie
all villany is Comitted in Corners of obscuritie
In the Church on the sabboth what attention they shew
yf the henn did butt see yt, it would make the cocke crow
when their ghoastlie father to the seat doth repayre 30
after him they flocke as it weare to a fayre
And in such sort there they stand & witnes doe call
that crosse in Baptisme he makes none att all
but if it soe chance out of towne that [yee] he 1 bee
then at devine service none of them shall yee see 35
but after him they runne as pigg after a sowe
detesting dyvine service appoynted vs now
To saie they be traytors I hold it noe reason
because traytors are they that Comwytt treason
But Rebells I will count them I thinke w/thout blame 40
bycause in disobeyinge the kynge they hold it no shame
for what our kynge Commands that doe they denye
182 DORCHESTER 1608
yea praijnge kneeling & standing, all theis they defy
All honest recreac/ons and mirrymentw they blame
and are not theis Puritans? speake truth for shame
But the spiritt doth them moue their professions to vse
not only to the latten but the kinge to abuse
And thus doe I cease their follyes to vnfold
and leaue them to their master which makes them soe bold
To the execrable Companie [and pack] of Puritans and the
deepest desemblinge Anabaptistes of this tyme Enymies |
to the kynge and state, Lett this I praie thee be
Delyiured w/ th speed/ I
OnO
To the Counterfait Company & packe of Puritans/ 15
Haueinge my self heard a Sermon now of late
preached [by a] in Church by a puritan Prelate
I Could not well conteyne nor hold my penn still
least I should participate in the same ill 20
Though much absurd doctrine that sect hath sowen
which in all former adges hath bynn vnknowne
Yet the matter handled that tyme was so deepe
as the falshood of yt might moue men to weepe
The Saviowr of the world Christ lesus in person/ 25
of his sacred death was broughte in question
How that he was not the Sauiour of vs all
But of the elected w^;ch cann neuer fall
And how he suffred &C did dy for none
but for his people and such as weare his owne 30
O wretch and silly man yf white be thy skynne
yet blacke and defiled is thy soule within
noe mortal! man but the dyvell did devise
to cutt & curtaile Christw passion in this wise
fTor Christ our redeemfrw/thout all exception 35
for all mankind suffred his passion/
And when of his goodnes he dyed on the tree
his bloud then extended to eufry degree/
Such was his Ma/tie love, and Chantie
as he would saue those that did him Crucify 40
1 1/ thcc: th corrected over y(.)
DORCHESTER 1608
183
yf soe he suffred to saue and sett all free
why the worlds savyour ought he not to be
Though all be not saued defect is not his
he performed his loue to giue vs all blisse
who therefore shall publish or holdeth not soe
worketh for hell fyre & is our lords foe
But what other fruyt may there be expected
ffrom theis Counterfaite bretheren elected
who wickedly doe hold and so doe professe
that god is the Author of all sinfullnes 10
who likewise affirme ya\. whatsoeu^r chance
Christ is surely theirs and he will them advance/
gods deere children holy Saynct they are they knowe well
& heaven is their heritage where they shall dwell
As for all other Sayncvs that are dead &C paste 15
what [they] haue they to do w/th them or for them to faste
Loe this they will presume because in holy wrytt
they find some authorities for their purpose fytt
but the conditions whereon those are grownded
neiurwill they learne least they be confownded 20
Example late on him god would shew noe doubt
Whose fftnger would haue stopt faire Conditc^i spoute
for god would reveale their liues & manners rude
& shew wnh what falshood the world they delude
yet lyke most presumptuous and lyke peevish Elves 25
In all their misdeeds they lustefy themselues
and whosoeu^ris not of their Sect a brother
is suer cast awaye and reckoned for none other
But from their false doctryne god keepe me & myne
and that to such errors wee neu^r inclyne/ 30
Interrogatories for Defendants in Condytt et al v. Chubbe et al
PRO: STAC 8/94/1 7
mb 17* (Before 7 May)
35
Interrogatories to be ministred to mathew Chubbe, and margret his wyfe
and Robart Adin defendants, to ye bill of Complaynt and inforwaoon of
lohn Conditte and Elizabeth his wyfe Complaynant/
did not certayn stage players -which called themselves the Lor<^ Barkleys
servants come vnto the towne of dorchester in or about the moneth of
Aprill in ye yeare of our Lor^god 1607. weare they not prohybyted by the
40
184 DORCHESTER 1608
BaylifFes and Magistrate of the sayd towne to play on the Sabbath day, did
not you pcrswade ye said Bayliffes and magistrate y< the said Stage players
might be licenced or permitted to play in the common hall on the sabaoth
day, did not the said Bayliffs or magistraetew/thstand you therein, did not
you thervpON send word to ye sayd Bayliffs officers or Magistrate or some 5
of them that you would be even wz th them, or some other message to such
effect, And did not the sayd players in the evening of the same day being the
Sabbaoth day by your meanes or procurement play an enterlude at a Cowmon
Inne in the sayd towne of dorchester, weare not you present at such Stageplay
or enterlude, And did not you send for or procure other Company to be at 10
the same enterlude or Stageplay, &C what moved you so to doe, weare not
you then or late before an officer in the said towne of Dorchester and what
office did you then beare or supplie./
15
Answer of Matthew and Margaret Chubbe, Defendants in Condytt et al
v.Chubbeetal PRO: STAC 8/94/17
mb 18" (2 June)
The ioynt and several! aunsweres of Mathewe Chub, 20
Gentleman and Margaret his Wife, two of the
Defendantes, To the byll of Complaynt of lohn Condytt
and Elizabeth his Wife Complaynaunte.
The said defendants by protestac/on say That they take the said Comp\aynant
lohn Condytt not to be a man of any specyall Note, office, credytt or quality 25
eyther w/thin the Towne of dorchester where he dwelleth or in the Cowmon
wealth such as showld be admytted to ympleade and seeke redres in this
high &C honorable Cowrt of Starchamber for offence of such kynde as are
pretended in his said Byll/ Also the said Complainant lohn Condytt beinge
by his trade a Taylor is not of honest nor iust behavor nor carridge in his trade 30
of Taylorship as theis said defendantes haue crediblye heard &C do not dowbt
but will make good &C sufficyent prof therof. Likewise there are in the said
byll of Complaynt comprized & set furthe divers matters, supposed Libelle
& surmized offence which concerne not the CompLzyrawte them selues but
sowme others w/>/ch do not complaine as theis said detendantes do take ytl 35
And therfore the said Complaynantes are not to be receaued to presente their
Complaynt for or concfrninge those pretended offence, but they are rather
to be taken them selues to be offenders in producinge & divulginge such
matters as do concmie others, beinge men of estimac/on and quality Who
them selues would willingly haue such vnfittinge matters supprest & smothered 40
as theis defendantes do take ytl . Moreoud-r the said Complaynantes did
heretofore prefer /into this honorable Cowrt 1 one other byll of Complaynt
contayninge such or like effect against theis said defendantes and against
1 85
DORCHESTER 1608
Robme Coker gentleman a goldsmith William Longe Lawrence darby &
william Palmer & others. Therin complayninge of & settinge furth the same
supposed Libellw which are menc/oned in their said byll. But before aunswere
was made to that former byll by any of the said defendants he the said
Comflaynant lohn Condyt compownded wrth iiij other of the then defendames 5
namely wnh the said Robme Coker wilb^m Longe, Lawrence darby and
william Palmer, and he did take of them (blank) the somwze of Twelue
pound for the same composition And in considerac/on therof the said
Complaynantes surceased that suite & obtayned that byll to be wtthdrawen
Synce which agreement the said Complaynantes haue preferred this second 10
Byll into this Honorable Cowrt against theis said defendantes Therm
alleadginge That they theis defendantes w/th some other vnknowen persons
haue contrived & published the said supposed Lybellw, When as the said
Complaynant lohn Condyt had formerly compownded w;th those iiij other
before named Whom they the said Complaynantes do pretend to be the 15
vnknowen pmons As theis said defendantes do take yt./ And likewise the
Comflaynant lohn Condyt hath caused offer to be made vnto this said
defendant Mathewe Chub to be likewise dischardged of this newe suite, if
they the said defendants would but acknolidge that the said defendames had
wronged the said Complaynant Elizabeth Condyt Which to doe the said 20
deffndantes vtterly refused. Whenn the said Complaynantes do much abuse
the worthynes and state of this honorable Cowrt as theis said deffndantes do
take yt. ffor all which causes they theis said defendants do demur in Lawe
&C do appleale to the censure of this honorable Cowrt Whether the said
Complaynantes shalbe receaued, or admitted to any farther procedingw in 25
this suite, & whether theis said defendantes shalbe vrged to make any farther
or other aunswere to the same suite in this same Honorable Cowrt./ And
yet neumheles if this honorable Cowrt shall thinke fitt to order theis said
defendames to make any farther or other aunswere to the said Complayn/zmw
Byll Then & not otherwise they theis deffndantes (savinge to them selues 30
nowe &C at all tymes hereafter all advantage of excepc/on to the vncmenty
& insuffityencye of the said Complaynantes byll ffor aunswere they say That
they theis defendantes are chardged in the said Complaynantes Byll to be the
contryvers, publishers, or causers or consenters to the publishinge of three
severall infamows Libellfi menczoned in the Byll of Complaint, & which are js
annexed to the same Byll/. ffor aunswere wherunto they say ffirst as towchinge
the said supposed Libell (beginninge Tall, sturdye Purytan knaue &c) That
a Younge gentleman Namely lervice Scroope beinge one of the Schollers of
Robme Chick in the said byll named of thage of xj yeares or therabowte,
3/ which: vi corrected over another letter 24/ appleale: yorappeale
117 Cowrt: C corrected over B 30-2/ (savinge to .. byll: closing parenthesis omitted after byll
186 DORCHESTER 1608
and then dyeted or tabled in this defendants howse did in or abowte the
moneth of lune in the byll menc/oned bringe or deliuervnto this defendant
Margaret Chub a Paper Wrytinge contayninge somwe such matter or the
same as in the said first before menc/oned supposed Libell is contayned as a
thinge which he then said he had of a Bowchers boy that fownde yt in the 5
Towne Whervpon this defendant margaret 1 in the absence of her said
husband not readinge yt her self did furthwnh deliufrthe same paper in this
defendantes howse vnto one Mr Oliuer Hayne nowe one of the BaylifTof
dorchester aforesaid (Who before that tyme had byn in the like office there)
she A r supposinge that eyther the said Mr Hayne or one Mr Henry whitle 10
who weare bothe there together was Deputy Bayliff to the said defendaunt
Mathew Chub in his absence. And also she 1 not knowinge whether yt were
a Libell or not, Neyther doeth she knowe whether Mr Hayne did then reade
yt or not. But she receauinge yt again, did ymmedyatly afterwards vpon the
cowminge home of her said husband deliuer to the defendant mathewe Chub is
her husband (then beinge one of the Bayliffoof the said Towne) the said
Paper wrytinge. At which tyme also the said defendant mathewe Chub
together wzth his fellowe Bayliff, and some other of the chief Burgesses of
the said Towne had a privat meetinge at the howse of this said defendant
mathewe Chub to confer of the ratinge of the Subsidye for the Townes men 20
of dorchester/ And this defendant mathewe Chub did then w;th a loe voyce
read yt, or part therof in the hearinge of his said fellowe Baylif and Burgesses.
Not of any purpose to divulge the wrytinge or to despite or defame the
persons named or aymed at therm, but as thinkinge fit to see the contentw
therof, and to acquaint his said fellowe Officers of the Towne therw/th/ 25
Vpon readinge wherof at the same tyme he this defendant mathewe Chub
did put yt into his pocket, &c did neufrdeliuerany copye therof, or otherwise
publishe yt. Neyther did this defendant mathewe Chub to his remembraunce
euer sythence (vntill he had this exhibited Copye out of this Honorable
Cowrt) so much as after againe read yt over. Only at one tyme after (beinge 30
the day followinge) Will/am Willyams Esquier, sonne & heire to Sir lohn
Willyams knight, and one of yowr highnes Iusticof the Peace dwellinge
neere to the said Towne beinge at this defendantes said howse did vse or
speake some word (as this defendant nowe remembreth) that he had heard
somwe thinge of the said supposed Libell, & did desyer (as this defendant }>
nowe thinketh) to see yt in so much that this defendant margaret Chub
(knowinge the said William willyams to be a gentleman of sort & place, &
not likely to breede any scandal! or offence therby) did w/thout the knolidge
or consent of the said Mathew Chub her husband fetch the said supposed
Libell furth of this defendantes Chamber in which yt lay, and deliiurrd yt to 40
the said willwm willyams thinkinge he would then furthw/th haue redeliuml
yt againe. But this defendant Mathewe Chub pmreavinge the said Mr Willyams
DORCHESTER 1608
to haue the said wrytinge in his hand, & puttinge yt into his pocket of
purpose to carrye yt away (as yt seemed) the same not beinge then read, he
this defendant mathewe did therfore earnestly require the said mr Willyams
to restore yt againe WAzch the said mr Willyams then refused, and would not.
Whervpon this said defendant mathewe Chub then chardged him in yor
highnes name to deliud-ryt to the said Sir lohn willyams his ffather to examyn
the same, he beinge a lustice of peace as aforesaid/ And theis defendantes do
traverse & deny That they, or eyther of them did envye or repyne at the
prosperity or good fame of the said Comp\aynantes or of the said lohn White,
Robme Chick or lohn Adyn in the said byll named, Or of any other honest 10
persons of honest or good behavor, or haue to their knolidge conspired, or
practized to foyle extinguishe or take away their honest fame or good
reputadon. Or that they theis defendant.es or eyther of them haue made,
wryten, devised, or contrived any infamowes scandalowes or ignominyous
Libell, or haue to their knolidge published, dispersed, or divulged any such 15
supposed Libell as in the said byll of CompLzynt is slaunderously surmized
and alleadged./ Only this defendant mathewe Chub did once in privat read the
before menc/oned wrytinge at the presents receyt therof as aforesaid And the
said defendant margaret did deliutryt to the said mr Hayne and mr Willyams
Not of any evell purpose /or 1 to publishe yt as before is said. And without 20
that /That theis defendantes or eyther of them haue geven Copyes therof.
And wz thout that That this defendant margaret (to her knolidge) did tell or
recownt the substaunce of the said wrytinge vnto other persons offeringe
that they or any frind of theirs should haue a Copye therof Savinge that this
defendant margaret to her nowe remembraunce tolde a mayd s^rvaunt of the 25
said Complaynames the same day at night. That there was a Lettte that day
fownd wherin mr Lawrence lightnes in his late sicknes, & her dame were
named In which wordes this defendant Margaret Chub, meant no evell to
any person/ And w/ thout that That this defendant Margaret did make or
contrive the said supposed Libell, or did cause or was consentinge therunto, 30
or to the divulginge or publishinge therof As in the said byll of Comp\aynt
is surmized & alleadged other then is before menc/oned/ And towchinge the
Second supposed Libell menc/oned in the said Complaynantes Byll which
conc<rneth mr Perkins nowe deceased, he this defendant mathewe Chub for
aunswere doeth say That he this defendant mathewe in or abowte the moneth ?s
of August in the ffowerth yeare of yor highnes raigne, beinge then one of
the Baylififo of the said Towne of dorchester and sittinge at the doore of the
howse of his fellowe Bayliffthe forenamed Richard Blachford (which howse was
and is seated neere to the Crosse there) One Thomas ffoy a poore Shoemaker
dwellinge w/ thin the same Towne did repayer vnto this said defendant 40
sittinge as aforesaid with his said fellowe Bayliff, & did deliuer to this said
defendant mathewe Chub an old Tittered pap<rleafe contayninge such or
188 DORCHESTER 1608
the like effect menc/oned in the said second supposed Libell wryten on the
outsyde therof You Purytans all &c. and in the inside likewise beginninge
You Purytans all whersoeu^ryou dwell &c. as in the said Byll is set furth.
v which foye beinge demaunded then where he had yt aunswered that he
found the same Whervpon he this defendant and the said Mr Blachford 5
seinge one Mr Barker (beinge then likewise one of the Constables of the said
Towne) in the streat, before they opened the same did call him vnto them
to heare, & see what the contents therof was. And then &: there at the said
Mr Blachford doore this defendant mathewe Chub did read that wrytinge
in privat betwene them selues w/th a loe voyce, and not at the market Crosse 10
w/th a lowd voyce as in the said byll is surmized. Neyther did this defendant
mathewe Chub knowe or ever see or heare of (to his remembraunce) the
said Perkins menc/oned in the same supposed Libell before that tyme. Nor
did vnderstand who was meant by that Perkyns vntyll abowte vj monethes
after that tyme. W/thout that, That this defendant did make or contrive 15
the same supposed Libell, or did (to his remembraunce) offer copies therof
for money as in the said byll is likewise surmized./ And towchinge the
Third supposed Libell menc/oned in the said Complaynantes byll beg/ninge
w/th this sup^-rscripc/on Vizt To the Counterfeyt Company and Pack of
Purytans &c, this defendant mathewe Chub for aunswere sayth That such 20
a wrytinge in or abowte the moneth of October in the iiijth yeare of your
highnes raigne was fownd in the entrye of this def<?Hd^Htdwellinge howse
at dorchester aforesaid, at such tyme as this defendant mathewe Chub was at
supper, W/;/ch writinge was folded vp in the manner of a \ettre sealed and
the supfrscripc/on was (as this defendant nowe remembreth) To mr mathewe 25
Chub be theis deliu/rd WA/ ch wrytinge beinge so fownde & deliuml to this
said defendant mathewe Chub. (And this defendant beinge then also one of
the Constables of the said Towne of dorchester, and suspectinge yt might be
somwe bad matter against him self A he this defendant did then read the
same or part therof in the hearinge of mr Richard Blachford his fellowe 30
Constable. And then furthw/th fyndinge what yt was, they bothe went
therw/th vnto mr lames Gold then one of the Bayliffeof the said Towne to
acquaint him w/th yt. At whose cowminge to the said mr Gold howse he
this defendant did there fmde the said mr lohn White in the Byll menc/oned
in company of the said mr Gold w/th others. And bycause the said mr Gold 35
could not him self read the wrytinge, he this defendant did read yt vnto him
in presence of the said lohn white and others. And before or after this defendant
had read yt, he did in deede say to the said mr White, that he this defendant
did think the said White was aymed at in the same writinge by cause yt had
in yt (if White be thy skyn &c) At which tyme & place the said mr White 40
27-9/ (And this defendant ... against him self: c losing pare nthesu omitted after self
1 81
DORCHESTER 1608
desyred to have the same wrytinge W/?/ch he this defendant then refused to
deliver, sayinge (as he nowe remembreth) that he beinge an Officer would
keepe yt for his owne dischardge And afterwards this defendant havinge
hard say that the said Robert Adyn one of the said defendants was the doer
therof, he this defendant mathewe Chub demaunded of the said Robme
Adyn Whether he did wryte the same, and whether he did cast yt wuhin the
dores of this defendant To whom the said Robert Adyn willingly aunswered
that yt was his owne wrytinge, & that he him self did cast yt into the howse
of this defendant mathewe Chub At w/?/ch tyme also this defendant did
likewise demaund of the said Robme Adyn Whether he had not formerly 10
wryten any more, Whervnto the said Robm Adyn aunswered that he had
wryten the Purytans Profession. W^ch Purytans Profession had byn browght
oi shewed to the said defendant mathewe Chub as he remembreth by his
said fellowe Constable longe before. Whervpon he this defendant Mathewe
Chub did make yt knowen aswell vnto Sir George Trenchard knight in the is
Byll named, beinge then one of the next Iustic of peace to the said Towne,
as also to the said lohn White & divers others as this defendant remembreth.
And this defendant machewe Chub likwise sayth that after the readinge of
the same supposed Libell to the said mr lames Gold and mr White as
aforesaid, he this defendant as he nowe remembreth did neyther read, nor 20
publishe yt Neyther did he deliuer Copye therof nor shewe yt to any other
person Whatsoeuer, vnlesse yt were to ffraunc Ashley Esquier a Justice of
peace dwellinge in the same Towne of Dorchester (to whom this defendant
deliuered or Shewed 1 the same) as he thinketh Vpon the longe sithence
report of the said mr Ashley 1 but yet not of any malitious purpose towards 2^
the Complaynantes or any others. And this defendant mathewe Chub doeth
traversse & deny that he did at any tyme malitiously or vnlawfully disperce
or cast abroade, or consent to the castinge abroade of the same supposed
Libell in sundry placas in the said byll of CompUywt is likewise slaunderously
surmized & alleadged. And w/ thout that That this defendant hath geven out 30
any Copyes of that supposed libell, or did affirme to his remembraunce that
the matters therin contayned are trewe Or that this defendant mathew
Chubbe to his remembraunce hath affirmed that the matters were true, wA/ch
are conteyned in the said supposed libell against the complaynantes & other
persones w/7/ch now complaine not, as in the said bill of complaint is also 35
vntruelie surmised/ "And towchinge the surmise of the said bill, that this
defendant mathew Chubbe hath byn opposite to the said mr White & to
divers other prechers his predecessors in the church of dorchester And that
also this defendant mathewe Chubbe hath been evermore quarrellinge with
them & other learned prechers & mynisters neere the said towne of dorchester 40
enveyenge more their doctrine, than their persones, mayneteyninge &
defendinge publiquelie the popish doctrine of salvac/on by merits, this
190 DORCHESTER 1608
defendant mathew Chubbe for aunswere saeth that [h] to his remembraunce
hee never quarrelled w/th anie such pre-cher or mynister, enveyenge their
doctrine, more than ther pmones, neither did hee (to his remembraunce)
ever mayneteyne such doctrine of salvac/on by meritwas in the said bill is
slaunderouslie set forth/ And farder saith w/th modestie, as beinge provoked 5
thervnto, that noe one w/thin the said towne of dorchester (as this defendant
mathew Chubbe thinketh) hath by manie yeres togither now last past given
so mych yerelie stipend & helpe to the pr^chers of the said town of dorchester,
as this defendant hath done, And likewise when divers other mynisters,
dwellinge neere to the said towne have come at divers tymes to preach there, 10
this defendant hath not onlie byn vsuallie present at their sermons, but hee
hath also vsuallie enterteyned them at dynner/ Also this defendant abowt
eight yeeres past did at his owne charge, build a convenient dwellinge howse
w/thin the towne of dorchester, for the stipendarie pr<?chers w/thin the same
towne to dwell in rent free &C the same howse hath been accordinglie so vsed 15
& enioyed/ And moreoucr there havinge latelie risen some difference betwene
the said mr White & this defendant mathew, they the said mr White & this
defendant mathew have sithence mutuallie released either to other all acc/ons
&C demaund/ By all which it may appear (as this defendant conceiveth)
that hee this defendant is not opposite nor an adversary to the prfchers nor 20
to their doctrine, as in ye said bill is surmised, & likewise are the said
mathew & Robm Chick frind as this defendant taketh yt/ And towching
this defendant that hee is mych conversant w/th the said Robm Adyn the
recusant, hee this defendant mathew Chubbe for aunswere saeth, that the
said Sir John Willwms, togither w/th this defendant were heertofore put in 2s
trust, by lohn Adyn, (brother of the said Robm Adyn) deceassed, & likewise
the admynistrac/on of the goodof the said lohn Adyn hath byn comitted
vnto the said Sir lohn Will/rfms, to this defendant mathew Chubbe & to the
said Robm Adyn, for wA/ch cause & by meanes also of divers suit in law
w/7/ch the said Robm Adyn now hath &C have had in the towne cowrt of 30
dorchester, where the said defendant mathew Chubbe is Stewarde vnder the
said Sir George Trenchard, hee the said [Sir George Tren] Robm Adyn hath
divers tymes resorted vnto the said defendant mathew Chubbes A howse to
confer of the same busynesses Also towching ye opinion of the said Robme
Adyn in manie matters of religion this defendant doth vtterlie condempne 35
it/ & this defendant mathew was one of the cheife which principallie gave
evidence against hym before the Iudg of Assize there concerninge the masse
mencz oned in the said comp\aynantesbi\\, And towching the stage plaiers
menc/oned in the said comp\aynantes bill this defendant mathew Chubbe
for aunswer saeth that some of the same stage plaiers, as this defendant w
remembreth did at or abowt ye tyme in ye said bill menc/oned ask leave of
DORCHESTER 1608
this defendant beinge an officer, to plaie, w/thin ye said towne to whome
this defendant made aunswere, that hee for his part was contented they should
play/ also that this defendant to accompanie one S/r Adrian Scrope Knighc
this defendant being his tenant, did goe to a play at ye In mena oned in ye
said complaynantes bill where the said knight lodged, but at other tymes this 5
defendant hath verie seldome frequented anie plaies, nor favored plaieres
more than some others of his place have done for this defendant for his pan
hath had of late yeers littel delight to bee present at plaies withowt that A r That
this defendant to his remembrance did send word in thretning maivr to ye
bailives or burgesses of ye said towne that hee would bee even wzth them, or 10
that this defendant did /in 1 dispite procure the plaiers to plaie in ye said In,
as in ye said bill of comp(aynt is surmised &C aleged And theis defendantes
mathew Chub & nruzrgaret for further aunswere doe saie, & ech of them for
hym & her selfe say yat as vnto &: consuming all & singuler the conspiracies
^ r confederates cowbinacons, contriving &C writing of libels, dispfrcing, 15
divulging & publishing of libels & all other ye misdemenors &C offenc
menc/oned & set forthe in ye said bill of cowplaint, to have byn done,
comitted or procured by theis said defendantes, or either of them, & which
are examinable in this honorable cowrtt (other than those & in such manner
as theis said defendantes have before acknoledged in cheis their said aunsweres) 20
they theis defendantes & everie of them for hym & her selfe severaJlie saith
that they are not guiltie thereof, nor of anie pan thereof, in such manner &
forme as in the said bill of cowplaint is surmised & alleged, All w/;/ch matters
they theis defendantes & ech of them for so mych as concerneth hym or her
selfe, are & wilbee readie to aver &: prove, as this honorable court shall award, 25
And humblie pray to bee dismissed the same cowrt with their resonable
costes & charge in this beehaulfe susteyned/./
(signed) per me Mathew
Chubbe sigwttw Margarete M Chubb
30
Supradicu defendentes lurat; fuerunt apud
dorchester in Comitatu Dorset Secundo die
lunij 1608. Ad Signuw Le George ibidem
coram (signed) Thoma Barnes John Arnold & lohanne Geare commissioner/// 35
1608 Strode
14/ conspiracies, for conspiracies
15/ cowbinacons: for combinations, abbreviation mark missing
291 M: Chubbe has signed with herfini initial
192 DORCHESTER 1608-1608/9
Examination of Matthew Chubbe, Defendant in Condytt et al v. Chubbe etal
PRO: STAC 8/94/1 7
mb 16 (2 June)
The Deposiczon and examynadon of Mathew Chubbe of dorchester 5
in the Countye of dorset gentleman taken att dorchester aforesaid
the Seconde daye of lune In the yere of the reigne of our sou^reigne
Lord lames by the grace of god of Englande Scotlande ffraunce and
Irelande Kinge defender of the faythe &c (That is to saye) of England
ffraunce and Irelande the Sixthe and of Scotlande the one and 10
fforryeth. Before Thomas Barnes lohn Arnolde and lohn Geare
gentlemen Commyssioners by vertue of his Ma/D Commission out
of his highnes honorable Courte of Starr Chamber to them and to one
George pope gentleman directed, vpon the Interrogatoryes herevnto
annexed mynystred on the p^rte and behalfe of lohn Condytt and 15
other Complaynrtnt agaynst the said Mathewe and Margarett his
wife defendrtt videlicet. The said Mathewe Chubbe beinge sworne
and examyned/
20
mb 15
12 To the xij [ h Interrogatorie this deponent sayth That to his remembrance the
players mencyoned in the same Interrogatorie did not playe in the evenynge
of the same day therein menc/oned by the only means or procurement of 25
this deponent in the said cowmon Inne in the said towne Neither doeth this
deponent remember that hee did send or procure other company to bee att
the same enterlude, att which A tyme this deponente was one of constables
of the said towne And touchinge the rest of the same Intertogatorie this
Deponente taketh it, That he hath alredy Aunswered in his said Aunswere 30
[and] A to the bill &C Interrogatories./
1608/9
Interrogatories for Defendants Witnesses in Condytt et al v. Chubbe et al 35
PRO: STAC 8/94/1 7
mb 2* (Before 13 February)
Interrogatoryes to be mynystred vnto certeyne Wytnesses
produced on the pane and behalfe of Mathewe Chubb and 40
28/ of constables: for of the constables (?)
DORCHESTER 1608/9
Margarett his wife defendants To the bill of Complaynte of
lohn Cunditt and Elizabeth his wyfe Complaynantesl
, 7 Ice-m do you remember the tyme when the lord Barkleys players were at
dorchester in or about Aprill last desiringe to playe in the Towne there did
the defendant Mathewe Chub farther and helpe them to playe there on the
Sabboath day, dyd he not rather keepe from them the key of the Towne hall
dyd he att that tyme goe to accompany S;r Adrian Scroope his landlord and
att his request, deliu^r the circuwstancsof that which ye knowe or have
credibly hearde and by what occasion touchinge this Interrogatorye.l 10
Interrogatories far Complainants Witnesses in Condytt et al v. Chubbe et al
PRO: STAC 8/94/1 7
mb 7* (Before 13 February) 15
Interrogatories to be ministred to witnesses produced on the
p<me and behalfe of lohn Conditte and Elizabeth his wife
Comp\aynantes against mathew Chub &: margret his wife
defend/zwts/ 20
4./ did not the defend/zt mathew Chub or margret his wife say vnto Lawrence
Evans or to any other person to your knowledge that mr lohn white was
aymed at in one place of the said first Libell which beginneth w/ th Tall
Sturdie Puritan knave &x./ and that they or one of them Could yf he list 25
fmde out the lybeller /or aucthor therof ] wuh a wette finger or that they or
one of them vsed words to like effect eyther to ye said Lawrence Evans or to
some other pmon, or did you not heare ye said Lawrence Evans say or report
yat the said mathew Chub or margret his wife vsed such words vnto him
and did not the said Lawrence Evans say yat he would depose ye same to be 30
true yf he weare there vnro Lawfully Called, did not mr Chub or margret
his wife or some other person in yor hearing say or report yat a song was to
be made of this first Libell./
35
mb 8*
2i./ did not the defendant mathew Chub in or about the moneth of Aprill Anno
.1607. desire or pmwade ye magistrates of the Towne of dorchester yat
certaine Stage players which called themselues ye Lord BarkJeighs servants 40
26/ or aucthof therof : inttrlmtiitton hegtnt in the left margin
194 DORCHESTER 1608/9-1609
might be permitted to play in ye Comon hall of ye said Towne on ye Sabbath
day when the said magistrates had formerly forbidden them, did not ye
Bayliffes or magistrates w/thstand his requeste, did he not therevpon send
them word yat he would be eaven w/th them or such other thretning message,
did not ye said mathew Chub procure ye said players in ye evening of ye same
day to play at a common Inne in the Towne, was not ye said Chub present
at ye play himselfe & sent for & procured others also to be at ye same play,
and was not ye said Chub an officer of the said towne at that time, what
office did he then beare./
10
1609
Examination of Defendants Witnesses in Condytt et al v. Chubbe et at
PRO: STAC 8/94/1 7
mb 3* (26 April)
Deposyc/ons taken at Dorchester in the Countye of Dorset
the Six and Twentyth daye of Aprill in the yeres of the Reigne
of our soiKreigne Lord lames by the grace of god Kinge of
England Scotland ffraunce & Ireland defender of the fayth &c 20
That is to saye of England ffraunce & Ireland the Seaventh
and of Scotland the Twooe & ffortyeth before lames fframpton
& lohn Notley gentlemen by vertue of the King majesties
Comyssyon to them lohn Childe & ffrancw Hardey gentlemen
directed out of his majesties most honorable Courte of Starre 25
Chamber ffor the examynynge of wytnesses asweil on the
pane &C behalfe of lohn Cunditt Complaynante as alsoe on
the p^rte & behalfe of Mathewe Chubbe gentlfman & others
defend/zt./
30
Thomas Buckler servant & kynsman to the sayd defendant mr Chubbe
aged Twentye & three yeres or thereabouts produced to the xii) t 1 xvij 1 * 1 &
Interrogate/ryes onelye and therevppon sworne & examyned./
To the xvijth Interrogatory he sayeth that he Remembreth that the Lord 35
Barkeleys players in the \nterrogatory mencyoned were at dorchester about
the tyme in the Interrogatory mencyoned vppon the saboth daye and did
then playe there But whether his master the sayd defendant did further their
playenge there this depon^wt knoweth not But sayeth that Sir Adryan Scroope
Knight in the Interrogatory named beynge desyrous to see them playe 40
4/ thretning: 4 minimi in MS V evening: 4 minims in MS
DORCHESTER 1609
Requested the sayd defends mr Chubbe to accompanye him thithet which
he did to satysfye the Request of the sayd Sir Adryan Scroope And more to
this Interrogatory he doch not depose.
mb 4*
Hughe haggarde of Dorchester in the Countye of Dorset Butcher aged
ffyftye & ffyve yeres or thereabouts produced to the xiij th xvijth and xviij th
Interwgatoryes onlye and therevppon sworne &C examyned./ 10
To the xvijth Interrogatory he sayeth that he Remembreth that the Lord
Barkeleys players were at Dorchester and as this depon^-wt harde they did
desyre to playe in the Towne hall of Dorchester but the magistrate of the
towne woulde not geve them leave wherevppon S/r Adryan Scroope Knight 15
beynge at the defendant mr Chubbes howse at supper offered that the sayd
players should playe in his Chamber in an Inne after supper and Requested
the sayd defendawt mr Chubbe to goe thither with him which he did
accordinglye And more to this Interrogatory he doth not depose./
20
Answer of Robert Adyn, Defendant in Condytt et al v. Chubbe et at
PRO: STAC 8/94/1 7
mb 9 (29 June)
25
luratus vicesimo nono lunij Anno Septimo Iaco/ Regis
(signal) The Aunswere of Robert Adyn defendant to the Byll of
EdwWIoncs Complaynt of lohn Cundytt and Elizabeth his Wife
Complaynantfs
The said defendant by protestac;on sayth That the said Comp\aynant lohn 30
Condytt is a man knowen not to be of any spdriall note, office, credyt, or
quality eyther wnhin the Towne of dorchester where he dwelleth or in the
commonwealth suche as should be admitted to impleade and seeke redresse
in this high and honorable Court of Star Chamber for offenc of such kynde
as are pretended in his said byll./ Also the said defendant sayth That as he 35
taketh yt the said three severall matters or supposed Libellw filed to the
Complaynantes Bill of compldfy/zt are not properly to be tearmed or taken
for Libells but are rather Pamphelettw or Invectiues against malefactors and
reputed enemyes to the state such as are the Purytans or Brownistw./ In which
three severall Matters or Pamphelett the said lohn Condytt is neyther 40
named, Nor any wise covertlye decifered or aymed at wherby to fynde him
self aggreved, but to all the said matters (which tend principally against
196 DORCHESTER 1609
Puritanizme and Purytans) he the said lohn Condytt intrudethe impugneth,
and maketh him self both a p^rtie, and a Champion for others (who complaine
not) for defence of that cause as more at lardge here under shalbe made
manifest./ Moreover the said lohn Condytt beinge by his trade a Taylor, and
a man of very meane reputaczon and wealth hath before this tyme (as this 5
defendant dowbteth not well to proue) browght into this honorable Court
by vertue of Subpena iiij other severaJl men of the said borowghe of Dorchester
that is to say Robme Coker william Longe william Palmer and Lawrence
darbye) and by his byll of Complaynt then exhibited aswell against this
defendant as against them, hath chardged both this defendant and them w/th 10
the said supposed Libell specified in this published byll of Comp\aynt, but
before any aunswere eyther by this defendant or by them was therunto made,
he the said lohn Condytt compounded w/th the forenamed iiij othet persons,
and for the sowme of xij li. by them geven vnto him, procured the said first
byll of CompLzywt to be w/thdrawen and cancelled and the said A r 4 recited 15
persons 1 [parties] to be dismissed. Makinge therby this honorable Court an
instrument for his vnlawfull purchase therby to enhable him self to vex and
prosecute farther suites against A this defendant and others, WA/ch declareth
as this defendant thinketh his vexac/on rather to precede of meere covetousnes
to gayne, then for any iust cause of offence or grief./ ffor all wA/ch causes he 20
this defendant doeth demurr in Lawe, and doth appeale to the graue censure
of this honorable Cowrt whether the said Comp\aynantes shalbe admitted to
any farther preceding^ in this suite, and whether this defendant shalbe vrged
to make any farther or other aunswere to the same suite in this honorable
Cowrt And yet neumhelesse if this honorable Cowrt shall think fit to order 25
this defendant to make any farther or other aunswere to the said Complaynantes
byll, then and not otherwise he this defendant, savinge to him self nowe and
at all tymes hereafter all advantage of excepc/on to the vncmenty and
insufficyencye of the said Complaynantes byll for aunswere therunto, and
to the said three several! matters or supposed Libell in the same sayth to 30
euery of them particularly as followeth vizt To the first prrtended matter or
supposed Libell begininge Tall sturdye Purytan &c and to all the supposed
offenc menc/oned or contayned in the same first supposed Libell or any of
them supposed to be committed or don by this defendant, he this defendant
aunswereth that he is not giltye therof nor of any p^rt or parcell therof/ To 35
the second pretended matter or supposed Libell begininge thus, you Purytans
all whersoeu^ryou dwell &c and to all the supposed offenc menc/oned or
contayned in the same second supposed Libell, or any of them supposed to
be committed or don by this defendant, he this defendant likewise aunswereth
that he is not giltye therof nor of any pan or p/zrcell therof/ Adding hereunto w
8-9/ that is ... darbye): open ing pare nthesis omitted befort that
DORCHESTER 1609
that the said Complaynantes as this defendant taketh yt, haue herein very
apparantly discovered them selues what they are in the profession of their
religion, in that this said second supposed Libell beinge dedicated and
entituled To the execrable company of Puryians and the deepest desemblinge
Anabaptistw of this tyme enemyes to the Kinge and state &c and beinge in
substaunce an Invectiue against Purytans and Innovators of Religion only as
this defendant taketh yt, and neyther of the said complaynantes therin spoken
of, nor so much as by any one word figuratiuely towched or aymed at, yet
they the said Complaynantes do complayne, repyne and take stomake therat
affirminge yt to be an execrable Libell against such as professe the trueth of 10
doctryne aucthorized by the Church of England, and such as endevor to live
religiouslye and w/thout scandall, and that the same contayneth many false,
and accursed invectiues and raylinge tearmes against the said Complaynantes,
as also that the same is very infamowes, damnable, and slaunderowes against
them the said Complayiiames, Wheras in very trewthe the said Complaynantes is
are in the said second supposed Libell neyther spoken of, nor any wayes
aymed at as aforesaid, nor the Religion aucthorized by the Church of England
in any sort oppugned but mayntayned and defended to the vnderstandinge
of this defendant./ And to the third matter or supposed Libell contayned in
the said byll, begininge thus To the counterfeyt Company and pack of 20
Purytans &c he this defendant for truethe therunto aunswereth That vpon a
Sermon preached as this defendant was credibly enformed, and dowbteth
not but he shalbe well able to proue) by Mr lohn white in the said byll of
Complaym named, that Christ was not the Savyor of the whole world, nor
did dye for the synnes of the whole world, but for his elected and chosen 25
people only, and that our said Savyor Christ hath not his fatherly care over
any more then his elected, shewinge the same by a familyar example that as
every Shepherd taketh care and chardge over his owne fflock and no more,
so hath Christ ouerhis elected and chosen people and no more, he this
defendant, (not for any privat quarell, grudge or splyne vnto the persons 30
named in the said byll of Comp\aynt Nor to any other particular person
whatsoeurT, but only in defence of the most meritorious passion of Christ (as
this defendaunt in his vnderstandinge was pmwaded) did make the said last
or third matter entituled To the counterfeit company and pack of Purytans,
shewinge therby that Christ was the Savyor and Redemer of all mankynde 35
without all excepci on and that no defect of salvacion was in his said
meritorious passyon. And the said matter so by this defendant framed and
made, he this defendant dispersed and sent furthe three or iiij othet copyes
therof to men of good callinge and reputaa on the better to consider of suche
22-3/ enformed, and ... prouc): comma used as opening parenthesis
30-2/ (not for any . . whatsoeurr,: comma used as closing parenthesis
198 DORCHESTER 1609-15
doctryne, sealinge the same with severall directions and superscriptions in
forme of Lettres to the said parties, Amongst which mr mathewe Chubbe
had one copye (he this defendant confessinge that with the said mr Chubbe
for good and Lawfull causes he hath byn familyarly conversaunt) And aswell
to the said parties which had those copyes as to the said mr White the 5
preacher he this defendant acknolidged that he did make the same A r wherof
this defendant as he thinketh shall neede to make no prouf forasmuch as the
Compiaynantes themselues in their byll do affirme the same sayinge that
this defendant shameth not to take yt vpon him. ffor which his so doinge
beinge don to no other intent or purpose he this defendant submitteth him 10
self to the graue and favorable censure of this honorable Cowrt. W/thout
that, that he this defendant to his knolidge hath in any open or covert tearmes,
slaundered, or geven cause of offence eyther to the said lohn Condytt, or
Elizabeth his wife, or taxed her of incontynencye, or other levvde demenor.
Or that this defendant hath in any sort depraved the religion established in is
this Realme of England, or mayntayned popishe doctryne and opinyons
contrary to the said Religion professed as in the said byll of Complaynt is
alleadged/ And as to all other the offencw and misdemeanors in the said byll
of Comp[aynt menc/owed, supposed to haue byn don A and committed, by
this defendant which are examinable in this honorable- Cowrt, concerninge 20
this defendant, and not herein aunswered, confessed traversed or denyed, he
this defendant sayth that he is not giltye therof, nor of any part therof in such
manner and forme as in the said byll of Complaynt is surmized and alleadged./
All which matters this defendant is, and will be readye to aver and proue as
this honorable Cowrt shall award. And humblye prayeth to be dismissed the 2s
same w;th his reasonable cost and damag in this behaulf sustayned ././
(signed) Mere.
1615
Casebook of Sir Francis Ashley BL: Harley MS. 6715 30
f 6v* (15 July)
"Gilbert Reason Memorandum quod . 1 5. die lulij .1615. I Comitted to ye gaole Gilbm Reason,
who came in ye name of one of ye Princes Players, & for saying to Mr lohn
Gould ye Chief Bailiff, that he was little better then a traitowr for refusing to 35
look on his Comiss/on: And for daring me often to laye him by ye heeles
with other fowle language he was punished w/thin prisone 2 dayes & 2 nights
& then vpon his submission was enlargid.
10-1 1/ this defendant submitteth him self written in left margin and market! for insertion here
38/ submission: parti of letters lost by cropping
199
DORCHESTER 1623-30
1623
William Whiteway s Diary BL: Egerton MS. 784
f 34* (4 -27 September)
This day we went to London, and returned 23 dales after, hauing staid in
London 16 daies. during our abode there, Mr Edward Prichard died, there
came newes of the Prince his arriuall at Portesmouth & ballads were made
of it, but it prooued false, the balladsingers were sent to prison....
f 35 * (5 October) 10
Dr Wright our new Bishop kept his visitac/on here this yeare in September,
Mr cheeke acted two comedies at the sheerehall for his comming, by his
schollers. 5
1630
Borough Court Book DRO: DC/DOB: 8/1
f 33* (31 March) 20
Examinations taken before Mayor Richard Blatchford and William Jolliffe
Evan Lewes who sayth he came out of Swanzey wnh a passe from the Portrive ther to
travail into England to get him service ... & cam the next day to this Town 25
of dorchester monday & stayed ther moday tuesday & [wensday morning]
lodged [th] at goodman lefferis house & spent a shilling or two ther & sayth
he was not in any house in the Town but at Cristopher lenkens & met with
a fidler of his acquaytance wzch a purpose to go to set Cristophers but left
the fidler & went the wensday morning to Pudlton accompanied w;th 30
goodman lefferis the Tayler & his two daghters...
f 40 (5 May)
Examinations taken before William Jolliffe and William Whiteway, Sr 35
lone Norris daughter of Thomas norris miller of this Borough saith that on
sonday last at night dorathie Allin Georg Gill Thomas the Gardner Sit ffrancis
Ashleigh his men & Thomas Norris her brother were in the house of her
24/ Swanzey: Swansea. Glamorganshire: Wales 30/ Pudlton: j minims for u in MS
271 house: corrected over another word
200 DORCHESTER 1630-1
fFather w/thin this Borough and they had there two Iuggof beere which
Thomas Norris f her brother 1 sent and paid for and she seyth that Georg
Gill had an instrunvwr there but there was no dauncing at all this was about
9 of the clok at night, dismissed w;th Admonic/on./
William Whiteway s Diary BL: Egerton MS. 784
f 79v* (5 July)
This day the puppet players craued leaue to play here in this towne, & had 10
a warrant vnder the Kings hand, yet were refused.
1631
Borough Court Book DRO: DC/DOB: 8/1
, 5
Cases heard before the mayor and bailiffs
Edward Hill of this Borough blacksmith xl li.
lohn Bayland of the same G\ouer in xx li.
Thomas Buckler of the same tayler in xx li.
20
Cognouit that Edward Hill shall appere at proximas
Sessiones pro Burgo &c and to be of the good
behauier toward [th] all his Ma/ tis 25
leige people &c
Edu WHill for going out of his parish Churche one saboth daye last in the midell of
seruices to maye
30
f 96v (28 October)
Richard King Swareth the name of god blasfemously /last night 1 by his owne Confessing.
paid since promised to pay it 1 5 days henceforth; 35
Song a fythy song that she should lay her leggw two yardes asonder (...) hit
being at 1 1 of the clock at night, in corse of Anthony edwards: & Robm
griffin & his wiffe & liddia griffin.
I/ rwo: followed by tuv horizontal Imet, apparently filltr 34 -8/ Swareth .. griffin.: text eancelltd administratively
19m, 28m/ Eduun/Hill: in display script and underlined 36/ fythyr
23/ Cognouit: underlined
DORCHESTER 1631
Richard King of this Borough Shoemaker in x li.
Henry King of the same father to Rychard king in v li.
Cognouit that Rychard King shall apper at the next Sessions pro Burgo to
Answer for his lewd song & vnrewrem spech to Authorite
ff 97-7v* (31 October)
Examinations taken before Mayor William Whiteway, Sr, and Richard Blatchford,
bailiff 10
William Hutchins whoe saith that about the 21 th of September 1631 that
lohn Lie he being a watchman about 10 of the clocke in the night herd a drumw
beaten in the street as he conceyveth about the fryery wherevpow this
examinat w/th Thomas Grudham and lohn Chaffey watchmen also 15
A went that way and saw Henry Bridg at his dore in his shirt [wh] of whom
this examinat enquired who beat the drumw and he sayd yt was some
downe in the lane [vp] & this examtnat went to lohn Lie & his dore being
shut knockd at the [dore] windoe w/th his finger and askd who beate
the droomw and lohn Lye Awnsu/erv?d yt was he and this examinat replyd 20
& said yt was not fit to beate a dromw in the night & he would be
questioned for yt & so this examinat & the others departed
lohn Robm constable at that time now exam/we d sayth the same night
lohn Lie before being in his owne house after the watch was chargd william Hutchins 25
& other of the watch came to acquaint him that ther was a dromw
beaten in the fryery lane by lohn Lie and shewd this examinat that they
had bene w/th lohn lye & told him of yt and that wlliam Hutchins told
him also that lye would beat [him] the dromw agane wh<?rvpo this
examinat went downe & knockd at lyes dore and requird him to opm his 30
dore for he was a constable to whow Lye Awnswtrd that wer he constaMl
or els yf he came [he] to them he woulde sut hem farther and this examinat
dep^rtid afar the consta/dl then Richard williams & this examinat went
downe I againe &C when we came, we both found him rayling &: outragious
saying the constables (& naing [I myself] lohn Roberta and Thomas 35
hyet) were a company of beggarly base fellows at w/?/ch time the said lohn
lye sware 2 oathes blasphemousely by the name of god [as y] and by the
3/ Cognouit: underlined in MS 25/ before: for before mentioned (?)
16/ [whl: possibly ws 33/ constairll: \\writtenoverotherletten
I8/ [vp]: poisiblywh 357 na j ng: y^ r naming (";
20/ Lye: y written over another teller, probably c
202 DORCHESTER 1631-3
blod of god as yt was afterward presents at the Lawe day and mor he
sayth not-trur is order given to tak [ytdi] r [br] ] by distres
lohn Lie of this Borough in the some of x li.
Thomas Pouncey Butcher 1
, 1 D T i v - separattm
lohn Kunney lucker
Cognouit That lohn Lie shall appere at the next Sessions pro
burgo to Awnsre his abuse for beating a dromme in the night
& abusing the constabls &C swear/g2 oathes as aboue
10
1632
William Whiteway s Diary BL: Egerton MS. 784
f 87* (1 April)
is
This day Dr Buts Vicechancellour of Cambridge hanged himselfe in his
chamber with a Towell: it is said, out of discontent, because the king shewed
much dislike at a play, w/;/ch he had caused lately to be acted before him in
Cambridge, full of scurrility against the grauest ministers of the Kingdom,
whome they call Puritans 20
1632/3
William Whiteway s Diary BL: Egerton MS. 784
f 91* (30 January) 25
. . .Mr Prin a Counsellor was sent to the Tower for writing a booke against
Stag plaies & dancing, which the Queene tooke to hart, because about the
same time that his booke came forth, she acted her part in a Comedy before 30
the King.
1633
Borough Court Book DRO: DC/DOB: 8/1 35
f 177 (29 May)
Examinations taken before Mayor William Jolliffe and William Whiteway, Sr
2 Constables whoe say that on on the one & twentieth day of this instant may [being]
examind about com j n g [about] betwen x & 1 Eleven of the clock at night into the George
Gold
40/ on on: Jtttografhy 41/ coming: 4 minims in MS
40
DORCHESTER 1633
& going vp in the stayers on the back chamber they heard musick & going
into the Roome pmxyvid one standing thet in the dark [thet] one of thease
examinates enquird what he was & 2. or 3. tims the fellow mad Awnswer
here was one [a Towne] one of the Towne and pressing him to tell his name
he sayd his name was Gold & one of these cxaminaw askd which Gold &:
he Awnswfrd his name was Gold but discou^red no more then before and
[Imediately after these examinates]
And constable Bushrod now farther sayth that this Gold sayd Imediacly after
pal he had heard of vs hertofore but now he pxeyvid what he herd was true.
WhcrvpoH this examinat Bushrod /askd 1 wheather he had heard of any 10
dishonestie by [vs] them 1 wh^rvnto he Awnswerd [he ment not mee] I
meane not you Mr Constable and this e\ammai verely beleu^th th/zt that y^t
which he spake [m] he ment yt by his partner constibl Symondw
(signed) lohn Bushrod
Stephen Gold servant to Rychard Churchill of this Borgh x li. is
lohn Condit de ead<?w Tayler in v li.
George Panchard de eadew Tyler v li. separaum
cogwverunt that Stephen Gold shall appeare ad pro\imam
Sessionem pro Burgo ad Kspon&endum for his
carig toward the constabls 20
William Whiteway s Diary BL: Egerton MS. 784
f 94* (22 June)
25
whitsonales & May games were this yeare much countenanced by special!
order from the Court in which S/r Rob^rr Philips & Sir Charles Barkley of
Somersetshire were very forward. But S/r Arthur Hopton got a petition
subscribed with the hands of 36. Justices of that County, to the which the 2.
Knights aforesaid, & Dr. Godwin refused to subscribe: This petition he 30
presented to the King at Woodstocke, where the King conferred with him
about it in priuat, & gaue him such satisfaction, that at his returne he bound
ouer .120. of the Reuellers unto the Assises. The Sum of the petition was to
set out the dangerous consequents of whitsonales, in which seuerall murthers
had beene this yeare comwitted in that same county. 35
f 96* (15 October)
This day lames Duke of Yorke was borne: &: baptised the .24. Nouember.
vpon his birth Mr Prin was released out of the Tower after .9. moneths 40
4/ one... one: Autography \2t thtft that: ditlography
9/ |MI: in a blacker ink; apparently a later addition \7I Tyler. yirTayler
204 DORCHESTER 1633-33/4
imprisonment for writing a booke against playes and maskes, at which the
Queene found herselfe agreeued.
(18 October) ,
The King set forth a booke, to giue libetty vnto sports & pastimes upon
Sunday after Euening praier in confirmation of the like liberty granted to
Lancashiremen in his rerurne out of Scotland . 161 7. & required aJI ministers
to publish it in the Church, which diuerse in conscience refused to do, & 10
many after they had read it shewd that it was against the word of God.
1633/4
William Whiteway s Diary BL: Egerton MS. 784
ff 98v-9* (3 February) 15
This day the Gentlemen of the Ins of Court namely the 4. cheife houses,
Inner & midd(. .) Temple, lincolnes & Grayes in, danced a maske before
the King and Queene in the Banquetting house at Whitehall. Each house
set forth 4. Revelles, & .25. Gentlemen Riders, who rode in great magnificence 20
from Hatton house through the Strand. This maske cost the actors .17. M.
pound(.) and did so please the King, that he invited himselfe, the Queene
& Maskers to sup at the Lord Maiors, SIT Ralph fremant the 13. february.
where the Lore/ Maior spent 3000 s. to entetaine them, in pulling downe
diuers houses betwen his house & Marchan tailors Hall, & maki(. .) a gallery 25
for the King to pass through. The King invited himself to the Lord Maiors,
to make him amends, for the sharp words he had lately giuen him, calling
him old foole, for speaking in the behalfe of the Sopeboilers & Laundresses
of London: which troubled him so that he kept his bed a whole moneth
after it, &C was like to dy, had not the Kings message reuiued him. The Queene 30
dancing at the Lord Maiors, strained hir footO & was like to haue taken much
hurt. This maske should haue beene danced on Candlemas day which was
Sunday, to countenance the Kings booke, I but at the request of the Gentlemen
of the Ins of Court, as it was thought, it was put off till Monday. The same
night the K/nggaue a bankett unto all the Maskers, & he & the Queene 35
began to eate first &C they would not let any of the lords or ladies tast it, till
the Maskers had done. In this maske the Lady Pie had a foule affront put
upon her, being turned out by the Lord Chamberlaine, because her husband
refused to let his son be one of the Maskers to saue charges.
241 cntetaine: ^irentcrtaine 37/ Lady Pic: wife of Sir Walter Pye. attorney of the Court o
30/ The: corrected from T\>e and chief justice for Glamorgan, Brecon, and Radnor
DORCHESTER 1633/4-4
17. th ditto.
Mr william Prin Counsellor of law, hauing beene long imprisoned for a booke
which he wrote against dancing, &C masks & enteludes, was now censured in
the Star chamber, fined .5000 li. to the King, to stand in pillory, loose his
cares, to plead nor write no more. The aggrauation of his offences, which the
Atturney insisted upon was, that he had let fall some passages, which cast an
aspersion upon the Queene.
10
1634
Borough Court Book DRO. DC/DOB. 8/1
f 210* (28 March)
Examinations taken before Mayor Bernard Toup and William Derby 15
The informac/on of Elizabeth Membry wife of George Membry of this
Borough Brewer.
who saith that on Sabothday last at night about viij r or ix 1 of the clock [this
ext] waiter Hagge( . . ) lodging in her husbands hows & being gone to bed, 20
and this examinaies husband this exammat was also going to bed. and then
there came into the [(.)] hous Richard Wale & his wife & John Wyer & his
wife &: Anthony Penny & one Buck of ffordingtow & all went into the said
Haggards chamber who rose out of his bedd. & the said Buck daunced
about the chamber & the said Haggard willed the said Buck to daunce 25
promising him a halfe penny loaf & willed him to shew forth his privy
members to the women then in the chamber which the said Buck did then
the said Wyers wife took a candle and lighted to the said Buckes members
[bu] that they might be scene but this examinat saw her not hold the candle
soe neere to hurt hiw nor did she know that he was hurt there nor did she 30
hear him then complayne of any harme.
William Whiteway s Diary BL: Egerton MS. 784
f 102v* (13 May) 35
At Glastonbury, while the people were busy setting up of a Maypole, it fell
on th(.) head of a son of one of the most forward as he ran out the streete,
& beate out his braines.
4/ enteludes: forcmer\u&es 2\l this : for and this (?)
19/ Sabothday lase: 23 March 1633/4 24 -5/ Buck daunced ... cKe said: underlined in MS
206 DORCHESTER 1634-34/5
William Whiteway s Commonplace Book CUL: Dd.11.73
f 148* (28 August)
Ignoramus
While this Comedy was acting before King lames in Cambridge, the inventors 5
(to make the King an actor in it) caused a post to come gaJlopping into the
Towne, & When he came upon the Stage, he commanded the Comedians
to forbeare, for that My Lord cheif Justice Was enformed that they had made
a knavish peice of worke to disgrace the Lawyers, & would haue them appeare
befor him to answere it. The Actors gaue ouer, as if they had not dared to 10
proceed. Whereupon King lames ros out of his chaire, &: beckened to them
With his hand, &: saying-Goe on Goe on, I Will beare you out. August 28.
1634.
William Whiteway s Diary BL: Egerton MS. 784
f 110* (5 December)
Here came a french woman that had no hands, but could write, sow, wash,
& do many other things with her feet: She had a commission vnder the scale 20
of the Master of the Reuelles. not allowed here.
1634/5
Borough Court Book DRO: DC/DOB: 8/1
f 252v (2 January) 21
Examinations taken before the mayor, the bailiffs, and William Jolliffe
John Hoskins servant to lohn Standish confesseth that he was at church on
A warrant the 28th day of december 1634 and went out before pry prayers and 30
isgraunr sermon wer done in morning & went to William Churl house to warme
himself being wet and cold & stayd ther half an houre ther being present
William Clarke* wife &t [her children] r Grace Butler 1 and [at] the same
afternoone he sayth he went to broad close to serve cattlell and met w/th
Edward Tewxbury & Rychard Oldish and he sayth th#t ther was a bull in 35
the ground & he & the other 2 before namd and a shepherd boy of lohn
Standish put the bull in pound & set a dog at him and baytid him in the
pound & then he sayth he returnd home & went all three togather into
Church at evening pryer time the sermow being begun & continud thear
8/ My Lord cheiflusticc: Sir ILdward Coke 34/ cattlell:
30/ pry prayers: partial Jittography 39/ prycr: for prayer
DORCHESTER 1634/5-36
all time of [pryer] & smnon and prayer he is ordered to pay [12 d.] for
his absence from church [2 s.) 1 s. w/thin senight or otherwise to be delt
w/thall
cl635
Chronology of Dennis Bond DRO. D/BOC. Box 22
f 13* (Inventory)
The Contend of Souch houshold 10
stufe I haue Att lutton. waymoth
in my now Dwelling house in Dorchester
li. s. d.
Imprimis att lutton in ye Halle is
1 pair of virginall .2 10 00
1636 20
Borough Court Book DRO: DC/DOB: 8/1
f 312v* (1 4 October)
Willzarw Gosling, coming to this Towne with a license vnder the hand of the
Master of the Revelles signed Henry Herbert & sealed with the scale of 25
the office of Revelles w/th a Cinqwe foyle authorizing the said Gosling to
shew the portraiture of the city of Jerusalem dated 15 lune xij Caroli &
denied to make his shew heere by reason of the dangerous tyme of sicknes.
30
f 313* (19 October)
Cases heard before Dennis Bond
Gorge Meder wever of Triny p^rishe [doth being] giuing 1 the last night 35
entertaynment vnto lohn Wood & Laslet Gilbert apprentises to Simow
Haslebor & making Wood drunk: singing of song.
10-12/ The ... Dofchattr. in display icnfi 111 15 lunc xij Caroli: 15 June 1636
15/ Halle: in display serif I 35/ Triny: forTrinity, abbreviation mark missing
208 DORCHESTER 1636/7-40
1636/7
Borough Court Book DRO: DC/DOB: 8/1
f 33 lv (8 March)
Cases heard before Dennis Bond and Henry Maber
Anthony Penny sware 5 oathes by the name of God on Friday night last about
2 or 3 of the clock in the morning in lohn Durayes howse in Trin/>y
parish ex aKirmatione \o\\anriis Mory WilWwi Parke
& that [the] at that tyme were prfnte there Robme Bellett hellier lohn
Gray hellier & Anthony Penny and there they had beere & were drinking.
And that the same night there was disorder art lohn Brines dauncing all
night long, where there was the paviers maide and Duback and diu^rs
others of [the] some that were not of the town
15
1637
Borough Court Book DRO: DC/DOB: 8/1
f 335v (10 May)
20
Cases heard before Mayor Dennis Bond and Henry Maber
Sarah Vren alias Moore did danse in ye Gaol ye Ester monday & had a fidler
in the Gaole.
Abigal Serrell the seruant of Mrs: wat for that shee was dansing att the Gaole 25
is ordered (blank)
Borough Court Book DRO. DC/DOB. 8/1
f 337* (31 May)
Robert Powncy maketh oath that Thomas Powncy the younger this weeke
being at bulbayting did breake the bul kepx-rs head wrth his cudgill./
1640
Borough Court Minute Book DRO: DC/DOB: 16/4
f [18v]* (2 October)
Thomas desiring to be allowed 6 s. 4 d. paid the Clerke of the assise for hes [ch]
Gnndham discharge about imprisoning the fidlers. & f tis ordered the Steward shall 40
for his charges
71 Friday nighc lasc: 3 March 1 636/7 23-4/ & had ... Gaole: writing cramped btcausr insufficient
23/ ye Ester monJay: 10 April 1617 if ace left between Vren s and Serrell s names
DORCHESTER 1 640 / FORDINGTON 1617-35
pay & Grindham is ordered 1 to demaund the 12 s. which he paid the keper
& yf that he cannot recover that the company will take other course for that
mony also
FORDINGTON
1617
Casebook of Sir Francis Ashley BL: Harley MS. 671 5
f 22v* (5 August) (Cases heard at Bridport sessions) 10
for ye seurral misdemeanors p^rticularlie expressed.
Memorandum yat Nicholas Heyman alias Hellier of ffordington was this
daye Comitted till he find suertyes for his good behaviowr for keepinge
disorderlie typlinge by a long space w/thout licence: et presertim iustified by 15
the Constable that on whitsonday last had .6. at least drinckinge & dancinge
in his howse./ And since the pretended tyme of his licence hath harboured
Mr. Cheekes scholers videlicet Mi ffrancis sonne ofWeymouth & Mr Harbyns
sonne, who have ben twice there, by their owne Confession, & spent 12 d.
at a tyme, Heymaw him selfe being then at home; who would excuse it for 20
that they came w;th Joseph Parkins of dorchester having before denyed yat
ever anie townesman was in his howse
And Mr Pele the Preacher of ffordington enformes that on the Saboth day
last viz. vhima Augusti, there were halfe a dozen drinking there.
Et I punisht before Crome & Prower (. .) drunken in his howse 25
1635
Churchwardens Presentments for Salisbury Deanery
WRO: D5/28/35, item 57
single sheet (24 September) 30
Item wee present Julian ffacy for intertaining flfidlers til three or fowre of the
clocke on Sunday morning to the greate disturbance of the neighbors & the
great vnfitting al that were present for the service of God contrary to
artidf-7.8.25 35
1 3/ Nichoia . . . Hellier: underlined in MS
25/ (..) drunken: Ittten and parts of letters Ion by cropping
210 HALSTOCK 1634 / HINTON MARTELL 1629
HALSTOCK
1634
Churchwardens Presentments for Salisbury Deanery
WRO: D5/28/34, item 41 ,
f [Iv] (16 July)
Articell
4.5. All is well saumg that
10
3 Ther haue bin some games or playes vsed in the Churchyard which now
vppon admonicion ar now left of
HAYDON
15
1607
Churchwardens Presentments for Salisbury Deanery
WRO: D5/28/10, item 62
single sheet* (2 December) 20
Memorandum to call Anne vincent the wiffe of ... vincent of Castleton to
answere certaine articles, for that she did one the first daie of December Anno
domim 1605 in derision putt one a surplice one her back wrth a booke in her
hand & a paire of spectacles one her nose &C mett mr. border vicar of Hadon 25
&: one Richard knight & Edeth whood comeinge from the Church, beinge
then married, by mr. border
(signed) By me lohn Horner
HINTON MARTELL
1629
Quarter Sessions Orders DRO: QSM: 1/1
f 1 99v* (7-8 July) (Bonds taken for the next assize) 35
Taken at the Shaftesbury sessions before Sir John Croke, judge of King s Bench;
Nathaniel Napier, knight; Gerard Wood, DD; John Whetcombe, DD; and Arthur
Radford and William Whtttaker, esquires
221 ...: Jots used by clrrk to indicate omission of name, no editorial excerption in transcriftion
24/ 1605: underlined in MS
H1NTON MARTELL 1629 / UYME REGIS C 1544-9 21 1
transcriptum
Ad Kspondendum hijs
WilWwus Scott de Hinton Martell in Comitatu Dorsrtt fidler tenrtrd<?w/no
Regi in xx li. Will<f/wus Goddard de Toller Ryall in Comitatu Wilts generosus
in x li. & Thomas ffrye de Ashgroue in Comitatu Dorset predicto generosus 5
tenetur eidem domino Regi in x li.
pro Comparencia d/cri WilWwi Scott ad pro\imas Assizes et generalem
Gaole delibfraobwem in Comitatu predicto tenend/wad respondendww
sup^rhijs
10
LYME REGIS
c 1544-5
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/LR: G 1/2 15
P 81 *
Item to my lordf] admyrals pleers v s. viij d.
20
1547-8
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/LR: Gl/2
P 23*
C Itfm payde at Rycherd Leonardo towarde the scote when my 25
Lorde admyrall s^rvant was here with stockland men iiij d.
p 24*
30
C Itmi payd for bread & beere for the men of stockJand when they
were here iiij J.
C Itmi payd at Rycherd Leonard house toward my Lord AdmyraJlw
players by Master mayorw Cowmaundement xii d.
1548-9
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/LR: N23/2, item 17
f [1]* (Allowances)
hem to my lord protectors playors iiij s . ji
212 LYME REGIS f 1552-61
c 1552-3
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/LR:Gl/2
p 91
Item payd to the kynges plears the xxiij daye of maye v s. ij d.
Cobb Wardens Accounts DRO: DC/LR: G7/3
f [76]*
10
Item payd vnto the erle of wynswordw players to the merere howsse iiij s.
1558-9
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/LR: G 1/2 15
p 152 (25 March- 23 June) (Expenses)
Item to the quenes ma( . >estys playeres yat playd In the Chvrche iiij s. v d.
Item for wyne at Crystyn whytt at theyr Comyng x d.
20
1559-60
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/LR. G 1/2
p 1 67 (25 March - 23 June)
25
Item first I payd to the yeryells of oxfords plyyeres 3 s. 10 d.
more where whasse spend a pone theme 20 d. v s. vj d. [1 s. 8 d.]
1560-1 30
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/LR: Gl/2
p 211* (29 September- 24 December)
paid the iiij th daie of November for a Dyner for Mr pole &
other beyng at my house v s. viij d. 35
paid the same daie by the advise of Rogere garland Richard
hunt John perot & other to the Duches of Suthfolkw plaier
over & aboue that was gatherid i) s -
III vs. vj d.: v of vs. corrected from another letter 35/ my: the mayor s. Richard Buckford
LYME REGIS 1567-70
1567-8
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/LR:Gl/2
p 140* (29 September- 24 December) (Payments)
17 th of desember paid to sherborn players in the churche 2 s. 8 d. 5
p 141 (25 December- 24 March)
to S/ r thomes neve\\es players gave 2 s. 2 d. 10
p 262c (24June-28 September)
paid the 4 h awgust to therle of worsetors players 2s. Id. 15
1568-9
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/LR: N23/3, item 2
f [Iv] (29 September --24 March) (Expenses) 20
hem paid to hughe of bristowe the 9 th of rruzrche for playeing
in the Churche & at my house xvij d.
25
f [3] (25 March-23 June)
hem to my L Mont loyes players iiij s. iiij d.
30
f [6] (24June-28 September)
Item to the Quenes players the x th of lulye vj s. viij d.
35
1569-70
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/LR: Gl/2
p 220 (29 September-24 December)
hem paid to the poppit players xv d. 40
23/ my: the mayor s, Robert Davey 28/ L: for Lord, abbreviation mark missing
214 LYME REGIS 1569-78
p 222 (25 March -23 June)
Itrni to my L of lessetters players viij s. xj d.
1572-3
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/LR:Gl/2
p 271 (24 June -28 September)
paid my lord montioys playrs 4 s. 8 d. 10
1573-4
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/LR: G2/2
tab 6* (29 September -24 December)
paid the pleyers my L of essetters men 00 02 08
tab 10 (25 December- 24 March) 20
paid my lord mont lois pleyers 00 01 1
paid the quyns pleyers 00 05 8
gevyn the quyns Jester 00 03
2s
1577-8
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/LR: G2/2
tab 13 (Payments) 30
Item to my L of Leicesters players the 17: octobre vij s.
Item to my Lord monloyes players 13. decembre [xii] ij s. vj d.
35
3/ L: for \*ord; abbreviation mark ruining
1 71 L: for \,ord: abbreviation mark mining
111 essetters: for lessetters (?)
221 I 1 : corrected over %
32/ L: for \~ord , abbreviation mark ruining
34/ monloyes: I corrected over t
LVME REGIS 1577-85
tab 14
Item 20 Aprill to certen players ) s -
5
tab 15
Item 6. September, to my L of Sheffeldw players iij s.
10
1583-4
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/LR: N23/2, item 51
f [Iv] (Expenses)
li. s. d. 15
Item geven to my Lord bartletw players the 17 th of lanuarye
heare at Lim the Som of
20
f [2]
li. s. d.
hem geven to the earle of oxfordw men beinge heare the 4 : h 25
ofmayeys ... .3 .6
1584-5
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/LR: G2/2 jo
tabs 23-4* (Payments)
li. s. d.
hem there whas geven to my L of Sesyck pleeyeres the 35
26 daye of febyary the Some of 00 03 04
40
paid the 25 daye of Maye vnto my L of oxssefords
men the Sume of 00 03 10
8, 35, 38/ L: for Lord; ahbreviation mark missing
216 LYME REGIS 1586-9
1586-7
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/LR: G2/2
tab 32 (Payments)
the 4 th of aprell to my L of lessettm players 5 s .
1587-8
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/LR: G2/2
tab 38 (Expenses) )0
li. s. d.
It*m the 28 c h of Aprell geuen to my l<Whygh steward
his players the some of 00 06 d. 15
tab 39
Itmi the iijth of lune geven to the Queenes playeres by 20
Consent of my Bretheren 00 08 d.
1588-9
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/LR: G2/2 25
tab 47* (Expenses)
paid my L exsexe players 026
paid the quynes tomlers for playe 066
30
tab 49
... <
paid the quyenes players Last 10
35
5/ L: forward; abbreviation mark missing
28/ L: forward; abbreviation mark missing
LYME REGIS 1589-95
1589-90
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/LR: N23/2, item 58
f [4] (Expenses)
more paid vnto players wA/ch is come to mynd sythens
counteng 00 06 8
1592-3
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/LR: G2/2 10
tab 55*
U. s.
d.
Item the 9 th of decemfcxr gaue the Erie of worsters plaiers 15
5 s. 4 d. to furnish 4 s. 8 d. geuen 00 05 04
hem deliuered the queenes plaiers the duttons 12 s. 6 d.
vnto 7 s. 6 d. gatherde 00 12 06
20
tabs 56-7
Item the 26 C ^ of may gaue by consent to my Lord
mountelyes players 00 05 4 d. 25
1593-4
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/LR: G2/2
tab 62 (Payments) 30
hem the 16 th of October to my lord admeras players 00 05 00
1594-5 35
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/LR: G2/2
tab 73
15 aprill gave the quyenes players 15 s. 4
40
32/ admeris: /flradmerals
218 LYME REGIS 1594-1609
tab 74
paid the IS 1 1 awgust to my Lord egle players 1 s.
1595-6
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/LR: G2/2
tabs 82-3 (Payments)
Item geven to my Lord Stafford players iij s. iiij d.
1606-7
Churchwardens Presentments for Salisbury Deanery
WRO: D5/28/9, item 24 15
single sheet* (20 April)
Item we present the maior ffor giving Leaue vnto Certaine Enterlude players
to playe in a scoole howse adioyninge vnto the Church/ being within the
Compasse of the Church yerd. 20
1608-9
Bill of Complaint in Salter v. Cowper et al PRO: STAC 8/258/1 5
single mb* (1 7 November) 2s
To the kings most excellent Ma/tie
Humbly Complayning sheweth and Informeth to yowr highnes, yor true
and faithful! Subiect Robert Salter of yor majesties Towne of Lyme Regis in
yor highnes County of dorsett gentleman one of the Officers of yor 30
majesties ffarmors of your highnes great Customes of England, That wheras
yowr said Sub/m: being lawfully appointed and ymployed as one of the said
officers vnder yowr majesties said ffarmors, hath dureing all the tyme of his
said ymployment for the space of diners yeares past, most diligently and
honestlie performed his best seruices therin, and for the same hath benn 3s
very well liked and Comended by yowr ma/t/ said ffarmors, Soe it is (yf it
may please yowr highnes) That Beniamin Couper, Richard Harvey, and
Edward Rotheram Inhabitants w/ thin yor Majesties said Towne of Lyme
Regis and officers also vnder yowr Majesties said ffarmorw, greatlie maligning
and envying the faithful! demeanor and Carriage of yor said Sub/ert in his 40
3/ egle: for ogle
LYME REGIS 1608-9
said place and function the rather for the said good opinion and liking which
your said ffarmorw iustlie Conceiued of him, haue of late very maliciouslie
and often times secretlie and vnder hand detracted slandered and reported
verie ill and Contrary vnto truth of yowr Sub/fft said laborw and endeauourw
in his said office, w/ th a full w< . . . > and vppon setled purpose and resolua on
therby to bring yowr said Sub/>rt into great dislike discredit, and disgrace
not onelie amongest yowr mawt/wsaid ffarmors (vnder whom he long hath
and still doth faithfully bestow his best seruice) but also amongest his
neighbors, frends, and acquaintance to noe small blott and blemishe of his
reputac/on and Credit yf yowr Sub/fa had not ben the better knowen vnto 10
them for the integritie and sinceritie of his life and Conversac/on Synce which
tyme the said Beniamin Coup^r, Richard Harvey, and Edward Rotheram
pm:eaving that those their derracc/ons, slaunders, and reprochfull reports
Could not prmaile to effect soe much in mischeefe against yowr said Sub/m
as they intended and thervppon increasing their malice and purpose to 15
discredit and defame yowr said Sub/r, neither regarding yowr highnes lawes
against slaunderous Libellers and publishers of Infamous Libells nor the happie
peace and Concord of this yowr m<. ) kingdome which by such libells ys
often infringed, but vnlawfully Combyning, Conspiring and Confederating
with diu^rs and sondry other lewd and yll disposed persons and namelie one 20
Susan Harvye wife of the said Richard Harvey, Milicent Tompson, Robert
Hassard thelder, John Hassard, and Ann Hassard his wife, Elizabeth Tasen
alias Tusen spinster, and lohn Viney all Inhabitants within yowr ma/fttzrt said
Towne, and with diu^rs others of like disposic/on and qualitie to yowr saide
Suhiect as yet vnknowne (whose names he humbly prayeth may be inserted 25
into this bill soe soone as he shall pfrfectlie knowe them) did for the same
end and purpose, and according to their Combinac/on and Confederacy
aforesaid, of late since the first day of Marche in rhe ffifth yeare of yowr highnes
raigne of this yowr Realme of England most maliciouslie, despightfully, and
vnlawfully, devise, make, Contriue, and putt into writting, or Cause and 30
procure to be made, Contriued, and putt into writting against yowr said
SubzVct (vtterlie to ouerthrow his Creditt fame, and reputackm) one most
Infamous, false, slaunderous, scurrill and obscene Libell here following:
That is to saye. Lyme Regis 1607: The first pane of Robert Salter hunting
the Cunney and doo, and shortlie I will the second p^rte shew. Give eare a 35
while, and listen vnto this newes I shall you tell, of a long meeching fellow
which in the Towne of Lyme doth dwell, his name in breeffl will you tell,
with two syllables you may it spell. A rope and a halter spells Robin Salter,
he is so expert in hunting, in broking, in Cuning matchiuell feates, in
holding his purse from the poore, in studying how to deceiue his neighbor 40
or frend, to make his frend sweare his selfe to the diuell to serue his turne,
and then he will geue him a shake, as the masty Curr doth ouer the litle
220 LYME REGIS 1608-9
dogg till he quake ffor hunting the hayre he did excell, in dorsettshire his
fellow did not dwell, as his wife more playnelie Can tell, w/th his grayhound
he oftentimes walked abroad about Portland Castle and diu^rs other places
Eastward he made his abode so that he so feircelie did hunt till his firrett
gott vnder a tuff very ruff into a burro called a (""Ij But now this meeching 5
hunter in Lyme doth dwell, for polling and for baldery he onelie beares the
bell, as manie Cann tell, he firreted so long he made the Cunney about the
knee to swell; she boulted at potecary ley, then by Salthouse she fledd away,
his firret so cruelly was bent, the Cunney vppon the foote to hunt by the
sent, To a good harbowr w/thin two miles of Exmouth this cunney did hye, 10
but this firret did hunt after vppon the foote out of all Crye, and there would
not suffer the poore Cunney to lye, but into the burro the firrett did goe,
and made the poore Cunney to boult the second tyme also. Then the Cunney
to Bridgewater went and ouer into walls she had an intent, but the firret did
pursue her soe fast, that she made a double and Came backe againe in hast; 15
Then throughe manie Coppses and villages this firret hunted her so fast, that
her great belly she was faine to Cast; And after soe done, then this Cunney
Could skipp and runne. If this firret can hunt so well, through brambles and
briers through bushes and thornes, then Potecary Ball and other Craftsmen
take heed of the homes And after she had fetchd this long race, she was glad 20
to returne for succor into her old place, but yet the firret now and then doth
the Cunney espie neere to burro where she doth lye; At potecary ley the
other day at eleven a Clocke at night this firret was scene a scratching the
Cunney as I heare say her buttockes betweene, But now Potecary ley ys well
you doe watche; this firret and Cunney together you may Catche; ffor yf 25
this firret be suffred vpon your ground still for to hunt, he will make the
Conney swell againe about the P^ for thereabouts he will scratch, till
harme he doth Catche. you officers which take this hunting no scorne, keepe
well this Conney out of yor Come, but specially frend Sampford take heed
of the home, yowr fences and marces stopp w;th some force for the firret will 30
in at the porche; But now He tell you a wonder yf it be soe; I heare this
Conney is turned into a fatt doo, for heare she goes tripping vp and downe
vpon the toe, the truth it is soe, but neuer a strang dogg that will her Chase
nor once to looke her in the face; but when Salters grayhound doth her espye,
then she ys throughlie chast or else manie doe lye, and yf his firret haue any 35
mind to hunt, he will not be quiet till he haue scratcht her by the Cunt. But
if this Conney or doo, to Salisbury chaunce to goe, the firret will hunt after
the truth it is soe, but yf by the way they chaunce to be spent a Can will be
prouided thus ys the intent. But gentleman Hassard I hold you in scorne,
that will suffer the Cunney to Continew in yor neighbors Corne, and in 40
spending yowr money so foolishlie in vaine for now the Cunney ys Come
hither in spight of you againe. weele send into walles for some pretty wretch,
LYME REGIS 1608-9 221
that Cuningly this Cunney he may Catche, and so away her fetche, for this
firret and Cunney are growen in such fame, that I feare they will be trobled
w/th game; But yf Salters firret be so exceeding hott in hunting the Cunney
and doo soe fatt weele send newes to London what thinke you of that, that
he may haue hunting in some other platt, for this Towne of Lyme ys too hott s
for him to dwell, here Cannot a Conney stay for to sell, but Salters firret will
Catche her by the tayle, before she cann Come to anie saile. finis. I would
haue sett forth some pane of Salters matcheuill feates Conning trickes and
false dealing with manie other vile partes, but that paper is somewhat scant,
but that you shall haue in the second parte w/th manie trickes and villaynes 10
per me: A.B.C.D. And having thus wickedlie, maliciously, and vnlawfully
devised, Contriued, and putt in writting the said despightfull, slaunderous,
and reprochfull Libell against your said Sub/m w/th a setled resoluc;on,
intent, and purpose as aforesaid to defame and disgrace him as well among
your Mmestifs said ffarmors vnder whom he serued as also amongest others 15
his frends, neighbors, and acquaintance, and vtterlie to oufrthrow his Creditt,
reputac/on, and whole estate by publishing and diuulging the said Libell
abroad, The said Edward Rotheram, Beniamin Cooper, Richard Harvye, and
the rest of their Confederats and Conspirators aforesaid as wtell knowne as
vnknowne, in or about the sixth day of marche in the said ffifth yeare of yowr 20
highnes said raigne (being then a markett day holden in yowr Ma/V;t/said
Towne) did most lewdlie and vnlawfully sett vpp, fixe, and fasten the same
Libell, or Cause and procure the same to be so sett vpp fixed and fastened
openlie vppon a boord vnder the Pillory then and yet standing in the most
eminent. Conspicuous and open markett place of your Towne aforesaid to 25
such end and purpose as all sorts of people might then and there publiquelie
and openly behould, read, and peruse the same, And not so Contented the
said Edward Rotheram, Richard Harvye, Beniamin Cooper and their said
other Confederats both knowne and A vn knowne did w/th the like intent
and purpose at dium tymes sithence the said ffirst and sixt day of marche, 30
and in sondry placas well within your ma/t/said County of dorsett as
elsewhere w/thin your highnes said Realme of England in like vnlawfull maner
publishe, diuulge, and spread abroad the said infamous Libell /as well by
reading and singing the same, and geving forth Coppies therof, as alsoe by
secret Casting and priuate Convaying of the same Coppies into the dwelling 35
howses of diners and sondry persons in yowr said Towne, as likewise by folding
and wrapping vpp dium Coppies therof in the forme and liknes of letters
sent into yowr Citty of London and other places some w/th sup^rscripcions
and indorsements vnto Certayne of yowr majesties said ffarmors, and some
other w/th like supmcripc/ons vnto diutrs other pmonns of great worth and 40
ll/ per me: A.B.C.D.: written in italic display script
LYME REGIS 1608-9
Creditt who otherwise held a good opinion of yor sub/Vet of intent vtterlie
to impayre and ouerthrow yor said Subiectes Credit, reputac/on, and estate
w/7/ch hitherto he hath in very honest and good sort vpheld and mayntayned.
In tender Consideraaon wherof and for as much as the devising, makeing,
Contriving, writting, reading, and publishing of such lewd, slaunderous and 5
wicked Libells doe directlie tend to the sowing and encreasing of debates,
strifes, and hatred betwixt neighbors] and neighbor, to the breach of yowr
highnes peace and to the vtter vndoeing of your said Sub/m, and doe
therefore Condignely deserue to be severlie punished, and hath bin ail done
and Comitted since your majesties last general! pardon. It may therefore please 10
your highnes to graunt vnto yowr said Sub/en your majesties most gracious
writts of Subpena to be directed vnto the said Edward Rotheram, Beniamin
Cooper, Richard Harvye, Susan Harvye, Milicent Tompson, Robert Hassard
thelder, lohn Hassard, Ann Hassard, lohn Craudley, Margarett Craudley
his wife, Elizabeth Tasen alias Tusen, lohn viney, and to the rest of the said is
Libelling persons so soone as their names shalbe knowen to your said Sub/eft
Comaunding them and euery of them therby at a day Certaine and vnder a
Certayne payne therin to be limitted personally to be and appeare before yowr
mazVjtie and the Right honorable the Lords of yowr majesties mosi honorable
priuy Councell in yowr highnes Court of Starr Chamber, then and there to 20
Answere the premisses and to stand to and abide suche further order and
direcaon on that behalf as to yoz<r majestic and the said Right honorable Lords
shall seeme to be most agreable to Law and Justice. And yowr said Sub/ea
shall (according to his moste bounden duty) dailie pray vnto god for the
preseruac/on of yor majestic long to raigne most happilie ouer vs:// 25
(signed) Thomas Hughes
1609
Churchwardens Presentments for Salisbury Deanery
WRO: D5/28/11, item 24 30
f [lv]*
Presentments made before William Wilkinson, LLD, dean s official
29.45 none saue only playing at Cytels in the Church yarde by the cob wardinge* 35
Carosing
f [2v]
40
dominus peremptorie imwixit inhsbitantes \\)idem provt patet apud act(.)|
X 48 wee know no such but that which hath bin presented in the 29 artycle
LYME REGIS 1609-25
sauing that ther is a yearly vse and Costom in the toun of chusing kob
wardens on Easter day and going forth w/th a drom Ancient & flag and
Musycall Instruments on whit Sunday in the mornyng to fetch in bowes
and so to go the cob howes to breckfast befor morning prayer which wee
tacke to bee a A profane vse 1 [proffan yous] Contrary to the Ryght sanctify 5
of the lordwday
1621-2
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/LR: Gl/1 10
p 242
Given to the Players not to play heer vj s. viiij d.
1623-4
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/LR: Gl/1
p 252*
given to one lohn lones whoe had a licence to shew feates 20
of actiuity to depart the Towne by consent of the Company ij s.
1624-5
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/LR-. Gl/1 25
p 256
Given to a messenger sent to Bridport for a Copy of the \etne
to proclayme [the] King Charles [vj d.] viij d.
