X
PHILLIP alias METACOMBT of Pokanoket.
the 'Tiffin,^ ,,., /'></ /is/if J /// /7//// ///.
c.Stftir/t (< : 1-f f/tinte, his \
life his r7wit/yu//n<!s \
' 1
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY
Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1832,
By JOSIAH DRAKE,
in the Clerk's office of the District Court of Massachusetts.
Boston :
S. N. Dickinson, Printer,
52. Washington Street.
INDIAN JBiOGRAPHt
CONTAINING THE LIVES OF MORE THAN
TWO HUNDRED
INDIAN CHIEFS:
ALSO SUCH OTHERS OF THAT RACE AS HAVE RENDERED THEIR NAMES
CONSPICUOUS IN THE HISTORY OF NORTH AMERICA FROM ITS FIRST
BEING KNOWN TO EUROPEANS TO THE PRESENT PERIOD.
GIVING AT LARGE THEIR MOST
CELEBRATED SPEECHES, MEMORABLE SAYINGS,
NUMEROUS ANECDOTES if
AND A
HISTORY OF THEIR WARS.
MUCH OF WHICH IS TAKEN FROM MANUSCRIPTS NEVER BEFORE PUBLISHED.
*Y ttAJUUJL . DRAJCF
O time ! the beautifier of the dead,
Adorner of the ruin, comforter
And only healer when the heart hath bled
Time ! the corrector where our judgments err BYROK.
Nishnoh oonouhkoi pish qunohqutteauun, kah nishnoh wadchu, kah wadcnuemes pish
tiuhquohquttauunash Indian Bible Isaiah XL. 4.
BOSTON.
PUBfclSJSBJS* BY >OBi4A XHUKk, A? THB
56
clo. lo. cccxxxn.
TO THE REVEREND
WILLIAM JENKS, D. D.
The eminent Antiquary,
Renowned Scholar, and
Friend of the Indian :
This work is respectfully-
dedicated, by the
AUTHOR.
ADVERTISEMENT.
WHOEVER expects here a preface of apologies, will loose
but little time in finding a disappointment. We have none
to make. All must acknowledge the great want of such a
work, which is deemed a sufficient excuse for adding another
title to the long catalogue of books. No exertions have been
remitted, to render it as perfect as its magnitude would ad
mit. It is the first general attempt to embody Indian history
in the only proper manner.
The following notices have been thrown together within
a few months, although many years have elapsed since the
author began the collection of materials, and set about gain
ing a knowledge of this kind of history.
The first adventurer in any untrodden path, must often
find himself embarrassed for want of landmarks, by which to
direct his course. This will be apparent to the reader. But
he will not be the first to whom it has been thus apparent.
A small edition is now offered, which if well received, will
be much improved and enlarged, and placed at the public
disposal.
It will be remembered by some, that in an edition of
Church's History of Philip's War, published by the author five
years ago, he advertised in a note upon page ninety-seven of
that work, that he had it in contemplation to publish a work
ADVERTISEMENT. V
of this kind. This he considers a redemption of that pledge.
It has been composed with much freedom of expression, and
freedom of examination is expected in return.
The edition of Hubbard's Indian Wars which he some time
since announced, as preparing with large notes, is in a for
ward state.
The reader should be reminded, that where the " History
of New England" is cited, reference to Mr. Hubbards is un
derstood. We have no other worthy of that title.
Acknowledgements are due to several individuals, who
have directly or indirectly aided the author in his work ; and
he can only express his regret that he is not indebted to more,
equally eminent in this branch of American antiquities. The
reverend Dr. Jenks, to whom, by permission, his work is de
dicated, has many thanks for his kindness in facilitating his
researches in the library of the Massachusetts Historical So
ciety; as also Mr. Joshua, Coffin, of Boston, and the reverend
Dr. Harris, of Dorchester, who have obligingly loaned him
several valuable manuscripts ; and Edward D. Bangs, Esq.
Secretary of State, for his politeness in accelerating the ex
amination of our State Papers.
Boston, May 20th, 1832.
INDEX
OF SOME OF THE MOST PROMINENT EVENTS,
AND DIRECTIONS
TO THE ACCOUNT OF SOME CHIEFS, WHOSE LIVES ARE GIVEN
UNDER OTHER NAMES THAN THEIR OWN.
America, of the first peopling of, Little-turtle.
Attakullakulla, same as Little-carpenter.
Autossee, battle of, M'Intosh.
Battle of Tallapoosie, Fife.
of Presqueisle, ;.- Blue-jacket.
of Lake George, .....-, Hendrick.
of Rehoboth Plain,. Oneko.
of Pequawket, . . . . ,_ v Paugus.
of the Great Kanhawa, Logan.
of the G. Bend in the Tallapoosie,. .M'Intosh.
of Sachem's Plain, Miantunnomoh.
of Tippecano, Tecumseh.
of the Thames, Tecumseh.
Beer's Fight, Philip.
Cherokees take Fort Lowdon, Little-carpenter.
Hostages massacred, Little-carpenter.
Church, col., his first eastern expedition,. .Lightfoot.
Color of Indians, how caused, Little-turtle.
INDEX. VII
Death, viewed without terror, Arruhawikwabemt,
Barrow, Canonchet, Pumham, fyc.
Defeat of Gen. St. Clair's army, Little-turtle.
Detroit, siege of, Pontiac.
Dieskau's Defeat, Hendrick.
Farmer's-Brother, Red-jacket.
Fight, first with the English, *-.... Chikataubut.
with Capt. Beers, Philip.
with Capt. Lothrop, Philip.
with Capt. Love well, Paugus.
Letters written by Indians, Nepanet, and
Hankamagus.
Love well's fight, Paugus.
Massacre, of the English at Michilimakinak,.Ponto'ac.
of a Boat's crew, in Appalachacola
river, Hornotlimed.
of Major Waldron, and his garrison
at Dover,. -. Hankama,gus.
of Wyoming, Brandt.
of Salmon Falls, HopeJwod.
of 700 French, in Natchez, Grand-Sun.
of 500 English, in Virginia, Opekankanough.
of Fort Minis, Wetherford.
of 10 Indians, at Lovewell's pond,. Paugus.
Mistic fight, Sassacus.
Money of the New England Indians, Philip.
Narraganset fight, Philip.
New England, first settlement in, Dehamda.
Norridgewock, destruction of, Mog.
Oratory, Big-tree Corn-
plant Logan Keewaygooshkum Metea
Little-turtle Red- jacket Tecumseh Weth
erford Powhatan Opekankanough, $-c.
Vlh INDEX.
Pequots, destruction of, Sassacus.
Plague, great among the Indians, Squanto.
Salmon Falls massacre, .. . . . Hopehood.
Settlement of Plimouth, Massasoit.
Siege of Detroit, Pontiac.
Siege of Wells, and death of Labrocre, Madokawando.
Smith, Capt., adventures of, Pow/tatan.
Speeches and memorable Sayings, Canonchet,
Ninegret Barrow Miantunnomoh Philip, fy
St. Clair's defeat, Little-turtle.
Swamp fight at Narraganset, Philip.
near Warwick, R. I Magnus.
at Pocasset, Philip.
Tallapoosie, battle of the Great Bend of, Fife.
lift, an adopted Indian, note to Philip.
Tobacco first known to the English, Enscnore,
Jack-straw.
Wayne, Gen., victory at Presqueisle, Blue-jacket.
Wells, siege of, j.Madokaicando.
Wyoming, massacre at,. Brandt.
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY.
" We call them Savage O be just !
Their outraged feelings scan !
A voice comes forth, 'tis from the dust
The savage was a man !
I venerate the Pilgrim's cause,
Yet for the red man dare to plead ;
We bow to Heaven's recorded laws,
He turned to nature for a creed." Sprague.
^ (James,) one of the Eleven Christ
ian Indians accused as concerned in the murder of the
people of Lancaster, 22d Aug. 1675. Mr. Gookin
calls him " a Very understanding fellow," who plead
ed in behalf of himself and the rest, that what David
said against them was to sscflfe his own life, and to re
venge himself of them because they had seized and
delivered up to the English his brother .Andrew, whom
they had taken in the service of the English.* See
articles DAVID, ANDREW, and MONOCO.
flL&Clirio^ Chief of the Dinondadies.f About
1687, the- Iroquois, from some neglect on the part of
the governor of New York, owing, says Smith,! to the
orders of his master, " king James, a poor bigoted,
popish, priest ridden prince," were drawn into the
French interest, and a treaty of peace was concluded.
The Dinondadies were considered as belonging to the
* Manuscript of Hon. D. Gookin.
t Dinondadies, Golden. Tionontazed, Charlavoiz.
\ Hist. N. Y. 56 (4to ed.)
10
ADARIO.
confederate Indians, but from some cause they were
dissatisfied with the league with the French, and wish
ed by some exploit to strengthen themselves in the in
terest of the English. For this purpose, Mario put
himself at the head of J 00 warriors, and intercepted
the embassadors of the Five Nations* at one of the
falls in Kadarakkui river, killing some and taking oth
ers prisoners. These he informed that the French
governor had told him, that 50 warriors of the Five
Nations were coming that way to attack him. They
were astonished at the governor's perfidiousness, and
so completely did the plot of Adario succeed, that
these embassadors were deceived into his interest. In
his parting speech to them he said, Go, my b^lthren,
I untie your bonds, and send you home again, though
our nations be at war. The French governor has
made me commit so black an action, that I shall never
be easy after it, till the Five Nations shall have taken
full revenge." This outrage upon their embassadors,
the Five Nations doubted not in the least to be owing
to the French governor's perfidy, from the representa
tions of those that returned. They now sought im
mediate revenge ; and assembling 1200 of their chief
warriors, landed upon the island of Montreal, 2G July,
1688, while the French were in perfect security, burnt
their houses, sacked their plantations, and slew all the
men, women, and children without the city. A thou-
sandf persons were killed in this expedition. In Oc
tober, following, they attacked the island again with
* These associated nations were known by this name until
1712, at which time they were joined by the Tuskaroras from
Carolina, which added another, and hence afterwards they
were properly called the Six Nations.
\ So says Golden, but Charlevoix says 200. There can be
no doubt but that the truth is between them, as there is am
ple room.
ALDERMAN. 11
success. These horrid disasters threw the whole coun
try into the utmost consternation. The fort at lake
Ontario was abandoned, and 28 barrels of powder fell
into the hands of the confederate Indians. Nothing
now saved the French from an entire extermination
from Canada, but the ignorance of their enemies in
the art of attacking fortified places.
filtllton^ (William,) a Christian Indian who lived
atPunkapogin 1675, and was a principal man of that
station. 'In the consternation that then prevailed, the
Punkapogs were ordered to leave their dwellings and
repair* to Dorchester. Capt. Brattle with an armed
force was directed to see the order executed. This
done, " the court, after they had spoken with William
Ahaton, and others of their principal men, received
such satisfaction from them that they were all returned
back to their habitations, except 3 or 4 men that were
suspected."*
M(lemnflH) the Indian that shot Philip. He
was a subject of Weetamore, the Squaw Sachemf of
Pocasset. In the commencement of Philip's war he
went to the governor of Plimouth, and desired to re
main in peace with the English, and immediately took
up his residence upon an island, remote from the tribes
engaged in the war. But meeting with Philip in jcom-
pany with his brother, ventured to advise him to make
peace with the English. Philip now being driven to
desperation, one company of his people taken after
another, in quick succession, could not govern him
self, and in a moment, when he even looked upon his
* Manuscript of Hon. D. Gookin.
t " Sachems or Sagamores which are but one and the
same title, the first more usual with the sopthward, the other
with the northward Indians, to express the title of him that
hath the chief command of a j>lace or people." Hist. N. E.
60. Many modern writers, however, consider Sagamore a
subordinate chief. *.
12 ALEXANDER.
own race with horror and hatred, put to death this
brother of Alderman. The rest of our notice of him
will be given in the life of Philip, with which it is im
mediately connected. But we should not omit to
mention here, that as a compensation for the great ser
vice he had done in killing Philip, he was allowed the
head of the chief, which for a long time he carried
about as a curiosity to show to people for money, and
by this means he accumulated considerable sums.
ilexander) The English name of the elder
son of Massasoit. His real name appears at first
to have been Mooanam, and afterwards Wamsutta, and
lastly Alexander. The name of Mooanam he bore as
early as 1639 ; in 1656 we find him noticed under the
name Warnsatta. About this year, he and his younger
brother Metacomet, were brought to the court of Pli-
mouth, and being solicitous to receive English names,
the governor called the elder Alexander, and the
younger, Philip, probably from the two Macedonian
heroes, which on being explained to them might have
flattered their vanities.
A lasting and permanent interest will always be felt,
and peculiar feelings associated with the name of this
chief. Not on account of a career of battles, devas
tations or murders, for there were none of these, but
there is left only for us to relate an account of his
death. Mr. Hubbard's account of this event is in the
hands of almost eveiy reader, and cited by every writer
upon our early history, and hence is extensively known
as by him related. Dr. I. Mather agrees very nearly
in his account with Mr. Hubbard, but being more
minute, and rarely to be met with, we give it entire.
' In A. D. 1662, Plimouth colony was in some danger
of being involved in .trouble by the Wampanoag In
dians. After Massasoit wAs dead, his two sons, called
ALEXANDER. 13
Wamsutta and Metacomet, came to the court at Pli-
mouth pretending high respect for the English, and,
therefore, desired English names might h.e imposed on
them, whereupon the court there named Wamsutta,
the elder brother Alexander, and Metacomet, tfce younger
brother, Philip. This Alexander, Philip's immediate
predecessor, was not so faithful and friendly to the
English as his father had been. For some of Boston,
having been occasionally at Narraganset, wrote to Mr.
Prince, who was then governor of Plimouth, that
Alexander was contriving mischief against the English,
and that he had solicited the Narragansets to engage
with him in his designed rebellion. Hereupon, capt.