Given to the 2 druwmers at the proclayming of the king xvj d. 30
p 257
Given to the Lady Elizabeths Players to depart the Towne
w; thout playing
5/ sanctify: ify written over other letters; for sanctifying ( )
29/ to proclaymc ... Chatles: Charlet I acceded on 27 March 1625
224 LYME REGIS 1633-5
1633-4
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/LR:Gl/l
p 298
Given vnto staige players for sendinge them out of towne 00 05 00
1635
Churchwardens Presentments for Salisbury Deanery
WRO: D5/28/35, item 73 ,o
ff [4v-5]* (22 September) (Answers to articles about the laity)
8.9. Manie here have on Sundayes or other holydaies made greate bond ffyres
for the Christnmge of Apples as they call it causmge thereby greate concurse
of people as aJlso one William AJlford the yonger makinge or callinge himself 15
a Captaine did on Assention day last duringe the tyme of [mor] mourninge
prayer & Exposytion detaine & keepe with him from the Church in a place
called the Millgreene a greate mulltitude of men and youthes there keepinge
Gunninge and drumminge and shootinge &: thereby much disturbinge the
minister in divine service & in his Exposytyon or Sermon the saide place 20
beinge neigh vnto the Church & the sounde of the drumbe & Gunnes both
theire in the sayde place &: in theire marches to and from the sayde place
out of & into the Towne makinge a lowde sounde into the Church which
aJlso they continued to doe after notice given them by the Churchwardens
and Constables the divine service was disturbed in the midest i thereof,] I And 25
likely to be broken ofe in regarde of the greatnes of the disturbance which
was continued norwithstandinge earnest Admonitions given them by the saide
officers to decist and William Allford the Elder ffather of the saide William
AJlford the yonger beinge a Justice of Peace of Lyme Regis aforesaide and beinge
himselfe present in the Church at divine service & hearinge the aforesaide 30
disturbance and requested by the Mmester &C preacher by his authoritie to
appease & suppres the saide tumult did (as we have hearde) for we our seules
were then gone forth to doe our indeavor to appease the aforesaide disorder
in steede of his so doinge vnreverently then & there in the time of divine
service or Exposition speake with an audible voyce and say what a Stirr or 35
what a talkinge or what a pratinge he meaninge or was & is conceived the
Preacher & Minister Mr lohn Geire (who then was in his Exposyt A i on
maketh he about nothinge (or vsed other words to the like effect
32/ seules: ^rselues
37, 38/ (who then ... Exposyt. i on, (or vsed ... effect: closing parentheses omitted
MELBURY OSMUND 1622
MELBURY OSMUND
1622
Bill of Complaint in Gordon et al v. Auncell et al PRO: STAC 8/ 1 53/29
mb 3* (Before 29 November)
To the kingw most Excellent MazVstie
Humbly Complayning showeth and informeth vnto yor moste Excellent
Ma/ tie yowr Highnes true loyall faithfull and obedient subiecmlohn Gordon
of Melbury Osmond in yowr highnes Countye of Dorset Clark and Edward 10
ffraunces of Melbury Osmond aforesaid yeoman That whereas yor said
subiect John Gordon beinge a gen ileman descended of an antient house and
beinge educated accordinge to his birth and quality vntill he went to the
Vniumitye of Abergene A [ in Scotland 1 where he was Maintayned by his
parents and ffrendw in the Studye of the Artes and good learninge vntill he 15
was Master of Art and after tooke on him the ffunction of a Minister and
Precher /of the word of god 1 in w/?/ch Callinge he your said subwte hath
painefully and Carefully laboured to teach and instructe all such as were vnder
his Cure and Charge (aswell by example of Religious and godlye life as by
doctrine) in the feare of God and obedience to yowr Mawties Lawes and 20
disciplyne of this Church of England and in all things lyved as befitting his
Callinge in love and Amitye w/th all men And whereas also yowr said Subiecte
Edward ffraunces hath in the whole Course of /his 1 lif lyved in very good
Creditt and estimac/on in all places wher he hath fformerly lyved and also in
the place A where he doth now lyve and hath ever bene of good ffame and 25
reputac/on and honest Conu^rsac/on lyvinge in peace and vnitye amongest
his neighbours w/thout gyving the least /iust 1 offence or Cause of scandall
to any man whatsoever/ and thereby gayned vnto him self the love and good
opinion of all his neighbours and of the whole Country where he lyved and
is knowne to his great Comfort & Content yet Nevertheles Soe it is may it 30
please yor most Excellent mawtie that Christopher Auncell of Wimburne
in yor ma/ties said Countye of Dorset Tanner Robert Child loan Owen
the wif of Thomas Owen the elder Thomas Owen the younger and Margarett
Abbott the wif of Humfrye Abbott all of Melburye Osmond aforesaid beinge
people of very malicious disposic/ons and of lewde and wicked behaviour 35
addicted to the sowing of discord and stirringe of Quarries and debate amongst
their neighbours and to other disorderly and wicked Courses havinge
Conceyved Causeles and secrett malice and displeasure against yoz<r said
subfVftes A and Elizabeth the wif of your said subiecte ffraunces 1 and much
envyinge their quiet and peaceable estates, and out of the same their malice 40
14/ Abergene: /ir Abcrdene
226 MELBURY OSMUND 1622
vnlawfully seeking plotting devising and resolvinge w/th them selues by
some meanes or other to bring yor said sub/Vrtes /and the said Elizabeth 1
into obloquie and disgrace amongst their neighbours and others in the
Countrye where they lyve And to that end and purpose They the said
Christopher AunceU Robme Childe loan Owen Thomas Owen /the younger 1 5
and Margarett Abbott did most wickedly and vnlawfully Confederat and
Combyne them selues to and w/th dyvers and Sundry other like lewde and
malicious people whose names to yor sub/Vrtes are yet vnknowen and whose
names yor sub/Vctes humbly prayeth may be incerted into this Bill as they
shalbe heareafter [be] discovered. Amongst whom it was most wickedly and 10
maliciously Conspired plotted practized Concluded resolued and agreed that
they the said Confederate should and would by raising and publishinge
false and scandalous and libellous worde and slaunderos speeches and
infamous Libells in writting against yowr said sub/>rtes /and against the said
Elizabeth to wound your said sub/Vrtes in their Creditte and reputac/ons 15
and to bringe them into Contempt and disgrace amongst their neighbours
and in the whole Countrye where they lyve and also to breed and stirre vpp
strif and Contention amongst them selues and Quarries and debate between
them and their quiet and peaceable neighbours and others inhabitinge w/thin
the said Countye of Dorset. And for the effectinge of their said wicked and 20
mallicious plotte practizes and devises They the said Christopher Auncell
Robme Childe loan Owen Thomas Owen the younger Margarett Abbott
and the said other vnknowen Confederate by the Confederacye and
Combinac/on aforesaid did in or about the monethes of December and
January now last past in the xix c ^ year of yowr Ma/eties Raigne most wickedly 25
maliciously and vnlawfully devise Contryve make fframe and writt or cause
to be devised Contryved made framed and putt into writting one most false
scandalous and infamous Libell in most scurrulous Rymes or Verses against
yor said sub/>rte Edward ffraunces and Elizabeth his wif particularly by
name wA/ ch said false scandalous and infamous Libell ffollowdth vizt ffraunces 30
Nedd w/th Acteons head doth square vpp [and] and downe his head beinge
hye he doth stye to maister all the Towne and Bes the beare doth swell and
swer she will maister be of all the wyves for hye degree/ And well she may I
tell you trues be Maistres in London of the Stues/ ffor pompe and pride she
beares the bell Shee is as proud as the devill of Hell But her husband I might 35
be I would make her leave her veneree The Country speech doth geather the
sole must hold w/th the over leather And birdeof a vether will hold together.
In and by which said false slaunderous scurrulous Rymes and Libell they the
said Confederate in the ffirst twoe verses thereof vizt ffraunces Nedd w/th
Acteons head doth square vpp and downe his head beinge hye he doth stye 40
to Master all the Towne They the said Confederate most maliciously and
scandalously would intimate and publish that yowr sub/Vrte was and is a
Cuccold and had Acteons head and by the latter part of the said Libell that
797
MELBURY OSMUND 1622
yowr subieaes /said 1 wif was or is an infamous woman and fitt to kepe a
Stues or brochrell house which said false scandalous slaunderous and infamous
libell beinge so devised Contryved made and written as aforesaid They the
said Confederate the more to wound /and disgrace 1 yor said sub/Vrte
Edward /ffraunces 1 and his wif did maliciously publish divulge and disperce 5
abrode the same in dyvers and sundrye places w/thin yowr said Countye of
Dorset and in sundry other places w/thin this yowr highnes kingdom of
England to dyvers and sundry of yor Ma>eties sub/>rtes and did A deliuer
disperce and Cast abrode dyvers and sundrye Coppies and transcripts
thereof and did also read singe repeat and publish the same in dyvers and 10
sundrye Inns Alehouses Taverns in markettes Townes and other places w/thin
yor said Countye of Dors<rt and else where w/thin this yor highnes Realme
of England to the great disgrace discredit! and scandal! of yor said sub/me
Edward ffraunces and his said wif. And the said Confederate not hearew/th
satisfied but still pmistinge in their wicked and malicious Courses to wound 15
and disgrace yor said sub/Vaes in their reputac/ons and CreditteThey the
said Christopher Auncell Robme Childe loane Owen Thomas Owen the
younger Margarett Abbott and the said other Confederate did in the like
malicious and vnlawfull manner in or about the monethes of luly and Auguste
last past in this present Twentieth year of yowr ma/eties Raigne of England 20
devise Contryve fframe make writt and publish and caused to be devised
Contryved framed made written and published one other false infamous
and scandalous Libell in scurrulous Rymes against all yor said sub/>rtes
particularly by name and therein /also 1 scandalously taxinge dyvers and
sundrye other of youi Ma/eties sub/mes of good Creditt and estimac/on 25
wA/ ch said infamous and scurrulous Libell ffollow^th in theis worde vizt A
badye knott ther be god wott in Melbury Towne doth dwell/ If wee tread the
pathes that they doe lead it will bringe vs all to Hell. If you would know who
they be Look a little further and ther you shall see/ The Parson and his Nurse
Will/am Allen and his purse Nedd ffraunces and his beares Mr Gordon and 30
his whores wA/ch said last mencioned Libell beinge so maliciously made
Contryved and written as aforesaid they the said Confederate before named
and the other yet vnknowerz did in or about the said monethes of [Aug] luly
and August and at dyvers tymes sithens publish dyvulge disperce and spred
abroad aswell in the said Towne of Melbury as in dyvers and sundrye other 35
places w/thin this yor Realme /of England 1 and did write or cause to be
written dyvers and sundry Coppies and transcrippte thereof and did Cast
scatter disperce and deliucr the said Coppyes to dyvers and sundrye pfrsons
aswell in yowr majesties said Countye of Dorset as in dyvers other Countrye
and places w/thin this Realme and did also read rehearse repeat and interpret 40
the said last mencioned Libell in dyvers and sundrye publicke places as ffaires
1 1/ Taverns: for and Taverns (?)
228 MELBURY OSMUND 1622
and Marketer and in the streete* Tavernes Alehouses and Inns in publicke
assemblyes in dyvers and sundry Townes and other places of yor highnes
Realme as aforesaid and thereby did in most scandalous and Libellous manner
traduce and deprave all yowr said sub/ertes w/ th knitting them selues together
in Bauderye and especially yor said sub/ erte John Gordon beinge a minister 5
and precher of godes word as aforesaid to be a whore master or whore hunter
to the great scandall of his profession Callinge and ministrye and to his great
disgrace discreditt and disreputac/on and to the stirringe vpp of strif
Contentions quarries and debates betwixt yor sub/mes and other their
neighbours and ffriend wher they lyve And the said Thomas Owen the 10
younger hath not onlye vttered and declared the malicious Venome of his
lewde dispositiow in p/zrtakinge w/ th the other said evill disposed persons in
the vniust scandalizing and traducing of your Majesties said sub/enes by
scurrulous Rymes and odious libells as aforesaid but to make vpp the full
measure of his wickednes he hath also vttered most vnseemlye base and 15
dishonorable worde* Concerning yowr ma/e*ties brod or great Scale of England
in this manner ffollowing vizt He the said Thomas Owen the younger
Came to the lodging or Chamber of one lohn Weekes of Melbury aforesaid
labourer and ther the said Thomas Owen holding fourth w/th his hand a
foul pair of a beaste* homes towarde* the said lohn Weekes said vnto him I 20
doe heare serve thee w/th the kinge* broad Scale and doe require thee by vertue
thereof to appeare at the Gunpowder Mill that I may there make powder
of thy bones In tender Considerac/on whereof and forasmuch as the said
cowspiracyes confederacies cowbynac/ons plotte* practices making cowtryving
and publishing of libells to the scandale and disgrace ofyor Ma/ e*ties 25
sub/ertes and all other the offences &C misdemeanors aforesaid ar cowtrarye
and repugnant to the good and wholsom Lawes and statute* of this yor
highnes Realme of England and were all of them committed perpetrated &
done since yor Ma/ e*ties last most gracious general! & free pardon & are
not pardoned & deserve to be most sharplye & seuerely punished in exawple 30
to other like lewde & ill disposed persons to cowmitt the like or greater
offence* if thes offenders shall escape w/ th impunitye May it therefore please
yowr ma/e*tie to grant vnto your said subzeaes yowr highnes gracious writt of
subpena to be directed vnto them the said chr/*topher Auncel Robert Childes
Thomas Owen the younger loan Owen Margarett Abbot & the said other 35
vnknowen persons Cowmauwiinge them & every of them thereby at a cmayne
day and vnder a cmeyne payne therein to be lymited personally to be &
appear before yowr highnes in yor ma/emes high Court of Starr chawber
then & there to make particular and direct aunswer to the premisses & farther
to stand to & abyde such order & Judgment cowceming the same offence* as w
to the grave Councell of yoz<r highnes said Court shalbe thought meet &C are
by the Lawes statute* & ordinauwces of this yor highnes Realme to be
inflicted on them & every of them for their said offence or offence* And yor
MELBURY OSMUND 1622
said sub/Vaes as neverthelesse in all dutye they are bound shall daylye pray
vnto god for the preservation of your highnes in helth and happines longe to
lyve and Raigne over vs.
(signed) Thomas Cole
5
Answer of Christopher Auncell, Defendant, in Gordon et al v. Auncell et al
PRO: STAC 8/1 53/29
mb 1 (29 November)
Thomas May 10
The seufraJl Answers of Christopher Auncell
one of the defendantes to the Bill of Informac/on
of lohn Gordon and Edward Franc Complainantes
All advantage of excepc/on to thincerteinty and insufficiency of the said Bill
of Informac/on to this defendant now & at all tymes hereafter saved for 15
answere vnto so much thereof as anie wayes Concerneth him, he sayth that
he this defendant was heretofore Servant vnto one Thomas Cowper of Melbery
Osmond in the County of Dorset Tanner, w/th whome he served out an
apprenticehood of seaven years at the said trade of a Tanner And this defendant
hath by the space of these six yeares now last past lived in Wymborne Mynster 20
in the said County and exercised his trade there for himself as a freeman
And about the moneth of August last this defendant having some occac/on
of busines vnto the said Thomas Cowperwent to Melbery Osmond w/th
intent to speake w/th him Concerning the same But the said Cowpdr being
from home at the ryme of this defendantes Comwing thithfr he this defendant 25
stayed at his howse expecting his retorne In which tyme of his stay this
defendant going towards the said Cowp^rs A Crowting howse or Barkehowse
did Casually espy and find on the ground in the backsyde a Certen written
pap<Tw/;/ch this defendant took vp and went into the said Barkehowse, and
there then being in the said Barkehowse A [ or Crowting house 1 one Will/Wm 30
Rookes (a Servant of the howse) [(...)], this defendant told /him 1 [(...)]
that he had found a writing in [the backsyde] there Backsyde, and then read
the same vnto [them] A him and others , which paper writing conteyned in
substance the matter of the second Lybell menc/oned in the Bill beginning
w/th these word viz a bawdy knot there is God wot &:c And this defendant 3s
having so read the same asked the said Rookes what person the said Gordon
the Complainant was who told him that he was a minister wherevpon this
defendant answered to this purpose that it was a fowle peice of worke And
that he would not haue ben the Contriver of it for forty poundw And this
defendant having made two nights stay at the howse of the said Cowpfr to 40
have spoken with him, who not retorning home in that tyme this defendant
hoped to meet w/th him at a ffayre which was shortly after to be holden at
Wodbery Hill in the said County of Dorset, and so departed from Melbery
230 MELBURY OSMUND 1622 / NETHERBURY 1566-75
Osmand & retorned home to his owne howse in Wimborne Mynster Carying
the said paper w/th him in his pocket w/?zch this defendant did doe ignorantly
not knowing that anie danger or troble might ensue vnto him thereby,
especially for that by his said reading of the said paper, this defendant had
no intent or purpose to scandalize defame or anie wayes traduce the 5
plainantes or eyther of them A the said Gordon not being then knowen vnto
this defendant but rather desyred to haue the Libellers & Contrivers knowne
and punished for their offence In which respect [and also for that] this defendant
hopeth that this honorable Court will not Censure him as a delinquent in
this behalf And as to all or anie the said Conspiracyes Confederacyes 10
Combinac/ons plot practise; making Contriving & publishing of libells &
all other the offence* & misdemeanors aforesaid this defendant sayth that he
is of the same & of euery or anie of them not guilty in A r such maner & forme
as by the bill of Compleint is enformed 1 [other manner then in this his
Answere he hath before Confessed] w/thout that that anie other matter or 15
thing in the said Bill of Informac/ on conteyned material! for this defendant
to make answere vnto & not herein Confessed &C avoyded trauersed or denied
is trew to the knowledge of this defendant All wA/ch this defendant is &
wilbe ready to aver & proue as this honorable Court shall Award & humbly
prayeth to be dismissed from the same w/th his reasonable Costes &c Charge* 20
in that behalf wrongfully susteyned./
(signed) Francis Ashley
NETHERBURY
25
1566-8
AC Notes from St Mary s Churchwardens Accounts DRO: D/KAT: 7623
f [17v]*
In the yeare 1566 the plage was in neitherbury. and then the years folloing 30
viz. 1 567. &. 1 568 .&. they keept their Church [alls] ale[s] at Whit sundy
and had their Robert hoode and Littell lohn & the gentle men of the said
parish the cheef acters in it a [Oood] requitalle for gods merscys
c 1568-75
AC Notes from St Mary s Churchwardens Accounts DRO: D/KAT: 7623
f [18]*
memorandum that they keept their al[l]e white Sunday and the other sundayes
fowleing as well as on the weecke dayes 40
NETHERBURY 1609 / OVER COM PTON 1617/18
1609
Churchwardens Presentments for Salisbury Deanery
WRO: D5/28/ll,item31
single sheet
5
Item we presente lohn Tolly comp/ww t 1 for keepinge of [Church] A Clerks
ale vppon the whiison holydaies wherby he causeth much disorder by
bulbaytinge & other vnlawful sports:
10
OVER COM PTON
1609
Churchwardens Presentments for Salisbury Deanery
WRO: D5/28/12, item 20 "5
single sheet*
hem we presents william masters/ Nicholas Arnold lohn dier Robert Beaton
lohn Arnold. Nicholas vincent Bartho/mew Michell Thomas Michell. Junior
j^ omas Michell senior ffrauncis Michell lames Ham. Henry Gillett Giles 20
Beaton Thomas Benton Ralph Bicknell: Samuell dowdaJl ffrancis Beare
Thowaj Beare: Bartholmew Eston: lohn Bicknell [Nicholas] for playeinge
at vnlawfull sportes and playes in the Churcheyard:
25
1617/18
Bill of Complaint in Abington v. Beaton et al PRO: STAC 8/42/1 4
mb 9 (19 February)
To the Kinges most Excellent Ma/atie/ 30
In most humble manner Complayninge Shewethe and informethe vnto your
most Excellent Ma/Vnie your LoyaJl faythefull and obedient Subiect Andrew
Abington of Over Compton in your Highnes County of Dorsett Esquier
That whereas your said Subiect nowe is and so for many yeares now last past 35
hathe ben and before him his Auncestors by the space of ffower score yeares
and vpward seised in his and there demesne as of (fee of and in the Manner
of Over Compton aforesaid w/th the Right Members and Appurten^ncw
therevnto belonginge w/chin whiche manner thier now ar and tyme whereof the
Memorye of man is not to the Contrarye there haue ben diuerse Coppyhold w
23/ sportes and playes: written over erasure
232 OVER COMPTON 1617/18
Tenements demised and demisable by Coppye of Court Rolle according to
the custome of the said Manner for one life in possession and one life in
Reucrsion at the will of the Lord of the same Mannor for the tyme beinge,
And allso diuerse other Tenements demised and demisable by leases for life
and lives wrthin the said Mannor, And your said Subiect and his Auncestors 5
being so seysed of the said Mannor and premisses There haue ben during the
tyme aforesaid by vertue of Certayne Orders made by the Tennantwof the
said Mannor Att seu^rall Court Barons there holden sundrye exchaunges of
land Meadow and Pasture made aswell by and Betweene the Tennantof the
said Mannor one with the other as allso Betweene the same Tennantw And 10
your said Subiects Auncestors Lordof the said Mannor And liclcwiese betweene
the Tennantwof the said Mannor and your said Subiect And namely whereas
one ffrancis Beaton one of your said Subiectes Tennant about the Sixteene
yeares last past made an exchaunge w/tAyour said Subiect for one Acre and
halfe of Arable Land lyeng at Cole Easton within the said Mannor of Over 15
Compton for the which your said Subiect had of the said ffrancis Beaton
"valuable land lyenge at (blank) a.nA (blank) within the said manner And
the said ffrancis Beaton exchaunged with your said Subiect one Close of
Meadowe called dorneford Conteyning by Estimadon ffower Acres and a halfe
and one close of Pasture called middle Easton Conteyning by Estimadon 20
(Tower Acres And had for the same of your said Subiect one Close of Meadowe
Called Compton Mill Close Conteyning by Estimadon seaven Acres within
the said Mannor of Over Comp< . . . > aforesaid All which said exchaunges
haue ben from tyme to tyme quietly and peaceablely inioyed by your said
Subiect and his Auncestors And the Tennantof the said manner for the 25
tyme beinge as to the benefitt Comwoditie and good Contentment of all
parties bothe lord and Tennant Vntill ffower yeares now last past, About
which Tyme Soe it is (May it please your most Excellent Ma/tie) That one
ffrancis Beaton Robert Beaton his brother and Henrye lellett all of Over
Compton aforesaid Husbandmen Three of your Subiectes Tennantwof his 30
said Mannor being men of most malicious and perverse disposidons well
p^rceavinge that your said Subiect had bestowed diufrse great somes of money
in incloseinge dyking fencinge planting and manuring of the land Meadow
and Pasture grounds which had ben taken and Receaued in exchaunge by
your said Subiect and his Auncestors from the said Tennantw And by his 35
great care industrye and Charge had muche improued the same The said
Henry lellett ffrancis and Robert Beaton Envyeng and Repining thereat And
Conceauing som Causelese malice against your said Subiect being thier
Landlord as aforesaid did most Maliciouslye and vnlawfully in or about the
Monethe of August in the Eleventhe yeare of your Ma/tie Raigne of this 40
your Realme of England practize Combyne and Confederate together howe
40/ Muauc: for Maiestics
233
OVER COM PTON 1617/18
to defeat frustrate and oumhrowe all the said Exchaunges that formerly had
ben made within the same Manner during the tyme aforesaid Betweene your
Subiect and his Auncestors and thier Tennantwof the said Manner vnder
the pretence diat the exchaunges were not good in Regard they had Exchaunged
Coppyehold land for parcel! of the demeasne Landes of the said Mannor
But being vnable of themsealues and by thier owne meanes to Effect the
same vWt/raut the Assistance and [Col] Contribuc/on of the Rest of the said
Tennantw the said ffrancis Beaton Robert Beaton and Henrye lellett to thend
they might Causlesslye incense and stirr vpp the hartes of the Rest of your
said Subiectes Tennantw against hime and sett them all at discord and variance 10
w/ tA theire Landlord did most falsely and feynedly bruit abroad and giue
forthe in speaches amongst the said TennanwThat your said Subiect
intended to take from them Certayne Comwon which they had in ffower
Closes within the said manner Called Rockeleaze and Somerleaze whereas in
truthe your said Subiect neuer intended any suche thinge By meanes of which 15
said feyned Report the said Confederates did most indirectly drawe and
seduce all or most of the said Tennantw being simple vnlearned people to
yeald and Condiscend vnto thier Vnlawfull plott and proiecr.es and to make
a generaJl Collection and Contribuc/on of monies amongst themsealues to
defend and mayneteyne as was pretended there Right and interest in and to 20
the said Comwon w;t/?in the said ffower grounds Called Rockeleaze and
Somerleaze thoughe mdeade wholely to be imployed in suites of lawe aswell
for the oumhrowinge of the said exchaunges which your said Subiect
peaceablely inioyed as allso for the Vexing and oppressinge of your said
Subiect and the vnlawfull maynteyninge of suche suites as should be iustly 25
Commenced against them or any of them by your said Subiect ffor the
better accomplishment whereof the said Henrye lellett ffrancis and Robert
Beaton did most vnlawfully plott practize and Combyne to and wztAone
John Dier Nicholas Clarke alias Kellwaye leffery Ham lames Ham George
Bicknell ffrancis Beere Thomas Michell lohn Seward alws Clarke Richard 30
Myntorne Zacharye Bicknell lohn Arnold thelder /Thomas Beaton 1 and to
and with diuers others all Tennantw of the said manner whoese names ar
yett vnknowne vnto your said Subiect he humblye prayethe may be inserted
into this informac/on soe soone as they shaJbe known not only to wyne all
thier forces and meanes together to Compasse and effect the dissolvinge of 35
the said exchaunges from your said Subiect [br] but allso to ensnare and
drawe the Rest of the said Tennantw to be Contributorye to them and to
enter into severall bondwand obligac/ons not only to Contribute vnto them
for the space of seauen yeares after vnder Color of maynteyning thier Common
in the said grounds (beinge a thinge never questioned) but allso never to 40
release vnto your said Subiect nor do any act or thinge w/ t/;out the consent
of the said Confederate, According to which said practize and Combinac/on
the said Confederate did frame Contrive and put into writtinge seutrall
234 OVER COM PTON 1617/18
bondwor writtingobligatorye w/t/> Condic/ons to the effect and purpose
aforesaid And amongste others one bond or writting obligatorye dated the
ffifth day of August in the said Eleventhe yeare Wherein the said ffrancis
Beaton together with George Bicknell Richard Mynterne Zacharye Bicknell
ffrancis Beaton lohn Clark alias Shewer and lohn Arnold did becom bound s
vnto the said Robert Beaton and Henry lellett and vnto one lohn Carter and
Nicholas Clarke in the som of Twentye poundes with Condic/on indorsed
therevppon that the said ffrancis Beaton George Bicknell and the other parties
to the same bond should be at equale Charges with the said Robert Beaton
Henry lellett lohn Carter and Nicholas Clarke in the triall of Comwon of 10
pasture in the said grounds Called Rockeleaze and Somerleaze for seauen
yeares then next ensuinge the date of the same obligac/on And allso one other
bonde wherein the said lohn Carter Robert Beaton Nicholas Clarke and
Henrye lellett did becom bound vnto the said ffrancis Beaton George Bickenell
ffrancill Beere lohn Clarke al/as Shewer Zacharye Bicknell Richard Mynterne 15
and lohn Arnold in the som of Twentye poundw/t/7 Condic/on recitinge
the said former bond and further purportinge That yf the said lohn Carter
Robert Beaton Nicholas Clarke and Henry lellett or eyther of them should
doe or suffer to be done any act thing or thinges vnto your said Subiect whoe
as by the said Condic/ on was pretended, made title vnto the said Conwzon 20
without the consent of the foresaid ffrancis Beaton George Bicknell Richard
Mynterne Zacharye Bicknell ffrancis Beere lohn Clarke al/as Shewer and
lohn Arnold therein first had and obteyned That then the same obligac/on
to be in his full force or to the same intent which said seufrall obligac/ons
were by the practize and procurement of the said Confederate seald and 25
delinked by the parties therein cache to other accordingly And the said
Robert Beaton ffrancis Beaton Henry lellett and the Rest of thier Adherents
not therew/ th Contented for the further Strengthening of thier said
Confederacye and Combinac/on did about the same tyme most vnlawfully
Contrive and make other bond and obligac/ons to the same effect and 30
purpose And namely one other bond or obligac/on wherein the said Richard
Mynterne George Bicknell lohn Shewer alias Clarke and others of the said
Tennantw to the number of Six and Twentye or thereabouts did becom bound
vnto the said Robert Beaton ffrancis Beaton and others in a great som of
Money with Condic/on that they should be at equalle charges and Contribute 35
in the triall of the said patented Comwon of Pasture and other thing
Conteyned in the said Condic/on as yet vnknowen vnto your said Subiect
which said bond was lickwiese (thoughe in most seacret manner seald and
deliudred by all the said parties therein menc/oned by the only abuse practize
15/ ffrancill: for ffrancis 38/ manner: closing parenthesis omitted after this word
36/ pwented: for pretended (?)
OVER COM PTON 1617/18
and procurement of the said Confederate which said bondes being so sealed
as aforesaid the said ffrancis Beaton and Robert Beaton by and throughe the
practice and Confederacye aforesaid for the further effecting of thier said
Conspiracye did in or about the monethe of October in the Tewluethe yeare
of your Highnes Raigne Enter vppon and make Clayme vnto som of the
grounds which they had formerly exchaunged vnto your said Subiect and did
most vnlawfully disturbe your Subiectes quiet possession thereof, Wherevppon
your said Subiect about the Tearme of Easter in the Thirteenthe yeare of
your highnes Raigne brought Several! acctions of trespasse A in yor majst/e
court of Comon Pleas at Westm/w^r 1 against the said ffrancis Beaton Thomas 10
Beaton his Sonne and Robert Beaton for entering in and vppon the same
grounds which they had exchaunged formerly w/tAyour said Subiect as
aforesaid Vnto which said acc/ons they all of them appeared and pleaded ye
generall issue of not guilty Whervpon a pevfecte issue being ioyned Twoe of
ye said acaons wherin ye said Thomas & Robert Beaton were defendants 15
came to bee tryed by severail wrytte of Nisi prius at ye assizes holden at
Dorchester in & for yowr said County of Dorsett in sormwer then following
when & where ye said acc/on against ye said Robme Beaton vpon deliberat
hearing therof before ye \\onorab\e. the now lo/Wcheeff Baron then one of
yor ma/et/e lustics of assize for yat Circuite was found for yowr said sub/Vrte 20
whervpon ye said other acc/on was thought fytt to bee stayd in respecte yor
said Sub/erte was loathe to vse any Courses of rigor & extremity against them,
All which said seuerall acc/ons the said confederate by ye practize aforesaid
& by their generall stock colleczon & contribuc/on amongste them aswell
in the termes at london as at ye said assizes did most vnlawfully by way of 25
vnlawfull maintenance defend & mainteyne And did lay out disburse & pay
All ffees charges & dueties whatsoeutv to Counsellors Attorneys solicitors
and officers for & about ye vnlawfull maintenance of ye said acc/ons And
the said Confederate not hearew/th satisfied but further plotting and Castinge
about how by Scandalous and infamous Libells to bring your said Subiect 30
his wiefe and Children into publicke disgrace and infamye the said Thomas
Beaton ffrancis Beaton /Richard haim Richard Byshop & lohn clenche 1
and the Rest of thier said Malicious Adherents about Three yeares now last
past most wickedly and vnlawfully did frame Contrive and putt into writting
the forme of a Scandalous Libellous and Reprochefull letter in the name of 35
4/ Tewluethe: ^rTwelueche
8/ Easter: whiten over erasure with line filler following
I3-28/ Vnto which said maintenance of ye said accions: 3 lines of text written in greatly reduced size,
possibly by the same hand
16/ Nisi prius: written in dupiay sc np\
19/ one: written over of
236 OVER COM PTON 1617/18
one Thomas loyce a person never hard of before and supposed to be by him
written vnto your said Subiect, whiche said letter followethe in these wordes,
Mr Abington seeing you will not bestowe any thing vppon me for godsake
I pray keepe it and bestowe it vppon your Children and teache them a little
more manner for it seemeth thoughe you ar a gentleman yow bring them 5
vpp licke a sort of vnruly Rigges and vnnurtured squaJls who ar better fedd
then taught a great deale I haue scene manye mens Children of good Acount
yet did I never see the licke vnruly and ill mannered Children of a gentlemans
Children as yow ar/ I pray god yow be not so spareing of your money that
yow send your sealfe and your Children to the devill for the loue of it; And 10
even so geuing yow as manye thankes as your Curtesie Comethe vnto I leaue
off to be further troblesome to my sealfe at this tyme Committing you to
the tuic/on of your Temptor and Rest your in what I please Thomas loyce
And vppon the backsid of the said scandalous letter or writtinge the said
Confederate did most vnlawfully in further disgrace of your said subiect writt 15
and indorse these worde following viz: I haue scene Epethapthes written
ouer the doores entering into gentlemens howses yt may be yow would haue
one written over youres yf yow will I pray writt this which followethe for it
is good to putt yow m mynd/ ambitiosus honos opes turpisqwi? voluptas Haec
tria pro trina numine mundus habet To his very worthye ffrind Mr Abinton 20
at Compton be these deliu^red I pray; which said libellous and scandalous
letter the said Thomas Beaton and the Rest of the said Confederate with
full purpose to spread abroad and divulge the Contents thereof to your
Subiectes great disgrace did by the practize aforesaid lett the same fall in the
vpfeild at Compton aforesaid whereby yt was afterward bruited and published 25
abroad/ And the said Confederate themseaJues did lickwiese aswell at thier
private meetinges as allso at publicke meetings in over Compton aforesaid
and other places most maliciouslye and with intent to make your said Subiect
hatefull and Contemptuous recite repeat and publishe the said libellious and
Reproachefull writting And not Restinge there but still pmistinge in thier 30
Leawd and wicked Courses the said John dier ffrancis Beaton /Richard haim
Richard Byshop John Clench 1 and the Rest of thier Complices in or about
the monethe of August in the ffowerteenthe yeare of your Majesties said
Raigne for the further vilifienge of your said Subiect and his Reputac/ on did
most Maliciously and vnlawfully by the Combynac/on aforesaid frame devise 35
and putt into writting One other most infamous Libell which they most
prophanely and wickedly stiled and intitled your Subiects Comwaundementes,
9/ yow : for youres
I3/ Thomas loyce: written in display serif 1
19-20/ ambitiosus honos . mundus habct: Ambitious honour, wealth and vilt pltasure: the world holds
these three at a three-fold divinity . written in display script
OVER COM PTON 1617/18
said stile and Libell followethe in these wordes Viz. Heere be Andrew
Abingtons Comwaundementes Thou shale do no Right Nor thou shah take
no wronge Thou shah Catche what thou canst that thou shalt paie no man
Thou shalt Comwitt Adulterye thou shalt beare false wittnes against thy
neyghbor Thou shalt Covett thy neighbors wiefe thou shalt sell a hundred 5
of sheepe to Henrye Hopkines after thou shalt drawe the best of them thou
shalt sell thy oxen twice thou shalt denye thye owne hand which said wicked
false and Scandalous libell the said Confederate by the and throughe the
practize aforesaid and to thend and purpose to make your said Subiect odious
to all his Tennante Neighbors and frinde by bruiting abroad the said 10
ignominious Libell did most vnlawfully fix and fasten the said Libell vppon
the Churche gate at Trent in your highnes County of Sommett being one
Mile from your said Subiects howse And not therewith satisfied the said
ffrancis Beaton and the Rest of the said Adherents did not only singe repeat
publishe and divulge the said slaunderous and impious Libell in Innes Taverns 15
and other places in your said Counryes of dorsett and Somerset! and elsewhere
did deliucr abroad Coppies thereof But did allso send the same Libell it sealfe
vnto your said Subiect by the said lohn dier who pretended that he had taken
it that morning betymes from the said Churche gate and out of his good will
had brought it to your said Subiect, whereas in truthe he did it meerely by 20
the practize aforesaid to Notyfie and divulge the same In tendre Consideraczon
whereof And fforasmuch as the said practizes Combinac/ons Confederacies
vnlawfull maintenance false o scandalous libells & libellous writings and
the vnlawfull publishing & divulging therof and all other the offences and
misdemeanewrs aforesaid are Contrary to your Ma; et; e lawes Statute and 25
ordinaunce of this yowr realme of England And have ben all donne &
Comwitted sithence your Majesties last gen^raJI and ffree pardon And doe
greatly tend to the vtter disgrace of your said Sub/me his family &i posterit/Vj
And therfore doe Condignely deserue to bee very sharpely & severely punished,
It may therfore please your Ma/ety to grante vnto your said sub/Vae your 30
highnes most gracious wrytteof SubpeHu to bee directed to the said ffrancis
Beaton Robme Beaton Henry lellett lohn dyer Nicholas Clark alias Kellway
Jeffrey Haim lames Haim Georg Bicknell ffrancis Beer Thomas Michell lohn
Seward a\ias Clark Richard Minterne Richard Bicknell lohn Arnold thelder
Thomas Beaton A Richard [Hayyn] Haim Richard Byshopp lohn Clenche 1 35
and the rest of the said Confederate soe soone as they shallbee knowne
Comwaunding them & eufry of them therby at a day Certaine and vnder a
Certaine paine therin to bee lymitted personally to bee & appeare before
your highnes and the Lordeof yowr Majesties most honorable priuie Counsell
in yoitr highe Court of Starchamber then & there to answere the pre-misses 40
23/ libells: corrected from libellous
238 OVER COM PTON 1617/18 / POOLE 1508-12
and to stand to and abide such further order & direcoon in yat behalfe as to
your Ma/ty and the said Loides shall seeme to be most agreeable with lawe
& Justice And yor said Sub/Vrte shall daylie pray for your Ma;t/ health &
long life./" (signed.) Thomas Hughes
POOLE
1508-9
Town Accounts DRO: DC/PL: CLA P23(l)
p 23 (15 January- 15 January) 10
Item therf restype morf yn the [chyr] toune boxe of >e
money gadyrde by robarde hoode xvj li. xiij s. iiij d.
1509-10
Town Accounts DRO: DC/PL: CLA P23(l)
p 24 (15 January- 1 5 January)
Item ther restyd more in be towne Boxe bat day bat Robyn hode & hys 20
Cuwpany gaderyd xx t! li. x s.
1510-11
Town Accounts DRO: DC/PL: CLA P23U)
p 25 (15 January -13 January)
Item there restyd bat day in the Town Box xviij li.
Where- off therf was off Robyn hoders money. xvj s.
30
1511-12
Town Accounts DRO: DC/PL: CLA P23(l)
p 26 (13 January 1510/1 1-19 January 1511/12) (Allowances)
35
Item the Mayre had for Mynstrell xx s -
20/ fwtday: 15 January 1509/10
2 1/ xx" li. x s.: sum underlined in MS
28/ \5atday 13 January 1110111
POOLE 1512-17 239
1512-13
Town Accounts DRO: DC/PL: CLA P23(l)
p 28* (19 January- 17 January)
\\ern The towne owA vn to rechard hauylowd for pe sergewttyj horde & hys 5
gowne & for pe mynstrelh/s & &C towardyj hys dener [iij li. xiij s. iii]j d. liij s.
iiij d.
p 29 10
Memorandum that one p/s daye be ffor wretyne agreyyd by ffor lohrc Stocker
then beyywge mayr wit/j hys bretthers that the Mayr schall haue toward hys
Dener xxvj s. viij d. &C for the sfrgewtty* horde &: hys gowne xl s. & to be
Mayrys for her kerchevs xx s. & Iff so be p^t the kyng mywstrelhtf or ffotte 15
mew or any other mywstrellys & players kome to pe towne that thew the mayr
schall sende fifor hys bretthers &: by ther auysse schall rewarde A thew w/tA
suche money as they thywnge cowuenyewtt & btft money so geuy for ther
rewarde schall be at be Townys koste & be exppewsys done to be at be meyrys
koste By me lohn Stocker 20
1515-16
Town Accounts DRO: DC/PL: CLA P23(l)
p 32* (14 January 14 January) 25
paide pat day to Cornyssh for pe Mynstrell pat went abowte
be towne in be mornyng &: be yevenyng. vj s. viij d.
30
1516-17
Town Accounts DRO: DC/PL: CLA P23(l)
p 33 (14 January 1515/16-17 January 1516/17)
payd to the pyper for ys reward pat day for the hole yer goyng 35
mornyg & yeuenywg ij s . viij d.
6/ & &: dittography 271 ^ day: 14 January 1515/16
61 [iijli xrijs. iiiljd.: entire sum intended far cancellation 28/ vjs.viijd.. turn undtrlmtd in MS
6-71 liij s. iiij d.: turn underlined in MS 35/ Jwt day: 17 January 1516/17
1 2/ t>/s daye ... wretyne: 1 7 January 1512/13 36/ mornygo: ^r mornynges, abbreviation mark muling
14, 15/ xxvjs. viijd.,xls., xx s.: sunn underlined in MS
240 POOLE 1524-31
1524-5
Bailiffs Accounts DRO: DC/PL: CLA P46(l)
f [5] (January January) (Payments)
paid for reward to menstrelh/f pe 9 day of apryll ij s. 5
paid for a reward to my lord of arrendall mynstrelljtf pf
vij day of lune iij s. iiij d.
paid for a reward to pe kyngys mynstrelh/rpe 6 day of awgust iij s. iiij d.
10
f [5v]*
paid to pe mynstrelh/5 that was at rychard allynys with 15
mear and hys bretheryn viij d.
f [6]
20
paid to be kyngys plearys be xj day of September vj s. viij d.
f [7]
25
paid to pe syngy^/g man that came to pe towne at be reqest
of pe Mastarys ij s. viij d.
1530-1
Town Accounts DRO: DC/PL: CLA P23(l)
p 54 (27 January -27 January)
Item paide for be Cokys & other smient btft smiyd att Master Mayrez dyner
vj s. viij d. Item paide to be lord Arundell players & lord lylez players, vij s.
HI) d. And to pe players pt played att be Mayrys dyner ij d.
26/ reqest: for request
34_5/ vj s. vii| d., vij s ni| d ; sunn underlined m MS
POOLE 1547-58
1547-8
Bailiffs Accounts DRO: DC/PL. CLA P49(4)
f [6v] (19 January 1546/7 -January 1547/8) (Payments)
payd vnto Master mayer/ the xxiiij day off octobar/ 1 547/ ffor
to pay the kyng mynstryllw V"j s.
1551-2
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/PL: CLA P5 1(6) 10
f [4]* (January -January) (Payments)
the 18 day to smain players oflorde marV.es dorsett which
playd in the church and cowmawnded by master mayor
the mayr depuc li- vj s. viij d. 15
1552-3
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/PL. CLA PA 10
f 12v (January -January) (Payments) 20
the 25 day off Maye
Itew payd that day vnto maysther mere the wyche wasse gevyne
vnto the duke off northethomeberelond [pless] pleersse ffore
there Warde by causse the dyd pley (...) 25
f 16*
the 23 day off dessember/ anwo/ 52 30
Item that day vnto maysther mere 5 s. the wyche wasse ffore so
muche money that maysterys merys dyd [paye] ley owthe ffor
me whyllys I wasse att Corfe ffore to paye vnto the kyng
mynsrerellsse 5 s.
35
1557-8
Town Accounts DRO: DC/PL: CLA P26(4)
f 57 left*
40
557 Expenc in Lawe and extraordenari charg ower the 3 of lanivari
13/ the 18 day: 18 June 14/ mayor: o written over another letter, possibly g
242 POOLE 1558-69
anwo 1 557 //ffor mone paid by \ohn hancok bayle the yer past for
aunseryng of a amowt ffor presents gevyn &C to prechars &C players
&c 5-3.4
1558-9
Town Accounts DRO: DC/PL: CLA P26(4)
f 57 left*
1558 The 3 of lanvari anwo 1 558// (Tor so mich paid by mee to havylond 10
bayle the yer past ffor banketyng of gentyllmen ffor presents geven
them &: ffor 10 prechars & in the Lord players as by his rekening
amowt 1 1.6.5. xjliX...)
15
1559-60
Town Accounts DRO: DC/PL: CLA P26(4)
f 57 left*
//ffor So mich paid by mrgodard ffor banketyng of mi Lord & 20
Lady mon loy & othi?rs & for presents to thew & to players in
reward at all 1 1 12 xjli. x(...)
1562-3 25
Bailiffs Accounts DRO: DC/PL: CLA PA20(ii)
f 8
(...)se for to (...) wythe Master ( ...)wenes Playres li. x s. d.
30
1568-9
Town Accounts DRO: DC/PL CLA P26(4)
f 1 left* (September-September)
li. s. d. 35
28 Abouesaid// payd the playeres of brestowe amonte 4 iij
37/ Abouesaid: the month abovcsaid. if. February
POOLE 1568-74
f 14 right*
li. s.
23 Abouesaid// 3 s. 3 d. & is for somoche paid to the
players by master mayors comwandememe 17 iij
f 18 right*
10
13 Abouesaid// 10 s. and is for somoche paid the players
by master mayor comandemenc amonte 19 x
1569-70 i5
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/PL: CLA Pi 03(60)
f [4] (September September)
paid the 7 daye of lenuary 1569 to my Lorri montioyes
plears in Reward 00 03 04d 20
paid the xj daye of lully 1570 to my Lor^of leyseters plears
in Reward./ 00 06 (..)
25
1570-1
Bailiffs Accounts DRO: DC/PL: CLA PA1 2
f 9* (October-August)
(... )yed to the Sargente by ( ... )mandemente which was (... )he 30
Erell of wosters players (...)
1573-4
Town Accounts DRO: DC/PL CLA P26(4) 35
f 52 right*
The 30 th offe septembar// by Robart nicolas bayle for
So miche he Received before that of mr Rogers maior
getheryd at hocktyde 2 5 d. 88 ij li. v d. 40
5/ Aboucsaid: the month abovesaid, ie, July 39/ hocktyde. 30-1 March 1 573
\\l Abouesaid: the month abovesaid, ie, September
244 POOLE 1573-87
The xxvij tri of Apmll &C xxviij day// by me lohn hawcoke
mayor for So mych Receii ed that tyme hocktyde gethryd
by the whomen xxiij s. iiij d. &c by the men getheryd
xviij s. vj d. mom all 111 ij li. j s. x d.
5
1577-8
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/PL: CLA P106(63)
f [4v]* (September-September)
the25daieof Aprell 1578 10
Item paid to the Trvmpetor when mayster willforde &
mr newman w/th the rest of the maysters went to
Broonesey to see the shippe of london ij s.
15
1584-5
Auditors Accounts DRO: DC/PL: CLA PA1 5
f 27*
li. S. d. 20
Memorandum lohn domyncke az too yelde more ix s. for spoylinge of
the drvm az in this booke apyenth folio 47 9
25
1586-7
Auditors Accounts DRO: DC/PL: CLA PA1 5
f 24v* (Debts assessed)
li. s. d. 30
Wee fynd that george niclys doth chardge the towne for
a drome w/7/ch they will not haue 01 10 0{.)
wee fynd that george niclys doth chardge the towne w/rJi the
mendinge of the drome ix s. and wee fynd that hee was spoyld 35
by lendinge owt of the towne by lohn Domynecke & ther fore
lohn domyneck ow<fth ytt 00 09 00
21 hocktyde: 26-7 Afr,l 1574
POOLE 1586-7
f 25* (Payments)
George niclys have payd this xxx s. in his baylys accompt
in the batmentw 01 10
Letter of Sir Henry Ashley DRO: DC/PL: CLA PI 24(81)
f [1]* (21 May)
10
Master Mayor I do vnderstande by my Late beinge at my Lord Marquis that
the quenes ma/stis pleasure is shortly vppon whitsontyde to sende down two
gentlmen of her courte as comission^rs to vewe all the sea coasts, west warde,
and to certefie howe her mazwtis monny is bestowed vppon the reperacions
of the castles, howe the Bulwarkes, bauners, Trenches diches, and skonces
be maynteyned and made, I praye god that the Bulwarkes &C trenches about 15
yowr towne be not fownde in defawlte thoroughe yor necligence beinge
forewarned specially by me. and by all three deputie Lieutenants at or laste
beinge at yowr towne More ouerl trust youe and the rest of the Justices of
the towne be not Ognorant that we be deputie Lieutenants by her ma;stis
ap/>oyntment vnder my Lord Marquis for all marcyall affayers, and none 20
else haue to do in yor towne in those causes; Therefore we [haue] thought
it good to assigne for the {. .)tter gou^rnment and the defence of the enemy
lame Reade to be captayn oufrthe bande of traynd soldiers whoe according
to his dewtie and myndinge to exercise the shott. did of late cale his bande
together, and sett vpp a Maye poole with a parret vppon the topp therof and 25
to shoote at him at there own costs and charges without daunger to any
person wA/ch is no supfrstic/on, And as I am informed, youe the Mayor and
mr [M] Newman the Justice havinge nought to doinge in theis marcyall
affayers haue prohibitid them to vse there exercise, wherat I marvell that youe
will deale therin, seinge youe haue a Lieutenante appoyntid oufryoue whoe 30
hathe comaunded the soldiers to be (..) trayned and exercised accordinge to
the councells comaundement, wherefore I haue willed the sayde captayne to
proceed in his device whoe hathe my warrant for the same, And if he be
intervpted agayne, youe will force me to do that w/;/ch I wold be loathe to
do./ And at my next cominge to the towne w/?ch shall be shortly ther sh( . . .)e 35
a provest marshal! assigned by vs for the better (...) of the captayne/ So for
10/ my Lord Marquis: William Pauttl. marqueu of Winch f tier and lord lieutenant of Dorset
14/ bauners: 5 minims in MS
28/ doinge: fordo
246 POOLE 1586- 1602 / PUDDLETOWN 1619
this tyme I bid youe <...)ell, hopinge no more to here of your follys in this
be(...)id thisxxjth ofMaye 1587
Yowr lovinge ffrende
(signed) Harry Asheley
1590-1
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/PL: CLA PI 19(76)
f [2]* (September -September)
Ittm mor geuen the Quenes ma/tis players that playede
her w/ th the childeren off her ma;tis chapell: ther was
gatherell xj s. and I made it xx s. of the rownes mony by
the consent of mr madley and mr gregory geuen them a
pers ix s. 000 09 00
10
15
1601-2
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/PL: CLA P19KA32)
f 1 left* (September -September)
20
li. S. d.
hem mor vj s. geven vnto the Quenes maimis playeres 000 06 00
25
PUDDLETOWN
1619
Casebook of Sir Francis Ashley BL. Harlcy MS. 671 5
f 42 (22 May) (Bonds taken for the assizes) 30
for bringing a fiddler into Pudletowne in the despite of the Constable when
they had sent him forth: and reviling the .2. Constables.
Thomas Bartlet de Ilsington yeoman tenetur in xx li.
Richardus Geng de Pudletowne Husbandman et Thomas Stone de ead^w 35
taylor quilibet eorum tenerur in x li.
Exonerate pro Comparencia d/rti Thome Bartlet ad pro\imam gerwalfw deliberaceomi
primo die lulij a j respon dend W ijs &C./
2/ 1587: underlined in MS 14/ pers: er written over other If tiers
12/ gatherell for gathered
SHAFTESBURY 131 1
SHAFTESBURY
1311
Bishop Simon of Ghent s Register WRO: Dl/2/1
f 134v* (6 April)
C Litwa dir^cta Decano Schefton/d- contra exmrentes ludos noxios in atrio
cowuewtual/V ecctaie Scheftorw.
C Simon pmnisione diuina Sarww Episcopus: dilmo in Chwro filio Decano
Schefton/V salwtem giwdam & benediccionem Per panes Schefton/> pridem 10
transituw facientes/ inrrr cetera que nostro auditui fwrant tune prrlata relatu
recepimus fidedigno. quod licffolim circa noslre promocioms auspicia
auctor/>ate nostra. sub penis grauibzw fuisset inhibituw & censuris/ ne Atrium
Conuentual/V ecclwie loci predict} ludorww turpiuw & conuenticwlarww
insolenciuw exc^rcicio fedaretur aJiisqwf coreis qui ad laciuiam & dissolutaw 15
euagac/owfm misfros cocurrenciuw animos excitant fedaretwr. Insupfr &
iniu/zctum quod eiusdew Atrii seu Cimitfrij clausura eminens vndecuwqf
fuisset/ quod brutis ammalibw/loco deo dicato in quo fideliuw corpora
requiescunt/ nullus ad conculcandz/w patera mgr^sus. qidaw tamen
contra inhibic/ ofm \\u\usmodi ^^lib^natem & immunitatew ecclwiasticaw 20
ledere ac minuere tanqwaw degen^ros filii matmii honoris inuidi molientes:
prrfatuw Atrium seu Cimitmum ausibus temfrariis ingr^dientes/ obseqz/ia
diuinz in ecclwia sancte Trinitatis d/c/o Cimiu-rio cowtinua aJiisqz/f ecclwiis
cowtiguatis eidem fieri cosueta adeo circuwstrepuwt & ut pr^mittitwr coreis
& ludis noxiis pmurbant: quod tam eccliarz<w qwam Atrii prfnotati/ quasi 25
per dies smgulos violac/o & per rowsequens intfrd/cfwm verisimilitf
formidatur. Attendentes igiturqitod domus domini dec^s^ctitudo vt cuius
in pace factus est locus eius/ cultus sit/ cuw debita venfrac/one pacificus
sitque ad ecclwiam humilis &t deuotus ingrsus quieta conu^rsac/o deo grata
inspicientibj placida/ vt in ea attendants intends prrcordiis sacra sollempnia 30
deuotisqf oracionikits insistatz/r/ cessent eciam in ea eiusque Cimiteno/ &
Atriis deo dicatis f<?clamac/ones ac impetus prophana colloquia & prccipue
ludi noxii scurilitaf.es/ & quorwwlibet insolenciuw strepitus coquiescant/
Tibi in virtute sancte obediencit firmttfr iniu^^gtmwJ committimus &
mandamt<j qz/attnwj assumptis tecum si necesse fumt/ Rectoribui & vicarin 35
eccLfiiarww uicinarww d/cfe ville per dies dommicos et sollempnes omnes
malefacfores \\u\usmodi ^^moneas [&] efficaciter & inducas/ qwod sub pena
excommunicacioms maiorrsqwam contraueHientes now immmto formidare
pot^runt a tam temfrana deinceps prfsumpc/owe desistant. Alioqwin: cites
10/ pndem. /ornon pndem f ) 21/ degenrros: yirdegcneres
I5-16/ fedaretur fedaretur: Autography 38/ immrrito. 6 mtnimsfar imm in MS
248 SHAFTESBURY 1311-1638
eos quos rebelles inuenms in hac pane , quod compareznt coram nobwv^l
Official! nostro in ecclia maior/ Sarww in proximo Consistoiv o nostro post
monic/OH<m tuaw legitiwam de Archidiaconatu Dorsfte celebrando nob/Vex
offic/ o super hiis & ea tangentib*debite responsur// facturi & receptun
vheriusquod canonicis in hac pane cowuemrit institutis. Quid autew feceris 5
in premissisl ac de nominibus \\u\usrnodi rebelliuw citatorw nos. Qfficialtm
nostrum seu aliuw locuw suuw ten^wtem ap^rte artifices die &C loco prmotatis
per \itterzs vestras patentes harww seriem cowtinentos. vale. Dat/z apwd
Wodeford. viij. \duum April/j Anno dow;ni .M. CCC vndeciwo
Consecracionis nostre Quartodecimo. 10
1527
AC Gillingham Manor Court Roll Hutchins: History and Antiquities, vo\ 3
p 629* (6 March)
15
Memorandum That hit is the custome in the tethinge of Motcombe, usu
longo, time out of remembtance and mynde, that the Soundhey nexte after
Holy Roode day, in May, every yeare, every parishe within the borough of
Shaston shall come down that same day into Enmore greene, at one of the
clocke at afternoon, with their mynstralls and myrth of game; and, in the 20
same greene of Enmore, from one of the clocke till too of the clocke, by the
space of one hole hower theire they shall daunce: and the mayer of Shaston
shall see the quene s bayliffe have a penny loffe, a gallon of ale, and a calve s
head, with a payer of gloves, to see the order of the daunce that day; and if
the daunce fayle that day, and that the quene s bayliffe have not his dutye, 25
then the said bayliffe and his men shall stop the water of the wells of Enmore
from the boroughe of Shaston, from time to time, &c.
1614-38 30
AC Gillingham Manorial Court Orders JRL: Nicholas MS 69
f 11*
Likewise the auncient Custome for the towne of Shaston for the takeing of
A true Copie water in the wells or springs in Motcombe w/thin the libmie of Gyllinghaw 35
of the Recorde ^^ ^ m anc j yet j s vsec j fa^t the Mayor of Shaston w/ th his Brethren yeerelie
the Sondaye after Holieroode daye in Maye in the afternoone must come
into Enmer Greene in Motcombe where some of the springs of water doe
rise w/th their games of mirth and musicke and there daunce and sport about
the space of one houre And afterwards the Mayor is yeerelie to present vnto 40
8/ continences: yorcontinentes
SHAFTESBURY 1614-26
249
demaund of
satisfaction for
Bulls fleshe
mr Hascoll
tookc some
bulls bfe
to ye poo re
the Bayliffe of Gyllingham in the same Greene a payer of Gloues a calues
heade a gallon of Beere and two penie white loues w/>/ch is giuen in respect
of their water they take for the vse of their Towne, And yf the Towne faile in
pt-rformanc of this Custome they loose the Benefit! of the water/.
1626
Depositions in Cower v. Hascoll DRO: DC/SYB. El 02
sheets 61-5* (Deposition of Thomas Smelgar)
To the ffifth Interrogatorye this Examinate deposeth and saieth that hee was
not present at such time as the said Nicholas Gower in this Interrogatory
named made such demaund for satisfacc/on for such fee beofe as hee the
said Robert Hascoll was Charged by the said I Gower to haue taken and
receaved in the time of his MaioraJtye and by colour therof of divers Butchers
for selling Bulls fleshe in the said Markett as in this Interrogatorye is alledged
nor of his refusing to make satisfacoon for the same to the said Nicholas
Gower, nor did heare that the said Robert Hascoll did afferme or sale that
hee would lustefie his taking of the said fee beofe by better warrant then the
Barons of the Exchequer could giue I vnto him the said Nicholas Gower for
his the said Cowers taking of fee Beofe in the said markett or ffayer, or
wordes to that or the lyke Effect, and therefore canne depose noe more to
this Interrogatorye Saving that hee saieth the said Robert Hascoll tould this
Examinate that there hadd bene some speeches betweene him the said Robert
Hascoll and the said Nicholas Gower concerning Bulls beofe that hee the
said Robert Hascoll hadd taken from the Butchers in the I sayd Marketw
And that hee the said Robert Hascoll hadd tould the said Gower therevppon
that some Butchers hadd brought Bulls beofe to the said markett and offred
thee same [not] to sell not being baighted before the same was killed as ought
to be by the Lawes of this Kingdome And that the said Butchers being
Amerced for the same in the Courte of the said Towne hee the said Robert
Hascoll hadd taken some of the said Beofe I from the said Butchers and
hadd distributed the same to the poore of the said Towne for their Releife
and saied that as hee conceaved the same belonged to his place as Maior of
the said Towne of Shaftburye to take by vertue of the said Amerceamente;
and not to the said Gower/
10
30
4/ prrformanc: for performance
250 SHAFTESBURY 1629 / SHERBORNE c 1505-10
1629
Borough Financial Papers DRO: DC/SYB: Cl 1 , item 1 7
single sheet*
money layed owt abowght the performavnce of owr Coostom the 9 of may 1 5
mayfy]^ 1 1629
first a bowt themakinge of owr besom for Reband and incell
and penes ii s. ob.
for a payor of gloves for the bayle of gellingam iii s. vi d.
for a callves hed vi d. 10
for to peney white loves ii d.
for a gallon of the beste alle vi d.
to William allford for leadinge of the davnce ii s. vi d.
To Trostrom garves and lohn ambros for play ei ng in the greene ii s.
mor for Ther too denors xii d. 15
Somis xii s. ii d. ob.
SHERBORNE
c 1505-8 20
All Hallows Churchwarden s Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/1
f [1]*
hem Receyvyd of Richard Chepett kyng of the Towne
hem Receyvydof hewe honybrewe for a pott of ale of the
Morys daunce
c 1508-10
All Hallows Churchwarden s Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/2
f [1]*
hem I paid To lohn Cheselett for mewd of the Whurlegog and
mendynwg of the Shryne viij d.
35
f [H*
Itmi I paid for rent of the churchhowse & post & ovis ij s. iij d.
40
33/ mend: for mcndyng (?)
SHERBORNEf 1508-13
hem I paid for the takynwg downe of temes and |je carage iiij d.
hem for naylys to be scheme
hem for schafytt tymber xxij
Item for be beryng of be stage tymber ij d-
Itn for r [e] ] be caryge of be tentys vnj d.
f [2] o
Itmi for be kepynwg & berynwg of the shryne iiij d.
1510-11 15
All Hallows Churchwardens Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1 /3
mb [1]* (25 December-25 December) (Receipts)
hem Receyvyd of the kyng Revyll of lohn Chetknoll vij li. j d. ob.
20
mb [2] (Payments)
hem payed for the beryng of the Shrene on corpus chr/Vri day
& drynk v d. 25
hem payed to Barrylmew for the kepyng of the same shrene on
corpus chmri Eue ij d.
1512-13 30
All Hallows Churchwarden s Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1 M
sheet [2] (25 December-25 December) (Payments)
hem payd ffor thred small naylys for j)e shryne iij d. ob.
hem payd ffor beryng off the shryne iiij d. js
hem payd ffor kepyng off be shryyne on corpus chnjfi ij d.
24/ corpus chruri day: 19 June 1511 171 corpus chrtsti: 26 May 1513
377 shryyne: for shryne
SHERBORNE 1512-16
sheet [3]
hem payd ffor a kay & mewdyng of pe loke ffor pe procession dor vj d.
1513-14
All Hallows Churchwarden s Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/5
single mb (25 December 25 December) (Rents, sales, and gifts)
. . .Et de vij li. x s. vj d. receptis de lohawne yonge Baker, pro cerutsia vend/fa 10
vocata Kyng ale hoc anno. . .
(Expenses)
15
. . .Et in regard/* datu hominibus portant/.r la Shryne in festo Corpons chr/V/i
hoc anno vnacuw filo empto pro diet Shryne vij d
1514-15 20
All Hallows Churchwarden s Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/6
single sheet (25 December 25 December) (Rents, sales, and gifts)
. . .Et de vij li. xiij s. iiij d. receptis de Robmo Watson pro ceruisia per \psum
vend/to vocata kyng ale hoc anno. . . 25
(Payments and expenses)
. . .Et in emendacione la Shryne hoc anno vij d. . . . Et in filo & chuibus emptu 30
pro la Shryne hoc awwo iiij d. . . . Et in hominibus conduct/i portant/^z la
Shryne hoc anno iiij d. Et solut/ Sacriste pro custodiendo la Shryne iij d
1515-16 35
All Hallows Churchwarden s Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/7
single sheet (25 December 25 December) (Rents, sales, and gifts)
...Et de Cxvj s. viij d. rec^f^de Robmo Cookeman ffrunitore proceruis/tf
vocata kyngese ale per ipstim hoc anno vendita. . . 40
16/ in festo Corpons chr/i: 15 June I5l-i
SHERBORNE 1515-24
(Payments and expenses)
. .Et in emendacione la Shryne hoc anno vj d. Et in \\omini\3usconductis
ad porcandww la Shryne hoc anno vnacuw chuibus & filo emptis pro eodem
xijd...
1517-18
All Hallows Churchwarden s Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1 /8
single mb* (25 December-25 December) (Rents, sales, and gifts) 10
. . .Et de vij li. viij s. receptis de lohtf^ne pope pro cerulsia vocata kyngesaJe
per ipsum hoc anno vend/M. . .
15
(Payments and expenses)
. . .Et solutw pro filo clauibus & vigilac/owf de la Shryne in festo corporis
chr/V/i Et in \\ommi\>us conducts portant/^K^d/cruw Shryne in d/c/o festo
vj d 20
1523-4
All Hallows Churchwarden s Accounts DRO: PE/SH. CW 1 /9
single mb f25 December-25 December) (Receipts) 25
Receuyd off wat^ralbon ffor the kyngAle vij li. v[ii]j s. viij d.
(Expenses) 30
. . .Itmi ffor the baryngf off the Shryne iiij d. Item ffor the trasshe to the Shryne
iiij d. Item for the settyngf vpp and the takyng^ downe off the tentte in the
Churche yerde iiij d ....
35
18-19/ in festo corporis chr/j/i: ) June 1518
19/ d/c/um: ivnttfn over other letttn
254 SHERBORNE 1524-8
1524-5
All Hallows Churchwardens Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/10
single mb (25 December 25 December) (Receipts)
Item Receuyd off Wylliam Meet? ffor the kynge Ale viij li. iij s. iiij d. 5
(Expenses)
. ..hem payd ffor halffe a yerde off bocoram to the banners ij d. ... hem ffor 10
makygf the tentt in the chyrche yarde iiij d. . . . [hem ffor the baryng off the
shryne corpus chrwri day iiij d.] ... hem ffor takygf downe the kyng pastes
in the Churchehay ij d. . ..
15
1525-6
All Hallows Churchwarden s Accounts DRO. PE/SH. CW 1/11
single sheet (25 December 25 December) (Receipts)
hem Receuyd of Wyll/am Weddayll for the kyngf ale viij li. iiij s. 20
(Expenses)
...for be tentt iiij d. for packe thred j d. ... Item to iiij men bat bayrf be 25
Shryne iiij d....
1527-8
All Hallows Churchwarden s Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/12
single sheet* (25 January -25 January) (Receipts)
In prirnw Receyuid (...)(.. )yly late kyng of Shirbotne for (...)
Churche ale made at Whi3tsontid Somwa xj li. x s. v d.
35
ll/ makygr: /ormakynge
12/ corpus chnsn day: 15 June 1525
12/ takygr: /irtakynge
34/ Whi3tsontid: 9-15 June 1527
SHERBORNE 1527-35
(Allowances)
. ..hem paid for packe threde for the shryne ij d. Item paid for the makyng of
the Tentte yn the churche yarde iiij d. . ..
1528-9
All Hallows Churchwarden s Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/13
single mb* (25 January- 25 January) (Receipts)
10
...Item he Receyuyd he Receyuid of Harry Sampson laste kyng of Shirborne
for that he made of the churche ale at Whitsontyde Smwa vij li. ix s. v d. . .
(Allowances) 15
...It<-m paid for the settyng uppe of the tente in the churche yarde iiij d. Itmi
paid for tack & pakthrede for the shryne iiij d. . ..
20
1530-1
All Hallows Churchwarden s Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/14
single mb* (5 February 1529/30-12 February 1530/1) (Charges)
paid for settyng vppe of the tente at the Churche dore iiij d.... 25
1534-5
All Hallows Churchwarden s Accounts DRO. PE/SH: CW 1/15
f 9v* (January/February-January/February) (Receipts) 30
Item receuyd of hary albon Yongf man Kyng^ for the cherche iij li.
hem receuyd of Wyllyam vynssent for the cherche alle ix li.
35
f 13v*
hem payd to robert Wattsen for a seme of hurdell for The
kyngg stere yn the cherche howsse vj d.
40
1 1/ he Receyuyd he Receyuid. dinography in MS \ll WViitsontyde 31 May -6 June 1528
256 SHERBORNE 1534-5
hem for the passheon pan a corpus crysty day for lynclothe
and the makyngf for a netherkaysse y payd iiij d.
hem for thred and nayll to the shryne y payd iij d.
hem to the men at bare the shyne y payd them iiij d.
hem for settyngfvpe [and takyngf yn] of the tent at be cherche
dore y payd iiij d.
f 14
10
hem payd for takynge yn the tent at pe cherche dore iiij d.
f 15v
15
Itmi payd to and androwe massen for makyngf of the steyre yn
the cherche howsse xix s.
hem payd to davy pynchestfr for makyngf of ix stapes of stone
at be quare for the the howsse iij s. viij d.
hem payd to that same davy for a lode of asshlere stones for the 20
stere of the cherche howsse at quare xij d.
Itrni payd for fechyngf of to lode of stones to lohn sovthe hey
for the stere of the cherche howsse ij s. iij d.
Itmi payd to lohn newman for fechyngi? of to lode of stones for
the steyre of the cherche howce ij s. iij d. 25
f 16
hem payd to Wyllyam adamsse for thre pottvof erthe for the stere 30
Warke of pe cherche howsse xij d.
Itmi payd to lohn gowle of burtun for a lode of stons for the
cherche howsse xvj d.
Itmi payd to rychard kopere for lyme to be steyre xv d.
35
Itfm payd to the to bede men for karyngf a way be robull of The
steyre yn the cherche hows viij d.
I/ corpus crysty day: 4 June 1543 16/ and androwe: partial Autography in MS
4/ at: for that (?) I l )/ the the: ttittography in MS
4/ shyne: for shryne
SHERBORNE 1534-7
f I6v
hem payd to Rychard elyett for a bosshele oflyme for The steyre
of the cherche hows j <*
5
f [17]
hem payd for lohn butleres shope rowme for the kyng aJle Whytsontyd viij d.
1
1535-6
All Hallows Churchwarden s Accounts DRO: PE/SH:CW1/15
f 2v* (January I February January/February) (Receipts)
15
Itmi receuyd of rogare yngulberd for the charche alle xiij li.
f 5v (Payments)
20
hem payd for settyngf vp and takyngf downe of the tent at the
cherche dore to fox and mynterne iiij d.
1536-7 25
All Hallows Churchwarden s Accounts DRO: PE/SH:CW1/16
f Iv* (January/ February January/ February) (Receipts)
Ressaywed of lohn yongf the yonggfr that was kyng thes Ere for
the Cherche AJle xvij li. 30
f 4
payde to fox for settyngf owppe of the Tente iiij d.
payde to lohn Adam for beryngf of the scrynne iiij d.
Item for threde & nayllw to pe scrynne iij d.
9/ Whytsontyd: 24 -)0 May 1534
258 SHERBORNE 1536-9
f 4v
hem for hauyng in of the tente j d. & beiyng home of the lathers j d. ij d.
5
1537-8
All Hallows Churchwarden s Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1 /1 7
single mb (28 January -27 January) (Receipts)
...Iti?m Receyuyd of Gervys Aysheley late kyng of Shirborne for that he 10
brought to the churche clere Swwma xvij li. vj s. viij d
(Allowances)
15
. . .hem paid for nayll threde & pynnys to the shryne a corpus chr/Vri day iij d.
. . . It<wz paid for settyng vppe of the tentte a corpus day &: takyng dovne of
the same ayen iiij d./ hem payd for theire dynfrthat did beare the shryne
vj d
20
1538-9
All Hallows Churchwarden s Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/18
f 2* (27 January-January/February) (Receipts)
25
hem Reseued off Roberd coke for the chyrche ale 7 li.
f 5 (Payments)
30
payd lohan botteler for mendyng off the ij torches agenst Wyttsonday iiij d.
hem payd tomas cardmaker and Wyll/am edwardys for settyng op
off the tent In the chyrche yerd iiij d.
35
f 10* (Inventory of church goods)
. ..hem the cheld vestment w/tA the myr.fr
16/ corpus chrun day: 31 May 1537 31/ Wyttsonday. 9 June 1538
SHERBORNE 1542-4
1542-3
StMary the Virgin s Churchwardens Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/19
f I (Rendered 4 February) (Inventory of church ornaments)
. . .Item the Bysshoppes vestimenm Cope and myterf. . .
f 2 (Receipts)
hem receyvyd of Will/am Rawlyng for the churche ale xj li: x s. 10
f 3v* (Payments)
hem paid to henry Clarke for pynnes for the pleyerw at 15
Corpus christt Day j d.
hem paid to lohn Buttelerc for makyng of the kanapy that Thomas
Adampes dyd Sett hym to make vij s.
20
1543-4
StMary the Virgin s Churchwardens Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/20
mb [1] (Inventory of church ornaments)
25
...hem the bysshopes vestymenttCope and myter^. ..
30
mb [2]* (Receipts)
hem teceyuydof John oke churche man for this yere x li.
mb [3] (Payments}
35
. .hem paid for caryng a Way of the bordw that the playerw plaid vppon in
the churche ij d....
16/ Corpus chtiili Day. 8 June 1542
260 SHERBORNE 1543-7
mb [4]
. . .hem for Settyng vppe of the tent [of] a Corpuscristy day and for caryng
in a gayne iiij d
1544-5
StMary the Virgin s Churchwardens Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/21
mb [2]* (Rendered 15 February) (Inventory of church ornaments)
10
. . .hem the the bysshopes vestymentw Cope and myterf . . . Item the bok
off corp.r chr/jh [b] playe...
(Receipts} 15
hem receyuyd off Rychard cuppar churche man ffor thys yere xiiij li.
mb [3]*
hem Receyuyd off Wyllyam calowe ffor the churche ale xx s. iiij d.
hem Receyuyd off lohn oke ffor the churche ale xxvj s. ij d.
25
1546-7
St Mary the Virgin s Churchwardens Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/22
mb [1 ] (Rendered 13 February) (Inventory of jewels and church ornaments)
...hem the Bysshoppes vestymenttww/tACope and myter ... Itn the Bokes 30
of Corpus chmri. . .
mb [2] (Receipts)
hem of lohn Sowthey for the Churche alle this yere
3/ Corpuscristy day J-v May 1 5-i 3 ll/ the the: dittography in MS
SHERBORNE 1546-8
mb [5] (Payments)
hem for gyrdell ij d. Item for paper & pynnes for Corpus
chrisfi playe iiij d. ob. vj d. ob.
hem paid to henry damper for Settyngevpp & takynge
doune of the tentte iiij d.
1547-8
St Mary the Virgin s Churchwardens Accounts DRO: PE/SH:CWl/23 10
mb [1] (Rendered 29 January) (Inventory of ornaments)
. . .hem the Bysshoppes vestyment^ with Cope &: myterf . . . hem the bokes
of corpus chmri play. . .
15
mb [2] (Receipts)
hem receyvydof John Sowthey for the Stondyngf of peopell
vppon the Churche at the pley ij s. v d. 20
Itmi receyvydof lohn Adampes for the Churche alle this
yere xj li. vj s. viij d.
25
mb [4] (Payments)
hem paid to the paynter for payntyng of corpus chr/.fri Garments iiij d.
30
mbs [5-6]*
Itmi paide to henry damper for Settyngf vppe of the Tentte iiij d.
hem paid to lohn Carver for settyngf vppe of ye bord before 35
the ij lowe alter iiij J. |
Itmi paid to chmtoffer harderman for ij yard of [fuschen]
bockerom for Corpus chrnn playe ix d.
262 SHERBORNE 1548-51
1548-9
St Mary the Virgins Churchwardens Accounts DRO: PE/SH:CWl/24
mb [1]* (Rendered 17 February) (Inventory of church ornaments)
. ..Item the bysshops vestmentw with be coope & myter . . . Item the book 5
of Corpus chwri play. . .
1549-50
St Mary the Virgin s Churchwardens Accounts DRO: PE/SH:CWl/25 10
mb [2] (Rendered 16 February) (Receipts)
\tem receyued off Thomas gayper and damper at the churche ale ix s.
15
mb [3]*
\tem receyuedffor hire off the pleyers clothyngf v s.
20
1550-1
St Mary the Virgin s Churchwardens Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/26
sheet [2]* (Rendered 20 January) (Receipts)
Item rcseyvedof Richarde Chemyll for an alle made for the 25
maywteynygf of the palyeng^ Garments lij viij d.
sheet [3]*
30
Item Kseyved of lohn yonge for the bysshopes Cope & Chesable vj s. viij d.
Itmi teseyved of Richarde Rogers for alyttell albe xviij d.
35
sheet [7]
Item paid to Katerine Walles ffor brusshyng^of the Corpus chr/Vri
Garments iiij d.
40
26/ maymeynygf : for maymeynynge. abbreviation nutrk musing 261 lij: for lij s.
26/ paJycngc: yorplaycngc
SHERBORNE 1552-6
1552-3
St Mary the Virgin s Churchwardens Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/28
sheet [2] (Rendered 26 February) (Receipts)
Itfm rerryiWfor the hyer of The players Garments x s
sheet [4] (Payments)
. ..Item for brusshyng of the players Garments iiij d 10
1554-5
StMary the Virgin s Churchwardens Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/30
sheet [\] (Rendered 17 March) (Receipts) 15
hem receuydoff lohn Stevyns this yerf ffor the churche ale xviij li.
sheet [3] (Payments) 20
hem payd to haukyns ffor takyng^ downe the tent and lames
ffor caryyngf boord &: trestyllw ffrow the churche porche iij d.
sheet [4]
Itirm payd to ffooke and lames ffor Bering.? to churche vj pyc
off ye tent ffrow the condytt ji d
30
1555-6
StMary the Virgin s Churchwardens Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/31
sheet [1]* (Rendered 9 January) (Receipts)
hem receyvydof Richarde Chetmyll for the Churche ale this yere xiij li.
35
receyvyd of henry Gardener for the player Garments xij d. hem
receyvydof the men of yatemester for the same Garments xx d....
264 SHERBORNE 1556-62
1556-7
St Mary the Virgin s Churchwardens Accounts DRO: PE/SH:CWl/32
mb [1]* (Receipts)
...Itirm receyvyd of lohn Philippes for the Churche Ale this yere xx li
...Itmi Kteyvydof men of wyncalton for the players Garmentwv s. ...
1557-8
St Mary the Virgin s Churchwardens Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/33 10
mb [1]* (Rendered 13 February) (Receipts)
...Item receuyd off lohn Reed ffor the churche ale this yerf x li
...hem receuyd off george churchell ffor lone off vj lerkens xij d. Itmi ffor 15
lone off belles to martocke xij d. . . . hem lone ofFgarmewt to castyll cary ij s.
vj d. hem receuyd off wyncawton for lone off garmet iij s. iiij d. hem
receuydoff cawndell ffor lone off the same xvj d....
20
1558-9
St Mary the Virgins Churchwardens Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/34
sheet [1]* (Rendered 29 January) (Receipts)
...hem receyvidof Robme Wase for the Churche ale this yere xx li 25
sheet [2]
. . .hem receyvidof ffuller of Byere for the hyer of Corpuschrari Garments 30
ij s. iiij d
1561-2
St Mary the Virgin s Churchwardens Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/35 35
sheet [ 1 ] (Rendered 1 February) (Receipts)
...Itmi receyvyd of Thomas Wynnyff for the profyttof the Churche ale
this yere xx li....
40
6/ wyncalton: Wincanton, Somerset 30/ Byere: probably Beer Hacketl, 4 miiti from Sherbome
SHERBORNE 1561-9
265
hem receyvyd of Rkharde (blank) of yevyll for olde Corpuschrw/i Garments
to hym solde vs. ... Item Solde to Richarde damper the Sepulker cloth with
ij Bannmrlothes xvj d....
1565-6
StMary the Virgins Churchwardens Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/36
sheet [1]* (Receipts)
hem! Receauyd of Willzam foster ffor the Churche ale, made
at the ffeast of Pentecost last past./ xxij li. xiiij d. 10
1566-7
StMary the Virgin s Churchwardens Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/37
f 1 (Rendered 9 February) (Receipts) 1 >
Receuyd of John Reade, for the churche ale made this
yere xviij li. xvj s. viij < . )
20
1567-8
StMary the Virgin s Churchwardens Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/38
mb [id]* (Rendered 15 February) (Receipts)
+ Receuyd of John Dyer for the Rome of the Churche house, 2s
to playe his enterludes yn, thre seuerall rymes./ iiij d.
mb [3]
30
Receaved of Roberte Albon for the Churche ale this yeare, xix li. ij s. iij d.
1568-9
St Mary the Virgin s Churchwardens Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/39 35
mb [1] (Rendered 8 February) (Receipts)
Itfm Receued of lohn Gardnar for the cherche alle this
Y eare xviij li. vj s. vij d. ob.
40
I/ yevyll: Yeovil, Somenet
266 SHERBORNE 1569-72
1569-70
StMary the Virgin s Churchwardens Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/40
mb [1] (Rendered 30 January) (Receipts)
Item Receued of Thomas Maunsell, for the churche alle, this 5
yeare xv li. ij s.
1570-1
St Mary the Virgin s Churchwardens Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/41 10
mb [1] (Rendered 4 February) (Receipts)
. . .Item receaued of will/am Poope for the churche Ale, thys yeare xviij li.
15
1571-2
St Mary the Virgin s Churchwardens Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/42
mb [1] (Rendered 10 February) (Receipts)
...\tern receaved of Will/am Rideowte for the Church ale this yere xxij li. x s. 20
r over &C besydes/ the playsterynge over the highe boorde yn the churche house/
which coste hym xxxiij s. iiij d.
mb [3] (Payments) 25
Item paied to the Quenes plaiers at the Requeste of the Towne ij s. viij d.
mb [4]
hem paied to lohn Dier for Makinge and Devisinge garments
Towards Corpus Christi playes xj s. viij d.
Itmi paied more for a Cope and Banner Towards the same
playe xiij s. iiij d. 35
Item paied to Henrye Stephens for Canvas gurswebbe Tinsall
and Neales towards the makinge off the Giant xiiij s.
SHERBORNE 1572-3
1572-3
StMary the Virgins Churchwardens Accounts DRO: PE/SH. CW 1/43
mb [ 1] (Rendered 8 February) (Receipts)
...Item Receaued of Robart foster for the church ale this yere xxv li.
mb [2] (Church house receipts)
hem Receaued of Robarte cuffe for the roume a gaynste the churche 10
at the corpus Christye playe x s -
mb [3]* (Receipts)
15
hem Receaued for the stonninge vppon the lydes this yere xiij s. iiij d.
mb [4]*
20
wfor Inprimis paiede To Master knoyle of samforde for leaylmes
thccorpuschnsn for to make the te[ay]nc for the corpuscrystie playe xij s.
Itmi payed for the carrayge for iij lode of rymber from samforde vij s.
hem payed to william hunte for mackynge of a te(ay]nte viij s.
Itmi payed to william hunte for mackynge of the heygh te[ay]nte xij s. 25
Itmi payed to william hunte for his laubor and his manes laubor
(...) to make the scaffould v s. viij d.
hem payed to Poule raulens for mackynge of the players garment iij s.
Itmi payed to lohn wheccome for stufe to macke the players
garments xliiij s. 30
Itmi payed to william redowt for v[ea]ysages for the playerw xv s.
hem payed to Mr cothe for nayles vij d. ob.
hem payed to william hunte for tackinge downe of the te[ay]nt iiij d.
Itmi payed for a pasment skyne for the playerw vj d.
Itmi payed to the carryoure for to brynge Master poyntw regoules xij d. 35
Itmi payed to him that dyd playe vpon the trumpite for his payn x d.
hem payed for nayel for the te[ay]nt x d.
Itmi payed for a peacke of wheatten meale for to macke louttejwyfe vj d.
Itmi payed to Nayle the carroure for [(.)] w[ea]youre xij d.
2\/ simforde. probably Sandford Orctu. 3 miles from Sherbomt
32/ Itftn ... vij d ob . apparently added, later by the same hand
268 SHERBORNE 1572-4
hem payed for bea[y]ringe in of the stufe of the scauffouldw vj d.
Item payed to Steuens for setteaynge vp of the glase viij d.
Item payed to Robart coke for broune Paper iiij d.
hem payed to lohn leaynes for la[(. )]ce[(. >] for the players
garments xj d. 5
lurn Henrye steauens for thing to macke the players
garments x(.)xvij s. ij d.
hem payed to [hunte] for mackmge of a lauder for ye towe viij d.
Swwma vij li. xjj s. viij d. ob. It<?m Receaued of Mr horceay won
eaylme towards the mackinge a 10
teaynt for the corpus christye playe
(Payments)
15
Itrni Payed for the carrayge of a laudder of the gyfte of Mr Mullens viij d.
hem payed to Master Steauens a daunseng thursdaye ij s.
hem Payed to [ij] Robarte bute for the sett[ea]ynge vp of the place 20
to put the players garments in xviij d.
hem payed to ij masons a bout the same worke ij s.
hem Payed to ij Lauberoa boute the same worke xiiij d.
25
mb [5]
hem Payed to Nycolas kobe for mendynge of the cloke and
for mackynge of a keay for the dowre where as you doo putt/
the players garments in xx d. 30
[Itn Payed to William redowte for vj veaysordw for the players xv s.]
1573-4
StMary the Virgin s Churchwardens Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/44
mb [1] (Rendered 7 February) (Receipts)
hem receaued of Rychard Bampton for the Churche ale this
year/ xx li. vj d. ob./
9-11/ Item Receaued ... playe: added later, probably by the same hand 23/ Laubcrors: /orLauberorcs ( )
SHERBORNE 1573-4 269
mb [2] (Church house rents)
hem/ receaued of Thomas fuller/ for the ground yn the churche
yarde vppon the playe Daye/ ) s.
heml receaved vppon the play daye/ for Standing vppon the
leades/ *j s - * d -
mb [3] (Payments)
10
heml payd for nayles at the setryng vp of the tent/ on the play
day/ ij <!/
Item/ payde/ for sawynge of two peeces of tymber/ for narrowe
boordes/ to laye/ the lead vppon the churche/ & for the tymber
of the newe seates/ iiij s. iij d. 15
hem/ payde for iij elles/ of Soultwyche/ & iij quarters, of canves/
about the playe/ ij s.
heml payde/ for Settinge vp the tent/ agaynst/ the play daye./ xx d./
hem/ payde for takynge downe of the tentw/ and caryage yn of
the same/ xvj d. 20
Item/ payde/ to Roberte Cooke/ for staynynge/ of Sodom
clothes/ iij s. iiij d.
Item/ payd for brasell/ iiij d.
hem/ payde/ to John dyer/ for gilting of a face/ for the playe/ xviij d.
heml payde/ for halffe a hundred of nayles/ occupyed about the 25
corone/ on the play day/ iiij d.
Item/ payd/ for boord nayles aboute/ the tentw/ on the play
Daye./. iiij d.
Item/ payde/ for ij mennes waiges/ & meate/ & dryncke/ whiche
gave attendance/ about the Leade*/ on the play Daye./ xvj d. 30
Itmi/ payd/ for/ levers to strowe vppon the boordes/ on the
play daye:/ iiij d.
heml payd/ to thomas fullers man/ for a dayes worke/ about
the tentes/ iij d.
hem/ payde/ for the new dressyng of Lotte* wyffe/ ij d. 35
hem/ payde for laths/ about the playe/ j d.
hem/ payde to two men/ for theire Laboures/ yn settyng vp/
of the backer rente* for the players/ to aray them selves yn./ x d.
hem/ payd vnto paule Rawlynson/ for mendinge/ of iiij er lerkyns/
& other thinge* of ye play/ vj d. 40
heml payd for browne paper/ aboute the playe/ iij d.
Item/ payd for wyne & sugar/ geven to the gentlemen/ at the
muster/ yn horse castell/ ij s . v i J
270 SHERBORNE 1573-6
Item/ payd for buyldiag/ of the standinges yn horse castell/ for
the gentlemen to sytt yn/ and for the bearyng yn of the same:/ ij s.
hem/ payde to Thomas Adams/ for makyng cleane of the leades/ vj d.
hem/ payd to henry Rawlynson/ for dyverse thinges/ & necessaries
for the playe/ viij d. 5
1574-5
Sr Mary the Virgins Churchwardens Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/45
mb \\\ (Rendered 6 February) (Receipts) 10
hem: receaued/ of Laurence Swetnam/ for the churche ale/
this yeare:/ xxj li.
15
mb [3]* (Payments)
Inprimis paide, to william poope/ for clothe and making of the
vyse coote/ that he had forgott/ at his accompt/ xiiij s. xj d.
20
1575-6
StMary the Virgin s Churchwardens Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/46
mb [1] (Rendered 5 February) (Receipts)
25
hem/ receaued of william Steavens/ for the churche ale this
yeare:/ xxiij li. vij s. iiij d.
mb [2]* 30
It<m receaued/ the playe Daye/ for standinge vppon the churche
Leaddw/ x s.
35
mb [3] (Payments)
hem/ payd to henry Steavyns/ for nayles/ & clothe/ & other
thyng/ for the play/ iiij s. vj d.
hem/ payd/ to mr Cowthe/ for Gonpowder/ iij s. vj d. 40
SHERBORNE 1575-90
lieml payd to Henry kayes/ for mendynge/ of one/ of the
players cotes/ "J d -
hem/ payd to henry Rawlynson/ for browne paper/ and other
necessaries/ about the play v s - VM J "
1576-7
StMary the Virgin s Churchwardens Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/47
mb [I] (Rendered 3 February) (Receipts)
Itfm of Will/rfm Cowth for the Churche (blank) xx li.
1577-8 n
StMary the Virgins Churchwardens Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/49
m b [ 1 ] * (Rendered 9 February) (Receipts)
Item of Briant Cole ffor the Church Ale deliumi the daye of
this Accompte xx li. 20
1588-9
StMary the Virgin s Churchwardens Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/60
mb [1] (Rendered 24 February) (Receipts) 25
of the players for the vse of the churche howse iiij s.
of certaine Straungers to playe in the churche howse vj d.
30
1589-90
St Mary the Virgin s Churchwardens Accounts DRO: PE/SH. CW 1/61
mb [1] (Rendered 15 February) (Rents and other receipts)
35
of players in the Churchowse xviij d.
of players in the churchowse ij s.
36/ xviij d.: sum apparently written over erasure
272 SHERBORNE 1590-1602
1590-1
St Mary the Virgins Churchwardens Accounts DRO: PE/SH:CWl/62
mb [ 1 ] (Rendered 14 February) (Rents and other receipts)
Itfm of players in the Churchowse ij s. vj d. 5
1597-8
St Mary the Virgin s Churchwardens Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/6 J
mb [2] (Rendered 5 February) (Rents and other receipts) !0
of the queries Ma/tis players for the vse of the churchowse ij s.