Willet, who lived near to Mount Hope, the place where
Alexander did reside, was appointed to speak with him,
and to desire him to attend the next court in Plimouth,
for their satisfaction, and his own vindication, he
seemed to take the message in good part, professing
that the Narragansets, whom, he said, were his ene
mies, had put an abuse upon him. and he readily prom
ised to attend at the next court. But when the day
for his appearance was come, instead of that, he afc
that very time went over to the Narragansets, his pre
tended enemies, which, compared with other circum
stances, caused the gentlemen at Plimouth to suspect
there was more of truth in the information given, than
at first they were aware of. Wherefore the governor
and magistrates there, ordered Major Winslow (who is
since, and at this day [1677] governor of that colony), to
take a party of men, and fetch down Alexander. The
major considering that semper rocuit defcrre paratis, he
took but 10 armed men with him from Marshfield,
intending to have taken more at the towns that Jay
nearer Mount Hope. But divine providence so ordered,
msthat when they were about the midway between
14 ALEXANDER.
Plimouth and Bridgewater,* observing an hunting
house, they rode up to it, and there did they find
Alexander and many of his menf well armed, but their
guns standing together without the house. The major,
with his small party, possessed themselves of the
Indian's arms, and beset the house ; then did he go in
amongst them, acquainting the Sachem with the reason
of his coming in such a way ; desiring Alexander with
his interpreter to walk out with him, who did so a
little distance from the house, and then understood
what commission the major had received concerning
him. The proud Sachem fell into a raging passion at
this surprise, saying the governor had no reason to
credit rumors, or to send for him in such a way, nor
would he go to Plimouth, but when he saw cause. It
was replied to him, that his breach of word touching
apoearance at Plimouth court, and, instead thereof
going at the same time to his pretended enemies,
augmented jealousies concerning him. In fine, the
major told him, that his order was to bring him to
Plimouth, and that, by the help of God, he would do
it, or else he would die on the place ; also declaring to
him that if he would submit, he might expect
respective usage, but if he once more denied to go,
he should never stir from the ground whereon he stood ;
and with a pistol at the Sachem's breast, required that
his next words should be a positive and clear
* Within G miles of the English towns. Hubbard, 10
(Edition, 1G77.J Massasoit, and like wise Philip, used to have
temporary residences, in eligible places for fishing, at various
cites between the two bays, Narraganset and Massachusetts,
as at Raynham, Namasket, Titicut, [in Middleborough] and
Munponset pond in Halifax. At which of these places he
was, we cannot with certainty decide ; that at Halifax, would,
perhaps, agree best with Mr. Hubbard's account.
t Eighty, says Hubbard ; 6.
ALEXANDER. 15
answer to what was demanded. Hereupon his inter
preter, a discreet Indian, brother to John Sausaman,*
being sensible of Alexander's passionate disposition,
entreated that he might speak a few words to the
Sachem before he gave his answer. The prudent
discourse of this Indian prevailed so far ..as that
Alexander yielded to go, only requesting that he might
go like a Sachem, with his men attending him, which,
although there was some hazard in it, they being many,
and the English but a few, was granted to him. The
weather being hot, tyc major offered him an horse to
ride on, but his squaw and divers Indian women being
in company, he refused, saying he could go on foot aa
well as they, entreating only that there might be a com
plying with their pace, which was done. And resting
several times by the way, Alexander and his Indians
were refreshed by the English. No other discourse
happening while they were upon their march, but
what was pleasant and amicable. The major sent a
man before, to entreat that as many of the magistrates
of that colony as could, would meet at Duxbury.
Wherefore having there had some treaty with Alexander,
not willing to commit him to prison, they entreated
major Winslow to receive him to his house, until the
governor, who then lived at Eastham, could come up.
Accordingly he and his train were .courteously enter
tained by the major. And albeit, not so much as an
angry word passed between them whilst at Marshfield ;
yet .proud Alexander, vexing and fretting in his spirit,
that such a check -was given him, he suddenly fell *ick
of a fever. He was then nursed as a choice friend.
Mr. Fuller, the physician, coming providentially thith
er at that time, the Sachem and his men earnestly
desired that he would administer to him, which he
was unwilling to do, but by their importunity was pro-
16 ALEXANDER,
Vailed with to do the best he could to help him, and
therefore gave him a portion of working physic, which
the Indians thought did him good. But his distemper
afterwards prevailing, they entreated* to dismiss him,
in order to a return home, which upon engagement of
appearance at the next court was granted to him.
Soon after his being returned home he died."
Thus ends Dr. Mather's "relation" of the short
reign of Alexander. And although by a document
lately published Jby Judge Davis of Boston, which
sets the conduct of the English ?Jh a very favorable
light, yet it is very difficult to conceive how Mr. Mather
and Mr. Hubbard could have been altogether deceived
in their information. They both wrote at the same
time, and at different places, and neither knew what
the other had written. Of this we are confident, if,
as we are assured, there was at this time, rather a
misunderstanding between these two reverend authors.
It now only remains that we make such extracts
from the above mentioned document, as will exhibit
all the evidence on the side of the English. I recol
lect ^to have seen in the Library of the Massachusetts
Historical Society, a manuscript paper headed " Nara~
live de Alexandra" This paper contains an account
of this transaction, drawn up by the authorities of
Plymouth, and Mr. Mather's and Mr. Hubbard 's ac
counts are the substance of it. As the affair had
caused much excitement, and, judging from the writers
of that time, particularly the latter, some recrimination
upon the conduct of the government of Plymouth, by
some of the English who were more in the habit of
* " Entreating those that held him prisoner, that he might
have liberty to return home, promising to return again if he
recovered, and to send his son as hostage till he could so do.
On that consideration he was fairly dismissed, but died before
he got half way home," Hubbard.
ALEXANDER. 17
using, or recommending mild measures, than they
appear to have been. After thus premising, we will
offer the document, which is a letter written by the
Rev. John Cotton of Plimouth, to Dr. /. Mather, and
now printed by Judge Davis in his edition of Morton's
Memorial, 426-7. There is no date to it, at least the
Editor gives none ; but if it were written in answer to one
from Mr. Mather to him, desiring information on that
head, dated 21st April, 1677,* we may conclude it waa
about this time ; but Mr. Mather's " Relation" would not
lead us to suppose that he was in possession of such
information, and therefore he either was not in pos
session of it, when he published his account, or that
he had other testimony which invalidated it.
The letter begins," Major Bradford [who was with Mr.
Wirislow when Alexander was surprised] confidently
assures me, that in the narrative de Alexandra, there
are many mistakes, and fearing lest you should through
misinformation, print some mistakes on that subject,
from his mouth I this write. Reports being here, that
Alexander was plotting or privy to plots against the
English, authority sent to him to come down. He
came not. Whereupon major Winslow was sent to
fetch him. Major Bradford with some others went
with him. At Munponset river, a place not many
miles hence, they found Alexander with about 8 men,
and sundry squaws. He was there about getting
canoes. He and his men were at breakfast under
their shelter, their guns being without. They saw the
English coming, but continued eating ; and Mr. Wins-
low telling their business, Alexander, freely arid readily,
without the least hesitancy consented to go, giving his
reason why he came not to the court before, viz:
because he waited for captain Willefs return from the
* See his Memorial, 288.
18 AMOS.
Dutch, being desirous to speak with him first. They
brought him to Mr. Collier's that day, and governor
Prince living remote, at Eastham, those few magistrates
who were at hand, issued the matter peaceably, and
immediately dismissed Alexander to return home, which
he did part of the way ; but in two or three days after,
he returned and went to major Winslow's house;
intending thence to travel into the bay and so home ;
but at the major's house he was taken very sick, and
was, by water, conveyed to major Bradford's, and
thence carried upon the shoulders of his men to
Tethquet river, and thence in canoes, home, and about
two or three days after died."
Thus it is evident that there is error some where,
and it would be very satisfactory, if we could erase it
from our history ; but at present we are able only to
agitate it, and wait for the further discovery of docu
ments, before Alexander's true history can be given ; and
to suspend judgment, although some may readily decide
that the evidence is in favor of the old printed ac
counts. It is the business of an historian, where a
point is in dispute, to exhibit existing- evidence, and
let the reader make up his own judgment.
We are able, from the first extract given upon
this head, to limit the time of his Sachemship to a
portion of the year 1662. In this year his father
died.
ut0$ 9 (captain.) One of the friendly Indians who
accompanied col. Church in his first expedition upon the
eastern coast of Maine, in 1689. He was probably
from some part of Cape Cod. It was in September
that the Indian and English forces arrived before
Casco, now Portland. They landed their men the
same night with secrecy, having learned that a great
number of the enemy were near by and about to fall
ANDEEW- 19
upon the town. The next day, being 21st September,
some companies were sent out, which soon fell in with
about 400 Indians, as they judged. A fight followed,
in which eight of the English were killed and many
more wounded. Two of captain Amos 1 men were
badly wounded. A friendly Indian by the name of
Sam Moses was killed. The sudden attack upon the
enemy here at this time, when they, no doubt, felt
perfectly secure, so disconcerted their plans, that they
drew off without making any further attempts.
An Indian company under captain Daniel was also
in this fight, one of whose men was killed. He was
of Yarmouth.*
MndrcW) A sufferer in the great Indian war.
He belonged to the Christian Indians, and had gone
some months before the war began on a hunting
voyage towards the lakes. Returning, he fell among
the enemy Indians about Quabaog, where it appears
he was at the time captains Hutchinson and Wheeler
were attacked at Wikkabaug pond.
We have no evidence that he took any part with
the enemy, and it is probable ho only remained with
them while a good opportunity ol escape to his fri x ends
presented ; for soon after he was met with in the
woods near Marlborough by some Christian Indian
scouts, with whom he returned to that place. The
English soldiers there stationed, accused him of aiding
in the affair of Quabaog, and without any orders, shot
him. The English authorities were displeased at this
precipitate step ; and had it not been for the general
consternation of the English on account of the success
of the enemy, they had no doubt been dealt with as
they deserved. But the common enemy now so en
grossed all consideration, criminals at home escaped
* Manuscript letter of Captain Basset, of the expedition.
30 ANNAWOW.
without their reward. Provided he had been guilty,
much valuable information relative to the enemy might
have been obtained before his execution.*
frftdreW) brother of the preceding, was in com
pany with him when he was taken, and was sold into
slavery, out of the country.
tlndreW) known also by the name of Pooky John,
lived in the vicinity of Amesbury upon the Merrimack,
in 1677. He belonged to a small party of about 20,
who made daily inroads upon the inhabitants about
in this quarter. As this party were led by one Symon,
the particulars will be found under that head.*
JMnnaWOn, a Wampanoag, and one of Philip's
most famous captains. The first notice we have of
him is at the fight when Philip was killed. He was
his fast friend, and fought with desperation as long as
there was a beam of hope ; when he gave himself up,
it was in the most heroic manner, as will appear in the
following account.
At the swamp when Philip was killed, he escaped
with most of his men, by his thoroughly understanding
the situation of his enemies. " Perceiving they were
way-laid on the east side of the swamp, Jacked short
about. One of the enemy, who seemed to be a great
surly old fellow, hallooed with a loud voice, and often
called out, I-oo-tash, I-oo-tash. Captain Church called
to his Indian Peter, and asked him who that was that
called so. He answered that it was old Annawon^
Philip's great captain, calling on his soldiers to' stand
to it, and fight stoutly."
Captain Church had been but little while at Pli-
mouth, [after killing Philip] before a post from Reho-
both came to inform the governor, that old Jlnnawon^
Philip's chief captain, was with his company ranging
* Manuscript documents.
ANNAWON. 21
about their woods, and was very offensive and perni
cious to Rehoboth and Swanzey. Captain Church was
immediately sent for again, and treated with to engage
in one expedition more. He told them their encour
agement was so poor, he feared his soldiers would be
dull about going again. But being a hearty friend to
the cause, he rallies again, goes to Mr. Jabez Howland,
his old Lieutenant, and some of his soldiers that used
to go out with him ; told them how the case was
circumstanced, and that he had intelligence of old
Jlnnaivon's walk and haunt, and wanted hands to hunt
him. They did not want much entreating, but told
him they would go with him as long as there was an
Indian left in the woods. He moved and ranged
through the woods to Pocasset."
In the early part of this expedition, some of cap
tain Church's Indian scouts captured a number of
Annaworfs company, but from whom they could learn
nothing of the old chief, only that he did not lodge
" twice in^ a place."
" Now a certain Indian soldier, that captain Church
had gained over to be on his side, prayed that he might
have liberty to go and fetch in his father, who, he said,
was about four miles from that place in a swamp, with
no other, than a young squaw. Captain Church in
clined to go with him, thinking it might be in his way
to gain some intelligence of Jlnnawon ; and so taking
one Englishman and a few Indians with him, leaving
the rest there, he went with his new soldier to look his
father. When he came to the swamp, he bid the In
dian go and see if he could find his father. He was
no sooner gone, but captain Church discovered a track
coming down out of the woods, upon which he and
his little company lay close, some on one side of the
track, and some on the other. They heard the Indian
2
22 ANNAWON.
soldier making a howling for his father, and at length
somebody answered him ; but while they were listen
ing, they thought they heard somebody coming towards
them. Presently they saw an old man coming up,
with a gun on his shoulder, and a young woman fol
lowing in the track which they lay by. They let them
come ^between them, and then started up and laid hold
of them both. Captain Church immediately examined
them apart, telling them what they must trust to, if they
told false stories. He asked the young woman what
company they came from last. She said, from cap
tain Annaworfs. He asked her how many were in
company with him when she left him. She said ' fifty
or sixty.' He asked her how many miles it was to the
place where she left him. She said she did not un
derstand miles, but he was up in Squannaconk swamp.
The old man, who had been one of Philip's Council,
upon examination, gave exactly the same account."
On being asked whether they could get there that
night, answered, "if we go presently, and travel
stoutly, we may get there by sunset." The old man
said he was of Jlnnawori's company, and that Anna-
won had sent him down to find some Indians that
were gone down into Mount Hope neck to kill provi
sions. Captain Church let him know that that compa
ny were all his prisoners.
The Indian who had been permitted to go after his
father, now returned with him and another man.
Captain Church was now at great loss what he should
do. He was unwilling to miss of so good an opportu
nity of giving a finishing blow to the Indian power.
He had, as himself says, but "half a dozen men
beside himself," and yet was under the necessity of
sending some one back to give Lieutenant Howland,
whom he left at the old fort in Pocasset, notice, if he
ANNAWON. 23
should proceed. But without wasting time in ponder-
ing upon what course to pursue, he put the question
to his men, " whether they would willingly go with
him and give Annawon a visit." All answered in the
affirmative, but reminded him, " that they knew this
captain Annawon was a great soldier ; that he had
been a valiant captain under Asuhmequin, Philip's
father; and that he had been Philip's chieftain all
this war." And they further told captain Church, (and
these men knew him well,) that he was " a very subtle
man, of great resolution, and had often said, that he
would never be taken alive by the English."
They also reminded him that those with Anna-
won were " resolute fellows, some of Philip's chief
soldiers," and very much feared that to make the at
tempt with such a handful of soldiers, would be
hazardous in the extreme. But nothing could shake
the resolution of captain Church, who remarked to
them," that he had a longtime sought for Annawon, but
in vain," and doubted not in the least, but providence
would protect them. All with consent now desired to
proceed.
A man by the name of Cook, belonging to Plimouth,
was the only Englishman in the company, except the
captain. Captain Church asked Mr. Cook what his
opinion of the undertaking was. He made no other
reply than this, " I am never afraid of going any where
when you are with me." The Indian who brought
in his father, informed captain Church that it was im
possible for him to take his horse with him, which he
had brought thus far. He therefore sent him and his
father with the horse back to Lieutenant Howland, and
ordered them to tell him to take his prisoners immedi
ately to Taunton, and then to come out the next morn
ing in the Rehoboth road, where, if alive, he hoped
to meet him.
24 ANNAWON.
Things being thus settled, all were ready for the
journey. Captain Church turned to the old man,
whom he took with the young woman, and asked him
whether he would be their pilot. He said, " You hav
ing given me my life, I am under obligations to serve
you." And they marched for Squannaconk. In lead
ing the way, this old man would travel so much faster
than the rest, as sometimes to be nearly out of sight,
and consequently might have escaped without fear of
being recaptured, but he was true to his word, and
would stop until the wearied followers came up.
Having travelled through swamps and thickets un
til the sun was setting, the pilot ordered a stop. The
captain asked him if he had made any discovery.
He said, "About that hour of the day Jlnnawon usual
ly sent out his scouts to see if the coast was clear, and
as soon as it began to grow dark the scouts returned,
and then we may move securely." When it was suf
ficiently dark, and they were about to proceed, capt.
Church asked the old man if he would take a gun and
fight for him. He bowed very low and said, "I pray
you not to impose such a thing upon me, as to fight
against capt. Jlnnawon^ my old friend, but I will go along
with you, and be helpful to you, and will lay hands on
any man that shall offer to hurt you." They had pro
ceeded but a short space, when they heard a noise,
which they concluded to be the pounding of a mortar.
This warned them that they were in the vicinity of
Annawon's retreat. And here it will be very proper to
give a description of it. It is situated in the south
easterly corner of Rehoboth, about 8 miles from Taun-
ton green, a few rods from the road which leads to
Providence, and on the south-easterly side of it. If a
straight line were drawn from Taunton to Providence,
it would pass very nearly over this place. Within the
ANNAWON. 25
limits of an immense swamp of nearly 3000 acres,
there is a small piece of upland, separated from the
main only by a brook, which in some seasons is dry.
This island, as we may call it, is nearly covered with
an enormous rock, which to this day is called Anna-
worfs rock. Its southeast side presents an almost per
pendicular precipice, and rises to the height of 25 or
30 feet. The north-west side is very sloping, and easy
of ascent, being at an angle of not more than 35 or
40. A more gloomy and hidden recess than this,
even now, although the forest tree no longer waves
ove? it, could hardly be found by any inhabitant of the
wilderness.
" And here forlorn and lost I tread
With fainting ^teps end slow,
Where wilds immeasureably spread,
Seem lengthening as I go."
When they arrived near the foot of the rock, capt.
Church, with two of his Indian soldiers, crept to the
top of it, from whence they could see distinctly the
situation of the whole company, by the light of their
fires. They were divided into three bodies, and lodged
a short distance from one another. Annawori's camp
was formed by felling a tree against the rock, with
bushes set up on each side. With him lodged his
son, and others of his principal men. Their guns
were discovered standing, and leaning against a stick
resting on two crotches, safely covered from the
weather by a mat. Over their fires were pots and
kettles boiling, and meat roasting upon their spits.
Capt. Church was now at some loss how to proceed,
seeing no possibility of getting down the rock with
out discovery, which would have been fatal. He
therefore creeps silently back again to the foot of the
rock, and asked the old man, their pilot, if there were
26 ANNAWON.
no other way of coming at them. He answered.
" No," and said that himself and all others belonging
to the company were ordered to come that way, and
none could come any other without danger of being
shot.
The fruitful mind of Church was no longer at loss,
and the following stratagem was put in successful
practice. He ordered the old man and the young wo
man to go forward, and lead the way, with their bas
kets upon their backs, which, when Annawon should
discover them, would take no alarm, knowing them to
be those he had lately sent forth upon discovery.
" Capt. Church and his handful of soldiers crept down
also, under the shadow of those two and their bas
kets. The captain .himself crept close behind the old
man, with his hatchet in his hand, and stepped over
the young man's head to the arms. The young Anna-
won discovering him, whipped his blanket over his
head, and shrunk up in a heap. The old captain
Jlnnawon started up on his breech, and cried out " Ho-
woh .'" which signified " I am taken." All hope of es--
cape was now fled forever, and he made no effort, but
laid himself down again in perfect silence, while
his captors secured the rest of the company. For he
supposed the English were far more numerous than
they were, and before he was undeceived his company
were all secured.
One circumstance much facilitated this daring pro
ject. It has been before mentioned that they heard the
pounding of a mortar, on their approach. This con
tinued during their descent down the rock. A squaw
was pounding green dried corn for their supper, and
when she ceased pounding to turn the corn, they
ceased to proceed, and when she pounded again they
moved. This was the reason they were not heard as
ANNAWOJS*. 27
they lowered themselves down, from crag to crag,
supported by small bushes that grew from the seams
of the rock. The pounded corn served afterwards for
a supper to the captors.
Annawon would not have been taken at this time
but for the treachery of those of his own company.
And well may their Lucan exclaim as did the Roman,
"A race renowned the world's victorious lords,
Turned on thousands with their own hostile swords.'
*******
Of all the woes which civil discords bring,
And Rome o'ercome by Roman arms I sing."
The two companies situated at a short distance from
the rock, knew not the fate of their captain, until
those sent by Church announced to them that they
were all prisoners. And to prevent their making re
sistance, were told that capt. Church had encompassed
them with his army, and that to make resistance would
be immediate death ; but if they all submitted peacea
bly, they should have good quarter. " Now they being
old acquaintance, and many of them relations," readi
ly consented ; delivering up their guns and hatchets,
were all conducted to head quarters.
" Things being thus far settled, captain Church ask
ed Jlnnawon what he had for supper, ' for,' said he,
I am come to sup with you.' " Jlnnawon replied,
" Taubut," with a majestic voice, and looking around
upon his women, ordered them to hasten and provide
capt. Church and his company some supper. He ask
ed capt. Church " whether he wo'uM eat cow beef or
horse beef." He said he would prefer cow beef. It
was soon ready, which by the aid of some salt he
brought in his pocket, he made a good meal. And
here it should be told, that a small bag of salt (which
Church carried in his pocket) was the only provision he
took with him upon this expedition.
*0 ANNAW x ON.
When supper was over capt. Church set his men to
watch, telling them that if they would let him sleep
two hours they should sleep all the rest of the night,
he not having slept any for 36 hours before ; but after
laying a half hour, and no disposition to sleep came,
from the momentous cares upon his mind, for
"The dead alone, in such a night can rest;"
he looked to see if his watch were at their posts, but
they were all fast asleep. Jlnnawon felt no more like
sleeping than Church, and they lay for some time look
ing one upon the other. Church spoke not to Jlnna
won, because he could not speak Indian, and thought
Annawon could not speak English, but it now appear
ed that he could, from a conversation they held to
gether. Church had laid down with Jlnnawon to pre
vent his escape, of which however he did not seem
much afraid, for after they had laid a considerable
time, Jlnnawon got up and walked away out of sight,
which Church considered was on a common occasion.
But being gone some time, "he began to suspect
some ill design." He therefore gathered all the guns
close to himself, and lay as close as he possibly could
under young Jlnnawon's side, that if a shot should be
made at him, it must endanger the life of young Jln
nawon also. After laying a while in great suspense,
he saw by the light of the moon, Annawon coming
with something in his hands. When he had got to
captain Church he knelt down before him, and after
presenting him what he had brought, spoke in English
as follows. " Great captain, you have killed Philip,
and conquered his country. For I believe that I and
my company are the last that war against the Eng
lish, so suppose the war is ended by your means, and
therefore these things belong unto you." He then
took out of his pack a beautifully wrought belt, which
ANNAWON. 55'J
belonged to Philip. It was nine inches in breadth,
and of such length, as when put about the shoulders
of capt. Church, reached to his ancles. , This was con
sidered at that time of great value, being embroidered
all over with money, that is wampampeag,* of various
colors, curiously wrought into figures of birds, beasts
and flowers. A second belt of no less exquisite
workmanship, was next presented, which belonged
also to Philip. This, that chief used to ornament his
head with. From the back part of which flowed two
flags, which decorated his back. A third was a small
er one, with a star upon the end of it, which he wore
upon his breast. All three were edged with red hair,
which Jlnnawon said was got in the country of the
Mohawks. These belts, or some of them, it is believ
ed remain at this day, the property of a family in
Swanzey. He next took from his pack two horns of
glazed powder, and a red cloth blanket. These, it ap
pears, were all of the effects of the great chief. He
told capt. Church that those were Philip's royalties,
which he was wont to adorn himself with, when he
sat in state, and he tho't himself happy in having an
opportunity to present them to him.
The remainder of the night they spent in discourse,
in which Annawon " gave an account of what migh
ty success he had had formerty in wars against many
nations of Indians, when he 'served Asuhmequin, Phil
ip's father.
Morning being come, they took up their march for
Taunton. In the way they met Lieutenant Howland,
according to appointment, at his no small surprise.
They lodged at Taunton that night. The next day
" capt. Church took old Jlnnawon, and half a dozen
*An Iroquois word, signifying a muscle. Gordon's Hist,
Pennsylvania, page 598.
30
APANNOW.
Indian soldiers, and his own men, and went to Rhode
Island ; the rest were sent to Plimouth, under Lieut.
Howland.
Not long after this, toyhe great grief of capt.
Church, Jlnnawon was beheaded at Plimouth. It is
true Church did not guarantee his life when he surren
dered, but he had little doubt of his being able to save
him, knowing how much the country was indebted to
him in this war.*
Jlnnawon, it is said, confessed that he had put to
death many of the English, even " ten in a day," nor
did he deny but he had witnessed some tortured.f
His being aft enemy, ajid acting as such, were suffi
cient reasons, with the English, for putting him to
death ; although the war was now considered as over ;
and it is true that he was excepted when pardon was
offered to those who should surrender themselves, still
his execution is a dark item in the page of the history
of that day.
MnthOMf/j one of the Christian Indians, sent to
the island in Boston harbor in Philip's war. He was
so instructed that he was able to teach, and was a kind
of minister among his brethren. After they were lib
erated from thence, this Anthony built a large sort of
shelter, by some denominated a meeting house, in
which a school was kept on week days, and on 'Sun
days discourses were delivered by Mr. 'Eliot and Mr.
Gookin, in the winter of 1676. The place of their
settlement was upon Charles' river, near Hoanantum
hill.
.ftpanAlOW, one of the nine chiefs who, on the
13th Sept. 1621, subscribed an instrument of Submis-
* Thus far the facts are mainly from the actor himself,
capt. Church.
t This upon the authority of Mr. Hubbard.
ASCASSASOTICK. 31
sion to king James. The place of his residence we
are unable to assign, but he was one of those subject
to Massasoit.
Mrmhawikwabemt, chief Sachem of Nor-
ridgewock.* In the year 1710, colonel Walton visi
ted the eastern coast of N. England, with a force of
170 men. As they were encamped upon an island,
the smoke of their fires decoyed some of the enemy
into their hands, among whom was Arruhawikwabemt.
" An active bold fellow, [says Penhallow, page 60,]
and one of an undaunted spirit ; for when they asked
him several questions he made them no reply, and
when they threatened him with death, he laughed at
it with contempt. At which they delivered him up
unto our friendly Indians, who soon became his exe
cutioners. But when the squaw saw the destiny of
her husband, she became more flexible, and freely dis
covered where each of them encamped." ! ! ! These
are Christian deeds, which
" Established violence and lawless might
Avowed and hallowed by the name of right."
*i.!SC<lftfiafsOt.ick, of Long Island, a most war
like chief, who gave great trouble to those more peace
ably inclined, along the coast of Long Island Sound,
upon the Connecticut shore, especially the Narragan-
sets. In 1654, this chief taking courage from a confi
dence that the English were his friends, made an ex
pedition into the country of the Narragansets, and
killed several of the inhabitants, subjects of Neneku-
nat. This Narraganset Sachem sent messengers to the
English governors for directions, " who sent him an
* Nerigwok is believed to be the most proper way of spell
ing this name, as agreeing best with its orthoepy. At least
with that heard at the place at this day by elderly people, as
the writer can bear testimony.