1598-9 15
St Mary the Virgin s Churchwardens Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/70
mb [ 1 ] (Rendered 21 January) (Rents and other receipts)
of the queens players for the vse of the churchowse ij s.
20
1599-1600
StMary the Virgin s Churchwardens Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/71
mb [1] (Rendered 13 January) (Rents and other receipts)
2S
Of the younge men of the Towne for playinge in the Churchouse xvj s.
1600-1
St Mary the Virgin s Churchwardens Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/72 30
mb [3] (Rendered 18 January) (Rents)
of certaine players for the vse of the Churchowse ij s.
35
1601-2
StMary the Virgin s Churchwardens Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/73
mb [3] (Rendered 1 1 April) (Rents and other receipts)
of Strangers to playe in the church howse ij s. 40
SHERBORNE 1602-4
1602-3
St Mary the Virgins Churchwardens Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/74
mb [ 1 ] (Rendered 29 May) (Rents and other receipts)
of Certayne players for the vse of the Churchowse iiij s. vj d. 5
1603-4
Depositions for the Defendant in Scarlett v. Stacker
PRO: El 34/1 James i/Hil 3 10
mb 1*
Depositions of witnesses taken at Sherbourne in the County of D(.)rsdt the
xxiij th day of January in the firste yere of thO raigne of our soueraigne
Lord lames by the grace of God (. )f England ffraunce & Ireland Kinge is
defender of the faith &c and of Scotland the seaven & Thirtieth before vs
Sir Robert Napper knight John ffarewell Esquier and WilK...) Wood
gentleman, by vertue of the Kingw Ma/ties Commission out of his Highnes
Court of Exchequer to vs & others directed for thexawiwac/on of witnesses
N as well on the p^rte & behalf of ffraunces Scarlett clarke piainant as on 20
the pane &t behalf of lohn Stocker Esquier defendant to the bill of CompLz/wt
of f the said 1 ffraunces Scarlet Clerk vicar of Sherbourne Complainant as
followeth. viz.
(Deposition of Thomas Adams, labourer, aged about 73)
To the eleventh Interrogatory he sayth that he taketh it that the trees growinge
in the said Churchyard doe belonge vnto the owners of the said Parsonage
for he sayth that the late Sir lohn Horsey when he made trunckes for his 30
parad in the Abby garden did for that purpose cut downe ij elmes in the
sayd Churchyard bemge at that tyme ffarmer of the said Parsonage and did
likewise cause one other elme to be felled in the said Churchyard for [in] a
necessary vse for a play in Sherborne called Corpus Christi play . . .
35
mb 6* (Deposition of Osmund Forte, parchment maker, aged about 75)
To the eleaventh Interrogatory he sayth that . . . the late Sir lohn Horsey gave
aboue thirty yeres last past as [s] he taketh it a tree to the Churchwardens of 40
Sherborne towards the makinge of a scaffold for a play to be played there
274 SHERBORNE 1603-7/8
called Corpus Christ! playe and thervpon a tree was cut downe in the sayd
Churchyard, wA/ ch fell out to be hollowe, and thervpon the sayd Sir lohn
Horsey gave them leave to cut another tree in the sayd Churchyard & so they
did and so they the Churchwardens have both the sayd trees by the good
likeinge of the said Sir lohn Horsey....
mb 7* (Deposition of John Baker, tailor, aged about 80)
To the xj th he sayth that the ffarmers of the Parsonage & Procters have by 10
all the ryme aforesayd had the profits of the trees & shroudw of trees
growinge in the sayd Churchyard: and this deponent sayth that about xxxty
last past the late S/r lohn Horsey at the request of the Churchwardens of
Sherborne aforesayd gave a tree toward the makinge of a stage for the players
for a play to be had called Corpus Christi play & that they felled a tree 15
which was hollowe, & so desired another, & had the first & second for the
vse aforesayd by the direction & appointment of the sayd S/r lohn Horsey,
and this he knoweth of his certeine knowledge to be trew dwellinge there &
seeinge & knowinge the same.
20
1607/8
Somerset Quarter Sessions Roll SRO: Q/SR 37, pt 2
f 101 A* (13-20 January)
25
FlagelLzta.ret Relax/z/w
Thomas Nehellyng confesseth he kepeth three fyghting bulls w/ th which he
traveleth to such watches & other plac as he ys hyred & sayth since Easter
he hath bynne att Ilton /too dayes att Bakers Churchale &C had for his
Bulls fyghting ther xiij s. iiij d. &c att Ilchester w/th lohn Bowden att a watch 30
which he kept, and att Gregory Stoke w/ th one Trystram Bale who kept a
watch & had ther ix s., he was lykewyse att meere in wiheshire where he
stayde too dayes w/th his Bulls &C had xx s. for his paynes & was lykewyse
att Sturmyster A in doiset att Rafedowne watch where he stayde too dayes
& had xx s. for his paynes & was also att Sherborne Churchale w/ th his Bull is
& stayd ther one day & had for his Bulls fyghting x s./
d wj & delibfrandz//
(signed) Edward Hext:
4/ have: written over hath (?)
SPETTISBURY 1 635/6 / STOUR PROVOST 1621/2
SPETTISBURY
1635/6
Examination of Anne Barter DRO: PE/WM: CP2/8, item 90
single sheet-single sheet verso (23 February) >
Proceedings of the court held before William Stone, MA, official, in the presence of
Sampson Morice, notary public and deputy registrar
domim promotww contn. Stephanww Barter et Annaw eius vxrwm 10
pro mcontinencia ante nuptias
Quo die Comparuit dicta. Anna et A vigore iuramenti sui corporalis alias per
eaw prtiti fassa est that about twelue monethes since this respondent
comeinge from Blandford fayre w/th Allan Lodge the said Allan pmwaded
this R/>ondent to goe into mr Edmund Bowyers Cony geere neere his house 15
in Spettisbury and then and there the said Allan Lodge had the vse and
Carnall knowledge of her this R/?ondentbody the first tyme. And further
Confesseth that afterwards about Whitsunryde at the setting vpp of a may
pole in Spettisbury in a Close there in the night ryme the said Allan Lodge
had the vse and Carnall knowledge of this Respondentes body the second 20
tyme. And this Respondent likewise Confesseth that Stephen Barter her now
husband had the vse and Carnall knowledge of her body two night before
[they] she was marryed vnto him and not before And allso sayth and Confesseth
that noe man besyd the said Allen Lodge and the I sayd Stephen her now
husband [had] ever /ha(. ) the vse and Carnall knowledge of her body 25
The marke of Anne
Randoll alws Barter.
STOUR PROVOST
}0
1621/2
Casebook of Sir Francis Ashley BL: Harley MS. 67 1 5
f 54v (14 January) (Bonds taken for the sessions)
35
Commisswj per ordin<?w de Bandford Sessiombus for a scandalous song./
24/ sayd: said also appears at catchword at foot of recto
211 +: Barter has signed with her personal mark, possibly an altrmpt to print Randoll vertically
367 Bandford: for Blandford
276 STOUR PROVOST 1621/2 / SYMONDSBURY 1634
Will<7wus Honny de Stower Provost husbandman
Ferdinands Thomas de eadfw weaver separatim
Edwardus Scot de eadcwz Wheeler
Hopkins de eadfw mason
in
xlli.
vterque in xx li.
pro comparanaa prl;Vtoruw Honny et Thomas ad proximo* Sessions et 5
interim pro bono gestu./
Comissttj pro consimili
lidem Scot et Hopkins vterque in xl li.
Et predict i Honny et Thomas vterque in xx li. ,
pro comparzncia ipjoruw Scot et Hopkins ad proximas Sessiones et pro
bono gestu./
15
STURMINSTER NEWTON
1607/8
Somerset Quarter Sessions Roll SRO: Q/SR 37, pt 2
5>Sherborne 1607/8 20
SYMONDSBURY
1634
Henry Burton s A Divine Tragedie Wing: B6161 25
pp 12-13*
Example 22.
1634 One good man Paul neer Stoke in Dorcetshire, rejoycing much at the erection
of a summer pole, at a Parish called Simsbury in Dorcetshire, and saying 30
before one of his neighbours, he would go see it, though he went naked
through a quickset hedge: which is a common proverbe they use: Going with
wood in his armes to cast in to the bonfire, where he lived, and using these
words: I Heaven and earth are full of thy glory, O Lord: he was presently
smitten by the stroke of God, and within two or three daies died, and his 35
wife with him. These two last examples are testified by a Minister in his
letter to a brother Minister.
WEYMOUTH-MELCOMBE REGIS 1590-8
WEYMOUTH-MELCOMBE REGIS
1590-1
Mayors Accounts WM: SherrenMsl?^
p 2 (Payments)
li. s. d.
paid to the quenes plleares 00 10 00
10
1596-7
Mayors Accounts WM: SherrenMsl84
f [2v]* (Disbursements)
5
li. s. d.
Itn paid for a Lyne for the drumbe 00 00 6
hem paid Bartholomew Clerke for beatinge the drumbe 00 01 00 20
f [31*
doubt ccnem [ Item geven the Quenes players 00 10 00] 25
double ctnein [hem bestowed in wine vpon them 00 02 6]
1597-8
Mayors Accounts WM: Sherren MS 185 30
f [lv]* (Payments)
li. s. d.
hem Mending the drome 000 02 06 35
1 8/ 6 : numeral obscured by tear in paper
WEYMOUTH-MELCOMBE REGIS 1597-1613
f [2v]* (Auditors supplementary charges)
li. s. d.
more mending of the towne drome 00 02 06
1599-1600
Mayors Accounts WM: SherrenMsl86
f [2v]
s. d.
Mor iij s. for a hed for a drom
More to fipens wyf ij s. a bout the drom
More j s. for the snas for the drom
1603-4
Mayors Accounts WM: SherrenMsl90 20
f [Iv]
li. s. d.
for so moche geven to my Lord sandoies players - 05 00 :s
1605-6
Mayors Accounts WM: Sherren MS 191
f [Iv] (Disbursements) 30
li. s. d.
ItcTWgiuen vnto the Quenes pleayers 00 10 00
35
1612-13
Borough Court Minutes WM: Sherren MS 204
f 6v (31 August)
vpon this present daye Robme Stone did take his voluntarie oathe That vpon 40
ffridaye nighte last Thomas Adams in a very great outrage Comminge out of
4 1 / Comminge. 8 tninims in MS
WEYMOUTH-MELCOMBE REGIS 1612-18
his owne howse did sweare that he would sett on fyer his howse and [that
he] further vsed theis word or the like in effecte that [s]he dwelt amongest
a Company of dogges & Rogues and that he would have all their howses
fyered betwene that and the may powle/ oftentimes reiteratinge the same
5
1615-16
Mayors Accounts WM: Sherren MS 206
f [2v]*
s. d.
10
more given the queens players for not plaing here, by order
of the aJdermen 01 10
1617-18 is
Borough and Borough Court Minute Book WM. MB.O-B
p 130* (8 August)
Informac/on taken by master Mayor from theis sundry pfrsones
herevnder named. 20
Memorandum that vpon the Nine &: twentith day of lune aboute eighte of
the Clocke on the forenoone one Loring aboye of Sixtene yeares olde
sounded a drumbe in the Towne aforesaid and being forbidden by master
Mayor yet within an hower after sounded againe. and was forbidden by
the S<rieant from master mayor the second time then somother of theis 25
vndernamed sounded the drombe in a howse the third time and the same
daye aforesaid aboute one of the Clocke in thafternoone theis whose names
are subscribed w/th divers otheres vnknowen being armed w/th muskettw
went forth of the Towne w/th a drumbe soundinge a Trumpett and
Ancient wherevpon master mayor sent vnto them by lohn Bagg thounger 30
and required them to disolve their Company & retorne backe which
messuage being donn to the drowmer he would have retourned but som
of the Company affirmed they would beare him oute and soe encoraged
him to goe on, after eveninge prayer the Company retorned backe againe
into the Towne Armed as before they went forth and vpon Examination **,
of diverse of the parties they had bin to fetch a sowmer Pole to set vpp on
the Towne but broughte none w/th them; in the fforefronte of this troope
marched one Thomas Bascombe w/th an Axe on his shoulder/
Percivall Gibson druwmer
Mathewe knott Auncient 40
34/ eveninge: 6 minimi in MS
280 WEYMOUTH-MELCOMBE REGIS 1617-18
Angell Lawrence
Joseph Stephens
Henry Russell
lacob Vandergozen
Gregory Babbidg 5
Morgan holeman
Nathaniell Allin
lustinian Bagg
(Tab i an H odder
Henry Gawdin 10
Thomas Small
lohn Small
Thomas Bascombe
William Williames
Thomas Parkins 15
lohn Harvy
lohn Shattocke
William Chappie
(blank] Boulte
sondry others vnknowen 20
p 132* (20 August) (Constables presentments to the mayor, recorder, and bailiffs)
hem they present that Percivall Gibson of the Borrough and Towne aforesaid
Barber Mathew knott of the same Borrough and Towne Sayler Angell 25
Lawrence of the same Borrough and Towne merchant Nathaniell Allin
alias Belpitt of the same Borrough and Towne merchant Gregory Babbidge
of the same Borrough and Towne merchant Thomas Bascombe of the
same Borrough and Towne Groome lohn Harvy of the same Borrough
and Towne Sayler William Chappie of the same Borrough and Towne 30
Shoemaker w;th diverse other persons to the number of Twenty persons
vpon the Nine and Thirtith day of lune Anno Regni Regis lacobi nunc
Anglic &c Sextodecimo et Scotie lj mo aboute eighte of the Clocke in
the fforenoone of the same day w/thin the said Borrough & Towne did
vnlawfully assemble themsealves haveing wrth diem swordes Pykes Muskettw 35
and other vnlawfull weapons contrarye to the forme of the statute in such
case made &C provided./
8/ lustinian: 5 minimi for in\ in MS 32/ Thirtith: />r Twentieth
31/ number: 5 minims in MS 32/ nunc: 5 minims in MS
WEYMOUTH-MELCOMBE REGIS 1617-18
p 134*
The day & yeare aforesaid
Percivall Gibson did make oath in Courte that himsealfe Angell Lawrence
and others being (...) Assembled together vpon Saime Peters day laste
pasce vpon a Messuage sent vnto him and others of that assemblye from
master mayor by lohn Bagg theyounger to surcesse and retorne backe into
the Towne the said Percivall Gibson being willing to retorne the said Angell
Lawrence willed the said Percivall Gibson and the Company to continve
together and he would beare them oute./. 10
It is ordred att the Sessions by lohn Pitt Mayor of this Borrough and Towne
that Angell Lawrence Nathaniell Allin Grigory Babbidge Percivall Gibson
and Thomas Bascombe shall finde sufficient suerties to appeare att the
nexte Sessions of the peace to be holden w/thin this Borrough and Towne 15
then & there to aunswere vnto such matters as shallbee then and there
obiected againste them for their Comtempte and unseeme and againste
the king ma;tie and Master Mayor Comaund
It is ordred att the Sessions aforesaid by master Mayor and master Baylive 20
holman that Nathaniell Allin shall finde sufficient suerties to appeare att
the nexte Sessions of the peace to bee holden w/thin this Borrough and
Towne then and there to aunswere vnto such matters as shalbee obiected
againste him and in the meane time to bee of good behavior w/?/ch order
was made vpon the obraidinge and Contemptious speaches vsed by the 25
said Nathaniell Allin vnto master Mayor in open Courte vidz: that master
mayor did beare him spline and malice
p 135
30
Auguste the 25 th 1618
Vpon this present day Edward Harvy Butcher one of the Searchers sworne
and apointed for the viewinge and searchinge of Corrupte fflesh killed
w/ thin the Borrough and Towne sayeth and pr<?senteth vpon his said oath 35
that lohn Hingston Boucher here w/thin this Borrough and Towne vpon
ffridaye beinge the fourtenth day of this instant moneth did kill a Bull
vnbayted and did put the fflesh thereof vnto sale and therevpon he is
amused by master mayor att iij s. iiij d.
40
12/ this: \correctedoverf
WEYMOUTH-MELCOMBE REGIS 1623-40
1623-4
Borough and Borough Court Minute Book WM: MB.O-B
p 304* (21 September)
Item they present That Thomas Angell of weeke ffidler for playinge on his 5
ffiddle in the howse of the widowe wilforde vpon the Third day of June 1 624
for which he payed ix d. to the poore
Item they present That vpon the xiiijth day of September 1624 Thomas
Angell of wyke was taken in the howse of katherin Morfell aboute one or 10
Two of the Clock in the morninge playinge vpon his ffiddle and being
druncke for which he sate in the stockw and vpon paycment of ij s. vij d. he
was released which monye by the Comaundenruw of master Mayor was
deliu^red back vnto the said Angell
hem they present That lasper Notley and lohn Hoare Millers were Tiplinge 15
in the howse of the said katherin Morfell vpon thaforesaid day att the same
howre of the night for which they payed xij d. to the poore
Item they present Thomas Sampson Seruante of ffrances Saunders for being
druncke vpon the same day and time and in the same howse
Item they present William Bagge for Tiplinge in the howse of the said katherin 20
Morfell vpon the day and time aforesaid Contrary to the forme of the Statute
in that behalfe provided.
1625-6
Borough and Borough Court Minute Book WM: MB.O-B 25
p 321 * (3 October) (Presentments by jury of court leet)
Iurator predicti vlterius dicunt et presentant super sacrame ntum suuw quod
Henricus Backway posuit Cumuluw terre Anglice a heape of earthe in loco
vbi le Maypole antehac stet et quod Henricus waltham et Godfrye posuerunt 30
duos Cumulos de le earth & soyle in vico vocat<? See Marye streete Et
preceptum est amovere eosdem Cumulos Citra ffestuw omnium sanctorum
protdmum sub pena Cuiusli^ft eorum delinquents forisfacere v s:
35
1639-40
Borough and Borough Court Minute Book WM: MB.O-B
p 419 (7 October) (Presentments by jury of court leet)
Ad istam Curiaw RichWus Hick presents super sacramentum suuw qod 40
6/ 1624: underlined in MS 31/ Marye: y corrected over 1.
WEYMOUTH-MELCOMBE REGIS 1639-41 / WIMBORNE MINSTER 1573-92
WilWwus Barnes r iij s. iiij d. 1 et lorwwwes Hingston r iij s. iiij d. 1 occiderunt
duos Tauros infra hanc vill//w citra proximam Curiam et non publice (blank)
Angl/re did not bayte them openly. Ideo vterque vterque eorum in misericords
pr0ut super eorum capita.
5
1640-1
Borough Financial Records WM: Sherren MS 243.1
single sheet (6 February)
li. s. d.
10
Payd for the Maypole att Weeke 00 03 00
WIMBORNE MINSTER
15
1573-4
St Cuthburga s Churchwardens Accounts DRO: PE/WM: CW 1/41
p 212* (14 DecemberI 4 December) (Dues received)
Item Receyved for a playe in the Churche howse vj d. 20
Receyvedof John merywether for a playe in the Churchehowse iiij d.
1589-90
St Cuthburga s Churchwardens Accounts DRO: PE/WM: CW 1/42 25
p 31 (16 December- 16 December)
Item Recevid of players that played in the church howse ij s.
30
1591-2
Churchwardens Presentments to the Peculiar Court
DRO: PE/WM: CP2/ 10, itcmS
single sheet* (11 December- 1 1 December)
35
also we present william lucas of ho Pt for playing of a fiddill in the time of
gods seruis
3/ vterquf vterqw^: Jitlography in MS
284 WIMBORNE MINSTER 1595-1606
1595
Churchwardens Presentments to the Peculiar Court
DRO: PE/WM:CP2/10, item 16
single sheet (12 June)
5
Item we present william delacourt the sonne of peter delacourt for beating
the druwme in the tyme of service in the Church haye
1601 10
Churchwardens Presentments to the Peculiar Court
DRO: PE/WM: CP2/10, item 51
single sheet (23 September)
We presente Pike the minstrell for playinge whill EuenK. )g prayer was saying: 15
on sonday xx September 1601
We present old bishope and his sonne A for lokeing one Dansers at the time
of Eueing prayer:
20
1602
Churchwardens Presentments to the Peculiar Court
DRO: PE/WM: CP2/10, item 55
single sheet* (After 24 May) 25
we present hary woodman & his sonne for playing in the time of servis and
sermon in the tithinge of lye the ix th of maye
we present barnebe dordole for kepping of an Alle the ix r ^ of maye and much
company in his house in the servis & sermon tim 30
we present Ihon mowlin, Richard meals An noris for beinge at lye at an ale
all servis and sermon time the ix h of maye
1606
Churchwardens Presentments to the Peculiar Court
DRO: PE/WM: CP2/10, item 74
single sheet (28 April)
Item we present that the widow thringw kepte daunsing in her howse at the 40
18/ time: 3 minims in MS 29/ kepping: 2 minims in MS
19/ Eueing-. /orEuemng. abbreviation mark misting
7SS
WIMBORNE MINSTER 1606-10
tyme of evenynge prayer vpow the saboath day, v/illiam lukas minstrell, and
Robert homer w;th others were there daunsinge/
1606/7
Churchwardens Presentments to the Peculiar Court
DRO: PE/WM:CP2/10, item 75
single sheet (26 February)
In pn mis we present that Richard Sergent henry fforest lohn Sergent John 10
pope vrban Evance and lohn Swetnam played vppon grene Layne hill
adioning to colehill at the sermon tyme the vij th day of September or neare
there about/
15
1607-8
Churchwardens Presentments to the Peculiar Court
DRO: PE/WM:CP2/10, item 82
single sheet* (22 April-7 April)
20
we present margaret fuller for kypinge of play at servis & sermon
1609-10
Churchwardens Presentments to the Peculiar Court 25
DRO: PE/WM: CP2/10, item 92
single sheet*
3 We present Thomas moris [& wyllwm pottell for] did kepe mynsterillw 1
playng & daunsing in his house the .9 th . of lulye being soundaye at Evninge 30
prear
4 Item we present that Richard Moris A r for daunsynge 1 & Will/ tfm Pottele for
playing the Saboth day & doth draw youth from the Church the 9 of July
8 We present that Britt Minstrele did play at servis one Sunday the xvjth of luly 35
at Ligh.
30/ Evnmge. 3 minimi in MS
286 WIMBORNE MINSTER 1609-1 1
Churchwardens Presentments to the Peculiar Court
DRO: PE/WM:CP2/10, item 94
single sheet*
. . .we present loane Etherege for sittinge in the streets at sermon tim on the 5
Saboth day being the i of aprill &: maintayning her premises to play and when
she was gently warned [t] of she abusethe the officers & bad them kisse her
asse twise. .
1610-11 10
Churchwardens Presentments to the Peculiar Court
DRO: PE/WM:CP2/10, item 99
single sheet* (26 April- 16 April)
Item we doe present lohn Pyeke for playnge on mydsomer day last past being 15
saboeth day as [william] lohn 1 Byshoppe doth affirme one of the sidemen
lohn Trime{. ) wife(. ) h( . . .), daughter margaret/ Elizabeth pitman with
other(. .) being strangers
20
Churchwardens Presentments to the Peculiar Court
DRO: PE/V/M:CP2/10, item 100
single sheet*
Itmi we do present that william barens of kynson had dansyng in his house 25
vpp on the xv c ^ day beyng sonday
Churchwardens Presentments to the Peculiar Court
DRO: PE/WM: CP2/10, item 95 30
single sheet*
Item we do present bryght the menstrell [for] of holte for playeynge at lye in
the deveyne tyme of serves &
35
25/ kynson: probably Kingston Lacy, in Wimborne Minsler parish
34/ the deveyne ryme of serves: fortymc of deveyne serves (?)
34/ &: for&Lc(>)
WIMBORNE MINSTER 161 1-20
1611
Churchwardens Presentments to the Peculiar Court
DRO: PE/WM:CP2/10, item 93
Fill*
we present Richard Corben of Dogdeane for r + ] [carying] waching the
Chart and their sommer pole the 13 day of may at Service time & he was
warned to com to the church and to depart the place & he refused it & did
not Com
10
...Item we present Elizabeth Pitman for dauncing out euening prayer time
being the 14 day of aprill. f &C being the saboath day. 1 Itmi we present
[Elizabeth (....)ken for dauncing at euening prayer time being the 14 day]
aprill, Itfm we present Margaret White the daughter of will/Wm white for
dauncing at euening prayer time being the 14 day of Aprill. A & the saboath 15
day Itfm we present Richard king the younger for dauncing at eueni(. .)
prayer time being the 14 day of aprill ____
f [H*
20
...Itfm we present willtam belten the younger, servant of William Belten
[weuer] the elder, weuer for dauncing out euening prayer time the 14 day
of aprill [Itrni we present] [hem we present lames ffavin for help drawing a
sommer poole in a carte [at] r at ] morning prayer time the 13 day of may.]
25
hem we prent John Burte for [disguisinge himself] being at Robm ffulfords
house w/th the mornsse dauncers at Sermon time being the 13 /day 1 of may.
1620 J0
Churchwardens Presentments to the Peculiar Court
DRO: PE/WM: CP2/12, item 60
single sheet (31 May)
Ascencion daie nicholas Perham was at a dauncing < . )atch at Leigh a drincking 35
and did much abuse the < ...)est dauughter of Stiphen Russell, at Evening
prayer time./
6/ Dogdeane: g corrected over d
12-14/ \\ern we prrtent [Elizabeth ... day! aprill.. entire entry intended for cancellation
35/ Ascencion daie: 25 May 1620
WIMBORNE MINSTER 1620 / WINTERBORNE MONKTON 1616
Ascencion dale old bright w/th his boy and his daughter played at Cowgrove
w/th their fiddells and Continued there all Evening prayer time w/th much
Companie./
WINTERBORNE KINGSTON
1628
Churchwardens Presentments for Salisbury Deanery
WRO: D5/28/28, item 92
f [1]* (3 July) ,o
An informac/on of certayne disorders in Winterborne Kingstone./
Imprimis lames Gould hath byn heard to sweare most blasphemously, hath
lately against Pentecost ioyned w/th other in collecting mony uppon the
Sundays for & towardes a Revell Ale or unlawful! meetinge, & uppon the 15
munday in Whitsun Weeke by occasion of this preparac/on, neither hee nor
scarce any of the yonger men were at divine praier; & hee being a ringer comes
often late to praiers uppon the sundayes, & often dep^rtes out of the church
ere praier &C all the service be ended.
20
Likewise lohn Seevier a blasphemous swearer, & one that often laughes or
geeres in tyme of sermon, &C now about the munday & tuesday in Whitsnweeke
was a principal! man w/th other to sing roundes & prophane songes most
part of the night.
25
WINTERBORNE MONKTON
1616
Casebook of Sir Francis Ashley BL. HarJey MS. 6715 30
f 1 5v (25 May) (Bonds taken for the assizes)
for keeping of an Ale and bayting the Bull in tyme of devine prayer hard vnder
the Church
Henricus Chepman de Mouncton husbandman in 40 1. 35
Middleton de eadem yoman et
20
KT i j j L u j
Henricus Notley de eadfw husbandman
pro comparencia ad proxiwas Assisas ad responddWww ijs/
14/ Pentecost: I June 1628
\6I munday in WViitsun Wcckc: 2 June 1628
WINTERBORNE MONKTON 1616
he being partner w/th the said Chepman
Iohawes blanchard de Motmcton husbandman in 40 li.
lohes Middleton de eadfw yoman in 20 I.
Henricus Notley de eadcw husbandwww in 20 1.
pro comparencia ad proximas Assisas ad respondene/um ijs/
Willf/mus Bartlect de Monckton Clarke in x 1.
pro comparencia ad proximas Assisas ad dandum evidenciam versus
Henricuw Chepma/i et Iorwem Blanchard/
3/ lohes: for lohannes, abbreviation mark missing
Households
STRANGWAYS OF MELBURY SAMPFORD
1638
Giles Strangways Account Book DRO: D/FSI: Box 220
f 6* (24 June-29 September) (Expenditures) 5
At oxford ye bill for our supper [(.)] dinner horsemeate 003 04 10
To ye fidlers there 10 s. . ..
f 10 (29 September- 24 December) 10
11. s. d.
To ye fidlers 000 10 00
15
f 11
11. S. d.
20
At knebworth to ye fidlers 5 s. lost at Tables 10s. 000 1 5 00
1638-9
Giles Strangways Account Book DRO: D/FSI: Box 220
f 15 (25 December-24 March) (New Year s gifts)
To ye fidlers 5s....
STRANGWAYS OF MELBURY SAMPFORD 1639-41
1639
Giles Strangways Account Book DRO: D/FSI: Box 220
f 37v col 2 (Summary of gifts)
To fidlers bobs I gave 000 10 00 5
1639-40
Giles Strangways Account Book DRO: D/FSI: Box 220
f 32 (25 December- 24 March) (New Year s gifts) 10
.. fidlers 5s....
1640 15
Giles Strangways Account Book DRO: D/FSI: Box 220
f 57v col 1 (Summary of trivial expenses)
To fidlers 00 09 06
20
1641
Giles Strangways Account Book DRO: D/FSI: Box 220
f 74v col 2 (Summary of trivial expenses)
25
To fidlers. ... 000 02 06: q.
APPENDIX 1
Undated Record
Although Murray, English Dramatic Companies, vol 2, p 206, dates this visit by the prince s
men c. End James i, there is no evidence for even that vague an assignment. The account
lacks the conventional heading indicating the author and the year or quarter covered by the
account. Internal evidence provides no conclusive evidence for dating of the manuscript. The
account registers the cost of presenting Sir George Trenchard with a gift of eels but he was an
influential political figure throughout the reign of King James and until his death in 1630.
Richard Colfox is repaid for expenses incurred when he went to Axminster on behalf of the
borough but the account does not specify what office he held at the time. Similarly, the account
notes the receipt of an account from Mr. Meller but fails to specify first, if this is John or
Robert Miller and second, if his is a cofferer s or a bailiff s account. The entry in the records
is also ambiguous. Are the prince s players those of Prince Henry or those of Prince Charles?
Even if we knew that Colfox went to Axminster in his capacity as bailiff of Bridport, we would
still have four years in the reign of James; in Miller s case we have five years that might be the
year of this account. The gift for Sir George Trenchard suggests that 1630 is the latest possible
date for the account and, given the absence of a troupe under the patronage of a prince from
March 1625 (when King James died) to December 1631 (when the palsgrave s company
became the players of Prince Charles), we can assign the account to the reign of King James
but to no specific year or decade within his reign.
See The Documents above (pp 56-7) for a description of the manuscript.
BRIDPORT
Town Account DRO: DC/BTB: M18/9
single sheet
5
Item Gaue the Princes players x s.
APPENDIX 2
Post- 1642 Records
The fragmentary nature of Shaftesbury s written records makes particularly welcome a 1655-6
account that demonstrates the borough s continued observance of one of its customs during
the Commonwealth period. A 1662 agreement to shift Shaftesbury s annual Sunday procession
to Motcombe (see pp 248-9) to the Monday before Ascension includes a full description
of Shaftesbury s custom; observance of the custom remained essentially unchanged from the
early sixteenth century. Records from the Commonwealth and Restoration periods have not
been comprehensively searched for this volume.
Account of Richard Harris
Dorchester, Dorset Record Office, DC/SYB: Cl6b, Hem 43; 1655-6; English; paper; bifolium;
303mm x 194mm; unnumbered. One of 47 items filed in a manila folder.
Indenture Concerning Enmore Green
See The Documents above (pp 75-6) for a description of Hutchins, History and Antiqutttes znd of the
Nicholas family s acquisition of Gillingham Manor.
SHAFTESBURY
1655-6
Account of Richard Harris DRO: DC/SYB: C 1 6b, item 43
f [2] (25 March -25 March) (Payments) ,
Itmi To the balie of Gillingham for our accostomed liberty
to fetch water in motcomb 1 payr of gloues at the pre of
6 s. And a calues head 8 d. in beer 1 s. And bread 2 d. 07 10
10
1662
Indenture Concerning Enmore Green Hutchins: History and Antiquitia, vol 3
pp 629-30 (1 May)
This Indenture, made the first day of May, in the fourteenth yeere of the
15
294 DORSET
reigne of our soveraigne lord, Charles the Second, by the grace of God, of
England, Scotland, France, and Ireland King, Defender of the Faythe, &c.
annoque Domini one thousand six hundred sixtie-two; Between the honourable
Sir Edward Nicholas, knt. one of his majesties principal secretaries of state,
of his majesties most honourable privy council!, and lord of the manor and 5
liberty of Gillingham, in the county of Dorset, of the one part; and the mayor
and burgesses of the towne and borrough of Shaston in the said countie of
Dorset, of the other part. Whereas the said mayor and burgesses of the said
burrough for the time beeing, and all the inhabitants of the said borrough
for the time beeing, by prescription beyond the memory of man have claymed, 10
used, and enioyed a custome, liberty, and prevelege to take, fetch, and carry
away water, at all times, and upon all occations, from any of the wells and
springs of water in the wast and common ground in the tithing of Motcombe
within the said manor and liberty of Gillingham, to bee used within the said
borough; and likewise to digg, make, repaire, or amend any wells or springs 15
of water within any of the wasts or commons of the Motcombe aforesaid,
within the manor and liberty aforesaid, for the better preservacion of the
said water, for the use of the mayor, burgesses, and other inhabitants of or
within the said borrough for the time beeing; and in consideracion thereof
the said mayor and burgesses, by like prescription, have yeerly on the Sunday 20
or Lord s Day next after the third of May (commonly called Holy Rood
day), payed and performed this custome following, (viz.): the sayd mayor,
accompanyed with some of the burgesses and other inhabitants of the said
towne and borrough, have used to walk out of the said borrough, into the
said manor and liberty of Gillingham, into a place there called Enmore Green 25
(where is a poole of water, and diverse springs and wells), and in that place to
walke or daunce hand in hand round the same green in a long daunce, there
being a musition or tabor and pipe, and alsoe a staffe or besome adorned
with feathers, pieces of gold rings, and other Jewells (called a prize besome);
which daunce being ended, the said mayor and burgesses doe, or some one 30
by their appointment doth, tender and deliuer unto the bailiffe of the said
manor of Gillingham for the time beeing one payre of gloves, a calfe s head
raw and undressed, a gallon of ale or beere, and two penny loaves of white
wheat bread; which the said bailiff receiveth and carryeth away to his own
use. The observacion of which custome on the Lord s day occationing some 35
neglect of divine service, and beeinge inconvenient to bee continued; and to
the intent some other day may be now appointed, and for ever hereafter to
bee observed for the payment and performance of the custome and service
aforesaid, without any prejudice nevertheless to the said mayor, burgesses,
and other inhabitants of the said towne and borrough in their custom and 40
liberty of fetching water as aforesaid; itt is hereby agreed, by and between
APPENDIX 2
the said parties to these presents; and the said Sir Edward Nicholas, for himself,
his heyres, executors, administrators, and assigns, doth covenaunt, grant,
promise, and agree, to and with the said mayor and burgesses, and their
successors, that they the said mayor and burgesses, and all other the inhabitants
of the said towne and borrough, shall or lawfully may, from time to time,
and at all times for ever hereafter, have and take water for any their occations
to be used within the said borrough from any wells or springs within any
the wastes or common grounds of Motcombe, within the manor and liberty
aforesaid, and have and enjoy like freedome and liberty to digg, repayre, and
amend any wells or springs of water there, as fully as at time heretofore hath 10
been used and accustomed; they the said mayor and burgesses for the time
being yielding, paying, doeing and performing on their parts the said recited
custome and service yeerly, and every year, for ever heereafter, on the Munday
next before the Feast of the Ascention of our Lord God, and in the place
where the same hath been anciently and accustomably performed and done 15
as aforesaid; which shall be as avayleable to the said mayor, burgesses, and all
other the inhabitants of the towne and borrough aforesaid, and as firme and
good against him the said Sir Edward Nicholas, his heyres and assigns, for
the continuance of the said custome and liberty, as if the same had been
done and performed on the day and time anciently used and accustomed, as 20
aforesaid: and that this agreement may for ever heereafter bee observed, kept,
and preserved to posterity in time to come, it is further agreed, that the same
shall bee published and inrolled as well among the rolles of the court of the
manor of Gillingham aforesaid, as among the rolles of the court of the said
borrough of Shaston. In witness whereof, as well the said Sir Edward Nicholas 25
hath to each part of these indentures set his hand and seal, as the said mayor
and burgesses the common seal of the said borrough, the day and year
abovesaid.
Edward (L.S.) Nicholas. Peter (L.S.) King, maior.
Signed, sealed, and delivered, by Sealed and delivered by the within- 30
the within: named Sir Edward named mayor of the borrough of
Nicholas, in the presence of Shaston, by the assent and consent
John Nicholas of the burgesses of the said borrough
D. Neille. then present, and in the presence of
William Legge. Henry Whitaker. 35
Char/lw Whitaker. Richard Greene.
Joseph Williamson. Willww Chaldecott.
Willwwz Bowles.
Thomas Baker.
John Young. 40
Gillingham sessionesad curiam manmi ibidem tentam primo die Julii, anno
296 DORSET
regru regis Carol/ secundi nunc Angliae, &c. quarto decimo, haec
indenture irrotwlatur in rotulo curiae eodem manerii.
William Yeatman, depurate sccnesca\\i ibidem,
per }ohannem Gibbes, ball/ t/ww manerii ibidem.
APPENDIX 3
Lyme Regis Cobb Ale
Annually at Whitsuntide Lyme Regis held the Cobb ale, a custom that probably fostered and
confirmed the community spirit of the townsfolk and certainly raised funds for the mainten
ance of the Cobb and other civic projects. The Cobb, a long dock made of cowstones contained
within two curving walls of oak trunks, protected the town from the ravages of the sea and
created a port on the activity of which Lyme depended for its livelihood. Constantly battered
by the sea the Cobb was constantly in need of repairs, which the Cobb ale helped to finance.
The Cobb ale was the kind of celebration at which one would expect to find performers.
The celebrations took place each year at about the same time and lasted between two and three
weeks. Besides the several gatherings in the Cobb house, the ale travelled to nearby towns and
extended its hospitality to people and ships that happened to visit the borough. The event
was administratively complex, requiring considerable time, staff, fuel, food, and (of course)
drink. Surprisingly, although records of the ale span a period of fifty-two years, no evidence
of performance activity survives. Apart from the feasting the only glimpse we get of the normal
activity of the ale comes from the silver whistle donated by William Birret and worn by suc
cessive Cobb wardens. Presumably this whistle helped to gather a crowd or to get the attention
of a gregarious one rather than to provide or to accompany musical entertainment. In one un
dated Cobb warden s account book a reward is given to a travelling troupe but its performance
need not have been part of an ale (see p 212).
As modern historians have tended to assume that musical and dramatic performances
occurred at the Cobb ale, so they have tied payments to players to depart the town without
performing to the demise of the ale (at some time after 1606) and attributed both to the rise of
Puritanism. For instance, Cyril Wanklyn claims that John Geare, for some time an unlicensed
Puritan preacher, succeeded in securing the suppression of a celebrated annual festivity, know[n]
as the Cobb Ale, [which] had flourished unchecked for two hundred and fifty years before its
final disappearance some time after 1610. With the backing of some influential burgesses of
the town such as Robert Hassard, Geare succeeded where many might have failed. According
to Wanklyn, he started a crusade against this Cobb Ale and he must have had some force of
public opinion behind him, because shortly afterwards the institution came to an end (Lyme
Regis: A Retrospect, pp 8-9). In Revel, Underdown tells essentially the same story but he con
cludes as follows (pp 57-8): In the end the campaign [against the ale] was a failure. Geare had
allies in the corporation who won some victories: around 1620, for example, Lyme began
298 DORSET
making the familiar payments to theatrical companies to leave without performing. But the
Cobb was another matter. In 1635 the churchwardens noted that the church porch was in a
disgraceful mess, littered with "vessels called tuns which serve for the use of the Cobb".
Puritanism probably played its part in fostering antagonism to travelling players and to
traditional revelry such as that which marked the Cobb ale, but there is no evidence that the
ale was centuries old, that Robert Hassard effected its suppression, that John Geare led
WankJyn s crusade or Underdown s campaign against it, or that it survived into the 1630s.
Such confident claims depend in part upon blurring the distinction between records of the
Cobb and records of the Cobb ale. In 1610, for example, the constables of Lyme Regis were
presented for allowing unlawful games to be played at Beaufront on the sabbath as on week
days (DRO: DC/LR: N23/2, item 82). Similarly, in July 1612, the Lyme Corporation Order
Book reports that John Geare had procured an act against the mayor and the Cobb wardens
for profane and irreligious abuses (DRO: DC/LR: Dl/1 p 42). Although George Roberts and
David Underdown note both of these records as evidence of the growing antagonism to the
ale (Social History, pp 343-4; Revel, p 57), neither document ties the proceedings in question
to the ale. Underdown s suggestion (quoted above) that the ale proved impervious to Geare s
attacks and survived into the 1630s is equally suspect, for it requires that we assume that the
tuns creating such a mess in the church porch contained beverages for the ale, but such vessels
would have been used in the everyday business of transporting cargo from the Cobb to the
mainland. The only record we have of opposition to the Cobb ale per se (also the last record
of this custom of the borough) is the churchwardens presentment of September 1606 noting
a kind of bowling in the churchyard by reason of a cobbe aell (p 308). The Cobb ale probably
took place for the last time around this year, partly because of the administrative difficulties
of managing the event, partly because of the ideological opposition to it on the part of Puri
tans, and partly because of the alternatives in place for raising funds for the on-going mainten
ance of the Cobb.
See The Documents above (pp 66-70) for descriptions of the relevant manuscripts.
LYME REGIS
1553-4
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/LR: G 1/2
p 95 (Michaelmas quarter) (Receipts)
hem mor Received off Edward Rodman be xviij th off octobir
ye pan off pay for pe cobe alle xxv s.
10
p 121* (Midsummer quarter)
Itew mor Received oflohn Holcomeof pe mony for pe cobe alle iiij li. x s.
Itew mor Received of E^vard Rodman for be cobe alle
799
APPENDIX 3
1555-6
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/LR:G1/1
p 33* (Receipts)
Receivid of Thomas Dare & Alexander Davye for the
Cob ale xvj li. xv s. iij d. ob.
1558-9
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/LR-. G2/1 10
f [19v]* (Receipts)
Receivid of Robert Mone in parte of payment of suche money
as was receivid for the Cob ale x li.
15
1559-60
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/LR:Gl/l
p 44* (Inventory of goods received by new mayor)
20
A whistill of siluer w/ c/j a chayne waing xj ownc whiche william Birret dyd
give to be warne at the Cob ale and to be delyverid to the nyw wardens at
the Milhill whan they be first chosen
25
p 47* (Receipts)
Item lohn holcome Mayor hath receivid in to his Custodie a whistle with a
cheyn of Silver, whiche given by WilLwm Birret to be worne yerelie at the
Cob ale. whiche whistle with the Cheyne weyth xj owncTroy 30
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/LR: Gl/2
p 167* (Receipts)
hem more I Reseaved of lohn hasserd & Mr Recherd hayball
of the Rest of the cobe ayll[ye]-24 s. 3 d. xxiiij s. iij d.
13-14/ Recfifirf... x li.: entire entry administratively canctlled
300 DORSET
1560-1
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/LR: G2/1
f [36v] (8 October) (Inventory of goods received by new mayor)
A whistill of silver with a cheyn wayng xj ounc that Will/ rfm Birret dyd give 5
to be worne at the Cob ale
1561-2
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/LR: Gl/1
p 50* (6 November) (Inventory of goods received by new mayor)
A whistle of silver with a cheyn wayng xj ounc which WilLwm Birret gaue
to be worn at the Cob ale
1562-3
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/LR: Gl/1
p 54 (12 October) (Inventory of goods received by new mayor)
20
Item a whistill of silver with a cheyn weyng xj ounc whiche Wil^m Birret
gave to be worne at tyme of the Cob ale
1563-4
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/LR: G2/1
f [33] (Inventory of goods received by new mayor)
A whistle of silver with a cheyne wayng xj ounc that William Birret
gaue 3
1564-5
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/LR: G2/1
f [31v] (Inventory of goods received by new mayor)
A whistle of Silver with a cheyn waing xj ownces which Willwm Beret
gave
APPENDIX 3
1565-6
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/LR: G2/1
f [32] (Inventory of goods received by new mayor)
hem a whistle of silver with a cheyn wayng xj ouncw whiche William Birret 5
gave
1579-80
Grant ofCobb Kitchen to Borough Corporation 10
DRO: DC/LR: N23/4, item 3
single mb* (12 October)
Thys Indenture made the xij th daye of October in the one and rwenteth
yere of the Reigne of our Sou^raigne Ladye Elizabethe by the grace of god 15
Queene of England ffrance & Ireland defender of the faiethe &c Berwene
Rjchard Baret of Lyme Regw in the Comitye of dors^/Merchaunt of thone
partye And lohn Seward Mayor of the Towne and Borrowghe of Lyme Reg/*
aforesaid and the Burgesses of the same Towne of thother party, witnesseth
that the said Richard Baret for dyvers good causes and considerac/ons him 20
especially moving Hathe given graunted demysed and confyrmed and by
theis presents dothe demyse geve graunt and confyrme vnto the said Mayor
and Burgesses all that pane of his howse called the Cobbe kytchyn nowe or
late in the tennure of lohn Cogan scituate lieng and being in Lyme Regn
aforesaid in the Corner betwene Richard Davy howse and the Cobb hall 25
there To haue hold occupy /vse 1 and enioye the same Cobbe kytchyn w;th
the Comodities thereunto belonging or appmayning. vnto thesaid Maiyor
and Burgesses and their Successors and assignes once euery yere at the feast
of Penthecoste for and during the wholl tyme and so long as the Cobb Ale
and feast for and to the Cobb vse shall contynue and endure A r so it excede 30
not twenty dayes 1 , and so to vse and enioye thesame in maner and forme
aforesaid yerely, for and during all the tyme and tearme of yeres that thesaid
Richard Baret hathe, might, should or ought to haue in thesame, by any
Conveyaunce way or meane whatsoever/ yelding and paieng therefore yerely
vnto thesaid Richard Baret his executors or assignes at the feast of Saincte 35
Mychaell Tharchangell by the hand of the Mayor of the said Towne for the
tyme being, ryve shillings of good and lawful! money of England, so long as
thesaid Mayor and Burgesses and their Successors and assignes shall enioye
the said kitchyn and occupac/on thereof, by vertue of this Indenture of Lease.
And thesaied Rychard Baret covenatmteth and graunteth for himself his 40
executors heires and Administrators to and with the said Mayor and Burgesses
and their Successors by theis presents, to warraunt, acquyte and defende
302
DORSET
vnto thesaid Mayor and Burgessors and their Successors thesaid Kytchyn
and the occupac/on and vse thereof for the rente aforesaid and in maner and
forme aforesaid, discharged of all former bargaynes, Sales, graunt and
Incombraunc hertofore comwytted done or suffered by thesaid Richard
Baret or by any other p^rsonne or persons by his meanes consent procurement
or abetment whatsoever/ In witnes whereof thesaid Richard Baret to thone
p*me of this Indentures remayning w/th thesaid Mayor and Burgesses, hathe
putt his Scale And to thother parte of thesaid Indentures remayning w/th
thesaid Richard Baret thesaid Mayor and Burgesses haue caused their comwon
Scale of thesaid Towne to be sett Geven the day and yere fyrst above writen/
(signed) per me Richard Barett
1588-9
Mayors Accounts
tab 45
DRO: DC/LR:G2/2
Received of Richard Rosse for the cobbe aJle money
15 9 5
10
1 li 14s. 5d.
Lli.
1591-2
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/LR: Gl/1
pp 140-1*
The Accompte of borrowed money to the purchasinge of the fifee ferme by a
newe Charter/
In primis of George SomtrL li. which was paid him agayne
out of Silvester lurdens cobwardens accompt of the Cob Ale
xxxiiij li.
also by Robm Hassard out of his Receyvowrs accompt [xvj li.]
xiiij li. v s. vij d.
and out of his Cobb ale money j li. xiiij s. v d.
Item borowed to paie the xl li. that
was taken vpp of Robm Davy viz.
of lohn Davy x li.
of lohn Hayes x li.
of Mr Bellamy & Mr
Barens vnd^r 5 li.
cob ale money
from R hassard.
of mr Elmeston x li.
Item borowed of lohn Hassard x li.
20
Xl 11.
25
30
35
I/ Burgtssors for Burgesses
3 U and out ... v d.. apparently added later between existing linn
APPENDIX 3
ofMrElesdonxvj li. xvj li.
of Mr Bydgood lent out of his cob ale money x li.
Item more layed owt of the Cob ale money by Mr Robm
Hassard in tyme of his Cob ale office viij li. v s.
Svmma totals j c xxxiiij li. v s. I 5
The Accompt pro contra, howe the moneys before in thothre syde, was
repaid; viz.
Inprimis of the Cob ale money, wA/ ch we accompt
to be the Townes w/;/ch did growe by George Sonw 10
& Siluyster lurden Awo .1590. and by Robert hassard
& \ohn Bydgood, Anno 1 59 1 Lviij li. xix s. v d.
1592-3 is
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/LR: G2/2
tab 59 (Receipts}
Receyved of Robert hassard in full account of the cobb alle
at to seufrall cymes 21 li. 07 s. 10 d. 20
1595-6
Mayors Accounts DRO: DC/LR: G2/2
tab 78* 25
Item more of the said Willwm Davy parcel! of the Cobb Ale
money iiijli. jijj \\.
30
1600-1
Cobb Wardens Accounts DRO: DC/LR: N23/1, item 63
single sheet-single sheet verso*
Accompte w/Wche I haue receaved the 12 of lune 1601 35
Item receaved of mr. fugemes the some of 00 1 5 00
Item receaved that wee bagg in brancom and
Item beare and cetton and burport the some of 03 04 00
Item bagge in axmister the some of 00 08 00
Item receaved of gorge Rocky the some of 00 03 00 40
35/ 1601: underlined m MS 3 g/ ce(ton: Seaton. Devon
y?l btmcom. Branscombe, Devon 39; ixmjster; Axmimter. Devon
304 DORSET
Item receaved of my wiffebagg in opplam 00 02 06.
Item receaved of the handmayd men 00 11 02
Item receaved of thosse that went not w/th vs 00 08 00.
Item receaved of my wiff from charmuth 00 07 01
05 17 09 ,
Item receaved in wisson that we bagg 01 05 10
Item receaved in collector) and exmuth 01 00 00
Item receaved of the Londerners and of [mr b (...)] 00 18 00
09 01 7
Item the twusdaye Receaved att the cobb howsse 10
Item the somme of 16 00 00
Item the wansdaye receaved my self 06 07 00
Item the tirsday receaved att the cobb howsse 02 19 00
Item the ffrydaye receaved att the cobb 02 15 00
Item the saterdaye receaved the some of 01 10 00 is
Item the sondaye receaved the some of 08 16 00
Item the tudaye receaved the somme of 04 10 00
52 13 7
Item the saterdaye gorge rockye haue receavd 00 15 4
Item the frydaye gorge rocky haue receavd 00 08 6 20
Item the sondaye gorge rockye haue receaved 05 06
Item the mondaye gorge rockye haue receaved 08 00
14 09 10
Item receave the frydaye the some of 03 04 00
Item more receaved of thomas whithed ffor a hoset of beare 25
and all thinges discharge 00 09 00
gorge rocky Item receaved of tinscom and of coson the some 00 08 001
hauc101 some is 3311. OOs. 09 d.
gorge Rocquey haue Receaved att the cobb howsse the
some of 14 li. 9s. 10 30
I/ opplam Uffyme. Devon
21 the handmayd: a ship
4.5/00 07 01.05 17 09 iiimi underlined in MS
6/ wisson: Winsham, Somerset
71 colletton: Colylon, Devon
II exmuth: Axmoulh. Devon
8/ 00 18 00: turn underlined in MS
\ll tudaye: t written over d
17/ 04 10 00: ium underlined in MS
18/52 13 7: sum underlined in MS, 2 and^i corrected from other numerals
22,211 08 00 0,14 09 10 sums underlined in MS
APPENDIX 3 305
more owe for 2 hosetz of beare
more haue Receaved in St Mallos 01 00
more he hache Receaved hym ad his vviff 01 10
more Rest a gilcen spone 00 10
19 9 lOd. 5
more gorge Rocquey told me thatc his charges came to 06 1 5 00
1601-2
Cobb Wardens Accounts DRO: DC/LR: N23/2, item 75
ff [1-2]* 10
Item
the Accompte of the Coobb ealle for the yeare 1601 deli uer^ vnto Mr Robart
hassard meare the 22 daye of febreary 1601
1. S. d. 15
Item Item Receaved of Mr lohn biggood meare
Item one caster daye the somme of 04 00 00
Item Item more Receaved by me as appeareth
Item by p^rticulers the somme of 55 19 01
Somma59 19 Id. 20
A notte of Suche mony and
charges as I. haue Layd out and
paid for the Cobb ealle as folowthe
Item paid in charges as appearethe by the
Itew particulars the somme of 33 19 01 25
\tem\Km paid the I? 1 * 1 of lime vnto Mr water
Item harvy by Mr lohn biggood meare appointement
\te m the somme of 10 00 00
Item Item paid the 12 th of January 1601 vnto Mr
Item Robart hassard meare the somme of 04 00 00 30
Item more deliuer vnto Mr. Robart hassard
Item meare the 22 daye of febreary 1601 to
Item ballance this accompte the somme of 12 00 00
9 19 01
3/ ad: for and
4.5/00 10.19 9 1 d : sums underl.neJ m MS
1 3/ 1 60 1 : underlined in MS
14/ 1601: underlined in MS
17/ caster daye: presumably 12 April 1601. when Bidgood was mayor
19,20/55 19 01.59 19 1 d : sums underlined ,n MS
33,34/12 00 00,59 19 1 : mm, underlined in MS
306 DORSET
Item more Remayne in mathieu davye
Item handes w/?/che he hathe Receaved in morlays
Item for the Cobb. the somme of 00 17 06
Item more Resting in the wydow Rocquey her 5
Item handes as it maye appeare (blank)
Item made and deliuer vnto Mr Robart hassard
Item meare the 22 daye of febreary. 1601
by me lohn Roze I
\
10
Item
Accompte of the mony wA/ chc I haue Receaved the 12th of lune 1601
Item Receaved of Mr. fugemes the some of 00 15 00
Item receaved when wee went to brancom and
Item to beare and colletton and burport the 03 04 00 15
Item receaved in axmister the somme of 00 08 00
Item receaved in charmuthe the some of 00 07 01
Item receaved of the handmayd men the som 00 11 02
Item receaved of those than went nott w/th vs att wafet 00 08 00
Item receaved of my wiff and of gorge Rocquey wiff 00 05 00 20
Item receaved in wisson the somme of 01 04 10
Item receaved in axmue and other places 01 00 00
Item Receaved of the Londoners and of mr browne 00 18 00
9 01 01
Item Receaved the tusdaye the somme of 16 00 00 25
Item receaved the wansdaye the somme of 06 07 00
Item receaved the thirsday the some of 02 19 00
Item receaved the frydaye the some of 02 15 00
Item receaved the saterdaye the somme of 01 10 00
Item receaved the sondaye the somme of 08 16 00 30
Item Receaved the tusdaye the somme of 04 10 00
Item Receaved the frydaye the some of 03 04 00
Item Receaved of thomas w/;/thed for a hoset of beare
Item and paid hyme for his spices and Receaved of
Item tinscom and colson the some 00 17 00 35
by me John Roze Somma 55 19 Oil
71 1601: underlined in Mi 18/ the handmayd: a ship
\\l 1601: underlined in MS 19/ wafct: Wayford, Somerset
M/ brancom: Branscombe, Devon 2 \l wisson Winsham, Somerset
15/ colletton: Colyton, Devon 22/ axmue: Axmouth. Devon
16/ axmistcr: Axmmaer. Devon 23/ 00 18 00: sum underlined in MS
171 in: written overof 35,36/00 17 00.55 19 01: sums underlined in MS
APPENDIX 3
\tern
Accompte of the Charges wA/che I haue Layd out
for the Cobb howsse the 12 th of Aprill 1601
Item paid for 4 quarts of wyne whh a banckett 00 04 00
Item paid for gryning of the maltes the some 00 09 00 5
I^w paid for a present vnto Mr fugemes the some of 00 02 02
Item paid for 4 hundreth 1/2 of venisen the some of 00 10 06
Item paid for stivin to brue the somme of 00 07 06
Item paid for 2 tonnes of caske and the houping 01 06 06
Itempaid for a busel 1/2 of weathe to brue 00 05 00 10
[tern paid vnto gorge Rocquey wiffa the somme of 00 10 00
Item paid for 38 pounds of hopes att 8 d. per pound 01 05 00
Item paid staigge to healpt to brue the some of 00 03 11
\tern paid for 88 buselz of malt whereof 40 buselz
Ifc-wcoste 8 s. 2 d. and the other 8 s. amonth 11 18 00 15
Itempaid for. 25 pound of butter 00 05 03
Item paid vnto the Rocke to brue the aylle 00 02 00
Item spent att Waffort the somme of 02 02 00
Itempaid for. cherimps and 21 chikiyns the somme 00 06 06
Item paid goode tinscom thatt went to bagging 00 00 04 20
Item paid for 1/2 hundreth of faggotz. the some of 00 04 02
Item paid for. cafehenges and other vitels the som of 01 02 02
Item paid for 4 capons the some of 00 03 04
Item paid vnto Richard pamer the some of 00 13 00
Item paid vnto. gorge Rocquey. the some of 01 00 00 25
Item paid luce for 7 doz^w of bread the some of 00 07 00
Item paid for. candels. and for. burche the some of 00 05 06.
Item paid for. woud. and waintres the part som of 02 03 06.
Item paid vnto. Lace for vitels that he did buye 00 16 00
Item paid vnto. clatry. for. caks. the some of 00 07 08 30
Item paid ffor. wyne the some of 02 16 04
Item paid ffor 2 venys glasses and 8 other glases 00 04 00
Item paid ffor one spong the some of 00 06 00
Item paid for. 12 coupes, and baikon the some of 00 09 00
Item paid for. beafe the some of 00 02 06 35
Itempaid vnto smalling backe agayne 00 05 00
Item paid vnto bery. backe agayne 00 02 06.
Item paid att burport when wee went to bagging 00 04 03
Item paid vnto lohn piters for his celler 00 06 08.
Item paid for. vitels the some of 00 1 1 02 40
3/1601: unJerlmed in MS 40/ 00 corrtcted from \ 1
15/ amonth: for apiece (?)
308 DORSET
Item paid for. a plater that was stolle and for vineger 00 03 02
Item paid for. pouder and for heiring of horses 00 10 00
Item paid vnto westover the somme of 00 08 06
Item paid vnto. lohn Davy, to brue in his bruehowsse 00 10 00
[by me lohn Roze] Somma 33 19 01 5
The 17 h e of lune paid vnto Mr water harvy for the cobb.
by. Mr lohn biggood meare appointement 10 00 00
the 12 c ^ e of January 160 1/, paid vnto Mr. Robart hassard
meare 04 00 00
the 22 daye of febreary 1601 paid vnto Mr. Robart hasard 10
meare as doth apeare by another accompte w^/ che I haue
deliuerhym 12 00 00
by me lohn Roze 26 00 00
1605-6 15
Churchwardens Presentments for Salisbury Deanery
WRO: D5/28/9, item 59
f [Iv] (11 September)
29. we find that in the week after whitsunday by reason of a cobbe aell then 20
held in the Church yerd was throwing w/th a bowll to a par of keells for a
spone or otherwise noen/
4. 5( 00 10 00,33 19 01 sums underlined tti MS
12,13/12 00 00,26 00 00: sums underlined in MS
APPENDIX 4
Sir John Digby s Embassy
to Spain
King James i first sent Sir John Digby as an ambassador to Spain in 1611, when he was to
settle the claims of the English merchants in Spanish courts and to negotiate the marriage of
Prince Henry to the Infanta Anne. Although she had already been betrothed to Louis xin of
France and Prince Henry would die in 1612, Digby s success in the cause of the English
merchants and his discovery of certain forms of corruption used by the Spaniards in their
dealings with English officials caused King James to continue to place his trust in his
ambassador. As a result, Digby returned to Spain in 1614, 1617, and 1622 in an ongoing
effort to negotiate a match between Prince Charles and the Infanta Maria. Digby s efforts
must have pleased King James for he gave Digby Sherborne Castle and appointed him vice-
chamberlain following his return to England early in 1616, raised him to the peerage as Lord
Digby on 25 November 1618 after the second embassy on behalf of Prince Charles, and created
him earl of Bristol as a result of the negotiations with King Philip iv in 1622.
Digby s success, which lasted until Prince Charles himself and the duke of Buckingham
made their expedition to Madrid to woo the Spanish princess, is worth noting because it
stands in sharp contrast to the impression produced by the anonymous report from which
the following records of dramatic activity are taken. The author of this report emphasizes that
Digby was ineffectual in the early stages of this diplomatic effort because of the arrogance,
rudeness, contempt, and inhumanity of the Spanish. This report clearly reveals the author s
political bias, that of one staunchly opposed to the Spanish match that Digby was to effect;
indeed, the author directs some observations quite explicitly to thou ill advised ffavourer of
the Spanish partie (f 3).
Digby might well have felt some frustration at the outset of this embassy. Having landed at
Santander, he was only about 100 miles north of Lerma, where the court was to be entertained
at the estate of King Philip in s favourite, Francisco de Sandoval y Rojas, marquis of Denia
and duke of Lerma. Having relocated to Burgos after two weeks in the poor port town, the
earl of Bristol was very close indeed to the court at Lerma but two more weeks passed without
any formal greetings from Spain. Given this passage of time, the day on which the Spanish
treated Gresley rudely was likely Thursday, 2 October 1617 and the day of the masque-like
festivities Friday, 3 October. Digby s experience was not unusual; as J.H. Elliott observes in
Imperial Spain 1469- 17 16 (New York, 1963), 299, Hunting, the theatre, and lavish Court
fiestas occupied the days of the King and his ministers, so that diplomatic representatives
310 DORSET
would constantly complain of the difficulty of obtaining audiences and transacting their
affairs. The duke of Lerma, though not vigorous in conducting the business of international
diplomacy, aggressively provided for himself, his family, and his friends until he fell from power
in 1618 as a result of a palace coup led by his own son, the duke of Uceda. The prominent
role that the duke of Lerma plays in this anonymous and undated report suggests also that it
recounts the embassy of 1 6 1 7- 1 8.
As the author of this report remains unnamed, so the date of the report and of the embassy
it describes are not specified. The report must have been written at some time after 1622,
however, because it notes that Digby is now earl of Bristol, a title he received on 1 5 September
that year. The embassy, however, must be that of 1617-18: Digby held the office of vice-
chamberlain by that time and landed at St. Andera; It was (I Call to minde) about the last of
August (f Iv); he was also vice-chamberlain at the time of his mission to Spain in 1622 but
this journey began in April of that year (see George Roberts (ed), Diary of Walter Yonge, Esq.,
Camden Society, vol 41 (London, 1848), 54). The only trip that Digby made from England
to Spain in August was that of 1617 (see Samuel Rawson Gardiner, Prince Charles and the
Spanish Marriage: 1617-1623, vol 1 (London, 1869), 107). Cold treatment at the hands of
the Spanish, such as that described in the anonymous report, accords with the foreign policy
of Spain which was in 1617 negotiating with the papacy and jockeying for position as the
Thirty Years War took shape. In 1 622 on the other hand, the government of Philip iv (who
had succeeded in 1621) was chiefly anxious to gain time, and met Digby in the most friendly
way (DNB, vol 5, p 962). Francis, Baron Cottington, succeeded Digby in Spain in 1616 and
returned to England in the autumn of 1622. Mr. Walsingham Gresley was regularly employed
as a messenger in Spain. Both of these men, in other words, could have attended upon Digby
as the report notes either in 1617 or in 1622.
A transcription of the complete report of Digby s embassy has been published in Walter
Scott (ed), A Collection of Scarce and Valuable Tracts, 2nd ed, vol 2 (London, 1809), 501-8.
Scott supplies the material which would have occupied the folios now missing from the
manuscript, folios that were missing when it was in possession of the Acland-Hood family
(Historical Manuscripts Commission, Alfred]. Horwood, The Manuscripts of Sir Alexander
Acland-Hood, Bart., of St. Audries, Somerset, The 6th Report of the Manuscripts Commission,
Appendix (London, 1877), 351) and the material lost because of damage to others. For two
reasons it seems unlikely, however, that Scott worked with the Somerset Record Office manu
script before it suffered its damage and losses. First, there are substantial differences in ortho
graphy and phrasing between Scott s transcription and the SRO manuscript. Second, the foliation,
which ignores the loss of ff 12-14, appears to be seventeenth or eighteenth century, which
implies that the manuscript was incomplete before the time when Scott could have worked
with it. The published version of Digby s complete report, then, derives either from a rather care
free transcription of the SRO manuscript prior to its damage and losses or from an independent
manuscript account of the embassy, neither of which putative manuscripts has been found.
Taunton, Somerset Record Office, DD/AH 51/3, item A; c 1608; English; paper; 21 leaves; 310 mm x
200 mm; foliated 1-1 1, 15-24 (ff 12-14 now missing, original unfoliated leaves also missing between
APPENDIX 4
ff 2 and 3, 4 and 5, 15 and 16, and 16 and 17); many leaves repaired; modern cover
of calfskin and board, on the spine: MS. Treatises. Vol. III. One in a series of letters
and speeches from the first quarter of the 17th century bound together in a single
volume.
DIGBY OF SHERBORNE
c 1618-22
Reception of Sir John Digby at the Spanish Court
SRO: DD/AH 51/3, item A
f 1
A Report of the Lord Ambassadors Entertainrruw in Spaine,
sent in a Letter written into England, Sir lohn Digbie (now
Earle of Bristoll) being then extraordinary Ambassador from 10
his Ma/tie of great Brittaine, King lames.
Sir
Such is my present Charitie as that 1 Could bee Content to forgiue the Ills
of Spaine with as good a will as you parted from them, and suffer the blinde is
Policie of the time to haue its Course in Calling black white and Pride Grauitie,
till Ambition and It fall both into the ditch, yet because of my Promise to
my friend (in whose Expectac;on my Honestie I know is ever present) I will
noe longer Containe my self in fflatterie, but (laying aside all Court respectw)
freelie and faithfullie sett downe those Passages that may serue to satisfie 20
your selfe, and such other of our friend as are desirous to know the Certaine
manner of Master Vice Chamberlaine s Reception and Entertainemfwt in
the Court of Spaine now at his being last there his Mawtiej extraordinary
Ambassador.
2S
f 2
You know that the King and his whole Court were about this season to
remoue from Madrid, and to Come ffower daiej lourney as directlie towards
his Lordshipp as if hee had Come on purpose to meete him. His occasion 30
was, that the Grand ffavourite, the Duke of Lerma had invited his Majestic
to the Towne of Lerma, there to recreate him with divers Shewes prepared
for that purpose
28/ the King: Philip W of Spain 281 tlm season: early Srptcmber 1617
312 DORSET
f 6v
. . .Mr Gresley made as much haste to bring back word that at Lerma they
were all very busie in seeing a plaie; soe as hee Could not Come to speake
with any one that vnderstood the businesse... 5
f 7v
...his Lordsbipps minde was Changed; and vpon some Caveat or other that
Mr Cottington was seen to whisper in his Eare, he made the boote to bee 10
opened againe, and declared that he was determined to stay there all Night;
Which seemed to some of the Spectators such an Enterlude, as they did
noething envie those that were seeing the Comedie at Lerma
f lOv 15
. . .There likewise did Lerma s howse present it selfe to their view; -which my
thoughts regarded, in /the 1 very same manner for all the world as the
refuse People do use the outside of a banqueting howse vpon a Masking
Night, when they Cannot be suffered to goe in. ... 20
APPENDIX 5
Saints Days and Festivals
The following list contains the dates for holy days and festivals mentioned in the Records.
Exact dates for moveable feasts are included in textual notes. See aJso C.R. Cheney, Handbook
of Dates for Students of English History, corrected ed (London, 1996), 84-161.
All Saints
Ascension Day
Candlemas
Christmas Day
Corpus Christi Day
Easter Day
Easter Monday
Hock Monday
Hocktide
Holy Rood Day
May Day
Midsummer Day
Pentecost (Whit Sunday)
St Mary the Virgin,
annunciation to
St Michael the Archangel
St Peter
Shrovetide
Shrove Tuesday
Trinity Monday
Trinity Sunday
Whit Sunday
1 November
Thursday following the fifth Sunday after Easter,
ie, forry days after Easter
2 February
25 December
Thursday following Trinity Sunday, the eighth Sunday
after Easter
Sunday after full moon on or next following 21 March
Monday following Easter Day
second Monday after Easter
second Monday and Tuesday after Easter
3 May
1 May
24 June
seventh Sunday after Easter, ie, fifty days after Easter
25 March
29 September
29 June
seepp 329-30, endnote to DRO: DC/BFB: Finance:
Chamberlains Accounts f Bl8v
Tuesday before Ash Wednesday, the start of Lent
Monday following Trinity Sunday
eighth Sunday after Easter
see Pentecost
Translations
ABIGAIL ANN YOUNG
The Latin documents have been translated as literally as possible. The order of the records in
the Translations parallels that of the Records text. Place-names and given names have been
modernized. The spelling of surnames in the Translations reflects the same principles as used
in the Index. Capitalization and punctuation are in accordance with modern practice. As in
the Records text, diamond brackets indicate obliterations and square brackets cancellations.
However, cancellations are not normally translated; they may be translated when a whole entry
is cancelled, especially if it appears that a cancellation may be administrative rather than the
correction of an error, or if they seem of special interest or relevance.
Round brackets enclose words not in the Latin text but needed for grammatical sense in
English. In accounts of cases heard before ecclesiastical courts, phrases in round brackets may
be used to complete formulae suspended with etc, when the remainder of a formula can be
deduced with certainty. A word should be said about the prologue, from a Bodleian MS, for a
play presented at Dorchester school for the entertainment of guests - including the bishop of
Bristol and his chancellor. It presents three particular problems. First, although it is written
in the metre of Roman comedy, it has not been translated in verse-form but is presented as
continuous English prose. This is partly because the translator is not equal to English iambic
verse and partly because, given the way in which syntactic units span more than one line in
the original, it could not be rendered into English verse without overstepping REED S guide
lines. Second, the regular use of etc by the scribe, possibly to indicate some sort of boiler
plate then familiar to those well-versed in this kind of academic exercise, leaves half-lines and
clauses hanging, of an uncertain meaning to today s reader. And third, the layout of the MS
makes it sometimes hard to detect how many speakers there are (at least two but possibly more)
and where the speaker changes. Features such as indented text and MS dashes which might
otherwise not have been preserved in the Translations are therefore kept here, on the supposition
that they probably signal changes of speaker.
Not all the Latin in the text has been translated here. Latin tags, formulae, headings, or
other short sections in largely English documents are either translated in footnotes or not at
all. In translated documents containing a mixture of Latin and English, the English sections
are normally indicated with (English) but in some cases, in which the syntax of English and
Latin sections has become entangled, the English text appears in the translation in modern
spelling. Individual documents which consist of a single line, or other very short entries,
TRANSLATIONS
315
especially those that are part of repetitive annual series, are not normally translated unless
they present some unusual syntactic or semantic problem. However, in deciding whether to
translate simple Latin formulae in court books, the overall complexity of the entry has been
considered. All Latin vocabulary not found in the standard Latin dictionary, the Oxford Latin
Dictionary, is found in the glossary.
BEAMINSTER
1591-3
Churchwardens Presentments for Salisbury Deanery
WRO: D5/28/6, item 34
single sheet*
Likewise we present that there were stage players played in our parish church.
The lord (judge) warned that in future (the churchwardens) should not per
mit actors to play in the church, etc.
BERE REGIS
1590
Deposition Book for Salisbury Deanery WRO: D5/22/2
ff 47v-8* (17 December) (Examination of Thomas Hewlett, husbandman,
aged 30)
Taken before William Wilkinson, LLD, the dean s official
To the second and third articles of the list of charges he deposes (English).
And he does not know how to depose any more to these articles as he says.
(Hewlett s replies to further interrogatories)
To the second interrogatory he replies (English). And otherwise he does not
know how to reply to that interrogatory (any more) than he has replied above
to the said second and third articles of the list of charges aforesaid.
To the fourth he replies (English). And otherwise he is satisfied with the
depositions.
To the fifth and the last interrogatories he replies (English).
316 DORSET
(Examination of Geoffrey Phipper, husbandman, aged 31)
To the second and third articles he deposes (English). And he does not know
how to depose any more to these articles as he says.
f 48v (Phipper s replies to further interrogatories)
To the fourth, fifth, and last interrogatories he replies (English). And he does
not know how to reply any more otherwise than he has deposed before.
(Examination of Francis Blundon, shoemaker, aged 21)
To the second and third articles he deposes (English). And he does not know
how to depose any more to these articles as he says.
f 49 (Blundon s replies to further interrogatories)
To the second, third, fourth, fifth, and last interrogatories he replies (English).
And otherwise he does not know how to reply (any more) than he has
deposed in his depositions.
BLOXWORTH
1589
Dean and Chapter Act Book for Salisbury Deanery WRO: D5/ 1 9/ 1 2
f 30v (14 July)
Proceedings of a session held in the parish church at Bere Regis before George
Dawkes, LIB, the dean s official, in the presence of Giles Hittchens, notary public
The lord s office against Paul Rawlins of Bloxworth
Today the said Rawlins appeared. The lord (judge) bound him with an oath
to reply faithfully to the articles, etc. Then, when he had been examined, he
says (English). Therefore the lord (judge) enjoined that he should acknowledge
before Mr Rjckman, the rector there, that the aforesaid crime was committed
by him, promising that he would never fall again into like (offences). The
lord (judge) warned him that, when he had done that, he should certify it
on the next (court day) at Sherborne or Salisbury under penalty of law.
TRANSLATIONS
CORFE CASTLE
1574-6
Autobiography of Robert Ashley BL: Sloane MS. 2131
ffl6v-17*
But since the custody of Corfe Castle in the Isle of Purbeck - which lies next
to the territory of Dorset had been entrusted at that time to (my) father
by Sir Christopher Hatton, Queen Elizabeth s vice-chamberlain, I moved
there with (my) family, where the headmaster of the grammar school had
earned a good reputation for himself. When I was entrusted to his care, I
easily became the head boy of that school, where I recall that I came out on
top after being challenged to a wrestling match by a schoolmate while we were
playing: so much so that afterwards he demanded a fine from me for the leg
which was weakened in the wrestling. I There too when we put on comedies
during the Christmas celebrations the principal parts, which had previously
been given to another boy, were later assigned to me by the master, with
which glorious (opportunity) I was, perhaps, too pleased
But after my teacher Hadrian was summoned to Belgium, and while he was
preparing (to go), I was transferred to Salisbury to continue my course of
study, being then at the beginning of my twelfth year. There I studied in a
public school under Dr Adam Hill, once a fellow of Balliol College. He, no
sluggard at judging genius, added by his reports a spur to my running and
when we recited comedies and put on other solemn shows before the most
illustrious Henry, earl of Pembroke - who was then living in the area he
demanded that I perform the principal parts.
DORCHESTER
c 1603-10
Prologue for a School Play Bodl.: MS. Add. B.97
ff 63-4*
(English)
Welcome, o most honoured bishop, light of the sacred assembly; and you also,
chancellor, you who again give kindly ears to our jests. Welcome, too, all
you others, to whom it does not seem hard to honour our fable, whatever
might be said, with your presence and to put off serious affairs with ones
that are entertaining (or with plays or shows). For you will hear pleasantries,
as I shall warn you in advance lest by chance anyone afterwards complain,
318 DORSET
nor will they be worthy of your learned ears, etc. But who sets out on a journey
by way of this stage? Go forth, etc.
You will hear no tragedy, etc.
Guest: Yet that is the rumour. Indeed our Dorchester,
which, lo!, condemns us, fosters it (/>, tragedy) and in fact
the greatest men are actors (or the actors are the greatest or
they are the greatest actors).
Guest: A comedy then?
- But not even in that way: seek not, you will never find, etc. How indeed
can laughter be compelled? We are scarcely mimes, nor do we play the actor,
as you may think. Let the well-known do that, whom the laws of all people
mark, etc.
Guest: Well, what will be performed? It should please the
bishop, etc.
- (Indeed, it should please him), a man outstanding in splendour, who here
presides as leader over the consecrated chorus, etc.
- He, who has attained the holy yoke of honour and virtue through harsh
thorns, takes his name and sign from thorns. I
Guest: The performers?
Boys.
Guest: Very learned ones?
O would that they were! Not very learned at all, and inexperienced in years
and also in their art: they have taken only the first sip of the elements of
grammar and have a nodding acquaintance with the simple letters of Cordier,
/Esop, and Terence. (They stand) at the threshold only and hardly even there!
But you are still curious how, if you please, this may be so subtly and nicely
shown and you are asking about a play as if this were one reason for coming.
You have a care for strange things, I fear, shaken by your, etc. And they say
that curious people are talkative; I am prepared (to answer) whatever you will
ask, but ask in a few words, etc.
They teach in school the way of virtue and vice by example, how to follow
the one and flee the other. So he who mixed the useful with the pleasant has
reported every point, etc.
Ready to speak, I dealt with what should be done here and what said and I
said everything for our guest, while he is now asking each thing one by one,
so that nothing can now remain which might become you (to ask). Here I
beg you all, and you above all, most noble bishop, patron of the muses and
their common parent, whom we hold as (blank) in place of a presiding spirit.
Forgive the things we say - they are slight - since greater things may not now
be given. Would that this preparation would yield worthy plays! Still, you
TRANSLATIONS
have (before you) willing and respectful souls: may you be good and kindly,
approachable by your own, o fortunate one! We are young boys: we will
present nothing exact; we are poor and little: we will present nothing excep
tional; we are small and weak: we will present nothing refined. I But if the
things we put on for you are pleasing, this nearly nothing (of ours) will have
been enough and more.
1608
Answer of Matthew and Margaret Chubbe, Defendants in Condytt et al
v, Chubbe etal PRO: STAC 8/94/17
mb 18* (2 June)
(English)
(signed) By me, Matthew Chubbe. The sign of Margaret M Chubbe.
The aforesaid defendants were sworn at Dorchester in the county of Dorset on
2 June 1608 at the sign of The George there.
Before (signed) Thomas Barnes, John Arnold, and John Geare, commission
ers. Strode.
1608
HINTON MARTELL
1629
Quarter Sessions Orders DRO: QSM: 1/1
f 199v* (7-8 July) (Bonds taken for the next assize)
Taken at the Shaftesbury sessions before Sir John Croke, judge of Kings Bench;
Nathaniel Napier, knight; Gerard Wood, DD; John Whetcombe, DD; and Arthur
Radford and William Whittaker, esquires
Copy
(He is bound over) to reply to these (charges).
William Scot of Hinton Martell in the county of Dorset, fiddler, is bound
to the lord king for 20; William Godard of Tollard Royal in the county of
Wiltshire, gentleman, for 10; and Thomas Frye of Ashmore in the county
of Dorset aforesaid, gentleman, is bound to the same lord king for 10:
for the appearance of the said William Scot at the next assizes and general
gaol delivery held in the aforesaid county to reply to these (charges).
320 DORSET
PUDDLETOWN
1619
Casebook of Sir Francis Ashley BL: Harley MS. 67 1 5
f 42 (22 May) (Bonds taken for the assizes)
(English)
Thomas Barrier of Ilsingron, yeoman, is bound for 20.
Guarantors Richard Geng of Puddlerown, husbandman, and Thomas Srone of rhe
same, tailor, are each bound for 10.
(The obligation) For the appearance of the said Thomas Bartlet at the next general (gaol)
is cleared on delivery to answer these (charges), etc.
the first ot July
SHAFTESBURY
1311
Bishop Simon of Ghent s Register WRO: DI/2/I
f 134v* (6 April)
A letter sent to the dean of Shaftesbury against those carrying out unsuitable
pastimes in the churchyard of the conventual church of Shaftesbury.
Simon, by divine permission bishop of Salisbury, to his beloved son in Christ,
the dean of Shaftesbury: greetings, grace, and blessing. While travelling
through the neighbourhood of Shaftesbury not long ago, among other rhings
that then came to our hearing, we were informed by a reliable report that,
although - in connection with an initiative of our prompting it had been
formerly ordered under grave penalties and censures by our authority that the
churchyard of the conventual church of the aforesaid place should not be
befouled by the exercise of disreputable plays/pastimes and insolent gather
ings and by other dances which arouse the miserable souls of those who come
together (there) to lascivious and dissipated wandering and, moreover, it
was also ordered that the fencing-in of the same churchyard or cemetery be
plainly visible on every side so that there may be no entry for dumb animals to
trample in the place dedicated to God in which the bodies of the faithful
rest, nevertheless some, contrary to this prohibition, striving to diminish and
harm ecclesiastical liberty and immunity, like degenerate sons jealous of
their mother s honour, entering the aforesaid churchyard or cemetery with
rash daring, make such a clamour about and so disturb - as aforementioned
with dances and harmful pastimes - the divine services that customarily occur
in the Church of the Holy Trinity, which forms one joint space with the said
TRANSLATIONS
churchyard, and in ocher churches adjoining the same (churchyard) that we
fear for as it were a daily violation both of the churches and of the afore
mentioned churchyard and as a consequence probably an interdict (there).
Mindful therefore that holiness befits the Lord s house, so that the worship
of Him in Whose peace the place was made may be peaceful, with due
reverence, and chat there may be humble and devout entering into the church,
quiet behaviour pleasing to God and calm for those looking on, so that they
might attend to the sacred solemnities there with intent hearts and persist in
devout prayers, (and) so that they may cease from their outcries and rushing
about in it and its cemetery or churchyards dedicated to God and may quiet
their profane conversations and especially the jeering of a harmful pastime
and the clamours of their insolent behaviour - we firmly enjoin on you by
virtue of your holy obedience, commit to you, and order that you, taking
along with you the rectors and vicars of the neighbouring churches of the
said town if needed, warn all these evildoers on Sundays and holy days and
effectually persuade them under pain of the greater excommunication,
which those who disobey can not undeservedly fear, to desist from such rash
presumption hereafter. Otherwise you shall cite those whom you find to be
rebellious in this regard to appear before us or our official in the greater church
at Salisbury during our next consistory session concerning the archdeaconry
of Dorset to be held ex officio after your lawful warning, ready to respond
to us upon these matters and what pertains to them and ready to do and
receive further what is appropriate in accordance with the canons laid down
in such a regard. You shall certify openly what you have done about the
foregoing and the names of any rebellious persons cited to us, our official,
or another acting as his deputy on the day and in the place aforementioned
by means of your letter patent containing a copy of this (letter). Farewell.
Given at Woodford on 6 April in the year of the Lord 1311 and the fourteenth
year of our consecration.
SHERBORNE
1513-14
All Hallows Churchwarden s Accounts DRO: PE/SH:CWl/5
single mb (25 December-25 December) (Rents, sales, and gifts)
..And of 7 10s 6d received from John Yonge, baker, for ale sold, called the
king s ale, this year....
322 DORSET
(Expenses)
. .And in rewards given to men carrying the shrine on the feast of Corpus
Christi this year, together with thread bought for the said shrine, 7d....
1514-15
All Hallows Churchwarden s Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/6
single sheet (25 December 25 December) (Rents, sales, and gifts)
. . .And of 7 13s 4d received from Robert Watson for the ale sold by him,
called the king s ale, this year. ...
(Payments and expenses)
. ..And on the mending (of) the shrine this year, 7d And on thread and
nails bought for the shrine this year 4d And on men hired to carry the
shrine this year, 4d. And paid to the sacrist for keeping the shrine, 3d
1515-16
All Hallows Churchwarden s Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/7
single sheet (25 December 25 December) (Rents, sales, and gifts)
. . .And of 1 1 6s 8d received from Robert Cookeman, tanner, for the ale, called
the king s ale, sold by him this year
(Payments and expenses)
. . .And on the mending (of) the shrine this year, 6d. And on men hired to
carry the shrine this year, together with nails and thread bought for the same
(shrine), 12d....
1517-18
All Hallows Churchwarden s Accounts DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/8
single mb* (25 December-25 December) (Rents, sales, and gifts)
. . .And of 7 8s received from John Pope for the ale, called king s ale, sold
by him this year
TRANSLATIONS
(Payments and expenses)
.And paid for thread, nails, and the watching of the shrine on the feast of
Corpus Christi, 6d. And on men hired to carry the said shrine on the said
feast, 6d....
SPETTISBURY
1635/6
Examination of Anne Barter DRO: PE/WM: CP2/8, item 90
single sheet-single sheet verso (23 February)
Proceedings of the court held before William Stone, MA. official, in the presence of
Sampson Morice, notary public and deputy registrar
The lord s office promoted against Stephen Barter and Anne, his wife, for
incontinence before marriage.
Today the said Anne appeared and on the strength of her corporal oath
already taken she acknowledged that (English).
STOUR PROVOST
1621/2
Casebook of Sir Francis Ashley BL: Harley MS. 6715
f 54v (14 January) (Bonds taken for the sessions)
Committed by order of the Blandford sessions for a scandalous song.
William Honny of Stour Provost, I
Ferdinand Thomas of the same, w<
Edward Scot of the same, wheeler
William Honny of Stour Provost, husbandman f
Ferdinand Thomas of the same, weaver, individually
w .. n c I i20 each
William Hopkins or the same, mason
(Bound) for the appearance of the aforesaid Honny and Thomas at the next
sessions and in the meantime for good behaviour.
Committed for the like.
The same Scot and Hopkins each for 40
And the same Honny and Thomas each for 20
(Bound) for the appearance of that Scot and Hopkins at the next sessions
and for good behaviour.
324 DORSET
WEYMOUTH-MELCOMBE REGIS
1625-6
Borough and Borough Court Minute Book WM: MB.O-B
p 321* (3 October)( Presentments by jury of court leet)
The aforesaid jurors further say and present upon their oath that Henry
Backway placed a pile of earth, in English, a heap of earth in the place where
the maypole would formerly stand and that Henry Waltham and Godfrye
placed two piles of earth and soil in the street called St Mary Street. And
they are ordered to remove the same piles before the next feast of All Saints
under penalty that each one who is delinquent will forfeit 5s.
1639-40
Borough and Borough Court Minute Book WM: MB.O-B
p 419 (7 Octobcr)(Presentments by jury of court left)
At this court Richard Hickes presented upon his oath that William Barens
3s 4d and John Hingston - 3s 4d - killed two bulls within this town
before the next court and not publicly (blank), in English, did not bait them
openly. Therefore each of them is under amercement for the sums above
their names.
WINTERBORNE MONKTON
1616
Casebook of Sir Francis Ashley BL: Harley MS. 671 5
f 1 5v (25 May) (Bonds taken for the assizes)
(English)
Henry Chepman of Monkton, husbandman for 40
John Middleton of the same, yeoman and
20 each
Henry Notley of the same, husbandman
For (Chepman s) appearance at the next assizes to reply to these (charges).
(English)
John Blanchard of Monkton, husbandman for 40
John Middleton of the same, yeoman and for 20
Henry Notley of the same, husbandman for 20
For (Blanchard s) appearance at the next assizes to reply to these (charges).
TRANSLATIONS
325
William Bartlet of Monkton, clerk for 40
For his appearance at the next assizes to give evidence against Henry Chepman
and John Blanchard.
Endnotes
119 PRO: SP 16/96 single sheet
Although this document has been published in Stokes with Alexander (eds), Somerset Including Bath,
vol 1 , p 436, we have reprinted it here because it establishes as the precedent for the Somerset action
an order for the suppression of ales in Dorset. This is the earliest evidence extant for countywide
opposition to such festivities, which are regularly seen, as the visits of travelling performers are, as a
focus for increasingly strong Puritan opposition to entertainments.
119-20 PRO: Assi 24/20/140 f 35v
This order was part of the business conducted by a western circuit assize held at Dorchester before Sir
John Denham on 21 July 1631. It represents a continuation of the effort to regulate or suppress cus
tomary ales and revels on the grounds that they occasioned disorder. The document alludes to an earlier
order for the suppression of such events, that of July 1628 when the assizes met at Sherborne. In the
same year a group of ministers from Somerset petitioned Sir John Denham to grant an order for the
suppression of ales and revels in their home county, an order similar to that made even earlier, in 1627,
at the last Summer Assises held for the County of Dorsett (p 119, 1.15). For other orders contributing
to the effort to regulate, if not eliminate, public ales and revels and for an abstract of the Dorset order
of 1631, see Cockburn (ed), Western Circuit Assize Orders, pp 33, 46-7.
121 WRO: D5/28/6, item 34 single sheet
The Wiltshire and Swmdon Record Office has assigned the bundle of documents including this entry
to the years 1591-3; this item, like many others, is not explicitly dated. Although the sheet lists Roger
Crabbe and Richard Horsford as churchwardens, in the absence of surviving churchwardens accounts
it is impossible to determine the date more precisely.
121-2 DRO: QSM: 1/1 ff 272v-3
Folio 272v is headed de Ordinibus, and f 273, Adhuc de Ordinibus. The scribe s unusual final Y is
transcribed as a single letter except in Ma/t/ Iustic (p 122, 1.28) where it is a sign for es.
Thomas Freke (1563-1633) was the son of Robert Freke, teller of the Exchequer and surveyor for
Dorset. Robert had married a Blandford girl and set himself up as a country gentleman at Iwerne
Courtney. Freke was MP for Dorchester in 1584 and for Dorset in 1604 and 1626 and deputy lieutenant
of the county for about thirty years; he and his son owned the largest of the Dorset privateering ships
and he lent money to both Sir Walter Ralegh and Lord Burleigh. He was knighted at the coronation of
James I. Sir John Strode (d. 1642) of Chantmarlc, Dorset, was MP for Bridport in 1620-1. Leweston
327
ENDNOTES
Fitzjames (r 1574-1638) of Leweston, Dorset, was educated at Balliol and admitted to the Middle
Temple; he was MP for Bridport in 1597. He was related to the prominent Dorset Trenchard family
and had connections with the Hannams of Wimborne Minster. Sir Walter Ralegh complained of his
quarrelsome behaviour in 1596 (PW Hasler, The House of Commons, 1558- 1603. vol 2 (London, 1981),
126).
The account of the puppet players is described in Bettey, Puppet-Players. On 5 July 1630, according
to the diary of William Whiteway, puppet players had appeared in Dorchester and were refused leave to
play although they had Charles is warrant (seep 200, II. 10-1 1 ). Just four years later Beaminster s
curate, Mr Spratt, told his parishioners to follow their consciences - not the king - on the sabbath and
gave other signs of obdurate Puritanism (Bettey, Varieties of Men, p 847). The puppet players were
probably from Lancashire: when William Sands of Preston died in September 1638 he willed to his son
John his Shewe called the Chaos, the Wagon, the Stage, & all the loyners tooles & other ymplemwt .
to the said Shewe belonging (see David George (cd), Lancashire, REED (Toronto, 1991), 87 and 334).
122-4 WRO: D5/22/2 ff 47v-8
Thomas Hewlett, husbandman, Geoffrey Phipper, husbandman, and Francis Blundon are deposed be
fore officials of the ecclesiastical court in a suit brought for defamation by the minstrel, Thomas Whiffen,
and his wife, Eleanor, against Henry Gerrard. Gerrard, the Whiffens, and all the witnesses were from
Bere Regis. The depositions, taken on interrogatories proposed by the plaintiffs, were taken before
William Wilkinson, chancellor of the diocese of Salisbury, 1591-1613. For Wilkinson s biography, see
Brian P. Levack, The Civil Lawyers in England 1603-1641: A Political Study (Oxford, 1973), 279.
According to Hutchins, David Woodnutt (p 123, 1.17) was vicar from 1574 until his death in 1592
(History and Antiquities, vol 1, p 155).
125 DRO: PE/BER:CW1 ff 2,3
Although the presence of the minstrel, Thomas Whitfen, at the 1590 Bere Regis church ale shows that
the ale might sometimes attract performers, there is no clear indication - as there is for the Sherborne
king ale, for example - that performance or mimetic activity was an intrinsic part of the Bere Regis
celebration. Bere Regis ale receipts for the years 1607-8 and 1616-17 are printed in the Records since
in those years the parish paid performers who may have played at the ale. Receipts for other years are
as follows: 15 in 1608-9 (f5). 21 2s 6d in 1609-10 (f6v),12in 1610-11 (f 8), 10 5s 3d in
161 1-12 (f 10), 11 Is2din 1612-13 (f 12), 13 Is4din 1613-14 (f 16, repeating the sum recorded
in a cancelled account on f 14). Payments to mend the parish drum in 1607-8 (1.36) and for a drum
Corde in 1613-14 (f 14) may have had no connection with a specific performance or with the ale.
Note that the account of churchwardens Tobias Mead and William Quoke on f 10 is headed AD 1612,
which would ordinarily introduce the account for 1612-13; the account on f 12, however, is clearly the
1612-13 account, and a complete account for 1610-1 1 begins on f 8, so Mead s and Quoke s account
must have been for 161 1-12.
Two studies referring to the Bere Regis church ale as part of a pattern of local religious controversy
and conflict about parish celebration may overstate the Bere Regis evidence. As Underdown states,
churchwardens accounts record church ale receipts in each year until 1614-15, when receipts from
the rates are the major source of parish revenue (f 19). He continues, however: But there was fierce
resistance to the change. The rate produced less than half the amount normally raised by the church
ale, there were large unpaid arrears and apparitor s fees "for following the suit against those that do refuse
to pay the rate". In 1616 Bere Regis returned to the old ways and held a successful church ale, making
DORSET
a new "vizard for the players". A gap in the churchwardens accounts obscures the next few years, but
by 1624 the struggle was over. The 1624 rate raised more than the earlier ales had done, and by now
there were increasing revenues from the sale of church seats. Ales were as unnecessary to the repair of
the Bere Regis church as they had at last become unacceptable to its parish elite (emphasis added; Revel,
p 91). Certainly the parish resisted the new levy in 1614 but that seems scant evidence for a struggle
in a parish which seems to have made no effort to oust its unsatisfactory vicar, the poet Thomas Bastard,
vicar from 1592 to 1618 (Bettey, Varieties of Men, pp 846-7). Similarly, in discussing the impact on
local merry-making of the demonstration of feeling within Parliament against "profanation" of the
Sabbath early in the reign of Charles I, Hutton says the Bere Regis church ale ended in 1625-6 (Rise
and Fall, p 189); in fact, the last evidence of an ale at Bcrc Regis is in 1616-17, a different stage in
Hutton s interpretive chronology.
127 DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts f B9
The record refers to the old town hall; the town raised funds to build a new town hall in 1592-3 (ffB13-
B13v;seepp 14-15).
127 DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts f B14
Augustine Drake copied these receipts (11.12-14) below his copy of an original account of Monye laied
out ... for the towne by John Cleeues, one of the town stewards for 1594-5. The additional receipts
(11.19-21) are part of Drake s copy, on the same folio, of the reckoning made on 5 November by Cleeves
and the other steward, Robert Keynell. They probably represent a summary of the same receipts but
are included because they may reflect a separate payment of 7s 6d made by players to Keynell. Drake
copies yet another list of receipts for 1 595 on f Bl 3v; included is an entry for 7s 6d Receiuedof John
Cleeues that was Receiuedof the players, confirming thatTmstrum s company and Lord Stafford s and
Lord Monteagle s men were players.
John Cleeves (1.10) was an influential Blandford citizen. One of those responsible for the town fund-
raising ale in 1591-2, he also served as steward in 1595-6, 1596-7, 1597-8, 1599-1600, 1600-1,
1601-2, 1603-4, and 1604-5 and as chamberlain in 1605-6; he collected money at the 1603/4
Blandford race meeting (p 129, 1.24) and was one of three townsmen who loaned money to Blandford
in 1600 (ff BlOv and B13 and F2, F3, F4, F6, F6v, F7, F8, F9, and F10).
Robert Keynell was again steward in 1595-6, 1596-7, and 1597-8, bailiff in 1600-1, steward in
1602-3, chamberlain in 1613-14, 1614-15, and 161 5-16 and bailiffin 1614-15. His brother-in-law,
Christopher Comege, left money to the almshouse and to Blandford s poor (ff F2, F3, F4, F7, F12v,
F15v, F16, and Fl6v; see also p 129, 1.7 below).
127 DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts f F2
Drake s copy of the original entry occurs on f B15.
127 DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts f B15v
Gawler (1.35) may have been John Gawler, a saddler who leased from the town a shop adjoining his
house for a twenty-one-year lease ending at Michaelmas 1602; a John Gawler was town bailiffin
1610-1 1, and the widdow Gawler earned wages during the 1603/4 race meeting. See f Flv and p 132,
1.24 and p 135,1.16.
127-8 DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts f F5
Drake s copy of a list of receipts for the same year records that Andrew Pope would pay the town 20s
129
ENDNOTES
at the next town reckoning for playes played in the yeldhall this yeare past (f B16v). According to
J.H.P PafTord, Pope was probably a Blandford man ( Blandford Forum, p 285).
Jehonadab Sherlye (p 128, 1.5) was one of Blandford s mosc prominent citizens berween 1 590 and
1630. Like John Cleeves, one of those responsible for the ales of the early 1590s that were held to raise
money for the new Blandford guildhall, he was steward in 1598-9, 1599-1600, 1600-1, and 1601-2
and - judging by the sum paid him for his expenses - he was one of the more important organizers of
the celebrations surrounding the races in 1603-4 (p 132,1.13). He was bailiff in 1604-5, chamber
lain in 1606-7, bailiff in 161 1-12, and chamberlain again in 1616-17. On 30 May 161 5 Blandford s
bailiff placed town money in Sherlye s hands, Sherlye was to pay for the use of the money to benefit
the poor in Blandford s almshouse. See ff BlOv, F4, F6, F6v, F8, F9, F12, F15v, and F17; and p 133,
1.36; and p 135.11.23-4.
128 DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts f B16v
Bailiff Rawlingston (1.12) may have been Thomas Rawlinston who rented the play close from the town
in 1600-1 and who sold the town a rostinge pugg for the dinners at the race meeting of 1603-4.
The play close was kept available for archery practice; it took its name from the bowling and other un
lawful games specifically prohibited in its precincts. See ff B 1 Ov and F6 and p 131,1.19.
128 DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts f F6
Pope s payment is for money owed the town for plays in the guildhall in 1598-9 (p 127, 1.42-p 128, 1.2).
128 DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts fB18v
This is the first reference to the Shrovetide horse race which was an important town fund-raiser berween
at least 1603-4 and 1615-16; although the Blandford races were celebrated in the eighteenth century,
they disappear from the chamberlains accounts in 1616. The Blandford race meeting, apparently
overseen by the town bailiff, may be compared to races at Chester, which had clearer associations with
local festive customs. At Chester Shrove Tuesday races dated to 1 539-40; the prize for a Shrove Tuesday
foot race replaced an earlier guild homage of a football, and a prize for a Shrove Tuesday horse race re
placed another homage. In 1610 Chester also began to run a horse race on St George s Day (Lawrence
W. Clopper (ed), Chester, REED (Toronto, 1979), lii-liii, 41, 234-6). Compiling records for 1608-9
Chester s seventeenth-century antiquarian, David Rogers, states that he believes horse races and other
customs are yearely vsed at Chester, which is doone in uerye fewe, if anye Citties of Englande (Clop
per (ed), Chester, p 238).
In 1603-4 the festivities associated with the Blandford race meeting ran for a week, from Sunday to
Saturday. The chamberlains less detailed accounts for later years specifically assign the race to Shrove
tide in 1605-6, 1606-7, 161 1-12, and 1615-16; in other years no time of year is mentioned. The
relatively large profits of 1604-5, 1605-6, 1607-8, and 1 61 1-12 suggest that at least in those years
the race meeting probably ran for a week, as it had in 1603-4; smaller profits in 1606-7 and 1615-16
may reflect less prolonged festivities, less extravagant celebrations, or less well-controlled costs.
Despite the downplaying of Ash Wednesday by Elizabeth it seems unlikely that early Stuart towns
men would have organized seven days of feasting and gambling with Ash Wednesday as the centrepiece
of the celebration, particularly with the dietary restrictions which would have obtained on Ash Wednesday
and the three days following: the most significant source of revenue in the detailed accounts of 1603-4
are the sums paid the town for dinners and suppers. In years in which the race meeting. lasted an entire
week the Shrovetide race probably ran from Sexagesima Sunday to the following Saturday, that is,
330 DORSET
during the week preceding the Monday and Tuesday more commonly called Shrovetide. (For Shrove
tide customs before and during the early Stuart period and for the Lenten fast in the reign of James I
see Hutton, Stations of the Sun, pp 151-7 and 169-70.)
George Harbyn (1.28) occurs in the race meeting accounts for 1603-4; he was bailiff in 1606-7
and chamberlain in 1606-7, 1610-1 1, 161 1-12, and 1612-13. See ff FlOv, F12, F14, and FHvand
p 132,1.11 andp 134,1.16.
129 DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts f B19
The receipts for the 1603-4 race given here repeat the net profits recorded in the itemized accounts
entered on ff Bl9v-20. John Cleeves and John Roper, town stewards, rendered their account for the
same sum on 5 November 1604 (f F9). Roper, or Rooper, was one of the organizers of the town ale in
1592-3, one of the collectors for the poor in 1595-6, and bailiff in 1600-1. Together with John
Cleeves and Jehonadab Sherlye, he loaned money to the town in 1599-1600, a debt still unpaid in
1601-2 (ffBllv, Fl, F6v, and F8).
129-33 DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts ff B19v-20
The race meeting was probably held 12-18 February 1603/4 (Sexagesima week) rather than 19-24
February, the week which included the days usually referred to as Shrovetide (see pp 329-30, endnote
to DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts f Bl8v).
Most notable among the many names in this account are Sir Ralph Horssyes or Horsey (p 130,
1.19) and Sir Care Rawleigh or Carew Ralegh (p 130, 1.20). A member of one of the most prominent
Dorset families, Horsey was lord lieutenant of Dorset as early as 1 594 when he was present at one of
Sir George Trenchard s dinners with Sir Walter and Carew Ralegh and others, and rebuked Carew
Ralegh for loose speeches (G.B. Harrison (ed). An Elizabethan Journal: Being a Record of Those Things
Most Talked of during the Yean 1591-1594 (London, 1928), 295). Carew Ralegh (c 1550-1626) was
the older brother and lifelong friend of Sir Walter Ralegh. Beginning his career with voyages of discovery
he was on a list of captains preparing to defend England against Spain in the 1580s and was vice ad
miral for Dorset in 1597. He frequently reaped rewards when his more famous younger brother was
in favour with Queen Elizabeth, who knighted Carew in 1601. He became gentleman of horse to Sir
John Thynne of Longleat before 1 580; after Thynne s death he married the widow, whose Wiltshire
connections probably influenced his settlement at Downton House near Salisbury in the late 1590s.
During the 1590s he had been one of the set surrounding Ralegh who debated religious topics, and he
and his stepson were among those accused before rhe commission at Cerne in 1 594, where the Wyke
Regis parson asserted that the Ralegh brothers had confiscated his horse at Blandford three years earlier.
When the parson protested that he needed his horse if he were to preach in his parish the next day,
Carew is supposed to have answered that he might go home when he would but his horse should preach
before him. See Sir Walter Ralegh in the DNB; Hasler, House of Commons, vol 3, pp 271-3; Harrison
(ed), An Elizabethan Journal 1591-1594, p 295; G.B. Harrison (ed), A Last Elizabethan Journal: Being
a Record of Those Things Most Talked of during the Years 1599-1603 (London, 1933), 235; and Lloyd,
Dorset Elizabethans, pp 260-4.
Several prominent Blandford citizens also occur in these accounts. For John Cleeves (p 129, 1.24)
see p 328, endnote to DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts f B14. Hugh Macham (p 131,
1. 18 andp 132, 1.14) was chamberlain in 1610-11, 1611-12, 1612-13, 1621-2, 1622-3, and 1623-4
(ffFl4, Fl4v, F15, F18,and F18v). For Thomas Rawlingston (p 131, 1.19) see p 329, endnote to
DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts f Bl6v. If mr Macham (p 131, 1.23) was not Hugh
Macham he may have been the mr macham, bailiff in 1 592-3, who took a seven-year lease on the
ENDNOTES
play close (see p 329, endnote to DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts f B 1 6v) in the same
year (f BlOv). Edward Macham was a leaseholder in 1595 (f Flv) and a steward in 1604-5, and mr
macham was bailiff in 1605-6 (f F10). The mrs kcynell who sold hens to the town (p 132, 1.1) may
have been the wife of Robert Keynell (see p 328, endnote to DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains
Accounts f Bl 4). Thomas Pitt (p 132, 1.9) was chamberlain in thirteen of the years between 1607-8
and 1623-4 (ff Fl2v-Fl8v). For John Roper (p 132, 1.10). see p 330, endnote to DRO: DC/BFB:
Finance: Chamberlains Accounts f B19. For George Harbyn (p 132, 1.1 1), see pp 329-30, endnote to
DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts f B18v. For Jehonadab Sherlye (p 132, 1.13), see
pp 328-9, endnote to DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts f F5. Robert Swayne (p 132,
1. 16) was chamberlain in 1608-9, 1609-10, and 1618-19 and bailiff in 1607-8 and 1613-14 (ffFlZv,
F13v, F14, F15v, and Fl7v). The widdow Gawler (p 132, 1.24) was probably connecced to John Gawler,
for whom see p 328, endnote to DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts f B 1 5v. Several Pitts
were active in Blandford political circles and may, like Thomas Pitt, be proposed as the mr pitt who
sold bricks to the town for the kitchen used in the 1603/4 race celebrations (p 132, 1.36). In 1591-2
John Pitt the youngest was among those running the ales that raised money for the guildhall and he
also guarded almshouse money in 1600. John Pitt the elder kept safe the funds for the guildhall in
1592-3 and he is listed among those holding leases from the town in 1595; he loaned money to Bland-
ford in 1595-6, 1596-7, and 1597-8 and served as steward in 1 598-9 (ffBlOv, Bl Iv, Flv, F3, F4v,
and F6v).
133-4 DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts f F9
Drake s copy of Sherlye s account, including the receipts from the race and the women s hocktide col
lection, is on f B21v.
134 DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts f Fl 1
The races in this excerpt were probably held 23 February-! March 1605/6 and 8-14 February 1606/7,
if our theory that the week-long race meetings were celebrated during Sexagesima week is correct (see
pp 329-30, endnote to DRO: DC/BFB: Chamberlains Accounts f Bl8v); if the smaller profits of the
1606/7 race represent a shorter meeting it is possible that the races in that year were held 16-17 February.
Sir John Rogers (1.18) was a member of a family prominent in Dorset since the early sixteenth century.
See, for example, the entries for Sir John s namesake in S.T Bindoff, The House of Commons, 1509-1558,
vol 3 (London, 1982), 208 and in Hasler, House of Commons, 1558-1603. vol 3, p 302. Five members
of the family were Elizabethan MPS for Dorset or Dorset boroughs (Hasler, House of Commons, 1558- 1603,
vol 3, pp 298-9 and 301-3).
134 DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Account f Fl2v
In 1595 Justinian Whiteinge (1.28) paid rent to the town for a burgage next to the storehouse he was
to retain so long as he remained schoolmaster; he agreed to relinquish the lease of the schoolhouse in
1 599-1600 (ff Flv and F6v).
134-5 DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts f B22
The account is that of Thomas Pitt and Robert Swayne; immediately preceding the receipts from the
players is the note: more that is dew by mee for monye which hath been in my hand since the last
towne reckoninge, almost certainly Pitt, since he also served as chamberlain in 1607-8. Thomas Pitt
is almost certainly the nephew of my vnkcll Kcynell (p 135, 1.1), probably Robert Keynell (seep 328
endnote to DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts f B14).
332 DORSET
135 DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts f B23v
A note to the town reckoning for 1612-13 indicates that Gawlcr had not yet settled the debt (f F15).
135 DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts f Fl4v
The profits of the race referred to in this excerpt suggest that the race meeting was a week-long celebra
tion. If it was and if we are right that such a celebration would not have overlapped the first days of
Lent (see pp 329-30, endnote to DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts f B18v), then the
race was held during Sexagesima week, 16-22 February 161 1/12.
136 DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts f B26v
Swayne s house ( my howse, 1.1 1) was probably used in the 1611/12 race, the last year when Jehonadab
Sherlye was bailiff (see p 135, 11.23-4). The detailed accounts for the 1603/4 race record a payment of
14 15s 8d to Swayne (p 132, 11.16-17) as well as a payment of 2s to a workman for two days work
about his kitchen (p 133, 11.1-2).
136 DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts f B28v
This relatively unprofitable race meeting may have been held during Sexagesima week, 4-10 February
1615/16, or just possibly on Shrove Monday and Tuesday, 12-13 February (see pp 329-30, endnote
to DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts f B18v).
137 DRO: DC/BFB: Finance: Chamberlains Accounts f F23
J.H.P. Pafford s transcription of references to players in the chamberlains accounts omits the reference
to the Children of the Revells ( Blandford Forum ).
138 DRO: DC/BTB:M18/11 f [1]
Presumably Henry Wey and Stephen Shower were the stewards of the ale and submitted their account as
such. Both were later elected to more prestigious civic offices, including that of bailiff (Wey for 1555-6,
1559-60, 1563-4, and 1566-7 and Shower for 1564-5, 1568-9, 1572-3, and 1576-7). Judging
from expenses noted in the account, money raised by the ale was spent chiefly on the maintenance of
the streets. However, it may be that these expenses were not allowed by the borough, for ff [1] and [Iv]
have both been cancelled by means of an X running diagonally from corner to corner. One problematic
item among the receipts is the booth used by the town to raise funds. The booth was probably a canvas-
covered stall from which food was sold to patrons of the ale. The proceeds for the Bowth are so high
that they must be from the sale of goods rather than from the sale of the booth itself. Because later
records of the Robin Hood ale of Bridport include payments for a bower and because one sense of
booth was a temporary dwelling made of the boughs of trees, this booth may have taken that form.
138 DRO: DC/BTB:M7/10 ff(l,lv]
In the first decade of the seventeenth century the parish registers, extant only from 1600 on, note the
baptisms of children of the Buckerell clan and one son of a John Owens; however, no other civic records
contemporary with this entry shed light on the biographies of William Buckerell (1.33) or owyn (1.35).
The Jack-a-Lent (1.35) was a figure of a man, set up in Lent in order to be mocked and pelted; as such
it served as a ritualistic scapegoat. In this case the Jack-a-Lent was carried about on horseback. Given
the ambiguity of making, it is not clear if owyn fashioned the figure of the Jack-a-Lent or conducted
the riding of it.
ENDNOTES
139 DRO: DC/BTB: M7/10 single sheet
Perhaps (his Loveredge was of the same family and trade as the Loveredges noted in early seventeenth-
century records, who were reimbursed for supplying iron.
139-53 DRO: DC/BTB: Ml 5/11 ff [2-7, 7v-9v]
To build a market house and schoolhousc required a concentrated fund-raising effort on the part of the
citizens of Bridport. Wearing collars as signs of their office (p 152, 1.30), Henry Browne and George
Francke gathered donations in cash or in kind not only in Bridport but also in almost all the parishes
surrounding it. Even the journeys to and from neighbouring parishes proved to be profitable as the
collectors appealed to travellers whom they met en route for contributions to the cause. The funds so
raised covered the travel expenses of the collectors, the costs of materials and labour for building the
schoolhouse and market house, and expenditures for food, drink, and musical entertainment for the
major fund-raising events, the drinkings on Holy Rood Day (3 May), Ascension Day (24 May), and
May Day (1 May), and throughout the weeks after Whitsunday (3 June) and Trinity Sunday (10 June).
The fact that receipts were registered for each of the main streets of the borough (p 148, 1.38 p 149,
1.2) suggests that the ales were a fund-raising effort that drew wide public support. In A Respectable
Society, p 5, Basil Short implies that the giving transcended barriers of class: Naturally the citizens of
Bridport appear first on the list, about 60 of them contributing amounts varying from a penny, no mean
sum at that time, to two shillings and sixpence. Those who did not give money gave malt or wheat,
while two gave candles and one bacon. The list is headed by Mr Richard Russell, member of the local
family from which sprang the Dukes of Bedford. He gave half a crown as did Mr John Pitt. Smaller gifts
came from such people as Symond Colfox, shoemaker, John Thresher, barber, William Shuer, roper,
and Thomas Triptree, butcher. Solid support for the venture came from the leading families of the
borough: George Francke, William Byshop, John Wey, Robert Miller, Henry Pounde, Richard Hounsell,
Stephen Wey, John Pitt, Walter Hallett, John Colfox, Arthur Maynarde, and Nicholas Stratchlighe all
served as bailiffs of Bridport during the last fifteen years of the reign of Elizabeth I or the first decade
of the reign of James I. Other donors, such as Robert Hassard, Simon Colfox, Christopher Davige,
William Shower, John Miller, and Richard Colfox, were kin of others who served the borough in that
capacity (Hutchins, History and Antiquities, vol 2, p 10). Morgan Moone was probably related to Gilbert
Moone (alias Holman), bailiff with John Pitt at the time of the building ale; Morgan Moone aJso en
joyed the status of officer in charge of weighing hemp, a product crucial to Bridport s economy (DRO:
DC/BTB: PQ/28 p 94).
Lady Stourton (p 141, 1.21) was probably Frances, daughter of Sir Thomas Tresham, knight, wife to
Edward, tenth Lord Stourton, and lady of nearby Chideock Castle and manor (Hutchins, History and
Antiquities, vol 2, pp 254, 257-8). She was one of the most generous benefactors of the project. Be
cause of her provision of the stone, taken from her quarries near the top of the hill just west of Bridport,
the total cost of the building was approximately 21 (Short, A Respectable Society, p 5).
Apart from residents of Bridport, of those contributing to the ale the easiest names to identify are
those of well-to-do visitors from the many nearby towns and villages.
The Vicer of porestock (p 1 41, 1.13) may have been Henry Browne, presented to the living at Power-
stock cum Bampton (now Bothenhampton) in 1 567 (Hutchins, History and Antiquities, vol 2, p 322).
Nicholas Browne and Edmund Browne (p 141 , 11.1 5-16) received a lease for a term of years for a hold
ing called Mappercombe or Brown s farm in Powerstock parish in 21 Elizabeth (1578-9); Nicholas
Browne purchased the freehold to the farm for 1367 in the reign of Charles I (Hutchins, History and
Antiquities, vol 2, p 320).
John Waddon of Bradpole (p 141, 1.42) is probably the John Waddon of Broppole whose will was
334 DORSET
registered in the records of Canterbury for 1599; similarly, a Lionel Browne of Brapol (p 142, 1.6) left
a will recorded for 1621 (Calendar of Dorset Wills Proved in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury, Somer
set House. London 1383-1700, George S. Fry (ed) (London, 1911), 15). Richard Newborough, gentle
man (p 142, 1.1 1), was probably related to the Newburgh family, who held the manor at Bradpole in the
time of Henry vin (Hutchins, History and Antiquities, vol 2, p 155).
Richard Justce (p 142, 1.18) is likely the Richard Justice who was instituted as vicar of Loders in 1579
and perhaps held the living until 1596 when William Odell was vicar (Hutchins, History and Antiquities,
vol 2, p 312). John Browne (p 142, 1.19) is probably the gentleman of that village who died in 1597.
The inventory of his goods made on 25 March 1597, printed by Hutchins, includes a great deal of
livestock and several leases. The total was valued at 455 4s 8d. Robert Larder, gentleman (p 142, 1.17),
was one of the appraisers of his goods (History and Antiquities, vol 2, p 307).
Mr Newboroughe of Netherbury (p 143. 1. 1 ) may have come from a family of Newburghs of
Worth Francis, a holding within the parish of Netherbury; members of the family also came to hold
Hurlands, a freehold tenement in the Netherbury manor of Yondover (Hutchins, History and Antiquities,
vol 2, p 109)
From 1561 to 1639 Richard Egerdon or Eggerdon (p 143, 1.29} held a manor and hamlet called South
Eggardon about a mile northeast of the little village of Askerswell (Hutchins, History and Antiquities,
vol 2, p 175); Christopher Darby or Derby (p 143, 1.33) was buried in 1603, according to the parish
register (Hutchins, History and Antiquities, vol 2, p 176); according to Hutchins there are numerous
entries in the Askerswell parish register relating to a family named Hardy, some of whom lived at the
neighbouring hamlet of North Eggerdon in Litton Cheney parish and others at Hembury in this parish
(Hutchins, History and Antiquities, vol 2, p 176).
According to Hutchins the parish register of Symondsbury tells us that Arthur Fowke, gentleman
(p 144, 1.1), married Joan Darby on 5 August 1594 and had a daughter in 1601; Arthur died in 1610
(Hutchins, History and Antiquities, vol 2, pp 242-3). Doctor Edmund Hound, DD (p 144, 1.10), was
presented to the living at Symondsbury 1 5 February 1 583; Hutchins tells us that local traditions say he
hanged himself in his cellar; he was buried in 1597 (Hutchins, History and Antiquities, vol 2, pp 243-4).
A Thomas Egerdon, gentleman (p 145, 1.3), who held the estate of Brodenham in the Netherbury
manor of Yondover in 1626, may more tentatively be suggested as the Thomas Egerdon who gave a peck
of wheat to the Bridport building ale (Hutchins, History and Antiquities, vol 2, p 109). Thomas Gollop,
gentleman (p 145, 1.14), of North Bowood, near Netherbury, appears in local records associated with
different properties in the parish from 1578-9 until his death 7 April 1610 (Hutchins, History and
Antiquities, vol 2, p 113).
At Chilcombe in 1 576-7 Richard Martin was licensed to alienate a moiety of the manor, valued at
7, to John and Humphrey Byshop (p 145, 1.34); over the door of the mansion house is carved 1578,
John Elnor Bishop (Hutchins, History and Antiquities, vol 2, p 739).
John Hayes, gentleman, was mayor of Lyme Regis (p 146, 1.20) at the time of the Bridport ale. Several
of the names listed at Lyme Regis may refer to others who served as mayor of the borough: mr Belmy
(p 146, 1.21), for example, may be John Bellamy, deputy searcher and mayor in 15812 and 1591-2;
mr barons (p 146, 1.22) may have been Robert Barnes, merchant, mayor in 1598-9; mr Davy (p 146, 11.23,
36), may have been John Davey, mariner, and mayor 1589-90 and 1596-7 or Robert Davey, mayor in
1583-4; Richard Norris (p 146, 1.24) was mayor in 1597-8 and again in 1605-6; Anthony Moone (p 146,
1.25) was mayor in 1608-9; mr lurden (p 146, 1.26) may be either John Jourdain, mayor in 1577-8
and 1 584-5, or Silvester Jourdain, Cobb warden in 1 590 (see p 366, endnote to DRO: DC/LR: Gl/1
pp 140-1). For the most accurate list of mayors of Lyme Regis, see George Roberts, Lyme Regis, pp 45-9
ENDNOTES
Dr James (p 151, 1.5) was likely Dr Francis James, LLD, who was vicar general of Bristol diocese
and a Dorset MP (see Levack, Civil Lawyers, pp 243-4). Locke (p 153, 1.13) was perhaps Thomas
Locke, named in 1590 in the list of Bridport tanners and shoemakers. In 1609/10 he (or perhaps his
son, or at least his namesake) is listed as a shoemaker in a register of sales of leather (DRO: DC/BTB:
01, art 2) and may be the Thomas Lack of Bridport, shoemaker, named as a defendant in the Star
Chamber case of Miller ct al v. Maries et al (PRO: STAC 8/214/2; see below pp 154-60). Robert Wey
(p 1 53, 1.18) may have been related to John and Gregory Wey, feltmakers; the former, along with two
others in the family, Henry and William, held a number of important civic offices in the late sixteenth
and early seventeenth century. The frethinge (ie, fretting; p 153, 1.18) of the bower suggests that it was
a set constructed of lattice interlaced with boughs. This bower may have served the same purpose as the
booth (see p 138, 1.18 above and endnote) used in the Robin Hood ale.
The king of Loders (p 152, 1.33) was probably a summer king, the central figure in a folk custom of
Loders, a parish about two miles northeast of Bridport. Although the appearance of this character
added to the expenses of the ale, it almost certainly added also to the fun and the profits. So too did the
musicians, who received liveries and a generous reward (p 151, 1.21; p 153, 1.1 1) probably because they
performed on more than one occasion. For further discussion of the various aspects of the ale and the
importance of the market house and schoolhouse (which were probably in the vicinity of St Andrew s
Church) to the economic and social well-being of the borough, see Short, A Respectable Society, pp 4-7.
153 DRO: DC/BTB: Ml 8/10 ff[l,3]
Although the manuscript has no heading by which to date it, it includes a reference on f [2] to Mr. baylie
davidge. According to the Great Red Book of the borough (DRO: DC/BTB: Hi , p 364), Richard
Davige served as bailiff in 1 James i, from Michaelmas 1602 to the same feast in 1603. King James I
acceded on 24 March 1602/3 and he was crowned in London on 1 1 July, though his royal entry into
London was postponed until early the next year. Davige would have been bailiff at the time of the July
coronation, which Bridport celebrated with ringing and feasting. Mr Tiggins (1.31) is presumably
either Richard Tiggyns, or Tigens, Sr, merchant, or his son and namesake. This family was a prominent
one, for a Richard Tiggins (specifically Richard Tiggins, Sr, in 1 585) was elected bailiff of the borough
ten times between 1552-3 and 1590-1 (Hutchins, History and Antiquities, vol 2, p 10).
154 DRO: DC/BTB: C88 f 23
This is part of the settlement of the several children of John Maniford. Thomas two sisters were bound
to masters on the same day although their covenants were concluded and Thomas was not.
154-60 PRO: STAC 8/214/2 mb 4
Miller v. Maries provides a good illustration of the divisive force of Puritanism in Bridport, for the case
pits members of some of the borough s oldest and most powerful families against one another. As John
Hutchins list of bailiffs indicates, several of the litigants had been elected to this important civic office
by this time, or would be: of the plaintiffs, Robert Miller (1605-6, 1609-10, 1614-15, 1624-5),
Angel Churchill (1634-5), John Chard (1604-5), William Whettam (1618-19, 1623-4, 1634-5),
and Walter Hussey, alias Baylie (1633-4, 1636-7, 1640-1); of the defendants, John Lea (1631-2,
1635-6, 1639-40) and Thomas Lack (1617-18); and of those named in the first libel, Thomas
Merefeild (1626-7, 1630-1, 1638-9), John Byshop (1622-3, 1626-7, 1629-30, 1636-7, 1641-2),
and Christopher Balstone (1619-20) (History and Antiquities, vol 1, p 10). An ordinance of 4 January
1631/2 for the wearing of gowns epitomizes the status that many of the men involved in this case would
336 DORSET
enjoy by that time. The ordinance (DRO: DC/BTB: H5) has been endorsed by William Whcttam, John
Byshop, Thomas Lack, Walter Baylie, John Lea, Thomas Mcrefeild, and Churchell ; other signatories
may have been kin of those involved in Miller v. Maries: Stephen Colfox, William Wey, Thomas
Byshop, and John Miller. William Maries, the principal defendant, did not, judging from extant records
at least, hold a major civic office but the borough did reward him in 1614-15 for training in the town s
armour (DRO: DC/BTB: MS/ 10 f [2]) and paid him muster wages from the account of William Whet-
tam, cofferer, in 1620-1 (DRO: DC/BTB: M8/203 f [2v]). That William Maries, a major figure in
Bridport s muster, should find himself at odds with the town s Puritan faction suggests that we may have
in this case what Underdown found in the Star Chamber case of John Condytt v. Matthew Chubbe,
both of Dorchester - increasing tension between citizens committed to religious reform and citizens
attached to the customary celebrations of their borough; see Fire from Heaven, especially pp 23-37,
and below pp 161-3.
Although the bill of complaint submitted by Robert Miller and the other plaintiffs does not establish
that local ceremonies or celebrations were a basis for conflict, it does make clear that religion, social
order, and economics were. The plaintiffs claim that those accused of libel are jealous of their (the
plaintiffs ) prosperity and accuse the defendants of defying the civic authorities, attempting to contain
the dissemination of the writings in question. At the same time the plaintiffs affirm that their religious
observances have the approval of the Church of England. The first libellous poem transcribed in the
bill of complaint portrays the plaintiffs as a group which, under the cover of a religious gathering, in
dulges in licentious, adulterous jollity. The mockery of the poem extends to include not only the wives
but also, it seems, some of the daughters of the religious reformers; Buckerelles trulls (p 155, 1.33) are
likely the twin daughters of Richard Buckerell, who were baptized in 1603, according to the parish
register. Unlike the first libel, which identifies the subjects of the satire by name, the second poem is
far more cryptic. Its central thrust attacks the Puritan faction of Bridport as a whole for their hypocrisy,
self-righteousness, and double standards but in its conclusion it takes a distinctive turn when it alludes
to the poor quality of cloth and the high cost of shoes. The latter allusion reveals how religious disagree
ments set shoemaker against shoemaker, defendant Thomas Lack against plaintiffs William Whettam,
Thomas Merefeild, and Henry Wey, all of whom are listed with Thomas Lack (not to mention John
Lack of Beaminster, tanner, from whom Thomas buys his leather) in the 1609 Register Book for Leather
(DRO: DC/BTB: Ol, art 2). The involvement of Henry Wey epitomizes the intensity of the religious
convictions of some of those involved in this case for on 20 March 1629/30 Henry Wey sailed with his
family from Plymouth to Nantucket before settling in Dorchester, Massachusetts (Short, A Respectable
Society, p 14).
161-3 PRO: STAC 8/214/2 mb 2
This answer of Hugh Syms, Anthony Mathew, and William Marshall occupies mb 2 of the document.
The first membrane contains the answer of William Maries and John Lack but it does not elaborate
upon the particulars of the case; instead, it asserts the allegations to be groundless and petitions for a
dismissal of the charge.
The defence set forth by Syms, Mathew, and Marshall depends upon the social divisions within
Bridport. The defendants reaffirm the view expressed in the first libel that the assemblies of the plaint
iffs were hypocritical occasions for feasting, drinking, and licentious behaviour. They claim further that
the leaders of the faction, Cheverell and Traske, had turned a large number of citizens, many poor and
uneducated, against the incumbent parson. Cheverell and Traske were portrayed as the agents of
discord. The defendants argue that as there were concerns about Traske, a young hot headed and
337
ENDNOTES
excommunycated Mynister (p 161, 11.21-2), and about the assemblies at which he preached, the church
wardens of Bridport had presented several of the Puritan faction in the diocesan court. This action of
the churchwardens is crucial to the answer of Syms, Mathew, and Marshall, who submit that the libels
were written and disseminated by the plaintiffs themselves in order to get revenge against the church
wardens and their associates.
Traske was probably John Traske, a native of Somerset and a schoolmaster there, whom James Montague,
bishop of Bath and Wells, judged to be insufficient for ordination. Traske s notoriety increased after he
moved to London in 1617, published several works (Christs kingdome discovered. Or, that the true church
of God is in England (STC. 24175.3); A pear/e for a prince, ... Delivered in two sermons (STC. 24176); The
power of preaching. Or, the powerfull effects of the word . . . Delivered in one or moe sermons (STC. 24 1 77);
A treatise oflibertiefrornjudaisme, or an acknowledgement of true christian libertie (STC. 24 1 78); and
The true gospel vindicated from the reproach of a new gospel (STC: 24178.5), and ran afoul of the law for
preaching that the Jewish sabbath ought to be observed (see Lancelot Andrewes, A Speech Delivered
in the Starr-Chamber against the Two Ivdaicall Opinions of Mr. Traske, printed posthumously with
other of Andrewes minor works on pp 63-75 of Reverendi . . . Lanceloti episcopi Wtntoniensts, Ofvscvla
quaedam posthvma (STC: 602)). John Traske was so influential as a powerful preacher and charismatic
personality that he was included as the founder of the Traskites in Ephraim Pagitt s Hemtography, 6th ed
(London, 1662; Wing: P182), 161-97.
163 DRO: DC/BTB:M2/11 f [1]
The Lent assizes normally occurred in February or March each year and the western circuit lasted twenty
to thirty days.
163-7 PRO: STAC 8/214/2 mb 3
John Abbot, one of the churchwardens responsible for the presentment of Robert Miller and others of
(he Puritan faction in the ecclesiastical court, elaborates upon the allegations made by Syms, Mathew,
and Marshall that the plaintiffs in this case not only wrote the libellous verses but framed Abbot so as
to get revenge against him. Abbot s story clarifies two of the devious methods by which, he alleges, the
plaintiffs incriminated him: first, they used persons of lower social status, Mary Willyams, wife of John
Willyams, and John Lea, Abbot s apprentice, in order to put the libellous verses into Abbot s hands;
second, they used plausible business connections, Angel Churchill being a tailor in need of mercery sold
by Abbot, in order to discover the libels in Abbot s possession and to prompt him to read them publicly.
167 DRO: DC/BTB: M2/9 f [3]
Richard Colfox, apparently acting as a scrjcant in this case, does not appear elsewhere in the Bridport
records. The Colfox family was a very important one, however: Francis Colfox is identified in 1 577 as a
victualler (DRO: DC/BTB: PQ/28 p 66), Simon Colfox as a shoemaker in 1593 (DRO: DC/BTB: Bl/7),
John Colfox as a shoemaker in 1 609 (DRO: DC/BTB. Ol, art 2), and William Colfox, Jr, as a glover in
1635 (DRO: DC/BTB: PQ/28 p 92). John Colfox (specifically John Colfox, Sr, in 1590-1) served as
bailiff in 1 590-1 and 1 594-5. The most distinguished member of the family was Stephen Colfox; he,
and/or his namesake, was elected bailiff" six times, serving in 1609-10, 1613-14, 1616-17, 1622-3,
1631-2, and 1639-40. Indeed, this payment to Richard Colfox appears in the account of the expendi
tures made by Stephen. See also pp 333-5, cndnotc to DRO: DC/BTB: Ml 5/1 1 ff [2-7, 7v-9).
Bridewell was originally a royal palace built between 1515 and 1 520 on the west side of the Fleet
River where it joins the Thames in London; the location of Bridewell Palace is shown on the map of
338 DORSET
Tudor London reproduced by Roy Porter in London: A Social History (London, 1994), 39. In 1553 the
city took possession of the property and turned the palace into a prison, hospital, and workhouse. How
ever, the name was extended to other gaols or prisons in the London area and in the provinces (OED).
In this case, Bridwell (1.25) probably refers to the gaol in Dorchester: in the accounts for 1614-15
Farr and his fellows were paid 3s for carrying a man who stole a horse to the Dorchester prison; this
sum, comparable to that which Colfox received, implies that the cost of transporting an offender to
London would be much higher.
168 DRO: DC/BTB: DE10/3 f [2v]
The handwriting of this document makes it difficult to ascertain for certain what some of the names
are. The range of dates given for this entry in the subheading is based upon the earliest and latest dates
recorded on f [2v]. Like others on the page this entry is not exactly dated.
169 DRO: DC/BTB: E2/unnumbered single sheet
This entry was apparently written after the jurors names; the last lines are written awkwardly to their
right, hadstock (1.5) is probably an error for Halstock, a parish about twelve miles north northeast of
Bridport. A similar presentment of nineteen Bridport butchers (including William French, Sr) in 1643
(DRO: BTB/E2/ item 1116) indicates that local butchers persisted in killing unbaited bulls and that the
borough strove to have its ancient custom observed.
169 DRO: PE/CEA:CW 1/1 f 20
The heading for the account including this entry is The Accompte of William Lock and George Hodges,
Churchwardens of the said Town Annis Domini 1633 & 1634, which was made in the parish Church
aforesaid, before the Inhtf&tames the 19 day of Aprill Anno 1635 (f 18). Since the payment following
the entry for the dismantled maypole is for a booke intituled The Kings Ma/ties declarat;on (the Book
of Sports, re-issued October 1633), and since accounts for 1633 appear later on the folio, it seems
likely that the maypole was dismantled in 1633 or 1634. This is the only reference to the Cerne maypole
and it seems too slender evidence to support Underdown s assertion that the Cerne Abbas maypole
survived the earlier Puritan attack, only to be cut down to make a town ladder in 1635, just when may
poles were reappearing in other places after the second Book of Sports (Revel, p 92). Cerne s maypole
may indeed have been a survival; it may also have been a reappearance or an isolated celebration.
Maypoles may also have been put up and taken down annually and recycled frequently.
169 DRO: PE/CHM: CW 1/1 f 24v
These accounts have survived only in scraps and it is not always possible to establish the context of re
ceipts or payments. It is possible that an entry for 1600 refers to another hocktide gathering. The entry
reads: Itmi ReffiWof the hoockes xv d. (f 20v).
169-70 STC: 23333 pp 359-60
Stow situates his peculiar account of the entertainments at Corfe Castle between the names of the mayor
and the sheriffs appointed in October 1328 (p 359) and the marginal 1329 (p 360). The regnal year is
also noted in the margin of p 360 as Anno rcg3 (p 170, 1.5m), which ran from 25 January 1328/9 to
24 January 1329/30. We have followed Stow in putting the event within the London civic year, Michael
mas to Michaelmas, but the festivities at Corfe Castle could not have occurred after 13 March 1329/30
when the earl of Kent, Edmund of Woodstock, the youngest son of Edward I, was arrested on a charge of
ENDNOTES
treason. Queen Isabella and Mortimer tricked Kent into revealing his abiding loyalty to Edward II and
disloyalty to them by spreading the rumours that the late king was still alive. In other versions of these
events a friar who conjured up a devil provided the confirmation that Edward n was still alive. Having
received confirmation of Edward n s presence in Corfe Castle, Kent initiated a plot to restore the late
king, a plot that would lead to his own indictment, arrest, and execution.
170 BL: SloaneMS. 2131 ff 16v-17
Robert Ashley provides a good example of the educational and sometimes useful nature of dramatic
performances. The Christmas performance (11.26-9) was probably in 1574/5, for it was part of the
education Ashley received at Corfe Castle, which preceded his schooling in Southampton. He explains
on f 17 that his mother sent him and his younger brother, Francis, to Hadrian a Saravia s school in
Southampton when Francis was six years old. That would have been in 1 575: Ashley provides the date
ofhis brother s birth as 24 November 1569 (ff 16-l6v) and notes that he was at the beginning of his
Fifth year at that time. Ashley goes on to date the move to Dr Hill s school (see 11.30-4) to the begin
ning ofhis twelfth year, which would be the fall of 1 576, and he studied there for about a year. There
fore the entertainment of the earl of Pembroke would have occurred some time m 1 5767.
Christopher Hatton (1.20), a royal favourite at this time, was made constable of Corfe Castle by Queen
Elizabeth about 1571. He was later appointed vice-chamberlain of the queen s household on 11 November
1578. Sir Henry Herbert, second earl of Pembroke as of 4 April 1570 (1.35), was an abiding benefactor
of Salisbury, even after he became president of the Council in the Marches of Wales and relocated from
his home base near Salisbury at Wilton, Wiltshire, to Ludlow Castle. His interest in drama found expres
sion in his patronage of players who performed in the provinces throughout the 1 590s (see J.A.B. Somer
set, The Lords President. Their Activities and Companies: Evidence from Shropshire, Elizabethan
77w/rMO (1988), 93-1 ID.
Hadrian i Saravia ( Hadriano, 1.30) was a protestant divine who fled to the Channel Islands to escape
the religious troubles in Brussels in 1 560. After several years as a schoolmaster and assistant minister of
St Peter s, Guernsey, he became master of the Southampton grammar school. He returned to Belgium
about 1576, according to Ashley, and in 1 582 he was appointed a professor of divinity at the University
of Leiden and pastor of a reformed church there. He went on to get his DD from Oxford and to hold
several important ecclesiastical offices in England. Adam Hill (1.32) studied with Bishop Jewel and
attended Balliol College, where he earned a BA in 1 569, an MA in 1572, and his BD and DD in 1591.
He served as vicar in Westbury, Wiltshire, and Gussage, Dorset, before taking up the offices of prebendary
and succentor of Salisbury Cathedral, offices he held until his death in February 1594/5.
171-2 Bodl.: MS. Add. B. 97 ff 63-4
The Presentment is an illustration of plays dubbed as a group, Christian Terence. Though written in
(he metre of Roman comedy, iambic senani, the prologue does not appear to be, or to introduce, an
adaptation of any of Terence s six extant plays; it is more likely an imitation of Terence in Latin by an
English schoolmaster, perhaps Robert Cheekc himself. Allusions to works on the curriculum of the
students represent one way in which the entertainment celebrates not only the distinguished guests but
also the school itself and its endeavours. Apart from Terence the prologue alludes to the dialogues of
Cordier at p 172, 1.7 (see STC: 5762 for their English translation). The lines Sic omne punctual retulit
isquj miscuit I Dulcj vtile. &c (p 172, 11.22-3) are an adaptation of Horace, An Poetica, 343-4: Omne
tulit punctum qui miscuit utile dulci, 1 lectorem delectando pariterque monendo. This prologue may
also be alluding to the controversies about plays and players current in Dorchester at this time, contro
versies recorded most fully in the case of Condytt v. Chubbe (see pp 177-80).
340 DORSET
John Thornborough (p 171, 1.8) was bishop of Bristol 1603-17 and, given the pun on his name
(p 171, 11.40-2), it is clear that the entertainment was written for him. Although neither the manuscript
of the prologue nor any other Dorset documents specifies the precise date of his visit to Dorchester, he
did visit Dorset in 1603, as published visitation articles (sec pp 48 and 1 13) indicate, and again in 1609
(a visitation referred to in PRO: STAC 8/15/19 mb 8). As it seems probable that he would have made a
visitation of the school early in his episcopacy the date range 1603-10 has been assigned to this text.
Robert Chceke ( ye SchoolM<wrfr Sheeke, p 171 , 1.1 1) came to Dorchester in 1 595 to be master of the
Free School and in 1617 he succeeded William Cheek as rector of All Saints. Puritan in his sympathies
he was a generous, well-liked member of the community. He oversaw the rebuilding of the Free School
in 1618 and the founding of Trinity School in 1623, the year in which his students presented p|ays for
Bishop Wright during his visitation.
173-9 PRO: STAC 8/94/1 7 mb 19
The bill of complaint was filed, with an attached copy of the libels as exhibits, on 21 April 1608 but
the bill and its attachments must have been composed and written earlier. The original copy of the bill
appears on mb 19, that of the libels on mbs 20-2. A second copy of the bill, which occupies mb 10, is
incomplete (it deletes the formulaic conclusion, p 178, 1.40-p 179, 1.6) and is signed by the defendants
attorney; it is probably an administrative copy, to which the second copy of the libels (mbs 12-13) was
attached, made for the commissioners who took the formal answers of Matthew Chubbe and other defen
dants. Because mb 1 9 served as the outside cover for much of the document when the membranes were joined
together and folded for storage, it is more damaged than other membranes. Many words and phrases
apparently lost as a result of damage were read under UV light and are enclosed in diamond brackets.
This case of Condytt et al v. Chubbe et al is one of the main sources of information about the social
history of Dorchester in the early seventeenth century. The case is fundamental to Underdown s indis
pensable study of the town, Fire from Heaven; see pp 27-37 where he uses the case to establish the
character of Dorchester s governors and their milieu. He also draws on the case, specifically the account
it gives of the 1 607 visit of Berkeley s men to Dorchester, in his broader study of the southwestern
counties, Revel, Riot and Rebellion, pp 56-8. In Underdown s view, The conflict between Chubb and
the reformers was one for the town s very soul: for its entire moral and spiritual character (Fire from
Heaven, p 38). John Condytt was one of these reformers, orthodox members of a protestant Church
of England whose beliefs demanded a constant striving after salvation, a refusal to compromise with
sin and human fallibility, and required them to press on with building the new Jerusalem, the task that
God had marked out, above all others, as their destiny (p 22). On the other hand, Matthew Chubbe
and his circle, according to Underdown, stood for an old conception of neighbourliness, of community
harmony, of a social order held together by an interlocking network of mutual obligations joining people
of all ranks and conditions. At the top, the rich - wealthy burgesses in the towns, prosperous gentry in
the countryside would provide hospitality and charity to whomsoever they chose, in the mythical
good old way, not simply to those who were deserving because they were godly and well connected
(p 32). Traditional festivities, local customs, and public performances by travelling players were among
the occasions where these opposed forces clashed in early seventeenth-century Dorchester. For the fol
lowing notes on persons involved in this case we are indebted to the works of David Underdown already
noted and to Appendix 5: Biographical Notes of the Dorset Record Society edition of William White-
way s diary (see Documents, pp 62-3).
The principals in this case were well-established citizens of the borough. John Condytt was a Puritan
tailor of Dorchester who was in 1608 on the brink of greater prominence in the borough: constable in
ENDNOTES
1616, serjeant at mace in 1624, beadle of the company of freemen 1629-30 (in which year he also
assisted with the negotiations for the town charter), serjeant at arms 1634 - all of which positions
brought him into direct opposition with more festive inhabitants of Dorchester. Matthew Chubbe,
goldsmith, was Dorchester s wealthiest man and perhaps its most powerful. One of the burgesses of the
town by 1583, he was bailiff for the first of several times in 1 588, and in the next twenty years he held
that and every other possible town office with great regularity (Underdown, Fire from Heaven, p 24).
See also LJ. Chubb, Matthew and Margaret Chubb, SDNQ28 (1961-7), 213-18, 230-5, and Under-
down, Fire from Heaven, pp 23-37, especially p 34. Margaret Chubbe, widow of Matthew in 1617,
reaffirmed in her will of 1625 his values, values which included hospitality and philanthropy. She made
very generous bequests to the Women s Almshouse (which became known as Chubb s Almshouse) and
the New Hospital.
John White (p 173, 1.17) was the powerful, influential rector of Holy Trinity parish from the time
of his appointment in 1606 until he fled to the Savoy after his house was plundered in 1642. Besides
David Underdown, Fire from Heaven, passim, sec Rose-Troup, John White. Matthew Chubbe defends
himself against this specific claim that he had quarrelled and wrangled with preachers by adverting to
his provision for, and hospitality toward, them, both preachers of the town and visiting ones. He counters
the claim that he and John White were at odds by arguing that he and the rector had effected a
reconciliation. Underdown remains skeptical of Chubbe s sincerity in these efforts; see Fire from Heaven,
P p34-6.
The records of this case refer to two men named John Adyn (p 173, 1.20; p 190, 1.26). One is a
co-complainant with Condytt and others. The other is the late John Adyn, brewer, who was a long
standing member of Dorchester s elite, being a burgess from the 1580s and a bailiff as early as 15823.
That he was one of Chubbe s circle is evident from the fact that Chubbe and others were trustees for
his estate. Robert Adyn, brother of the late |ohn and brother-in-law of Nicholas Vawter, was a Roman
Catholic frequently incarcerated m the Dorchester gaol because of his refusal to conform to the religious
authorities of the day. Robert Adyn objected co the view that Christ died not for the sins of all people but
for those of the elect only. To refute this view and to defend the most meritorious passion of Christ
(p 197, 1.32) he admits that he wrote To the Counterfait Company and packe of Puritans. Another
leaching that divided the parties to this suit appears in the allegation that Chubbe accept the popish
doctrine that people could be saved by meritorious works, an allegation he dismisses in his answer to
the bill of complaint (p 190, 11.3-5).
Sir George Trenchard (p 174, 1.23) of Wolvcton, just north of Dorchester, was an important bene
factor of the town. A justice of the peace, he sat as Dorchester s MP in 1572 and assumed the office of
recorder in 1610.
William Perkins ( Parkins, p 175, 1.4; 1558-1602) was a fellow of Christ s College, Cambridge, from
1584 to 1594. A prolific writer and an influential preacher, he addressed himself to the very issues that,
according to this Star Chamber case, divided White and Condytt from Chubbe; see, for instance, De
praedestinattonis modo et ordme (Cambridge, 1598; iTC: 19682), translated into English in 1606 (STC:
19683); A treatise of Gods free grace and mans free will (Cambridge, 1602; src:19750); and A treatise
tending vnto a declaration whether a man be in the estate of damnation (London, c \ 588; STC: \ 9752).
For Robert Cheeke, the schoolmaster, see p 339, endnote to Bodl.: MS. Add. B. 97 fT63-4.
Like other plaintiffs in libel suits, John Condytt and his co-complainants try to prove that the
defendants published their libellous works. They published them in the sense of making them public,
in this case not through printing and distribution but through the preparation of several manuscript
copies of the verses and through the public reading of them. The market cross, like the other sites noted
342 DORSET
in the bill of complainc (the Common Hall and St Peter s Church), was central to the borough; it stood
where South Street widened just before the |unction with the main east-west road, West Street. For
this and the other locations, see the inset map of the town on the map (p 108). The inn at which
Berkeley s men performed (p 177, 1.32) was probably the George Inn, Dorchester s finest hostelry
according to Underdown (Fire from Heaven, p 36). Destroyed by the fire of 1613, the George was rebuilt
when Matthew Chubbe, through some shady dealing, acquired its lease in 1617.
179-83 PRO: STAC 8/94/17 mbs 20-2
Tall sturdy Puritan knave (p 179, 1.14-p 180, 1.10) includes the only specific evidence in the Dorset
records of direct opposition to players on the part of the Puritan factions. Indeed references to the con
flict between Puritans and players provide the structural frame of the piece. The opening lines seem to
strike a topical note, as if the author has in mind a published or a performed instance of players calling
Puritans knaves, and the conclusion returns to reformist antagonism to stage plaiers and trew melody
(p 180, 1.8). This last phrase may refer in a general way to the bell-ringing mentioned in the libel, bell-
ringing that also seems tied to a particular occasion and a particular dispute setting the author at odds
with the schoolmaster, Anglicans with Puritans, indeed Puritans with Puritans. Unfortunately, the records
needed to contextualize the apparently topical allusions are not extant. The postscript has been sub
scribed LA ; these initials suggest the possibility that John Adyn, the late brother of Robert Adyn, helped
write the verses.
The libels exhibited in this case have little of the salacious humour and explicit bawdy often found
in such satires. The attack is chiefly moral: in the second libel (Tow Puritans all wheresoeuf r yow dwell,
p 180, 1.14-p 182,1.12) the Puritans, like the Catholics of Spain (p 180, 1.5), are mocked for their
hypocrisy, pride, treason, and villainy operating under a cloak of purity. Their attire symbolizes the
contradictions in their lives for while they shun French bodices stiffened with whale bone, they wear
large cambric ruffs, ruffs made of fine, white linen made in Cambray in Flanders (p 180, 11.32-5).
Elizabeth Condytt is the chief butt of the satire because of her alleged adulterous solicitude for William
Lawrence, clerk, of Winterborne Steepleton. In the lighmes (see p 187, 1.27) or delirium that marked
Lawrence s illness, presumably he mentioned Elizabeth Condytt and from that mention the libellers
created an affair. Besides the mockery found in the libels (evident in localized verbal play such as the
punning on John Condytt s/conduit s name near the end of the third libel, To the Counterfait Company
(p 183, 1.22)), there is some serious engagement with Puritan ideas, such as the idea that the salvific
effects of Christ s passion are limited to the elect and the notion that God is the author of evil. The
author of the libellous verses argues that belief in these ideas depends upon a highly selective use of the
Scriptures and a stubborn refusal to attend to evidence to the contrary.
183-4 PRO: STAC 8/94/17 mb 17
To convict Chubbe of the particular charge made in the bill of complaint, the plaintiffs try to discredit
him by attributing to him a wider range of offences. Interrogatory 12 implies that Chubbe failed to
observe policies of the borough in his exercise of his offices. Furthermore, the interrogatories imply that
he misused the authority of his office and may have used his wealth in order to advance his own causes
and friends.
184-91 PRO: STAC 8/94/17 mb 18
The strategy of Matthew and Margaret Chubbe is to distance themselves both from the composition of
the libels and from their dissemination. They begin by arguing that they are not the first to be accused
ENDNOTES
of writing these libels. John Condytt, the Chubbes maintain, charged Robert Coker, William Longe,
Lawrence Darby, and William Palmer with libel and then, to Condytt s discredit, dropped the charges
after receiving 12 from the defendants. The records of Dorchester contain little else about these par
ticular men but all were members of old and fairly prosperous families of the town; the complaint
against them does not appear to survive. Matthew and Margaret Chubbe also distance themselves from
the discovery of the verses. The first libel, beginning Tall sturdy Puritan knave, provides the most
elaborate example of this ploy, for this libel supposedly reached Matthew Chubbe s hands only after it
had been found by a butcher s boy, passed on to the young Gervais Scrope, and relayed by him to
Margaret Chubbe. Mediating between the origin of the libel and Matthew Chubbe are people different
from him in class, age, and gender. That construction of events was, however, understandably biased
in the Chubbes favour. Gervais Scrope was not only a student boarding with the Chubbes but also the
son of Sir Adrian Scrope, Chubbe s landlord and his companion at the performance of the play by
Berkeley s men. The second libel, beginning Yow Puritans all, was also found, by ihe poor shoemaker
Thomas Foy, who passed it on to Matthew Chubbe. The only libel that Chubbe himself found, that
entitled To the Counterfait Company &: packe of Puritans, is almost immediately attributed to Robert
Adyn, who confesses that he wrote it. Matthew Chubbe counters the claim that he and his wife dis
seminated the libels by arguing that they passed them on but only to civic officials who would recognize
their damaging potential and curtail them. With the second libel, for example, Matthew Chubbe claims
that he brought it to the attention of Richard Barker. Barker, constable at this time, was a shoemaker,
and a successful one, a burgess of the town in 1 593, and a capital burgess by the time of his death in
1621. Similarly with the first libel, the Chubbes report that they retrieved a copy of the libel from the
young Mr William Willyams despite resistance on his part and passed it on to his father, a justice of
the peace, Sir John Willyams. Sir John Willyams, of Herringston south of Dorchester, was head of an
old and influential family with substantial holdings of property in Dorchester. Following his death in
1617 the family clashed with local authorities, a conflict exemplifying the changing relations of towns
folk and gentry; see Fire from Heaven, pp 1 578. Matthew Chubbe invokes Sir John Willyams to assist
his defence in another way, which depends in part upon establishing his connections with the gentry,
particularly those occupying positions of authority, such as Sir John Willyams, JP. Moving in the circles
of Sir John Willyams, Sir Francis Ashley, Sir Adrian Scrope, and Sir George Trenchard, Chubbe could
hardly be adjudged to be the libellous, heretical malefactor of Condytt s allegations. In response to the
charge that Matthew Chubbe facilitated a performance by Berkeley s men, the defendant distances him
self from the event by affirming a kind of personal diffidence, a waning desire for stage plays.
192-3 PRO: STAC 8/94/17 mb 2
The interrogatories on mb 2 shed additional light on two aspects of the case. The eleventh interrogatory,
for instance, specifies the reason that Margaret Chubbe informed the Condytts maidservant of a libel
in which Lawrence of Steepleton and Elizabeth Condytt were both named; the aim is a good one of
course - so as the author might the sooner be founde out. Similarly, interrogatory 1 8 implies that
Matthew Chubbe was not merely diffident about the proposed performance by Berkeley s men but
actively opposed, for, he claims, he refused to pass on to them the key to the town hall.
193-4 PRO: STAC 8/94/1 7 mbs 7, 8
Through their interrogatories the plaintiffs seek to establish evidence of a very different Matthew Chubbe
from that in his submissions. Whereas he claimed that he did what a civic officer should do to contain
the damage that might be done by the first libel (Tall sturdy Puritan knave ), the fourth interrogatory
344 DORSET
implies that Chubbc looked forward to the song that was to be made of the libel and failed to arrest
the perpetrator of it even though he boasted that he could do so with a wette finger (p 193, 1.26), that
is, easily, as easily as determining which way the wind blows. Whereas Chubbe portrays himself as act
ing responsibly once the libels reached his hand, interrogatory 8 implies that he acceded to his wife s
desire to hear the first libel, fetched it for that purpose, passed it on to a boy (presumably Gervais
Scrope), and stood by while he recited all or part of the work. Whereas Chubbe claims that he read the
second libel ( Yow Puritans all ) in a low voice at Richard Blatchford s house, which happened to be near
the market cross (see above, p 187, 11.38-9), interrogatory 12 implies that he read it loudly at the mar
ket cross. Whereas Chubbe explains that he had to meet with Robert Adyn because he was the adminis
trator of the goods of Robert s late brother, John Adyn (p 190, 11.26-9), interrogatory 20 implies that
Matthew Chubbe and Robert Adyn were kindred spirits and that Chubbe entertained Adyn even when
he knew that Adyn was the author of the libellous verses. Whereas Chubbe pretends to indifference
concerning the performance by Berkeley s men (see above, p 191, 11.2-8), interrogatory 21 character
izes Chubbe as an energetic sponsor, one prepared to defy both the rules for the proper observance of
the sabbath and the civic authorities enforcing them. Finally, whereas Chubbe portrays himself as a
generous citizen and a dutiful civic official, interrogatory 23 makes him out to be a usurer, exploitat
ive of others and disrespectful of his social superiors. If these interrogatories were drawn up several
months after the bill of complaint and the submission of the defendants answers, the Condytts im
plicit allegation of Chubbe s sceasing of horses (in interrogatory 23) would have been informed by
personal experience. Matthew Chubbe was commissioned on 21 August 1607 (5 James i) as constable
of Dorchester to conscript horses to help carry provisions to Salisbury for the entertainment of the monarch
there. Chubbe used his authority to seize the horse of John Condytt but Condytt, thinking that Chubbe
was taking the horse because of a small debt that Condytt owed Chubbe, resisted. As a result Chubbe
filed a bill of complaint against Condytt in the Court of Star Chamber (PRO: STAC 8/104/10). In his
answer to the charge Condytt argued the plausible case that Chubbe had taken the case to Star Chamber
in order to get even for Condyu s earlier libel suit against Chubbe. Concerning Chubbe s usury, see
J.H. Bettey, Matthew Chubb of Dorchester: Rapacious Moneylender and Benevolent Philanthropist,
PDNHAS, vol 112(1991 for 1990), 1-4.
Robert Adyn, whose answer to the charges appears on mb 9 (see pp 1958), defends himself more
boldly than the Chubbes. He begins by demeaning the Condytts as lower class (the corollary of Matthew
Chubbe s effort to cast himself as an associate of civic authorities and leading families) and relatively
poor. The second quality coheres with Adyn s accusation that the Condytts profited by charging another
group with libel and wished to turn this case to account too. What makes Adyn s defence distinctive is
its redefinition of the writings themselves as Pamphelettor Invectiues, which he claims are directed
against enemies of the state and the established church, such as are the Purytans or Brownistw (p 195,
1.39). By this construction Adyn appears to be not a dangerous Catholic recusant but a champion of
church doctrine and state authorities. His redefinition of the libellous poems also informs his confession
that he wrote the third piece, To the Counterfait Company & packe of Puritans, which he sees as his
contribution to a debate provoked by a particular sermon by John White.
194-5 PRO: STAC 8/94/17 mbs 3,4
The testimony ofThomas Buckler (p 194, 1.31-p 195, 1.3) and that of Hugh Haggard (p 195, 11.8-19)
help Chubbe in his defence against the allegation that he facilitated the performance by Berkeley s men.
The latter states that Sir Adrian Scrope proposed that the players perform at his room in the inn and
invited Matthew Chubbe to attend the performance; the former confirms that Chubbe attended the
ENDNOTES
interlude to satisfy Scrope s request. Francis Kyrton of Almsford, Somerset, describes on mb 5 a recon
ciliation between Matthew Chubbe and John White, thereby providing the only corroboration of
Chubb e s claim to that effect (p 190, 11.16-19) and countering the evidence to the contrary submitted
by witnesses on behalf of the complainants (mb 6).
198 BL: Harley MS. 6715 f 6v
Gilbert Reason is identified as one of the members of Prince Charles company in its patent of 1610.
This record of his work in the provinces antedates those noted by G.E. Bentley in his note on the actor
in The Jacobean and Caroline Stage, vol 2 (Oxford, 1 94 1 ), 54 1 -3.
199 BL: Egerton MS. 784 ff 34, 35
In his diary William Whiteway notes a wide range of events that interested him, some of which occurred
in Dorset, specifically in Dorchester, and others (such as this arrest of the ballad singers) that took
place in London.
Robert Wright (1.13) was bishop of Bristol from 1623 to 1632. For his entertainment with plays
Dorchester had a precedent since Robert Chceke had directed his boys in a theatrical presentation for
Bishop Thornborough; see pp 171-2 for the earlier entertainment and p 180, 11.7-10 for Cheeke s in
clusion among the Puritans of Dorchester in the libellous verses attached to the bill of complaint in
Condytt et al v. Chubbe et al.
199 DRO: DC/DOB: 8/1 f 33
Lewes visited Dorchester on his second trip into the southwest of England. Six or seven days after
Christmas Lewes had set out from Swansea and travelled to Bristol, to Bridgwater, and then on through
Devon before returning home by sea. Having borrowed more money from his mother he left Swansea
again and travelled into Dorset via Taunton and then proceeded eastward as far as Salisbury. Lewes
refers to these events as taking place on the next day and monday (11.25-6): he had spent the previous
Sunday at Beaminsteren route from Chard in Somerset to Dorchester.
200 BL: Egerton MS. 784 f 79v
The puppeteers who were not allowed to perform in Dorchester were likely John and William Sands (or
Sandes) and company; see pp 121-2 for a fuller account of their conflict with the local authorities at
Beammster.
200 DRO: DC/DOB: 8/1 f 79
Underdown notes that Edward Hill (1.19) was one of the borough s notorious drinkers, one who in his
later years would support the royalist cause during the Civil War (Fire from Heaven, pp 74, 206).
201-2 DRO: DC/DOB: 8/1 ff 97-7v
William Hutchins (p 201, 1.12), a Dorchester butcher, was normally antagonistic to the forces of
protestant reform in the borough; on the Hutchins family, see Underdown, Fire from Heaven, p 163.
"Thomas Grudham (p201, 1.15) may be Thomas Grmdham; sec pp 347-8, endnote to DRO- DC/DOB-
16/4f[18v],
202 BL: Egerton MS. 784 f 87
Dr William Butts, master of Corpus Christi 1 622-32 and vice-chancellor of the university for a third
346 DORSET
term, took his own life on Easter Sunday, 1 April 1632, following a performance on 19 March of Peter
Hausted s play, The Rival Friends. For additional information about the performance, the pressures im
pinging upon Butts, and the controversy attendant upon the play, see Alan H. Nelson (cd), Cambridge,
REED (Toronto, 1989), vol 1, pp 637-43 and vol 2, pp 767, 775, 881-3,920,960-1, 1024-5, and
1248-50. Whiteway s entry bespeaks his reformist leanings and the religious debates within the uni
versities for it notes only one of the play s several plots, that satirizing the simony and hypocrisy of
Sacriledge Hooke.
202 BL: Egerton MS. 784 f 91
William Prynne s book, Histrio-mastix (STC: 20464a), came out in 1633 at which time Queen Henrietta
Maria herself was engaged in producing and performing in various theatricals (see Stephen Orgel and
Roy Strong, Inigo Jones: The Theatre of the Stuart Court, vol 1 (London, Berkeley, and Los Angeles,
1973), 51-7). Prynne drew the Inns of Court into the controversy by identifying himself on the title
page of his work as an utter-barrister of Lincoln s Inn and by dedicating the volume first to the masters
of the bench of that institution. Prynne also included a second dedicatory epistle addressed to the students
of the four Inns of Court and to those of Lincoln s Inn in particular.
203-4 BL: Egerton MS. 784 ff 94, 96
Several documents relating to the dispute concerning ales, revels, and May games are extant; see Stokes
with Alexander (eds), Somerset Including Bath, vol 1, pp 432-47 and vol 2, pp 976-80. Whiteway
errs in attributing the leadership of the opposition to such festivities to Sir Arthur Hopton, who was in
Spain from 1629 to 1635 according to the DNB. A Ralph Hopton and a Robert Hopton, however, do
endorse the petition of the Somerset JPS to Charles I (Somerset Including Bath, vol 1, p 444).
The booke (p 204, 1.7) set forth by King Charles i was The kings majesties declaration . . . concerning
lawful sports, STC: 9254.7, a reissue of King James i s declaration, published in 1617 for Lancashire, in
1618 (STC: 9238.9) for the rest of the kingdom. An excerpt of the issue of 1633 has been published in
Stokes with Alexander (eds), Somerset Including Bath, vol 1 , pp 4467. For transcriptions of the Kings
Declaration in full, see George (ed), Lancashire, pp 229-31 and Audrey Douglas and Peter Greenfield
(eds), Cumberland/ Westmorland/Gloucestershire, REED (Toronto, 1986), 366-8. Whiteway goes on to
notice in an entry dated 23 November instant (f 96v) the immediate opposition to the declaration. Mr
Ignatius Jourdain, probably the mayor of Exeter, brother of Silvester Jourdain (see p 366, endnote to
DRO: DC/LR: Gl/1 pp 140-1 ), though not identified as such by Whiteway) wrote to the bishop of
Exeter, then in London, asking that he communicate to the king Jourdain s desire that the declaration
be revoked. Bishop Hall showed Jourdain s petition to the monarch, weathered the king s displeasure at
the challenge to his prerogative, and replied to Jourdain in a letter sharply taxing him for his indiscreete
zeale. Whiteway goes on to record the controversy prompted by the order that the book be read in parish
churches: he notes on 1 1 July 1634 (f 104v) disputes in Winchester, in Somerset, and in Dorchester,
where, John White refusing to read it, Mr Holhday did so on a friday morning 1 1. July, none being
then at Church, but hiw, & the Clarke & the Churchwardens. In an entry of 8 September 1634 (f 107),
Whiteway returns to the topic observing that all but two of the ministers in Surrey, who had refused to
read the declaration, had been reinstated.
204-5 BL: Egerton MS. 784 ff 98v-9
The Triumph of Peace, by James Shirley, was first, performed at Whitehall on 3 February 1633/4. The
second performance, that at Merchant Tailors Hall, had been scheduled for 1 1 February but was
ENDNOTES
347
postponed until the 13th. For a discussion of the material in Whiceway s diary in the context of other
London records of the second performance of the masque, sec McGee, "strangest consequence",
pp 309-42.
205 DRO: DC/DOB: 8/1 f 210
Three of Buck s companions (Haggard, Penny, and Mrs Wyer) were also examined about this case (f 210)
but none of them mentions Buck s dancing.
205 BL: Egerton MS. 784 f 102v
In A Divine Tragedy (Wing: B6161), Henry Burton includes a story of this fatal maypole at Glastonbury
on 13 May 1634; see Stokes with Alexander (eds), Somerset Including Bath, vol 1, p 136,
206 cut: Dd.11.73 f 148
Whireway relates a story of a performance of George Haggles Ignoramus. First presented for King James I
on 8 March 1614/15, the comedy was so liked by the king that he requested a second performance on
13 May of that year. Whiteway s entry probably refers to the later performance, by which time the
play s satire of lawyers had provoked a heated exchange by writers of ballads and broadsides; in this
regard, see Nelson (ed), Cambridge, pp 861-78. Whiteway probably received a version of the story
from his brother Samuel, a student of Cambridge University from 1631 to 1635, who received reports
of the incident from others at the university.
206 BL: Egerton MS. 784 f 110
This French woman without hands is almost certainly Mrs Provoe, wife of Adrian Provoe, whom Norwich
licensed on 13 July 1633 to perform her feats with her feet; sec David Galloway (ed), Norwich 1540-
1642, REED (Toronto, 1984), 211.
207 DRO: D/BOC: Box 22 f 13
While Dorchester was Dennis Bond s principal seat he had property in Melcombe Regis, his birthplace,
Weymouth, and Buckerell. He also had lands in the Isle of Purbeck, Carans Court in Swanage parish,
and Lutton (1.1 1) farm in Steeple parish, which is about sixteen miles west of Corfe Castle.
207 DRO: DOB: 8/1 ff312v, 313
William Gosling (1.24) also performed in Norwich; see the records of 28 March 1635 (Galloway (ed),
Norwich, p 219).
The two apprentices, Gilbert and Woodes, mentioned in the Meder case (11.35-7), were also questioned
(f 313) but did not confirm that the group was singing.
208 DRO: DOB: 8/1 f 337
On the rambunctious Powncys, butchers of Dorchester, see Underdown, Fire from Heaven, especially
pp34and 163-6.
208-9 DRO: DOB: 16/4 f [18v]
Thomas Grindham, a shoemaker with Puritan sympathies, helped constable Gifford Bale incarcerate
the fiddlers. According to Underdown, Fire from Heaven, p 160, they did so without a warrant and in
the process wrongfully imprisoned one of the Gollop family, who sued them for doing so. Given this
348 DORSET
suit, Grindham and Bale had high costs to pay and because they did not have the necessary warrant the
borough was reluctant to help to defray them.
209 BL: HarleyMS. 6715 f 22v
Joseph Perkins (1.21), clothier of Dorchester, became, in Underdown s terms, a notorious delinquent from
about this time on. Here he is implicated in misleading youth, drinking, and dishonouring the sabbath; he
would end up facing charges of assault, adultery, and rape. Sec Underdown, Fire from Heaven, pp 67-70.
210 WRO: D5/28/10, item 62 single sheet
This presentment is from Haydon, Dorset, not Haydon, Wiltshire. The Dorset parish is within the
jurisdiction of the dean of Salisbury s peculiar as the Wiltshire parish is not; moreover Castleton, the
home parish of Anne Vincent and her husband (1.22), is also a Dorset parish (in the dean s peculiar)
fairly near to Haydon.
210-11 DRO: QSM: 1/1 f 199v
Sir Nathaniel Napier (d. 1635) was sheriff of Dorset, 1620-1, and deputy-lieutenant, 1625-6, and
served as MP for Dorset (1625-6), Wareham (1626), and Milborne Port (1628-9) (William Whiteway,
p 180). John Whittcombe, DD, is probably John Whetcombe (1580-1635), rector of Maiden Newton,
l6lO-35andofFromeVauchurch, 1620-35 (William Whiteway, p 183). The charges William Scot
had to face are not known but it seems that he had to face them with three other residents of Hinton
Martell for Maurice Harris (f 199), Edward Scott, husbandman, and Alban Weare, tailor (both also on
f 199v) are all bound over apparently at the same time as Scot. All four men have the same guarantors
that they will answer the charges.
Ashgrove (p 21 1 , 1.5) is likely an error for Ashmore, a village near Tollard Royal, Wiltshire, home
of William Scot s other guarantor. No Ashgrove could be located in Dorset.
211 DRO: DC/LR:Gl/2 p 81
For the dating of this item, see The Documents, p 66.
211 DRO: DC/LR:Gl/2 pp 23,24
On the location of Richard Leonard s house (11.25 and 33) we know only that it was adjacent to that of
John Mores (Morris) for the two were ordered in 1 551 to repair the gutters between the two properties.
Leonard himself is noticed in the borough records, first in 1538 when he paid 6s 8d toward recovery
of the town cross and finally in 1562 when he was sworn a burgess and freeman of the borough. He must
have died shortly thereafter because he is not named in a list of freemen a year later and in another suit
in 1563 Joan Rixer is identified as widow executrix of the last will and testament of Richard Leonard. Al
though he lost his liberty of the town in 1540 because of a conflict with the mayor he must have been
restored to his privileges since he served as a receiver of the Cobb, probably early in the 1550s.
The payment for the lord admiral s servants (1.26) was probably for food and drink since the charge
is the same as that below for bread and beer laid on (or the Stockland men (11.31-2). Elsewhere on p 24
of the account a payment occurs for someone to go to stocklond to warne them to cuw to make pe bulwarke ;
the Stockland men were clearly labourers rather than performers.
211 DRO: DC/LR: N23/2, item 17 f[l]
The heading of the account specifies the date of its rendering as 2 December 3 Edward vi.
349
ENDNOTES
212 DRO: DC/LR-. G7/3 f [76]
John Batcyn and Rjchard Leonard were receivers of the Cobb at the time of this performance. Although
the account is dated 19 December in the heading, the year of Battin s and Leonard s term is not speci
fied. As a result the date of this account book remains tentative. The account books of receivers of the
Cobb are no longer in chronological order; for example, following chis booklet is one for 1556, then
one for 1557, and then one for 1550. Given the evidence of performances in private homes of promin
ent citizens it is not unlikely that the mcrere howsse (1.1 1) is the mayor s house.
212 DRO: DC/LR:Gl/2 p 211
Roger Garland, Richard Hunt, and John Perot were all leading burgesses of Lyme Regis; Garland served
as mayor in 1549-50 (and died in office 1561-2), Hunt in 1554-5 and 1558-9, and Perot (mistakenly
called Barratt by Roberts (Lyme Regis, p 46)) in 1555-6.
213 DRO: DC/LR:Gl/2 p 140
Wanklyn, Lyme Leaflets, p 39, says that the Sherbornc players performed in the church in the reign of
Mary Tudor. His confusion may have arisen because the quarter book with this entry is located imme
diately before one for 1558 and Hassard was mayor both in 1557 and in 1567; however, the heading
specifies quite clearly 1 567.
214 DRO: DC/LR: G2/2 tab 6
Roberts, Social History, p 37, reads my L of essetters (1.17) as My Lord of Exeter s and assigns this
and the next three entries to 1569. However, there was no Lord Exeter between 1539 and 1605.
215 DRO: DC/LR: G2/2 tabs 23-4
The ornate initial letter of the patron s name makes it difficult to identify the patron but that letter seems
to be a capital S and the word a form of Sussex. Halliwell-Phillipps identifies the players as those of
Lord Dorset in Halliwell-Plnlltpps Scrapbuoks. -An Index, J.A.B. Somerset (comp), REED (Toronto, 1979),
55; Wanklyn, Lyme Leaflets, p 20, transcribes the name as Sesycks and identifies the patron as Lord
Sussex (but as if uncertain of his own transcription, he also notes a performance by Essex s men, a per
formance for which we have no evidence in surviving accounts).
216 DRO: DC/LR: G2/2 tab 47
Roberts, Social History, p 37, assigns the visits of all these performers to 1589 and adds to the list of
troupes rewarded by Lyme Regis that year Lord Sherborne s players, of which players there is no record
in extant accounts. He may have incorrectly assigned to 1 589 the Sherborne players who visited Lyme
Regis in 1 567-8 (p 213, 1.5); this troupe received the same amount that Roberts says the players of Lord
Sherborne were given in 1 589.
217 DRO: DC/LR: G2/2 tab 55
John Dutton was regarded as one of the best actors in the realm in 1 583, when he was recruited from
Oxford s troupe to become one of the founding members of the queen s men. Lawrence Dutton, though
apparently not among the first list of the actors in Elizabeth s company, was a member no later than
1 589. For the touring of a part of the queen s men under the leadership of the Duttons, see E.K. Chambers,
The Elizabethan Stage, vol 2 (Oxford, 1923; rpt with corrections 1974), 1 1 1-12.
350 DORSET
218 WRO: D5/28/9, item 24 single sheet
Little information about the schoolhouse survives; see Wanklyn, Lyme Regis: A Retrospect, pp 170-1 ,
who describes the sixteenth-century school as a room that was part of St Michael s Church and accom
modated ten or twelve pupils. The Infant School shown directly south of the church on a map of 1841
(reproduced opposite p 262 of Lyme Regis: A Retrospect and discussed on pp 242-56) is of later con
struction; having been renovated for flats, it has .since been torn down as well.
218-22 PRO: STAC 8/258/15 single mb
The libel transcribed in this bill of complaint, the bawdiest of Dorset s extant early seventeenth-century
libellous poems, does not seem to have been prompted by animosity between religious factions. The
disagreement appears to be an economic one arising from Robert Salter s efforts as a customs officer.
Several prominent townsmen are caught up in the affair, though the nature and extent of their involve
ment is not established by the bill of complaint: Robert Hassard, Sr (p 219, 11.21-2), had been mayor in
1601-2, John Hassard (p 219, 1.22) would be in 1615-16, Richard Harvey (p 218, 1.37) in 1616-17.
John Viney (p 219, 1.23) never held high public offices but he became an important figure in the next
decade as an ally of the Puritan vicar, John Geare.
222 WRO: D5/28/11, item 24 f [Iv]
Normally we have not included the playing of games in the records but given the cross-reference between
the Whitsunday procession and the playing of Cytels (1.35) in the churchyard these two activities may
have been linked; indeed, the game-playing may have been occasioned by the festive carosing (carousing?)
of the Cobb wardens. Cytels is probably skittles, a game that would certainly have disturbed those
attending church services on Whitsunday morning but playing such games at any time in the church
yard was forbidden. It should be noted, however, that it is not the game-playing but the Whitsunday
procession itself that is judged to be a profanation of the sabbath.
223 DRO: DC/LR:G1/1 p 252
John Jones is identified as a player in the record of the baptism of one of his childreq in St Botolph s
Aldgate, London. When arrested for a performance at Upton on Severn, Worcestershire, he was travel
ling with a licence (judged by the authorities to be counterfeit) to set forth Motion w/th dyvers storyes
in ytt As alsoe tumbleing vaulteing sleight of hand and other such like feates of Actively... (see David
N. Klausner (ed), Herefordshire/Worcestershire, RF.ED (Toronto, 1990), 394-5 (words quoted are on p 394);
also quoted by Bentley, Jacobean and Caroline Stage, vol 2, p 486).
224 WRO: D5/28/35, item 73 ff [4v-5]
Although the christening of apples (1.14) would seem to be a folk custom that should have a long his
tory, this is the only explicit allusion in extant records to the festivity. The mock muster on Ascension
Day (Tuesday 7 May in 1635) had the regular, officially authorized musters for its precedent. The
drumming and shooting would certainly have been heard by the church-goers, for Mill Green (1.18)
was less than 300 yards northwest of the church and, if the march into or out of town took them down
Coombe Street to Monmouth Street to Church Street, the array would have gone right by the western
door of St Michael s. This presentment establishes three divisive issues: the disrespect for the sabbath
by those who celebrate the christening of apples, the disturbance of the Ascension Day service caused
by William AJford, Jr, and his crew, and the failure of William AJford, Sr, who also served as mayor in
1632, to fulfill his responsibilities as a justice of the peace.
ENDNOTES
225-9 PRO: STAC 8/1 53/29 mb 3
The bill of complaint, dated before November 1622, indicates that the first libel was composed in
December 1621 or January 1621/2 and the second libel in July or August of 1622. Given John Gordon s
schooling at the University of Aberdeen and his office as minister and preacher, this case is likely evid
ence of factionaJism in Melbury Osmond arising from Puritanism. Typical of verses satirizing Puritans,
the libellous poems in this case assume that the religious gatherings were occasions for sexual indulgence;
hence, the mocking accusations of whoring and cuckoldry.
230 DRO: D/KAT7623 f [17v]
This and the following entry are taken from a list headed (...) nots taken out of A boock of accounts
be gining (...) the yeare of our Lord - one Thovsand five hundreth forty six. 1 546 . for the parish of
neitherbury (f [17v]). The notes may be comments on churchwardens accounts of St Mary s, Nether-
bury. These entries are almost certainly the source of Hutchins assertion that there were references in
the records of the manor of Yondover (one of three manors associated with Netherbury) to Robin Hood
customs at Netherbury (History and Antiquities, vol 2, p 108) since other sections of the manuscript
excerpt Yondover presentments; the wording Hutchins gives is very close to the phrasing of this passage.