.
ASPINET.
implicit consent to right hirhself."* Accordingly he
fell upon the Long Islanders with a body of his war
riors, killing many and bringing away fourteen cap
tives, " divers of them chief women." When this
came to the knowledge of the English they interceded
in favor of Jlscassasotick, and Nenekunat at once con
sented to a peace, and gave up all his prisoners. Not
long after this peace, some of Jlscassasotick 1 s men,
under a false pretence of friendship, pretending to vis
it the Narragansets at Block Island, at midnight
fell upon them unexpectedly, and slew about 30 per
sons ; two of them of great note, especially We-
piteammock's son, to whom Nenekunat was uncle." Ne
nekunat now raised a great army from the inland coun
try, "yet- upon protestation of the English against his
proceedings, he retreated and dissolved his army."
Thus it appears that the Narragansets were entirely
under the direction of the English at this time, and
doubtless with proper treatment would have remained
so. And our record, above cited, bears us out in this
conclusion. " I cannot yet learn that ever it pleased
the Lord to permit the Narragansets to stain their
hands with any English blood, neither in open hostili
ty nor secret murders, as both Pequot and Long Isl
anders did, and Monhiggins also in the Pequot wars.
'Tis true they are barbarians, but their greatest offence
against the English have been matters of money, or
petit revengings of themselves on some Indians upon
extreme provocations, but God hath kept them clear
of our blood."
flLspinet 7 Sachem of Nauset, (now included in
the township of Eastham, upon Cape Cod.) He was
known to the people of Plimouth as early as July,
1621, At which time the English had great cause,
* Manuscript of R. Williams,
ASPIJfET.
33
ever after, to treat him with attention and kindness.
About this time a young lad by the name of John Bil-
lington, got lost in the woods and was found by some
ofAspinet's people, and conveyed to him. He treated
him with great kindness, and when the English sent
for him, gave him up, and entertained them courteous
ly. " Ere we came to Nauset(says a writer of that
day) the day and tide were almost spent ; insomuch
as we could not go in with our shallop : but the Sa
chem of Cummaquid, (now port of Barnstable and
Yarmouth) went ashore, and his men with him. We
also sent Tisquamtum to tell Jlspinet, the Sachem of
Nauset, wherefore we came. After sunset Aspinet
came with a great train and brought the boy with
him, one bearing him through the water. He had not
less than an hundred with him, the half whereof came
to the shallop's side, unarmed, with him ; the other
half stood aloof with their bows and arrows. There
he delivered us the boy, behung with beads, and made
peace with us, we bestowing a knife on him, and like
wise on another that first entertained the boy and
brought him thither. So they departed from us."
In the winter of 1622, when Mr. Westorfs men saw
nothing but famine before them, and indeed those of
Plimouth were but very little better off, these two
companies obtained of Jlspinet and his people, by pur
chase, eight or ten hogsheads of corn and beans,
which seemed their only relief from starvation. Capt.
Standish conducted the English in this trading expedi
tion, and but for the good nature of ^spinet there
would have been some trouble on account of a few
trifling articles which his men pilfered from the Eng
lish ; who were a hundred times more in fault for leav
ing their trinkets exposed, than these uninformed peo
ple for taking them. But instead of viewing it in this
3
34 AWASHONKS.
light, the captain threatened vengeance to his nation,
if either the articles or those who took them were not
immediately delivered. Jlspinet without taking any
offence, laboured diligently until every thing was re
stored. He then took the captain's hand and knelt
down, and with his tongue licked it all over ; this
being their method of salutation. He expressed great
satisfaction in being able to appease the wrath of the
English chief, and they parted with cordiality. Not
long after this, it was reported that Aspinet and other
Sachems of that part of the country had plotted to fall
upon and kill all the English. The English taking at
once a prompt and salutary course, by exterminating,
as they thought, the root of the design, in taking off
the head of Wittuwamet. This so terrified ^spinet, and
many others, that they fled into swamps, and lived in
unhealthy places, until many died with diseases which
they had thus contracted. Among such victims were
Aspinet, Cunnecum, and others.
MsqUCMCty one f the eleven Naticks so cruelly
dealt with upon a suspicion of no foundation. His
case was the same with Jlcompanet, which see.
see Massasoit.
m female chief* of the Sogkonates.
From the part she acted in Philip's war, few deserve*
a more particular attention. We shall, therefore, go as
minutely into her history as our documents will enable
us.
The first notice we have of her is in 1671, when
* Commonly called in the histories, " squaw Sachem of
Sogkonate." There were several other squaw Sachems, as
of Pocasset and Narraganset. The terms snuke, sunk, snake,
&c. have been given to the squaw Sachems, owing to the
ignorance of writers of the meaning of the term. Saunks
was the title or name of a Sachem's wife, in the Narraganset
dialect.
AWASHONK3. 35
she entered into articles of agreement with the court
of Plimouth as follows. " In admitting that the court
are in some measure satisfied with your voluntary
coming in now at last, and submission of herself unto
us ; yet this we expect that she give some meet satisfac
tion for the charge and trouble she has put us upon by
her too long standing out against the many tenders of
peace we have made to her and her people. And
that we yet see an intention to endeavor the reduce-
ment of such as have been the incendiaries of the
trouble and disturbance of her people and ours. And
as many of her people, as shall give themselves and
arms unto us, at the time appointed, shall receive no
damage or hurt from us, which time appointed is ten
days from the date hereof. Thus we may the better
keep off such from her lands as may hereafter bring
upon her and us the 'like trouble, and to regulate such
as will not be governed by her, she having submitted
her lands to the authority of the government. And
that if the lands and estates of such as we are neces
sitated to take arms against, will not defray the charge
of the expedition ; that she shall bear some due pro
portion of the charge. In witness whereof, and in
testimony of the Sachem, her agreement hereunto,
she hath subscribed her hand in presence of Samuel
Barker and John Almey.
Mark ^ of the, squaw Sachem Jlwasunck.
The mark X of Totatomet, and Somagaonet"
Plimouth, 24th July, 1671.
Awashonks was at Plimouth when the above articles
were executed, from which it appears there was con
siderable alarm in Plimouth colony. There were about
this time many other submissions of the Indians in differ-
36 AWASHONKS.
ent places. This step was taken to draw them from
Philip, or at least to give a check to their joining with
him, as he was now on the point of attacking the
English settlements, under a pretence of injury done
him in his planting lands.
Not only the chiefs of tribes or clans subscribed
articles, but all their men that could be prevailed with
to do so. The August following, 42 of Jlwashonks
men signed a paper approving what she had done, and
binding themselves in like manner. Out of 42 we
can give names of three only ; Totatomet, Tunuokum
and Sausaman.
It appears from the folio-wing letter written by
Awashonks to gov. Prince, that those who submitted
themselves, delivered up their arms to the English.
"August 11, 1671, Honored Sir, I have received a
very great favor from your Honor, in yours of the 7th
instant, and as you are pleased to signify, that if I
continue faithful to the agreement made with your
selves at Plimouth, I may expect all just favors from
your Honor. I am fully resolved, while I live, with
all fidelity to stand to my engagement, and in a peacea
ble submission to your commands, according to the
best of my poor ability. It is true, and I am very
sensible thereof, that there are some Indians who do
seek an advantage against me, for my submitting to his
Majesty's authority in your jurisdiction, but being
conscious to myself of my integrity and real intentions
of peace, I doubt not but you will afford me all due
encouragement and protection. I had resolved to
send in all my guns, being six in number, according
to the intimation of my letter ; but two of them were
so large, the messengers were not able to carry them.
I since proffered to leave them with Mr. Barker , but he
not having any order to receive them, told me he con-
AWA8HONKS. 37
ceived I might do well to send them to Mr. Almy, who
is a person concerned in the jurisdiction, which I
resolved to do ; but since then an Indian, known by
the name of Broad-faced-will, stole one of them out of
the wigwam in the night, and is run away with it, to
Mount Hope ; the other I think to send to Mr. Mmy.
A list of those that are obedient to me, and, I hope,
and am persuaded, faithful to you, is here enclosed.
Honored Sir, I shall not trouble you further, but de
siring your peace and prosperity, in which I look at
my own to be included. I remain, your unfeigned
servant, ^ AWASU^CKS."
This letter was very probably written by Mr. Barker,
named in it.
October 20, 1671, governor Prince wrote to Awa-
shonks, that he had received the list of names ofher men
and husband, that freely submitted themselves to his
majesty's authority ; and assured her that the Eng
lish would befriend her on all just occasions ; but in
timates her disappointment, and his own, that she had
succeeded no better in procuring the submission of
her subjects. " Though," he continued, " I fault not
you, with any failing to endeavor, only to notice your
good persuasions of them" outwent their deserts, for
aught yet appeareth. I could have wished they had
been wiser for themselves, especially your two sons,
that may probably succeed you in your government,
and your brother also, who is so nearly tied unto you
by nature. Do they think themselves so great as to
disregard and affront his majesty's interest and author-
ity here ; and the amity of the English ? Certainly
if they do, I think they did much disservice, and wish
they would yet show themselves wiser, before it be too
late,'* He closed by recommending her to send some
of her's to the next court, to desire their arms, that
AWA3HONKS.
her people might have the use of them in the ap
proaching season. Desires her to let him hear from
her and her husband.*
We hear no more of Awashonks until about the
commencement of Philip's war. The year before this
war, Mr. Benjamin Church, afterwards the famous and
well known colonel Church, settled upon the peninsu
la of Sogkonate, in the midst of Jlivashonks people.
This peninsula is on the north-east side of Narragan-
set bay, against the south-east, end of the island of
Rhode Island. Here he lived in the greatest friend
ship with these Indians, until the spring of the year
1675, when suddenly a war was talked of, and mes
sengers were sent by Philip to Awashonks, to engage
her in it. She so far listened to their persuasions as
to call her principal people together, and make a great
dance ; arid because she respected Mr. Church, she
sent privately for him also. Church took with him a
man that well understood Indian, and went directly to
the place appointed. Here " they found hundreds of
Indians gathered together from all parts of her do
minions. Awashonks herself in a foaming sweat was
leading the dance," but when it was announced that
Mr. Church was come, she stopped short, and sat
down ; ordered her chiefs into her presence, and then
invited Mr. Church. All being seated, she informed
him that Metacomet, that is Philip, had sent six of his
men to urge her to join with him in prosecuting a war
against the English. She said these messengers in
formed her that the Umpames, that is Plimouth men,
were gathering a great army to invade his country, and
wished to know of him if this were truly 'the case.
He told her that it was entirely without foundation,
for he had but just come from Plimouth, and no prep-
* Thus fcr chiefly from Col. Mas. His. Soc.
AWASHONK6. 39
arations of any kind were making, nor did he believe
any thoughts of war were entertained by any of the
head men there. " He asked her whether she thought
he would have brought up his goods to settle in that
place," if he in the least apprehended a war ; at which
she seemed somewhat convinced. Aivashonks then or
dered the six Pokanokits into their presence. These
made an imposing appearance, having their faces paint
ed, and their hairs so cut as to represent a cock's
comb, being all shaved from each side of the head,
leaving only a tuft upon the crown, which extended
from the forehead to the occiput. They had powder-
horns and shot- bags at their backs, which denoted
warlike messengers of their nation. She now in
formed them of what capt. Church had said. Upon
which they discovered dissatisfaction, and a warm talk
followed, but Awashonks soon put an end to it ; after
which she told Mr. Church that Philip had told his mes
sengers to tell her, that unless she joined with him, he
would send over some of his warriors, privately, to
kill the cattle a,nd burn the houses of the English,
which they would thirrk to be done by her men, and
consequently would fall upon her.
Mr. Church asked the Mount Hopes what they were
going to do with the bullets in their possession, to
which they scoffingly answered, "to shoot pigeons
with." Church then told Awashonks that if Philip
were resolved on war, "her best way would be to
Iftiock those six Mount Hopes on the head, and shelter
herself under the protection of the English." When
they understood this they were very silent, and it is
to be lamented that so worthy a man as Church should
be the first to recommend murder, and it is due only
to the wisdom of Awashonks, that his unadvised coun
sel was not put in practice.
40 AWASHONKS,
These six Pokanokets came over to*Sogkonate with
two of Jlwashonks men, who seemed very favourably
inclined to the measures of Philip, They expressed
themselves with great indignation, at the rash advice
of Church* Another of her men, called Little-eyes, one
of her council, was so enraged that he would then
have taken Church's life, if he had not been prevented.
His design was to get Mr. Church aside from the rest,
under a pretence of private talk, and to have assassi
nated him when he was off his guard. But some of
his friends seeing through the artifice prevented it.
The advice of Church was adopted, or that part
which directed that Awashonks should immediately put
herself under the protection of the English, and she
desired him to go immediately and make the arrange
ment, to which he agreed. After kindly thanking him
for his information and advice, she sent two of her
men with him to his house, to guard him. These
urged him to secure his goods, least in his absence the
enemy should come and destroy them ; but he would
not, because such a step might be thought a kind of
preparation for hostilities ; but told them, that in case
hostilities were begun, they might convey his effects
to a place of safety. He then proceeded to Plimouth,
where he arrived 7th June, 1675.
In his way to Plimouth, he met, at Pocasset,the hus
band of Weetamore, commonly known by the name of
squaw Sachem of Pocasset. He was just returned
from the neighborhood of Mount Hope, and confirmed
all that had been said about Philip's intentions to be
gin a war.
But before Mr. Church could return again to Jlwa
shonks, the war commenced, and all communication
was at an end. This was sorely regretted by Church,
and the benevolent Jlwashonks was carried away in
AWASHONKS.
the tide of Philip's successes, which was her only al
ternative.