The notes include comments that seem to be later interpretations - the antiquary says, for example,
that in the raigne of * King Edward the 6. The protistant A religion was established wit A Vh went
[(...)] on slowly but in quene marys raine poperry was quickly set vp againe by which we may see how
slowly the worck of reformation gOA^e s on in all ages (f [17v]) - and are almost certainly not verbatim
transcriptions.
230 DRO: D/KAT7623 f [18]
Most of the dated entries in these notes are in chronological order. The entry on f [18] is, however,
preceded by an entry dated 1 575 and followed by one dated 1 568; hence the dating of the entry.
231 WRO: D5/28/12, item 20 single sheet
The record lacks the detail to be sure that these playes (1.23) were theatrical representations rather than
games of some sort. Many of the people involved in this case - John Dier, Robert Beaton, John Arnold,
Thomas Michell (or his namesake), James Haim, Henry Jellett ( Henry Gillett, 1.20), and Francis
Beere - reappear in the dispute that went to Star Chamber, and others - Nicholas Arnold, Bartholomew
Michell, Francis Michell, Giles Beaton, Ralph Bicknell, and John Bicknell - were likely relatives of
those drawn into the case of Abington v. Beaton et al (see below pp 231-8).
239 DRO: DC/PL: CLAP23U) p 28
Richard Havylond was mayor in 1512-13 and 1519-20. The Havylonds were an influential family in
sixteenth-century Poole: men with the surname Havylond or Havyland also served as bailiffs of Poole
in 1504-5, 1506-7, 1510-11, and 1 516-17 and as mayors in 1498-9, 1502-3, 1506-7, 1514-15,
1523-4, 1526-7, 1529-30, 1533-4, and 1534-5 (DRO: DC/PL: CLA P23(l) pp 13, 17, 19, 21, 25,
31, 33, 36, 41, 42, 46, 53, 57, and 58).
239 DRO: DC/PL: CLA P23(l) p 32
Thomas Cornyssh (1.27), or Cornyssch, was apparently a town servant. He was paid in 1510-1 1 for
transmitting town money and appears in the accounts in most years between 151 5-16 and 1522-3;
most frequently he was allotted 3s 4d for a load of hay. He may have been the town serjeant, allowed
hay for his horse in 1511-12; the mayor was routinely allotted money for the sergeant s board, room,
352 DORSET
and dinner in mosc of these years. A town memorandum of January 1518/19 records Cornyssh s obliga
tion to pay 20s annual rent for a town cellar. See DRO: DC/PL: CLA P23(l), pp 25-38 and 95.
240 DRO: DC/PL: CLA P46(l) ff [5v, 7]
rychard allynys (1.15) probably refers to the townsman who was in charge of the town ale measures in
1518-19 and who, identified as a brewer, served as Poole s bailiff and keyman in 1520-1. In 1524-5
Richard Allyn was controller (DRO: DC/PL: CLA P23(l), pp 35, 37, and 44). This entry falls between
dated payments for 22 August (foot of f [5]) and 8 September (foot of f [5v)).
The payment to the syngywg man (1.26) is included since his performance, at the town masters re
quest, may have been of secular songs in a secular setting. He may also have sung in the parish church
of St James: the town book of accounts routinely records sums remaining in the church box and the
names of the churchmen, and sometimes lists inventories of the church valuables. See DRO: DC/PL:
CLA P23(l). The entry is added beneath the final total of the main account.
241 DRO: DC/PL: CLA P5 1(6) f [4]
St James Church (1.14) was torn down in 1819.
241 DRO: DC/PL: CLA PAID f 16
If these badly damaged accounts are indeed those of John Notherell, mayor in 1552-3, as seems prob
able from the contents, then Notherell regularly refers to himself in the third person; in this case,
therefore, he reimburses his wife for payments she made to visiting king s minstrels during his absence
from Poole. The accounts might also be those of bailiff Nicholas Jordan (who is also referred to - less
frequently - in the third person), but it seems more likely that the mayoress would make payments in
the absence of her husband than in the absence of the bailiff.
241-2 DRO: DC/PL: CLA P26(4) f 57 left
The manuscript is numbered with facing pages bearing the same folio number: hence the designation
f 57 left. This folio records miscellaneous expenditures for several years indicated in the left margin;
there are several such folios in the manuscript, apparently the product of efforts by John Hancoke,
mayor in 15734, to put Poole s accounts into some order.
242 DRO: DC/PL: CLA P26(4) f 57 left
The Lord players (1.12) are probably those of James Blount, Lord Mountjoy, since the next entry is
for hogsheads of wine given to Lord and Lady Mountjoy when they first came to Canford. Poole still
fell within the jurisdiction of Canford Manor, held after 1553 by the marchioness of Exeter, who
demised the manor in 1558 to her nephew, James Blount, Lord Mountjoy, lord lieutenant of Dorset
after 1559. In the 1560s Poole paid considerable sums of money to Lord Mountjoy and his servants in
the hopes of obtaining his support for the town s efforts to obtain the privileges granted by the queen
in 1568 with the Great Charter (Smith, History of Poole, vol 2, p 95).
242 DRO: DC/PL: CLA P26(4) f 57 left
For Lord and Lady Mountjoy (11.20-1) see the preceding note and Patrons and Travelling Companies.
242-3 DRO: DC/PL: CLA P26(4) ff 10 left, 14 right, 18 right
The early part of this manuscript represented an attempt on the part of the newly-made county of
ENDNOTES
353
Poole to preserve records worthy of the town s new dignity. In addition to careful, calligraphic script,
there is an attempt made to preserve consistent double-entry bookkeeping and an effective index. Hence
the 4 (p 242, 1.37) just before the lower-case Roman numerals refers to the unfinished f 4 right, on
which the entry should have been duplicated. The preceding entry on f 10 left is dated 3 February and
the subsequent entry is for 7 March.
The numbers 17 (p 243, 1.6) and 19 (p 243, 1.12) refer to the double-entry duplicate entries on
f 17 left and f 19 left.
243 DRO: DC/PL: CLA PA 12 f 9
The payment to players was probably made in February or March 1570/1. Entries on the bottom of
f 8v are dated in January and later entries on f 9 are dated May through August.
243-4 DRO: DC/PL: CLA P26(4) f 52 right
John Rogers (p 243, 1.39) was mayor in 1572-3, John Hancoke (p 244, 1.1) in 1573-4; the entries
seem to be in Hancoke s hand and to be a part of his general clean-up of town finance. The number
88 in the first entry and the number 111 in the second refer to the folios where the duplicate entries
appear, required by double-entry bookkeeping. Folio 1 1 1 lists outstanding transactions between the
town and Mayor John Hancoke.
244 DRO: DC/PL: CLA PI 06(63) f [4v]
Brownsea Island (1.13) dominates the view from the Poole quays; throughout the sixteenth century Poole
was responsible for the ordnance and the fort, fighting men, and miscellaneous aspects of Brownsea s
maintenance. In Elizabeth s reign Brownsea fell under the jurisdiction of Sir Christopher Hatton, vice
admiral of Purbeck (Lloyd, Dorset Elizabethans, p 1 5). mr newman (1.12) is probably William New
man, merchant, who appears frequently in Poole s records; Newman represented Poole to the queen s
council in London in 1574-5 and was mayor in 1576-7. Other possible mr newmans are Nicholas
Newman, Poole s water bailiff in 1 5756, and John Newman, who aided Nicholas Newman in matters
relating to the armaments at Brownsea in 1574-5 (DRO: DC/PL: CLA P24 ff6and 7, P26(4) ff 112
right and 1 1 5 right, and PA1 5 p 13). mayscer willforde may be John Gillforde, paid 40s on 1 7 Decem
ber 1577 to send commissions from London on the town s business concerning the current inquiry into
pirates goods (DRO: DC/PL: CLA P106(63) f [3]), an identification made more likely by Poole s pay
ment of mayster willforde s expenses in the entry following the one printed here. The town was unlikely
to pay for the daily expenses of its own citizens unless they were travelling on town business.
244 DRO: DC/PL: CLA PA 15 f 27
For the complex foliation and pagination ot this manuscript see The Documents, pp 74. This entry is
on the bifolium sewn in the back of the booklet and refers to a charge incurred by John Domyneck
with respect to his year as bailiff (for which the account no longer survives). See also p 244, 11.34-7 for
more on these expenses.
244-5 DRO: DC/PL: CLA PA 15 ff 24v, 25
For an earlier reference to the damage Domyneck did to the drum see p 244, 11.22-3.
245-6 DRO: DC/PL: CLA PI 24(81) f [1]
A hole in the manuscript has resulted in short gaps in several lines of text.
354 DORSET
This document is best understood in the context of Poole s generally testy response to the requests
of the English government in the 1 580s. The Crown s attempts to suppress piracy in waters near
Poole drew Poole s displeasure, for example, because consolidated prosecutions of pirates came into
conflict with Poole s claims to admiralty jurisdiction. Poole was reluctant to bear the cost of keeping the
armaments and garrison on Brownsea in good order and the Brownsea gunner and the Poole mariners
complain of each other in the 1580s. Numerous documents in the borough archives testify to the bor
ough s perhaps unwilling support of troops and transports for the expedition to Flanders in 1585 and
their claims against one sea captain who failed to credit one of their payments. Poole particularly re
sented the restrictions on shipping which kept her ships in port in 1 587 and 1 588. Sir Henry Ashley, a
scion of an old and prominent Wiltshire family, was one of the commissioners under the authority of
Francis Hawley, vice admiral for Dorset, who was responsible for seeing to Dorset s maritime and coastal
defences against the anticipated Spanish attack. Poole s accounts record regular payments for Ashley s
expenses when he came to town for the muster in the 1570s and 1580s (see, for example, DRO: DC/PL:
CLA P26(4) f 92 right for 1 573). He died in December of 1 588 and his son Henry was MP for Poole
in 1589. See the calendar of relevant manuscripts in Borough and County of the Town of Poole,
Calendar of Local Archives, H. P. Smith and Bernard C. Short (comps), vol 1 (Poole, 1958); Sydenham,
History of the Town and County of Poole, p 276, n (c); Lloyd, Dorset Elizabethans, pp 36-8 and 172.
Of greatest interest to REED readers will be the use to which the maypole is put. Instead of the focal
point for celebration this maypole is intended only for target practice. For celebratory maypoles at
tended by semi-military display see the documents describing an incident at Weymouth-Melcombe
Regis, below pp 279-81, and episodes at Keynsham (Somerset) in 1619 and at Wells, 1607, in Stokes
with Alexander (eds), Somerset Including Bath, vol 1, pp 149, 299-301, 347, and 351, and vol 2,
pp 493-4 and 720-1.
246 DRO: DC/PL CLA PI 19 f [2]
mr madley (1.13) is probably Roger Mawdley, mayor in 1588-9 and 1594-5 (Hutchins, History and
Antiquities, vol 1, p 34).
246 DRO: DC/PL: CLA P19KA32) f 1 left
Like DRO: DC/PL: CLA P26(4), this manuscript is foliated with facing pages carrying the same number,
hence the designation f 1 left. The cross in the left margin refers to an entry for the same payment on
f 4 left in a list headed wyllyam bramble o\wth the corporation as followfth, a list of Bramble s payments
as mayor disallowed by Poole s auditors. Bramble, mayor in 1601-2, was also compelled to reimburse
the corporation for moneys he had spent on preaching and on what the auditors considered were
excessive rewards to pursuivants and messengers.
247-8 WRO: Dl/2/1 f 134v
The plays and uproar in the churchyard and cemetery which Bishop Simon deplores may have been
related to Shaftesbury s annual custom of walking in procession to Motcombe. Because of Shaftesbury s
inadequate water supply, the town had made an arrangement by the sixteenth century with the neigh
bouring village and parish of Motcombe, with the consent of the lord of Gillingham Manor. Shaftesbury
was permitted to take water from Motcombe s wells and in return Shaftesbury walked annually in pro
cession to Motcombe on the Sunday following 3 May. According to Laura Sydenham the earliest evidence
of Shaftesbury s celebration of this date occurs in 1364 when the crowds coming into the abbey church
ENDNOTES
for early mass disturbed the nuns so much that Bishop Robert Wyvil transferred the chantry of the
altar of the Holy Cross from the abbey church to the parish chapel of the church of the Holy Trinity.
SeeSydenham, Shafiesbury and Its Abbey, pp48-9 and Hutchins, History and Antiquities, vol 3, pp 35-6,
44-5, and 629-30.
248 Hutchins: History and Antiquities, vol 3 p 629
Although Hutchins implies that Gillingham Manor was held by only three of Henry vin s queens,
Jane Seymour, Catherine Howard, and Catherine Parr (vol 3, p 61 6), in 1 527 Henry was married to
Katherine of Arragon. So, unless Hutchins or his source has assigned the wrong dace to this entry, the
queries bayliffe (1.23) must refer to ^Catherine s official.
248-9 JRL: Nicholas MS 69 f 11
The dating is based on an analysis of the manuscript. Cancelled material at the top of f 1 1 is a continua
tion of material ending at the bottom of f 2v, the two parts of the text having been separated by other
leaves when the original bifolium was bound with others in a booklet. Other material on f 2v was
copied from texts of 1614 and the whole booklet was compiled in 1638.
249 DRO: DC/SYB: E102 sheets 61-5
The manuscript is one of several documents in a lawsuit in the Exchequer between Nicholas Gower of
SKaftesbury and Robert Hascoll, Shaftesbury s ex-mayor, concerning the mayor s rights to amerce
butchers in the market. Thomas Smelgar s response to the fifth interrogatory is printed here. His response
to that interrogatory, and to those of Robert Hascoll and Richard Rives, mayor at the time of the law
suit, are the only passages that raise bullbaitmg as an issue. Rives deposes that he knows nothing of
Hascoll or any other Shaftesbury mayor taking beef as a fee or of Nicholas Gower demanding satisfaction
of Hascoll; he says Hascoll took small quantities of beef from unbaited bulls before the bulls were sold
in the market and distributed the beef to the poor (sheets 30-3). Hascoll states that Gower had questioned
his authority to take beef and that he had answered he took it by waie of Amerciament according to
the Lawes and Statutof this Realme, whereupon Gower asked if Hascoll s authority was better than
the Barons Order and Hascoll retorted that Gower had no such order (sheets 1023; Gower referred,
of course, to the barons of the Exchequer).
250 DRO: DC/SYB: Cll, item 17 single sheet
These are payments of the borough of Shaftesbury for the ceremonies associated with the annual pro
cession to Motcombe. The Sunday after Holy Cross Day fell on 10 May in 1629 and on 9 May in
1630. The scribe may have misdated this brief statement of accounts if the contemporary description
of Shaftesbury s custom in the Gillingham Manor manuscript quoted above is correct.
Shaftesbury s financial records are fragmentary, and there is no way of knowing whether the expend
itures in 1629 (or 1630) were typical. For a listing of expenditures in 1655 and for a description of the
custom in the early Restoration period see Appendix 2.
There has been considerable speculation about the Shaftesbury besom or bezant decorated with
ribbons and pins in this account. Quoting a nineteenth-century description of the original bezant,
Dorset historian, Charles Herbert Mayo, says its tree-like shape bears some relation to the tree which,
accompanied by a lion and a bird, appears on the seal of the Borough for warranrs, 1 570. See Mayo,
Shaftesbury Bezant, pp 297-8 (the words quoted are on p 297).
356 DORSET
250 DRO: PE/SH:CW 1/1 f [l]
The first three churchwardens accounts in the series for All Hallows , Sherborne, are undated. Accord
ing to CW 1/3, John Chetknoll held the kyng Rcvyll (p 251, 1.19) or church ale in that year. An
analysis of the dated All Hallows accounts demonstrates that it was generally customary for the man
who held the ale in one year to become churchwarden two years later. He may have served as junior
churchwarden in the interim, for after the parish bought and moved into the former Sherborne Abbey
church there were usually two wardens: a man held the church ale in one year, became junior warden
the next year, and senior warden in the third year, a pattern that was to remain in practice, with few
exceptions, from 1542-3 until at least 1585-6. Since John Chetknoll was churchwarden in 1512-13
(CW 1/4 mb [1]), we can safely assign CW 1/3 to 1510-11.
Internal evidence suggests that CW 1/1 and CW 1/2 are earlier than CW 1/3. Some of the same names
occur in CW 1/2 and CW 1/3, for example. John Cheselett, paid for mending the whirligig and shrine
in CW 1/2 (1.33), is paid for making seats in CW 1/3, for example, and bartylmew keeps the sepul
chre in both years. Between 1512-13 and 1528-9 (CW 1/4-CW 1/13) the parish routinely paid 4s
annual rent to the master of the almshouse for the church house. 151213 was a year of transition in
which the churchwarden recorded both the 4s rent for the church house in the churchyard and 2s 9d
rent for an earlier church house. In CW 1/2 the warden pays 2s 4d for rent of the church house & post
& ovis (1.39), a payment suggestively similar co the old church house rent in 1512-13. Such simil
arities of material in the accounts make it likely that the two are close in date; certainly CW 1/2 is
more likely to be before the account of 151 1-12, which it resembles, than it is to be the account for
1516-17 or between 1518-19 and 1522-3, the first gaps in the dated accounts.
CW 1/1 records receipts but not payments, just as CW 1/4 records only payments. Most notable in
the list of receipts in CW 1/1 is the absence of payments for church seats. Such payments comprise the
majority of receipts in 1 51213 (CW 1/4) and are prominent in the receipts after that year. Precise dating
of CW 1/1 and CW 1/2 seems impossible but it remains likely that CW 1/1 is earlier than CW 1/2,
since CW 1/2 more closely resembles CW 1/3, and that both may be tentatively assigned to 1505-10.
250-1 DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/2 ff(l,lv]
It is not clear what a Whurlegog (p 250, 1.33) was. Sherborne s churchwardens paid for making new
ones in 1524-5, 1550-1, 1551-2, 1570-1, 1609-10, and 1610-11 (at least two were constructed in
1 550-1 and 1 570-1 ). A carpenter built one in 1 524-5, and both timber and iron pins were required in
1550-1 when the beadsman dug holes for the horlegoggez, presumably to anchor them. There are ref
erences to locks and rails for the machine in the early seventeenth century and to the construction of a
new pine for it in 1619-20; the contraption is mentioned in every year, 1616-21. Perhaps the
whirligig was a turnsryle, as Fowler supposes ( Sherborne All Hallows, SDNQ 23, p 332 n 8 and Post-
Reformation, SDJVQ 25, p 172 n 17). If so, it probably kept animals from the churchyard, but it might
also have been useful for audience control.
The post & ovis (p 250, 1.39) are probably ale posts or ale stakes for the king ale in the church house,
stakes or poles driven into the ground in front of the building to indicate the holding of an ale. Refer
ences to tents are reprinted here, although their function is unclear, since tents occur frequently in
conjunction with Sherborne s pre-Reformation accounts for Corpus Christi activities (see, for example,
p 255, 11.4, 17, 25) and played a role in the elaborate Sherborne Corpus Christi play of the 1570s (p 267,
11.24-5, 33, 37 and p 269, 11.18-20, 27-8).
ENDNOTES
251 DRO: PE/SH:CWl/3 mb [1]
For the dating of these accounts see p 356, cndnotc to DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/1 f [1]. The accounting
year probably ran from Christmas to Christmas, as did the accounting year for CW 1/5-CW 1/11.
253 DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/8 single mb
Churchwarden Robert Cookeman s account dates from the feast of Saint Michael, the birth of our lord
in 9 Henry vin to the same feast in the following year. The double feast day, some smeared letters, and
the fact that the other accounts in the same period routinely run from Christmas to Christmas suggest
that the scribe intended to erase the reference to Michaelmas and to change it to Christmas and that
the account is for the year from Christmas 1517 to Christmas 1518. Fowler agrees that the scribe
intended to substitute Christmas for Michaelmas. See Sherborne AJI Hallows, SD/VQ 23, p 289.
254-5 DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/12 single sheet
In the heading of this account the date of the feast of the Conversion of St Paul (its opening) is mistakenly
given as 1 5 January rather than 25 January.
255 DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/13 single mb
In the heading of this account the date of the feast of the Conversion ot St Paul (its opening) is mistakenly
given as 24 January rather than 25 January.
255 DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/14 single mb
The account is damaged in several places; hence any reference to the king ale is missing. What survives
of the heading indicates that the account ran from the fifth day of an unspecified month to 12 February
1530/1. The heading supplied in the text assumes that the accounting year began and ended in early
February.
255-6 DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/15 ff 9v, 13v
The manuscript contains the undated accounts of churchwardens Harry Sansam (ff 1-8) and John
Haywarde (fF9-16v). Fowler claims that they are for the years 1533-4 and 1534-5 and that Haywarde s
account is the earlier of the two, citing internal evidence ( Sherborne All Hallows, S/WQ24, pp 80, 101).
The best available evidence, however, argues for different years. The heading for CW 1/17 declares that
warden John Hill made the account for the year running from the Sunday after the feast of the Conversion
of St Paul 1537 to the same Sunday in the year following. The first receipt in Hill s account acknow
ledges the turnover of church stock from William Vincent, the previous warden. Vincent s account, clearly
for 1536-7, acknowledges receipt of the church goods from the previous warden, Harry Sansam (CW 1/16
f2).So Hayward s account is probably for 1534 5 and Sansam s is certainly for 1535-6.
The early 1 530s saw the construction of a new church house. A large upper room was used in Henrician
times for the church ale and rented to players in the reign of Elizabeth, These accounts list the expenses
for building the kyngg stere (p 255, 1.39), a massive staircase that led to the upper room, where the
church ale or king revel was held (see p 256, 1.16-p 257, 1.4; see also pp 39-40, 97, and 101). Appar
ently the church house construction was unfinished at Whitsuntide in 1 534-5 for the parish rented a
room to hold the ale (see below, p 257, 1.9).
The linen netherkaysse (p 256, 1.2) was probably a drape on which the shrine rested as it was carried
in a procession like the drape and shrine shown in an initial of the Corpus Christ! mass in the Fitrwilliam
358 DORSET
Missal of the Use of York (printed as Figure 13 in Miri Rubin, Corpus Chnsti: The Eucharist in Late
Medieval Culture (Cambridge, 1991), 254). See Hays, "Lot s Wife", p 102.
257 DRO: PE/SH:CW 1/15 f 2v
rogare yngulberd or Enghelberd was a native of Cologne. He was churchwarden in 1538-9 (DRO:
PE/SH: CW 1/18), and in 1541 his daughter, Alice, married a future steward of Sherborne School
(Fowler, Sherborne All Hallows, awQ24, p 102 n 5).
257 DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/16 f Iv
Although the scribe writes Ihf.su 1536 in several places, no heading indicates the accounting year. Fowler
dates the manuscript to 1535-6 ( Sherborne All Hallows, MWQ24, p 121). But the warden for the
year was William Vincent, referred to in the accounts for 1537-8 as the laste churche warden (DRO:
PE/SH: CW 1/17 single mb). The account probably ran from January 1535/6 to January 1536/7.
258 DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/18 ff 2, 10
In the heading of the account the churchwarden, Roger Enghelberd, says he has received the parish goods
from the previous warden, John Hill, anno 1 538 the 27 day of January e If there were no evidence to
the contrary we would assume that this phrase indicated 27 January 1 538/9 and that the account was
for 1539-40. However, CW 1/17 is clearly dated January 1537-January 1538; the warden, John Hill,
states that at the end of the year he handed the church goods, worth 26 16s 9 l/2d, to the next warden,
Roger engylberde, the same sum that Enghelberd claims to have received in CW 1/18. Enghelberd
died while he was in office; according to Fowler his will was proved in 1 538 ( Sherborne All Hallows,
SWQ24, p 162). So CW 1/18 is properly dated January 1538-January 1539.
The entry on f 10 is the earliest reference to a boy bishop s costume in the Sherborne parish inventories.
Inventories are missing for many of the accounts in the 1530s. Although the accounts do not indicate
when or why the parish acquired the garments, it is likely that they were purchased from Sherborne
Abbey before the monastery was dissolved in March 1 538/9, and that the celebration was monastic, not
lay. The two preceding entries in the inventory are for ornamented albs bowgt from the abbey and
for albs without ornaments. No evidence survives of a boy bishop s procession of the sort described -
and attributed to the Sherborne secular parish - in Hutton, Rise and Fall, pp 12, 296. The rites were
made illegal in a royal proclamation issued in 1541 (STC: 7795; printed from a manuscript copy in the
Worcester Cathedral Library in Klausner (ed), Herefordshire/Worcestershire, pp 537-9), so it is unlikely
that Sherborne initiated a new custom, although the boy bishop s vestments remained in the parish
stock.
259 DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/19 f 3v
The entry on this folio is the first unequivocal reference to players on Corpus Chnsti Day at Sherborne.
Underdown claims Sherborne (and other communities) held elaborate plays annually until about the
middle of Elizabeth s reign, and occasionally thereafter (Revel, p 46); Hutton describes a single play,
performed after the procession (Rise and Fall, pp 41-2). For a somewhat different view of the Sherborne
play, arguing that the play replaced an earlier procession, was suspended during the 1 550s and 1 560s,
and was succeeded by a different play in the 1 570s, see Hays, "Lot s Wife", pp 100-6.
On the same folio the wardens also record a payment of 3s to lohn Carverf and his men for two
days work Settyng vppe of the pagenttwof the rode lofte and a payment of lOd for nayles & Spriggw
for the Same Warke, payments almost certainly not associated with the play.
ENDNOTES
259 DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/20 mb [2]
The heading of chis account is torn and the rendering date cannot be read. The churche man is sub
mitting the profits of the church ale.
260 DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/21 mbs (2, 3]
In this and later accounts inventories list the book of the Corpus Christi play among the items kept in the
church house. The latter was probably used as a storeroom for parish property not used in church services.
Although two entries for other revenues from the church ale occur on mb [3], Cuppar s receipts (1.17)
are almost certainly the main account for the ale in 1544-5. The sum collected is about the usual
amount during this period. See the receipts for 1 546-7, for example, 1.36.
261 DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/23 mbs [5-6)
The bord set up before the low altars (11.35-6) may have had nothing to do with the play; the entry
is printed here, however, because the players plaid vppon boards in the churche in 1 543-4 (p 259,
11.36-7).
262 DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/24 mb ID
Neither the playbook nor the boy bishop s vestments appears in the inventory for 1549-50 or in later
inventories; the inventory for 1550-1 had shrunk considerably as the parish sold forbidden vestments
and church vessels (see DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/26 sheet [2]).
262 DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/25 mb [3]
This is the first of Sherborne s several rentals of playing garments between 1549-50 and 15612 when
the costumes were sold. There is no evidence that Sherborne continued to present the play during these
years. Unfortunately, the parish inventories do not mention the playing garments, which were perhaps
thought to have little intrinsic value.
262 DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/26 sheets [2, 3]
Although most of the heading is missing - only the rendering date and the name of the junior church
warden are visible - the account may be safely assigned to 1550-1. The foot of the previous account
reports handing 10 1 Is to Tohn Stevyns next wardyn (CW 1/25 mb [5]) and this account records
that the same sum was received from lohn Adampes, the senior warden for 154950.
The churchwardens sold most of the church vestments in 1 550-1 , apparently to comply with church
policy. Fowler believes the lyttell albe (1.33) also belonged to the boy bishop ( Post-Reformation,
WQ25, p 171 n 13).
263 DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/31 sheet [1]
yatemester (1.39) is the town of Yetminster half a dozen miles southwest of Sherborne, near Dorset s
Somerset border; no Yetminster records confirm this rental.
264 DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/32 mb [1]
The heading at the top of the roll is damaged. The wardens report receiving the church stock from
Richard Okeley, warden in 1 555-6 (CW 1/31); at the end of the year their balance was 30 14 l/2d,
received in turn by the wardens for 1557-8 (CW 1/33 mb [1]), so this is the account for 1556-7. A
seventeenth-century hand on the dorse dates the account 1 556-7.
360 DORSET
264 DRO: PE/SH:CWl/33 mb[l]
Martock, Castle Gary, and Wincanton (11.16-17) are in southern Somerset, cawndell (1.18) may be
Purse Caundle, Stourton Caundle, or Bishop s Caundle, all small Dorset villages east of Sherborne in the
northern part of the county. None of the renters left confirming records of these rentals. Fowler believes
the bells lent to Martock were handbells ( Post-Reformation, SDNQ 26, p 7 n 6). The entry, together
with the reference to rented lerkens (1.15), is printed here because Sherborne made few rentals; the
only other lones in 15578 are of playing garments.
264 DRO: PE/SH:CW 1/34 sheet [1]
This is the last of the churchwardens accounts printed by Fowler ( Post Reformation, SDNQ26, pp 49-54).
265 DRO: PE/SH:CW 1/36 sheet [1]
The heading is missing from this account. The Dorset Record Office dates it ?1 565. Since William
Foster, who ran the church ale, became senior warden in 1567-8, the account may be for 1564-5 or,
more probably, 1565-6.
265 DRO: PE/SH:CW 1/38 mb [Id]
The Rome (1.25) in the church house was the large upper-storey room used for the king ale in the
Henncian period and rented frequently to players in Elizabeth s reign (see pp 271-3). This is the first
such rental. In 1567-8 it was also rented to a scrivener, who taught school there for a fortnight, and
to a man who used it to entertain thoffycyallwand hys companye, and in ensuing years the room and
its equipment were often hired by parishioners for parties and ales.
John Dier rented playing garments from Yeovil in 15667, probably to costume the players in his
enterludes (11.25-6; see Stokes with Alexander (eds), Sonterset Including Bath, vol 1 , p 408). Dier s in
terest in drama probably influenced Sherborne s production of a Corpus Christi play four years later; in
1 571 2 the wardens paid him for Makemg and Devisinge garment*?/ Toward^/ Corpus Christi playes
(p 266, 11.32-3). Although there was also a John Dier active in conjunction with the Robin Hood celebra
tions in Yeovil, Somerset, and although Yeovil and Sherborne rented or purchased each other s playing
garments, the Sherborne and Yeovil John Diers were two different men, as James Stokes convincingly
argues (Somerset Including Bath, vol 2, pp 970-1 ).
A John Dier, eighty-eight years old and living in the Sherborne almshouse, was one of the witnesses
in a 1603/4 lawsuit (see pp 273-4). Unlike other witnesses in that suit Dier did not testify to the
preparations for a Corpus Christi play performance in the I 570s; if.the eighty-eight-year-old witness is
the same John Dier, however, we know he could have remembered Sherborne s Corpus Christi play of
the 1 540s. He would have been in his early fifties when he played his interludes in the church house
and fifty-six or fifty-seven when he made costumes for the revised parish play.
267-8 DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/43 mbs [3, 4]
Those stonninge vppon the lydes in 1572-3 (p 267, 1.16) were, like those who paid for Standing
vppon the leades on the play daye (p 269, 11.5-6) in the following year, almost certainly part of the
audience for the Corpus Christi play.
The gift of an eaylme (probably an elm tree) from Mr horceay to make a teaynt for the corpus
christye playe (p 268, 11.9-1 1) is almost certainly the gift witnesses swore to thirty years later. In 1603-4
one witness remembered that the tree had been used to construct a scaffold (p 273, 1.41), and the eighty-
year-old tailor, John Baker, remembered that the tree was used to build a stage (p 274, 1.14). Perhaps
ENDNOTES
the teaynts of} 572-3 were several connected structures like some modern outdoor stages, requiring
scaflfouldtt (p 268, 1.1) to support a stage, or a heygh te[ay]nte (p 267, 1.25), which may simply have
been a high platform to play upon. Other variations in the uses of tents may be seen in the next docu
ment (p 269, 1.38). Mr horceay is Sir John Horsey, head of the family after his father s death (1564/5)
until he died in 1589.
270 DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/45 mb [3]
William Pope (1.18) was junior churchwarden in 1 571-2 and senior warden in 1 572-3. See DRO: PE/SH:
CW 1/42 mb [1] and CW 1/43 mb [1].
270 DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/46 mb [2]
This is the last recorded performance of the parish play although players leased the church house with
some frequency during the rest of the sixteenth century.
271 DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/49 mb [1]
This is the last clear reference to the church ale at Sherborne. From 1578-9 to 1 584-5 a collector
turned in comparable receipts to the parish. By 1 588-9 the parish held a street ale, supervised by col
lectors who reported to and later became churchwardens, thus occupying something of the same posi
tion in parish affairs as the men who had presided over the early Tudor king ale. See DRO: PE/SH: CW
1/50 mb [1]; PE/SH: VEl ff 1-1 v. 4; and D/SHA: Al 18; and DRO: S.235: Bl/24, p 2; S.235: C5/2/1 ;
and S.235: C5/2/7-9.
273-4 PRO: E134/1 James i/ Hil 3 mbs 1,6,7
In dispute between Sherborne s vicar, Francis Scarlett, and John Stocker, the impropriator of the Sherborne
prebend and farmer of Sherborne s parsonage, were the rights to herbage growing in the churchyard
and to the shrouds of churchyard trees (the right to cut branches). From the 1540s until Sir Ralph
Horsey sold his remaining term in the Sherborne parsonage some time between 1589 and 1603 the
Horseys had been farmers of the parsonage. Joseph Fowler explains the lawsuit and its background at
some length (Mediaeval Sherborne, pp 318-23). Witnesses in the suit testified to incidents showing
that old Sir John Horsey (d. 1564/5) or Sir John Horsey (d. 1589) had treated the trees in the church
yard as their property, an indication that Stocker could claim similar rights.
Thomas Adams, labourer, the first witness, said he had lived near the vicarage for about forty-seven
years. Adams had fel led a tree in the churchyard at the behest of the farmers of the parsonage.
Forte probably remembered the gift of won eaylme made by Mr horceay in 1572-3 (p 268, 11.9-1 1
and pp 360-1 , endnote to DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/43 mbs [3, 4]). The most elaborate productions of
the Sherborne Corpus Christi play were in that year and in 1 5734, almost exactly thirty years before
Osmund Forte and the other witnesses testified. The accounts for 1 5723 state that Horsey s gift was
used to made a teaynt, and perhaps the teaynt required a scaffold. Osmund Forte claims to have dwelt
in the churchyard in the house next to the vicarage for sixty years.
Baker s testimony is the only clear suggestion that the actors in the Corpus Christi play in the Sherborne
churchyard in the 1 570s (about thirty years before the lawsuit of 1 603-4) may have performed on a
stage.
274 SRO: Q/SR37, pt 2 f 101A
This document previously appeared in Stokes with Alexander (eds), Somerset Including Bath, vol 1 ,
362 DORSET
pp 145-6; that volume also includes an indictment of Nehellyng on 15 September 1607 and what was
probably an earlier indictment of April 1607 (vol 1, pp 145 and 200; see also vol 2, pp 910 and 921;
Bates (ed), Quarter Session Records, vol 1, p 6, also has a transcription of this document).
The document illustrates both the importance of local customs, such as church ales and civic watches,
in occasioning performance activity and the existence of local circuits for itinerant entertainers. Ne-
hellyng s route traverses county boundaries, Ikon, Ilchester, and Stoke St Gregory ( Gregory Stoke,
1.31) being in Somerset, Mere in Wiltshire, and Sherborne, Sturminster Newton CSturmyster, 1.34),
and Ralph Down ( Rafedowne, 1.34) in Dorset.
The Sherborne Churchale in 1607/8 was almost certainly the street ale begun by the parish by
1588/9 (see p 361, endnote to DRO: PE/SH: CW 1/49 mb [1]).
276 Wing: B6161 pp 12-13
In the west corner of Dorset the parish of Symondsbury is just north of Bridport and due south of
Stoke Abbott. The clause, though he went naked through a quickset hedge (11.31-2), is a colloquialism
that captures the ardent desire of good man Paul, for, given the speed with which quickset grows and
the density of the growth, such hedges were virtually impassable. This example is the second of two
which, Burton says, are testified by a Minister in his letter to a brother Minister (11.36-7). The other
case was that of a man of Bothenhampton, Dorset, who was killed when struck in the head by a ball
thrown by another bowler.
277 WM: Sherren MS 184 ff [2v, 3]
The payment to Clarke (Clerke) follows a payment to two of the porters for caryeing of lames kinge to
dorchester Gaole and a payment for the kepfrs ffees ; it is possible Clarke beat the drum to accompany
the prisoner part of the way to Dorchester. On f [4] the auditors make clear their disapproval of some
of the mayor s expenditures; the marginal remarks beside the records of payments to players and for
their wine (11.256) indicate this, and the two entries have been cancelled, probably administratively.
Other disallowed expenditures include payments for a dinner and for broadcloth for the clerk.
277-8 WM: Sherren MS 185 ff[lv, 2v]
The accounts record moneys paid out on the town s business by John Mockett in anwo Domm\ 1597
and in the tyme of his maioraltie anwo Domin\ 1 598. Additional sums due him are recorded by the
auditors in 1601 .
278 WM: Sherren MS 186 f [2v]
The last date given before these entries is 10 June and so the drums were probably mended in the summer
of 1600.
279 WM: Sherren MS 206 f [2v]
The entry occurs after a payment made on 30 May and immediately precedes a payment made 4 July.
279-81 WM: MB.O-B pp 130, 132, 134
James Stokes, REED editor for Somerset, has pointed out the similarity between elements in the actions of
these Weymouth citizens and those embodied in secular processional drama in Somerset. See particularly
the records for and his comments on episodes at Wells in 1607 and Keynsham in 1619 (Somerset
ENDNOTES
363
Including Bath, vol 1, pp 149, 299-301, 347, and 351 and vol 2, pp 493-4 and 720-1). For another
maypole with military associations see above, p 245, 11.21-
282 WM: MB.O-B p 304
These entries are from a list of numerous presentments by the constables in the mayoral court, weeke
(1.5) is the village of Wyke Regis, up a steep hill from Weymouth and linked to the harbour town by
both parish and manorial jurisdiction. (Catherine Morfell s common alehouse appears several times in
this minute book (on pp 270 and 328, for example) and her licence was evidently not endangered by
this wild party.
282 WM: MB.O-B p 321
According to Weinstock, the maypole stood at the junction of St Mary Street and Concygar Ditch
(modern Bond Street) in Melcombe Regis. See Weymouth and Mclcombe Regis in Tudor and Early
Stuart Times, More Dorset Studies, map facing p 42.
283 DRO: PE/WM:CW1/41 p 212
The church house had been a chapel of ease, St Peter s, in what is now the town square of Wimborne
Minster. In the 1540s it was converted into a parish hall. At that time the building had a fireplace with
an iron bar in it and plastered walls; the remodelling required 6,900 bricks, 4,000 tiles, and four loads
of Purbeck stone (DRO: PE/WM: CW 1/40 pp 139-40). By the 1560s there were windows with bars
and a loft (pp 164 and 166). When the school governors leased the building to a clothier in 1636 they
reserved the use of an upper room at the east end of the building heretofore vsed by the inhabitants of
Wimborne Minster aforesaid for publike meetings (DRO: PE/WM: GN8/1/3) and that may have been
the room rented to players in 1 5734 and again m 1 589-90. The parish also rented out space in the
church house for brewings and let rooms in the church house to townspeople.
283 DRO: PE/WM: CP2/ 10, item 8 single sheet
Pencilled dates on the items in this bundle ot churchwardens presentments were probably added by
J.M.J. Fletcher, curate of Wimborne Minster, 1906-19, rural dean of Wimborne Minster, 1907-19,
canon and prebendary of Salisbury, 1912-40, and principal official of the peculiar of Wimborne Minster,
1915-40. Fletcher arranged the collection of Wimborne Minster documents before their deposit in
the DRO.
The pencilled date on item 8 is confirmed by the name of the churchman, Richard Russell, who was
one of the churchwardens for the year 1 1 December 1 591-1 1 December 1 592 (PE/WM: CW 1/42
p 43). William Lucas, alias Bright, occurs several times in the Wimborne documents. References to him
as Britt or bryght occur in 1609-10, 1610-11, and 1620-1 below. He seems to have been the head
of a family of disreputable entertainers: it was probably his boy and his daughter who were the Nicho^mm
Lucas alias Bright and Elionoram Bright alias Lucas alias Haiter excommunicated for contumacy some
time in the 1620s (DRO: PE/WM: CP2/9, item 173). Eleanor was also excommunicated for incontinence
with Henry Hayter in 1629 (DRO: PE/WM: CP2/1 1 , item 23). Holt was a village within the large
parish of Wimborne Minster, lying to the northeast of the town.
284 DRO: PE/WM: CP2/10, item 55 single sheet
Although Fletcher ascribes this document to 1603, 9 May fell on a Sunday in 1602, not 1603; the
364 DORSET
accusations in the presentment are repeated in the acts of the peculiar court for 1601-2 (DRO: PE/WM:
CP1/1 pp 64, 72, and 73). lye ( 1.28) is the parish village of Leigh to the south and east of the town
of Wimborne Minster.
285 DRO: PE/WM: CP2/10, item 82 single sheet
The play (1.2 1 ) kept by Margaret Fuller may, of course, have been gambling; we have included the entry
because its ambiguous language does not exclude drama.
285 DRO: PE/WM: CP2/10, item 92 single sheet
The signatures are those of the wardens or sidesmen from about 1 608 -9; 9 and 1 6 July fell on Sunday
in 1609. fraunces ffrost [& henry Nores] and sweetw other man were presented for being in an alehouse
at ligh (Leigh) during service time on 16 July (item 92v), and Britt Minstrele (1.35) may have been
playing there. Britt is probably an alternate spelling for Bright, William Bright or Lucas of Holt.
286 DRO: PE/WM: CP2/10, item 94 single sheet
The document records presentments of several fives players and a player at bowls. The entry is included
in the records because it is ambiguous: although Joan s apprentices may have played fives or bowls
during the sermon, it is possible their play was dramatic or musical. 1 April fell on a Sunday in 1604
and 1610. The names of the sidesmen, who also sign item 93 (see p 287 and endnote), make it likely
that this presentment is for 1609-10.
286 DRO: PE/WM: CP2/10, item 99 single sheet
The presentment is dated by the names of the churchwardens. lohn Pyeke (1.15) may be the Pike the
minstrel! (p 284, 1.15) presented for playing during evening prayer time in 1601.
286 DRO: PE/WM: CP2/10, item 100 single sheet
There is no reason to question the pencilled date, 1610; many of the same sidesmen who make their
marks at the bottom of item 95 (p 286) are also sidesmen in this document (Richard Habgood, William
Wilkyinges, Robart Mackrell, John Ellet, Richard Ellet, and James Doll).
286 DRO: PE/WM: CP2/10, item 95 single sheet
The pencilled date 1610-1 1 appears at the head of the document; this is almost certainly the same year
as item 100 (p 286 and endnote).
287 DRO: PE/WM: CP2/10, item 93 ff[l,lv]
This document presents some dating problems. The churchwardens are not mentioned; listed sidesmen
also occur in item 94. Item 93 refers to 14 April as a Sunday and it also refers to morning prayer time
and sermon time on 13 May. In 1611 14 April was a Sunday and 13 May was Whit Monday, when
there would have been church services. The two dates would have fallen in different churchwardens
years, since the 1610-1 1 wardens rendered their final account on 16 April. Confirmation that 1611 is
correct may also be found in the fact that Elizabeth Pitman and probably Margaret White were cited,
probably for dancing, on another occasion in 1610-1 1 (item 99).
Underdown is probably referring to information calendared from this document when he says that
an early Jacobean reform campaign at Wimborne Minster, exceptionally energetic in prosecuting
ENDNOTES
365
absences from church was not entirely successful; sporadic resistance continued, with a maypole and
morris dancing in 1608 which led to the usual disorders (Revel, p 56). The only disorders seem to
have consisted of frivolous behaviour at service or sermon time or during evening prayer.
288 WRO: D5/28/28, item 92 f [1]
James Gould did not refer to the revel ale at his appearance before the bishop s court on 9 October 1628,
saying disingenuously that ag^/wte whitsontyde last he loyned w/th others of the p^rishe to collect
some mony toward buying of some drinke ag^wm a mectinge of some neighbor parishioners /with
[to] them, but att the meetinge because the Minister was offended as they heard they left off their sport
w/iich they intended (WRO: D5/19/31 f 60v).
290 DRO: D/FSI: Box 220 f 6
Giles Strangways regularly rewarded fiddlers when on his travels, as he did ringers, trumpeters, porters,
keepers of gardens, officers, and the poor. The earliest payment appears in a list of expenses associated
with his visit to Oxford where he toured the chapel of Magdalen College, the grounds and buildings
of Wadham College, the Physicke schoole, and one of the libraries (to the curator of which he gave
5s). While he continued to reward musicians who entertained him on his travels, he seems also to have
provided a venue for fiddlers at Melbury Sampford, where he registers rewards to these players as annual
New Year s gifts. The relatively large sums paid to fiddlers in the summary accounts for 1639, 1640,
and 1641 probably cover costs for fiddlers in Dorset and outside the county.
Appendix 3
298 DRO: DC/LR:Gl/2 p 121
John Holcombe (1.13), merchant, was elected mayor in 1559 and 1565.
299 DRO: DC/LR:Gl/l p 33
The Davey family was a prominent one in Lyme Regis (see pp 333-5, especially p 334, endnote to
DRO: DC/BTB: M15/11 ff [2-7, 7v-9v]) but Alexander (1.5) does not appear to have gone on to
hold civic offices. Thomas Dare (1.5), merchant, served as mayor in 1 564-5. A draft of this account
occurs on DRO: DC/LR: G2/1 f [13).
299 DRO: DC/LR: G2/1 f [19v]
The Moone family, another important local family, had one member serve as mayor; Anthony Moone,
gentleman, did so in 1608-9.
299 DRO: DC/LR: G 1/1 pp 44, 47
We have included records both of the delivery of the silver whistle and of its receipt partly because these
are the earliest records of the whistle and each defines a different use of it: the first indicates that the
whistle is a property to be used during the installation of a new Cobb warden, the second that it is to
be worn during the ale. Although Roberts, Social History, p 336, says that William Birret (1.21) was
some time mayor, we have found no contemporary evidence to confirm that he held this office; he
may have been the father of Richard Baret (see p 366, endnote to DRO: DC/LR: N23/4, item 3 single
mb). A draft copy of part of the account on p 47 appears on DRO. DC/LR: G2/1 f [22].
366 DORSET
299 DRO: DC/LR:Gl/2 p 167
A member of one of the borough s most influential families, John Hassard (1.36), merchant, served as
mayor for terms beginning in 1 567, 1 572, 1 578, 1 582, 1 588, and 1 594.
300 DRO: DC/LR:G1/1 p 50
A draft copy of this account appears in DRO: DC/LR: G2/1 f [34v].
301-2 DRO: DC/LR: N23/4, item 3 single mb
Rjchard Baret (p 301 , 1.17) and John Seaward (p 301, 1.18) were both merchants; the former twice served
as mayor (in 1 566-7 and 1 573-4), the latter for the year in which this agreement was made. John
Cogan (p 301, 1.24) appears not to have held public office but he was at least a person of some means
at this time: his name appears on a list, which includes many of Lyme Regis leading families, of donors
to the building of the new shambles in 1598 (DRO: DC/LR: N23/1 f 60) and he was reimbursed 13s
4d for a banquet at his house in 1607 (DRO: DC/LR: G7/6).
302-3 DRO: DC/LR: Gl/1 pp 140-1
This document reveals the financial importance of the Cobb ale when a crucial legal, political, and
economic need had to be met. The importance of the new charter is implicit in the involvement of
some of the most powerful men in the borough: Sir George Somers (p 302, 1.26), elected MP for Lyme
Regis on 25 February 1603/4 and mayor 1604-5; Robert Hassard (p 302, 1.29), gentleman, mayor
1601-2; William Ellesdon (p 303, 1. 1 ), gentleman, mayor in 1 590-1 for the fourth of his five terms;
Christopher Elmestone (p 302, 1.40), gentleman, mayor in 1599-1600; John Hassard (p 302, 1.41; see
above, endnote to DRO: DC/LR: Gl/2 p 167); and John Bidgood (p 303, 1.2), merchant, mayor
1600-1. As Wanklyn notes in Lyme Leaflets, pp 1 18-19, Silvester Jourdain (p 302, 1.27) was a member
of another of the town s leading families but he forfeited his freedom in 1598 by failing to pay the
penalty imposed by the local court. He left Lyme Regis as a member of the expedition, under the leader
ship of Sir George Somers, bound for the Jamestown colony; they were blown off course by a hurri
cane and wrecked on Bermuda; for Jourdam s published accounts of his travels, see A discovery of the
Barmudas (London, 1610; STC: 14816) and A plaine description of the Barmudas, now called Sommer
tlands (London, 1613; STC: 14817); for Robert Davey, John Davey, John Hayes, John Bellamy, and
Robert Barnes, see pp 333-5, endnote to DRO: DC/BTB: Ml 5/11 ff [2-7, 7v-9v].
303 DRO: DC/LR: G2/2 tab 78
A William Davey, merchant, served as mayor 1623-4.
303-5 DRO: DC/LR: N23/1 , item 63 single sheet-single sheet verso
This document seems to be a draft of one of John Roze s quarter books during the term as receiver for
the Cobb ale; another copy is included as part of Roze s more complete account (below). We have
transcribed the draft in extenso because it includes some items that do not recur in the fair copy and
some small but potentially significant differences in wording. Although many of the people named in
the draft account and in the fair copy cannot be identified, what they provided to the festivity likely
implies their occupations as, for instance, brewers or bakers. Roberts says that George Rocquey and his
wife were the chief cooks for the ale this year (Social History, p 339). St Mallos (p 305, 1.2) refers to
St Malo, a French port across the English Channel from Dorset. Apparently the collection extended
as far as France, to ports from which ships regularly came to Lyme Regis.
ENDNOTES
367
305-8 DRO: DC/LR: N23/2, item 75 ff[l-2]
Walter Harvey (p 305, 1.26-7), merchant, was elected mayor for four terms, beginning in 1586, 1593,
1602, and 1612. John Roze (p 306, 1.9), merchant, became mayor in 1611. The mr browne (p 306,
1.23) from whom funds were collected may be George Browne, elected freeman and recorder of Lyme
Regis in 1611. The John piters (p 307, 1.39) paid for the use of his cellar may well be the John Peters
who contributed to the building of the new shambles in 1 598 (see p 366, endnote to DRO: DC/LR:
N23/4, item 3 single mb). The John Davey whose brewhouse was used for the ale is probably not the
same John Davey, mariner and sometime mayor, noted above (pp 333-5, especially p 334, endnote to
DRO: DC/BTB: Ml 5/1 1 fT[2-7, 7v-9v]) along with Robert Hassard and John Bidgood. Further sums
received from French ports appear in this account: the 17s 6d received in morlays (p 306, 1.2) apparently
refer to Morlaix, a port west of St Malo.
CORNWALL
Acknowledgments
We have received much assistance during the years we have been preparing the Cornwall col
lection and are therefore very glad for this opportunity to say in print how much we appreciate
the kind and generous help given us by other scholars, granting agencies, our universities,
and colleagues. We are especially grateful to members of the staff in the libraries and record
repositories where we have conducted research and are most particularly thankful to the expert
librarians and archivists in Cornwall, whom we now value as friends.
Our first and most heart-felt thanks are to O.J. Padel, formerly of the Institute of Cornish
Studies, who has given us every assistance possible since the year we started work on this pro
ject. A pre-eminent scholar on all things Cornish, he has shared his knowledge and judgment
with us unceasingly and has truly been our greatest resource. We are inestimably grateful to
him for his help in the last stages of production, for volunteering assistance with the revisions
of Appendixes 1 and 2, for researching and writing Appendix 3, and for translating the excerpts
from the Cornish play texts. We also wish to thank Margaret Bunt, formerly of the Institute
of Cornish Studies, who helped us learn much about Cornwall and who has shown us infinite
and ongoing kindness and generosity for many years. Myrna Combellack, also formerly of
the Institute of Cornish Studies, was helpful to us in the early years of our work.
Much of our research was accomplished during summers spent largely at the Cornwall
Record Office in Truro, where we received invaluable assistance from Peter Hull, Christine
North, and David Thomas, and especially from Colin Edwards, who first guided us in our
search and, over the yeats of the project, provided us always with patient and expert assistance.
H.L. Douch and Angela Broome of the Royal Institution of Cornwall s Courtney Library have
been helpful in the extreme, answering many questions, including some we did not know to
ask, and were always unfailingly generous with their knowledge and assistance. Mr M. Veal,
of the St Ives Guildhall, in several summers allowed us the use of the mayor s parlour for
examining and photographing documents. When the Launceston records were still housed
in the Town Hall, Peter Freestone gave generously of his time to make the documents available.
A special thanks to Arthur Wills, who welcomed us to Launceston and provided valuable and
otherwise unavailable historical resources on the town and information on St Mary Magdalene s
Church. Lord Arundell of Hook Manor, Shaftesbury, Dorset, opened his home to us to read
the Arundell documents then housed there and provided us a pleasant working area; we ap
preciate his courtesy and friendship.
We appreciate having received financial support for the research necessary for this volume.
372 CORNWALL
We have been supported in part through major grants awarded to the REED office by the
National Endowment for the Humanities and by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research
Council of Canada. We are also grateful for the generous support of Father Edward Jackman,
o.p., and the Jackman Foundation.
Sally Joyce appreciates funding she received for her research from Miami University, Ohio,
and library support from Keene State College. Heartfelt thanks go especially to Sinte Gleska
University, Rosebud Sioux Reservation, South Dakota, for encouragement and technical sup
port in the final stages of production of the Cornwall collection.
Evelyn Newlyn is grateful for grants for her research from the American Philosophical
Society, the National Endowment for the Humanities, and the American Council of Learned
Societies, as well as for funding from the Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University
and from the State University of New York at Brockport. Especially warm thanks must go to
David Fowler, whose graciousness in writing many recommendations for grant support literally
made her research possible; his kindness, and the advice, information, and support he was
always willing to give, will be remembered always. Grant support to her also from the United
University Professors PDQWL (Professional Development and Quality of Working Life) Com
mittee of Brockport helped fund photography of the stained glass in St Neot s Church. We
wish to thank David Hambly of Liskeard for his excellent photography and for permitting us to
publish his photographs of the Creation window of St Neot s Church. Thanks also to the
Reverend H.T.C. Olivey, the church s rector, for allowing the photography.
We especially appreciate the assistance given us for many years by the REED staff: Sally-Beth
MacLean, Arleane Ralph, William Rowclirre, Miriam Skey, and Abigail Ann Young; Alexandra
F. Johnston gave us much support and assistance in the early years of our research. Their
patience and courage in dealing with editors, fine orchestrating of the production of a volume,
and never-ending insight are outdone only by their great warmth and friendship. Joanna
Mattingly, Honorary Research Fellow at the Institute of Cornish Studies, deserves our deep
appreciation for helping us with on-site checking, describing documents and dating, and un
covering additional relevant parish records. Her contribution in the last year and a half leading
to final production was scrupulously thorough and painstaking, and her work always exceeded
our expectations. We owe special thanks to Robert Tittler, historian and member of the REED
Executive Board, for his advice and research direction of final work on the Historical Back
ground section. Professor Tittler and his research assistant, Mark Moody, at Concordia Uni
versity, Montreal, gave us invaluable help during the late stages of editing this part of the
Introduction. Carin Ruff assisted with Appendix 1 and Catherine Emerson provided help
with the Latin Translations and the Latin Glossary; we thank them both, along with Subash
Shanbhag, cartographer, and William Cooke, English glossarian. Monica Ory was our researcher
for the Star Chamber cases included in the Cornwall collection and her considerable effort
for us is greatly appreciated. Many others formerly associated with REED deserve recognition
for their unfailing support in the early stages of the research: Theodore De Welles, Richard
Gyug, Sheena Levitt, Heather Phillips, and Anne Quick.
Many people were especially helpful with advice in the early stages of research or with on-
site research in the locations cited, and we appreciate their generous support: Gloria Betcher,
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
373
the Public Record Office; Claire Breay, che British Library; Mike England and Ken Golding,
National Trust, Lanhydrock House; Audrey Erskine, Exeter Cathedral Library; Alan Fletcher,
Marsh s Library, Dublin; Michael Hadcroft, St Mary s College Library, Oscott; Michael
Heaney, the Bodleian Library; Peter Pool, the Morrab Library; and Diana Wyatt, the Bodleian
Library.
We are also grateful for formal permission from the following libraries and repositories or
their governing bodies to publish extracts from documents in their possession: the Bodleian
Library, University of Oxford; the Board of the British Library; the Cornwall Record Office;
the Exeter Cathedral Library on behalf of the Dean and Chapter; the Devon Record Office
and the Exeter Diocesan Registry; the National Library of Wales; St Mary s College Library,
Oscott; the Public Record Office; the Royal Institution of Cornwall, Courtney Library; and
the St Ives Town Council. We also acknowledge the Bodleian Library, University of Oxford,
and the National Library of Wales for permission to reproduce the diagrams found in Appendix
2, and the owners of copies of episcopal visitation articles from which we print extracts:
Marsh s Library, Dublin, and Lanhydrock House, Lanhydrock, Bodmin.
This collection is for Janet, for her love and patience, and in memory of John Black Bear,
a true Lakota man.
Historical Background
When in 926 according to legend the Saxon, Athelstan of Wessex, set the boundary between
Cornwall and Devon as the Tamar River, he marked a 1,376 square-mile county of varied and
often breath-taking landscape. Haunting moors claim miles near Bodmin and Launceston;
sub-tropical and lush vales startle the eye in St Just in Roseland; picturesque sandy beaches
curve around towns like St Ives; a rugged, wind-swept coastline surrounds Land s End. Corn
wall is a county that stirs the imagination deeply; stone circles and prehistoric remains abound
only Wiltshire has more. Tintagel on the north coast, probably built by Earl Richard in the
1230s, makes us wish it were part of the origins of Arthurian legends. 1 Surrounded on three
sides by the Atlantic Ocean and the English Channel, Cornwall has deep estuaries cut into
the land: on the Channel, at Helford on the Lizard peninsula, at Pendennis and St Mawes, at
Fowey, and at West Looe; on the Atlantic coast, at Padstow. These provide navigable and nat
urally safe harbours for shipping. On the other hand, Cornwall s rock-bound and reefy shore
line kept it relatively protected from attack. Saxons who invaded may have arrived over land. 2
Athelstan s boundary also marks the culmination of several centuries of slow domination of
the Celtic people in Cornwall. The persistence of Cornish place names in the west of Cornwall
testifies to Celtic heritage; here the Old Cornish language (c 800-1200), which had evolved
from Brythonic, kept its foothold. Saxon overlords in western Cornwall did relatively little to
change the life ways and language of the workers they ruled. Nearly all of the workers - villeins,
bordars, and serfs - spoke Cornish, English being the language of a few eastern peasants and
some of the upper class, and French, the language of the Norman rulers and those who ruled
with but under them. Cornish persisted well into the eighteenth century. In 1339 Bishop
Grandisson gave licence to a man named J. Polmarke to assist the vicar of St Merryn near
Padstow and to preach in Cornish; 1 in 1 595 Cornish was still spoken in St Austell." The Saxon
presence did, however, affect the eastern part of Cornwall; the Saxons were attracted there by
land more arable than the western uplands. Place names there are thus predominantly English,
indicating Saxon influence/
By the time that the Saxon conquest was complete in Cornwall, about 838, the remaining
number of Celtic religious sites testified to the roots of its spiritual history. Names of Welsh
saints - Petroc, Mawgan, Carantoc, Gulval, Madron, Cleer, Tudy, for example - had become
part of Cornwall s hagiography, along with those of saints purportedly from Ireland - Breaca,
Etha, Germochus, Gwithianus, and others." Additionally, hundreds of Celtic crosses remain
376 CORNWALL
scattered across the Cornish countryside. However, of the more than fifteen Celtic spiritual
establishments in Cornwall at the time of the Norman Conquest, all had, by the thirteenth
century, either become part of the contemporary religious orders or no longer existed. 7
At the time of the Conquest the total population of Cornwall was between 20,000 and
30,000, located in the east and along the old trade route from Hayle to Mounts Bay." The
Normans seized manors over the entire county but were in the main absentee landlords,
interested primarily in exacting the resources of the manors, draining value from a significant
number. 1 The Normans also reformed the Cornish religious houses to a stricter rule and sub
ordinated them to grand French monasteries. St Michael s Mount continued as a Benedictine
house under Mont St Michel, and another Benedictine house was founded at Tywardreath as
a daughter house of Saint Serge of Angers. Augustmian canons arrived in the twelfth century
and established houses in Bodmin, Launceston, and St Germans. " Ecclesiastics and the barons
became partners in rule. The period of fierce baronial rivalry and anarchy that characterized
King Stephen s reign (1 13554) was brought to an end by Henry n, who weakened the power
of the barons at the same time that he extended the power of his justices in eyre, establishing
Launceston as the Cornish site on the assize circuit. Travelling over roads that were often
nearly impassible, the justices were welcomed neither by the feudal magnates nor by the com
mon people, who, terrified that their misdemeanours would be discovered, took to the woods
and moors when the watchman on Launceston church tower announced their appearance on
Polston Bridge over the Tamar. "
Economic Development
Henry s centralization of governmental power would prove to be an asset when the revenues
from the Cornish stannaries were used to finance Richard i s crusades. In 1 198 the stannaries
came under the Crown s taxation, makjng them the most stable, well-established, and lucrative
source of revenue in Cornwall for the king. 12 Long before English recorded history, tinners
mined in Cornwall and by the close of the twelfth century, Cornwall provided most of the
tin for European markets." The long central ridge of rock that runs from east to west, with
ramifications that reach out to the sea on either side, makes Cornwall s mining area; streams,
flowing for the most part from north to south, provide the necessary water resources for tin
mining. Historians believe that as early as 1,000 BC Cornwall may have been involved in tin
trading with people from Iberia, Gaul, and Phoenicia; from the fourth to the fourteenth cen
tury England was the primary European producer of tin and in the sixteenth century for the
western world. 14 Written history of the stannaries begins in 1 155-6 with entries appearing in
the Pipe Rolls. Because of Cornish tin mining s long history, with its own tradition of stannary
administration, Cornish tin miners were higher in status than the ordinary labourer, creating
a level of freedom for the Cornish tinner not found in other areas where mining is more recent,
as, for example, in the Durham coal mines. The stannaries had their own legal administration -
their own laws, enforced by the royal officer, the stannary warden. King John, also the earl of
Cornwall, issued the first charter to the stannaries in 1201, recognizing tin mining as central
to Cornwall s economy. IS
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
Before 1337 the king was the head of the stannary system; after 1337 the head was the
prince of Wales, as duke of Cornwall. Below the warden in jurisdiction were the vice-warden
and lower stannary courts, with juries and stewards of miners. The charter of 1305 confirmed
privileges that had been in place for tin miners for more than a century: privileges of bound
ing (the right to freely search and dig for tin), of fuel and water to mine, of freedom from
ordinary taxation, and of freedom for tinners from all pleas of villeinage, offering complete
freedom to any villein who would mine tin." The stannary courts ruled in civil and even
criminal matters and miners were exempted from jurisdiction other than that of their stannary
court. Even without this charter, so entrenched were the privileges of the tin miners that it
had become dangerous for anyone to interfere with stannary rights of jurisdiction.
Population estimates for Cornwall in 1377 indicate that there were about 51,000 people
in Cornwall, suggesting that about 10 per cent of the people were occupied at tinning. 17 The
number of Cornish tinners in 1300 has been estimated at 2,000, and in 1400, 5,000. " The
tin industry was carefully controlled; for example, in 1346 the Black Prince ordered that only
two pewterers were to work in the duchy, one in the castle of Launceston and the other in the
castle of Restormel. 1 1 Tin mining continued for centuries as Cornwall s chief industry. Tin
coinage was the largest single item of revenue and it was against the law to convey or sell
uncoined tin; imprisonment, confiscation of metal, and a fine by the prince were common
penalties. Technological advances in mining in the fifteenth century affected the growth of
towns. Shaft mining, not dependent on streams as the source of tin, was a sixteenth-century
turning point in the industry, an important change in technology. 2 " This change may have
helped stabilize population as miners then located around a shaft area.
Medieval itineraries and descriptions of the county give us a glimpse of the main roads and
travel at the time. Travel was difficult up to the eighteenth century, one historian reporting
that even as late as 1760 there was scarcely a stretch of road in the county fit for wheeled traf
fic. 21 Cornish people travelled on foot and on horseback from place to place and hosted travellers
from other parts of England. A main road from Exeter to Marazion existed from Roman
times, probably the road that appears on the c 1360 Cough Map, running through Launceston,
Bodmin, and Redruth. 22 Our knowledge of medieval bridge-building is a reliable indicator of
often-travelled roads. Henderson and Coates modern study of early Cornish bridges confirms
that while Cornwall remained rural and relatively isolated, it had a network of roads on which
people came and went from the Tamar to nearly Land s End. 2 The account of William
Worcestre (1478) indicates his travel on part of the old Roman road and on part of a route
through Truro to Marazion. His return to Tavistock Abbey in Devon via Fowey and Lost-
withiel tells us that there was a road around the Fowey estuary, a route confirmed by Leland s
Itinerary in 1538. Leland also travelled on the north coast to Boscastle, then south to Bossiney
and Tintagel. 24 Robert Morden s maps of Devon and Cornwall, done for Camden s Britannia
in 1695, show that there were then three major routes from Exeter through Cornwall. A south
ern coastal route from Plymouth in Devon into Millbrook in Cornwall went through Looe and
Fowey to St Austell; then the road split, a northern route going through Grampound to Truro,
and a southern route to the Fal estuary, then to St Erth and on to Marazion and Penzance,
finally ending near Land s End. The middle route from Exeter ran from Tavistock through
378 CORNWALL
Liskeard, St Blazey, and St Austell, where it merged with the coastal road. The northern route
ran from Exeter to Launceston, then northwest to Davidstow and Camelford, continued near
Padstow, and then went southwest to St Columb, Treworga, and Truro. 2 ^
Cornwall was never as rich in fertile farmlands as other parts of England were. Sizable moors
and nearly non-arable areas prevented agriculture from contributing to the county s economy
except marginally. When Cornwall freed itself from the Forest Law, farming in those tracts of
land previously reserved for baronial hunting increased to some extent and the coastal region
provided some tracts of fertile land but open field husbandry that was successful in other
parts of England, as well as farming in small enclosed fields, was not profitable in Cornwall. 2
Occasionally, struggling farmers and merchants would profit from an unusual agricultural
crisis in another part of the country. Cornwall was in such an unusual position during the
agrarian crisis, 131522. Price inflation and poor harvests from violent weather (such as that
of 1315), combined with depletions from war, created famine and a farming crisis throughout
England rivalled only by the results of outbreaks of the Black Death in 1348-50 and 1360-1
that reduced the population by one-third. However, the economy of rural Cornwall was not
dependent upon wool and corn for its revenues; tin was the main industry. Farmers and mer
chants in Cornwall may actually have benefitted from the crisis the rest of the country suffered
because they brought food to London, given special surety through safe-conduct for travel
and, very likely, excellent prices for their usual, small Cornish crops. 27 The outbreaks of the
plague affected Cornwall as elsewhere, although it is difficult to know precisely the number
of deaths. Nevertheless it seems clear that the decline of population, especially in such boroughs
as Bodmin, Helston, Penryn, and Truro, was severe in the late fourteenth and most of the fif
teenth centuries. 2 "
Unlike other counties in England where long-woolled sheep flourished counties rich in grass
lands, marshes, and fens Cornwall was not known for exporting high-quality wool for the
cloth industry located across Europe. Fine English export wools came from areas like the
Cotswolds, Devon, Herefordshire, Shropshire, and Lindsey in Lincolnshire; Cornish wool was
coarse and little was exported. Carew described Cornwall s sheep as having little bodies, and
coarse fleeces, so as their Wooll bare no better name, then of Cornish hayre. 2
In the early fourteenth century growth in the trade of Cornish cloth improved local economies.
People who were primarily farm workers or fishermen became involved part-time, at least, in
the cloth trade, mainly in spinning and weaving in their homes. The west country slowly
became more important to the woollen industry; Ireland and Wales sent wool to Cornwall
for manufacture. Although Devon and Somerset were primary cloth production centres of
manufacture for export, Cornwall too exported cloth known as Cornish straights - a rough,
uncoloured woollen cloth. " Looe had its own dyeing mill, combs for the industry were made
in Liskeard, and many Cornish towns began to have yarn markets." Pewter, made from tin
alloy, became a major English export; it was, by the late fifteenth century, second only to cloth
in terms of manufactured goods. In Cornwall an underground trade in pewter started in the
early fourteenth century, the pewter being made from tin alloy. 12
During the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, English shipping in general was hampered
by the intermittent Hundred Years War and Cornish ships bore the brunt of accusations by
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
the French and Spanish of piracy but Cornish crews feared piracy as well. Cornish merchanrs,
eager to profit by the increase in shipping at the ports of Falmouth, Fowey, Looe, Penzance,
and St Michael s Mount, were instrumental in developing port capacity. Falmouth Harbour
was especially desirable for development, since it is one of the largest in the British Isles, and
three major trading towns - Truro, Tregony, and Penryn - were accessible through Falmouth
Harbour." In 1427 William Morton of St Michael s Mount successfully petitioned to build a
stone pier that would assist in harbouring at least 200 ships of substantial tonnage. 4 Although
the tin economy suffered in the late 1400s, the shipping industry from Cornish ports continued
co be a major source of income, not only from ports in the Channel but also ports on the
Atlantic." At Looe customs records from 1498-9 show typical late fifteenth-century trade
between Looe and Irish ports: a ship from Kinsale discharged 150 boards and 12 mantles of
Irish cloth while a ship from Cork arrived with 50 dozen cords, 800 pieces of canvas and 10
pounds of saffron and took away a cargo of blocks of tin, calf-skins, salt and hides. 3 " Dried
fish was continually part of Cornwall s trade economy, passing berween the Cinque ports and
French ports, primarily Bordeaux.
In the sixteenth century Cornwall s dependence on sea trade expanded. Fowey and Looe
became involved in the newly-developed trade with Newfoundland by the end of the century
as west country ships carried necessary construction materials and provisions for building a
settlement there to support the catching and drying of cod on the Newfoundland Banks. Their
return cargo of dried cod was taken to Spanish ports. Fruit and salt from Spain were then
carried home to Cornwall. 7 These ships passing berween Cornwall and Newfoundland, often
stopping at other European ports to pick up supplies, were part of a navigation system so
consistent that the ships were said to be the training grounds for English seamen of the day. 3 "
The movement of mining in a slightly more westerly direction in the early seventeenth
century would affect the growth of seaports. Falmouth, Padstow, Penryn, Penzance, St Ives,
and Truro would grow while supplying mining with necessities for the industry. 37 Although
mining had been for centuries Cornwall s primary industry, as medieval tin markets fluctuated
and affected tin production, people concentrated more on agriculture and fishing. 4 " New
farming strategies improved acreage yields. Cornish coastal lands, once enclosed and treated
with seaweed and sand, turned a profit and Cornwall often had surplus corn for export/
Traditional seine fishing for pilchards was the county s third economic source, the salted or
smoked pilchards exported to continental ports. 42 The increasing need for capital for seine fish
ing led to greater merchant control of the export markets. Rowse remarks that it was a precise
example of the Tudor idea of controlling trade in conflict with new economic tendencies in
a word, progress. 43 Improvements in agriculture and fishing slowly brought economic stability
to the county widi corresponding growth in population. By the time of the 1641-2 Protestation
returns, the population in Cornwall had increased to an estimated 99, 000. "
Religious History
In the fourteenth century Cornwall felt the upheaval of the Peasants Revolt, although not to the
same extent as was felt elsewhere. Isolated incidents of violence toward the church did occur from
380 CORNWALL
time to time. The priest of Poundstock, Penfound, was murdered by parishioners in his chancel
in 1357; in 1380 a priest, Walter Sancre, was beheaded in St Hilary parish; and in Crantock
in 1382 and Penryn in 1383, clergy were assaulted. Unrest occasionally appeared in members
of the clergy themselves. Ralph de Tremur, a former rector from Warleggon on Bodmin Moor
who was known for his heretical ideas, was accused in 1354 of denying the Real Presence and
[having] burnt the consecrated host. "
In general Cornish people were resistant to change. There was a resurgence of devotion in
Cornwall once the Hundred Years War ended and people were able to resume pilgrimages
abroad. Further additions to parish churches in the county began, such as the rebuilding in
1469-72 of Bodmin s St Petroc s Church, the largest parish church in Cornwall. 41 Even as late
as the 1530s windows were made and put up at St Neot s Church. 47
By the early Tudor period, however, Cornwall was in a state of political unrest. In 1497 a
large contingent of Cornish, angry at Henry vn s levy to support the war with the Scots, rose
and marched through Devon and Somerset to London, only to be defeated by royal troops,
well armed to crush the insurgency. Many Cornish people were incensed, especially the poor
usury-burdened tinners who rebelled against the tax. 4 " Hearing of the rebellion the pretender,
Perkm Warbeck, seized his opportunity, landing at Whitsand Bay in early September and then
proceeding to Bodmin where he proclaimed himself Richard iv. Confronted at Taunton by
the king s forces, Warbeck fled, leaving his Cornish followers - common people infuriated.
They took their anger out on the provost of Glasney Collegiate Church (a diligent tax collector
for the king), dismembering him in the market square at Taunton. Henry vn enforced the
levy, raising 600 from Cornwall. 4 Warbeck was hanged two years later for another conspiracy.
The first half of the sixteenth century brought Henry vm s separation from Rome and the
dissolution of the monasteries. In 1521 Henry vm was named Defender of the Faith, a title
from Pope Leo X in recognition of his opposition to Luther, but by 1534 the Supremacy Act
was in place and four years later Henry was excommunicated by the Roman pontiff. On the
eve of the Reformation, there was seemingly little in Cornwall to attract the attention of the
king and his officials. Religious houses counted but few residents at the suppression: there
were nine Augustinian canons at Launceston Priory in 1539 and the same at Bodmin; the
Franciscans at Bodmin were nine; St Germans Augustinians and Tywardreath s Benedictines
numbered seven each; Truro s Dominicans numbered eleven/" Henry vm s commissioners
were particularly hard on smaller houses such as those in Cornwall with earnings of less than
200. Henry suppressed them first in 1 536 and then moved on to the larger houses in 1539.
In 1547 Edward vi suppressed the chantries; most collegiate churches, such as Glasney, had
been suppressed in 1545."
Although the Cornish people s reputation did not match the reputation of the Welsh for
renegade dissent and outright disregard for English law, they held strongly to their beliefs, however
quickly changing, and often took action in matters dear to their traditions. In 1548 a proclama
tion from London stated that parishioners were forbidden to bear candles on Candlemas and
to receive ashes on Ash Wednesday, palms on Palm Sunday, and holy bread and water. This was
followed by an order to remove all images from churches, which then precipitated a riot at
Helston. Led by men mainly from St Keverne, a mob murdered William Body, a layman of
aoi
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
Cornwall who publicly denounced the orders from London. Two days later the conflict wors
ened, preventing Sir William Godolphin and his justices from holding general sessions in the
town. Help came from the king s forces and the riot was quickly quelled."
The Act of Uniformity, passed by parliament under Edward vi m 1 549 to enforce the use of
the Book of Common Prayer," so angered the Cornish that they demanded a return to the
Latin mass that they were used to. In defence of their Cornish language and of the familiarity of
Latin in church, they claimed ignorance of the new English, formulating their demands for
holy bread and holy water made euery sondaye, Palmes and asshes at the tymes accustomed,
Images to be set vp again in euery church, and all other auncient olde Ceremonyes vsed here
tofore, by our mother the holy Church. Refusing the new service, they argued that it is but
lyke a Christmas gamwe . . . we wyll haue oure olde seruice of Mattens, masse, Euensong and
procession in Latten as it was before ... we the Cornyshe men (wherof certen of vs vndersta/zde
no Englysh) vtterly refuse thys newe Englysh. ^ Marching on Exeter, Cornish rebels initiated
the Western Rebellion of 1 549, led by some members of prominent households and town
officials, and laid seige to the town for five weeks; the Protestant gentry sided with the Crown
and troops, reinforced by foreign mercenaries, finally suppressed the rebellion." This suppres
sion tolled a death knell for the Cornish language, scholars of Cornish cite the Reformation
as one of the most deciding factors in its demise/"
Thirty years later, the people of Cornwall would swing away from their dedication to the
old liturgy to a strong opposition to Catholicism. One might assume that the stubborn resis
tance to change in Cornwall was part of the Cornish personality or Cornish politics rather than
an expression of religious conviction but some held fast to their faith. The Arundells of Lan-
herne remained staunch Catholic leaders, even through the subsequent, more accommodating
Protestant reign of Elizabeth and beyond. The family first resisted the Protestant movement
under Edward vi; Sir Humphrey was hanged and dismembered for leading Cornish Catholics
during the 1549 Western Rebellion. His nephew, Sir Thomas, was also beheaded after con
spiring against the earl of Warwick.^ When Edward s death in 1 553 led to the Counter-
Reformation under Queen Mary, Thomas Arundell s nephew, John, and other members of
the Catholic gentry returned to a more favourable position, at least for a while."
Mounting political tensions leading up to the war with Spain and strong anti-Catholic
sentiment proved disastrous in the end for many Catholic families in Cornwall. In 1 581
parliament passed an act imposing heavy fines and punishment for attachment to the Catholic
church. Vl Many of the leading families were Protestant the Carews, Edgcumbes, Godolphins,
Killigrews, and Treffrys - and many of them had profited by the Protestant Reformation.
Some members of the gentry (Sir Richard Edgcumbe, Sir William Godolphin, John Killigrew,
Thomas Treffry, and Sir Hugh Trevanion) had served as commissioners, assisting in the
spoliation of local churches."" Few Catholics outside the wealthy and powerful Arundells of
Lanherne were able to withstand the religious and economic persecution that could result in
imprisonment, torture and death, or exile and impoverishment. Such was the fate in 1577 of the
Douai seminarian and last Cornish martyr, Cuthbert Mayne, lodged at the Tregian family s
Golden Manor. The main witness for the prosecution at Mayne s trial, a certain Twigges,
claimed that he saw and shared a room with Mayne at Golden, where Mayne divulged his
382 CORNWALL
continuing participation in the priesthood. (Twigges entertained at Golden Manor, Christmas
1 575; see pp 531-3). Although there are no other known household accounts for Golden
Manor that might corroborate the entertainment, Tregian (who was charged with concealing
the priest, Mayne) himself offered to provide depositions of at least forty persons present on
that occasion to counter the testimony of Twigges, whom Tregian describes as a poore parishe
Clarke, for hee was no better, runninge aboute the Countrye from place to place, with a balde
Enterclude. Mayne was tried at the 1577 assizes, hanged, drawn, and quartered, and his head
impaled at Launceston Castle, one of the most formidable military and penal sites in England."
Many years later Launceston gaol was also the place of imprisonment for a physician, John
Basrwick, who was involved in a famous case litigated before Archbishop Laud and the Star
Chamber Court. In 1632 or 1633 William Prynne, a lawyer from Lincoln s Inn, published a
tract called Histrio-mastix, in which he wildly attacked stage players. 62 In 1637 Prynne s
friend, John Basrwick, joined in and extended the attack, writing The Letany of John Bastwick
as an answer to Prynne s work/ 3 Bastwick railed against the clergy, deepening the already dan
gerous situation, saying, one would thinke, that hell were broke loose, and that the Deuils in
surplices, in hoods, in copes, in rochets, and in foure square cow TVRDS vpon their heads,
were come among vs. M Henry Burton, another friend of Prynne, added even more fuel to the
fire by attacking bishops as factors of Antichrist, among other insults." On 29 June Archbishop
Laud ruled that all three men would lose their ears, pay a fine of 5,000, and be imprisoned
for life."" Basrwick was imprisoned in August 1637 in Launceston Castle, by then in very poor
condition from neglect.
The Duchy of Cornwall
When in 1337 Edward in established the duchy of Cornwall by royal charter he not only
created the first duchy in the country but also established a unique political framework for
succession to the English throne. Witnessing the results of dynastic conflict over the throne
in the death of his father and concerned about succession, Edward proclaimed his seven-year-
old son, Edward of Woodstock, the Black Prince, as duke of Cornwall, the highest ranking noble
in the realm. Edward s remarkable move linked the title, duke of Cornwall, with the royal
succession and made the seisin of the duchy (with its important revenues) of great political
interest. By design, the duchy provided substantial income for the duke of Cornwall. The
duchy charter stipulated that none of the duchy estates granted by the charter could be broken
apart or given up, so that it never passed from the control of the duke of Cornwall. 117 The duchy
emerged from the Norman earldom of Cornwall and had been connected to the monarchy
since Saxon times.
Entries from the Domesday survey of 1086 tell us something about life in Cornwall just
after the Norman Conquest and about the history of landholdings that would become the
duchy of Cornwall. Robert, count of Mortain - King William s half-brother and a Norman -
was the greatest landholder in England after the king, and the greatest landholder in Cornwall,
holding more than two-thirds of the county."" The count acquired a good deal of his land from
spoliation - seizure through war or pillaging - and ecclesiastical lands were under threat."
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
383
The earldom he left as a legacy eventually passed to the second son of Edward n, John of
Eltham, and then returned to the Crown in 1336 upon his death/" The duchy of Cornwall
was created the following year. One of England s largest landed estates even today after cen
turies of erosion from the selling of manors for various administrative and financial reasons,
the duchy and its history play a central role in the economic and political history of Corn
wall.
Over the thirty-nine years between 1337 until his death in 1376, Edward the Black Prince
became an exemplary duke of Cornwall. He was both charismatic and conscientious, a care
ful administrator of his Cornish lands. He is acknowledged as epitomizing the best attributes
of the Middle Ages - courage, honour, and largesse - and was a national hero in his time." 1
Edward of Woodstock was given seventeen manors in 1337, including Launceston, Restor-
mel, Tintagel, and Trematon, each of these having a fortress from which the duke of Cornwall
could defend himself and deploy his military 2 The ducal rights and properties extended far
beyond the boundaries of Cornwall; the duchy included estates as far away from Cornwall as
Knaresborough in Yorkshire, Wallingford in Berkshire, and Kennington in Surrey/ 3 The duke
of Cornwall had significant political power over Cornwall itself, since he could nominate the
high sheriff. A natural administrator, the Black Prince appointed men to control finances and to
administer his duchy treasury, and auditors to supervise rents. He held the rights to escheat -
the reversion of lands under feudal law to the lord of the fee when legal heirship failed and
control of petty customs. And, most important, he held power over the stannaries. Coinage
of tin was a key source of revenue for the duke: Each year miners brought ingots to the
Duke s coinage halls where their purity was assayed and weighed. A tax was levied based on
weight and once this was paid, the ingots were struck with the Duke s emblem or "coined" to
indicate that the standards had been met and dues paid." 4 The duke appointed the warden of
stannaries, a royal officer with unprecedented judicial power, as well as a council of advisors
to keep him informed about duchy matters but Edward took a great interest in his duchy and
ruled it directly.
The duchy did not see the fulfilment of the Black Prince s example in subsequent dukes of
Cornwall and suffered fluctuations between mediocre management and benign neglect.
Richard of Bordeaux, the second duke and later, in 1377, King Richard n, managing his duchy
as haphazardly as he later would his kingdom, significantly reduced duchy land, doling it out
as favours to friends and family members." The long and complicated political and economic
history of the duchy of Cornwall had begun.
The revenues from the duchy have always played a great part in political manoeuverings
of the Crown. Henry vn, after the death in 1 502 of Prince Arthur, duke of Cornwall, secured
from parliament in 1504 an act which gave his other son, Henry, duke of York, title to duchy
revenues as duke of Cornwall. 7 " When Henry became king he claimed duchy revenues for
his own use, diverting them from the Exchequer. The estimated revenues in 1 500 were almost
5 per cent of the Crown s total income and were an attractive source of funds for Henry vin."
The king was not insensitive to power relationships involved with the duchy. Opponents to
the Reformation, like Henry Courtenay, marquess of Exeter, who also laid claim to the throne
and was executed for treason, were removed. This was a bold move on Henry s part for two
384 CORNWALL
significant reasons: the king then became the most important landlord in the southwest
when Courtenay s duchy land was transferred to the king, and Cornwall s only member of
the House of Lords until the 1600s was the bishop of Exeter. Henry also annexed twenty-eight
Cornish manors to the duchy from dissolved monasteries; eight were from Launceston Priory
and six from Tywardreath Priory. 7 *
When Edward vi succeeded to the throne in 1547 the duchy lands were already attached
to the Court of Augmentations that presided over the dissolution of the monasteries, making
them an important source of income for the Crown. It was an ironic twist that revenues from
Cornish manors were used to crush Cornish people during the Western Rebellion in 1549.
Queen Mary controlled Cornish lands through the duchy by appointing Catholic officials.
Catholic families, like the Arundells, who had fallen from power under Protestant rule, only
temporarily returned to influence through the duchy. This short-lived respite reversed again
in 1558 when Elizabeth came to the throne but Elizabeth s policy, at least initially, was one of
benign neglect toward the duchy. Ruled through the Exchequer once again, the Cornish
duchy lands, despite their important revenues, came to be regarded later in her reign as a bar
gaining chip for revenue to support the war with Spain." By the time James I came to power
in 1603 revenues had dwindled. Recognizing the state of the duchy, Crown officials success
fully recovered many formerly sacrificed duchy lands but it was not until Prince Charles, the
duke of York and the next king, was affirmed title to duchy control and revenues in 1615 that
the future stability of the duchy was secured. John Norden, a cartographer who also provided
information on land values, was engaged to survey duchy lands. A wise manager, Charles
increased net revenues of the duchy to over 300 per cent, and by 1625 when he became king,
the duchy was a viable source of income for him as duke of Cornwall.""
From 1337 to 1642 the politics of the duchy determined to a significant extent the for
tunes, in both senses of the word, of the great families of Cornwall. The duke of Cornwall s
patronage secured their membership and participation in the government of the country and
their position in the county. For those on the lower rungs of the social ladder, their opportu
nities were often determined by the duchy of Cornwall and its relationship to the Crown.
The vicissitudes of the Cornish people were well expressed in the words of a Cornishman, who
complained that a visit from the Duchy rent collector, "was like that of the gospel that when
one devil was cast out seven worst came instead of him". *
Boroughs and Market Towns
BODMIN
Located on the west end of Bodmin Moor, Bodmin was commercially and nearly geographically
the centre of the county; since about 300 BC it had been a settlement on the north-south
trade route across Cornwall from the continent to Ireland and remnants of tin workings have
been found dating from before Roman times." 2 Bodmin also has its ecclesiastical claim to primacy.
In the sixth century Welsh Saints Guron and Petroc established the abbey/bishropric, Dinuurrin,
385
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
part of the House of Petroc begun earlier at Padstow, linking Bodmin to one of the most
celebrated Celtic saints. By the ninth century Dinuurrin had become the principal house.
St Petroc s, Cornwall s largest parish church, was built during the 1 130s and the shrine of
St Petroc was a major pilgrimage site for the devout who travelled there to venerate the relics
of the Celtic saint. At the same time as the building of the parish church and separate from
it, the earlier monastery was refounded by Augustinian canons as Bodmin Priory of St Mary
and St Petroc. Bodmin was also the home of one of only two Franciscan establishments in
Cornwall.* 3 Since Bodmin and Truro, where the Dominicans established themselves, were
well populated for the time, the friars were attracted there in the early thirteenth century to
travel among the people preaching, soon accepting endowments so large that they contributed
to church building and to the addition of new monastic buildings rivalling those of the canons.* 4
Between 1501 and 1514 Berry Tower of the chantry church of the Holy Rood was built,
celebrating the spot where the original town was likely located."
Bodmin may have been a borough as early as the time of the Domesday survey and it was
the first recorded coinage site. At the time there were sixty-eight houses and it was the largest
town in CornwaJl."" Up to the fourteenth century, it was mainly the tin trade that helped make
Bodmin a busy commercial town. Bodmin regulated trade through its guild merchant, granted
in the town s borough charter by Richard, earl of Cornwall (1225-57). * 7 Besides regulating
trade, a guild merchant had other powers. It could, for example, grant a town s liberty to a
runaway serf who had hidden within its bounds for "a year and a day"... A licence for such
power was payable annually to the monarch and, when in 1 179/80 a raid was made on un
licensed guilds of the south western shires, Bodmin burgesses were fined for keeping a guild
without royal warrant. ** County assize courts were held in Bodmin only three times during
the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries: sometime between 1 227 and 1 272, 131011, and
1330-1." Although we know little about local government of the time, we do know from
early schedules to Chancery submitted by the sheriff of Cornwall the names of burgesses
elected and members of parliament. Bodmin made returns to parliament from 1295 on. 1 " 1
Bodmin Priory, one of Cornwall s pilgrimage sites and a great centre of devotion, was a
powerful landlord in the Bodmin area. Large tracts of land from Bodmin to Padstow belonged
to the church: on one side of the Camel River the land belonged to the priory; on the other,
to the bishop, with the livings in the hands of the dean and chapter. " Until the Dissolution
the prior was lord of the borough but the mayor and burgesses often quarrelled over rights/"
The growing dissatisfaction with the church and clergy in the sixteenth century was more
pronounced and extended at Bodmin, in part because of Bodmin s large population, twice
that of any other town at the time. The once flourishing Franciscans at Bodmin surrendered
to the Dissolution in poverty in 1538, 16 in debt, their numbers reduced to a warden, nine
friars, and some lay brothers. "
Bodmin s formal charter of incorporation in 1563 provided for a mayor and twelve capital
burgesses and councillors; a common council would also be selected, composed of twenty-
four. " Like many other towns Bodmin gained the right to run its town government, something
their previous attachment to Bodmin Priory did not fully allow. " Two annual three-day fairs
386 CORNWALL
and a Saturday market were granted and one more three-day fair was added in 1594. * One
of the three-day fairs granted by the 1563 charter was held around 6 December, with pie
powder jurisdiction. 97
In the early fourteenth century Bodmin lost its central position as a tin town when the tin
trade fluctuated but a trade in leather goods developed in its place. Town records preserve
names of the Skinners and Glovers guilds, and the Salting Pool near the Launceston Road is
believed to be the place where hides were salted. Lime for removing hide hair was brought in
from Padstow. 1 " Today s Rhind Street appears in fifteenth-century parish accounts as Rynestrete,
probably referring to the rind or the tree bark which was milled to obtain tanic acid to con
vert raw hides into leather for Bodmin s principal industry from the middle ages to c. 1860. w
Fishing also played a significant part in the local economy. The nearby Camel River provided
abundant, high-quality fish for local use and for sale to nearby communities, so abundant that
the prior s arms were comprised of 3 salmon fish, signifying his jurisdiction over the Camel
waters, a control contested by the burgesses up to the Dissolution. 1 ""
Extant records from 1469-72 show that Bodmin had over forty guilds by the fifteenth
century; five were trade guilds and many were religious guilds, some attached to St Petroc s
Church or to chapels in the area."" They were housed on almost every street of the old town,
the principal Hall being in Fore Street. 1 " 2 The guildhall on the southern side of the street was
probably the House of Petroc that appears in the Bodmin records, as well as the Hall House
that appears in the 1563 charter. The present-day Guildhall possibly incorporates parts of the
meeting place of St Petroc s guild of Skinners and Glovers. " 3 Many guild activities were
directed toward church construction in the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries in Cornwall,
especially in the years just before the Reformation. At Bodmin thirty guilds and ten other
groups raised two-thirds of the total sum of 196 7s 4 /id, probably for the south aisle and
south porch of the church." 4 Groups contributing the most were associated with the parish
church or major chapels: these included the Erasmus guild, the Corpus Christi guild, and
the five trade guilds. The guilds of St George and St Thomas had their own chapels. " 1S
During the Western Rebellion Bodmin, as it had been in the time of Flamank and Warbeck,
was the natural centre of resistance. "" In 1549 Bodmin s Mayor Boyer was hanged as a rebel
leader but a subsequent shift in local religious opinion found Bodmin displaying a quarter of
Cuthbert Mayne s dismembered body as a warning against the practice of Roman Catholicism
in 1577." r
There are no population figures surviving from the poll tax of 1377 for Bodmin but it was
the largest town in Cornwall during the Middle Ages and beyond." 8 In 1602 Carew remarked
that Bodmin was a lively town with the greatest weekly market in Cornwall, the quarter Sessions
for the East diuision, and halfe yeerely faires. " 1 On the basis of the 1642 Protestation returns,
the population of Bodmin has been estimated at 1,473.""
LAUNCESTON
Originally the Celtic settlement Lanstephan, often appearing in historical accounts as Lan
Stefanton, Launceston was founded on the site of St Stephen s Priory in Newport, today a
387
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
suburb of the town. Dunheved, site of the Norman castle, became a district of Launceston."
By the late Middle Ages there were three separate townships: Launceston (St Stephen), Dun
heved, and Newport. Newport grew up around Launceston Priory in the early Middle Ages
and aJthough it never received a royal charter it did have some township privileges. Although
no evidence has been discovered for support, Newport claimed that the township was granted
a market and a fair in 1557. Newport was under the lordship of Launceston Priory until its
dissolution when Newport was annexed to the duchy of Cornwall. Little is known about
Newport s administration under the duchy but the township had a mayor and two reeves,
probably elected from the burgesses. Newport returned two members to parliament first in
1529 and perhaps even earlier. The name of the borough varies on the six surviving indentures:
in 1545 and 1553 it is Launceston ; later, in 1553, it is Launceston with alias Newport
crossed through; in 1554 it is Newport with iuxta Launceston inserted; in 1555 it is Newport
alias Launceston. " 2 Municipal records from Newport for our period are not extant.
Dunheved, the oldest borough in the group now called Launceston, grew up around
Launceston Castle, the site of the original Celtic hillfort across the River Kensey from Launces
ton (St Stephen). Robert, count of Mortain, after building the castle on the hill at Dunheved
but before 1086, moved the market from the older St Stephen to Dunheved. The confusion
increased after 1529 when both Newport and Dunheved returned writs under the name
Launceston. Dunheved had earlier done the same but then reverted to its ancient name,
Dunheved. Elizabethan returns and Crown office lists usually distinguish between Newport,
the area around the priory, and Dunheved, but increasingly after the sixteenth century scholars
and other commentators often have not separated the two, and even more often use Launceston
to mean any of the three districts." 1 Henceforth here, we use the name Launceston to mean
Launceston and Dunheved unless clarification is specifically available. Surviving borough
accounts from Dunheved at the Cornwall Record Office are identified as Launceston records.
Located between Dartmoor and Bodmin Moor, Dunheved was chiefly a military settle
ment on Old Street, probably the ancient Roman road running from Exeter to Marazion. IM
It was important throughout the Middle Ages, the strategic key of the peninsula. only two
miles from the Devon border, guarding the approaches to Cornwall. 1 " The Norman Count
Robert of Mortain held court and administered his land from Launceston and it was as a
judicial centre for the shire that Launceston would come to claim itself as the major town in
Cornwall. It was the site of the county assizes and often an inconvenient spot for officials
from other parts of Cornwall, given the town s location so near the Tamar. Occasionally the
assizes were held at Bodmin or Lostwithiel, more convenient locations, until Launceston
complained about the loss of trade from the assizes; a 1386 charter granted Launceston the
permanent benefit of the assizes, although even after a guarantee, they sometimes were held
at other towns. 1 "
Launceston is the only known medieval walled town in Cornwall, highly defensible in the
early thirteenth century when the six-foot-thick walls were in top condition soon after the
town wall was joined to the castle wall." 7 Launceston Castle was one of the fortifications given
to Edward the Black Prince as part of duchy holdings in 1337. In 1369 he brought the castle
up to full garrison strength, renewing its military power."* He also improved the buildings of
388 CORNWALL
the castle, adding a chapel and assize hall; it was repaired again in 1461. " J Carew in 1602
commented on Launceston Castle, saying that it was an ancient Castle, whose steepe rocky-
footed Keepe, hath his top enuironed with a treble wal, and in regard therof, men say, was
called, Castle terrible. ^ The castle was used as a gaol well into the seventeenth century.
Launceston had a market at the time of the Domesday Book. It later received a borough charter
under Reginald, earl of Cornwall between 1 141 and 1 167. 2 As a free borough Launceston
could elect a mayor. Rather than having a provost or portreeve, elected by burgesses but
answerable to the lord of the manor, Launceston s mayor was answerable to the burgesses who
elected him, an important distinction for free boroughs. 122 In the early fourteenth century
Launceston had eight aldermen and twelve burgesses who elected a mayor, probably just before
the official year began on the feast of St Katherine, 25 November. According to a 1302 assize
court record, both Launceston and Dunheved had their own burgesses and disputes arose
between them concerning their mutual rights and liberties. A merchant guild is recorded for
Dunheved, and markets on Tuesdays and Saturdays, with an annual fair in Whit week. 123 Like
four other early boroughs (Bodmin, Liskeard, Tregony, and Truro), Launceston sent two
members to parliament from 1386. Travelling some three hundred miles of medieval road
from Cornwall to London, the members from the county usually served only one term and
were paid 2s a day, including travel time. 24 In the late thirteenth century a guildhall was begun
in the Dunheved district. 1 " Surviving borough accounts indicate that in 1487 the guildhall
was used for elections, and probably even earlier. 12 1 The guildhall occupied a place on the present
High and Church Streets and perhaps part of the nineteenth-century bank location. 127
Borough accounts from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries indicate fifteen guilds in
Launceston, some associated with St Mary Magdalene s Church and eight with St Thomas. l2
The St Mary Magdalene guild, a trade or municipal guild, may be the same as the unnamed
guild of 1334, one of the earliest mentions of a guild in Cornwall. Launceston s minstrels
were part of a confraternity attached to St Mary Magdalene s Church; St Thomas parish had
the All Hallows guild at Tregadillett, about two miles from Launceston, probably founded in
1479. Around 1500 All Hallows guild accounts note that half of the thirty members were
women, although women are only twice recorded as officers of the guild, in 1491 and 1497.
Although membership fees are not common in extant guild accounts, we know that the guild
of St Mary Magdalene charged sons of freemen I6d and outsiders, 6s 8d. Many rural Cornish
guilds accepted lambs as payment (worth about lOd each in the 1540s); the All Hallows guild
accepted lambs, and Mattingly suggests that it may have been a shepherds guild or connected
to sheep stores. Chapels were often supported by guilds; Tregadillett may have had a chapel of
ease supported by the All Hallows guild. Mornspeches, morning meetings held several times
a year to discuss non-parish business, are recorded in 15301; there may be a connection
between these mornspeches and the speche howse that appears in the Launceston borough
accounts in 1540 and 1577.
Although St Stephen s is considered the mother church of Launceston, the first parish
church was actually built about 1080 within the castle walls and was dedicated to the Virgin
Mary. The present parish church of St Mary Magdalene was dedicated in 1524. " Launceston
Priory was dissolved in 1 539, when John Tregonwell reported to the king that all things were
389
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
in good order. The priory income at the time was 354, Although the priory was later demol
ished, parts of the foundation can still be seen near the Kensey and the priory s Norman door
way remains as the entrance to the White Hart Hotel on the market square. 11
After the Dissolution many boroughs procured new charters of incorporation confirming
their rights and privileges. Launceston s in 1555/6 indicated the right to elect a mayor and to
appoint eight aldermen who had the right to admit burgesses and freemen at their discretion. 13
A yearly fair was granted on the vigil of the day, feast, and morrow of the exaltation of the
Holy Cross and a market within the town of Newport ... on every Wednesday in each and
every week . . . and also a Court of Piepoudre within the fair time. 132 Income to maintain
bridges and roads, to pave streets, to repair churches and the guildhall, and to pay other
municipal fees came from land the town owned within the borough and from outside com
mons. " The local economy, supported as elsewhere by tin works such as the nearby Radmore
tin works, was supplemented by domestic industry. 1 " Cornwall is also naturally rich in granite
and slate and Launceston borough accounts contain many references to local quarrying. From
the fifteenth century on, improvements in pasture and selection of stock helped produce
better wool. Local sheep raising provided wool for spinning and weaving in homes, as well as
hides for tanning. 13
Launceston was a busy town throughout the Middle Ages and Renaissance because of the
castle gaol and assize courts held there. Carew noted that Launceston s prosperity in his time
came from more use, and profit of faire lodgings, through the Countie Assizes. 13 1 Launceston
remained otherwise a smaller town throughout our period. 137 Never the sire of Bodmin s, the
town population has been estimated at only 882 in 1642, according to the Protestation returns
of that year. 138
LOSTW1TH1EL
Located on the Fowey estuary, Lostwithiel began under the patronage of the lords of the manor
of Bodardle (who lived in Restormel Castle) although neither Lostwithiel nor Restormel
appear in the Domesday Book. In 1 194 Richard I received ten marks from Robert Cardinhan,
lord of the manor, in payment for a market at Lostwetell ; about the same time Lostwithiel
earned its first charter. " The charter recognized that the town had burgesses but Cardinhan
and his bailiffs would still be judges in the borough court. The burgesses were allowed to
elect one of their own as provost or reeve to represent their interests. Town businesses were
protected from outsiders since aliens were forbidden to set up a shop or tavern unless the town
representatives agreed. 4 "
Richard, earl of Cornwall, bought Restormel Castle in about 1268 from Isolda de Cardinhan,
granddaughter of Robert, and with it the town of Losrwithiel, including its three mills and a
fishery. Restormel Castle, located on a hill less than two miles from Lostwithiel, overlooks the
Fowey River valley. The keep was probably built by Robert Cardinhan about 1200. In the late
thirteenth century stone buildings were added for halls and chambers, as well as a large gateway
and chapel. Remnants of what was once the outer wall were discovered earlier in this century.
During the late thirteenth century, Edmund, earl of Cornwall, made Restormel his main place
390 CORNWALL
of residence but he was the last lord of Cornwall to reside there. The castle was a favourite
place to stop for Edward, the Black Prince, and was so modern for the time that it had piped
spring water, a luxury feature. He stayed at Restormel twice: 20 August to 4 September 1354
and around Easter, 1363. 4 The glory days of the castle ended soon after the death of the
Black Prince in 1377. During the Reformation Henry vin made pastureland of the great park.
In modern times the ruins were used as a quarry. The only remaining buildings at Restormel
are those that were inside the great keep: a hall, chapel, three chambers, and three upper
chambers, all now under the care of the Office of Works. 142
The purchase of Restormel Castle forged a link between town and castle, the future duke
of Cornwall and the duchy, and the monastery, Tywardreath. Richard granted Lostwithiel a
charter in 1268, giving it a measure of independence as a free borough. Besides exempting
the burgesses from tolls throughout Cornwall, the town could regulate its commerce by means
of its guild merchant; it was granted a yearly three-day fair at the feast of St Bartholomew
(24 August) and a weekly Tuesday market. 143 As a borough Lostwithiel first sent two burgesses
to parliament in 1305. 144 Lostwithiel s charter gave the townspeople an unusual amount of
power in local government; while many charters exempted townsmen from their hundred
courts they were still subject to the court of the shire. Townsmen in Lostwithiel, however, were
subject only to their borough court, presided over by their lord and his bailiffs. 14 Lostwithiel
and the duchy palace in the thirteenth century therefore was to Cornwall what the Palace of
Westminster was to London and the country as a whole, the seat of government. 146
Lostwithiel s economy, as in much of Cornwall, depended on the tin trade and shipping.
Besides being a market town Lostwithiel was an inland port like Truro and its role in tin
coinage and in being the site of a stannary court until the eighteenth century brought people
into the town on business, mercantile and legal. By the early sixteenth century its prosperity
eroded because the silting up of the Fowey estuary made its port no longer suitable for shipping
tin from the Bodmin Moor works. 141
Lostwithiel had two religious guilds: Corpus Christi, first mentioned in the 1368 will
of John Dabernon, and St George s, dating from 1414. "* St George s guild was of some
importance; it had its own chaplain and probably maintained its relative exclusivity through
admittance fees, 20d for married couples and 3s 4d for outsiders. St George s guild, like other
religious guilds, was responsible for dirges for the dead on its patronal festival, for annual
masses the day following, and for supporting and attending funerals of guild members. Accom
panying feasts and entertainments sponsored by the guild were intended to raise money for
the parish church. l4 The parish church, St Bartholomew s, was founded in the late twelfth
century, probably in 1 180, but the main part of the church was built in the fourteenth century.
St Bartholomew s, along with St Nicholas , the parish church at nearby Fowey, belonged to
Tywardreath Priory until the Dissolution.
The Benedictine monastery at Tywardreath, founded c 1088, was never a prosperous house
and never an attractive pilgrimage site like Bodmin Priory. Although Edmund, earl of Cornwall
and brother of Henry in, spent a great deal of time at Restormel, made Lostwithiel the capital
of the county, and spent a good amount of money on the town, the monastery at Tywardreath
did not interest him - the abbey of Hailes in Gloucestershire was his primary focus."" The
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
small monastery struggled along, falling apart until it drew attention, as all Cornish monas
teries did, when the Reformation began. The prior and six monks were warned by Bishop
Veysey to change their behaviour, say matins according to the Rule, and close all windows and
doors by which women might enter. 1 " Thomas Treffry, friend of Cromwell and no friend to
the prior of Tywardreath - since the prior was still nominal lord of the borough of Fowey
and a thorn in tenant Treffry s side - drew the king s attention to the village of Fowey and
Tywardreath. " As a result Tywardreath was one of the first Cornish monasteries to be dis
solved in 1536, its income at the time only 123. " Carew says of Tywardreath Monastery: A
little beyond Foy, the land openeth a large sandie Bay, for the Sea to ouer-flow, which, and the
village adioyning, are therethrough aptly termed Trewardreth, in English, The Sandie towne.
Elder times, of more deuotion then knowledge, here founded a religious house, which, in
King Henrie the eights raigne, vnderwent the common downefall. 1
The sense of autonomy that had developed in Lostwithiel since the time of Robert, count
of Mortain, made itself apparent in economic and financial strategies employed to resist the
Crown Exchequer s keen awareness of sources of income. The Chantry Act of 1 547 confiscated
chantry endowments and lesser endowments for fraternities and guilds. 1 " The Chantry Certifi
cates of 1 546 and 1 548 registered only one fraternity in Cornwall, although many more existed,
suggesting the kind of evasion that occurred in Lostwithiel. " Rowse recounts a Court of
Augmentations case where the mayor and burgesses of Lostwithiel had concealed from the
Crown the lands with which the gild [of St George s chapel] was endowed. We learn that the
chapel was "defaced immediately upon the last [Commotion]" by order of the mayor [Richard
Hutchings]. Sir William Coles, former gild priest, deposed that the gild was "only maintained
by the devotions of them that were and would be brethren and sises of the same. . ." Coles
denied that there were any lands belonging to the gild, and said that he had "never heard it
called St. George s chantry till now of late by the adversaries of the said mayor and brethren".
From this we may infer two things - that he had been got at by the mayor, and that there
were two factions in the town. For other witnesses deposed that there were lands belonging
to the gild: St. George s mills, for example, and St. George s closes. There were also lands of
St. Bartholomew, patron saint of the parish church. s " While its status as an actual chantry
might be in question, extant records from the steward of the guild, 15367, indicate that the
guild did make payments for rent of ground that belonged to St George s mills and St George s
close, called Beades Parke. 1 " In spite of attracting a good deal of attention for its nearby
Restormel Castle and stannary, Lostwithiel remained a small town in comparison to Bodmin.
Lostwithiel received a charter of incorporation, providing for a mayor and aldermen, in 1608. IV1
At the start of the Civil War Losrwithiel s population, on the basis of the 1642 Protestation
returns, was 393." "
PENRYN
Located on the Fal estuary, Penryn is first recorded in 1236 when the town was granted a
charter by the bishop of Exeter but its enfranchisement was confirmed only in 1547." As is
true for small towns in the shire, we know little about its town government except that in the
392 CORNWALL
sixteenth century Penryn s municipal administration was headed by a mayor or portreeve,
with the help of bailiffs and burgesses." - In 1547 the borough began sending two members
to parliament and was incorporated in 1621, during the reign of James i. 1M A weekly Monday
market and a fair on the vigil, feast, and morrow of St Thomas the Martyr (29 December)
were granted 8 January 1258/9 and a fair on the morrow of St Vitalis (28 April) and two days
after was granted in 131 1." 4 Penryn was also an important port for trade between CornwaJl
and France and Spain. It was close to the sea - closer than Truro and foreign trade helped
Penryn develop into one of the busiest ports in the county. In 1602, however, Carew was little
impressed with the town, commenting that Penryn was rather passable, then noteable, for
wealth, buildings, and Inhabitants. " s But there was considerable wealth nearby. The fortune
of the Killigrew family, for example, came in part from trade at Penryn." The Killigrews,
who owned the land near where the port town of Falmouth would develop - about two miles
from Penryn - achieved significant political power in the sixteenth century, in part because of
Sir Henry Killigrews friendship with the Cecils. Arwennack, their home, was rebuilt in 1567
for over 6000 - lavish for the time." "
In 1377 there were about 300 people in Penryn." " Three centuries later, when Walter Ralegh,
lord warden of the stannaries, visited Falmouth Harbour, he commented that only Arwennack
and a few other houses were there." 1 But foreign trade and the use of Penryn as a port increased
so significantly that the population, many of whom were not native to Cornwall, had more
than tripled by 1642 when 1,143 have been estimated as resident in Penryn. 17 "
Penryn had no parish church but was part of the parish of St Gluvias, the mother church,
dedicated in 1318. A chapel of St Mary Magdalene in Penryn existed in the town before 1322
and Penryn paid yearly to the altar at St Gluvias for the chaplain, who was elected by the
town burgesses but approved by the vicar. Penryn was best known for the Collegiate Church
of St Thomas at Glasney (Glasney College), a college of secular canons situated just south of
the town. Founded by Bishop Bronescombe in 1267, it was the most flourishing and richest
institution in Cornwall up to the Dissolution. 1 " 2 Glasney s local power came from the land it
owned in Penryn and from tithes and patronage income from sixteen local parishes. I7} Glasney s
connection to the Cornish play, the Ordinalia, has long been the subject of scholarly specula
tion, many believing that the play was written there. 74 The church was a likely place for
entertainments and attracted residents as no other establishment in CornwaJl could. For many
rectors, living in rural parishes was a lonely life. Travel was long and difficult and they were
unlikely to have many educated visitors; books were few. So attracted to Glasney were they
that in 1372 Bishop Brantingham wrote to the Provost of the College complaining that some
rectors absented themselves from their parishes and resided in the College where they consumed
the provisions and were a greater burden to the College than honour to God. 7
Glasney did have its moments of less-than-virtuous history. Bishop Grandisson chastised
Glasney in his 1360 prohibition, specifically directed to its provost and chapter, threatening
excommunication, against silly and harmful pastimes, holiday entertainments, and plays
(see pp 503-4). " In injunctions issued after his visitation of 1387, Bishop Brantingham
called upon the warden and chapter at Glasney to take particular care to avoid certain occasions
of misbehaviour. These included singing the offices irreverently and improperly, disobeying
393
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
their rule, associating with suspicious women, and not looking after the books and vessels
belonging to the collegiate church. l? ~ Although scholars believe that in general the behaviour
of the canons at Glasney was good, in 1400 Bishop Stafford at his visitation again found
problems: the vicars and canons were charged with seriously neglecting their sacred duties. l7
Glasney was suppressed in 1545. About 1815 a document was discovered at Penryn stating
that the town was owed a moidore [a gold coin] a year for the loss of Glasney College. In
1865 the antiquarian, C.R. Sowell, feared that the claim had lapsed. 17 The remains of the
collegiate church were then described as inconsiderable but interesting. Some tracery remained,
door jambs and sills, stones that had been used in local building, part of a chapel mullion, and
some sections of foundation masonry. "" Today, only fragments remain.
ST 1VES
When Carew travelled to St Ives in the hundred of Penwith he was not very impressed with
this little fishing port. The town and port, he said, are both of meane plight, yet, with their
best meanes, (and often, to good and necessarie purpose) succouring distressed shipping.
Order hath bene taken, and attempts made, for bettering the Road with a peere, but eyther
want, or slacknesse, or impossibilitie, hitherto withhold the effect: the whiles, plentie offish
is here taken, and sold verie cheape. "" At the Conquest, St Ives, along with nearby Lelant
and Towednack, was part of the great manors of Ludgvan Leaze (Luduham) and Connerton,
the paramount manor of the Hundred of Penwith. 1 " 2 Lelant, where the parish church was
located, was the main village in the area and in the early Middle Ages was an important port
and market town. 1 * 3 St Ives had no parish church of its own until the early fifteenth century
but did have a small Norman chapel of ease under the mother church in Lelant. For services,
baptisms, purifications, and burials the people of St Ives had to travel between two and four
miles to the mother church, often over nearly impassable roads. St Ives was, however, a recog
nized parish for revenues, for debts, and for civic matters by the fourteenth century. In 1408
and 1409, in two separate petitions, the St Ives inhabitants requested their own parish church
but it was not until. 1428 that the chapel enlargement was completed and a church was dedi
cated to St Andrew and consecrated by Bishop Lacy of Exeter for the performance of all
sacraments, although St Ives had no cemetery until 1542. ""
Through most of the fourteenth century St Ives was a small fishing hamlet with a few houses
and shelters for fishing boats. In fact the 1327 subsidy roll records forty-seven taxpayers at
St Ives. 1 " But slowly St Ives grew mainly because it was central to sea trade to and from Ireland
and Brittany. As Lelant s harbour gradually became choked with silt, St Ives benefited from
increased trade traffic and growing population. Eventually St Ives would struggle with silting
as well and in 1538 Leland wrote that sand from storms had sore oppressid houses in St Ives
and a fair pere [was] sore chokid with sande. 1 "
The first fair on record in the area is for Lelant. William Bottreaux, lord of the manor of
La Nant (Lelant), was granted a Thursday market by Edward i in 1295; the same charter
allowed two fairs, one on the Purification of the Virgin (2 February) and one on the Assump
tion (15 August). 1 " In 1487 King Henry vn granted Lord Willoughby de Broke of Ludgvan
394 CORNWALL
Leaze a weekly Saturday market and two yearly fairs. 1 "" We know from the extant St Ives bor
ough records beginning in 1570 that the town government was run by a portreeve, twelve
councilmen, and twenty-four burgesses. " 1 From 1558 on, the year of its enfranchisement,
St Ives returned two members to parliament. " Town officials also had power that burgesses
of other towns closer to the Tamar did not; though expected to pay its full quota of national
taxes it was largely autonomous in the management of its own affairs. Therefore the "12 and
24 men," as they were styled, had to deal with all manner of business - repairing the church,
controlling the fisheries, looking after the parish paupers, upholding the law and punishing
offenders, enforcing public health regulations, collecting harbour dues, running the market,
and also, most importantly in those warlike times, when the coast was always liable to attack
by French, Spanish and Turkish vessels, taking active measures for the defence of the town. 1 "
A long way from London - St Ives is only sixteen miles from Land s End - St Ives relative
isolation is probably the main reason for the persistence of its entertainments and customs,
recorded long after other towns had given up those that the Reformation discouraged.
Fishing was the primary source of income for St Ives for centuries with both seine fishing
and drift net fishing practised. These methods were described thoroughly by Carew, includ
ing the fortunes of both the seiner and the pilchard merchant. Pilchards, said Carew, at first
carried a very lowe price, and serued for the inhabitants cheapest prouision: but of late times,
the deare sale beyond the seas hath so encreased the number of takers, and the takers iarring
and brawling with one another The Sayners profit in this trade is vncertayne . . . but the
Pilcherd Marchant may reape a speedy, large, and assured benefit. 1 2 As everywhere in Corn
wall merchants had begun to control the trade market. There was also extensive mining in the
St Ives area. Although the Godolphins were not actually from St Ives, they lived only about
ten miles away and were economically and politically influential in the hundred of Penwith.
The family s interest in developing mining techniques affected the St Ives economy since the
Godolphins made use of St Ives harbour. The Godolphins also hired German master miners
to develop the mining for them near Marazion and Mounts Bay. St Ives prospered addition
ally from mining innovation since both foreign visitors and supplies came into their port. In
1593, for example, The Hart of St Ives brought charcoal and oaks from Milford Haven for
Sir Francis Godolphins tin works." 3 There was a growth in the late sixteenth century of the tin
shipping trade with South Wales, so that the collaboration between Cornish metal and South
Wales smelting, which was such a notable feature of the Industrial Revolution of the eighteenth
and nineteenth centuries, was anticipated in the Tudor age. 1 " 1 Two surveys to determine the
county s resources, done in 1570 and 1582, indicate the increase in foreign shipping at the
time, which helped to increase the general population in St Ives as well. A subsidy roll from the
reign of Henry vin shows what was true in nearly every Cornish port town that there were
foreigners who lived and worked among the Cornish. In St Ives, for example, there were 23
foreigners, all Bretons, of whom 4 are tailors, 7 labourers, 9 fishers and 3 smiths. 1 " In 1327
there had been fewer than fifty taxpayers in St Ives; by 1642 there were over 1,800 people by
estimation. 1 "
The Dissolution did not touch St Ives as much as it did less isolated areas of the county.
But the institution of the English Prayer Book and the change from the Latin mass disturbed
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
people in St Ives and throughout Cornwall. Leaders from St Ives joined in the 1 549 Western
Rebellion and the town s portreeve, John Payne, was eventually hanged on the gallows in St Ives
for his participation. 1 7 In fact, St Ives was one of the few towns in western CornwaJl that did
not support the monarchy during the growing unrest before the Civil War. St Ives instead
supported parliament and the Commonwealth, partly because Sir Richard Grenville with his
persecutions of Roundheads was unpopular - even detested - but mainly because local influ
ential leaders of the time were Puritans and they supported the Revolution. 1 "
St Ives did not become incorporated until 1639 when a mayor replaced the portreeve. The
twelve aldermen and twenty-four burgesses continued and the town gained a recorder and a
town clerk. St Ives would also have its first grammar school. The new charter from Charles I
specified a Wednesday and a Saturday market and four fairs: 10 May, 20 July, 26 September,
and 3 December. 1 " The last of these is probably the Tig Fair that Matthews says happened
around 30 November, the feast of St Andrew, the patron saint of the parish church, and was
still celebrated in the nineteenth century. It was called the Fairy-mow, an anglicization of the
Cornish Far-a -Moh, meaning Pig Fair. : "" Pigs were brought into the town in great numbers
and kept in pigs towns at nearby Breakwater and Porthmeor; pork was sold at booths at the
fair, and according to popular legend, a mock mayor was elected. 2 "
Private Households
Cornish gentry, whose wealth would come mainly from the tin trade, included the pre-Conquest
families of the Carmynows, claiming descent from King Arthur, the Cosworths, the Polwheles,
and the Trevelyans. Other medieval families were of Norman descent: the Arundells of Lanherne
and Trerice, the Bassets, the Bodrugans, the Carews, the Chamonds, the Champernownes
(resident mainly in Devon), the Edgcumbes, the Grenvilles of Stowe, the Killigrews, the
Pomerays, the Reskymers, the Roscarrocks, the St Aubyns, the Tregians, and the Trevanions.
By the fifteenth century the Godolphins rose to fortune too, through control of the stannaries,
becoming perhaps the richest family in Cornwall during the sixteenth century.- 1 " 2 Like impor
tant families of the gentry all over England the Cornish gentry intermarried with one another,
creating a network of power and interpersonal influence that affected social and economic
conditions throughout our period. The Arundells of Tolverne, Carews, Edgcumbes, and
Godolphins were related by marriage; the Arundells of Trerice were intermarried with the
Carnsews, Cosworths, and St Aubyns; and the Godolphins were further intermarried with
the Killigrews. 2 " 3 Cornwall, somewhat isolated and far from the locus of national power, no
doubt lost many men aspiring to wealth and position to London but the loss from the shire
connected the gentry to the Crown. There had always been a strong link between Cornwall
and the Crown, ever since the Conquest; William and Robert, the count of Mortain and earl
of Cornwall, who was given vast holdings in the county, were half-brothers. 2 " 4
The Killigrews and the Godolphins were typical of the Cornish gentry, families involved in
the economy and local government of the shire. The Killigrews, with their great household at
Arwennack near Penryn and Falmouth Harbour, had interests in both trade and tin mining.
The Killigrews filled positions in the administration of the duchy, were members of parliament,
396 CORNWALL
and participated in local government. John Killigrew became governor of Pendennis near
Falmouth and was also a commissioner when the new Prayer Book was introduced. The family
had long-standing connections with St Mawes Castle, built in 1 543. The castle was an impor
tant military fortification protecting the harbour at Falmouth, one of the crucial artillery forts
during the reign of Henry viM. 2 " But the Killigrews, like others of the gentry, fell upon hard
times. They often lived beyond their means, building their grand home, Arwennack. To main
tain their lifestyle they turned to piracy. In 1 555 the Killigrew brothers, John and Thomas,
pursued Spanish ships, confiscating cargo. 21 " Their brother, Peter, was imprisoned in the Tower
for privateering with the French. "" The family also held influence in other towns in Cornwall.
William Killigrew, brother of Sir Henry, was constable of Launceston Castle from 1576 and
through his relatives, the Cecils, was instrumental in securing positions for various people from
Dunheved in parliament during the years 1 558-97. 2 ""
The Godolphins from Godolphin near St Michael s Mount were involved in the tin indus
try and introduced many innovations to mining. Sir William Godolphin, during the reign of
Henry vin, was a prominent man who increased his estates over the years through rewards for
loyalty to the king and to subsequent protestant rulers. The Godolphins had under Henry been
supportive of the dissolution of the monasteries; Sir William and his son were granted in
survivorship the office of steward of the Somerset lands in Cornwall and of the King s lands
in Alverton, Penzance, and Tywarnhayle. 2 " Sir Francis Godolphin was the family member
who particularly gave all of his energy to the shire, in both public administration and mining
development. 21 " He served as receiver-general of the duchy under Elizabeth and supervised
military fortifications on the Scilly Isles; he was a major military leader in the war against
Spain. 2 " Documents pertaining to the households of the Killigrews and the Godolphins are
not extant.
Of the great families extant records of dramatic activity and musical activity have been
located only for the Arundells, the Carews of Antony, and the Pomerays of St Neot. The
wealthy and powerful Arundell family of Lanherne in Mawgan parish was Cornwall s most
prominent. 212 The Arundells attracted attention both for their hospitality and for military and
civic affairs. One of the many Sir John Arundells was a fleet commander for Henry v and at
the Reformation Humphrey Arundell became a governor of St Michael s Mount. He led an
army in the 1549 rebellion. The Wardour Castle, Wiltshire, branch of the Arundell family
was founded by Sir Thomas Arundell who was executed in 1 552. 2 " One of Cornwall s major
families for more than 400 years, the Arundells gathered an archive of documents pertaining to
their vast holdings in Cornwall, Devon, Dorset, and Wiltshire, dating from the twelfth century
to nearly the present day. 214 Richard Carew s comments about Cornwall contained in his 1602
Survey of Cornwall, appear under the relevant boroughs and parishes. Thomas Pomeray s will
appears under St Neot.
Drama, Music, Dance, and
Popular Customs
The historical records from Cornwall, while fewer in number than we suspect originally existed,
provide evidence of an extended pattern of popular entertainment and dramatic performance
across the county, giving us a picture of rural social life that well illustrates Cornish pride in
their traditions. This picture, of course, is dependent upon the survival of documents and
therefore a lack of information in the Records about performance in a particular town does
not mean that factors prevented drama, music, and dance there but rather that records and
references testifying to such performance have not been found. While the people and the in
stitutions in Cornwall were subject to the decisions of the monarchy and to ecclesiastical
mandates from Exeter, the county s relative isolation may have protected local entertainment
longer than in areas closer to London or the ecclesiastical see. A selection of the historical
records, discussed below, demonstrates that despite exterior impositions by church and Crown,
and interior difficulties such as poor travel conditions, political turmoil, and a limited economy,
a richness of entertainment occurred in Cornwall in the period right down to 1642.
Drama
Cornish people enjoyed a rich variety of drama, including cycle plays, a saint s play, Robin
Hood plays, a Susanna play, and other plays unnamed in the records but sometimes called
interludes or miracles. >2IS Like the drama itself, records of performance of some of these plays
are dispersed throughout the county, connected to individual parishes, towns, and manors. In
addition to the historical records, we are fortunate to have, even if all are not complete, extant
dramatic texts in Middle Cornish. The Charter Interlude, a fragment, is one character s part
in a play about matchmaking, and as such is an important example of early secular drama in
Britain. 2 " The Ordinalia is a cycle drama containing plays for three days, the extant manuscript
focusing on Christ s Passion and the legend of the Oil of Mercy. Another version of a cycle
drama, the Creadon, seems to be the first day s play from a longer cycle and has repetitions
in its beginning that are related to the first day s play of the Ordinalia. Beunans Meriasek, a
saint s play intended for performance over two days, concerns the life and miracles of Cam-
borne s patron, St Meriasek. (For these last three plays see Appendix 2.)
No texts remain, however, for the Robin Hood plays so popular in Cornwall or for the
other dramatic performances, by travelling troupes or local groups of players, that are noted
398 CORNWALL
in historical documents. Additionally unfortunate is that the known historical records make no
specific reference to the plays for which there are extant texts; thus, no certain complementarity
can be asserted between the surviving play texts and the historical references to performance,
although some of the historical records, such as those for St Ives, are extremely suggestive.
That the Cornish tradition of drama was long-standing, however, may be attested by a reference
in Cornish to a comedic entertainer, found in the twelfth-century Old Cornish Vocabulary ;
this early document, which translates ^Elfric s Latin/Old English vocabulary into Cornish,
includes terms for musical instruments, singers, and dancers (see Appendix 1).
Although failing to refer to the extant plays, the historical records do testify to Robin Hood
plays, interludes, and a drama called a miracle play. The Penheleg manuscript, declaring the
royalties of John Arundell of Lanherne, records a Mirable play at Sancreed, where a murder
occurred (see p 520); since a plain-an-gwary existed at Sancreed, the play may have been per
formed there. The bailiff s hearing was concerned with the Royalties of Sir John Arundell
of Lanherne and his ancestors within the hundred of Penwith and contains testimony regard
ing the Arundell family s historic claims and privileges. In a case confirming their criminal
jurisdiction in the area, the manuscript recounts the statement of an elderly man who, with
other men, witnessed a murder when he was a boy, perhaps around 1 500, at a Mirable Play
at Sanckras Parish in the Place there. Perhaps testifying to the audience s interest in the play,
the murderer was bound and held until the play s end, when he was taken to prison and
eventually hanged. The Penheleg manuscript remains the only record of a performance called
a miracle play in Cornwall; however, since the meaning of the word miracle is uncertain and
might refer to a variety of different works, such as a saint s play or a cycle play, for example,
the precise nature of that drama performed in Sancreed is unknown.
Drama in Cornwall was also associated with Corpus Christi Day, one of the most popular
celebrations throughout England during the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries; this cele
bration occurred on the Thursday after Trinity Sunday, falling between 23 May and 24 June.
Corpus Christi plays in Cornwall, as they are recorded for Bodmin between 1494-5 and 1566,
appear to have been, in contrast to the cycle drama, smaller productions similar to the Corpus
Christi plays in other areas of England. :r Although historical records indicate that Corpus
Christi guilds were located in Bodmin and Lostwithiel, no specific records attest those guilds
direct involvement in dramatic performance. " The Bodmin-Receivers Accounts therefore
provide much of what we know about Corpus Christi celebrations in Cornwall. The General
Receivers Accounts from Bodmin note, for example, payments for materials such as tinfoil,
linen and satin cloth, leather, and other items used to make clothing and crowns for the Corpus
Christi play, including materials for the costume for Jesus. The accounts for 1514-15 record
a payment of 6s 6d for a purple satin garment stipulated to be for Jesus.
Two inventories from Bodmin s St Petroc s Church also contain references to costumes that
suggest the performance of religious drama. One now-missing record, the 1539 inventory
from St Petroc s Church, is fortunately preserved in the antiquarian Bodmin Register, written
in the first part of the nineteenth century. The Register describes two costumes for Jesus and
four coats for tormeteris. Although torturers play significant parts in both the Ordinaliaand
Beunans Meriasek, no certain evidence exists that the garments were used for productions of
DRAMA, MUSIC, DANCE, AND POPULAR CUSTOMS
these particular plays. 21 " The 1539 inventory further observes that, at the time of its writing,
these costumes for tormeteris were in the hands of four named men, probably the actors
playing those roles. The account also confirms the recycling of ecclesiastical garments for the
drama: the coat then kept by Richard Corant was made of a sewt of vestyments for goode
frydayes. A second Bodmin inventory, of 1566, notes three costumes for Jesus, two made of
red wosterd and one of red bocrom, along with three tormenttowers costumes of satyn of
bryddes of yolo & blue, as well as two costumes for devils and two crowns, one of them black.
Although devils are present in the Ordinalia, again connections between records and texts
can only be speculative.
While the Bodmin accounts may suggest a Corpus Christi play focused on the Passion, 22 "
the St Ives Borough Accounts suggest performance of the cycle drama, with entries indicating
both payments for, and receipts from, drama. The St Ives accounts list receipts in 1571-2 for
several days, at an unspecified time, from the first daye of the playe to the sixth day, as well
as additional income for drincke monye after the playe. The meaning of the references to six
days of a play is unclear, given the many ways the phrase could be interpreted. Payments in
these accounts are clear, however, for a variety of expenses associated with the play, including
wages for the pypers, money spent to purchase hurdles and a line, wages for the carpenters
who made hevin, and funds for unspecified thinges for the playe. Two different payments
are also recorded for lambskins, one for six skins and one for two dozen; since a stage direction
in the play of the Creadon requires Adam and Eva aparlet in whytt lether, the lambskins may
have been for their costumes.
In 1572-3 St Ives also received money for an interlude; although Matthews speculated that
John Clarke s payment was for a play manuscript, the amount is fairly large, 1 lls, suggesting
that the sum may instead have been received for admissions. 221 Since a plain-an-gwary existed
at Stennack in the parish of St Ives, a play on a large scale could well have been presented there.
Entries in Cornish records also document the performance of Robin Hood plays during the
last half of the sixteenth century and may help to confirm the belief that interest in Robin
Hood grew during the late 1 500s. 222 A champion of the oppressed, the figure of Robin Hood
flourished from when it was mentioned in Langland s Piers Plowman, and Robin became a
folk hero who appealed to the common people interested in social justice. As a figure of the
outdoor life and the greenwood, he is often associated with spring and Whitsuntide, or sum
mer games. 223
Several entries concerning drama, which usually refer to Robin Hood plays, are preserved
in the antiquarian copy of the churchwardens accounts for the parish of Antony. The 1555-6
accounts name, in a single entry, both the actor playing Robin Hood and a woman from among
the maydyns who turned over receipts. Between 1553-4 and 1558-9 a series of such receipts
appears in the Antony records from Robyn Hodde & the maydyns, for a fairly constant
amount, usually between 40s and 50s. However, whether a connection exists between the
maidens and the Robin Hood play is not clear. We know that at this time a number of churches
had guilds for young women and possibly the collections from the maidens were for the feast
ing that commonly accompanied celebrations around Robin Hood, although the association
of Robin Hood and a maidens guild is not usual. Moreover, even if maydyns does refer to a
400 CORNWALL
young women s guild, the occasions for which money was received from Robyn Hodde and
from the maidens may have occurred at entirely different times. Another possibility is that the
term maydyns may refer to part of Robin Hood s company. In any case the accounts confirm
that within a period of six years, five different performances of a Robin Hood play were held in
the same location.
The Stratton church also received money for Robin Hood plays; accounts for 1535-6
name I. Greby as the actor who played Robin Hood while the 1536-7 accounts name the
company s leader, John Mares, who might himself have played the part of Robin Hood. 224
Since both the rood loft and the new chancel at St Andrew s were built at this time, donations
from the plays may have been used for rebuilding inside the church. 2 " In subsequent years in
Stratton Robin Hood plays were also performed, in 1538-9 and in 1543-4. On the latter
occasion the church may have made money by selling stage sets since the accounts note that
two people paid the church for the wode of Robyn hode is howse. Extant documents from
across England indicate that a house or arbour was often built for Robin Hood, a temporary
structure used for feasting that symbolized Robin Hood s Sherwood Forest revels. 226 A record of
St Breock may allude to a similar structure; the entries for 1573^4 note two different amounts
received, one sum from Robyn hoode & hys Cuwpanye and the second sum from the players
for wood.
Costumes for Robin Hood plays are mentioned in the churchwardens accounts for St Columb
Major, which indicate ownership of various sorts of costumes that the church apparently
rented to performers. Inventories of parish goods for 1584-5 and 1585-6 include a ffryers
Coate that was probably a costume for a Robin Hood play, since the accounts for the year
1587-8 include a sum the church received for the lont of the Robbyn hoddes clothes. The
15945 account similarly notes a debit of Robyn hoodes monyes, perhaps also for the rent
of the costumes, which sum was to be paid at o//r ladye day by several men who are listed as
owing for ye same.
Historical documents from Cornwall such as these from St Columb contain a significant
number of entries attesting the performance of Robin Hood plays, performances that not only
provided a popular form of entertainment but that also contributed in a variety of ways to
small local economies. In St Ives, for example, two records for different years indicate that
funds were both earned from, and disbursed for, the performance of a Robin Hood play: in
15834 St Ives received income from a Robin Hood play, while four years later, in 1587-8,
the town disbursed payment to a Robin Hood from St Columb Major. Given the role of such
performances in Cornwall s local economy, it is doubly unfortunate that no texts exist for the
Robin Hood plays performed there.
PLACES OF PERFORMANCE
Drama in Cornwall in the period prior to 1642 seems to have been presented in a number of
conventional settings such as church and guildhalls: the church house at Stratton was rented
to various groups of entertainers, including Egyppcions, for example, and the Bodmin Guild
hall hosted Harry King s travelling company in 1504-5. While many parish churches remain,
DRAMA. MUSIC, DANCE, AND POPULAR CUSTOMS 401
few guildhalls exist today in their entirety. In Launceston, for example, the hall no longer sur
vives except in parts that have been discovered in adjacent buildings (see p 388). Bodmin is
an exception, the present-day hall incorporating parts of the medieval building (see p 386).
In addition to these usual settings for drama, at least some of Cornwall s major plays were
presented in the round, in an open-air amphitheatre called in Middle Cornish a plain-an-gwary,
from the Cornish words plen, meaning arena or field, and guary, meaning play. 227 Perfor
mance in such a theatre is suggested by stage diagrams and directions in the manuscripts for
both the Ordinalia znA Beunans Menasek; by Cornish place-names; by references in historical
documents; and by existing structures.
The Plain-an-gwary
Caution is necessary in drawing conclusions about existing ancient structures in Cornwall
which appear to be dramatic playing places. The presence of a round, flat area surrounded by
a sloping bank of earth and/or stone, where people could have stood or sat, and that looks
like an amphitheatre, does not in itself imply the existence of a plain-an-gwary or the perfor
mance of drama. Some confusion can occur if the term round is used interchangeably with
the terms playing place and plain-an-gwary. The fact that the structure at Perranzabuloe is
referred to as Piran Round does not help matters.
While a plain-an-gwary does imply a playing place of some sort, the term round, correctly
used, refers instead to prehistoric, Roman, or early British camps or strongholds; the remains
of these level, circular areas enclosed by earth and stone walls are scattered across Cornwall.
Jenner in 1911 estimated the existence in Cornwall of eighty or ninety rounds. 22 " Although
archaeological field work has found in West Penwith alone, the most westerly part of Cornwall,
many more than that number of possible rounds, in only a few instances can these rounds
be, with any confidence, associated with drama, since such an association would require the
evidence of an historical document or a place name. 22
A similar caution is recommended when considering references in the historical documents
to an event called play. As used in Cornwall in the period of early drama, the term play did
not refer solely to drama but was also used in connection with various sports and games. The
plain-an-gwary at St Just in Penwith, for example, may have been used for the play of hurl
ing. 2 " The slogan associated with hurling in St Ives illustrates this use of the term: Guare wheag,
yw Guare teag ( Fair play is good play ). 231 Leland provides another example of varying usage
of the word play ; in describing a ruined castle near Truro, Leland remarks that the area was
then being used for a shoting and playing place. 2 The term playing place here may thus
refer to an arena for games and sports rather than for drama, although such a place could, of
course, have been employed for multiple uses (see p 559 for terminology concerning playing
places).
In at least one instance, at Castilly, an ancient structure does seem to have been remodeled
in the early Middle Ages into a plain-an-gwary.- u Similarly, the existing structures at Perranza
buloe and St Just in Penwith, each known as a plain-an-gwary, may also have been constructed
for some other purpose and then used for drama. 2 " In essence, however, a round is usually
402 CORNWALL
only a round ; and a plain-an-gwary or a playing place is a location where drama may have
been performed. In Appendix 3, O.J. Padel provides the names of ancient parishes where a
surviving name indicates a former playing place. 23 " Of course, other playing places may have
existed, whose names have not survived or are yet to be found.
Documentary Evidence of Dramatic Performance in the Plain-an-gwary
Although performance of Cornwall s drama in a plain-an-gwary is suggested by staging diagrams
m the play manuscripts and by Cornish place names, none of the historical records offers ab
solute evidence of performance in those amphitheatres. The St Ives records, however, may be
referring to a plain-an-gwary in records that mention ye playing place. Not only were receipts
recorded in 1571-2 for a major dramatic event in St Ives that may have occupied six days
(see p 513), but payments also were made for items that might well have been needed in a plain-
an-gwary, such as hurdles and a line. In the following year, when St Ives earned another fairly
large sum for the enterlude, other money was earned from the sale of six score and thre foote
of elme bordes in ye playing place. Again, the Penheleg manuscript seems also to refer to a
plain-an-gwary as it recounts the quarrel in Sancreed c 1500 that started in the Place before
the Play began and continued when the two combatants went out of the Play and pursued
their argument to the death. An existing place name in Sancreed, Plain Gwarry, further attests
the presence in earlier times of a plain-an-gwary at that location.
Carew discusses the plain-an-gwary in his 1602 history, although a number of his comments
on the plays and their production, as well as on the physical details and construction of the
plain-an-gwary, are of uncertain interpretation. Carew states that the Guary miracles were
presented in an amphitheatre forty or fifty feet in diameter, which he says the people raise in
an open field for the purpose of presenting plays to the public. 2 " Perhaps Carew means to
imply a temporary structure since the two existing amphitheatres, each of which is called a
plain-an-gwary, are considerably larger. The playing place at St Just in Penwith, for example,
is 126 feet in diameter" 7 and that at Perranzabuloe is 143 feet across on the north-south axis,
and 135 feet on the east-west, 2 " which is more than twice the size of the playing places Carew
describes. Playing places may not have been uniform in size, of course, even if originally built
for theatrical performance. Moreover, since playing places came into existence in a variety of
ways, their ultimate size probably depended in part on whether they resulted from construction
or reconstruction. Perhaps most problematic in Carew s account, however, is the implication
of crudeness and carelessness in production, implied in his assertion that the Cornish actors
did not memorize their parts but repeated them after an on-stage prompter (see p 537). Even
if Carew s account is authentic rather than apocryphal, his sixteenth-century commentary is
not necessarily applicable to fourteenth-century presentation, and he may also have been
generalizing from a single performance; his remarks, then, probably should not be construed
as having widespread application to all of the Cornish drama. 21 1
Antiquarian Descriptions of the Plain-an-gwary
William Borlase s two mid-eighteenth-century descriptions of the playing places at St Just in
DRAMA, MUSIC, DANCE, AND POPULAR CUSTOMS
Penwith and Perranzabuloe are of considerable value in understanding the sites as they were
in earlier times. At the time Borlase was studying and measuring these sites, certain features
were evident which time has since eroded; therefore, his valuable descriptions and his drawings
of the two existing playing places are included here.
In his 1754 work, Observations on the Antiquities. Historical and Monumental, of the County
of Cornwall, Borlase records his comments on the playing place at St Just in Penwith (see fig 1 ):
In these continued Rounds, or Amphitheatres of stone (not broken as the Cirques of
Stones-erect) the Britans did usually assemble to hear plays acted, to see the Sports
and Games, which upon particular occasions were intended to amuse the people, to
quiet and delight them; an institution (among other Engines of State) very necessary
in all Civil Societies: these are call d with us in Cornwall (where we have great numbers
of them) Plan an guare; viz. the level place, or Plain of sport and pastime. The benches
round were generally of Turf, as Ovid, talking of those ancient places of sport, observes:
In gradibus sedit populus de cespite factis,
Qualibet hirsuta fronde tegente comas.
We have one whose benches are of Stone, and the most remarkable Monument of
this kind which I have yet seen; it is near the church of St. Just, Penwith; now some
what disfigured by the injudicious repairs of late years, but by the remains it seems to
have been a work of more than usual labour, and correctness....
It was an exact circle of 126 feet diameter; the perpendicular height of the bank,
from the area within, now, seven feet; but the height from the bottom of the ditch
without, ten feet at present, formerly more. The seats consist of six steps, fourteen
inches wide, and one foot high, with one on the top of all, where the Rampart is about
seven feet wide. The Plays they acted in these Amphitheatres were in the Cornish
language, the Subjects taken from Scripture History, and call d Guirimir, which
Mr. Lluyd supposes a corruption of Guari-mirkl, and in the Cornish dialect to signify
a miraculous Play, or Interlude. They were compos d for the begetting in the common
people a right notion of the Scriptures, and were acted in the memory of some not
long since deceased.
In these same Cirques also, were perform d all their Athletary Exercises, for which
the Cornish Britans are still so remarkable; and when any single combat was to be
fought on foot, to decide any rivalry of Strength or Valour, any disputed Property, or
any Accusation exhibited by Martial Challenge; no place so proper as these inclosed
Cirques.""
In his Natural History of Cornwall, published a few years later in 1758, Borlase similarly de
scribes the playing place called Piran Round, located at Perranzabuloe (see fig 2):
But to return to the interludes: The places where they were acted were the Rounds, a
kind of amphitheater, with benches either of stone or turf. Of the former sort that
exhibited in the Antiquities of Cornwall ... served this purpose; but a much larger one,
of higher mound, fossed on the outside, and very regular is the amphitheater in the
404
CORNWALL
g uf -u//
-
Figure 1: Amphitheatre of St Just in Penwith. Borlase, Observations, plate xvi
DRAMA, MUSIC, DANCE, AND POPULAR CUSTOMS
405
Figure 2: Plan of Piran Round. Borlase, Natural History of Cornwall, plate xxix.
406 CORNWALL
parish of Piran-sand, which, as it has some peculiarities, I have here planned . . . with the
following references.
A, the area of the amphitheater, perfectly level, about one hundred and thirty feet
diameter; B, the benches, seven in number of turf, rising eight feet from the area; C,
the top of the rampart, seven feet wide; D, the outer slope of the rampart; E, the foss;
F, the slope of the foss; G, the level of the hill on which the work is formed; H, a
circular pit, in diameter thirteen feet, deep three feet, the sides sloping, and halfway
down a bench of turf, so formed as to reduce the area of the bottom to an ellipsis;
I, a shallow trench, running from the pit H nearly east, four feet six inches wide, and
one foot deep, till it reaches the undermost bench of the amphitheater A, where it is
terminated by a semi-oval cavity K, eleven feet from north to south, and nine feet
from east to west, which makes a breach in the benches
This is a curious and regular work, and is formed with the exactness of a fortifica
tion, but the visible benches within, the pit, the trench, and cavity, and the foss having
no esplanade beyond it, determine it in its present figure to the uses of an amphitheater.
The greatest difficulty is to account for the pit H, and the trench and cavity I K,
which are appendixes to it. Now it must be observed, that the scenary part of these
performances was much worse than the composition; that the subject being taken
from Scripture-History, the persons of the Deity brought upon the stage from above,
and the infernal spirits from below, they thought it necessary to appropriate peculiar
places to actors of such different characters; accordingly I find by their interludes that
they had a place in their Rounds which they called Heaven, and I infer from thence
that they had another called Hell; and from these two places the different beings were
to proceed when they came to act, and withdraw to, when their parts were finished:
I conjecture therefore, that as K might represent the upper regions, so the pit H might
be allotted to the infernal. In the interlude of the resurrection also, the pit H might
serve for the grave; the trench, and the cavity might be designed to exhibit the ascension
into Heaven. How proper these wild expedients were to raise the admiration, affections,
and piety of the beholders, the judicious reader will easily guess, and lament the age
of ignorance, when by mutual consent of Laity and Clergy, (for without both they
could not take place) the people were to have every truth set before their eyes by memor
ials, scenes, and symbols, though the most incoherent, unedifying, and absurd.
These interludes obtained not only in Cornwall (where they were called Guare-mir, or
Miracle Plays, and the place of acting pltien an giiare, but elsewhere, and lasted sometimes
more than one day, and were attended not only by the vulgar, but by people of the high
est condition, and were remembered, says Bishop Nicholson, by the last generation." 1
TRAVELLING PERFORMERS
Even with the uncertainty of Cornish roads during this period, companies of players travelled
within and outside Cornwall, although determining entertainers circuits is nearly impossible. 2 " 1
A few examples of records, however, can indicate some of the distances that local performers
DRAMA, MUSIC, DANCE, AND POPULAR CUSTOMS
traversed within the county. Some distances travelled were not terribly long; the enterlwd
players of St Dennis travelled to St Breock to perform, about eight-and-a-half miles, the players
from Milton Abbot were only seven miles from home when they performed at Launceston,
and those from Germoe were around nine miles from home when they visited St Ives (see pp 506,
495, 516). Considerably greater distance, about twenty-seven miles, exists between the home
base of a Robin Hood company from St Columb Minor and St Ives where they played. 13 Such
companies may, of course, have been on tour, travelling shorter distances between their playing
locations. Dancers also travelled within Cornwall to perform, as discussed below (p 41 1).
Cornish players also travelled outside the county to perform. Records from the neighbour
ing county of Devon note that in 1534-5 Barnstaple paid the players of Cornewall. Perhaps
these players came from Liskeard, since Liskeard players are known to have travelled to Barn-
staple four years later, in 1 538-9. " 1 Another performer from Cornwall who travelled outside
the county, a juggler said to be smiant to nrlohn arrundell the yongfr knyght, was also re
warded the same year in Plymouth, Devon. "^
Players from outside the county similarly travelled into Cornwall to perform. In the years
1470-1, for example, the Launceston records refer to wine and a reward given to Thomas le
StulstMf, the earl of Warwick s servant, who was performing as a fool. Much later in Launceston,
in 1 520- 1, a logeler identified as a servant of the king performed, earning both wine and a
payment.
Travelling companies that may have come from outside Cornwall include the Venesicians,
who played at Launceston in 1 5723, and the Egyppcions, who rented the Stratton church
house once in 1 522-3 and three more times between I 559 and 1 562. More certainly from
outside the county were the kyngenterluyd plaers who performed at Poughill in I 550 I,
receiving dinner as well as payment for their entertaining. Lord Stafford s company of Enter-
lude players performed in Launceston in I 575-6, perhaps on the same tour that took them
to Exeter in the same year. 24 The players who came to Liskeard with Commissions twice in
1631-2 may also have been licensed professional groups from outside Cornwall. Travelling
groups seem to have found work in the great houses of Cornwall, since an Arundel! family
record indicates a payment in 1 504 to egypcians who danced.
Because many entertainers appearing in the records cannot be identified by location, their
status as local or touring performers cannot be known in the absence of additional information.
To cite just a few examples, no home base is recorded for the company led by Harry King
that played in the Bodmin Guildhall in I 504-5. Similarly unknown is the identity of the
Enterlude players who performed in Launceston on I September of 1 574-5. In some instances,
however, the circumstances of a record can lead to a tentative suggestion regarding a group s
origin: for example, a sum received in Bodmin in 1470-1 from the players yn the church hay
William mason and lis felowis is found in the 1469-72 accounts for the rebuilding of the
Bodmin church, suggesting that Mason and his companions may not have been a travelling
company but a local troupe that donated some of its proceeds to the rebuilding.
Regrettably, no origin is known for the performers discussed in Heywood s Apology for
Actors, whose play frightened the Spaniards from attacking and thus saved the Cornish town
of Penryn. According to Heywood this event, which he suggests occurred around 1600, took
408 CORNWALL
place one night in Penryn when the noise of a mock battle on stage, complete with trumpets
and drum, so alarmed the attacking Spaniards that they fled in disarray to their ships. De
scribing the players as strangers, Heywood declares the company to be of the same quality
as the players of the earl of Sussex (see p 505). " 7
Since none of the Cornish records seems to indicate that travelling players were turned away,
they may have been generally welcome visitors to the county whose citizens appreciated their
amusements.
DRAMATIC PERFORMANCE AND STAINED GLASS ICONOGRAPHY IN ST NEOT S
CHURCH
An historical record of the drama that may be singular in the way it tells us about medieval
play production is the stained and painted glass in St Neot s Church, Cornwall. Built between
1480 and 1 530, 24 " the church presents in one of its earliest windows a series of Old Testament
scenes which in content and manner of presentation seem connected to the Middle Cornish
plays, the Ordinalia and the Creadon. The five trefoil-headed main lights of the church s east
window in the south aisle, the Creation Window, contain fifteen scenes illustrating material
from Genesis. In many of the subjects treated in the fifteen scenes in its five primary lights,
St Neot s Creation Window is like the narrative stained glass of other churches. Several scenes,
however, seem to indicate the influence of Cornwall s dramatic performances upon the pre
sentation of scriptural narrative by the glaziers and stained glass artisans.
In the window s seventh scene on The Temptation, for example, the drama s impact seems
evident in the figure of the serpent, clearly depicted as a human being dressed in a snake suit
(see fig 3a). Covered by a garment made to look like green snakeskin, the serpent has human
form and human limbs with which it clings to the tree. This kind of costume was necessary
for the actor portraying the serpent in both the Ordinalia and the Creadon, since both plays
require the serpent to move about, descend and ascend to and from the loca, and in general
use its arms and legs to climb, reach, and walk.
The drama s influence on the window appears most persuasively in the fourteenth scene,
reflecting not only the legend of the Oil of Mercy but that legend as presented in the Cornish
drama (see fig 3b) .* Depicting the death of Adam, the scene shows on the right the tree from
which Seth received the seeds representing the Oil of Mercy, with the Christ-child in the tree s
branches. In the foreground Adam lies on the near side of a large canopied bed while on the
far side Seth leans forward to put the apple-pips in his father s mouth and nostrils. The puzzling
stage direction in the Creadon that at his death Adam falleth upon a bead becomes clear when
we see St Neot s window and understand bead as a variant spelling of bed. "
The stained and painted glass in St Neot s Church is a record vastly different in kind from
written historical documents. However, the scenes presented in the glass clearly suggest some
of the ways in which performance of the Cornish drama influenced the stained glass artists
understanding and vision, and therefore their depiction of biblical figures and events. In thus
reflecting that influence the St Neot s church windows contribute particularly to our under
standing of the Cornish drama s staging, costuming, and set design.
DRAMA, MUSIC, DANCE, AND POPULAR CUSTOMS
409
o
O
_c
CJD
u.
c
o
Q.
I
rt
CO
The Creation Window of St Neot s Church. Photographs by David Hambly
410 CORNWALL
Music and Minstrels
Since the three major play manuscripts, the Ordinalia, Beunans Meriasek, and the Creadon all
refer to pipers who performed at each play s end, we know that music was certainly a part of
Cornwall s dramatic presentations. The text of the Ordinalia also contains an extensive list of
musicians and instruments: the musicians include minstrels, drummers, harpists, and trumpeters,
while the instruments range from the recorder to the viol and from nakers (kettledrums) to
organs.
Payments for musicians associated with drama are found in both the churchwardens
accounts from Camborne for 1 549-50 for a pyper yn the playe, and the St Ives Borough
Accounts for 1571-2, for pypers for there wages. In Liskeard in 1582-3, Mayors Accounts
note payments to interlude players and to Tarre the Minstrell, but there is no way of know
ing if the two entertainments were linked.
References to other minstrels and musicians, public and private, also appear in the records
for our period. For example, Bodmin accounts for 15034 note 4s paid to an unspecified
number of waits in the early sixteenth century and Devon records mention two Cornish men,
John Gadgcombe and Samuel John, who were chosen waits for the city of Exeter in 1639-40."
The importance of the minstrels associated with the church of St Mary Magdalene, Launceston,
is confirmed by the indulgence of forty days that Bishop Lacy granted on 16 June 1440 to
those contributing to the minstrels support (see p 491); exterior wall carvings on the church
associate the minstrels with the church and the feast of Mary Magdalene, 22 July. The
Launceston records of 1 573-4 partially identify two of the paid musicians, Robyn the synger
and a singing man who travelled from south Tawton.
Household documents from Cornwall contain references to minstrels in private performance,
and to valued musical instruments as well. The 14667 stewards accounts for the Arundells
of Lanherne record the purchase of ij whit Bonettw for mynstrell on Newe yere ys day, along
with cloth at the same time. Indicating the importance of musical instruments, Cornish wills
and inventories occasionally list them in household accounts or mention them as bequests.
The 1 586 household inventory from Trebelzue Manor, St Columb Minor, records a white
and black bone lute, covered with red velvet, and lute strings; in Edward Arundell s will, proved
in November 1586 before the inventory, the lute is labelled his best lute and is bequeathed
to his nephew for the nephew s wife. Richard Clere of Calstock, in his will of 1601 that was
proved in 1606, also carefully disposes of his musical instruments by bequeathing his harps
to two blind boys and his trumpet to a meheamed man.
Music also figures in another class of historical records found to contain material relevant
to Cornwall. A few documents from Star Chamber cases are included among the records here
because the charges in those cases were based on libellous statements and stories about an in
dividual, usually on matters sexual and sometimes on matters excretory, that were in some in
stances put to music and sung. Those persons who made the complaint, thereby claiming
injury from the circulation and performance of slanderous statements and songs, were usually
of some prominence, leading one to speculate that there was probably considerable local interest
DRAMA, MUSIC, DANCE, AND POPULAR CUSTOMS
in hearing these stories and songs. The Star Chamber cases thus provide insight into another
kind of musical entertainment that was based in part on the undercutting of someone, usually
in a superior social position.
Dance
A number of records from the sixteenth century note the popularity in Cornwall of morris
dancing; although traditionally attached to Whitsuntide, this dancing occurred at other times
as well. Robin Hood, the maypole, lords of misrule, mock courts, and the lord and lady of
summer games all appear connected to morris dancing, often because dancing occurred at
church ales, which sometimes had special themes; Robin Hood was a favourite, and because in
addition to being a player in a dramatic performance he was also sometimes a dancer, references
to him in historical documents may be unclear as to which of these arts he was in a particular
instance performing. 2 "
The sixteenth century saw an increase in morris dancing as a way for parishioners to raise
money for their parish church 1 " and some of the entries in Cornwall s records may testify to
this. Early in the century, in 1505-6 for example, dancers from St Erme, Boscastle, and
Minster visited Bodmin. That entries seem less frequent at the middle of the century may
reflect the growing discouragement of morris dancing and dancing in general then, particularly
from 1547-53, during the reign of Protestant Edward vi. 2 " However, even though existing
records across England show that church prosecutions rose from 1601-30 and, with that rise,
a decline in morris dancing occurred, the records from Cornwall indicate that dancing in
general persisted in the seventeenth century. 2 "
In the latter half of the sixteenth century, churchwardens accounts for St Breock note that
dancers from Ludgvan visited in 1565-6 and performed for payment, as did dancers from
Grampound two years later, in 1 567-8. Since a few years later, in 1 574-5, St Breock also rewarded
dancers from St Eval and from Phillack, St Breock may have been a regular stop for travelling
dancers during the time encompassed by these records. Towards the end of the century, in
1595-6, Camborne s churchwardens accounts note payment to two different companies of
travelling morris dancers, from St Levan and from Gunwalloe in lesid (the parish of Landewed-
nack in the Lizard).
St Columb Major had its own troupe of morris dancers; churchwardens inventories of
parish goods over several years mention morris costumes. In 15845 the church possessed
five coats for dancers along with a Tfryers Coate, twenty-four dansinge belles, and a streamer.
In the 15878 inventory the five coats are specifically identified as morrisshe Coates but by
then the bells had diminished to twenty. An additional morris coat was added in 158990 to
make six but by 1 594-5 these costumes had aged into syxe old moryshe cotes and a newe
moryshe Coate had been acquired. The church inventory for 1596-7 contains the last mention
of these seven costumes for the dance.
Writing at the turn of the century, Carew defended dancing in part because it was enjoyed
by the country s leaders. Carew refers to dancing in the dialogue he repeats, wherein another
412 CORNWALL
person cites dancing and minstrelsy as abuses at church ales. Carew counters this charge by
asserting that sober and open dauncing should be allowed until it is also banished from
mariages, Christmas reuels, and (our Countries patterne) the court, indicating the prevalence
of dancing throughout the country and his belief that the court should provide an example
ot behaviour in amusements as well as in rule (see p 537).
Local Customs
RIDINGS
Popular outdoor activities in Cornwall began as soon as spring weather. One of the earliest
processions was a riding in Losrwithiel in celebration of St George. St George had become
increasingly popular in Cornwall after the 1415 battle of Agincourt and guilds named after
the saint are found in nine places in Cornwall, including Lostwithiel. 2S " Another example of
his popularity is a window, from around 1500, at St Neot s Church, which depicts St George
and his armour. 2 ^ The legend of St George also appears over the porch of St Mary Magdalene s
Church in Launceston, which was dedicated in 1524. 2S "
Lostwithiel s riding, held on St George s Day, was sponsored by the religious guild of
St George at St Bartholomew s Church. 2 " The guild chose a member to represent St George
and he led the procession through the streets. Discussions of Lostwithiel s riding often refer
to St George as a mock prince since he ruled for the day and paraded on horseback with crown,
sceptre, and sword. 2 "" Great care was given to his armour in preparation for the procession:
the 1536-7 accounts note as much as 13d paid for the scouring of the armour and 4d for
grease and oil as well as 4d for two dowsen A of poinct for the armour s maintenance. Music
surely accompanied the riding since a piper was paid 1 2d for his labour. According to Carew,
after the person representing St George was received by the curate and divine service was held
at the parish church, he was feted at a special house erected for the occasion where he received
all the honours of a prince of Cornwall (see pp 500-1). Since the dukes of Cornwall had a
palace at Losrwithiel, of which some remains exist, there would have been some local familiarity
with such honours. The Lostwithiel riding accounts for the same year also note 3s allowed
for the dinner on the day of the riding.
Bodmin riding, celebrated on or near 7 July each year, first appears in the records for 1469,
although the tradition is said to be much older. 2 1 The riding is not the same as the beating of
the bounds celebration, held yearly on Rogation Days. 2 " 2 The riding, some believe, purposely
coincided with the feast of St Edgar, the Saxon king who is said to have gilded St Petroc s
Shrine in 963. 2M During the three-day event, riders gathered flowers and leaves to make garlands
to present to the Bodmin Priory. 21 4 Citizens of the town partook in the riding ale, when the
ale brewed the previous October was itself honoured in procession; funds were collected for
church repairs and rebuilding. Several riding guilds are listed in the Bodmin records and the
Bodmin 1583 ordinance for the Shoemakers Guild required church attendance of members
at the time of the riding. 2 "
During the second and third days of the festivities, sports, especially wrestling, occurred in
DRAMA, MUSIC, DANCE, AND POPULAK "-STOMS
an area called Halgavor, outside the town, where a mock court was held (see p 474). 2 "
Carew s Survey of Cornwall discusses Halgavor as a place where pranks occurred, including
trials for slovenliness before the mock court. Carew also discusses combat with a dragon said
to lurk in the area (see p 474). Bodmin still has, in fact, a place called Dragon Pit ; the name
may be a remnant of the legend relating that in the sixth century St Petroc encountered a
dragon there, or it may be a relic of the custom of Halgavor play, or both. 2 The diary of
William Carnsew of Bokelly may or may not refer to Halgavor entertainment when he records
that on 29 July 1 576 he attended the bodman playes. Since Carnsew goes on to remark that
he spent there a total of 12s, five of those shillings given to wrestlers, the playes may very
well refer to summer sports held later than the early July Halgavor games. Bodmin may also
have had another custom that was popular, the election of a mock mayor, an instance similar
to Launceston s and St Ives legendary elections of the mayor of the Pig Market. 2 "
MAY DAY CELEBRATIONS AND SPRING AND SUMMER GAMES
May celebrations were also popular and probably ancient Cornish pastimes. The Launceston
borough records note a payment in 14312 for expenses for le may and celebrations are later
noted in 15745 payments to players on May daie ; whether the tradition was continuous over
the centuries or whether the later event was a revival is not known. Therefore, most of what we
know for certain about such spring and summer celebrations and games in Cornwall comes from
the records for St Ives, where festivities included a maypole and an annual king and queen, or lord
and lady, of the games. The king and queen probably appeared in costume since the 15789
account from St Ives notes payment for Cadwellye (cloth) given to the dyer when he was kynge.
Beginning in 1571-2 many of the existing borough accounts record the names of the annual
king and queen, or in a few instances the names of their fathers, as well as the amount of
money the king and queen collected, sometimes for charity - as when the lord and lady for
1633-4 deliuered to the overseers of the poore the amount gathered. The St Ives accounts
may not be consistent in the terms referring to the rulers over the may and summer games. It
is impossible to know if king and queen and lord and lady are synonymous terms and if the
references to both sets of titles mean that the king and queen presided over games at more
than one time during their yearly tenure, or if there was more than one set of rulers. In his
history of St Ives, Matthews infers that the king and queen would have had duties at various
times during the year and suggests that the king and queen would have presided in particular
over sports at the maypole, on Saint John s Day and at Christmas time. 2 1 On the other hand
the St Ives accounts for 1 590-1 refer to two different kings; one, the son of Thomas James, is
listed as Somwer kinge, while another, will/am Stirrie, is identified as kinge of the maye game
this yere. Perhaps the references are to kings for two different years, or perhaps different people
were chosen to preside over games held at different times of the year.
The maypole is mentioned specifically in connection with the king and queen and the sum
mer games in 1615-16, when a sum from the lord s and lady s receipts pays for the making of
amaypole. Because the leaf for the 1615-16 accounts is torn and lost at the edge, only tanta
lizing bits of words remain. In 1684-5 the maypole was removed to the Sawpitt. r
414 CORNWALL
THE OBEY OSS
The annual revel of the Padstow Obby Oss is another popular spring custom still celebrated
in Cornwall, a tradition associated with May Day and said to be of great antiquity. 271 The, Obby
Oss and its accompanying dancers perform variously, the horse dancing, touching women
(which some consider lucky), gathering money, and seeming to die symbolically only to be
reborn. While the tradition of the Oss dance through the streets is an element of the custom
that is probably unchanged, other parts of the ritual are undoubtedly rather different from
older practice. The earliest historical reference to the custom, at least in Cornwall, appears in
the late-fifteenth-century play Beunans Meriasek, the text referring to a Hobby Horse and its
pair ; 2 : the word pair is the name still given today to the Oss accompanying dancers in
Padstow. The Cornish towns of Helston and Newlyn may also have had hobby horses, as may
other Cornish villages where the custom has not survived. 273
FLORA DAY AND THE FURRY DANCE
No documentary evidence exists in the records to corroborate the ancient nature of another
Cornish custom, the Helston Furry Dance, performed in that town on its Flora Day, usually
8 May. Like the Obby Oss of Padstow, the Helston Furry Dance is associated with spring,
and since its origins are unknown, various possibilities have been proposed, including the
suggestion that the custom may be pre-Christian; most likely, perhaps, this was a May Day
custom that was transferred to the celebration of St Michael, Helston s patron saint. 274 While
St Michael s feast day is 29 September, 8 May is the day celebrating his apparition at Monte
Gargano in Italy. 27<1 In the Furry Dance a long line of specially-selected dancers weaves in and
out of houses and gardens, symbolically driving out evil and darkness to let in goodness and
light. 2 "" The Hal-an-Tow song, celebrating spring but also mentioning Robin Hood, St George,
St Michael, invading Spaniards, and Aunt Mary Moses, is also associated with Flora Day;
the Hal-an-Tow song, some say, is the oldest part of the Flora Day celebration. 277
ANIMAL SHOWS AND SPECTACLES
Animal spectacles and torments were also considered entertainment and are documented in
Cornwall in the sixteenth century and beyond. The Bodmin General Receivers Accounts for
1504-5 record a payment to a Berewarde in Bodmin and the Stratton churchwardens ac
counts report an apparent trade-off in 1 526-7 when the parish paid out for a bhare the same
amount as it received from the bear-keepers for rome yn the churchhowse. The 1582-3
payment in the West Looe Mayors Accounts to Colakote in order to goe to the showes may
also refer to an animal display. An antiquarian comment on a copy of this record refers to a
merry tale about a man in the time of Elizabeth (1558-1603) who had a licence to show an
ape and who tricked the government officials of Looe into paying to see it as the queen s ape
(see Appendix 6); the antiquarian s comment suggests that the showes that Colakote was
given money to see in 1582-3 were a similar animal exhibit.
DRAMA, MUSIC, DANCE, AND POPULAR CUSTOMS
Although in some instances animals seem to have been simply displayed, more commonly
they were teased or made to fight in contests on which people probably wagered. Only two
references to cockfighting appear in the extant Cornish records for this period but the scarcity
of documentation may mean nothing about the activity s extent or length of history in Cornwall.
Cockfighting certainly took place in Bodmin, as indicated by a 1603 lease noting the location
of a cockpit on the relevant piece of ground, and the Liskeard Mayors Acounts record cock-
fighting in that town in 1635-6, when Sir Willyam Wrey and diume other gentlemen were
provided both money and wine for this event."" Evidence appears in the Cornish records for
bullbaiting as well; Goulding s antiquarian record of the Stratton stockwardens accounts for
1568-9, for example, notes payment to John Cotell for the bull ryng. In 1572-3 Launceston
recorded payments for hooks and eyes and for mending ye bull chayne, with expenses noted
the following year for mending the Bull ring ; a workman was paid in 1 574-5 for setting rings
in the brode stone and another paid for a rope to ty the bull. Justice for the bull may have
prevailed some time later, if only temporarily; a 2 January 1640/1 notation details payments
for a dayes woorke for settin peeces for ye yarncleyers and for timber and setting in the long
peeces which the bull tore vp in the corne market! house.
CHURCH ALES
Another favourite form of entertainment in Cornwall was church ales; most if not all parish
churches held church ales, selling drink to make money for the parish or for parish guilds.
Stratton s High Cross parish guild, for example, was supported by fees, gifts, and a yearly ale. 279
Although specific references seldom appear in the records, Carew s comments indicate the
probability that entertainment was regularly a part of the medieval church ale; he describes
these gatherings as a source of much pleasure, even though corrupted by a multitude of abuses,
to wit, idlenes, drunkennesse, lasciuiousnes, vaine disports of minstrelsie, dauncing, and dis
orderly night-watchings (see pp 535-6). Since the quantity of food purchased can suggest
the potential size of the audience for entertainments, the records of expenses for church ales
at Kilkhampton in two different years are included in Appendix 5.
Private Household Entertainment
A few words about private entertainments should be said to complete this discussion. In ad
dition to the public performances that occurred in Cornwall, private performances took place
in households of important families. At Christmas in 1575, for example, Francis Tregian of
Golden Manor hosted an interlude in his home, an event that proved significant in Tregian s
trial and conviction (see pp 531-3). More specific information concerning private entertain
ments is found in the 1466-7 accounts for the manor of Lanherne, which confirm dramatic
performance as well as music and dance. Records enumerate purchases for disgysyngw, in
cluding paper, cloth, glue, colouring materials, and gold foil. The household also purchased
cloth in connection with a visit to lord sstafford. The Arundell family of Lanherne provided
for morris dancers as well, the same household accounts noting payment for four dozen bells
416 CORNWALL
for morris dancing. This payment may be, in fact, one of the first recorded references to actual
morris dancing. 2 *" These accounts suggest that the Arundell household may have engaged in
preparations during the year for a variety of amusements that included drama and dance.
The Documents
The descriptions of the documents from which the records are drawn are given in chronolo
gical order under five headings: Diocese, Boroughs and Parishes (arranged alphabetically),
Monasteries (which contains a single monastic record), Households (alphabetically by family
name), and County of Cornwall. Within those boroughs with more than one class of docu
ments, ie, Bodmin, Launceston, and St Columb Major, civic records are listed first, followed
by parish records, legal records, and then miscellaneous documents. Antiquarian records are
treated at the end of the document class to which they belong. Shelf-marks and titles given are
according to the preference of the individual record offices and libraries where the documents
are held. The description of a document yielding entries for more than one place is located under
the first relevant borough or parish.
Diocese of Exeter
Ecclesiastically, Cornwall formed an archdeaconry within the diocese of Exeter; thus it was
subject to both the bishop of that diocese and his subordinate, the archdeacon of Cornwall.
Statutes, such as those of Bishop Quinel, and visitation articles drawn up for the diocese as a
whole pertain equally to Cornwall and to the neighbouring county of Devon, which was also
part of the same diocese and the site of its cathedral. The registers of two of Exeter s most active
medieval bishops, Grandisson and Lacy, also contain documents relevant to Cornish enter
tainment but the registers used are described below under the specific locations to which they
refer, the parishes of Launceston and Penryn and the monastery of Tywardreath.
STATUTES OF BISHOP PETER QUINEL
Although the original manuscript is no longer extant, thirteen manuscript copies of Bishop
Quinel s statutes survive from the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. None of these MSS was
suitable to be used as a base text. Exeter D & C MS 3549A is described here because it was
not known to the editor of the standard edition of these statutes. For a full discussion of the
statutes and their MSS, see the endnote to this entry (pp 593-4). John Wasson (ed), Devon,
discusses the extant manuscripts of Bishop Quinel s statutes on pp xxxi and 437-9.
418 CORNWALL
Exeter, Exeter Cathedral Library, Exeter D & C MS 3549A; 15th c. copy of Bishop Quinel s statutes
of 1287; Latin; parchment and paper; ii + 1 16 + ii; 170mm x 245mm (100mm x 173mm); I 7 , 2-7",
8 ; modern pencil foliation; frequent blue initial letters surrounded by red penwork, rubricated section
headings and some slight rubrication of text, catchwords; 16th c. (?) binding of dark brown leather on
wood.
BISHOP JOHN WOOLTON S VISITATION ARTICLES
Articles to be in- I quired of, within the Diocesse of Ex- I on, in the visitation of the reuerende I father in
God, John Bishop I of Excester. I In the .xxi. yeare of the reigne of our most I gracious soueraigne Lady
Elizabeth, by che I grace of God, Queene of Englande, Fraunce, I and Ireland, defendresse of the I fayth
. &c. I [device] I Imprinted at London, by I Thomas Purfoote. I Anno. 1579. STC. 10203.
ARCHDEACON WILLIAM HUTCHINSON S VISITATION ARTICLES
[Device] I ARTICLES TO BE I ENQV1RED OF BY THE I CHVRCH-WARDENS AND SWORNE- 1
men within the Archdeaconry ofCornewallin the\ visitation of the Right Worshipfull, WIL- I LIAM
HVTCHINSON Doctor of Diui- I nitie. Archdeacon of the said Arch- I deaconrie of CORNEWALL. I Anno
Domini. I 1613. I [device] I LONDON I Printed by William Stansby. I 1613. STC. 10190.5.
[Device] I ARTICLES I To be enquired of by I the Churchwardens and sworne-men I within the
Archdeatony ofCornwall\ in the Dioces of EXCETER: I In the visitation of the worshipful! Mr. I William
Huchenson Doctor of Diuinity and I Archdeacon of the sayd Archdeaconry. I Holden in the yeere of our
Lord God, 1614. I [device] I LONDON, I Printed by IOHN BEALE. 1614. STC. 10190.7.
VISITATION ARTICLES DURING VACANCY
ARTICLES I TO BE ENQVIRED I of in the trienniaJl Visita- I tion of the Diocesse of I EXETER. I
Holden Anno 1 627. I By authority of the most Reuerend I Father in God, GEORGE Lord Archbishop I
of CANTERBVRY His Grace, Primate I of all ENGLAND and I Metropolitan I [rule] I [device] I [rule] I Im
printed at LONDON I 1627. STC. 10206.
Boroughs and Parishes
ANTONY
St James Collectors and Churchwardens Accounts (A)
The top of the first page of the antiquarian copy notes: Iste liber pertinet Ecclesie Sancti Jacobbi
Maria de Antony. However, the original documents are no longer there. The CRO comments
in its catalogue, Accts of collectors and churchwardens 1538 to 1584 and 1570-1582 with
list of goods ... of Antony Church 1637. In July 1952 only this transcript was seen by Miss
M.J. Groombridge, County Archivist. At that time the original was said to be in Antony Church.
A 1Q
THE DOCUMENTS
It was not seen in July 1976. It is not at Antony House and its whereabouts was not known
at the rectory of St. John. This antiquarian account is therefore known to be before 1952 but
the writer is unknown. The antiquarian copy indicates the original pagination parenthetically
in the left margin. The accounting term for these accounts appears to be February/March -
February/March until 1548-9 at least. By 1555-6 the accounts definitely run from August-
August. The arrangement of entries in the accounts for 1553-4 and 1554-5 also suggests an
August-August account year.
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, P/7/5/1; early 20th c. antiquarian copy of collectors and churchwardens
accounts for 1538-84; Latin and English; paper; 2 gatherings: (1) Accounts of Collectors and Church
wardens, 1 538-84; 66 + i; 262mm x 200mm (225mm x 173mm); (2) Churchwardens Accounts, 1 570-82,
with list of goods and possessions of Antony Church 1637; ii + 15 + ii; 253mm x 201mm (220mm x
135mm), average 24 long lines; contemporary pagination; (1) has single leaves sewn and (2) has single
sheets with a metal fastener; no decoration; 20th c. binding in black cloth, pressed diamond pattern on
covers, with a brown cardboard folder around manuscript, beneath binder.
BODMIN
Records for Bodmin come from a rich variety of sources and contain references to a range of
activities. Records that include entries for dramatic activity are comprised of church inventories;
general receivers and town receivers accounts; a lease referring to a pit for cockfighting; the
mid-fifteenth-century accounts for rebuilding the parish church, St Petroc s; the early sixteenth-
century accounts for building the Holy Rood chantry steeple; and a portion of Carew s Survey
of Cornwall on Halgavor games at Bodmin.
Civic Records
General Receivers Accounts
These are a badly deteriorated sequence of accounts from 1473 to 1 541 with some gaps. Il
legible readings in B/Bod/314/3/10 are supplied from an extant draft version (B/Bod/314/3/5).
Lysons and Lysons, Magna Brittania, vol 3, p 35, contains the earliest antiquarian record of
the travelling company s disportes in Bodmin which are recorded in B/Bod/3 14/3/21. Read
ings no longer legible in the manuscript are supplied from Lysons and Lysons.
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, B/Bod/314/3/10; 1494-5; English; parchment; single membrane,
originally numbered 2 and stitched at both ends as second mb in a continuous roll; 483mm x 370mm
(440mm x 350mm); receipts written on back; left margin damaged.
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, B/Bod/314/3/20; 1503-4, English; parchment, single membrane,
originally stitched at both ends as part of a continuous roll; 396mm x 382mm (285mm x 255mm);
receipts written on back; left margin damaged.
420 CORNWALL
Truro. Cornwall Record Office, B/Bod/3 1 4/3/2 1 ; 1504-6; English; parchment; single membrane,
originally numbered 21 on back and stitched at both ends as part of a continuous roll; 680mm x
333mm (655mm x 280mm); receipts written on back; damage to both margins to a depth of 100mm
on left edge.
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, B/Bod/3 14/3/22; 1505-6; English; parchment; single membrane,
originally stitched at both ends as part of a continuous roll; 61 5mm x 340mm (575mm x 280mm);
receipts written on back; both margins damaged to a depth of 100mm on left edge. A continuation of
B/Bod/3 14/3/21.