Mr. Church was wounded at the great Swamp
fight, 19th December following, and remained upon
Rhode Island until about the middle of May,' 1676.
He now resolved to engage again in the war, and tak
ing passage in a sloop bound to Barnstable, arrived at
Plimouth the first Tuesday in June. The governor
and other officers of government were highly pleased
to see him, and desired him to take the command of
a company of men to be immediately sent out, to
which he consented. We thus notice Church's pro
ceeding, because it led to important matters connected
with the history of Awashonks. Before he set out
with the soldiers raised at Plimouth, it was agreed
that he should first return to Rhode Island, for the
purpose of raising other forces to be joined with
them, In his return to the island, as he passed from
Sogkonesset, now called Wood's hole, to the island, and
when he came against Sogkonate point, some of the
enemy were seen fishing upon the rocks. He was
now in an open canoe, which he had hired at Sogko-
nesset, and two Indians to paddle it. He ordered them
to go so near the rocks that he might speak with those
upon them ; being persuaded that if he could have an
opportunity, he might still gain over the Sogkonates to
the side of the English, for he knew they never had
any real attachment to Philip, and were now in his
interest, only from necessity. They accordingly pad
dled towards them, who made signs for them to ap
proach ; but when they had got pretty near, they
skulked away among the rocks, and could not be seen.
The canoe then paddled off again, lest they should be
fired upon ; which when those among the rocks ob
served, showed themselves again, and called to them
AWASHONKS.
to come ashore ; and said they wished to speak with
them. The Indians in the canoe answered them, but
those on shore informed them that the waves dashed
so upon the rocks that they could not understand a
word they said. Church now made signs for two of
them to go along upon the shore to a beach, where
one could see a good space round, whether any others
were near. Immediately two ran to the place, one
without any arms, but the other had a lance. Know
ing Church to be in the boat, they urged him to come
on shore, for they wanted to discourse with him. He
told him that had the lance, that if he would carry it
away at considerable distance, and leave it, he would.
This he readily did. Mr. Church then went ashore,
left one of his Indians to guard the canoe, and the
other he stationed upon the beach to give notice if
any should approach. He was surprised to find that
George was one of them, a very good man, and the
last Sogkonate he had spoken with, being one of those
sent to guard him to his house, and to whom he had given
charge of his goods when he undertook his mission to
Plimouth. On being asked what he wanted that he
called him ashore, answered, " that he took him for
Church, as soon as he heard his voice in the canoe,
and that he was glad to see him alive." He also told
him that Awashonks was in a swamp about 3 miles off,
and that she had left Philip and did not intend to re
turn to him any more ; and wished Mr. Church to stay
while he should go and call her; this he did not
think prudent, but said he would come again and
speak with Jlwashonks, and some other Indians, that
he should name. He therefore told George to notify
Jlwashonks, h'er son Peter, their chief captain, and one
Nompash, to rr^eet him two days after at a certain rock,
" at the lower end of captain Richmond's farm, which
, AWASHONKS. 43
was a very noted place." It was provided that if that
day should prove stormy, the next pleasant day should
be improved. They parted with cordiality ; George
to carry the news to Jlwashonks, and Church to New
port.
On being made acquainted with Church's intention
to visit these Indians, the government of Rhode Isl
and marvelled much at his presumption, and would
not give him any permit under their hands ; assuring
him that the Indians would kill him. They said also
that it was madness on his part, after such signal ser
vices as he had done, to throw away his life in such a
manner. Neither could any entreaties of friends al
ter his resolution, and he made ready for his depar
ture. It was his intention to have taken with him one
Daniel Wilcox, a man who well understood the Indian
language, but the government utterly refused ; so that
his whole retinue in this important embassy, consisted
only of himself, his own man, and the two Indians
who conducted him from Sogkonesset. As an impor
tant item in his outfit, must be mentioned a bottle of
rum, and a roll of tobacco.
The day appointed having arrived, after paddling
about three miles, they came to the stated rock, where
the Indians were ready to receive them, and gave him
their hands in token of friendship. They went back
from the shore about fifty -yards, for a convenient
place for consultation, when all at once rose up from
the high grass, a great many Indians, so that they were
entirely encompassed. They were all armed with
guns, spears and hatchets; faces painted and hairs
trimmed, in complete warlike array. If ever a man
knew fear, we should apprehend it would discover it
self upon an occasion like this. But like Mentor in
the fable, " qui craignoit Us maux avant qu'il arriv assent >
44 AWASHONKS.
ne savoit plus ce que c'etoit que de les craindre des qu' Us
etoient arrives."
As soon as he could be heard, Mr. Church tqld Awa-
shonks that George had said that she desired to see him,
about making peace with the English. She said,
" Yes." Then, said Mr. Church, " it is customary when
people meet to treat of peace, to lay aside their arms,
and not to appear in such hostile form as your people
do." He observed that it would be very proper for
her men to lay aside their arms while they discoursed
of peace. At this there was much murmuring
among them, and Awashonks asked him what arms
they should lay aside. Seeing their displeasure, he
said only their guns for forms' sake. With one con
sent they then laid away their guns and came and
sat down. He then drew out his bottle of rum and
asked Awashonks whether she had lived up so long at
Wachusett as to forget to drink occapeches. Then
drinking to her, observed she watched him very nar
rowly to see whether he swallowed, and on offering it
to her, she wished him to drink again. He then told
her there was no poison in it, and pouring some into
the palm of his hand, sipped it up. After he had ta
ken a second hearty dram, Awashonks ventured to do
likewise ; then passed it among her attendants. The
tobacco was next passed round, and they began to
talk. Awashonks wanted to know why he had not
corne as he promised the year before, observing, that
if he had, she and her people had not joined with
Philip. He told her he was prevented by the break
ing out of the war, and mentioned that he made an
attempt, notwithstanding, soon after he left her, and got
as far as Punkatesse, when a multitude of enemies set
upon him, and obliged him to retreat. A great mur
mur now arose among the warriors, and one, a fierce
AWASHONKS. 45
and gigantic fellow, raised his war club, with intention
to kill Mr. Church, but some laid hold on him and pre
vented him. They informed him that this fellow's
brother was killed in the fight at Punkateese, and that
he said it was Church that killed him, and he would
now have his blood. Church told them to tell him
that his brother began first, and that if he had done as
he had directed him, he would not have been hurt.
The chief captain now ordered silence, telling them
they should talk no more about old matters, which put
an end to the tumult, and an agreement was soon con
cluded. Jlwashonks agreed to serve the English " in
what way she was able," provided " Plimouth would
firmly engage to them, that they and all of them, and
their wives and children should have their lives spared,
and none of them transported out of the country."
This, Church told her he "did not doubt in the least but
Plimouth would consent to.
Things being thus matured, the chief captain stood
up, and after expressing the great respect he had for
Mr. Church, said, " Sir, if you will please accept of
me and my men, and will head us, we will fight for
you, and will help you to Philip's head before the In
dian corn be ripe." We do not expect that this chief
pretended to possess the spirit of prophecy, but cer
tainly he was a truer prophet than many who have
made the pretension.
Mr. Church would have taken a few of the
men with him, and gone directly through the woods to
Plimouth; but Awashonks insisted that it would be
very hazardous. He therefore agreed to return to the
island and proceed by water, and so would take in
some of their company at Sogkonate point, which
was accordingly brought about. And here it should
be mentioned that the friendship now renewed by the
4
46 AWASHONKST.
industry of Mr. Church, was never afterward broken.
Many of these Indians always accompanied Church in
his memorable expeditions, and rendered great service
to the English. When Philip's war was over, Church
went to reside again among them, and the greatest
harmony always prevailed. But to return to the
thread of our narrative :
On returning to the island, Mr. Church " was at
great pains and charge to get a vessel, but with unac
countable disappointments ; sometimes by the false
ness, and sometimes by the faint heartedness of men
that he bargained with, and sometimes by wind and
weather, &c." was hindered a long time. At length,
Mr. Anthony Low, of Swanzey, happening to put into
the harbor, and although bound to the westward, on
being made acquainted with Mr. Church's case, said he
would run the venture of his vessel and cargo to wait
upon him. But when they arrived at Sogkonate point,
although the Indians were there according to agree
ment waiting upon the rocks, they met with a contra
ry wind, and so rough a sea, that none but Peter Awa-
shonks could get on board. This he did at great haz
ard, having only an old broken canoe to get off in.
The wind and rain now forced them up into Pocasset
sound, and they were obliged to bear away, and return
round the north end of the island, to Newport.
Church now dismissed Mr. Low, viewing their ef
fort as against the will of Providence, and drew up an
account of what had passed, and despatched Peter, on
the 9th July, by way of Sogkonate, to Plimouth.
Major Bradford having now arrived with the army
at Pocasset, Mr. Church repaired to him and told him
of his transactions and engagements with Awashoriks.
Bradford directed him to go and inform her of his ar
rival, which he did. Awashonks doubtless now discov-
AWASHONKS. 47
ered much uneasiness and anxiety, but Mr. Church told
her " that if she would be advise^ and observe order,
she nor her people need not fear being hurt by them."
He directed her to get all her people together, lest
if they should be found straggling about, mischief
might light on them ;" and that the next day the army
would march down into the neck to receive her. Af
ter begging him to consider the short time she had to
collect them together, promised to do the best she
could, and he left her.
Accordingly two days after she met the army at
Punkateese. Awashonks was now unnecessarily per
plexed by the conduct of Major Bradford. For she
expected her men would have been employed in the
army ; but instead of that, he " presently gave forth
orders for Awashonks, and all her subjects, both men,
women and children, to repair to Sandwich, and to be
there upon peril, in six days." Church was also quite
disconcerted by this unexpected order, but all reason
ing or remonstrance was of no avail with the com
mander in chief. He told Mr. Church he would em
ploy him if he choose, but as for the Indians, he
would not be concerned with them," and accordingly
sent them off with a flag of truce, under the direction
of Jack Havens, an Indian who had never been engag
ed in the war. Mr. Church told Jlwashonks not to be
concerned, but it was best to obey orders, and he
would shortly meet her at Sandwich.
According to promise, Church went by way of Pli-
mouth to meet the Sogkonates. The governor of Pli-
mouth was highly pleased at the account Church gave
him of the Indians, and so much was he now satisfied
of his superior abilities and skill, that he desired him
to be commissioned in the country's service. He left
Plimouth the same day with six attendants, among
48 AWASHONKS,
whom were Mr. Jabez Howland, and Mr. Nathaniel
Southworth. They, slept at Sandwich the first
night, and here taking a few more men agreeably to
the governor's orders, proceeded to Jlgawom, a small
river of Rochester, where they expected to meet the
Indians. Some of his company now became discour
aged, presuming, perhaps, the Indians were treacher
ous, and half of them returned home. When they
came to Sippican river, which empties into Buzzard's
bay in Rochester, Mr. Howland was so fatigued that
they were obliged to leave him, he being in years,
and somewhat corpulent. Church left two more with
him as a reserve in case he should be obliged to re
treat. They soon came to the shore of Buzzard's bay,
and hearing a great noise at considerable distance from
them, upon the bank, were presently in sight of a
" vast company of Indjans, of all ages and sexes, some
on horseback, running races, some at foot-ball, some
catching eels and flat fish in the water, some clamming,
&c." They now had to find out what Indians these
were, before they dared make themselves known to
them. Church therefore halloed, and two Indians
that were at a distance from the rest, rode up to him,
to find out what the noise meant. They were very
much surprised when they found themselves so near
Englishmen, and turned their horses to run, but Church
making himself known to them, they gave him the de
sired information. He sent for Jack Havens, who im
mediately came. And when he had confirmed what
the others had related, there arrived a large number of
thm on horseback, well armed. These treated the
English very respectfully. Church then sent Jack to
Jlwashonks, to inform her that he would sup with her
that night, and lodge in her tent. In the mean time
the English returned with their friends they had left at
AWASHONKS. 49
Sippican. When they came to the Indian company,
"were immediately conducted to a shelter, open
on one side, whither Awashonks and her chiefs soon
carne and paid their respects." When this had taken
place there were great shouts made by the " multi
tudes" which "made the heavens to ring." About
sunset " the Nctops* came running from all quarters,
laden with the tops of dry pines, and the like combus
tible matter, making a huge pile thereof, near Mr.
Church's shelter, on the open side thereof. But by
this time supper was brought in, in three dishes, viz :
a curious young bass in one dish, eels and flat fish in
a second, and shell fish in a third," but salt was want
ing. When the supper was finished, " the mighty pile
of pine knots and tops, &c. was fired, and all the In
dians, great and small, gathered in a ring around it. Jlwa-
shonks, with the eldest of her people, men and women
mixed, kneeling down, made the first ring next the
fire, and all the lusty stout men standing up made the
next ; and then all the rabble in a confused crew, sur
rounded on the outside. Then the chief captain step
ped in between the rings and the fire, with a spear in
one hand, and a hatchet in the other, danced round
the fire, and began to fight with it, making mention of
all the several nations and companies of Indians in
the country that were enemies to the English. And
at naming of every particular tribe of Indians, he
would draw out and fight a new fire-brand, and at his
finishing his fight with each particular fire-brand,
would bow to Mr. Church and thank him." When he
had named over all the tribes at war with the English,
he stuck his spear and hatchet in the ground, and left
the ring, and then another stepped in, and acted over
* Signify ing friends, in Indian.
50 AWASHONKS.
the same farce ; trying to act with more fury than the
first. After about a half a dozen had gone through
with the performance, their chief captain stepped to
Mr. Church and told him " they were making soldiers
for him, and what they had been doing was all one
swearing of them." Awashonks and her chiefs next
came and told him " that now they were all engaged
to fight for the English." At this time Awashonks
presented to Mr. Church a very fine gun. The next
day, July 22, he selected a number of her men and
proceeded to Plirnouth. A commission was given
him, and being joined with a number of English, vol
unteers, commenced a successful series of exploits, in
which these Sogkonates bore a conspicuous part, but
have never, since the days of Church, been anywhere
sufficiently noticed.