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, B/Bod/3 14/3/26; 1509-10; English; parchment; single membrane,
originally numbered 17 and probably part of a continuous roll; 680mm x 310mm (650mm x 235mm);
receipts written on back; both margins damaged, ink faded, and parchment soiled.
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, B/Bod/314/3/31; 1513-14; English; parchment; single membrane,
originally stitched at both ends as part of a continuous roll; 128mm x 280mm (1 1 5mm x 230mm);
receipts written on back; faded ink, both margins damaged, with loss of payments on right.
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, B/Bod/3l4/3/32; 1514-15; English; parchment; fragment of membrane,
probably part of a continuous roll; 222mm x 272mm (210mm x 225mm); written all in one direction
with receipts on back; poor condition.
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, B/Bod/314/3/39; 1519-20; English; parchment; single membrane,
originally stitched at both ends as part of a continuous roll; 245mm x 270mm (180mm x 215mm);
receipts written on back; poor condition, left margin damaged.
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, B/Bod/3 1 4/3/5 1 ; 1529-30; English; parchment; single membrane,
originally stitched at both ends as part of a continuous roll; 640mm x 303mm (620mm x 210mm);
receipts written on back; poor condition, left margin heavily damaged.
Town Receivers Accounts
These manuscripts are in very poor and incomplete condition. The fragments were at one
time stored in a box of miscellaneous Bodmin records but have recently been repaired and
catalogued.
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, B/Bod/314/2/1 5; c 1501-13; Latin; parchment; single membrane;
666mm x 330mm (500mm x 270mm); faded wntrng, top half of membrane missing.
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, B/Bod/314/2/1 2; c 1514-39; Latin; parchment; single membrane;
190mm x 220mm (170mm x 190mm); numbered 2 in 19th c. ink; manuscript incomplete and has
several holes.
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, B/Bod/3 14/2/3; 1537-8; English; parchment; single membrane;
558mm x 543mm (350mm x 470mm); top of membrane missing.
THE DOCUMENTS
Parish Records
St Petroc Church Building Accounts
St Petroc s Church, like other churches in Cornwall rebuilt during the later Middle Ages,
experienced renewal in the fifteenth century. From 1469-72, the St Petroc Church Building
Accounts list funds gathered from various church guilds and fund-raising activities. Many
entries concern the Bodmin riding, sponsored by five trade guilds called the riding guilds:
St John s for Drapers and Tailors; St Loy s for Smiths; St Petroc s for Skinners and Glovers;
St Anyan s for Shoemakers, and St Martin s for Millers. CRO: B/Bod 243, the 1 583 Shoemaker s
Order, also mentions the Bodmin riding (Munn, Bodmin Riding, pp 1 1-12). See p 439 for a
discussion of the relevance of Bodmin riding records for this collection.
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, B/Bod/244; 1469-72; Latin and English; paper; 19 single mounted
leaves; 300mm x 205mm (text area inconsistent), some leaves have 2 columns; paginated; fragments
and leaves are mounted and contained in mounted paper cover with title in ink on front: A List of all
those who I gave voluntarily to I the building of the church of I BODMIN I 1469 to 72.
Berry Tower Building Receipts
The Berry Tower Building Accounts concern the building of the tower on the chantry church
of the Holy Rood, a chantry built to celebrate the place where the onginaJ town may have
been, and where St Petroc s remains were returned on the feast of the Holy Rood after being
taken to Brittany in 1 177. This manuscript is one of many scraps and badly deteriorated leaves
of varying sizes from a sequence of accounts, 1 501-14 with some gaps, which were at one time
stored in a box of miscellaneous Bodmin records and now are repaired and catalogued.
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, B/Bod/3 14/1/6; 1505-6; English; parchment; 2 separate membranes
which were originally stitched together as part of a continuous roll with receipts on one side and pay
ments on the back; 510mm x 315mm (482mm x 240mm) combined; numbered 5 in 19th c. hand;
membranes torn and faded.
St Petroc Inventory of Church Goods
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, B/Bod/233; 6 October 1566; English; paper; single sheet; 225mm x
304mm (180mm x 285mm), 23 long lines; much mutilated; torn edges, holes in bottom, faded areas.
Antiquarian Records
St Petroc Inventory of Church Goods (AC)
An antiquarian transcription published in John WaJlis The Bodmin Register ( 1827-38), pp 39-
42, is the earliest extant copy of a 1539 church inventory that refers to costumes for the drama
422 CORNWALL
that were made from ecclesiastical garments. Snell, Edwardian Inventories of Church Goods
for Cornwall, also prints these records (pp 29-32), saying that he consulted Mr E.W. Gill, town
clerk of Bodmin, who was certain that these documents are not now among the Corporation
records. They were apparently preserved amongst the Corporation of Bodmin records until
the 19th century, but have now disappeared (p xxii). See also Whitley, The Church Goods
of Cornwall.
John Wallis (cd), The Bodmin Register; Containing Collections Relative to the Past and Present State of the
Parish of Bodmin (Bodmin, published in numbers, from 1827 to 1838).
Legal Records
Lease to William Collier
This is a ninety-nine-year lease from the mayor and the burgesses of the borough of Bodmin to
William Collier, a saddler, of land called Friarys Park.
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, B/Bod/20; 1603; English; parchment; single membrane; 270mm x
314mm (213mm x 289mm); the phrase This indenture made and the words B jrweene and
witnesseth are in display script; poor condition, a hole in the centre of the manuscript and several small
holes throughout account for lost text; endorsed by William Collier, same hand as text; seal is missing.
Miscellaneous Records
Richard Carew, Survey of Cornwall
Richard Carew of Antony House was born in 1555 into an old and powerful family, inter
married with the Edgcumbes of nearby Plymouth, the Arundells, and the Godolphins, three
of Cornwall s most prominent families. Educated at Christ Church, Oxford, Carew was well-
connected to the literary circles of his time and was a friend of Sir Philip Sidney. He was ad
mitted to the Middle Temple, the Inn of Court of the Carews, in 1574, followed by his brother
George in 1577. As part of the Tudor gentry, Carew participated in the legal and political ad
ministration of Cornwall, fulfilling his duties during the last decades of the reign of Elizabeth I.
In 1 581 he began serving as justice of the peace and was appointed sheriff of Cornwall in
1582; in 1584 he represented Saltash in parliament. In 1594 Carew translated John Huarte s
Examen de Ingenios ( The Examination of Men s Wits] from the Italian version into English and
Tasso s Godfrey ofBulloigne, and published in 1 598 A Herring s Tale, the first long English poem
in rhyming hexameters. Carew died in 1620. 2 "
In 1602 Carew published his Survey of Cornwall, an important early history and description
of the county in the tradition of Leland and of Carew s contemporary and friend, William
Camden; although Leland and Camden intended to survey and discuss all of Britain, Carew
limited himself to the county of Cornwall. In his book, Carew first discusses various aspects of
423
THE DOCUMENTS
the county as a whole, including its climate, mineral deposits, people, topography, and history.
He then considers each of the nine hundreds in Cornwall, in this case discussing the Halgavor
celebrations at Bodmin. He combined his survey of Cornwall with personal observations,
experiences, and opinions. Carew also provides the much-quoted story of the forgetful and
recalcitrant actor who mischievously repeated aloud the prompter s chastisements, to the great
amusement of the audience. Carew discusses as well such Cornish entertainments as shooting
and hurling; those entries are included in Appendix 4. See also under Lostwithiel and County
of Cornwall, pp 500-1 and pp 534-8.
THE I SVRVEY OF I CORNWALL. I Written by Richard Carew I ofAntome, Esquire. I [ Stafford s framed
device showing Opportunity standing on a wheel which floats at sea] I LONDON I Printed by S. s. for
lohn laggard, and are to bee sold I neerc Temple-barre, at the signe of the Hand I and Starre. 1602.;
some printed decoration at book endings and beginnings, and initial letters of 2 books have scroll work
decoration; topic headings cited marginally; catch-words printed at bottom, src. 4615.
CALSTOCK
Will of Richard Clere
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, AP/C/1 18/1; 22 August 1601; Latin and English; paper; single sheet;
334mm x 304mm (103mm x 281mm).
Inventory of Richard Clere
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, AP/C/1 18/2; 19 September 1606; English; paper; single sheet; 305mm x
211mm (179mm x 138mm).
CAMBORNE
In addition to these churchwardens accounts, extant Camborne parish records include parish
registers beginning in 1 538, deeds from the fourteenth century onward, accounts of the over
seers of the poor from 1648 onward, and 1628 estate rental accounts.
St Meriadocits and St Martin Churchwardens Accounts
These manuscripts are comprised of different kinds of wardens accounts: those of church
wardens (ff 7, 14), parish wardens (ff 31, 39v, 41), poor wardens (f 102), and stock wardens
(fill). This variety may account for the diversity of accounting terms in the records tran
scribed here. Early churchwardens accounts may relate to the feast of St Meriasek (Meriadocus)
(7 June) but insufficient accounts survive to give a clear picture. About the surviving Cam-
borne documents, David Thomas remarks that specific documents have survived for crucial
periods, so allowing us to construct an almost continuous record. Beginning with the early years,
424 CORNWALL
we have the superb set of Wardens (and early Guild) Accounts, covering the years 1535-1657,
only discovered in 1968 (The Wardens of Camborne Church and Parish, 1534 to 1980, with
Guild and Chapel Wardens, 1534 to 1558, Cornish Studies (, (1978), 53). Thomas explains that
these records show that Celtic saints persisted alongside newer Roman ones and St Meriadocus
was not simply supplanted by St Martin. The use of the name Meriasek in the accounts
starting in 1554 is a result of church reform going on at the time (pp 545). Excerpts on the
game of hurling from CRO: PD/322/1 are included in Appendix 4.
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, PD/322/1; 1535-79; English; paper; iv + 103 + iv; 310mm x 207mm
(275mm x 182mm approximately), average 28 long lines, some leaves have 2 columns; modern pencil
foliation; all leaves have been mounted, some loss of words due to deterioration, perhaps from water;
modern blue cloth binding, no title.
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, PD/322/2, 1581-1628 (but lists churchwardens to 1663); English;
paper; ii + 107 ( + 14 fragments) + iii; 315mm x 215mm (text area varies), average 41 long lines; modern
pencil foliation continued from volume 1; all leaves have been mounted on modern paper; modern blue
cloth binding, no title.
FOWEY
Bill of Complaint in Rashleigh v. Kendall et al
Kew, Public Record Office, STAC 8/249/4; 3 November 1614; English; parchment; single membrane
(mb 4 in bundle) attached by sewing to mbs 13 and with parchment label in top left corner; 760mm
x 817mm (740mm x 817mm); mb 4 endorsed. Rashley versus Kendall & alias M. 12 \acobi Regis
and lovis Tertio Die Novembris Anno Duodecimo lacobi Regis I I Parker.
JACOBSTOW
Bill of Information in Stawell v. Mapowder et al
Kew, Public Record Office, STAC 8/27/10; 1 5 July 1617; English; parchment; single membrane (mb 2
in bundle) sewn to mb 1 at left hand side; 405mm x 664mm (389mm x 635mm); mb 2 endorsed in
different hand: Anornatus Regts Versus Mapowder et a\ios Trin 1 5 \zcobi Regis and Mercury nono
die lulij Anwo xv Izcobi Regis I I Parker.
LAUNCELLS
Bill of Complaint in Painter v. Yeo
Kew, Public Record Office, STAC 8/236/29; 12 October 1612; English; parchment; single membrane
(mb 2 in bundle) attached by sewing to mb 1 and with parchment label at top left corner; 389mm x
579mm (370mm x 540mm); mb 2 endorsed: Paynter versus Yeo M Decimo lacobi Regis and Lune
Duodecimo die octobris Anno Decimo lacobi Regis I Jhomas Mynatt.
THE DOCUMENTS
LAUNCESTON
Launceston is the name used today for three medieval boroughs: Launceston (originally Lan
Stephen or St Stephen); Dunheved (the site of the old Celtic hillfort that became Launceston
Castle); and Newport, now a district of Launceston. The history of the development of the
tri-borough area can be found on pp 386-9. The borough accounts, many of them from
Dunheved, are identified as Launceston documents at the Cornwall Record Office and we
use their shelf-marks here.
A large body of documents in various states of preservation exists for the borough of Launces
ton. Ranging from the thirteenth to the nineteenth century, these documents include bundles
of rolls, fragments fastened or boxed together, and bound volumes.
Some of the earliest churchwardens accounts come from St Thomas Church, in the section
of Launceston previously known as Newport. The accounts include interesting details about
criminals executed in Launceston at the gaol but contain no material on dramatic activity.
Entries that refer to the minstrels (musicians) from St Mary Magdalene s Church come not from
the parish records but from borough accounts, since the minstrels regularly accompanied the
mayor on civic and social occasions.
Civic Records
Borough Accounts
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, B/Laus/135; 1404-5; Latin; parchment; 6 membranes attached at the
top with original parchment attachment; 200mm x 55mm (1 10mm x 55mm); unnumbered.
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, B/Laus/137; 1431-2; Latin; parchment; single membrane; 750mm x
220mm (face 690mm x 185mm, dorse 180mm x 190mm); some writing faded.
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, B/Lausl38; 1445-6; Latin; paper; 3 leaves folded in half and 1 half-
sheet sewn, making 7 leaves; 219mm x 153mm (206mm x 132mm); no foliation.
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, B/Laus/139; 1449-50; Latin; paper; 8 sheets folded in half and sewn,
several blank pages; 219mm x 143mm (199mm x 123mm); no foliation.
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, B/Laus/141; 1450-1; Latin; parchment; single membrane; 598mm x
242mm (face 585mm x 213mm, dorse 364mm x 210mm); top is faded and deteriorated from damp
and eaten away by mice.
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, B/Laus/143; 1459-60; Latin; parchment; single membrane; 655mm x
293mm (face 61 9mm x 279mm, dorse 546mm x 254mm); some discoloration from damp, some holes;
some headings written large.
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, B/Laus/153; 1465-6; Latin; parchment; single membtane; 670mm x
270mm (face 635mm x 225mm, dorse 445mm x 220mm); badly torn at top, mildewed, eaten away.
426 CORNWALL
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, B/Laus/158; 1466-7; Latin; parchment; 2 membranes, attached serially;
1244mm x 285mm (1214mm x 240mm); unnumbered; dorse writing begins on last membrane.
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, B/Laus/160; 1469-70; Latin; parchment; 2 membranes, stitched together;
1000mm x 1 50mm (960mm x 1 50mm); unnumbered; left half of MS missing and the rest torn and
stained. Supplied readings for CRO: B/Laus/160 arc from the Seneschals Accounts (CRO: LR/140), an
eighteenth-century antiquarian copy of the records from 1334 to 1543; the antiquarian provided full
copies and partial copies of the originals.
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, B/Laus/147; 1470-1; Latin; parchment; 3 membranes attached serially;
1475mm x 240mm (face 1375mm x 205mm, dorse 1 150mm x 205mm); unnumbered; hole at edge
of manuscript, 9mm x 15mm.
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, B/Laus/162; 1476-7; Latin; parchment; 3 membranes, attached serially;
1591mm x 207mm (1408mm x 174mm, some large spaces); unnumbered; dorse writing begins on
last membrane of roll; some water damage and holes at start of first membrane.
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, B/Laus/164; 1478-9; Latin; parchment; 2 membranes, attached serially;
1 574mm x 261 mm ( 1 397mm x 227mm); unnumbered; written only on face; some faded, worn, and
damp-marked spots.
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, B/Laus/170; 1520-1; Latin; parchment; 2 membranes, attached serially;
1471mm x 255mm (face 1471mm x 202mm, dorse 1223mm x 202mm); unnumbered; dorse writing
begins on last membrane; some damp marks on edges of roll and places eaten by mice, some mildew.
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, B/Laus/171; 1530-1; Latin; parchment; 2 membranes, attached serially;
1238mm x 155mm (half missing, impossible to judge original measurement); unnumbered; dorse
writing begins on last membrane; right half of the membrane is missing due to damp and mice.
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, B/Laus/172; 1543-4; Latin; parchment; 3 membranes, attached serially,
with stitching in original format; 2568mm x 269mm (face 2503mm x 267mm, dorse 595mm x 242mm);
unnumbered; dorse writing begins at bottom of third membrane; headings and some letters written
large; excellent condition except for some deterioration at top of first membrane.
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, B/Laus/ 179/2/1; 17th c.; paper; an unnumbered bundle of 23 un
numbered scraps of varying sizes at one time rolled and held together with a thin strip of parchment
(now lost) which includes the following:
2 January 1640/1; English; single sheet; 203mm x 196mm (102mm x 168mm); endorsed by William
Kever, mayor (different hand from text). The fragment is annotated in the top left corner in a different
hand with a later date: x: 3: 1643.
23 January 1640/1; English; single sheet; 132mm x 198mm (122mm x 99mm); endorsed by William
Kever, mayor (different hand from text).
THE DOCUMENTS
Borough Expense Book
Truro, Cornwall Record Office. B/Laus/173-78; 1 571-7; English and Latin; paper; 40 (+ 12 fragments) +
ii; 315mm x 205mm (text area varies), average 36 long lines; no foliation; ragged edges, some fading,
12 leaves torn out at end, before fly-leaves; some large capitals, some headings written large; bound in
original parchment cover with title on front: The Booke of All the necessarye Exspences Layd owte
for the towne or Borowghe of Donncheuyd Alias Launceston 1 572.
Miscellaneous Records
Register of Bishop Edmund Lacy
The manuscript description of the Register of Bishop Edmund Lacy is from Wasson (ed),
Devon, p xxx. Wasson comments there that Bishop Lacy s Register contains many mandates
for good crops, success of the English in war ... for the success of Bishop Beaufort at a peace
conference, and the like.
Exeter, Devon Record Office, Chanter 1 1 ; 1420-55; Latin; parchment; 340mm x 250mm; 581 leaves;
foliated j to cccclxxxxv by scribe, continued in modern ink from 496 to 581 (these last pages consisting
of wills and ordinations and probably originally bound separately); 19th c. binding in board and half-calf.
LISKEARD
In 1836 documents, papers, and other articles belonging to the borough of Liskeard were passed
on to the incoming town clerk. With these items was a list of the surviving Liskeard records
at that time: they included charters, constitutions, parchment court rolls from 1392 to 1586,
and mayors accounts from 1444 to 1733. 2 " 2
At present extant records for Liskeard include royal charters and deeds from the mid-
thirteenth century forward; borough court books and court rolls from 1331 onward (with gaps);
fifteenth-century ecclesiastical notifications for additions to the parish church; a 1507-8 tax
collectiana by street; borough constitution books from 1588 forward; a 1561-2 settlement of
a legal dispute with Bodmin regarding trade; fifteenth-century reeves accounts; a rent book
beginning in 1 581; and late seventeenth-century Quaker accounts.
Mayors Accounts
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, B/Lis/266; 1575-6; Latin and English; parchment; 2 membranes attached
at top, probably the result of repair; (1) 783mm x 321mm (668mm x 270mm), (2) 385mm x 321mm
(face 340mm x 270mm, dorse 335mm x 270mm); unnumbered; no decoration except headings written
larger.
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, B/Lis/267; 1582-3; Latin and English; parchment; 2 membranes at
tached at side with original parchment strips; (1) 356mm x 313mm (face 285mm x 275mm, dorse
428 CORNWALL
265mm x 270mm), (2) 664mm x 231mm (face 590mm x 185mm, dorse 4lOmm x 152mm); un
numbered; no decoration except headings written larger and flourished initials.
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, B/Lis/268; 1604-6; Latin and English; parchment; 2 membranes sewn
together at top, the smaller first, probably result of repair; (1) 374mm x 328mm (face 340mm x 328mm,
dorse 325mm x 280mm), (2) 603mm x 333mm (500mm x 302mm); unnumbered; no decoration except
headings written larger.
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, B/Lis/270; 1606-7; Latin and English; parchment; 2 membranes attached
at top with original strips of parchment; (1)41 3mm x 365mm (face 368mm x 365mm, dorse 3 1 Omm x
365mm), (2) 540mm x 254mm (face 4 13mm x 203mm, dorse 205mm x 183mm); unnumbered.
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, B/Lis/272; 16089; Latin and English; parchment; 2 membranes attached
at top with original strips of parchment; (1 ) 330mm x 431mm (330mm x423mm), (2) 521mm x
260mm; unnumbered.
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, B/Lis/284; 1629-32; Latin and English; parchment; 2 membranes
attached at top with original braid of parchment; (1 ) 292mm x 397mm (face 272mm x 397mm), (2)
393mm x 2 1 5mm (330mm x 197mm); (1)3 entries on dorse, (2) no writing on dorse; unnumbered;
ink blotches across top face of ( 1 ) .
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, B/Lis/288; 1635-7; Latin and English; parchment; 2 membranes
attached at top with the smaller first, result of repair; (1) 477mm x 342mm (face 420mm x 285mm),
(2) 675mm x 310mm (face 565mm x 275mm); unnumbered; both written on only one side, account
begins on larger membrane (2) and continues on smaller membrane (1) which has been placed and
attached on top; no decoration except capitals written larger.
LOSTW1THIEL
Surviving civic records for Lostwithiel at the CRO include borough charters beginning as early
as 1 194; receivers accounts beginning in the thirteenth century; deeds from the fourteenth
century forward; charity records beginning in 1584; and seventeenth-century borough court
and maritime court books. Parish records include registers from 1609 onward.
St Georges Guild Steward s Accounts
St George s guild, which sponsored the Lostwithiel riding, was a religious guild, responsible
for various church activities and for caring for a fixed shrine, probably a chapel and lands in
the surrounding area that were dedicated to St George. 2 * 1 The Steward s Accounts, kept by
Richard Curteis, were incorporated into the Augmentation depositions as part of the evidence
in a Chancery case regarding the guild s property near Lostwithiel. The charge against town
officials concerned concealment from the Crown of endowed lands. The case revealed die town s
factions, one of them certainly continuing to support traditional mumming ceremonies on
THE DOCUMENTS
St George s Riding Day. 2 " 4 Material in the accounts omitted from the Records in this collection
include liturgical expenses, mass pence for St George s, rent money, annual allowances for
St George s dirges, offering payments, and various rents for the lands dedicated to St George,
that is, all payments not specifically for the St George s riding.
Kew, Public Record Office, E 315/122, 1536-7; Latin and English; paper; bifoliaof 8 leaves mounted
on guards; 301 mm x 207mm (280rnm x 130mm approximately), single column; modern ink foliation.
Bound as ff 19-26 into a leather guard book with a tooled border on cover and gilt title on spine:
Augmentation Office. Court of Augmentation Depositions. Hen. 8-Edw. 6. 1 12.
Richard Carew. Survey of Cornwall
See under Bodmin (pp 422-3) for STC. 4615.
MANACCAN
Bill of Complaint in Webber v. Kindsman et al
Kew, Public Record Office, STAC 8/304/38; 29 October 1604; English; parchment; single membrane
attached by modern sewing to STAC 8/304/1-45 and with parchment label for all in top left corner;
442mm x 613mm (369mm x 568mm); endorsed: Lune Vicesimo Nono Octobris Anno Sccundo Regni
lacobi Regis &c I Willwm Mill.
PENRYN
Episcopal Order to Glasney Collegiate Church
John Wasson (ed), Devon, xxix-xxx, comments on the registers of Bishop Grandisson, finding
them in many ways the most interesting of the Exeter bishops registers. They contain numer
ous calls for public processions, which do not appear in the present collection, and record the
constant efforts by Bishop Grandisson to reform the clergy and to prevent insolencies by boy-
bishops and choristers.
Exeter, Devon Record Office, Chanter 3; 1331-60; Latin; parchment; i + 221 + ii; 305mm x 225mm;
foliated j to ccxxj by scribe; 19th c. binding in board and half-calf.
Thomas Heywood, An Apology for Actors
Thomas Heywood (d. 1650?) from Lincolnshire was a well-known actor and playwright. He
was a member of the lord admiral s company and one of the theatrical retainers of Henry
Wriothesley, the third earl of Southampton. Heywood was also a member of the earl of Somerset s
company of players, who were later servants of the queen under James i; Heywood attended
430 CORNWALL
her funeral in 1619 as one of Her Majesty s players. He wrote his first play in about 1585
and wrote in other genres as well. He claimed to have either written or helped write over 200
plays, and he composed for the lord mayor s pageants in London up to 1640. Heywood s de
fence of the profession of acting includes a reference to a specific performance in Cornwall.
AN I APOLOGY I For Actors. I Containing three briefe I Treatises. I I Their Antiquity. I 2 Their ancient
Dignity. I 3 The true i se of their quality. I Written by Thomas Heywood. I Et prodesse solent 6- delectare - I
[horizontal rule] I LONDON, I Printed by Nicholas Okes. I 1612. I [all within compartment showing masks
at top and sides, and a nightingale in a thornbush at foot]. STC. 13309.
POUGHILL
St OLaf Churchwardens Accounts
This St Olaf Churchwardens Account does not specify the accounting term; what evidence
there is in the later accounts of the period covered by this MS suggests that early to mid-
February was the normal accounting term.
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, P/192/5/1; 1525-98; Latin and English; paper; iv + 100 + ii; 306mm x
200mm (250mm x 108mm approximately), average 24 long lines; 19th or 20th c. pagination; much
torn, water-marked leaves are mounted and repaired; bound in cream leather (1894), title on spine in
gold on red background: Poughill St. Olaf I Churchwardens Accounts I 1528-1598.
ST BREOCK
St Briocus Churchwardens Accounts
From 1 565-6 onward the accounting year for the St Briocus Churchwardens Accounts was
from the eve of Ascension Day in one year to the same in the next.
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, P/l 9/5/1; 1529-98; English; paper; iv + 58 + iv; 285mm x 192mm
(text area variable), average 42 long lines, some columns; modern foliation; 5 gatherings of approximately
10 folios, repaired and mounted on paper and rebound, and 1 loose leaf consisting of a mounted frag
ment (150mm x 180mm); modern binding of green cloth and tan leather.
STCOLUMB MAJOR
St Columba the Virgin Churchwardens Accounts
St Columb Major records have been extensively transcribed by Thurstan Peter, The St. Columb
Green Book. Serjeantson, Church and Parish Goods of St. Columb Major, p 345, also tran
scribes some records but assigns the 1588 inventory to 1587. Excerpts on hurling from the
St Columb Major accounts are included in Appendix 4.
431
THE DOCUMENTS
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, P/36/8/1; 1584-1909; English; paper; x + 229 + i; 4 10mm x 272mm
(400mm x 220mm, plus marginalia), average 43 long lines; contemporary foliation partial and incon
sistent; 30 gatherings of approximately 8 folios, some leaves have been trimmed about an inch, some
folios mounted; no decoration, larger writing for headings and marginal notes; bound in green vellum
with 2 engraved brass clasps.
Bill of Complaint in Webber v. Kindsman et al
See iW<rManaccan (p 429) for PRO: STAC 8/304/38.
Bill of Complaint in Lawry v. Dier et al
Kew, Public Record Office, STAC 8/202/30; 22 June 1615; English; parchment; single membrane
(mb 3 in bundle) attached by sewing to mbs 1-2 and with parchment label in top left corner; 431mm x
477mm (402mm x 434mm); mb 3 endorsed . Lawrey I versus I Dyer et alwsTr 13 \acobi Regis and
lovis vicesimo secundo Die lunii Anno Decimo tfrcio lacobi Regis. I I Parker.
ST IVES
Borough Accounts
The two volumes of records for St Ives, citing the usual payments and receipts and making a
number of references to plays, note a variety of special expenses related to the quay, including
money given to soldiers and poor people sailing from Ireland. The St Ives accounts also record
the king and queen of the summer games and their profits. Transcriptions of many of the
borough accounts are included in Matthews History of St. /wsbut Matthews dating of records
is not always considered reliable. Discrepancies are recorded in endnotes where they occur.
In cases where the original document headings have been lost, we have relied on the dating
decisions given by R. Morton Nance in his annotated copy of Matthews History of St. Ives held
in the Royal Institution of Cornwall (the Nance Collection, no shelf-mark) and have indicated
this in the relevant endnotes where applicable. The St Ives Borough Accounts have no shelf-
marks because they are stored in the Mayor s Parlour in the St Ives Guildhall. Excerpts on
hurling from the St Ives Borough Accounts Book n appear in Appendix 4. The account year
for Borough Accounts i is Michaelmas to Michaelmas; the accounts transcribed from Borough
Accounts n run from All Saints to All Saints.
Borough Accounts I
St Ives, Guildhall, no shelf-mark; 1570-1638; English; paper; ii + 93 + ii; 301mm x 192mm (variable
text area), average 31 long lines, some folios have 3 or 4 columns; modern pencil foliation; leaves once
edged in gold now repaired and mounted in tightly bound MS, title page decorated with a large (105mm x
108mm) letter A, interlaced and with leaves, first 3 lines of tide larger, with flourished letters, 40mm
border, straight double lines; bound in 19th or 20th c. cream-coloured leather, gold on black line all
432 CORNWALL
around cop and bottom boards close to edge, on spine 6 gold bars and title in gold on black- RECORD I
BOOK I OF THE I PARISH I OF I ST. IVES.
Borough Accounts u
St Ives, Guildhall, no shelf-mark; 1638-1830; English; paper; ii + 219 + v, approximately 18 gatherings;
356mm x 235mm (335mm x 195mm approximately), average 43 long lines; some modern pencil and
ink foliation; leaves have been trimmed and mounted; some enlarged initials, flourished leaf decoration,
title page decorated with heavy lines around 3 initial words, and a decorative border (195mm long);
brown leather binding with tiny embossed leaf border on boards, vine and flower embossed across
spine but no title.
ST KEVERNE
Bill of Complaint in Webber v. Kindsman et al
See M^&rManaccan (p 429} for PRO: STAC 8/304/38.
ST NEOT
Inventory of Thomas Pomeray
Although the inventory is available the will itself is no longer extant. The Pomerays were an old
Norman family who built their castle at Tregony on the Fal River. 2 "
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, AP/P/245/2; 6 May 1611; English; paper; single sheet; 202mm x 163mm
(I41mmx 139mm).
SANCREED
Deposition of John Veal et al (A)
The Penheleg manuscript from 1760 is an antiquarian copy of a book written in 1578-80
that detailed the historic rights and privileges of the Arundell family in the period from 1500
to 1 580. It was compiled by John Penheleg, a servant of the Arundell family of Lanherne and
bailiff of the hundred of Penwith, of which the family was overlord, and contains a geograph
ical description of the hundred of Penwith with listings of parishes, tithings, and boundaries.
Witnesses testifying to the Arundell family s jurisdiction over criminals also referred to dramatic
activity in Sancreed.
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, X/50/5; 1760; English; paper; ii + 16 + ii; 319mm x 195mm (289mm
x 157mm), average 35 long lines; 18th c. pagination; leaves are mounted, no decoration except some
headings in larger letters; 18th c. brown leather binding, tooled with diamond pattern, title in gold on
THE DOCUMENTS
top of from board. A BOOK DECLARING THE ROYALTIES WHICH I SIR JOHN ARUNDELL
of LANHERNO KNIGHT I AND HIS ANCESTORS I HAVE HAD WITHIN THE HUNDRED
OF PENWITH and on the bottom of the front board in gold: BY JOHN PENELEG GENTLEMAN.
STRATTON
Parish Records
St Andrew Churchwardens Accounts
These accounts are parish guild records, made by the wardens of the stores of the High and
Holy Cross of St Andrew s Church. These parish guilds were made up of men and women who
collected the money made from stores. These stores usually consisted of dairy and grazing
animals or bee colonies, which parishioners rented or the wardens maintained. Profits were
given to the church. 2 "" The High Cross churchwardens accounts begin and end in the week
after Candlemas and the Stockwardens Accounts in the week after the feast of St Martin. The
British Museum purchased these manuscripts, now BL: Additional MS. 32243 and 32244
from William Maskell, former vicar of St Andrew s Church, 23 February 1884.
London, British Library, Additional MS. 32243; 1512-77; Latin and English (headings in Latin);
parchment and paper; ii (+ original cover) + 103 + iii; 312mm x 219mm (274mm x 173mm approxi
mately), average 28 long lines; 1884 pencil foliation; quarto gatherings, leaves repaired and mounted
(f 58 cut; ff60, 60v, 61, 6lv faded; ff lOlv, 102 blank); modern binding in blue-green leather, title on
spine; High Cross I Wardens I Accounts of I Stracton. I County Cornwall. I 1512-1577, and on the
original cover the title in large letters: The Counte Boke I of I The hye Crosse Wardenys of I Stratton I
a>zo domim I m ccccc xij.
London, British Library, Additional MS. 32244; 1532-48; Latin and English (headings in Latin); paper
and parchment; ii (+ vellum wrapper) + 20 (+ vellum wrapper) + ii; average 335mm x 212mm (average
275mm x 180mm), average 24 long lines; 1884 pencil foliation; leaves are mounted; original covers
are decorated as follows: title on the recto of the original front vellum wrapper: liber compet General
Recepto . Sana\ andrie de Stratton, and on the recto of the vellum wrapper at the end of the MS are
drawn in ink groups of figures, among them the 3 dead, 2 figures wearing crowns, and a group of 3,
1 of which appears to be a jester and another appears to have a halo; the verso of the vellum wrapper has
a figure which appears to be a knight (perhaps St Christopher or St George) holding a child-sized king
(perhaps Christ); modern blue-green leather binding, title in gold on spine: Churchwardens Accounts I
of Stratton, County Cornwall, I 1532-1548.
Antiquarian Records
St Andrew Stockwardens Accounts (A)
R.W. Goulding (comp), Records of the Chanty known as Blanchminsttr s Charity in the Parish of Stratton
County of Cornwall, until the Year 1832 (Louth, Stratton, and Bude, 1 898).
434 CORNWALL
TRURO
John Lelanei, Itinerary
As Carew would do later in the sixteenth century for his Survey of Cornwall^ John Leland, the
king s librarian, travelled through England between 1534 and 1542 and intended to write a
survey of the various counties. Although he died before completing his task his notes on
Cornwall survive. His observations on the landscape and Cornish towns in the mid-sixteenth
century provide details not otherwise available and he often visited prominent people, like
William Carnsew of Bokelly, writer of the Carnsew Diary, remarking upon them as friends
and commenting on their homes. *" Leland s Itinerary, when he records his tour through Corn
wall, refers to a site where plays may have been performed.
Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS. Top. gen. e. 10; c 1535-43; English; paper; iii + 106 (includes half-leaves
26b, 68b, 87b, 91b, 95b) + ii; 207mm x 152mm average, several wider pages folded on right margin
(cext area variable), average 30 long lines; modern pencil foliation; small tears, right edges and bottom
edges frayed, some damage from damp, many leaves repaired; bound in contemporary gray-brown suede,
with title on upper spine: LELAND S I ITINERARY, on lower spine: VOL I II, and at the bottom:
MS. Top. Gen. e.10.
WEST LOOE
West Looe borough records include a 1574 charter, leases from 1573 and later, and seventeenth-
century accounts of constables and overseers of the poor as well as records relating to the bor
ough court, the appointment of borough officials, and parliamentary elections. Parish records
include registers, churchwardens accounts, overseers accounts, and charitable deeds, all be
ginning in the mid-to late-seventeenth century.
Mayors Accounts
A note written in an antiquarian copy of CRO: B/WLooe/12/1 concerns a tale of the queen s
ape, which we include in Appendix 6.
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, B/WLooe/12/1; 1582-3; English; paper; single leaf; 304mm x 239mm
(165mm x 165mm), average 27 long lines; leaf numbered T and recently mounted; endorsed, but no
decoration or seals. The leaf is included with other single leaves in a bundle, some of which may have
been from a single account book.
WHITSTONE
Bill of Complaint in Robins v. Vosse et al
Kew, Public Record Office, STAC 8/246/13; 15 November 1620; English; parchment; single membrane
(mb 3 in bundle) attached by modern sewing to mbs 1 and 2 in top left corner; 480mm x 557mm
^^M ^H 435
THE DOCUMENTS
(467mm x 542mm); mb 3 endorsed: Robins wrsus Vosse ct al/ I Mich 1 8 s0 hcobi Regis and M^cur/;
Decimo Quinto NovembrwAnno Decimo octavo hcobi Regis. I I Parker.
Monasteries
EPISCOPAL LICENCE TO THE MONASTERY OF TYWARDREATH
This licence, like the prohibition directed to the collegiate church of St Thomas the Martyr at
Glasney in Penryn parish (see pp 503-5), is drawn from the registers of Bishop Grandisson and
the description below is taken from Wasson (ed), Devon, p xxix. The monastery, dedicated to
St Andrew, was founded at Tywardreath, near Lostwithiel, in the eleventh century by Richard
fitzTurold, chief baron of Cornwall.
Exeter, Devon Record Office, Chanter 4; 1333-60; Latin; parchment; 242 + v; 305mm x 225mm;
foliated j to ccxlij by the scribe; 19th c. binding in board and half-calf.
Households
Cornwall has many great houses. While some still retain their ancient documents, in other
instances family and household documents have been placed in public repositories. Only a few
of these documents yielded records for this collection.
ARUNDELL OF LANHERNE
The Arundell family records from the manor of Lanherne in Mawgan include an account
of household expenses enumerating supplies purchased for plays, dances, and other amuse
ments. The Stewards Accounts from Lanherne, housed at the Royal Institution of Cornwall
in Truro, are among a large number of documents discovered by Charles Henderson and be
queathed at his death in 1933 to the Royal Institution, the major archival repository at the
time. The Stewards Accounts were edited by H.L. Douch, Household Accounts at Lanherne.
Other accounts of the Arundell family were in private hands until 1991 and are now at the
CRO in Truro.
Sir John Arundell s Stewards Accounts
The Sir John Arundell in these records is the eleventh Sir John Arundell of the elder Roman
Catholic branch of the family, who lived at Lanherne in St Mawgan. He was likely the Sir John
who became vice admiral of Cornwall in 1447 and who married Catherine, daughter of Sir
John Chideock of Dorset in 145 1. 2 ""
Truro, Royal Institution of Cornwall, Courtney Library, HK/17/1; 1466-7; Latin and English; parch
ment and paper; 2 paper sheets folded, making 4 leaves, and attached to parchment with thread; paper
436 CORNWALL
215mm x 145mm (text area variable), parchment 190mm x 430mm (160mm x 265mm approximately);
no foliation; 2 paper leaves badly torn and frayed at ends; unbound and wrapped in modern paper
translation.
Sir John Arundell s Household Account Book
This household book probably belonged to the twelfth Sir John Arundell (d. 1557), who was
active in the Prayer Book Rebellion. Sir John was imprisoned in 1550, along with his brother
Thomas, who was accused of plotting against the earl of Warwick. Sir John was married first
to Elizabeth, whose inventory is included below. By the time of the twelfth Sir John Arundell,
Lanherne was a home of great status and prosperity: it was one of the earliest "improved"
houses of the Tudor period in Cornwall, ranking for magnificence with Stowe, Place, and
Cotehele. 2 ""
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, AR/26/2; 1 503-7; Latin and English; paper; 68 leaves (+ fragment sewn
to f [19]); 208mm x 137mm (text area varies), average 32 long lines; modern foliation omitting blank
leaves; 5 gatherings, some blank leaves and some uncut in last gathering; excellent condition; paper
leaves are bound into a heavy parchment envelope-type cover with a thick leather strip attached at the
spine with 4 braided strips, on front, in contemporary hand: John Arundell and in pencil in a later
hand: 1504.
Inventory of Elizabeth Arundell
Elizabeth Arundell was married to the twelfth Sir John Arundell of Lanherne (d. 1557), the
Sir John imprisoned in the Tower of London in 1 550 with his brother Thomas. Elizabeth
Arundell recorded the contents of the rooms at Lanherne - twelve chambers and nine additional
rooms, including a nursery. 2 "
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, AR/21/16/1; 1564; English; parchment; 2 membranes attached at the
top with thin green ribbon; 157mm x 566mm (106mm x 548mm); unnumbered; no decoration except
headings written larger.
Will of Edward Arundell
Edward Arundell (d. 1586) ofTrebelzue is the son of the twelfth Sir John Arundell (d. 1557)
and Elizabeth Arundell (d. 1564). 2 "
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, AR/21/21/2; 16 October 1586, proved 10 November 1586; English;
parchment; single membrane with Latin probate attached to will by seal tag; 494mm x 625mm
(455mm x 525mm); decorated initial letter; fragment of archbishop of Canterbury s seal; possible con
temporary endorsement: John Arundell his list will & Testament 1586, later endorsement (19th c.?)
depicting pedigree of Arundells named in will.
437
THE DOCUMENTS
Inventory of Edward Arundell
Truro, Cornwall Record Office, AR/21/22; 1 586; English; paper; 16 leaves, 1 gathering of 7, plus 2 leaves
at end (original gathering of 9?); approximately 100mm x 307mm (94mm x 300 approx.mately); no
foliation; paper leaves tied with a string
CARNSEW OF BOKELLY
Diary of William Carnsew
William Carnsew was part of a family with great mining interests in Cornwall, linked to other
prominent Cornwall and Devon families by marriage. He was a member of parliament from
Penryn in 1559. Besides managing his estates, Carnsew travelled widely in Cornwall and was
interested in national affairs, writing and receiving many letters in keeping abreast of political
events. His diary, covering all of 1 576 and two months of 1 577, includes many references to
his friends and current events. He remarks upon his activities, his efforts at practising medicine,
his travels and visits to friends, and his entertainment. Carnsew was a Puritan who read ex
tensively, as his diary shows; it has been suggested that his membership in parliament in 1 559
was because protestants were needed, and may have been arranged by one or the other of
Cornish protestant families, the Grenvilles, the Carews, or the Killigrews. :ii Made for his own
information, the diary is often difficult to read, since Carnsew wrote in a small hand, often
using abbreviations to accommodate the small space he allotted for each entry. 2 " When William
Carnsew died in 1588, his son Richard inherited Bokelly. Although knighted and a public
servant of some reputation, Richard Carnsew lived extravagantly and died in debt. Chancery
proceedings were initiated against him and the Carnsew papers, including William Carnsew s
diary, became part of the Public Record Office holdings. 2 "
Kew, Public Record Office, SP 46/16; 1576-7; English; paper; 16 leaves; 208mm x 154mm (195mm x
120mm), average 27 long lines; modern pencil foliation in diamond-shaped brackets; slightly frayed
edges, mounted on paper. Now bound as ff }7 - 52 with other papers in a modern volume with
modern red leather and cloth binding, spine decorated with seven gold bars and title: State Paper I
Domestic Supplementary 1 Vol. 16.
TREGIAN OF GOLDEN
Francis Tregian of Golden Manor, near Tregony on the Fal River, was a member of the recusant
Tregian family. He was the son of John Tregian, who married the daughter of John Arundell
of Lanherne; Francis Tregian also became more closely linked to the Arundell family when he
married Mary Stourton, Lady Arundell s daughter by a previous marriage. The Tregian family,
like the Arundells of Lanherne, were recusants, and Francis Tregian was zealously involved in
his religion; he was also well known at court as an accomplished courtier and as a man ready
to defend his faith/ Tregian came under protestant scrutiny because of a variety of factors,
not the least of which was his rejection of Queen Elizabeth s personal attentions. When Sir
438 CORNWALL
Richard Grenville, who played a major role in the protestant movement in Cornwall, went to
Golden Manor ostensibly searching for a fugitive named Bourne, he discovered Cuthbert
Mayne, Devon man and Douai seminarian, ordained in 1575. Mayne returned to England
in 1576 and became steward of Golden Manor. 2 " The privy council subsequently found
Cuthbert Mayne guilty of treason for publishing a Catholic tract at Golden, guilty for defend
ing Rome and the pope, and guilty for being in possession of an Agt2us Dei, as well as for other
charges. " r Mayne was hanged and dismembered in Launceston in 1577. In 1578 Francis
Tregian was tried at Launceston for harbouring Mayne. Tregian was found guilty of sheltering a
traitor and was imprisoned in the Marshalsea. For a more detailed account of the circumstances
and witnesses at the trial, see p 610, endnote to St Mary s College Library, Oscott: MS 545.
Treatise on the Trial of Francis Tregian
The full title on the Oscott manuscript is: The great and long Sufferings for the Catholic
Faith of Mr. Francis Tregian Esquire of Golden in Cornwall together with the Martyrdom of
Mr. Cuthbert Mayne at Launceston, in the same county, the proto-martyr of Douay College
and consequently of all our English Seminaries. This title reflects well the contents of the
manuscript, which also includes the prison life of Tregian from 1579-93. The manuscript
was written by Charles Tregian, the son of Francis Tregian. The history of the manuscript
and its transmission to the Oscott Library is uncertain but Boyer and Lamb suggest the likely
possibilities. 2 " The account of Tregian s trial from Oscott 545 is printed in John Morris (ed),
The Troubles of Our Catholic Forefathers, first ser (London, 1872), 110-12. The Mirror of
Heroes, a Latin biography of Tregian by his grandson, Francis Plunket, was published in 1665. 2 "
Sutton Coldfield, West Midlands, St Mary s College Library, Oscott, MS 545; 20 July 1593; English;
paper; vii (including title-page on recto of second leaf) + 86 + vii; 105mm x 160mm (80mm x 130mm);
first and last 12 pages blank, except for title page, all 172 pages ruled, 148 pages covered with writing,
contemporary ink pagination (1-148); first leaf of text and last fly-leaf damaged, some fading; leather
binding fragile, 17th c. (?), spine worn away, gold line tooled on front and back covers 4mm from edge.
Several endorsements in various hands on the recto of the title page, on the first page of the text, and on
the verso of the last leaf, record progressive ownership of the manuscript.
County of Cornwall
RICHARD CAREW, SURVEY OF CORNWALL
See Kw^rBodmin (pp 422-3) for STC: 4615.
Editorial Procedures
Principles of Selection
In accord with the goal of the REED project we have attempted to find and present all known
material concerned with performance of drama, secular music, and dance in Cornwall before
1642. We have also aimed to gather here records of folk customs such as May festivals and
maypoles, fooling, juggling, puppet shows, animal displays and torments, and ridings with such
mimetic features as a mock mayor or prince-for-a-day. Material concerning performance in
cludes not only specific references to plays, dancers, or musicians but also references to related
matters such as costumes for actors or morris dancers and stage properties such as Robin Hood s
house. It also includes legal documents such as those of Star Chamber cases where defendants
answer allegations of performing slanderous ballads and verses in public places.
In keeping with REED practice we have not included entries pertaining to Midsummer bon
fires, perambulations of civic boundaries, Rogation Days, and standard bell-ringing; nor have we
dealt with civic rituals such as musters or feasts, or with entries that seemed specifically to con
cern liturgical performance, such as payments to a musician for singing in the choir. The word
play has been interpreted generously, however, and when context or other evidence supports
interpreting an ambiguous notation as relevant, we have chosen inclusion. As an example,
William Carnsew s entry in his diary that he met an acquaintance at the bodman playes (see
p 531) is, when viewed in isolation, ambiguous because the word playes might not refer solely
to drama; however, since the Halgavor celebration in Bodmin at that time included performance
activities, the entries may refer to drama and so we present it here. In another example, since
we know that music was an important part of the feast of St Mary Magdalene in Launceston,
we regularly include expenses for the feast even though a particular year may not specifically
cite musical activity. Similarly, we include entries under Lostwithiel pertaining to the riding
on St George s Day where someone was costumed and paraded in the guise of St George; en
tries for Lostwithiel also list payments for preparing for St George to make his ride, such as
the cleaning of his armour. On the other hand, although John Maclean, Parochial and Family
History of Trigg Minor, vol 1, p 227, refers to later instances in Bodmin history when guild
riding there may have involved processing with a decorated pole, musicians, and a Riding
tune, evidence of related mimetic activity before 1642 was never uncovered in the records
examined and thus the material was excluded.
440 CORNWALL
The many references in Cornish historical documents to church ales are not included in the
Records in the absence of clear indications of any related performance activity; however, since
the contemporary historian Carew writes that dancing and minstrelsy occurred at church ales in
Cornwall (see p 535), we include in Appendix 5 sample expenses from Kilkhampton for such
events. Also, documentary references to hurling, an ancient game with many levels of signi
ficance, are presented in Appendix 4; other games of skill and chance have been excluded.
Additional documentary materials which did not qualify for inclusion in the main records
text but which are important to the goals of the volume are also located in the Appendixes.
Appendix 1 contains the Vocabularium Cornicum that translates Latin-Old English word
pairs for musical instruments and performers into Cornish. Appendix 2 presents speeches and
staging diagrams from the manuscripts of the three major plays in the Cornish language, in
cluding a list of musical instruments from one of the plays, and several passages referring to
entertainment to be held after the conclusion of a day s play, entertainment that evidently
included performing by minstrels, piping, and dancing.
In determining the relevance of some items we have necessarily focused on context and in
several instances have excluded records in the absence of context suggesting performance ac
tivity in Cornwall. The following list concerns specific items that were carefully considered
before exclusion from the Cornwall collection:
\l a payment to Rogues of Exceter in CRO: P/ 167/5/1, late sixteenth-century churchwardens
accounts for the Cornwall-Devon border parish of North Petherwin. While the term rogues
sometimes designated a touring group of actors paid to perform, it was also applied to a variety
of travelling people; in the absence of other evidence, we did not include such items. Unlike
these Rogues, references to Egyptians or gypsies which appear in the Stratton Churchwardens
Accounts (see pp 521-2) and in a household account book of Arundell of Lanherne (see p 530)
are included in the volume because evidence suggests these were entertainers.
21 an examination taken in Banbury, Oxfordshire, in 1633 of the members of Richard Bradshaw s
acting company (who, incidentally, are cited as wandring Rogues for allegedly travelling under
false letters patent) in which Richard Whiting, a member of Bradshaw s acting company, testi
fies to meeting his father in Cornwall. The document (PRO: SP 16/238) does not, however,
mention any performances in Cornwall by this company. The Bradshaw document will be
part of forthcoming REED volumes for counties where the troupe actually performed.
3/ a 1344 account (PRO: C/ 66/212, mb [30d]) of a disturbance at a Cornwall stannary in Red-
ruth involving men with the surnames of Pipere and Taborer and a man named Robertus
Hodyn. Although in fourteenth-century Cornwall surnames are usually assumed to designate
occupation, there is no indication that the professions of these men had any bearing on the
nature of the incident. Furthermore as these names were listed as part of a complaint, it is
possible the individual who gave as his name a variant form of Robin Hood was using a
pseudonym. 1 ""
4/ a 1583 Bodmin Shoemakers Guild Ordinance (CRO: B/Bod/243) threatening fines upon
any master suffering anye lornaye man to Rune in skore in there house for typlyng or playe
above xij d. where the context of a running debt clearly allows us to read playe in the sense
of gaming and gambling.
441
EDITORIAL PROCEDURES
For the most part, the material included here is transcribed from the original historical docu
ments; pertinent references now extant only in antiquarian copies are noted as such. Usually
we have transcribed only relevant excerpts rather than the whole document, except for those
instances where context was considered important as with some of the Star Chamber cases
where, in fact, the entire document seemed pertinent. We have tried to do as complete a search
as possible of those records generally found to be fruitful, such as parish churchwardens accounts
and borough accounts of mayors or receivers, but we have not made a full search of diocesan
documents or records of the Star Chamber; we include here the results of an examination
limited to those cases assigned to the subject categories of defamation, offences against religion,
sedition, and riot, rout, and unlawful assembly; such cases often involve libellous plays, poems,
and songs, and other popular pastimes of interest to us. Similarly we have not exhaustively
researched wills and inventories but include examples with pertinent information brought to
our attention by archivists or found in printed sources.
More references to performance in private households may well exist in documents still
contained in family muniment rooms in Cornwall. The Arundell archive, formerly held by
the owner at Hook Manor, is an example of such a collection; the Cornwall Record Office s
1991 acquisition of that archive makes much more accessible that latge collection of valuable
documents and the accounts, wills, and inventories that are included in this volume may indi
cate the kind of material still privately held. The Royal Institution of Cornwall acquired the
Trelawny collection in 1994, formerly privately held. Examination of the more than 450
documents is nearing completion, according to the Courtney Library Report from the Royal
Institution. Future explorations in other such collections as they may become available for
study will perhaps result in additional information about dramatic performance in Cornwall.
Although in the past few years the Cornwall Record Office has acquired some important
documents, in the early years of our research several collections reposed in their original loca
tions - in town buildings and in private hands; these collections had been very minimally
catalogued and often were available for perusal only at limited times. In consequence, our
efforts to find relevant material have at times been undertaken in unusual circumstances; for
example, before the deposit of one large set of documents in the Record Office, which deposit
was in large part the result of an editor s urging, those documents had to be researched from
the boxes in which they were stored in the basement of the town hall. In other instances where
documents were not conveniently located in libraries and record offices, we have learned how
simultaneously to stand on a chair, hold a document in one hand at the edge of a window,
and with the other hand take a photograph at the precisely calculated moment that the sun
would appear briefly from clouds. We have done our best to present here all known and ac
cessible records, and we look forward to reading the work of other scholars who will expand
or amend the product of our efforts.
Dating
Dates of accounts are based on evidence within the documents unless otherwise indicated in
the accompanying notes. Documents usually have a double date, such as 1466-7, that reflects
442 CORNWALL
the accounting year, which often began at Michaelmas (29 September). Entries dated between
1 January and 24 March in the documents and in accord with the contemporary calendar,
which did not begin a new year until Lady Day (25 March), are represented by a split year
date, for example, 1 February 1466/7. When documents were dated with regnal years, which
is often the case, those dates have been translated into calendar years. Record subheadings
show the limits of the accounting period but only in cases where the fiscal year is not the cus
tomary Michaelmas to Michaelmas range. Additionally, any specific dating information (for
example, the date a letter was written or a will was probated) that does not appear in the text
of the record itself is supplied in the subheading. Customarily, financial records do not specify
dates of performance or related activity but give dates when payments were made. If the date
of an event is determinable on the basis of internal evidence this is discussed in an endnote.
Readers can find details of the accounting terms of individual runs of accounts discussed on a
case by case basis in The Documents section. Specifics on the character of the records and gaps
in the extant materials are also provided there.
Editorial Conventions
We have artempted to reproduce as much as possible rhe appearance of rhe original manuscripts
in regard to layout. Transcriptions of excerpts from the extant Cornish plays, the Ordinalia,
Beunans Meriasek, and the Creacion, which appear in Appendix 2, required an altered format
designed to approximate the system of indentations and ordering within the stanzas in the
manuscript; this is explained in the appendix itself (see p 546). Left marginalia in original
documents appear in the left margin of the edited text, as close as possible to that original
position; right marginalia are also set in the left margin but are indicated as such by the symbol
. Routine headings and marginalia are indicated in editorial subheadings. Material from
antiquarian collections or compilations is also indicated by an A or AC to the left of the record
heading.
Original paragraphing has in all instances been preserved. A document s lineation has also
been reproduced except in material excerpted from continuous prose; in those prose passages,
a change of page or folio is marked by a ( I ). A caret accompanying a raised interlineation in
the original is reproduced in the edited text, and those interlineations above the line are indi
cated by upper half brackets ( r l ). Where textual material has decayed, been lost, or is illegible
because of some other damage, that illegibility is attested by diamond brackets < ); when the
number of letters lost can be reasonably conjectured, dots within those diamond brackets in
dicate the number of letters lost: one dot for one letter, two dots for two letters, three dots for
three or more lost letters. Cancellations in the original are placed within full square brackets [ ].
An obvious blank space left in the manuscript, where the scribe apparently intended to supply
additional material, is indicated by (blank).
The edited text preserves original capitalization, punctuation, word-division, and spelling.
Thus T and J have not been distinguished and for each we have routinely used I. The form
ff for a modern F has also been retained. Those entries from printed sources follow the
spelling and punctuation in those sources. Manuscript braces have been reproduced in necessary
EDITORIAL PROCEDURES 443
instances but otiose fillers and flourishes have not. Virgules are indicated by / and //. Dit-
tography and such obvious scribal errors are mentioned in footnotes. Superior letters have been
silently lowered except for those used with numerals. Most abbreviations in the documents
have been expanded and those expansions are indicated in italics. Abbreviations not expanded
include those for sums of money and for terms still in common currency (eg, St, Mr, vizt
or Viz, etc ). The abbreviations Xpi and xpi are expanded as Christi or christi, and Ihc
as lesus. Where expansion of an abbreviation was not obvious or the case and number of a
word was ambiguous, an apostrophe signals the abbreviation.
Notes
1 Charles Thomas, Arthur and Archaeology (London, 1993), 12.
2 See further Malcolm Todd, The South West to AD 1000 (London and New York, 1987),
1-6.
3 Hingeston-Randolph (ed), The Register of John de Grandisson, pt 2, p 910.
4 Crysten Fudge, The Life of Cornish (Redruth, 1982), 1 1-13. Most scholars agree that
in western Cornwall Cornish was spoken longer than in eastern areas of the county.
Martyn F. Wakelin remarks that it may be noted that John Trevisa, himself a Cornish-
man, makes no reference whatever to the language in his famous interpolations on the
language of Britain in his translation (1387) of Higden s Polychronicon, obviously feeling
that it was not worthy of special mention (Language and History in Cornwall (Leicester,
1975), 94).
5 An important social record of Bodmin under Saxon rule is preserved in the tenth-century
Bodmin Gospels. The Gospels record the names of those who were freeing slaves, the
slaves names, and the witnesses to the manumissions. From about 950-1050, 122 slaves
were freed. The majority of the slaves were Cornishmen, with Cornish names, eg, Brenci,
Freoc, Riol, and Rumun; the rest of the slaves were Saxon, except for twelve whose names
were biblical, so not identifiable as either. The owners were both. See Fudge, Life of
Cornish, p 9. The Bodmin Gospels are preserved in BL: Additional MS. 9067 and edited
by Whitley Stokes, The Manumissions in the Bodmin Gospels, Revue Celtique 1
(1870-2), 332-45; see also Henry Jenner, The Bodmin Gospels, JRIC 21, pt 2 (1923),
1 13-45, and The Manumissions in the Bodmin Gospels, /we 21 , pt 3 (1924),
235-60.
6 Nikolaus Pevsner, Cornwall, 2nd ed (New York, 1970), 15-18.
7 Monastic Britain, Ordnance Survey (Southampton, 1978), 7.
8 Norman J.G. Pounds, The Population of Cornwall before the First Census, Population
and Marketing: Two Studies in the History of the South-West, Walter Minchinton (ed)
(Exeter, 1976), 13. See VCH: Cornwall, vol 2, pt 8, p 53 for a breakdown of the popu
lation.
9 Halliday, History of Cornwall, p 109.
10 David Knowles and R. Neville Hadcock, Medieval and Religious Houses: England and
Wales (London, 1971), 148, 162-3, 172.
445
NOTES
1 \ Halliday, History of Cornwall, p 1 13.
12 VCH; Cornwall, vol 1, pp 524-5; Ronald F. Homer, Tin, Lead and Pewter, English
Medieval Industries: Craftsmen, Techniques, Products, John Blair and Nigel Ramsay (eds)
(London, 1991), 57-80; for an account of the stannaries under Edmund, earl of
Cornwall, see L. Margaret Midgley (ed). Ministers Accounts of the Earldom of Cornwall
1296-1297, Camden Society, 3rd ser, vol 66 (London, 1942), xxiv-ix and John Hatcher,
English Tin Production and Trade before 1 550 (Oxford, 1973), 20. The five stannary
towns were Bodmin, Helston, Liskeard, Losrwithiel, and Truro.
1 3 Ray Millward and Adrian Robinson, The South-West Peninsula (London, 1 97 1 ), 11 7-24.
14 Although the Domesday survey does noc mention tin mining, Saxon coins have been
found in many Cornish towns - St Austell, for instance. In 1774 miners found a buried
collection of coins in St Austell from the reigns of twelve Saxon rulers, probably hidden
during a Danish incursion (VCH: Cornwall, vol 1, pp 375, 378). See further, Hatcher,
English Tin Production, p 1 6.
15 Hatcher, English Tin Production, p 20.
16 Hatcher, English Tin Production, p 48.
17 Pounds, Population of Cornwall, p 13.
18 Hatcher, English Tin Production, p 67.
19 Register of Edward the Black Prince, pt 1 (London, 1930), 26-7.
20 Rowse, Tudor Cornwall, p 55-
21 Halliday, History of Cornwall, p 279.
22 Frank Stenton, The Road System of Medieval England, Economic History Review 1
(1936), 719. See also the reproduction in E.J.S. Parsons, The Map of Great Britain, c.
AD. 1360, Known as the Cough Map (Oxford and London, 1958), 16-37. We are in
debted to Gloria Betcher for her as yet unpublished analysis of the roads in Cornwall
for our period ( Minstrels, Morris Dancers, and Players: Tracing the Routes of Travel
ling Performers in Early Modern Cornwall, paper given at the International Medieval
Congress, Leeds, 1996).
23 Charles Henderson and Henry Coates, Old Cornish Bridges and Strea ms (London, 1928).
24 William Worcestre, Itineraries, John H. Harvey (ed) (Oxford, 1969), 12-13, 39 and
John Leland, The Itinerary of John Lelandin or about the Years 15351543, Parts 1-3,
vol 1, Lucy Toulmin Smith (ed) (Carbondale, 1964), 173-211,315-26.
25 William Camden, Camden s Britannia Newly Translated into English with Large Additions
ana 1 Improvements (London, 1695; Wing C359).
26 The Agrarian History of England and Wales, Edward Miller (ed), vol 3 (Cambridge, 1991),
303-23; and Joan Thirsk (ed), vol 4 (Cambridge, 1967), 71-8.
27 Ian Kershaw, The Great Famine and Agrarian Crisis, pp 85-132. See also John Hatcher,
Rural Economy and Society in the Duchy of Cornwall 1300-1500 (Cambridge, 1970),
80-101.
28 Miller (ed). Agrarian History, vol 3, 722-3.
29 Carew, Survey of Cornwall, sig G3 verso; see also Peter J. Bowden, The Wool Trade in
Tudor and Stuart England (London, 1962), 33-4.
446 CORNWALL
30 Rowse, Tudor Cornwall, p 67; see also J.L. Bolton, The Medieval English Economy
1 150-1500 (London, 1980), 287-304.
3 1 John Keast, A History of East and West Looe (Chichester, 1 987), 27.
32 Homer, Tin, Lead and Pewter, pp 69, 73.
33 James Whetter, The History ofFalmouth (Redruth, 1981), 9-10.
34 HaJliday, History of Cornwall, p 149.
35 See Hatcher, English Tin Production, table X, p 127.
36 Keast, History of East and West Looe, p 2 1 .
37 Keast, History of East and West Looe, p 23.
38 Keast, History of East and West Looe, pp 23-4.
39 Martyn F. Wakelin, Language and History in Cornwall (Leicester, 1975), 71.
40 Miller (ed), Agrarian History, vol 3, pp 732-5; Thirsk (ed), Agrarian History, vol 4,
pp74-5.
41 Rowse, Tudor Cornwall, p 7 5.
42 HaJliday, History of Cornwall, pp 206-7.
43 Rowse, Tudor Cornwall, p 69.
44 Pounds, Population of Cornwall, p 16. Pounds reaches this estimate by raising the
figure from the list of signatories (30,645) to 33,000 to include boroughs and parishes
that had been omitted, by doubling it to include women, and by adding 50 per cent for
the young who were not likely included.
45 H. Miles Brown, The Church in Cornwall (Truro, 1964), 36.
46 Munn, Introducing Bodmin, p 82.
47 Newlyn, Stained and Painted Glass at St. Neot s Church, p 95.
48 Anthony Fletcher, Tudor Rebellions, 2nd ed (London, 1973), 14-17; Rowse, Tudor
Cornwall, p 64, explains that a species of usury ran throughout the industry, from the
great merchant buyers at the top - chiefly the London pewterers - through the dealers
and the lesser merchants, to the small tinners at the bottom sustaining the burden.
Great families controlled the tin industry and were backed by stannary court decisions:
The stannary parliament of 1588 divided all tinners into two classes: manual labourers,
"spaliers" and "pioneers" as they were called, and gentlemen who shared in tin works or
received toll tin as landlords, owners of bounds with all other workers required in the
industry, smiths, blowers, smelters (p 65).
49 Halliday, History of Cornwall, pp 166-7; see also Julian Cornwall, Revolt of the Peasantry
1549 (London, 1977), 41-7.
50 Knowles and Hadcock, Medieval Religious Houses, pp 162, 148, 223, 122, 79, 219.
5 1 See Lawrence S. Snell, The Suppression of the Religious Foundations of Devon and Cornwall
(Marazion, 1967), 61-106.
52 Rowse, Tudor Cornwall, pp 257-8.
53 For 2 & 3 Edward vi c. 1 (1 548-9) see The Statutes of the Realm, vol 4, pt 1 (London,
1819), 37.
54 A copye of a Letter contayning certayne newes, and the Articles or requestes of the
Deuonshyre and Cornyshe rebelles (London, 1549; STC: 15109.3), sigs B vi verso and
447
NOTES
B vii. See also Joyce Youings, The South-Western Rebellion of 1 549, Southern History
1 (1979), 99-122.
55 Cornwall, Revolt of the Peasantry, pp 1 00-1 3.
56 See, for example, Fudge, Life of Cornish, p 25. In 1602 Carew noted that Cornish was
fading, for the English speach doth still encroche vpon it, and hath driuen the same
into the vttermost skirts of the shire (Survey of Cornwall, sig P4).
57 Cornwall, Revolt of the Peasantry, pp 232-3.
58 ST. Bindoff (ed), The House of Commons 1 509-1 558, vol 1 (London, 1982), 333-4.
59 For 23 Elizabeth c.l (1580-1) see The Statutes of the Realm, vol 4, pt I,p657.
60 Halliday, History of Cornwall, p 186.
61 PA. Boyan and G.R. Lamb, Francis Tregian, Cornish Recusant (London, 1955), 56-60.
62 William Prynne, Histrto-mastix. The players scourge (London, 1633; src: 20464). Some
years later, in 1648, Prynne became a member of parliament for the town of Newport
(Launceston).
63 John Bastwick, The Le tany of John Bastwick (London, 1637; STC: 1572).
64 Bastwick, Letany, p 1 14.
65 Henry Button, For God and the King. The summe of two sermons (London, 1636; STC:
4141) and An apology of an appeale (London, 1636; STC: 4134).
66 The Star Chamber account appears in A New Discovery of the Prelates Tyranny, in their
late prosecutions of Mr. William Pryn, an eminent Lawyer; Dr. John Bastwick, a learned
Physician; and Mr. Henry Burton, a reverent Divine (London, 1 641 ; Wing: P401 8).
67 Hatcher, Rural Economy and Society, pp 3-6.
68 VCH: Cornwall, vol 2, part 8, p 57.
69 Of the twenty-six manors held by St Petroc s, Bodmin, de Mortain took seven outright,
and seven others were occupied by him or his followers under the lordship of the church
in name only. See G.A. Kempthorne, Notes on the Cornish Priories, Old Cornwall
2.10 (1935), 5.
70 Graham Haslam, Evolution, The Duchy of Cornwall, Crispin Gill (ed) (London, 1987),
23. See also Hatcher, Rural Economy and Society, pp 3-7.
71 John Harvey, The Black Prince and his Age (London, 1976), 15, 48, 87. See also Richard
Barber, Edward, Prince of Wales and Aquitame: A Biography of the Black Prince (London,
1978), passim.
72 Haslam, Evolution, p 24.
73 Rowse, Tudor Cornwall, p 79.
74 Haslam, Evolution, p 28.
75 Hatcher, Rural Economy and Society, p 7.
76 Haslam, Evolution, p 30.
77 Haslam, Evolution, p 31.
78 Haslam, Evolution, pp 312.
79 Graham Haslam, The Elizabethan Duchy of Cornwall, an Estate in Stasis, The Estates
of the English Crown, 1558-1640, R.W. Hoyle (ed) (Cambridge, 1992), 1 10-11.
80 Haslam, Evolution, pp 34-40.
448 CORNWALL
81 Haslam, Evolution, p 40.
82 Todd, The South West, pp 4, 109.
83 Munn, Introducing Bodmin, pp [ii-iii], 81.
84 Halliday, History of Cornwall, pp 136-7.
85 Munn, Introducing Bodmin, p 5. The Berry Tower was built by the Holy Rood guild
and local people paid for most of the building according to the Berry Tower Building
Accounts, making contributions such as a silver spoon, a silver girdle, and a cow hide.
See Robert Whiting, The Blind Devotion of the People: Popular Religion and the English
Reformation (Cambridge, 1989), 107.
86 VCH: Cornwall, vol 2, pt 8, p 69; see also H.C. Darby and R. Welldon Finn (eds), The
Domesday Geography of South-West England (Cambridge, 1967), 335-6.
87 J.S. Roskell (ed), The House of Commons 1386-1421, vol 1 (Stroud, 1992), 295.
88 Munn, Bodmin Riding, p 95.
89 Roskell (ed), House of Commons, 1386-1421, vol 1, p 303. Thereafter the assizes were
held at Launceston.
90 Roskell (ed), House of Commons, 1386-1421, vol 1 , p 297.
91 Rowse, Tudor Cornwall, p 161.
92 Roskell (ed), House of Commons, 1386-1421, vol 1, p 296.
93 Knowles and Hadcock, Medieval Religious Houses, p 223 and Halliday, History of Corn
wall, p 169.
94 Martin Weinbaum (ed), British Borough Charters 1307-1660 (Cambridge, 1943), 13.
95 See Robert Tittler, The Incorporation of Boroughs, 1540-1558, History, ns 62 (1977),
24-42.
96 Munn, Introducing Bodmin, pp 78, 82.
97 Munn, Introducing Bodmin, p 37. Tie Powder (from the French pied poudreux juris
diction, meaning dusty of foot ) referred to a jurisdiction where itinerant merchants or
traders could sell their wares but were subject to the judgments of the summary court
who administered justice during the fair.
98 Munn, Introducing Bodmin, p 1.
99 Munn, Introducing Bodmin, p 23.
100 Munn, Introducing Bodmin, p 28.
101 Mattingly, Medieval Parish Guilds, p 293. The guilds ofSt Leonard and the Trinity were
attached to the chantry chapel of St Leonard; other chapels with guilds included the
St Thomas Becket Chantry and St Anne s Chapel. Munn, Introducing Bodmin, pp 67,
23, 28.
102 Munn, Introducing Bodmin, p [i].
103 Munn, Introducing Bodmin, p 17. A medieval fireplace was found in a building adja
cent to the existing Guildhall on Fore Street. Munn adds, Stained glass windows in the
council chamber depict the arms of the U.K., Cornwall, Bodmin and the Priory; a
circular window between the chamber and main hall depicts the borough seal; a 15th
century bell hangs in the main hall; 12-holed stocks are in the lobby.
104 Mattingly, Medieval Parish Guilds, p 303.
440
NOTES
105 Mattingly, Medieval Parish Guilds, pp 298-9. Mattingly notes that the guilds are
sometimes called in the records names like the maidens, blurring the distinction be
tween guilds and other groups of parish contributors.
106 Halliday, History of Cornwall, p 180.
107 Cornwall, Revolt of the Peasantry, pp 202-3; Munn, Introducing Bodmin, p 82.
108 Roskell (ed), House of Commons, 1386-1421, vol 1 , p 296.
109 Carew, Survey of Cornwall, sig Ii3 verso.
110 Peter Clark, Kathy Gaskin, and Adrian Wilson, Population Estimates of English Small
Towns 1550-1851, Centre for Urban History, Working Paper No. 3 (Leicester, 1989), 17.
A contemporary list of householders at the end of the Bodmin church building accounts
(1472) indicates 460 householders. Mattingly estimates 4.5 people per household,
totalling 2,070 people ( Medieval Parish Guilds, p 308).
1 1 1 Roskell (ed). House of Commons, 1386-1421, vol 1 , p 303.
1 12 Bindoff(ed), House of Commons, 1509-1558, vol 1 , p 56.
113 Roskell (ed), House of Commons, 1386-1421, vol 1 , pp 303-6.
1 14 Betcher, Minstrels, Morris Dancers, and Players.
1 1 5 Roskell (ed), House of Commons, 1386-1421, vol 1 , p 303.
1 16 Roskell (ed), House of Commons, 1386-1421, vol 1, pp 303-4. Launceston remains the
site of the Feudal Dues ceremony, begun under Richard, earl of Cornwall, discontinued,
and revived under the current Prince Charles. According to a 1324 account, the dues
consisted of contributions from various Cornish manors and towns: among other things,
a grey cape, valued at I6d, from St Neot; one pound of pepper and 100 shillings from
Launceston; a bow de arburne (alder) from Truro; a brace of greyhounds for Elerky in
Veryan; gilt spurs from Penvose in St Tudy; a salmon spear and a daily carriage of wood
in the form of ashen faggot from Stoke Climsland; and 300 puffins from the Scilly
Isles (Yenning, Book of Launceston, p 40).
117 P Sheppard, Historic Towns of Cornwall: An Archaeological Survey (Truro, 1980), 75.
1 1 8 Roskell (ed), House of Commons, 1386-1421, vol 1 , p 303.
1 19 Sheppard, Historic Towns of Cornwall, p 75.
120 Carew, Survey of Cornwall, sig Gg4.
121 Adolphus Ballard and James Tait (eds), British Borough Charters 1216-1307 (Cambridge,
1923), 379.
122 Halliday, History of Cornwall, p 154.
123 Roskell (ed), House of Commons, 1386-1421, vol 1, p 304.
124 Halliday, History of Cornwall, p 129. Some accounts report that Dunheved made returns
to parliament as early as 1295 (see Roskell (ed), House of Commons 1386-1421, vol 1 ,
P 304).
125 Halliday, History of Cornwall, p 126.
126 Roskell (ed), House of Commons, 1386-1421, vol 1, p 304.
127 Peter and Peter, Histories of Launceston and Dunheved, pp 74-5.
128 St Mary Magdalene s Church: Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary; St Christopher;
St George; Holy Cross; Jesus; St John Baptist; St Mary Magdalene; and a guild of min-
450 CORNWALL
strels. St Thomas Church: All Hallows at Tregadillett; St Anthony; St Blaise; St Christo
pher; St John; St John Bridlington (may be the same as St John); St Peter; St Thomas
(Mattingly, Medieval Parish Guilds, p 314). All material on guilds in Launceston comes
from Mattingly s Medieval Parish Guilds, pp 291-329.
129 Peter and Peter, Histories of Launceston and Dunheved, p 31 1 .
130 Halliday, History of Cornwall, pp 170, 173.
131 The letters patent made the mayor and aldermen initially Crown appointees. While
the office of mayor was an annual one, the mayor elected from among the aldermen,
the position of alderman itself was for life (Calendar of the Patent Rolls, Philip and Mary,
vol 3, ;555-/557(London, 1938), 174-7.)
132 Peter and Peter, Histories of Launceston and Dunheved, p 55.
133 Rowse, Tudor Cornwall, p 97 .
134 Peter and Peter, Histories of Launceston and Dunheved, p 177, citing mayor s account of
1521-2.
135 Carew, Survey of Cornwall, sigs G3 G3 verso.
136 Carew, Survey of Cornwall, sig Oo2.
137 The total population of the medieval parliamentary borough may have been no more
than 500; see Roskell (ed), House of Commons, 1386-1421, vol 1, p 303.
138 Clark et al, Population Estimates of English Small Towns, p 17.
139 Charles Henderson, Essays in Cornish History, A.L. Rowse and M.I. Henderson (eds)
(Oxford, 1935), 44-5; see also Adolphus Ballard (ed), British Borough Charters 1042-
1216 (Cambridge, 1913), xxx.
140 Ballard (ed), British Borough Charters, p 217.
141 Henderson, Essays in Cornish History, p 52.
142 Henderson, Essays in Cornish History, p 52.
143 Henderson, Essays in Cornish History, p 46; Ballard and Tail (eds), British Borough Charters,
pp 5, 248, 250, 266. A second weekly market on Thursday was granted in 1325
( Calendar of the Charter Rolls preserved in the Public Record Office, vol 3 (London, 1914),
479).
144 Roskell (ed), House of Commons, 1386-1421, vol 1, p 312.
145 Roskell (ed), House of Commons, 1386-1421, vol 1, p 312.
146 Halliday, History of Cornwall, p 119.
1 47 Bindoff (ed), House of Commons, 1509-1558, vol 1 , p 54.
148 Mattingly, Medieval Parish Guilds, pp 291, 315.
149 Mattingly, Medieval Parish Guilds, pp 297, 300-1.
1 50 Knowles and Hadcock, Medieval Religious Houses, pp 79, 1 20.
151 Cited by Halliday, History of Cornwall, p 169.
152 Halliday, History of Cornwall, p 169.
153 Halliday, History of Cornwall, pp 168-9.
1 54 Carew, Survey of Cornwall, sig Mm4 verso.
155 For 1 Edward vi c. 14(1 547) see Statutes of the Realm, vol 4, pt 1 , p 24.
1 56 Mattingly, Medieval Parish Guilds, p 295.
NOTES
1 57 Rowse, Tudor Cornwall, p 296, discussing and quoting a case in Augmentations, Mis
cellaneous Books 122, PRO: E 315/122, ff 15-28. See also Mattingly, Medieval Parish
Guilds, p327n 129.
158 PRO: E 315/122, ff20v. 21.
159 Bindoff (ed), House of Commons, 1509-1558, vol 1 , p 54.
160 Clark et aJ, Population Estimates of English Small Towns, p 19.
161 Ballard and Tait (eds), British Borough Charters, pp xcviii, 46, 55, 95; Bindoff (ed),
House of Commons, 1509-1558, vol 1, p 57.
162 Bindoff (ed). House of Commons. 1509-1558, vol 1, p 57.
163 Weinbaum (ed), British Borough Charters, 1307-1660, p 17.
164 Calendar of Charter Rolls, vol 2 (London, 1898), 16, and vol 3, p 183.
165 Carew, Survey of Cornwall, sig Qq2 verso.
166 Rowse, Tudor Cornwall, p 76.
167 Sir Henry Killigrew was an able diplomat and the brother-in-law of William Cecil. See
Amos C. Miller, Sir Henry Killigrew: Elizabethan Soldier and Diplomat (Leicester, 1963),
13, 248. Arwennack is mentioned in the first section of the Ordinalia, Origo Mundi,
along with other Cornish place names near Penryn - Enys, Penryn woods, and Bohellan
fields. See Gloria]. Betcher, Place Names and Political Patronage in the Cornish
Ordinalia, Research Opportunities in Renaissance Drama 35 (1996), 1224.
168 Halliday, History of Cornwall , p 126.
1 69 J. Whetter, The History ofFalmouth (Redruth, 1 98 1 ), 1
170 Clark et al, Population Estimates of English Small Towns, p 19.
171 Charles Henderson, The Cornish Church Guide (Trwo, 1964), 74, 156-7.
172 Henderson, Cornish Church Guide, p 157.
173 Nicholas Orme, Education in the West of England 1066-1548 (Exeter, 1976), 167-8.
174 See, eg, Brian O. Murdoch, The Cornish Medieval Drama, The Cambridge Companion
to Medieval English Theatre, Richard Beadle (ed) (Cambridge, 1994), 21 1-39.
175 Roland J. Roddis, Penryn: The History of an Ancient Cornish Borough ([Truro], 1964), 43.
176 To clarify for scholars who may find reference to a Bishop Beaupre in connection with
Glasney or dramatic performances around 1360, we could not confirm a title of bishop.
But a Sir John Beaupre appropriated St Just in Penwith to Glasney in 1 355, an aisle of
the church was called the Beaupre aisle, and two priests prayed daily in the chapel for
the well-being of the Beaupre family. See Sowell, Collegiate Church of St Thomas,
pp 24-5.
EC. Hingeston-Randolph (ed), The Register of Thomas de Brantyngham, Bishop of Exeter,
(A.D. 1370-1394), pt 2 (London, 1906), 671-3.
178 See EC. Hingeston-Randolph (ed), The Register of Edmund Stafford (A. D. 1395-1419)
(London, 1886), 112-13.
179 Sowell, The Collegiate Church of St Thomas, p 33.
180 Sowell, Collegiate Church of St Thomas, pp 29-30.
181 Carew, Survey of Cornwall, sig Rr2.
182 Henderson, Essays in Cornish History, p 85.
452 CORNWALL
183 Henderson, Essays in Cornish History, p 84.
184 Henderson, Essays in Cornish History, pp 889.
185 Matthews, History of Saint Ives, pp 48, 50.
1 86 Bodl.: MS. Top. gen. e. 1 0, f 7v.
1 87 Matthews, History of Saint Ives, p 46. St Ives, Towednack, and Lelant were under the
manors of Ludgvan Leaze at the time of the Domesday survey. For a discussion of the
different areas of the parish and the history of their possession, see Henderson, Essays
in Cornish History, pp 80-7.
188 Henderson notes that he derived this information from a 1722 manuscript of the history
of St Ives by Thomas Hicks, now lost (Essays in Cornish History, p 91).
189 P.W. Hasler, The House of Commons, 1558-1603, vol 1 (London, 1981), 135.
190 Bindoff (ed), House of Commons. 1509-1558, vol 1, p 58.
1 9 1 Cyril Noall, The Book ofSt Ives: A Portrait of the Town (Chesham, 1 977), 20.
192 Carew, Survey of Cornwall, sig Kl verso
193 Rowse, Tudor Cornwall, p 75.
194 Rowse, Tudor Cornwall, p 58.
195 Matthews, History of Saint Ives, p 1 17.
196 Matthews, History of Saint Ives, pp 48, 50; Clark et aJ, Population Estimates of English
Small Towns, p 2 1 .
197 Cornwall, Revolt of the Peasantry, p 202.
198 Matthews, History of Saint Ives, pp 194-5-
199 Matthews, History of Saint Ives, p 193; Weinbaum (ed), British Borough Charters, p 17.
200 Matthews, History of Saint Ives, p 397.
201 Noall, Book ofSt Ives, p 104;
202 HaJliday, History of Cornwall, p 1 56.
203 Richard Carew, Survey of Cornwall, F.E. Halliday (ed) (London, 1953), 311-13.
204 Rowse, Tudor Cornwall, p 77.
205 Rowse, Tudor Cornwall, p 247.
206 Halliday, History of Cornwall, p 188.
207 Rowse, Tudor Cornwall, p 318.
208 Hasler (ed), House of Commons. 1558-1603, vol 1, p 126.
209 Rowse, Tudor Cornwall, p 23 1 .
210 Rowse, Tudor Cornwall, pp 54-5.
211 Rowse, Tudor Cornwall, pp 86-7.
212 Early deeds and charters attest to 327 properties owned by the Arundells in Devon,
Dorset, and Cornwall. Lanherne Manor, the bishop of Exeter s property at the
time of Domesday, came to the Arundells through the marriage of Alice Lanherne
to Sir Remfry de Arundell in 1231. See V.L. Vivian, The Visitations of the County
of Cornwall comprising the Herald s Visitations of 1530 and 1620 (Exeter, 1887),
2.
213 Information supplied by O.J. Padel.
214 Surveyed by the Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts in 1871, the archive
NOTES
453
has since been apportioned; the Cornwall portion - 15,000-20,000 items - is now
housed at the CRO. See Christine North, The Arundell Archive, JRIC, ns n, vol 1 (1991),
49-51 and McCann, Introduction to the Arundell Archive.
215 To spare other researchers one particular wild goose chase, we note that L.E. Elliott-Binns,
in Medieval Cornwall (London, 1955), 403-4, states that in 1428 a certain Cornishman,
Jakke Trevaill by name, is said to have presented various plays and interludes before
Henry vi, and credits William Sandys (Uncle Jan Trenoodle) Specimens of Cornish
Provincial Dialect ; however, the Sandys book does not contain references to documents
concerning such drama.
216 For an edition of the Charter Interlude see Lauran Toorians (ed), The Middle Cornish
Charter Endorsement (Innsbruck, 1991); for analysis see Evelyn S. Newlyn, The Middle
Cornish Interlude: Genre and Tradition, Comparative Drama 30.2 (1996), 266-81.
217 Gloria]. Betcher, Makers of Heaven on Earth: The Construction of Early Drama in
Cornwall, Material Culture and Mediet al Drama, Clifford Davidson (ed), forthcoming.
218 Betcher, Makers of Heaven on Earth.
219 See Sally Joyce Cross, Torturers as Tricksters in the Cornish Ordtnalia, Neuphilologische
Mitteilungen4.34 (1983), 448-55.
220 V.A. Kolve, The Play Called Corpus Chnsti (Stanford, 1966), 44-9.
221 See Matthews, History of Saint Ives, p 144 and Nance s comments in his annotated edition
of Matthews History of Saint Ives; the Courtney Library of the Royal Institution of Corn
wall in Truro holds Nance s edition of Matthews in the Nance collection, no shelf-mark.
222 David Wiles, The Early Plays of Robin Hood (Cambridge, 1981 ), 54.
223 Wiles, Early Plays of Robin Hood, p 1 7.
224 For a brief discussion of the accounts for 1535-6 and 1537-8 see N.M. & A., "Howde
Men": Robin Hood s Men, Notes and Queries, ser 1 1, vol 2 (1910), 16.
225 Mattingly, Medieval Parish Guilds, p 305.
226 Wiles, Early Plays of Robin Hood, p 1 7.
227 OJ. Padel, Cornish Place-Name Elements, English Place-Name Society, vol 56/57 (Not
tingham, 1985), 114, 186-7.
228 Henry Jenner, Perran Round and the Cornish Drama, The Seventy-Eighth Annual Report
of the Royal Cornwall Polytechnic Society, ns 1.3 (1911), 38-44.
229 Vivien Russell, West Penwith Survey (Truro, 1971), 41-7.
230 A. Ivan Rabey, Hurling at St. Columb and in Cornwall (Padstow, 1972), 5.
231 Borlase, Natural History, p 300.
232 Bodl.: MS. Top. gen. e.10, f llv.
233 Thomas, The Society s 1962 Excavations, pp 3-14.
234 For a discussion of the plain-an-gwary at St Just in Penwith, see A. Guthrie, The Plain-
an-Gwarry, St. Just, Cornwall: Report on an Exploratory Excavation, Proceedings of
the West Cornwall Field Club, ns 2.1 (1956-7), 3-7.
235 An earlier version of Padel s list of ancient parishes where a plain-an-gwary may have
existed appeared in Evelyn S. Newlyn, Cornish Drama of the Middle Ages: A Bibliography
(Redruth, 1987), 8-10.
454 CORNWALL
236 Carew, Survey of Cornwall, sig T3 verso.
237 Borlase, Observations, p 1 96.
238 Although Borlase, in his Natural History of 17 58, stated the diameter of the playing place
at Perranzabuloe to be 130 feet (p 298), Higgins provides these larger dimensions of
143 feet across on the north-south axis, and 135 feet on the east-west in his Medieval
Theatre in the Round, p 29.
239 William L. Tribby, The Medieval Prompter: A Reinterpretation, Theatre Survey 5 (1964),
73. Philip Butterworth revisited this issue, arguing for Carew s account as evidence, in
Book-carriers: Medieval and Tudor Stage Conventions, Theatre Notebook 46 (1992),
15-28.
240 Borlase, Observations, pp 195 6; Borlase documents the quoted material as follows:
Bishop Nicolson s Letter to Dr. Charlett, Nov. 14, 1700. pen. Mr. Ballard of Magdalen
College, Oxford.
24 1 Borlase, Natural History, pp 297-9.
242 Betcher, Minstrels, Morris Dancers, and Players.
243 See Betcher, Minstrels, Morris Dancers, and Players.
244 See Wasson (ed), Devon, pp 38-9.
245 Wasson (ed), Devon, p 228.
246 See Wasson (ed), Devon, p 1 55.
247 Since Heywood s Apology was published in 1612 and he states that this event took place
some 12 yeares ago, or not so much, the play was perhaps performed around 1600.