It is said* that Awashonks had two sons, the young
est was William Mommynewit, who was put to a gram
mar school, and learned the Latin language, and was
intended for college, but was prevented by being seized
with the palsy. The bounds of Jlwashonks territo
ries were a line from Pachet brook to the head of
Coaxet.
About 130 years ago, i. e. 1700, there were 100
Indian men of the Sogkonate tribe, and the general
assembly appointed Numpaus their captain, who lived
to be an old man, and died about 1748, after the taking
of Cape Breton, 1745. At the commencement of the
eighteenth century, they made quite a respectable re
ligious congregation ; had a meeting-house of their
own, in which they were instructed by Rev. Mr. Bil
lings, once a month, on Sundays. They had a steady
preacher among themselves, whose name was John Si~
mon, a man of a strong mind. See Art. John Simon ,
t See Col. Mas. His. Soc.
51
About 1750, a very distressing fever carried oflf
many of this tribe, and in 1803 there were not above
ten in Compton, their principal residence.
JBfffOt?5 (Sam.) famous in Philip's war; fell
into the hands of capt. Church, in one of his successful
expeditions in the vicinity of Cape Cod. Church says,
in his history, that he was " as noted a rogue as any
among the enemy." Capt. Church told him that the
government would not permit him to grant him quar
ter, "because of his inhuman murders and barbarities,"
and therefore ordered him to prepare for execution,
" Barrow replied, that the sentence of death against
him was just, and that indeed he was ashamed to live
any longer, and desired no more favor, than to smoke
a whiff of tobacco before his execution. When he
had taken a few whiffs, he said, ' I am ready ;' upon
which one of capt. Church's Indians sunk his hatchet
into his brains." Thus perished a martyr in a great
cause, and with infinitely more honor than his murder
ers. He was the father of Totoson.
Big-tree ) a chief of the Seneca nation, one
who signed the treaty of fort Stanwix*, in 1784. We
hear of no warlike exploits of his, but his name is
often associated with that of Corn-plant and Half-town,
in their appeals to government during the period im
mediately following the revolution. Although the
following notices may more properly belong to Corn-
plant, we recite them here, as it is presumed that thai
article will be sufficiently long without them.
In the year 1790, Big-tree, Corn-plant, and Half-town
appeared at Philadelphia, and by their interpreter,
communicated to President Washington as follows :
" Father ; The voice of the Seneca nations speaks
* Situated 15 miles north west of Utica, in the state of N. Y-
52
to you ; the great counsellor, in whose heart the wise
men of all the thirteen fires [13 U. S.] have placed their
wisdom. It may be very small in your ears, and we
therefore entreat you to hearken with attention ; for we
are able to speak of things which are to us very great.
" When your army entered the country of the Six
Nations, we called you the town destroyer ; to this day,
when your name is heard, our women look behind them
and turn pale, and our children cling close to the necks
of their mothers."
" When our chiefs returned from fort Stanwix, and
laid before our council what had been done there, our
nation was surprised to hear how great a country you
had compelled them to give up to you, without your
paying to us anything for it. Every one said, that
your hearts were yet swelled with resentment against
us for what had happened during- the war, but that one
day you would consider it with more kindness. We
asked each other, what have we done to deserve such
severe chastisement ?
" Father ; when you kindled your 13 fires separately,
the wise men assembled at them, told us that you were
all brothers ; the children of one great father, who
regarded the red people as his children. They called
us brothers, and invited us to his protection. They
told us that he resided beyond the great water where
the sun first rises ; and that he was a king whose
power, no people could resist, and that his goodness
was as bright as the sun. What they said went to our
hearts. We accepted the invitation, and promised to
obey him. What the Seneca nation promises they
faithfully perform. When you refused obedience to
that king, he commanded us to assist his beloved men
in making you sober. In obeying him we did no more
than yourselves had led us to promise." " We were
BIG-TREE.
53
deceived ; but your people teaching us to confide in
that king, had helped to deceive us ; and we now
appeal to your breast. Is all the blame ours?
Father ; when we saw that we had been deceived,
and heard the invitation which you gave us to draw
near to the fire you had kindled, and talk with you
concerning peace, we made haste towards it. You
told us you could crush us to nothing ; and you de
manded from us a great country, as the price of that
peace which you had offered to us : as if our want of
strength had destroyed our rights. Our chiefs had felt
your power and were unable to contend against you,
and they therefore gave up that country. What they
agreed to has bound our nation, but your anger against
us must by this time be cooled, and although our
strength is not increased, nor your power become less,
we ask you to consider calmly : were the terms dictated
to us by your commissioners, reasonable and just ?"
They also remind the president of the solemn prom
ise of the commissioners, that they should be secured
in the peaceable possession of what was left to them,
and then ask, " does this promise bind you ?" And that
no sooner was the treaty of fort Stanwix concluded,
than commissioners from Pennsylvania, came to pur
chase of them what was included within the lines of
their state. These they informed that they did not
wish to sell, but being further urged, consented to sell
a part. But the commissioners said that " they must
have the whole ," for it was already ceded to them by
the king of England, at the peace following the revo
lution. But still as their ancestors had always paid
the Indians for land, they were willing to pay them for
it. Being not able to contend, the land was sold. Soon
after this they empowered a person to let out part of
their land, who said congress had sent him for the pur-
O4 BIG-TREE.
pose, but who, it seems, fraudulently procured a deed
instead of a power ; for there soon came another person
claiming all their country northward of the line of
Pennsylvania, saying that he purchased it of the other,
and for which had paid twenty thousand dollars to him,
and twenty thousand more to the United States. He
now demanded the land and, on being refused, threaten
ed immediate war. Knowing their weak situation,
they held a council, and took the advice of a white
man, whom they took to be their friend, but who, as
it proved, had plotted with the other, and was to re
ceive some of the land for his agency. He therefore
told them they must comply. " Astonished at what
we heard from every quarter, with hearts aching with
compassion for our women and children, we were thus
compelled to give up all our country north of the line
of Pennsylvania, and east of the Gennesee river, up to
the great forks, and east of a south line drawn up from
that fork to the line of Pennsylvania." For this he
agreed to give them ten thousand dollars down, and
one thousand dollars a year forever. Instead of that
he paid them two thousand five hundred dollars, and
some time after offered five hundred dollars more, in
sisting that that was all he owed them, which he allow
ed to be yearly. They add,
"Father ; you have said that we were in your hand,
and that by closing it you could crush us to nothing.
Are you determined to crush us ? If you are, tell us
so ; that those of our nation who have become your
children, and have determined to die so, may know
what to do. In this case one chief has said, he would
ask you to put him out of his pain. Another, who
will not think of dying by the hand of his father, or
his brother, has said he will retirtf to the Chataughque,
eat of the fatal root, and sleep with his fathers in
peace."
BIMILICK. 55
A11 the land we have been speaking of belonged to
the Six Nations. No part of it ever belonged to the
king of England, and he could not give it to you."
" Hear us once more. At fort Stanwix we agreed to
deliver up those of our people who should do you any
wrong, and that you might try them and punish them
according to your law. We delivered up two men ac
cordingly. But instead of trying them according to
your law, the lowest of your people took them from
your magistrate, and put them immediately to death.
It is just to punish the murder with death, but the
Senecas will not deliver up their people to men who
disregard the treaties of their own nation."
There were many other grievances enumerated,
and all in a strain, which we should think would have
drawn forth immediate relief. In his answer, Presi
dent Washington said all, perhaps, which could be said
in his situation, and his good feelings are manifest
throughout, still there is something like evasion in an
swering some of their grievances, and an omission of
notice to others. His answer nevertheless, gave them
much encouragement. He assured them that the
lands obtained from them by fraud was not sanctioned
by the government, and that the whole transaction was
declared null and void. And that the persons who
murdered their people should be dealt with as though
they had murdered white men, and that all possible
means would be used for their apprehension, and re
wards should continue to be offered to effect it. But
we have not learned that they were ever apprehended.
The land conveyed by treaty, the President informed
them, he had no authority to concern with, as that act
was before his administration.
, a Narraganset, one who in '1661,
with Potok, Ninicraft and several other chiefs, were
56
BLACK-KETTLE.
much crowded and infringed upon in their lands near
Point-Judith by other Indians ; and against which en
croachments they petitioned the 'court of Massachu-
setts, that they might have liberty to expel them by
force. What orders the court passed upon their peti
tion is not known. There is a brook in Worcester,
Mass, bearing the name of JBimilick, which perhaps
derived its name from this chief.*
Slack-kettle^ a famous chief and warrior of
the Five Nations. A war with France in 1690,
brought this chief upon the records of history. In
the summer of that year, major Schuyler of Albany,
with a company of Mohawks, fell upon the French
settlements at the north end of lake Champlairi. De
Callieres, governor of Montreal, hastily collected
about 800 men and opposed them, but notwithstand
ing his force was vastly superior, yet they were repul
sed with great loss. About 300 of the enemy were
killed in this expedition. The French now took eve
ry measure in their power to retaliate. They sent
presents to many tribes of Indians, to engage them in
their cause, and in the following winter a party of
about 300 men, under an accomplished young gen-
tleman, marched to attack the confederate Irdian na
tions at Niagara. Their march was long, and render
ed almost insupportable ; being obliged to carry their
provisions on their backs through deep snow. Black-
kettle met them with about 80 men, and maintained an
unequal fight until his men were nearly all cut off;
but it was more fatal to the French, who far from
home, had no means of recruiting. Black-kettle, in his
turn, carried the war into Canada during the whole
summer following, with immense loss and damage to
* Manuscript documents.
BLACK-WILLIAM. 57
the French inhabitants. The governor was so enrag
ed at his successes, that he caused a prisoner, which
had been taken from the Five Nations, to be burnt
alive. This captive withstood the tortures with as
much firmness, as his enemies showed cruelty. He
sung his achievements while they broiled his feet,
burnt his hands with red hot irons, cut and wrung
off his joints, and pulled out the sinews. To close
the horrid scene, his scalp was torn off, and red hot
sand poured upon his head.
Sf(fck-willJ4(H9] called also Manatdhqua, was
Sachem of Sagus, now Lynn, and vicinity, when the
English settled about there in 1630. His father lived
at Swampscot, and was also a Sagamore, but proba
bly was dead before the English settled in the coun
try.* A traveller in this then f wilderness world, thus
notices William, as possessing Nahant. " One Black-
william, an Indian Duke, out of his generosity gave
this place in general to the plantation of Saugus, so
that no other can appropriate it to himself." He was
a great friend to the whites, but his friendship was re
paid, as was that of many others of that and even
much later times. There was a man by the name of
Walter Bagnall, a wicked fellow," who had much
wronged the Indians,} was killed near the mouth of
Saco river, probably by some of those whom he had
defrauded. This was in October, 1631. As some
vessels were upon the eastern coast in search of Pi-
,rates, in January, 1633, they put in at Richman's
island, where they fell in with Black-william. This
was the place where Bagnall had been killed about two
years before, but whether he had anything to do with
it, does not appear, nor do I find as any one, even his
* Hist. N. England. 32. t!633, Mr. William Wood; he
wrote N. England Prospect. j Winthrop's Jour. 1, 62, 63.
58 BLUE-JACKET.
murderers, pretended he was any way implicated, but
out of revenge for BagnalVs death, these pirate hun
ters hanged Black william. f On the contrary it was
particularly mentioned* that Bagnalt was killed by
Squidrayset and his men, some Indians belonging to
that parUof the country.
It is believed that this chief married a daughter of
Passaconaway. See that head.
Blue-jacket^ a name necessarily reminding us
of the fate of several tribes almost destroyed by the
American army under general Wayne, in 1794. Led
on by this chief, rather against the judgment of some
others, inspired by a confidence which had grown out of
their late victories, proved to them when too late, that
success at one time, was no security for its continuance.}
The tribes united to oppose the Americans under
Wayne, were the Wyandots, Miarnis, Pattowattomys,
Delawares, Shawanese, Chippeways, Ottoways, and a
few Senecas. Blue-jacket was the director and leader
of this mighty band of warriors.
From the time general St. Clair was defeated in
1791, murders were continued upon the frontier, and
all attempts on the part of government to effect a peace,
proved of no avail ; and lastly the embassadors sent to
them were murdered, and that too while the army was
progressing towards their country.
After building fort Greenville, upon the Ohio, six
miles above fort Jefferson, general Wayne took posses
sion of the ground where gen. St. Clair had been de
feated, and there erected a fort, to which he gave the
name of Recovery, in which the army spent the win
ter of 1793-4. Many censures were passed upon the
general for his slow progress, but he knew much bet-
* Hist. Lynn. , t Winthrop's Jour. I. 62, 63.
t Advice of Little-turtle.
BLUE-JACKET.
59
ter what he was doing, than newspaper writers did
what they were writing, when they undertook to cen
sure him, as the event proved.
It was the 8th of August, 1794, when the army ar
rived at the confluence of the rivers Au Glaize and
Maumee, where they built fort Defiance. It was the
general's design to have met the enemy unprepared, in
this move, but a fellow deserted his camp and notified
the Indians. He now tried again to bring them to an
accommodation, and from the answers which he re
ceived from them it was some time revolved in his
mind, whether they were for peace or not ; so artful
was the manner in which their replies were formed.*
At length being* fully satisfied, he marched down the
Maumee, and arrived at the rapids, 18th of August.
His army consisted of upwards of 3000 men, 2000 of
whom were regulars. Fort Deposite was erected at
this place for the security of their supplies. They now
set out to meet the enemy, who had chosen his posi
tion, upon the bank of the river, with much judgment.
They had a breastwork of fallen trees in front, and the
high rocky shore of the river gave them much security,
as also did the thick wood of Presque isle. Their
force was divided, and disposed at supporting distances
for about two miles. When the Americans had arrived
at proper distance, a body was sent out to be^in the
attack, " with orders to rouse the enemy from their co
vert with the bayonet ; and when up, to deliver a close
fire upon their bucks, and press them so hard as not to
give them time to reloa(J."f This order was so well
executed, and the battle at the point of attack so short,
that only about 900 Americans participated in it. But
* Marshall's Washington, v. 481 . ed. 4to.
t Schoolcraft.
60 BLUE-JACKET.
they pursued the Indians with great slaughter through
the woods to fort Maumee, where the carnage ended.
The Indians were so unexpectedly driven from their
strong hold, that their numbers only increased their
distress and confusion. And the cavalry made horrible
havoc among them with their long sabres. Of the
Americans there were killed and wounded about one
hundred and thirty. The loss of the Indians could not
be ascertained, but must have been very severe. The
American loss was chiefly at the commencement of
the action, as they advanced upon the mouths of the
Indians rifles, who could not be seen until they had
fired. They maintained their coverts but a short time,
being forced in every direction by th* bayonet. But
until that was effected the Americans fell fast, and we
only wonder that men could be found thus to advance
in the face of certain death.
This horrid catastrophe in our Indian annals, is
chargeable to certain white men, or at least mainly so;
for some days before the battle, general Wayne sent a
flag of truce to them, and desired them to come and
treat with him. The letter which he sent was taken to
a col. M'Kee, who it'appears was their ill -adviser, and
he, by putting a false construction upon it, increased
the rage of the Indians ; he then informed them that
they must forthwith fight the American army. Some
of the chiefs, learning the truth of the letter, were for
peace, but it was too late. Littlt-turtle was known to
have been in favor of making peace ; and seemed well
aware of the abilities of the American general. He
said to the other chiefs, " The Americans are now led
by a chief, who never sleeps. The night and the day
are alike to him. And during all the time that he has
been marching upon our villages, notwithstanding the
watchfulness of our young men, we have never been
able to surprise him."
BLUE-JACKET. 61
The night before the battle, the chiefs assembled in
council, and some proposed attacking the army in its
encampment, but was objected to by others ; finally the
proposition of fighting at Presque isle, prevailed.
In this battle all the chiefs of the Wyandots were
killed, being nine in number. Some of the nations
escaped the slaughter by not coming up until after the
defeat. This severe blow satisfied the western Indians
of the folly of longer contending against the Ameri
cans ; they therefore were glad to get what terms they
could from them. The chiefs of twelve tribes met
commissioners at fort Greenville, and as a price of their
peace, gave up an extensive tract of country south of
the lakes, and west of the Ohio ; and such other tracts
as comprehended all the military posts in the western
region. The government discovered some liberality to
these tribes, on their relinquishing to it what they could
not withhold, and as a gratuity gave them twenty thou
sand dollars in goods, and agreed to pay them nine
thousand dollars a year forever; to be divided among
those tribes in proportion to their numbers,*
It has been mentioned, that when the Indians were
routed, they fled to fort Maumee. This was a British
garrison, and its commander had promised the Indians
protection within its walls, if the battle turned against
them, but he broke his promise with them, and they
never overlooked it in the British afterwards. Tecum-
seh alludes to the transaction in his famous speech to
Proctor in our last war, and so did Walk-in-ihe-water
upon another occasion. Many English Canadians
from Detroit fought in this battle, notwithstanding the
* The terms of this treaty were the same as were offered to
them before the battle, which should be mentioned, as adding
materially to our good feelings towards its authors. It is
generally denominated Wayne's treaty. It is worthy of him.
62 BLUE-JACKET.
two nations were then at peace. The fact admitted of
no contradiction, for several were found among the
slain, who were known to be such.
MBlH-f(tcICt) a Shawanese chief, who render
ed his name famous during the last war. At a time
when many of the north-western tribes were about to
join the Americans, this chief, under a false pretence,
intended to have joined others in the council appoint
ed to be held at Seneca with the American commis
sioners, in the summer of 18 J 3, with the intention of
assassinating the commander, general Harrison. He
had formerly lived at Wapockonta, but from which he
had been absent a considerable time, and had returned
only a few days before the warriors of that town set
out to join the American army. That they might not
mistrust his intentions, he told them that he had been
hunting on the Wabash, and at his request they per
mitted him to march with them to Seneca. " Upon
their arrival at M'Arthurs block-house, they halted, and
encamped "for the purpose of procuring provisions from
the deputy Indian agent, col. M'Pherson, who resided
there. Before their arrival at that place, Blue-jacket
had communicated to a friend of his, a Shawanese
warrior, his intention to kill the American general, and
requested his assistance, but his friend declined, and
tried to influence him to give up the idea; urging that
he would assuredly loose his own life in the attempt.
The determined warrior chief, like the famous jVamm-
tenoh, replied " I would kill the general, if I knew
his guards would cut me in pieces not bigger
than my thumb nail."* This friend chanced to be a
friend also of general Harrison, which proved in the
end, a means to save his life. His name was Beaver,
and a Delaware, and was under peculiar obligations to
* Memoirs of gen. Harrison,
BOMAZEEN, 63
general Harrison, who had been a father to him in his
youth, when his own father had been killed. He
therefore felt bound to prevent an injury coming upon
him, and on the other hand, he knew not how to rid
himself of the obligation due, and almost always
strictly observed, from one chief towards another. At
length an opportunity presented, in which he might
discharge, as he conceived, his obligations^ While
they were encamped at the Block-house, and Beaver
sat in his tent, Blue-jacket drew, near, reeling under the
effect of ardent spirit, and uttering vengeance against
M'Pherson, who had turned him out of his house, for
acting, it is probable, in a manner agreeable to what
he had received from its inmates, and as they ought
to have expected. At this, Beaver's determination was
in a moment fixed, and raising his tomahawk, exclaim
ed, " you mutft be a great warrior ; you will not only
kill this white man for serving you as you deserve, but
you will also murder our father, the American chief,
and bring disgrace and misery upon us all ; but you
shall do neither:" At the same moment dealing a
deadly blow upow his skull, with which he prostrated
him upon the eatth, and with a second ended his
life. " There" said he to some Shawanese present,
"take him to' the ca\mp of his tribe, and tell them who
has done the deed."\ Beaver was applauded for the
act, and no resentment appears to have existed against
him afterward. Nor could any one account for the
design of Blue-jacket.
M&omazcen^ or Amazon, Sachem of Nerig-
wok, or Norridgewock. Whether he was the next in
succession to Arruhawikwc^emt or not, we have not
learned ; or whether he we?e a distinct chief among
others of equal authority am^ng the Nerigwoks.
Whether this chief was the .\eader in the attack up-
64 BOMAZEEJf.
on Oyster river in N. Hampshire, Groton in Massachu
setts, and many other places about the year 1694, we
cannot determine, but Hutchinson says he was " a
principal actor in the carnage upon the English," after
the treaty which he had made with governor Phips, in
1693. In 1694 he came to the fort at Pemmaquid with
a flag of truce, and was treacherously seized by those
who commanded, and sent prisoner to Boston, where
he remained some months, in a loathsome prison/ In
1706 new barbarities were committed. Chelnisford,
Sudbury, Groton, Exeter, Dover and many other pla
ces suffered more or less. Many captives were taken
to Canada, and many killed upon the way, A poor
woman who had arrived at the river St. Lawrence,
was about to be hanged by her master. The limb of
the tree on which he was executing his purpose gave
way, arid while he was making a second attempt,
Bomazeen, happened to be passing, and rescued her.
Here was humanity. What a thrill of gratitude
would our natures receive, were we able to record, or
read, that at a certain time the arm of an Englishman
was stayed, when the axe was about to descend upon
the neck of a poor helpless Indian prisoner !
We hear of him just after the death of Arrahawik-,
wabemt, in October, 1710, when he fell upon Saco
with 60 or 70 men, and killed several people, and
carried away some captives. He is mentioned as a
notorious fellow," and but few of his acts are upon
record. Some time after the peace of 1701, it seem
ed to be confirmed by the appearance of Bomazeen,
and another principal chief, who said the French Fri
ars were urging them to break their union with the
English, " but that they bad made no impression on
them, for they were as firm as the mountains, and
should continue so, as long as the sun and moon en-
BRANDT. 65
dured." On peace being made known to the Indians,
as having taken place between the French and English
nations, they came into Casco with a flag of truce,
and soon after concluded a treaty at Portsmouth, N.
H., dated llth July, 1713. Bomazeeri's name and
mark are to this treaty.
When capt. Moulton was sent up to Nerigwok in
1724, they fell in with Bomazeen about Taconnet,
where they shot him as he was escaping through the
river. Near the town of Nerigwok, his wife and
daughter were, in a barbarous manner fired upon, the
daughter killed, and the mother taken.
! purposely omit Dr. C. Mathers account of Boma
zeeri's conversation with a minister of Boston, while a
prisoner there, which amounts to little else than his
recounting some of the extravagant notions which
the French of Canada had made many Indians be
lieve, to their great detriment, as he said ; as that Jesus
Christ was a French man, and the virgin Mary a
French woman ; that the French gave them poison to
drink, to inflame them against the English, which
made them run mad, &c.
JBlYYJIYlf , an Onondaga chief, conspicuous for
his deception and treachery in the French war.
About 1756, notwithstanding three of his sons were
in the English army, yet he used wily arts tha^jt they
might fall into the hands of the French at O&wego. In
the revolutionary war he was commissioned colonel in
the English army, and led a band of warriors in the
Massacre of Wyoming, and in the attack on Minisink,
in New York. He died in 1807. His father was a Ger
man, and his mother an Indian. His residence was at
Anaquaqua, in New York, about 36 miles from the
present cite of Cooperstown. His most noted exploit
of barbarity was in the attack on Wyoming, at the
BRANDT.
head of about 300 Indians. In this, however, if bar
barity be chargeable to one more than another, it is to
a Connecticut tory, by the name of John Butler. This
man had lived among the Indians on the frontier, for
some time, in the character of an Indian grader. At
the head of about 1300 men, he associated himself
with Brandt and other Indian chiefs of the Six Nations,
and appeared upon the Susquehannah in the beginning
of July, 1778." The story of the fall and Massacre of
Wyoming is told in every history of the revolution,
but I shall refer the reader to that of Dr. Gordon.*
From Weld's travels in America, soon after the
Revolution, I extract as follows concerning Brandt.
" With a considerable body of his troops he joined the
forces under the command of sir John Johnson. A
skirmish took place with a body of American troops ;
the action was warm, and Brandt was shot by a mus
ket ball in his heel, but the Americans, in the end were
defeated, and an officer with 60 men, were taken pris
oners. The officer, after having delivered up his sword,
had entered into conversation with sir John Johnson,
who commanded the British troops, and they were
talking together in the most friendly manner, when
Brandt, having stolen slily behind them, laid the Amer
ican officer low with a blow of his tomahawk. The
indignation of sir John Johnson, as may be readily sup
posed, was roused by such an act of treachery, and he
resented it in the warmest terms. Brandt listened to
him unconcernedly, and when he had finished, told
him, that he was sorry for his displeasure, but that, in
deed, his heel was extremely painful at the moment, and he
* But the critical reader, may be very properly directed to
an account published in the Worcester Magazine, written in
a humorous and neat style.
BRANDT. 67
could not help revenging himself on the only chief of the
party that he saw taken."
The famous poem, Gertrude of Wyoming, often re
calls to our social circles, the recollection of Brandt.
But it is as hard to find excuse for the author's putting the
words of Logan into his hero's mouth, in one of the
stanzas, as for a modern tragedy writer, those of Nan-
untenoh into the mouth of Philip. However, as it is a
beautiful stanza in other respects, I will not withhold
it from the reader.
" Scorning to wield the hatchet for his bride,
'Gainst Brandt himself, I want to battle forth :
Accursed Brandt .' he left of all my tribe
Nor man nor child, nor thing of living birth :
No ! riot the dog, that watched my household hearth,
Escaped that night of blood, upon our plains!
All perished ! I alone am left on Earth !
To whom nor relation nor blood remains;
No ! not a kindred drop that runs in human veins !"
It should be mentioned that a son of Brandt, has
contradicted much of what has been said and written
about his father. But what his assertions are we know
not ; none of them having ever come to our know
ledge, but in general terms.
Whatever treachery or barbarity attaches itself to
the name of Brandt, the friend of the. Indian has the
consolation that he was but a half blood, br in other
words, that he was but half Indian.
At the massacre of Wyoming, col. Robert Dur/kee,
whose name was for several years before conspicuous
in the French war, was tortured in the most horrid
manner. The Indians held him in the fire with pitch
forks until he expired. But whether col. Brandt or
col. Butler presided upon the occasion we are not in
formed.
King George conferred on Brandt a fine tract of land
68 BULL.
on the west shore of lake Ontariejas a reward for his
military services, where a son and daughter were very
recently living, in the English style ; but their mother
would never conform to this mode of life. Brandt was
a man of some learning, and translated a prayerbook
and some of the bible into Indian ; copies of which
may be seen in the library of Harvard College.
Bull) (capt.) a chief among the Wabash tribe,
who when gens. Scott and Wilkinson were sent into
that country in 1791, did by his warriness, save
many of his people from falling into the hands of the
Americans. He discovered the army at a considera
ble distance, and before they could come up, himself
and nearly all his people, escaped across the Wabash.