248 Patricia Bourke, The Stained Glass Windows of the Church of St. Neot, Cornwall,
Devon and Cornwall Notes and Queries 33 ( 1 974-8), 65.
249 On that legend, see F.E. Halliday, The Legend of the Rood (London, 1955) and Esther
Casier Quinn, The Quest ofSethfor the Oil of Life (Chicago, 1962). For a fuller discus
sion of the drama s possible influence on St Neot s glass, see Newlyn, The Stained and
Painted Glass of St. Neot s Church, pp 89-1 1 1 .
250 See Paula Neuss (ed and trans). The Creadon of the World: A Critical Edition and Transla
tion (New York, 1983), 160 for stage direction. See also R. Morton Nance, Painted
Windows and Miracle Plays, Old Cornwall*) (1955), 244-8 for a discussion of its
meaning.
251 Wasson (ed), Devon, pp 204-5.
252 Michael Heaney, Kingston to Kenilworth: Early Plebian Morris, Folklore 100.1 (1989),
89.
253 Heaney, Kingston to Kenilworth, p 89.
254 Heaney, Kingston to Kenilworth, pp 96-7.
255 John Forrest and Michael Heaney, Charting Early Morris, Folk Music Journal 6.2 (1991),
177.
256 Mattingly, Medieval Parish Guilds, p 305.
257 Robert Whiting, The Blind Devotion of the People: Popular Religion and the English
Reformation (Cambridge, 1989), 203.
258 Robbins, Launceston, Past and Present, p 75.
NOTES
259 Munn, Bodnrin Riding, pp 82-6. The town of Liskeard customarily held a riding but
records do not exist. Carew, Survey of Cornwall, sig Nnl verso, tells us that the celebration
of St George occurred on Little Easter, which is Pentecost or Whitsunday, the seventh
Sunday after Easter. St George s Day is 23 April. In years when Easter falls on 16 April,
the following Sunday would be St George s Day and Little Easter.
260 See Robert Whiting, "Tor the Health of My Soul": Prayers for the Dead in the Tudor
South-West, Southern History 5 (1983), 72; and Mattingly, Medieval Parish Guilds/
p302.
261 Munn, Bodmin Riding, p 10.
262 Although the date of the Bodmin riding is not certain, in 1700 Edward Lhuyd claimed
that the riding festivities took place on the two Mondays right after St Thomas Day
(his translation was celebrated on 7 July). At the time Lhuyd wrote, the Bodmin riding
no longer included mandatory church attendance (Lhuyd is quoted in Munn, Bodmin
Riding, p 20). Rogation Days, when processions or perambulations occurred, crops were
blessed to ensure a good harvest, and plagues were forestalled with prayers, are the three
days before Ascension Day (Holy Thursday). The mayor, corporation and inhabitants,
preceded by sergeants and town crier in regalia, followed the borough boundary on
horseback. Upon reaching certain landmarks such as a Celtic cross or bridge, the gather
ing halted and the crier announced "thus far extends the ancient borough of Bodmin";
and, in order to further impress the limit upon youngsters, buns and coins were hurled
into nearby pools or streams for them to recover. This probably Anglo-Saxon tradition
is recorded in the borough s 1563 charter (Munn, Introducing Bodmin, p 77).
263 Munn, Introducing Bodmin, Appendix 3, p 81.
264 Munn, Introducing Bodmin, introduction, np. Munn also suggests that the figure on
the borough s seal may be Edgar.
265 CRO: B/Bod/243, printed in Munn, Bodmin Riding, p 13.
266 Historians often refer to a riding air and a fife and drum band but they may not have
been part of the riding during our period.
267 St Petroc is said to have had two encounters with a dragon but the first occurred at
Padstow. In the second, when a dragon who had some wood in its eye came, hoping for
a miracle cure, to the temple where St Petroc was praying, the saint healed the dragon.
See Gilbert H. Doble, Saint Petrock, Abbot and Confessor, 3rd ed (Shipston on Stour,
1938), 17,21.
268 Munn, Introducing Bodmin, pp 46, 79. The Parish Church Rebuilding Accounts (CRO:
B/Bod/244, 1469-72) list the various riding guilds and moneys received for the church.
The Shoemakers Ordinance is held at the CRO: B/Bod/243. The term jantacle is used
for the riding and sports. Part of the Rebuilding Accounts and the Shoemakers ordinance
are reprinted in Munn, Bodmin Riding, pp 11-14.
269 Matthews, History of Saint Ives, p 145.
270 Matthews, History of Saint Ives, p 258.
271 Thurstan Peter discusses early stories about the tradition and what he terms aetiologicaJ
myth in The Hobby Horse, JRIC. 19 (1912), 241-73.
456 CORNWALL
272 See National Library of Wales: Peniarth MS. 105, p 39, 11.1061-2: me a pe 3ehebyhors /
hay cowetha ( I will pay to the hobby-horse and its pair. ); see also Whitley Stokes (ed
and trans), The Life of Saint Meriasek. Bishop and Confessor: A Cornish Drama (London,
1872), 61.
273 Donald R. Rawe, Padstows Obby Oss and May Day Festivities, enlarged ed (Padstow, 1982),
12, 14.
274 H. Spencer Toy does not see the connection asserted by others between the Helston
Furry Day and Roman festivals; see his The History ofHelston (London, 1936), 368-79.
For a broad discussion of the various customs associated with this celebration, see R.
Morton Nance, Helston Furry Day, JRJC, ns 4 part 1 (1961), 36-48.
275 Edward M. Cunnack, The Helston Furry Dance (Helston, 1957; new ed 1972), 7; see
also David Hugh Farmer, The Oxford Dictionary of Saints (Oxford, 1978), 277-8.
276 Jill Newton, Helston Flora Day (Bodmin, 1978), 31-2. See also E.M. Cunnack, Helston
Flora Day (Helston, 1951; new ed 1972), passim and Peter s discussion in The Hobby
Horse, pp 258-9.
277 Toy, History of Helston, p 15.
278 R. Polwhele, The History of Cornwall, vol 1 (London, 1803; rpt Dorking, 1978), 53.
Polwhele notes that the fighting of cocks was more the sport of gentlemen than the
common people, which may explain both the probability of wagering and the providing
of refreshments.
279 Whiting, For the Health of My Soul, p 71.
280 See Michael Heaney and John Forrest, Annals of Early Morris (Sheffield, 1 99 1 ), 14, and
Charting Early Morris, pp 169-86.
281 F.E. Halliday (ed), The Survey of Cornwall (New York, 1969), 15-71.
282 Allen, History of the Borough ofLiskeard, p 24.
283 For discussion of the St George s Guild activities see Whiting, The Blind Devotion of
the People, pp 1067 and Mattingly, Medieval Parish Guilds, pp 3012.
284 Rowse, Tudor Cornwall, p 296.
285 Halliday, History of Cornwall, pp 1 1 1 , 1 23.
286 Mattingly, Medieval Parish Guilds, p 290.
287 Halliday, History of Cornwall, pp 174-5.
288 J. Jackson Howard, H. Farnham Burke, and H. Seymour Hughes (eds), Genealogical
Collections Illustrating the History of Roman Catholic Families of England. Based on the
Lawson Manuscript (London, 1887-92), part 3, p 224 and North, The Arundell
Archive, p 53.
289 North, The Arundell Archive, p 54. See Rowse, Tudor Cornwall, pp 253-90, for an
account of Arundell s participation in the Prayer Book Rebellion.
290 North, The Arundell Archive, p 54.
291 Rowse, Tudor Cornwall, p 343.
292 Hasler (ed), House of Commons, 1558-1603, vol 1, p 557.
293 Pounds, William Carnsew of Bokelly and His Diary, pp 22-3.
294 Pounds, William Carnsew of Bokelly and His Diary, p 1 5.
NOTES
457
295 Boyan and Lamb, Francis Tregian, pp 226.
296 Boyan and Lamb, Francis Tregian, pp 28-35, 42-4.
297 Boyan and Lamb, Francis Tregian, p 49.
298 Boyan and Lamb, Francis Tregian, pp 140-3.
299 For Mirror of Heroes, see Boyan and Lamb, Francis Tregian, Appendix 2, pp 13940.
300 The Calendar of the Patent Rolls of Edward in, vol 6 (London, 1902), 401 , summarizes
the commission of oyer and terminer looking into this incident. Commissions of a
similar nature are found in vol 5, p 553, and vol 6, p 71. PRO: JUST. I/I 17a mb [2], a
1302 assize roll pertaining to Mousehole, is another example of a record containing
personal identification by occupation. In this document, Osbmus Le Pibith, Richare/us
Le Pybyth, and Martinus Le Webbe, all of Mousehole, brought a writ of novel disseisin
at the assizes against David Le Dysener concerning holdings in Mousehole. Pybyth is
the Cornish word for piper. In another example. The Register of Edward the Black Prince,
part 2 (London, 1931), 1 10-1 1, the names Richard Horn and John Tabourer appear.
Select Bibliography
This select bibliography cites articles and books with transcriptions of the records as well as
some useful reference materials. No attempt has been made to include all works mentioned
in the Introduction, textual footnotes, and Endnotes.
Allen, John. The History of the Borough ofLiskeard (London and Liskeard, 1856).
Badcock, W. Historical Sketch of St. Ives and District (St Ives, 1896).
Bakere, Jane E. The Cornish Orttinalia: A Critical Study (Cardiff, 1980).
Borlase, William. The Natural History of Cornwall (Oxford, 1758).
- Observations on the Antiquities, Historical and Monumental, of the County of Cornwall
(Oxford, 1754).
Browne, Austin L. Corporation Chronicles: Being Some Account of the Ancient Corporation of
East Looe and of West Looe in the County of Cornwall (Plymouth, 1 904).
Carew, Richard. The Survey of Cornwall (London, 1602; src. 4615, fac ed Amsterdam, 1969).
Chambers, E.K. The Mediaeval Stage. 2 vols (Oxford, 1903).
Chandler, John. John Leland s Itinerary: Travels in Tudor England (Stroud, 1993).
Couch, Thomas Q. Popular Antiquities: Bodmin Riding, and Halgaver Sports, jmc 1 (1864),
56-60.
Cox, J. Charles (ed). Churchwardens Accounts (London, 1913).
Dalton, J.N. (ed). Ordmale Exomensis. Vol 1. Henry Bradshaw Society, vol 37 (London, 1909).
Douch, H.L. (ed). Household Accounts at Lanherne, JRJC, ns 2, pt 1 (1953-4), 25-32.
Dunstan, G.R. (ed). The Register of Edmund Lacy, Bishop of Exeter, 1420-1455. 5 vols. The
Canterbury and York Society (in conjunction with the Devon and Cornwall Record Society),
vols 60, 61, 62, 63, 66 (Torquay, 1963-72).
Fowler, David C. The Date of the Cornish "Ordinalia", Mediaeval Studies 23 (1961),
91-125.
Goulding, R.W. (comp). Records of the Charity known as Blanchminster s Charity in the Parish
ofStratton. County of Cornwall, until the Year 1832 (Louth, Stratton, and Bude, 1898).
Halliday, F.E. A History of Cornwall, 2nd ed ([London], 1975).
Hatcher, John. Rural Economy and Society in the Duchy of Cornwall 1300-1500 (Cambridge,
1970).
Henderson, Charles. St. Columh Major Church and Parish (Long Compton, [1930]).
4S )
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
Higgins, Sydney. Medieval Theatre in the Round: The Multiple Staging of Religious Drama in
England (Camerino, 1995).
Hingeston-Randolph, F. C. (ed). The Register of John de Grandisson, Bishop of Exeter (A.D.1327
1369): Part 1. 1327-1330, with Some Account of the Episcopate of James de Berkeley (AD 1327)
(London and Exeter, 1894); Part 2, 133 1-1 360 (London and Exeter, 1897); Part 3, 1360-
1369, together with the Register of Institutions (London and Exeter, 1899). 3 vols (London and
Exeter, 1894-9).
- The Registers of Walter Bronescombe (A.D 1257-1280), and Peter Quivil (AD 1280-1291),
Bishops of Exeter, with Some Records of the Episcopate of Bishop Thomas de By t ton (AD 1292-
1307) (London and Exeter, 1889).
Lysons, Daniel, and Samuel Lysons. Magna Britannia. Vol 3, Cornwall (London, 1814).
Maclean, John. The Parochial and Family History of the Deanery of Trigg Minor in the County
of Cornwall. 3 vols (London and Bodmin, 1873-9).
- Parochial and Family History of the Parish and Borough of Bodmin (London, 1 870).
Matthews, John Hobson. A History of the Parishes of Saint fves, Lelant, Towednack and Zennor
(London, 1892).
Mattingly, Joanna. The Medieval Parish Guilds of Cornwall, //we, ns 10, pt 3 (1989), 290-329.
McCann, Lucy. Introduction to the Arundell Archive (Truro, 1996).
Munn, Pat. Bodmin Riding and Other Similar Celtic Customs (Bodmin, 1975).
- Introducing Bodmin: The Cornish Capital (Bodmin, 1973).
Murray, John Tucker. English Dramatic Companies 15581642. 2 vols (New York, 1963).
Nance, R. Morton. Helston Furry Day, //vc, ns 4 (1961), 36-48.
Newlyn, Evelyn S. The Stained and Painted Glass of St. Neot s Church and the Staging of
the Middle Cornish Drama, Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies 24 (Winter 1 994),
89-111.
Noall, Cyril. The St. Ives Borough Regalia, The Borough of St. Ives 16391974 (Penzance,
1974).
Peacock, Edward. On the Churchwardens Accounts of the Parish of Stratton, in the County
of Cornwall, Archaeologia 46.1 (1880), 195-236.
Peter, Richard, and Otto Bathurst Peter. The Histories ofLaunceston and Dunheved in the County
of Cornwall (Plymouth, 1885).
Peter, Thurstan (ed). The St. Columb Green Book. y/z/c, supplement to pt 1, 19 (1912), 1-89.
Polwhele, Richard. The History of Cornwall (PAmouth, 1803; rpt 1987).
Pool, P.A.S. (ed). The Penheleg Manuscript, /we, ns 3 (1959), 163-228.
Pounds, N.J.G. (ed). William Carnsew of Bokelly and His Diary, 1 576-7, /we, ns 8 (1978),
14-60.
Powicke, EM. and C.R. Cheney (eds). Councils & Synods with Other Documents Relating to
the English Church, vol 2, A.D. 1205-1313, pt 1, 1205-1265; pt 2, 1265-1313 (Oxford,
1964).
Robbins, Alfred F. Launceston, Past and Present: A Historical and Descriptive Sketch (Launceston,
1888).
Rowse, A.L. Tudor Cornwall: Portrait of a Society (London, 1 94 1 ).
460 CORNWALL
Serjeantson, R.M. The Church and Parish Goods of St. Columb Major, Cornwall, The
Antiquary 33 (1897), 344-6.
Snell, Lawrence S. (ed). The Edwardian Inventories of Church Goods for Cornwall. No 2
(Exeter, [1955]).
Southern, Richard. The Medieval Theatre in the Round. 2nd ed (London 1975).
The Staging of Plays Before Shakespeare (London, 1973).
Thomas, Charles. The Society s 1962 Excavations: The Henge at Castilly, Lanivet, Cornish
Archaeology 3 (1964), 3-14.
Wallis, John (ed). The Bodmin Register; Containing Collections Relative to the Past and Present
State of the Parish of Bodmin (Bodmin, 1827-38).
Wasson, John M. (ed). Devon. Records of Early English Drama (Toronto, 1986).
Whitley, H. Michell. The Church Goods of Cornwall at the Time of the Reformation, JRJC
7 (1881-2), 92-135.
Wilkinson, John James (ed). Receipts and Expenses in the Building of Bodmin Church,
A.D. 1469-1472. Camden Miscellany, vol 7. Camden Society, ns 14 (London, 1875).
^* ^
Wffifil
^iiay;
Cornwall with Launceston inset from John Speed, 77;m- o/^ Empire of Great Britain? (161 1)
Ih.s ,tem is reproduced by permission of The Huntmgton Library, San Marino, California.
Cornwall with principal Renaissance routes
Diocese of Exeter
1287
Statutes of Bishop Peter Quinel
(16 April) (Chapter thirteen)*
Ne in ecclesijs vel cimiterijs earum mercata vel placita secularia teneantur vel 5
edificia secularia construantur xiij
...Et quia in cimiterijs dedicates multa sanctorum & saluandorum corpora
tumulantur quibus debetur omnis honor & reuerencia, sacerdotibus
parochialibus districte precipimus vt in ecclesijs suis denuncient publice ne
quisquam luctas coreas vel alios ludos inhonestos in cimiterijs exercere ID
presumat precipue in vigilijs & festis sanctorum cum huiusmodi ludos
teatrales &C ludibriorum spectacula introductos per quos ecclesiarum
Collation: 5 Ne] De ABCHP 5 in] omitted in ACP 5 vel 1 ] 8c D/V 5 earum]
-rum abbre viation sign damaged in F, eorum G 5 secularia] ending obscured in L
5 teneantur] omitted in B 5 veP] vel 1 NorN 2 ,nGJ 5-6 veP ... construantur]
B or B 2 adds in margin 6 edificia] edificata/ 6 secularia] seculiaria H 6 xiij] D or
D 2 adds 12. capitulum in margin, F adds \i\\\ in margin, J adds .Capitulum .xiii. in margin,
13. K, omitted in ABCGHLNP 7 cimiterijs] cimitererijs H 1 multa] multorum
K, multo N, followed by blot that may represent attempted correction; N adds stroke,
possibly a cancelled minim, before multo 7 &] & C, omitted in H 1 saluandorum]
soluendorum ACP, omitted in H 7 corpora] corpa F, corporum K, H corre cts corporora
to corpora by expunctwn 8 quibus] Nor N 2 corrects to -i- over -e- 9 parochialibus]
parochialis/ 9 precipimus] second -\- and part of-m- written over erasure by Nor N 2
9 vt] nee F 9 denuncient] D 2 corrects to denuncient over erasure, denunciant H
9-10 ne quisquam] N or N 2 adds in margin 9 ne] nee F 10 luctas] ludas H: J
adds vel after luctas 10 coreas] choreas EFGL, correas K 9-11 ne ... precipue]
omitted in E 10 cimiterijs] D or D 2 corrects to cimiterijs over erasure 10-11 exercere
presumat] presumant excercere G 10 exercere] excercere CDHP, Nor N 2 corrects to
ex A c ercere 1 1 presumat] D 2 corrects to presumat over erasure, presumant BFHL
11 precipue] presipue/ 11 & festis sanctorum] sanctorum & festis W 1 1 &] H
adds m after & 11 cum] omitted in K 12 teatrales] theatrales FGP, teaturales K
12 &] B or B 2 adds ad in margin after &, jV or N 2 adds /ad 1 after &C 1 2 spectacula]
spectalia /1C7? spectaculum B
464 DIOCESE OF EXETER 1287
coinquinatur honestas, sacri canones detestentur. Quod si aliqui post factam
denunciacionem ludos huiusmodi, quamquam improprie dictos eo quod ex
eis crimina oriuntur, exercuerint, predict! sacerdotes eorum nomina loci
archidiacono vel ipsius official! denuncient vt per ipsos pro suis demeritis
canonice puniantur.
(Chapter seventeen)
De vita & honestate clericorum xvij 10
. . .Item clerici modesti sint & sobrij abstinentes se a crapula & ebrietate. Nam
vt ait beatus Gregorius, Guloso nichil turpius, cuius fetor in ore, pallor in
facie, tremor in digitis, & in cuius corde nullum latet secretum. Et vt inter
clericos & histriones (sicut est) ita & appareat omnibus dispar professio,
districte precipimus quod ad conuiuia non accedant, maxime sacerdotes, nisi 15
a domino domus specialiter sint inuitati. Quod si inuitari contigerit, sese
non ingurgitent sed protinus post prandium ad propria sobrij reuertantur.
Collation continued: 1 coinquinatur] conquinatur H 1 sacri canones] sacri
ordines ACEFGHJKLP. D or D 2 erases a word after canones 1 detestentur] detestantur
EHK 1 aliqui] aqui H 1 factam] sanctam E 2 denunciacionem] denun(. . .)ionem
//, denunciaonem JK 2 quamquam] B or B 2 corrects quamquam to quamuis in
margin 2 quod] A adds [quod] or quid a/fcrquod, CP add (\\i\d 2 ex] omitted in E
3 exercuerint] excercuerint GH, omitted in D, but D 2 adds exercerunt, omitted in N
3 predicti] omitted in D but D 2 adds; J adds [saccrdotibus] after predict! 4 archidiacono]
archidiaconi K 4 ipsius] eius N 4 ofTiciali] officialis K 4 denuncient] denunciet
G, de nuncierit K 4 per] omitted in HL 5 canonice] omitted in E 5 puniantur]
p/uViantur E 10 honestate] honeste E 10 clericorum] clerum P 10 xvij] .16.
D, Faddsxvii) in margin, rubrica H, J adds Capitulum .xvij. in margin, 17. K, omitted
in BCGN 11 sobrij] sobriij A 12 beatus Gregorius] underlined in a lighter colour
of ink in P 12 beatus] omitted in H 12 Gregorius] apparently rubricated in B
12 Guloso] Gulose A, Gulosi C, gulo //, Gloso K 12 nichil] mihi C 12 turpius]
DEHN add est after turpius 12 fetor] DHKN add est after fetor 13 tremor...
secretum] omitted in J 13 tremor] terrmor 13 &c] omitted in BEH 13 cuius]
omitted in DKLN 13 Et] omitted in H 13 vt] K adds an after vt 14 clericos] B
adds est after clericos, expunged by B or B 2 14 & 2 ] omitted in BDHLN 14 appareat]
appariat C, apparet H, DHJLN add in after appareat 14 omnibus] omitted in K
14 dispar] disse G 14 professio] prosessio C 15 districte] Distrite H, Nor N 2
corrects -tri- over erasure 15 ad] omitted in K 15 conuiuia] conuiuium E, J reads
conuiua, but gives conuiuia as catchword, -ia corrected by N or N 2 over erasure \ 5 accedant]
Kadds&L after accedant 16 specialiter] spiritualiter A7V, corrected wspiritualiter over
erasure by N or N 2 16 sint] fuermt EH, sicut A , omitted in ABCFGJP 16 inuitati]
N or N 2 corrects over erasure 16 Quod] quos DKN, omitted in B 16 si] omitted in
B 16 inuitari] imitari A, omitted in B 17 ingurgitent] /ingurgitent B, D or D 2
corrects over erasure 17 ad propria] omitted in G 17 sobrij] sobriij A, omitted in K
17 reuertantur] reuertcntur ACFGHP, rcucrtant DE, K corrects -entur to -antur
DIOCESE OF EXETER 1 287- 1 579 465
Nusquam tabernas excerceant nisi peregrinacionis causa in itinere constituti
seed ita modeste & sobrie semper viuant vt in omni tempore inter sanctum
& prophanum, mundum & immundum, discernere sciant & valeant sicut
decet. Item quia omnis voluptuositas per quam ad dissolucionis materiam
deuenitur est in clericis precipue detestanda, precipimus quod clerici 5
histrionibus & ioculatoribus non intendant. ad aleas vel taxillos non ludant.
nee aJijs ludentibus sint participes aut inspectores nee ad spectacula publica
spectandi gracia presumant accedere. non auibus nee canibus vtantur venatorijs.
Hec & alia quam plurima sunt clericis interdicta quorum conuersacio a
laicorum actibus est remota quos sicut loco ita religione debent precellere. 10
1579
Bishop John Woolton s Visitation Articles STC: 10203
sig Biij verso 15
60 Whether the Minister and Churchwardens haue suffered anye Lordes of
mysrule, or Summer Lordes or Ladyes, or any disguysed persons or others,
in Christmasse, or at Maygames, or any Morice dancers, or at any other
time to come vnreuerently into the Church, or Churchyarde, and there to 20
daunce, or playe any vnseemely panes, wyth scoffes, ieastes, wanton iestures,
or rybaulde talke, namely in the tyme of common prayer. And what they be
that commit such disorder, or accompany or maintaine them?
Collation continued: 1 Nusquam] Numquam FG 1 tabernas] H adds non after
tabernas 1 peregrinacionis causa] causa peregrinacionis DEN \ in] dittography J
1 itinere] itnere G, itenere P 2 modeste & sobrie] sobrie & modeste BE 2 semper
viuant] viuent semper H. viuant semper KL 2 semper] omitted in DN 2 viuant]
D 2 corrects from viuantur 2 vc] et H 2 in] omitted in BE 2 sanctum] B or B?
corrects secundum to sanctum by expunction 3 prophanum] pphanum F 3 &
immundum, discernere] B or B 2 corrects from discernere & immundum 3 discernere]
discerne L, decernere G, discernre K 3 sciant & valeant] valeant & sciant B 3 &3]
vt K 3 valeant] veleant P 4 ad] omitted in ACKP 4 materiam] materia ACP
4-5 Item ... detestanda] omitted m H 5 detestanda] de A Vstanda G 6 histrionibus]
histrioribus K 6 ioculatoribus] iaculatoribus K 6 non intendant. ad aleas] omitted
in E 6 intendant] intendunt F 6 ad aleas vel taxillos non ludant] omitted in G
6 aleas] alias B. alas K 6 vel] vel ad EH 6 taxillos] taxillas D, taxilles F, Nor
N 2 corrects to -os over erasure 7 alijs] alienis G 7 sint] sicut F 7 aut] nee E
7 inspectores] inspectatores L 8 presumant accedere] accedere presumant N 8 non]
omitted mABCEFGHJLP 8 nee] velf/Cvero/ 8 vtantur venatorijs] venatorijs non
vtantur ABCEFHL, uenatorijs vtantur G, venatoribus non vtantur/ venatorijs non
vtantantur P 9 fit] atque K 9 plurima] plura DEFJN 9 interdicta] interducta H
> a] omitted in K 10 laicorum] laicis L 10 loco] locor A, locorum C, loca/ loquor
RNorN? corrects to -o over erasure 10 ita] J adds &C after ita 1 debent] debet H
466 DIOCESE OF EXETER 1613-14
1613
Archdeacon William Hutchinson s Visitation Articles STC: 10190.5
sig A2 (Articles concerning the church)
4 Whether hath there beene any fighting, chiding, brawling, or quarrelling
in your Church, or Churchyard, and by whom, or any interlude beene
played in your Church, or wares sold by chapmen, in your Churchyard on
the sabaoth and holidaies?
10
sig A2v (Articles concerning the clergy)
6 Whether is your Minister a Preacher, or contrariwise is he a sower of
discord, a haunter of Tauernes, or Alehouses, a common hunter, hawker,
dicer, carder, swearer, or dancer, or is suspected to liue incontinently, or 15
doth frequent any suspected places, or giue euill example of life?
1614
Archdeacon William Hutchinson s Visitation Articles STC: 10190.7 20
sig A2 (Articles concerning the church)
3 Whether hath there beene any fighting, chiding, brawling, or qarrelling,
any playes, feasts, temporall Courts, or Leets, laye luriers, musters, or other
prophane vsage in your Church or church-yard, any Bels superstitiously 25
rung on Holidaies or their Eeues, or at any other time without good cause
allowed by the Minister and Churchwardens? haue any Trees beene felled in
your Churchyard, and by whome?
30
sigs A4-4v (Articles concerning the clergy)
33 UUhether doth your Minister resort to anie Tauerns, or Alehouses,
except for his honest necessities, or doth he boord or lodge in anie such
place, doth he vse anie base or seruile labor drinking, not, dice, cardes, tables 35
or anie other vnlawful games: is he I contentious, a hunter hawker swearer
dauncer suspected of incowtinencie or giue euill example of life?
23/ qarrelling: yorquarri-llmp 24/ luriers: /irlunts
DIOCESE OF EXETER 1627 467
1627
Visitation Articles During Vacancy STC: 1 0206
sig B4
13 Whether haue you or your Predecessors Churchwardens there suffered 5
any Playes, Feasts, Banquets, Churchales, Drinkings, or any other profane
playes to bee kept in your Church, Chappell or Churchyard, or Bells to be
rung supersticiously on Holydayes or Eues, abrogated by the Booke of
Common Prayer?
10
Boroughs and Parishes
ANTONY
1548-9
A St James Collectors and Churchwardens Accounts CRO: P/7/5/1
p 12* (February/March- February/March) (Payments) <,
Item payd to the players of Melbroke xij d.
1553-4 ,o
A St James Collectors and Churchwardens Accounts CRO: P/7/5/1
p 18* (August-August) (Receipts)
Item recevyd of Robyn Hodde & the maydyns xl s. viij d.
15
1554-5
A St James Collectors and Churchwardens Accounts CRO: P/7/5/1
p 20* (August -August) (Receipts)
20
Item recevyd off Robyn Hode &C off the Maydens
Sum xlj s.
Item recevyd off Robyn Hode & off the maydens xlj s.
25
71 Melbroke: Millbnot
ANTONY 1 555-9 / BODMIN 1470-95 469
1555-6
A St James Collectors and Churchwardens Accounts CRO: P/7/5/1
p 23 (11 August 1555-17 August 1556) (Receipts)
Item recevyd of Robert Hode John Rowye & of ye maydyns
Elzaberth Serell xlvij s. v d.
1557-8
A St James Collectors and Churchwardens Accounts CRO: P/7/5/1 10
p 28* (Remembrances)
A rembrans the xvj of luly anno Iviij that Robyn Hode &c ye madyns
delevered to Robert Cache & Wyllyam Charke collectorys xl s.
15
1558-9
A St James Collectors and Churchwardens Accounts CRO: P/7/5/1
p 29 (13 August-5 August) (Receipts)
20
Item recevyd of Robyn Hode & ye maydyns xl s.
BODMIN
25
1470-1
St Petroc Church Building Accounts CRO: B/Bod/244
p 6 (Receipts)
(...) the players yn the church hay Will iam mason and lis felowis v s. 30
1494-5
General Receivers Accounts CRO: B/Bod/3 14/3/10
single mb (4 October-4 October) (Payments)
(hem payed to) Wyllyam Carpynt^r for sylucrand the makyng of f a l
Garnement and for colours ocupyed for dyademys & crownys & such odfr
30/ (...): MS torn at edge
571 (Item payed to): illegible: transcribed from CRO: B/Bod/3N/3/5. a draft versa
470 BODMIN 1494-1506
(longyng to Cor. . .) Chr/Vri game and for tynfoyle that
lohn Wythyall had of Rafe Stayrur iij s .
c 1501-13
Town Receivers Accounts CRO: B/Bod/314/2/15
single mb* (Payments)
. .(. }ad Minstrall de Exonia . .
1503-4
General Receivers Accounts CRO: B/Bod/3 14/3/20
single mb (4 October 4 October) (Payments)
15
Itrni I payde in Rewarde onto the waytes iiij s.
1504-5
General Receivers Accounts CRO: B/Bod/3 14/3/21 20
single mb (4 October 4 October) (Payments)
Item I paide & yevyn in Rewarde onto harry Kyngge and his
Cumpaney for ther disportes in the Ilde haJle v (s.)
25
Itrni I paide &C yevyn onto a Berewarde for a Rewarde v (s.)
1505-6
General Receivers Accounts CRO: B/Bod/3 14/3/21
single mb (4 October 4 October) (Payments)
hem in Rewarde I yevyn to the Minisrrellof My lord of
devynshire is iijs. viij(.)
35
I/ (longyng to Cor.. ): illegible; transcribed from CRO B/Boii/3 1 4/3/5
\l Cor ...) Chr/i: ISjune l-t rt
24/ (s.): damaged, read by Lyioni
261 (s.): damaged, read by Lysons
BODM1N 1505-10 471
General Receivers Accounts CRO: B/Bod/3 14/3/22
single mb (4 October-4 October) (Payments)
Item I paide and yevyn to a daunce Seynte Erme Botrescastelle
and mynstre iij s. iiij d.
Berry Tower Building Receipts CRO: B/Bod/3 14/1/6
mb [1]* (4 October-4 October) (Receipts)
hem Receivedof Robyn hoode and his felowys of ther gaderyng (..} A the
makyng of the Bery stypelle ix s. (...)
10
mb [2]*
hem Received of Roby(. ) hoode and h{. }s felowys at anothe(. } (. . .)e of
goode <. )oney and badde. . .
1509-10
General Receivers Accounts CRO: B/Bod/3 14/3/26
single mb (4 October 4 October) (Payments)
hem I paide to lohn Whyte for cloth the <...)yng of a g(. ..) for lesus
agayne the showe of Corporis Chmri (...)
hem I paide for Richard B(. )yg(. . ) xx d. Itmi I paide to John he<. . .)
I paide to lohn hoyge and Cristofer paynter x(...)
I paide to William Taylor for the makynge of garments vj d.
It<rm I paide to Mich/2f/Coran(. . .) for staynynge of garnemewtw xvij d.
hem I paide to william sagemore for v yardof lynnyn clothe
at Corporis Chmrt shewe ij s.
20
25
30
4/ Botrcscasrelle: Boscastlt
25/ g(...>: MS torn at edge
261 Corporis Chrwn: 30 May 1510
261 (...): MS torn at edge
271 B(.)yg<..): MS illegible 2-y mm
271 hc<..>. MS torn at edge
28/ x(...): MS torn at edge
472
BODMIN 1513-20
1513-14
General Receivers Accounts CRO: B/Bod/3 14/3/31
single mb* (4 October-4 October) (Payments)
Item I paide in a Reward yevyn to /a 1 Bereward of the Kynges
...)aid to Berew<...)
1514-15
General Receivers Accounts CRO: B/Bod/3 14/3/32
single mb (4 October-4 October) (Payments)
Item I paide for a garment of pz/rpelle satyn Reversy and the
makynge of the (...) for lesits
vj s. v]
id.
Item I paide for leder and the makynge of the thyngw for the
showe (. . .)oris cristi day hit amounteth to iiij s. iiij d.
1519-20
General Receivers Accounts CRO: B/Bod/3l4/3/39
single mb (4 October-4 October) (Payments)
Item I paide in reward to the waytes this yere (...)
10
20
c 1514-39
Town Receivers Accounts CRO: B/Bod/314/2/12
single mb* (Allowances)
. . .Item De xvj d. dat/5 ludi de Treourdraith Itmi De xvj d. (. . .)pud/0 de 25
launevett Itfm De xij d. dat/j tripud;o de seynte mabyn (.)t<?m D<r xij d. (...)
tripud/0de la(.)hydr(. ..)...
30
35
V < ..): MS torn al edge
71 (,..)aid: MS torn at edge
71 Bcrew(...): MS torn at edge
1 5/ (...): Utters worn and illegible
1 8/ ( . . . )or;r letters worn and illegible
18/ (...)or cristi day: 7 June 1515
2S/ ludi: /orludo (?)
2*>l Treourdraith: possibly Tywardreath (?)
2V (...)pud/0: MS torn at edge 17 mm
261 launevett: probably Lanivet
261 (...): MS torn at edge 10 mm
271 la(.)hydr(...): possibly Lanhydrock
34/ (...): MS torn at edge
BODMIN 1529-66 473
1529-30
General Receivers Accounts CRO: B/Bod/3 14/3/51
single mb (4 October-4 October) (Payments)
Item paide for the makynge of the barrys a corpora chrw/i day
at the shewe this yere iiij d.
1537-8
Town Receivers Accounts CRO: B/Bod/314/2/3 10
single mb (4 October 4 October) (Payments)
...hem in rewards to S/rperys Egecomb is mynstrellw xij d. Item in reward
to my lorde lyole is mynstrell(.) v s, Itfm in reward to my lorde prince is
mynstrell(.. .) . .. 15
1539
AC St Petroc Inventory of Church Goods Wallis: The Bodmin Register
pp 41-2* (5 October) 20
. ..hem one Jesus cotte of purpell sarcenett. hem a Jesus cotte (blank) hem a
sewte of vestymerus of cremsyn velvett ... I of the gyft of docter Tregonwell.
. . . hem 4 tormeteris cotes, inkepyng one with John Vyvyan, a noder with
Thomas Bligh, the 3d w/tA Nicholas Opy, and the 4th with Richard Corant, 25
made of a sewt of vestyments for goode frydayes.
1566
St Petroc Inventory of Church Goods CRO: B/Bod/233 30
single sheet* (6 October)
. . .sencer of latten toe lent Clothes for ye Comun/on tabell ij polys one of
brasse & a nother of yron ij newe vant Clothes [& a nold] iij sacryng belles
iij Cruat iij lesus cot ij red wosterd & one of red bocrom iij tormenttowers 35
Cotwof satyn of bryddwof yolo & blue ij cappes of sylck toe develcot
wherof one ys newe [toe saudyers Cotof whyte] a Croune of black a nother
for <...)...
5/ corporuchru/iday: 16 June 1530 24/ tormeteris: for tormcmeris
15/ (...>: hole 1 Omm 3 8 / (...). MS torn a , rjg e J2 mm
474 BODMIN 1602-3
1602
Richard Carew, Survey of Cornwall src: 461 5
sigs Kk2-2v
The youthlyer sort of Bodmyn townsmen vse sometimes to sport themselues, i
Halgauer. by playing the box with stra/zgers, whome they summon to Halgauer. The
name signifieth the Goats moore, and such a place it is, lying a little without
the towne, and very full of quauemires. When these mates meete with any
rawe seruingman, or other young master, who may serue and deserue to make
pastime, they cause him to be solemnely arrested, I for his appearance before 10
the Maior of Halgauer, where he is charged with wearing one spurre, or going
vntrussed, or wanting a girdle, or some such like felony: and after he hath
beene arraygned and tryed, with all requisite circumstances, iudgement is
giuen in formal termes, and executed in some one vngracious pranke or other,
more to the skorne, then hurt of the party condemned. 15
Hence is sprung the prouerb, when we see one slouenly appareled, to say,
He shall be presented in Halgauer Court.
But now and then, they extend this merriment with the largest, to the
prejudice of ouer-credulous people, perswading them to fight with a Dragow
lurking in Halgauer, or to see some strange matter there: which concludeth 20
at least, with a trayning them into the mire.
1603
Lease to William Collier CRO: B/Bod/20
single mb
This Indenture made the first daye of September in the Raigne of oure
gratious sovereigne Lorde lames by the grace of god king of Englande
Scotlande ffraunce & Irelande defender of the feith: &Cc that is to saye in 30
the firste yere of his Reigne of Englonde, fraunce, &C Irelande, &: the xxxvij th
of Scotland BOtwene the Maior &: Burgesses of the Borough of Bodmyn in
the Countie of Cornewall of the one p<zrtie, & william Collier of the seide
Borough of Bodmyn Sadler of the other panic witnesseth that theseid Maior
& Burgessis for & in Consideration of the rent & services hereafter specified js
& declared haue demysed graunted & to ferme letten & by these presents
do for them & there successors with there whole & full consent de<. .)se &
gr{. . .) &: to ferme lett vnto theseide william Collier one plott or pece of
grounde w/thin theseide Borough & towne (. . .)duryn in a place there lying
in the Southeaste parte of theseide towne called the ffryers Conteynyng 40
liiij or foote in bredth (. . .)tie one f(. >ote in length: vpon some parte wherof
there is nowe a Cocke pitt built & made at the cost & chardges of thesaid
BODMIN 1603 / CAMBORNE 1539-43
w( >am Collier vv/v ch plotte or pece of grounde afForseid is bounded there
w/th the kings high waye of the north p(...), the land {.)f the seid maior &
burgessis of the east, west, & sowth panes thereof. ...
CALSTOCK
1601
Will of Richard Clere CRO: AP/C/118/1
single sheet (22 August; proved 15 December 1606) 10
. . .1 geue & bequeath vnto one blynde boy one harpe & vnto an other blynde
boye an other harpe & vnto a meheamed man a trumpett yat canne vse ye
same. . .
15
1606
Inventory of Richard Clere CRO: AP/C/1 1 8/2
single sheet (19 September)
20
It^m ij harpes & one trumpett xlij s.
CAMBORNE
25
1539-40
St Meriadocus and St Martin Churchwardens Accounts CRO: PD/322/1
f 7* (June June; rendered 13 June) (Receipts)
Item receuyd of the yong men of ther Tavern clere xxvij s. iiij d. 30
hem receuyd of Thomas John harvy that he recevyd at the
pley that the yong men mad iij s . viij d.
35
1542-3
St Meriadocus and St Martin Churchwardens Accounts CRO: PD/322/ 1
f 14* (June-June; rendered 12 June) (Receipts)
Item furst they recevyd of the yong mew is mony by the hand 40
of Richard Crane x ; s v ; j
476 CAMBORNE 1549-96
1549-50
St Meriadocus and St Martin Churchwardens Accounts CRO: PD/322/1
f 3 1 (December-December; rendered 7 December) (Payments)
hem payd to a pyper yn the playe iiij d.
1555-6
St Meriadocus and St Martin Churchwardens Accounts CRO: PD/322/1
f 41 (3 March -16 February) (Receipts) 10
ffyrst Resevyd of the yowng men vij li.
1577-8 15
St Meriadocus and St Martin Churchwardens Accounts CRO: PD/322/1
f 102 (4 August 1577-27 September 1578) (Poor wardens payments)
hem in primis for expences payed to the interlude players iij s. j d.
20
1582-3
St Meriadocus and St Martin Churchwardens Accounts CRO: PD/322/2
fill (23 November 1582-27 November 1583) (Stockwardens payments)
25
hem paid to the Interlude in ye parish xiiij d.
1595-6
St Meriadocus and St Martin Churchwardens Accounts CRO. PD/322/2 50
f 129* (Payments)
Item peayd to the morishe daunce of sent leven xii d.
Item peayd to the morishe daunce that was out of gannwla
inlesid *"<>
35/ gannwla: Gunwalioe
FOWEY 1614
FOWEY
1614
Bill of Complaint in Rashleigh v. Kendall et al PRO: STAC 8/249/4
mb 4* (3 November)
To the Kings moste excellent Maztie
In all humble manner Complayning sheweth and informeth vnto your
Maztie your true and faythfull subiect lohn Raisheleigh of ffoye in your
highnes Countye of Cornewall Esquier That whereas the makeing contriuing 10
or publishinge of any scandalous libells, letters, Rolles; escrowes schedules or
other writings contayning any libellous scandalous and infamous matter rumor
or reporte tending to the disgrace contumely or repro/a che of any yowr
Ma/V.rties most loving Subiect and especially A the same being composed
or compiled by such as bee preferred by yoitr highnes to any places of 15
Magistracy and authority where they dwell /and that 1 [but cheifly] to the
obloquie discreditt and slaunder of such persons as yowr Ma/tie hath
likewise putt and constituted in the like functions, and administrac/on of
Justice in their Countryes hath by the most iuste and honorable sentence of
your Matties highe Courte of Starr chamber, bynn from ryme to tyme w/th 20
publicque and exemplarye Censure seuerely punnished, as a common and
greeuous offence in this age and very daungerous to the peaceable gouerment
of this your Realme of Englande; And whereas your saide subiect doth and
all his life tyme hath lived in good creditt accompte and reputaczbn in your
County of Cornewall where hee dwelleth, and hath for the space of tenn 25
years laste paste and vpwardw bynn and yett is one of your Ma/mies Justices
of peace in yowr saide Countye, And hath likewise heertofore by yowr highnes
bynn elected and chosen vnto the office of highe shirrife of the saide Countye
wA/ch hee duly and sincerely executed to the best of his vnderstandinge skill
and knoweledge, w/thout any note or asperc/on of any notorious Crime or 30
other misbehauiour iusrely imputed or obiected againste him, yet neuertheless
Soe it is (if it maye please your most excellent Ma/tie) That Sir Anthonye
Rowse knight, and one Ambrose Rowse Esquier two of yowr Ma/wties
Justices of yowr peace of yowr saide Countye, togeather w/th Edwarde Hearle
Esquier, and one Thomas Kendall heertofore one other of yowr Justices of 35
peace in yowr saide Countye, But sythence for sundry misdemeanors and
outrages committed by him lately censured and fyned in yowr highnes saide
Courte of Starrchamber and nowe iustely displaced and putt out of yowr
Ma/ ties Commission of yowr peace in the same Countye, All of them
extremely maligning and envyinge the prosperitye reputac/on and Creditt of w
your saide Subiect And deviseing w/th themselues howe they might out of
their malitious desire of revenge caste some notorious Calumniac/on reproache
478 FOWEY 1614
and obloquie vpon yowr saide Subiect to his [irreparable] /irreparable 1
disgrace and infamye did to that end and purpose diuers and sundry tymes
in the Eleventh and Twelueth yeares of yowr Ma/wties Raigne ouer this yowr
saide Realme (and since yowr Ma/ wties laste gracious, generall, and free
pardon) vnlawfully and malitiously combyne confederate conspire and plott ,
[together] aswell w/th and amongste themselues as also w/th divers other
malitious persons, and namely w/ th lohn Hunkyn, Charells Barrett, Peter
Hitchins, waiter Tmboddye, Robert Venton, Walter Barrett, Margarett
Peirse, the wife of Thomas Peirse, Alice Skirret, the wief of Launder Skirret,
daughter of the said Margaret Pearse /Richarde Lillicrapp Sara Lillicrapp 10
the wief of the saide Richard Lillicrapp lohn Barret Margaret Lympincot 1
and w/th many other loose and dissolute persons (whose names so soone as
yowr saide Subiect shall know[e] he humbly prayeth maye bee heere inserted)
howe and by what wayes and meanes they might best and moste easilye
effect and bringe to passe their saide wicked desire & determinac/on, againste 15
yowr saide Subiect, Immediatly after w/?/ ch conspiracye confederacy plott
and combinac/on so entred into, for the intent & purpose aforesaid all the
saide confederate aswell knowne as vnknowne by the malitious abettmfwt
procurement & instigac/on especially of the saide S/r Anthonye Rowse
Ambrose Rowse, Thomas Kendall, Charells Barrett, waiter Barrett, and 20
Edwarde Hearle, did in or aboute the tymes and yeares aforesaide * and since
yowr Ma.iesr.ies last gracious generall & free pardon 1 vnlawfully devise frame
contriue, and publishe in divers places in yowr saide Countye divers and
soundry infamous and scandalous libells, letters, Rolles, and escrolles, in
writing tending to the greate disgrace and slaunder of yowr saide Subiect, in 25
the course and manner of his life and conversac/on, therein moste malitiously
scandolously, and falslye, slaundering and taxeing yowr saide Subiect w/th
incontinency, adultery, incest and of other great and haynous offences of
that nature; Among which scandalous libells \ettres Rolles & escrowes, being
very many in number of moste odious spightfull & infamous qualitye The 30
saide Confederate w/thin the tyme aforesaide did firste moste wickedly and
unlawfully devise frame contriue and write, in divers longe Rolles & escrowes
aswell of paper as of parchement, one most false scandalous and infamous
libell, stuffed and cloyde vpp w/th many fowle immodest and vnciuell termes
and speeches conteyning both in matter and manner divers grosse and filthy 35
word, factw, attemptes & enterprises, vnfitt and vnseemely to bee heere att
large expressed, thereby supposed to haue benn committed by yowr saide
Subiect moste falsely purporting & conteyning in Substance and effect arnonge
many other things farr worse and fowler then are fitt to be heere litterally
sett downe as followeth, vizt That yowr saide subiect for two & twenrye or 40
41 since: added in left margin
FOWEY 1614
three and twentye yeares togeather, and more hadd bynn and was a marryed
man and hadd a wief who liued w/ th him farr aboue rwenrye yeares though
w/th much trouble and discontent till aboute some five yeeres since or little
more, and that then shee being ouercome w/th thought and greif for his
lascivious incontinency, and filthy course of life, wch very care and sorrowe s
for the same dyed And that yowr saide subiect being a marryed man for soe
longe ryme as aforesaide vizt in the seuerall yeares of owr Lorde God one
thowsande five hunndred nyntye fower, one thowsande five hundred nyentye
five, one thowsand five hundred nyentye seauen, one thowsande five hundred
nyenty eight A and also since [in the yeeres] his said wifes death viz in the in
yeares one thowsande six hundred and tenn, one thowsande six hundred
and Eleven did acquaynte himselfe w/th sundry lewde and dishonest weomen,
and for bribes and rewardwgiuen vnto them hadd committed many notorious
& infamous incontinencyes, adulterye, and incest, w/th them /as 1 [and]
namely w/th Pascal! Hick, dorothy Parkett, Margaret Lympencote, 15
Katheryne Leekes, a daughter of one Hunnys, Anne Bease, Marye Hitchins,
Alice Badcocke, Elizabeth Mondaye, Alice Cocke a.\ias Skirrett, Sara Hill,
loane ffarme, Katheren Lukers, Sara Lambe, Thomasyn Langdon, Thomasyn
Stevens, Agnes whitter, Grace Bachewell, loane Saunders, debora Parnecote,
Agnes Persed, Agnes Allen, loan Pomery, Alice Crabb, Thomasyn Moone 20
Paschas Moone Agnes Packet! her sister besides the thyrd sister to them
Agnes Harrys, Cicely Lendon, loan lenkyn, Alice Standen, Katheren Beale,
Margery Commons, Lowdy Hearle, Agnes Beale, loan Webb, Mary Webb,
one (blank) Porthe, Margarett (blank), Thomasyn Tynker, dorothye Taylor,
And w/ th the seuerall wives of william Pherrys, william Byrde, william 25
Hendye, Michaell Vyan, and his /wiefes 1 daughter, And further that yowr
saide Sub/Vrt as hee hath hadd many concubynes att his comwaundem^wt,
soe hath hee hadd likewise many Baudes, whome hee hath imployde for his
filthy luste, and namely the saide PaschaJI Moone, lohn Beale, George Cowley,
Henry Cooke, lohn Kittowe, william webb, Arthure Tremeere, Sampson 30
Lethby, John Hambly, lohn Crabb, william Hendy, Nicholas Bearne, Michaell
Vyan, and divers others And that they haue bynn and still bee imployed by
yowr saide Subiect for the bringing of such weomen to his Backe, as hee
desired to haue the Companye of, And that they had brought divers /woomen 1
especially of those [formerly] abouenamed vnto him to bee abused by him, js
And that yor saide Sub/Vrt being in Commission of the peace w/thin yowr
saide Countye hath for all the tyme aforesaide threatned and terrefyed the
Churchwardens of his p^rishe that they haue not dared to present him for
his saide Crymes, but hath hither vnto escaped punnishment for the same,
and that thereby hee is become a meere scandall both to the Church of God, 40
and alsoe to all good Christyans thereabouts, And lastlye that yor saide
Subiect hadd dealt w/th and pmwaded divers of the saide weomen to belieue,
480 FOWEY1614
that to committ incontinency adultery, or incest, w/th him was noe synn
nor offence before God / The which saide moste scandalous disgraceful! and
infamous libell, in substance and effect as aforesaide but amplifyed and
aggrauated w/ th vniust and odious contumelious and spightfull Circumstances
v and sett fourth and expressed w/th broader fowler and immodester tearmes 5
word and phrases then yowr saide Subiect thinketh meete to bee heere
litterally sett fourth & specifyed being so contriued [framed &] /framed & 1
putt into writing, in divers & sundrye Rowells, escrowes, and schedules some
in paper, and some in parchment, The saide confederate caused soone after
to bee turned out of prose into Rymes & verses, and aswell the verses as also 10
the prose to bee written and sett downe both in papfrand /in 1 parchment,
in many & sundry Coppyes and transcript, of mere intent & purpose to
scatter dispirse divulge & publishe the same (...) as many hands and places
& A vnto [into] the notice of as many persons as they coulde, ffor the further
effecting of which their saide malitious purpose, the saide confederates of 15
late in divers and sundry places w; thin your saide County of Cornewall devon,
London, and elswhere w/thin your Realme of Englande aswell by themselues
as by divers & sundry other persons by them therevnto procured as yet
vnknowne vnto yowr saide Subiect (whome when hee shall happen to knowe
hee humbly prayeth maye bee heerein also inserted) did in very great 20
assemblyes & meetings not only in divers genfrall Sessions of yowr Ma/ties
peace in your saide seuerall Countyes But also in sundry Tauernes, Innes,
Alehowses, & other publiqwf & common places within this yowr saide Realme
reade pronounce publish repeate and singe the saide false & scandalous libells,
lettres Rolles & schedules, both in prose and verse in moste disgracefull & 25
ignominious manner, thereby of purpose to inure a p^rpetuall blemish spott
& infamy, vpon yowr saide Subiect, They and euery of them dayly &
continually laughing, scoffing lesting & sporting att the contents of the said
libell and taking great pleasure and delight therein, & spreading dispersing
and castinge abroade sundry Coppyes thereof, to soe many persons by \ettres 30
messages & otherwise as they could possiblye by all A their meanes invente
or devise, to the intollerable scorne contempt & dirision of yowr saide subiect,
And to the detracting deprauing &C traducing of yowr Sub/Vrtgood name
creditt & reputac/on, and to the making of him odious & hatefull not vnly
in yowr saide County of Cornewall, but alsoe in all yowr Matties Realme of 35
Englande ... In and by w/;/ch articles yowr saide Subiect is moste falslye
charged to haue committed incest, Adultery, and incontinency, w/th all the
weomen /named 1 in the saide infamous libell aboue mentioned whereas in
truthe moste of them weare such as yowr Subiect did neuer speake w/thall
nor did euer see or knowe to the vtmoste of his remembrance By meanes of
all which practices yowr Subiect creditt and estimac/on is like to receaue a
pfrpetuall stayne and blemishe to the greate scandall and obloquie of him &
FOWEY 1614 / JACOBSTOW 1617
his posterity for euer, Vnlesse it bee by yor Royall Ma/tie and yor
honorable Counsell prevented; and the offenders aforesaide dulye punnished;
In tender considerac/on whereof and for asmuch as all and singuler the saide
practizes, Combinaaons, Confederacyes, making contriving & publishing
of libells, libellous and infamous writings, vnlawfull examinac/on of witnesses, >
Corrupt briberyes, libellous letters, and all other the offences and misdeameanors
aforesaide, are very daungerous and enormious in soe peaceable and well
gouerned a Monarchy, And are growne vnto that bouldnes and impudence,
As that they will dare approache into your highnes Courte and presume
wj th their virulent and venomous aspercfons, to touche even the best and 10
noblest of yowr worthy and honorable state, Vnlesse the Censure of Justice
and rigor of the lawe, doe speedily take houlde of them, And for that they
haue benn all downe and committed since your Ma/wties laste general!
gracious and free pardon It maye therefore please yowr Highnes to graunte
vnto yowr saide Subiect Your Mazmies most gracious writt of Subpoena to is
bee directed vnto the saide Sir Anthony Rowse /knight 1 Ambrose Rowse
Edwarde Hearle and Thomas Kendall Esquieres Charells Barrett Walter
Barret Peter Hichins lohn Hunkyn Walter Truboddye Robert Venton
Margaret Peirce the wief of Thomas Peirce Alice Skirret the wief of Launder
Skirret Richarde Lillicrapp Sara Lillicrapp the wief of the saide Richard 20
Lillicrapp John Barret and Margaret Lympyncote commanding them and
euery of them the persons before named to bee and personally to appeare
before yowr Ma/fjtie in your highnes Courte of Starrchamber att a certeyne
daye and vnder a certeyne payne therein to bee conteyned then and there to
make aunsweare vnto the premisses layde to their charge and further to stande 2^
to and abide such order censure and punnishment therein as to your Ma^rtie
and yowr Highnes honorable Counsell of that Courte A shall seem meete
And yowr saide subiect shall as hee is euer bounden praye for your MaiVsties
longe and happy raigne ouer vs.
Francis Bacon 30
Thorns Rychardson
Thomas Hughes
JACOBSTOW
35
1617
Bill of Information in Stawell v. Mapowder et al PRO: STAC 8/27 / 1
mb 2* (15 July)
To the king most excellent Maiestie w
Sheweth and informeth your highnes Sir Henry Yelverton knight your
482 JACOBSTOW 1617
Majesties Attorney generall That wheras lohn Stawell of lacobstowe in the
County of Cornewell esquier and Loer Stawell daughter of the said lohn
Stawell Emanuell Sheere one of the Attorneyes of your Maiesties Court of
Comon pleas Ellis Spiller of lacobstowe afforesaid gentleman and Thomasine
his wiefe lane Prowse daughter of the said Thomasine Henry Verchill of 5
lacobstowe afforesaid Clerke Martin Vdye of lacobstowe afforesaid yeoman
lohn Noy of lacobstowe afforesaid gentleman Thomas Lamerton servant to
the said Emanuell Sheere lenkyn Benalleck and Margarett his wiefe beinge
all Inhabitants w/thin the said p^rishe of lacobstow are all persons of /honest
fame &C report &: of good quallitie & esteeme & haue byn soe carefull in 10
theire several! courses of liefe that they haue alwayes hertofore liued in peace
& amitie & in good credytt and reputacmn amongest their neighbors and
free from all Imputac/on of Scandall Infamie or reproach Yet now so it is if
it shall please Yor most exellent Ma/stie one Emanuell Mapowder of
lacobstowe aforesaid Marie his wife Margaret ffetherstone late of lacobstowe 15
aforesaid and diuerse others vnknowne persons and whose names Yowr said
Attorney prayeth may be incerted into this Informac/on as they shall happen
to be knowne being all most malitious &C envious persons and maligning in
generall the Amitie and peace of the Inhabitants of the parish of lacobstowe
aforesaid but especiallie the good name and reputac/ons of the said persons 20
before menc/oned did most wickedlie and vnlawfullie out of the Wickednes
of their owne Corrupt hartes and w/thout anie occation given or offered vnto
them by the said persons before named or by anie other the Inhabitants of
the said Parrish most malitiouslye wickedlie and vnlawfullie plott practise
and Agree together to scandalize and reproach [all] the good names Creditt 25
& reputac/on of all the said persons before menc/oned by publishing and
divulging generallie false and vntrue Imagined matter of infamie and reproach
against them. And to thend thessaid false and vntrue matters of infamie
and reproach might take the deper roote and impression in the myndsof
the Com won and vulgar sorte of people w/thin the said parish and thereby 30
make the said before named Inhabitants of the said parish the more ridiculous
and scorned at they the said Emanuell Mapowder Marie his wife Margaret
ffetherstone and the said other vnknowne persons did further malitiouslie
and vnlawfullie Conclude and agree together after they had raised and
diuulged such false and forged matters of Infamie and reproach as aforesaid 35
to reduce the same into [riding] Rimes in the nature of a Libell and then to
publish and divulge the same: And in execuc/ on thereof they the said
Emanuell Mapowder Marie his wife Margaret ffetherstone and the said other
vnknowne persons well knoweing that the Churchwardens and eight other
persons sidemen and Assistants to the said Churchewardens of the said 40
16/ others: for other (?)
JACOBSTOW 1617
pansYie had vpon Due Considerac/on of the state and quallities of the said
lohn Stawell Emanuell Sheere Ellis Spiller and Martin Vdye placed some of
them to sytt in the tyme of divine servise in an He /in 1 [f ] the said A parishe
Church of lacobstowe aforesaid called Suttcott He they the said Confederates
and the said other vnknowne persons to drawe them into scorne and reproach 5
for being placed there malitiouslie and vnlawfullie gaue fourth manie false
and vntrue reportes taxing the said John Stawell Emanuell Sheere Ellys Spiller
and Martin Vdye w/th greate pride and Insolencie for making suit to be so
placed in the said He whereas in Truth they were propounded to sitt there
vpon the mere moc/on of the said Churchwardens and sidemen. And they 10
did lykewise most falselye and malitiouslie publish and divulge that the said
Henrie Verchill a graue & learned preacher out of a malitious disposition to
the other Inhabitants of the said parishe would beare parte of the Chardge
of the said seate and beare as they termed it one end of the Chardge thereof
And that the said Loer Stawell daughter of the said John Stawell had a 15
loathsome Infirmitie and that the said lane Prowse daughter of the said
Thomasine Spiller had liued incontinentlie w/th the said Noy, and that the
said Thomasine Spiller and lenkin Benalleckw wife and A one Sapience
Hogd had allso liued incontinentlie, and haveing w/th manie Cunning and
Subtill deuices raised and divulged the said seu^rall slanders and false 20
disgraceful! reportes and reproaches as aforesaid they the said Emanuell
Mapowder Marie his wife Margarett ffetherstone and the said other vnknowne
persons in further execuc/on of their said wicked and vnlawfull plott practise
and Agreemfwt did most malitiouslie and vnlawfullie deuise frame and wryte
diu^rse [rydyng] Rimes in the nature of a Scandelous Libell most iniuriouslie 25
and falselye taxing all the before named Inhabitants and diume other
persons of honest and sober Conversac/on w/th such matters as they the said
Conspirators had so falsely and malitiouslie divulged against them as
aforesaid w/?/ch said [ryding] Rimes doe follow in these wordes (vizt.) Quoth
Mr Sheere, I praye You give care, and hearken vnto me, I am placed full 30
lowe, as all you doe knowe, a shame it is to see but if you will, now vse the
Skill, that I shall take in hand, I will haue a place, w/th a greater grace, as
you shall vnderstand, Suttcott He, will make me smile, If I may come therein,
I doe not Doubt but putt them out, if I doe once beginne, for they who sytt
there, they are so bare, and of so lowe a degree I dare to sweare, they are so 35
bare, they will not wage Lawe w/th me, I will haue my Chaire placed fast by
the wall but I will not come vpp r vn l till the right order doe me call Austine
Midland was to a [<. >] greate Coste and besides that he hath taken a greate
cost but who shall take this matter in hand, but the lypping Master and
loppyng man vpp then Martyn Vdye arose with his read nose well dyed 40
19/ Hogd: jW
484 JACOBSTOW 1617
w;th Alehowse Can give me my right for I am kyn[(.)]e to a knight, and will
sytt there if I can This is ill doon said lohn Heydon for this /will 1 Cause
much strife, quoth the ould Squire it is my desyre, to sytt there by my wife,
Then after followed his fine daughter somthing leged lyke an Auter who if
she should staye in the Churche too long she will there shed her water, but 5
whether it be could or hott Thomas Baglehole will bring her a Chamber
Pott. Then spake lohn lointe as he was wonte he had no money to spend,
quoth the ould Sir Harrie the seate I will Carrie and thou shalt beare the
one end The game is begun said John Collyn and Spiller is sett vpp alofte
and his wife Cutt, comes letting vpp well lyke a thing of nought. Then 10
followed after her fine daughter well leged lyke a Crane said Mr Noy though
I seme Coye yet I haue layen w/th Yor daughter lane. lane Spiller is to London
gone, and gon she is awaye w; th her father, but she hath made a thred bare
squire yt had bene better she had gone awaie rather. Goe pick a Sallet said
lenkin Benalleck though my wife be but a lade, she shall Compare wrth 15
Spillers mare for they be both of one Trade. Sapience Hodge weares her
masteres badge and she must runne for a wager, she is a foule mare none for
her doth Care, bycause she is a trayned souldior./ And the said Emanuell
Mapowder Marie his wife Margaret ffetherstone and the said other vnknowne
persons having so made Contriued and wrytten the said false and scandalous 20
Rimes and verses as aforesaid in the forme and Nature of a Libell as aforesaid,
the said Marie Mapowder Margarett ffetherstone and the said other vnknowne
persons by and wzth the privitie and Consente of the said Emanuell Mapowder
most malitiouslie and vnlawfullie did saye singe repeate and publish the said
false and scandalous verses and libell to diu^rse and sundrie persons vizt. to 25
one Richard Mondaye and one dyer A and to one Robme Coke Robme
Ryell 1 and to diume other pmons wz thin the said p^rishe of lacobstowe
aforesaid. And afterwards did Cause diu^rse Coppies of the said Libell to be
made and wrytten and then did malitiouslie and vnlawfullie divuldge and
Cast abroade the said Coppies thereof in diu^rse places in the said Countie 30
to the greate discredytt scandall & reproach of the said lohn Stawell and of
Loer Stawell his daughter Emanuell Sheere Ellis Spiller Thomasine his wife
lane Prowse daughter of the said Thomasine Henrie verchill Martin vydye
lohn Noy Thomas Lamerton lenkin Benalleck & his wife and of diucrse
others to the greate offence of all other the Inhabitants of the p^rishe. And 35
yowr said Attorney further informeth Yor Ma/Vitie That the said Ellis Spiller
being so placed to sytt in the said He called Suttcott He as aforesaid did
I0/ letting: first t corrected over y
\7I masleres: potsibly misties
JACOBSTOW 1617
therevpon build a new Pewe in the said He, where he his wife and familie
did Afterwards sytt to heare divine servise in the said Churche. But now so
it is further yf it shall please your Majestic the said Emanuell Mapowder Marie
his wife Margaret ffetherstone associating vnto them A f selues one Tobias
ffetherstone & 1 diuerse other vnknowne Riotous and disorderlye persons to 5
the nomber of six proons /whose names your said Attorney humbly de si reth
may be inserted into this Informaczon as they shall herafter be discouered
and 1 being all of them Armed arrayed and prepared w;th swordes staves
barres of Iron Axes Hatchetwsawes & such other instruments and weapons
about the Moneth of September last past in most riotous and vnlawfull 10
manner entered into the said parish Churche of lacobstowe and then &
there Riotouslie and vnlawfullie in greate furie & outrage did breake downe
deface hew &: Cutt in peices the said seate so sett vpp and erected by the
said Ellis Spiller as aforesaid to the greate terror and Affrightmet of all
Yowr Majesties loveing subiectes inhabiting thereabouts. In tender Consideraczon \s
whereof And forasmuch as the said w(..)ked & malitious plotter practises &
Agreemetej and the said making Contriuing and publishing of the said
scandalous and infamous libell verses and Rimes the said Riott in the Churche
and all and singuler the said offences and misdemeanors [and] A are directlie
Contarie to diuerse the good and wholsom lawes and Statute of this yor 20
Majesties Realme of England and haue bene all perpetrated Comwitted and
doon sithence your Ma/ulast gratious and general! & free pardon, and
that it would bee a greate incourageme/u to other lyke evill disposed persons
to Comitt the lyke offences if theis soe foule greate heynous and notorious
offenders should escap vnpunished May it therefore please yoz/r most excellent 25
MaJesve to graunte yoz<r highenes {. . ) most gracious written of subpena to
bee directed to the saide Emanuell Mapower Mary his wife & Margarett
ffetherstone Comaundinge them and every of them thereby at a certayne
daie & vnder a Certayne payne herein taken by yowr Highenes sett downe
and lymitted personallye to {. . .)ee and appeare before your Majestic and the 30
Lordejof yoz/r highenes most honorable [pryvie] Councell in your Highenes
most honorable Coz/rte of Starchamber there to answere the premisses And
further to stand to and abide such order direcczon & sentence (...}en as to
yowr Mawtie and the said Lordej of your said Counsell shall seeme fitt. And
your said Attorney shall praie &c./ 35
Henry yeluerton.
lohn Giles Higgons
30/ before: b corrected over
486 LAUNCELLS 1612
LAUNCELLS
1612
Bill of Complaint in Painter v. Yeo PRO: STAC 8/236/29
mb 2* (12 October) ,
To the Kings most excellent Ma/tie
In most humble manner Complayning shew and informe vnto yor most
excellent Ma/wtie; yor loyall faithfull and obedient Sub/mes Richard Painter
of Launcells in yor highnes Countie of Cornewal! yeoman and Marie wise 10
of Launcells aforesaid single woman; That whereas yor said Sub/mes haue
from their seu^rall infancies and Childhoodallwaies lived in good Credit!
and reputaczon and honestlie Carried and demeaned themselves in their life
and Conversaczon to the gen^rall approbaczon and good likeing of all the
neighbours and inhabitants thereabouts wzthout anie the least spott blemishe is
or ymputac/on of anie vnchaste lewd and incontinent living yet Soe yt is (maie
yt please yor most excellent Ma/tie) That one Richard Mill of Pyworthie
in yor highnes Countie of devon having for a long tyme w/thout anie iust
Cause or occasion Conceaved and borne a verie deepe and irreconcileable
hatred and malice against yor said SubzVrts did in or about the moneth of 20
Maie now last paste in this present Tenth yeare of yor highnes Raigne over
this yor Realme of England most vnlawfullie and maliciouslie Combine
Conspire plott practize and Confederate to and w/th one loane Yeo the wife
of lohn Yeo thelder lohn Yeo the Younger their sonne Richard Vowler alias
ffowler all of the parishe of Launcells aforesaid in yor said Countie of 25
Cornewall being all of them lewd loose and disordered pmons and whollie
addicted and accustomed to make and Contrive scandalous and infamous
libells vpon those against whom they haue Conceaued anie the least
displeasure and wz th diume others such like malevolent and ill affected
persons whose names yor said Subzmes as yet knowe[th] not But humblie 30
praye[th] they maie haue libertie to inserte them soe soone as they shall be
knowne and discouered how and by what wicked vngodlie and vncharetable
meanes to Caste a p^rpetuall staine and blemishe vpon yor said sub/>rts their
Creditts good names and reputac/ons and vtterlie to disgrace and disparage
them in their advauncements by waie of mariage (being both single and 35
vnmaried persons; And for the better effecting of suche their lewd and
vngodlie practizes and Confederacyes The said Richard Mill and the rest of
his said malicious adherents did diufrse and sondrie tymes in the foresaid
Moneth of Maie meete together in Alehouses and other places in the p^rishe
of Launcells aforesaid And there did most lewdlie and wickedlie Consulte 40
36/ persons;: semicolon for closing parenthesis
4R7
LAUNCELLS 1612
Conferre and advise how they might disgrace impeache and scandaJize yor said
subrtes lives and Conversac/ons in the fowlest and most infamous manner
that mought be And after manie and sondrie Conferences and Consultac/ons
on that behalf The said Richard Mill loane Yeo lohn Yeo Richard ffouler
alias Vowler and the rest of the said Confederats in or about the said moneth 5
of Male did for the better wreakeing and executing their malicious intents
and purposes aforesaid make frame Contrive and putt or cause to be putt
into writting One most false infamous scandalous and scurrill libell in these
words following vzt. Scribibo Scribing omnibus vobis I thought it fitt to
write vnto you all in a few tails, that all of you must remember the mowheis 10
pals; how Richard Penter and Marie Wise when they were at yeo to the
feast; begin yf you will know the 29 of November, he proued himself a veri
cometimber, But yf there A r be anie that are willing to know, let them aske
of dick Voller or els of lohn Yeo; and the will tell you in plaine tals, that the
found them two out by the mowheis pals, the pals are bad and verie ferking 15
but the ould abed but a litle gerking, Then saith dick Vowler and asked what
they meane; then said dick Penter here is Charlamens weane, and where haue
doun his mead they could not tell, then saith they she A is gone downe indie
the hill; then saith dicke Penter let vs goe D(. .}e noe saith the you haue had
a good chance & when the had danced but once about the flore Ther (. . ) 20
Comes the mayd into the fore dore & what the did there the Could not tell,
some saith the did ile some said the did well But as I thinke the [(.)] mean d
noe harme the said it was out against the barne and thervpon he mad a breche
because her bodi he did not tiche, & manie such as he doth vse such dealings
it is as bad as any healinge to bringe a maide in such a fame &C not to giver 25
the hole screame; If anie man aske how made this rime, yt was Steven
Cockcrum in a drinkinge time. And haveing thus wickedlie maliciouslie and
vnlawfullie deuised Contriued and putt into writting the said despightfull
slaunderous reprochefull and opprobrious libell against yor said subz>ctes
w/th a full and setled resoluc/on intent and purpose as aforesaid to defame 30
disgrace and discreditt them amongest their frends neighbours and
acquainttance and vtterlie to overthrowe their Creditts reputac/ons and whole
estates by dispersing divulgeing and publishing the said libell abroade; The
said Richard Mill and the rest of his said libellous adherents did in the said
Moneth of Maie and at diuerse other tymes before and since as well in the 35
house of the said lohn Yeo thelder as in diuerse Tavernes Alehouses and other
places w/thin yor said Comitie of Cornewall read singe repeate publishe and
divulge the said disgraceful! and reprochfull libell [( . )] against yor said sub/ts
and did likewise on their Alebenches and in other places in most scoffinge
lewd and obscene manner interprett and expound the said libell against yor 40
12/ begin: yor being (?) 24/ did: first d written over m orw ( )
488 LAUNCELLS 1612
sub/mes to their intolerable disgrace and infamie and noe lesse greeff both
of them and their freindes; And yet not satisfied therw/ th But further Coveting
to publishe and disperse their wicked and vngodlie invendons in some more
disgraceful! manner to thend the whole Country therabouts might take notice
of it; The said Richard Mill, lohn Yeo the younger Richard ffowler alias 5
Vowler and the rest of the said Confederats as well knowne as vnknowne, not
regarding yor highnes lawes against slaunderous libellers and publishers of
infamous libells nor the happie peace and Concord of this yor Ma/t/
Kingdome which by such libells is often infringed did by and throughe a
mutual! practize Confederacie and Conspiracie betweene them in or about 10
the said Moneth of Maie before menc/oned fould and wrappe vp the said
libell soe contrived and made in manner as aforesaid in the forme and likenes
of a letter and did indorse the same and directe /it 1 to yor sub/me Marie
Wise w/th this supmcripdon vpon the backe side thereof vizt To her loving
frend Marie Wise deliuer this w;th as much speed as maie be spedd; And 15
haveing soe folded and indorsed the same The said lohn Yeo the younger by
the practize aduise and procurement of the said other Confederats and by
and throughe the Confederacie aforesaid did in or about the same moneth
of Maie repaire vnto a Certaine watermill neer vnto Launcells aforesaid where
he had knowledge that yor said sub/Vcte Marie Wise was, and Cuninglie 20
insinuating himself into her Companie, and vpon some Coulorable surmizes
and pretences did earnestlie request and entreate yor said sub/me Marie to
spare and lend him her horse to ride home thereon; -which being obteined;
He the said John Yeo the Younger did ride the said horse vnto a Certaine
stile in the waie to Launcells aforesaid where he knew that yor said sub;Vrte as
Marie must needes passe from the said Mill; And there allighting The said
lohn Yeo the Younger according to the former dirrecdons instrucc/ons and
appointment of his said libellous Complices by and throughe the practize
and Confederacy aforesaid did then and there leaue the said horse tyed to
the said stile and the said libell soe folded vp in the manner of a letter as 30
aforesaid and directed vnto yor said sub/me Marie w;th the said indorsement
and supfrscripdon before menc/oned to the open view of all such passengers
as had occasion to goe that waie to the great and manifest disgrace discreditt
and reproche of yor said subwtes In tender Consideradon whereof; And
ffor as much as the said Confederacies Combinadons practizes makeing 35
Contriving and publishing of scandalous and infamous libells are contrarie
to yor Ma/t/ lawes statutes and ordinances of this yor Realme of England
and doe tende to the sowing of strife and dissention betweene neighbour and
neighbour and are verie heinous and enormious in soe peaceable and well
gouerned a Comon wealth and haue bin all donn and Comitted sithence 40
36/ contrarie: co written over another [filer
LAUNCELLS 1612 / LAUNCESTON 1404-5
yor Majesties last general! and free prfrdonn and doe therfore Condignelie
deserve to be verie sharplie and seuerlie punished. It male therfore please yor
Ma/tie to graunte vnto yor said subiea.es yor Ma/ t/ most gracious writts
of Subpena to be directed vnto the said Richard Mill, loane Yeo, lohn Yeo,
Richard ffowler a.\ias Vowler and the[r] rest of the vnknowne Confederats
soe soone as they shalbe knowne Comaunding them and eiurie of them
therby at a daie Certaine and vnder a Certaine payne therin to be lymitted
pmonallie to be and appeare before your Maz tie and the lords of yor Maiesaes
most howowrablf privye Counsel! in yor highe Courte of Starr Chamber then
and there to Aunswere the premisses and to stand to and abide such further 10
order and dirrecc/on on that behalf as to yor Ma/tie [{.)] and the said lords
shall seeme to be most agreable w/th lawe and Justice And yor said Sub/>rtes
will dailie praie for yor Ma/V/tie.
Thomas Hughes
LAUNCESTON
1404-5
Borough Accounts CRO. B/Laus/135
mbs [2 2d]* (Travelling expenses) 20
apwd Tauystoke pr/wa nocte
C In ludis in cena ij. d.
(7 In vino & ceniisia iij d.
C In fena &t probenda vij d. 2^
C In ferr eqworm ij d.
<T hem in vino v. d.
C hem in vino ij. d.
C In oblac/owibw ij d.
30
apz/d plympton
C In prandio [iiij d.] vj d.
C In equis vijj d.
C In copia processw* ij J.
35
apwd Tauystoke domorsuw
C In cena v j J
C In equis v j J
C In pane &t vino ad iantaculum ij. d. ob.
C In vino dato domi per Maiorem ij d. ob. 40
33/ equis: e corrected over a
490 LAUNCESTON 1404-32
CT In ij caponibus emptis iiij. d.
Swmwa .v. s.
Secundo vice In I caponf ij d. 5
C In came vitu\orui ij d.
C In cena apz/d Tauystok xv d.
C In equis xvj d.
C In ludis iiij d.
C In iantaculum mane iij d. 10
apz<d plympton
C In prandio x d. ob.
C In equis xvj. d.
C In cena domi cum I capons xviij d. ob. 15
Swnma plus exo-a I
C In vino potato euwdo foras iij d. ob.
C In v. caponibus x. d. ob. 20
[Swmwa]
[Swmwa to/al/i]
C In vino dato Roberto heye per Maiorem: causa essend/ bonus 25
arnicas in Curia de Tremeton v d.
Sz/mwa viij s. x d.
Sz<mwa tofalzVxiij s. x d.
30
C Tmia vice &c
C In oblac/oib5 ij d.
C In vino xij d.
C In eqz<is xix d.
35
1431-2
Borough Accounts CRO: B/Laus/137
single mb* (25 November -25 November) (Necessary expenses)
...In expmw circa le may xj s. vij d.... In xij d. dat/V Willf/wo Crese pro w
pone le beris [intj] in domo sua
LAUNCESTON 1440-51 4yl
1440
Register of Bishop Edmund Lacy Devon Record Office: Chanter 1 1
f ccxiii verso (1 6 June)
Indulgence Item xvj to die Mensis predicii Anno domim suprad/c/o ib/W^m Dominus
concessit omnibus vere penitentibus & confessis qui ad sustentac/owem
confratrie MiniscraJlorum beate Marie Magdalene Launceston aJiqua de bonis
sibi a deo collatis contulerint legauerint seu quouismodo assignauerint grata
caritatis subsidia quadraginta dies Indulgencie
10
1445-6
Borough Accounts CRO: B/Laus/138
f [7]* (25 November 25 November) (Expenses for wine)
15
... In I \agena vini daw Waltm? Colle cape/Lino in die Marie Magdalene horn 1
viij d. In iij [agents &c quarteria [d] vini expend per Maiorew et socios in
nocte Mane Magdalene horn 1 ij s. ij d. In pane idmi tempw* horn 1 Id....
1449-50 20
Borough Accounts CRO: B/Laus/139
f [5]* (25 November 25 November) (Expenses for wine)
[...In vino exp^ruw in nocte Marie Magdalene [xix] inter Maior^w &
mynstrair xix d....] 25
1450-1
Borough Accounts CRO: B/Laus/l4l
single mb* (25 November-25 November) (Necessary expenses)
30
..In exp^ru/j per Maiorew & socios in nocte Marie Magdalene vij d....
single mb dorse (External expenses)
. . .In argento Date Brown pyper iiij d 35
8/ quouismodo: 2 minims for ui
16/ tzpelhino. no corrected over other Inters
492 LAUNCESTON 1459-71
1459-60
Borough Accounts CRO: B/Laus/143
single mb dorse (25 November-25 November) (Expenses for wine)
...In expens/V factw in vigil;W Marie Magdalene r die & 1 procrastiwo per
Maiorew & so[c]cijs suis pro in] lagennvini &C I potello & pane xix d
1465-6
Borough Accounts CRO: B/Laus/153 10
single mb* (25 November-25 November) (Expenses for wine)
...In pane expanse circa maiorf & socijs suis ac mynstrell in vig/7/a
mane magdalane I d. ob. In iij lagenw & I qwartfrw vin; expense circa Maiorf
& socijs suis ac eciam Mynstrell id^m temp.jxviij d. ob. 15
1466-7
Borough Accounts CRO: B/Laus/158
mb [2] (25 November 25 November) (Expenses for wine)
20
. . .In panf empto Petro Pyke pro maiorf & socijs suis in vigilw sancte marie
magdalane ij d. In I lagen^ & I potellu vini rubij emptw Petro Pyke id^m
temp5 xij d. In I qwart^rM &: I lagena vini albi emptrt eidTn Petri idem
tempus vij d. ob
2S
1469-70
Borough Accounts CRO: B/Laus/160
mb [2]* (25 November-25 November)
...In rewards date Ministrall ... so
... {..)ior & soc;/f suis in vigilwsrfwc/e marie magdalane xiiij d....
1470-1
Borough Accounts CRO: B/Laus/147
mb [ 1 ] * (25 November-25 November) (External expenses)
. . .In rewards daw pfr maiorem ad le Bere hurde Com/m Warwic/ xx d. In
rewards dato Thome Stultuw Ricardi Com/m Warw/a xvj d. . .. <o
6/ so[c]cijssu/s: forsocios suos 40/ Stultum: forStuho ( )
23/ cidmi Pctri: forcodcm Pctro (?)
LAUNCESTON 1470-1521 493
mb [2]*
. . .In rewards dato Roberto Walkers vno seruienti Georgia duci ClarenczV
vocattf le Berehurde xx d
5
(Expenses for wine)
In vino daw ad le Berehurde Comitis Warwic/ vj d. In pan^ idew tcmpus ob.
In vino daw Maiori & socyVsuis pro le searchyng de Campanw iij d. In pane
idew tempKj I d. In vino dato vno seruiewt; Kicardi Comitis Warwic/ vocato \o
Thomas le Stulstz/i idew tempz vj d In expensis circa Maiori &C socijs
suis & le MynstralT in vigil/rt Sancte marie magdalene ij s. iij d. In 1 lagentf
vin/ daw (blank) Cio^M. & (blank) Cowmissarmdow/ni Regis idem tempz
vij d. In I qwartmtf vini aJbi daw WilWmo Parker &C loLaw^zi Davy Canonico
& ali/5 Cantaribai in ffesto marie magda/^ne I d. ob 15
1476-7
Borough Accounts CRO: B/Laus/162
mb [2] (25 November 25 November) (External expenses)
20
...In expensis circa MaioR- & socijs suis in vigilw marie Madga/^ne xx d
In rewards dato sfruient/ domini prmcipis vocato \e Berehurde idew tempus
xx d. In rewards dato n\^ us Mynstrall de dowmo Chaunceler hoc znno xij d
25
1478-9
Borough Accounts CRO: B/Laus/164
mb [1] (25 November-25 November) (External expenses)
. . .In rewardo dacs vno loculatore ludendo coraw maiore & Socijs suis viij d 30
In expense major;* & Communitatis in vlgilia beate Marie Magdalane iij s. . ..
1520-1
Borough Accounts CRO: B/Laus/170 35
mb [1]* (Rents paid)
. .Ec in redditu resolute Mmistrdprotenemento in boria]/vicopTawwz</w ijd. ob. ...
3/ vno: forvni 2 \l Madgai-nc: for Magdalene
10/ vno: forvn, 22/ .dcmtcmpw: the summer autzes
I I/ Maiori: for Maiore 30 / vno loculatore: /orvni loculatori
494 LAUNCESTON 1520-43
mb [2] (Gifts of wine)
...Et solut/ pro vino date s<ruient/ dow/ni Regwviz a logeler illuc venienti
hoc a/zwo vj d.
5
. . .Et solut/ pro vino empto in vigilia beate Marie Magdalene hoc anno xij d
(Necessary expenses)
...Et solut/ pro pane & seruicia empt/V cu w candel/ j in vigilia brate Marie 10
Magdalene hoc anno in Gilda Aula xij d
(External expenses)
Et in regard*? dato Custod vrsontm domini Reg/i illuc valient hoc awno iij s. 15
in) d.... Et in regards daw seruienti domini Regis videlicet a logeler. illuc
venient/ hoc anno iij s. iiij d. Et in regardo dato cons^ruator vrsorum Ducw
A de Southfolke illuc venient hoc anno viij d. Et in regards daw consmiator
vni^ bestie vacate a Camele hoc vino xvj d Et in regardo daw diuersis
lusoribw^de plymouth & launceston i) s 20
1530-1
Borough Accounts CRO: B/Laus/171
mb [2]* (External expenses) 25
(...) in Regardodatf iij Ministralln Domini Regis illuc (...) Riozrd o Dyngle
Organists in ffesto Mar/ e Magdale(. . .) Greynfild Vicecomit/J pro Copia
Commissionis taxa(. . .} solut histrioni Domini Regis illuc venienfr hoc anno
(...).. 30
1542-3
Borough Accounts CRO: B/Laus/172
mb [2] (Rents paid) 35
...Et solut/ Minnstrell alt redd de lyan pro tenemento in quo Robmus
Skynn^rmodo inh^itat iiij d....
271 <...): right half of MS torn away
LAUNCESTON 1542-74 495
mb [3] (Necessary expenses)
. . .Ec solut/ pro pane sfruicia & vino in vigilia marie magdalene hoc anno
xj d. ob
5
(External expenses and rewards)
...Et in regardo dato Ministrall Dowi/ni Regis \bidem hoc anno iij s.
nil d.... 10
1572-3
Borough Expense Book CRO: B/Laus/173-78
f [12]* (Payments)
is
Item p^/d to the venesicians that were here & plaid here whereof
there was gathered vij s.
f [17] (Payments) 20
Itmi for hook and eyes & for mending ye bull chayne iij s. iiij d. ob.
1573-4 2S
Borough Expense Book CRO: B/Laus/173-78
f [18] (Payments)
30
hem geiven the players of Mylton ij s.
Itrni geiven Robyn the synger by master mayor vj d.
f [19]
35
hem paid vnto a singing man w/?zch came frome south
Tawton ij s
29/ Mylton- probably Milton Abbot, seven miles from Launceston. in Devon
36-7/ south Tawton: South Tawlon, Devon
496 LAUNCESTON 1573-5
f [19v]
hem paid the Beere hearde vj s. viij d.
>
f [22]
It^m for mending the Bull ring ii) d.
10
1574-5
Borough Expense Book CRO: B/Laus/173-78
f [24] (Payments)
hem to Robart Shere the xvij h of lanuary for playing on the 15
drums two market! daies iiij d.
hem to the players one May daie x s.
20
f [24v]
It^m to Thorruzs Laurens for setting the ryng in the brode
stone xiij d.
Item for iiij ryng for the same stone xv d. :>
f [25v]
Itfm to the Enterlude players i September x s. 30
Itmi to poppet players
f [26v]*
Itmi to \Villiam Seymor for a rope to ty the bull x d.
LAUNCESTON 1575-1640/1 /LISKEARD 1575-6 497
1575-6
Borough Expense Book CRO: B/Laus/173-78
f [38v] (Payments)
hem paid to the Enterlude players viz my Lord Stafford^ men
by master maiors comaundemt xiij s. iiij d.
1640/1
Borough Accounts CRO: B/Laus/ 179/2/1 10
single sheet* (2 January) (Payments)
s. d.
for a dayes woorke for settin peeces for ye yarncleyers 2-0 15
for timber and setting in the longe peeces w/>/ch the bull tore
vp in the corne markett house 1 6
single sheet* (23 January) (Payments) 20
ffor 4 ffore lockes ffor the Bull chine 01-0
ffor 5 new lenthes ffor the Bull chene 02-6
ffor a pine ffor the Bull chen 00-4 25
LISKEARD
1575-6 30
Mayors Accounts CRO: B/Lis/266
mb [2] (Payments)
vnto nyne Enterlude players this yere vj s. viij d.
hem more vnto certen Enterlyde players this yere ij s. iiij d.
35
6/ comaundemt: yrcomaunckmcm
498 LISKEARD 1582-1632
1582-3
Mayors Accounts CRO: B/Lis/267
mb [2] (Payments)
Item geiven to Parre the Minstrell ji s