In one house, however, a detachment of 40 men killed
two warriors ! At another town a little higher up the
river, they fell upon the inhabitants as they were em
barking in their canoes. How many they killed in
this situation is not distinctly stated, but they " de
stroyed all the savages with which five canoes were
crowded." The river here being not fordable to the
Americans, gave many an opportunity of escape. A
detachment at the same time surprised a neighboring
village, killed 6 warriors and took 52 prisoners ; most
ly women and children. About ] 8 miles farther up, at
the mouth of Eel river, a detachment burnt the town
of Kethlipecanunk, and had a skirmish with a few
warriors, in which three whites were wounded, but we
hear of none on the other side. Some French people
lived here with the Indians, as they ascertained by ma
ny French books and letters which they found in the
houses. The village contained "about 70 houses,
many of them well finished."
The army, after releasing 16 prisoners, who were
unable to travel, by whom a proclamation was sent to
BULL-HEAD. 69
the Wabash tribes, decamped and left the country.
Thus ended the expedition of general Scott ; in which
not a white man was killed, and but five wounded."
"Thirty-two, chiefly warriors of size and figure," were
killed, and fifty-eight taken prisoners.
jBllllet) (captain.) A Seneca chief, was known
by this name in 1791. His depredations, added to
those of many others, was the cause of the unfortu
nate expeditions afterwards, of Harmer and St. Clair.
This chief, on the 22d March, in that year, led a par
ty of his warriors to a frontier settlement on the Alle-
gany river, in Pennsylvania, opposite to a small island,
called Owen's island, where Bullet, with five of his
men went into the house of one Mr. Cutwright, in a
friendly manner, and requested some victuals, which
the family immediately gave them. When they had
finished eating, capt. Bullet told Mr. Cutwright he must
give him his gun, and on meeting with a refusal, raised
his tomahawk and gave Cutwright such a blow, that
he instantly fell dead. By this time a son of Cut
wright having provided himself with an axe, struck at
and killed Bullet. Upon this a second Indian laid
young Cutwright dead with his tomahawk. The affray
had alarmed the neighborhood, and others were en
gaged on both sides. No more of the whites appear
to have been killed, but two of Bullet's company were
added to the former number, and the Indians, to the
number of 14, made their escape into the woods, and
the few scattered settlers retired for a time to the lower
settlements.
tSull-head., chief of the lower Seminoles, no- 4
ticed for the sake of exhibiting a custom of surprising
barbarity. He had escaped the ravages of war, car
ried on by the Americans against them for several
years previous to and during 1818, and lived in a place
6
70 CANASSATEGO.
of security, enjoying the rich plunder he had wrested
from his enemies. In June of this year, 1818, he
died, and agreeable to his direction, four beautiful hor
ses, and a negro man for whom he had great attach-
. ment while living, were burned as sacrifices upon the
occasion.
ISusltCMg'j a Pequot, who in the time of the
first settlement of Connecticut, made an attempt to
murder some of the people of the town of Stamford,
and although he did not succeed, yet the English
offered a reward for the intended murderer, and he
was shortly after apprehended by one of his own na
tion and delivered up to the English, who put him to
death at New Haven.
Caleb , a Punkapog, one of those called praying
Indians, but who had become disaffected, as was often
the case among those professing Christianity. This
Caleb being detected in attempting to run away to join
the Narragansets with another man's wife, about the
commencement of Philip's war, fled into the woods,
and was taken soon after, and delivered to the English,
who closely confined him; his fate is unknown, but
doubtless the fate of a slave in a distant land was his.
CanaSSOtegO) aMengwe chief of the Six Na
tions. In 1742, there arose a dispute between the
Delawares and the government of Pennsylvania, rela
tive to a tract of land in the forks of the Delaware.
The English claimed it by right of prior purchase,
and the Delawares persisted in their claim, and threat
ened to use force unless it should be given up by the
whites. This tribe of the Delawares were subject to
the Six Nations, and the governor of Pennsylvania *ent
deputies to them to notify them of the trouble, that
they might interfere and prevent war. It was on this
occasion that Canassatego appeared in Philadelphia
CANASSATEGO.
71
with 230 warriors. He observed to the governor,
"that they saw the Delawares had been an unruly
people, and were altogether in the wrong ; that they
had concluded to remove them, and oblige them to go
over the river Delaware, and quit all claim to any lands
on this side for the future, since they had received pay
for them, and it is gone through their guts long ago.
They deserved, he said, to be taken by the hair of the
head, and shaken severely, till they recovered their
senses, and became sober; that he had seen with his
own eyes a deed signed by nine of their ancestors
above fifty years ago for this very land, and a release
signed not many years since, by some of themselves,
and chiefs yet living, (and then present) to the number
of 15 and upwards ; but how came you (addressing
himself to the Delawares present,) to take upon you to
sell land at all ? We conquered you ; we made wo
men of you ; you know you are women ; and can no
more sell land than women ; nor is it fit you should,
have the power of selling lands, since you would abuse
it. This land you claim is gone through your guts ;
you have been furnished with clothes, meat and drink,
by the goods paid you for it, and now you want it
again, like children as you are. But what makes you
sell lands in the dark ? Did you ever tell us that you
had sold this land ? Did we ever receive any part,
even the value of a pipe shank, from you, for it ? You
have told us a blind story, that you sent a messenger to
us, to inform us of the sale ; but he never came
amongst us, nor did we ever hear any thing about it.
This is acting in the dark, and very different fro/n the
conduct our Six Nations observe in the sales of land.
On such occasions they give public notice, and invite
all the Indians of their united nations, and give them
all a share of the presents they receive for their lands.
7* CANONCHET.
This is the behaviour of the wise united nations. But
we find you are none of our blood ; you act a dishon
est part, not only in this, but in other matters ; your
ears are ever open to slanderous reports about your
brethren. For all these reasons, we charge you to re
move instantly ; we dont give you liberty to think about it.
You are women." They dared not disobey this com
mand, and soon after removed, some to Wyoming and
Shamokin, and some to the Ohio.*
When Canassatego was at Lancaster, in Pennsylva
nia, in 1744, holding a talk about their affairs with the
governor, he was informed that the English had beaten
the French, in some important battle. " Well," said he
"if that be the case, you must have taken a great deal
of rum from them, and can afford to give us some,
that we may rejoice with you." Accordingly a glass
was served round to each, which they called a French
glass, f
We are not to look into the history of Pennsylvania
for a succession of Indian wars, although there have
been some horrid murders and enormities committed
among the whites and Indians. For about 70 years,
their historic page, is very clear of such records, name
ly, from 1682, the arrival of William Penn, until the
French war of 1755.
CnttOttchct r by some Quanonshet, was son of
Miantunomoh. Canonchet was the last name by which
he was known ; that of Nanuntenoo he bore some time
previous to Philip's war. He was a famous warrior,
and commanded in the fight when capt. Michael Pierce,
* Gordon's Pa. A very pleasantstory is told of Canassate
go by Dr. Franklin, but is too long to be here inserted, and is
or ought to be in the hands of every person. It is printed in
the common edition of his life.
t Colden's Hist. Five Nations, ii, 142.
CANONCHET. 73
of Scituate, and his company were cut off at Patuxet,
in Rhode Island. He was, says Dr. Trumbull, an " in
heritor of all his father's pride, and of his insolence and
hatred towards the English."
The " sore defeat" of capt. Pierce, and the tide of
the enemies previous success, caused the united colo
nies to send forth all the strength they could raise. The
fight at Patuxet was on Sunday, the 26th of March,
1676, and before the end of the month Canonchet,
with many of his men, atoned by their lives for the
loss of the English. During the winter of 1675, Ca-
nonchet took up his abode far into the country of the
Nipmucks. He came down early in the spring to
collect seed corn for the purpose of planting the de
serted settlements of the English upon Connecticut
river. It was in this service that his scouts discovered
and watched the movements of capt. Piercers compa
ny, and fell upon them at such great advantage. Short
ly after this, capt. George Denison of Southerton,* with
a considerable body of English, and a large number of
Pequot and Mohegan Indians, came upon Canonchet
near Patucket river. They first took a squaw belong
ing to his company, who informed them whore Canon
chet was. He was nearly surrounded in his wigwam,
when one of his men apprised him of the approach of
the English, and he instantly fled with great precipi
tation. A friendly Indian by the name of Catapazet,
discovering him as he fled, knew him and pursued him
with all the speed he was master of. Several others
* Since, Stonington, in Connecticut. He lived near Mystic
river in 1(558, and was the chief officer in the place, -civil,
military, or ecclesiastical. Possibly some future historian may
ask the editors of the Connecticut Gazetteer, who pretend
to give biographical notices of the most eminent men jn the
towns, what they have done with capt. George Denison.
74 CANONCHET.
who were very swift of foot, joined in the pursuit.
When pressed to great extremity, he threw off his
blanket, and again as they neared him, his silver laced
coat, which was, some time before the war, given him
at Boston, when he made a treaty with the English. A
doubt no longer remained with his pursuers, as to the
certainty that it was Canonchet, which gave them new
ardor in the pursuit ; yet it seemed very doubtful
whether they would be able to overtake him ; and but
for an accident was hardly probable. As he was cross
ing the river, his foot slipped upon a stone y which
brought him into a deep place, and his gun under
water, and he lost so much time in recovering himself,
that one of the foremost of his pursuers, a Pequot
named Monopoide, came up and seized upon him, as
he was flying upon the opposite shore, and within 30
rods of it. Canonchet made no resistance, although he
was a man or great physical strength, and acknowl
edged bravery, and the one who seized him very ordin
ary in that respect. Robert Stanton, a young man, was
the first Englishman who came up. He asked the
captured chief some questions, who appeared at first to
regard him with silent indignity, but at length casting a
disdainful look upon him, said in broken English, "you
too much child: no understand matters of war: let
your captain come, him I will answer." " Acting
herein," says Mr. Hubbard, " as if by a Pythagorean
metempsychosis, some old Roman ghost had possessed
the body of this western pagan ; and like Attilius Reg-
ulus,* he would not accept of his own life, when it
was tendered him," on condition that he would make
peace with the English, observing that he knew his
men would not submit. But the true cause no doubt
was, his considering such an act contrary to his dignity.
* Marcus Attilius Regulus, a Roman Consul.
75
For he had said before that " he would not deliver up a
Wampanoag, or the pearing of a Wampanoags nail ;
that he would burn the English alive in their houses."
This his captors now reminded him of, and he made
no other answer, but this, " others were as forward for
the war as I," and he desired to hear no more of it
When he was told that he must die, he said, " he liked
it well ; that he should die before his heart was soft, or
had spoken any thing unworthy of himself." He was
taken to Stonington, where he was shot by some of the
Pequots and Mohegans. His head was cut off and
sent to Hartford, and his body consumed by fire. At
the time he was taken, there were killed and captured
forty three others.*
CanontCWSj t the great Sachem of the Narra-
gansets. He was contemporary with Miantunnomoh
who was his nephew. We know not the time of his
birth, but a son of his was at Boston the next year
after it was settled, 1631. But the time of his death
is minutely recorded by gov. Winthrop in his " Jour
nal," thus: "June 4, 1647. Canonicus, the great Sa
chem of Narraganset, died, a very old man." He is
mentioned with great respect by Rev. Roger Williams^
in the year 1654. After observing that many hundreds
of the English were witnesses to the friendly disposi
tion of the Narragansets, says, " Their late famous
* Manuscript documents.
t A name probably conferred on him by the English. Ot
perhaps it came nearest to the sound of the Indian word. The
Philologists of that day might have raised an argument in
favor of their having descended from the Latins upon it, if it
were really Indian. There was a great poet, orator and art
ist, friar of Trinity Church, London, in the year 1200, sur-
named Canonicus, mentioned by Hakluyt. as having travelled
into Palestine, &c. Voyages, II, 30, ed. 1599.
\ Manuscript letter to the governor of Massachusetts,
76 CANONICUS.
longlived Caunonicus so lived and died, and in the same
most honorable manner and solemnity, (in their way)
as you laid to sleep your prudent peace-maker, Mr.
Winthrop, did they honor this their prudent and peace
able prince ; yea through all their towns and countries
how frequently do many, and oft times, our English
men travel alone with safety and loving kindness?"
When Mr. John Oldham was killed near Block
island, and an investigation set on foot by the English
to ascertain the murderers, they were fully satisfied
that Canonicus and Miantunnomoh had no hand in the
affair, but that "the six other Narraganset Sachems
had." It is no wonder that he should have taken
great offence at the conduct of the English concerning
the death of Miantunnomoh. The Warwick settlers con
sidered it a great piece of injustice, and Mr. Samuel
Gorton wrote a letter for Canonicus to the government
of Massachusetts, notifying them that he had resolved
to be revenged upon the Mohegans. Upon this the En
glish despatched messengers to Narraganset to inquire
of Canonici^s whether he authorized the letter. He
treated them with great coldness, and would not admit
them into his wigwam for the space of two hours after
their arrival, although it was very rainy. When they
were admitted, he frowned upon them, and gave them
answers foreign to the purpose, and referred them to
Pessacus. This was a very cold reception, compared
with that which the messengers met with when sent to
him for information respecting the death of Mr. Old-
ham. "They returned with acceptance and good
success of their business; observing in the Sachem
much state, great command of his men, and marvel
lous wisdom in his answers ; and in the carriage of the
whole treaty clearing himself and his neighbors of the
murder, and offering reyenge of it, yet upon very safe
and wary conditions."
CANONICUS. 77
This Sachem is said to have governed in great harmony
with his nephew. " The chiefest government in the
country is d ivided between a younger Sachem, Miantunn-
nanu, and an elder Sachem, Caunaunacus, of about four
score years old, this young man's uncle ; and their
agreement in the government is remarkable. The old
Sachem will not be offended at what the young Sa
chem doth ; and the young Sachem will not do what he
conceives will displease his uncle."*
We have yet to go a step back to relate some mat
ters of much interest in the history of this chief. It is
related by Mr. Edward Winslow, in his " Good news from
New England,! that in February, 1622, O. S., Canon-
icus sent into Plimouth, by one of his men, a bundle
of arrows bound with a rattlesnakes skin, and there
left them, and retired. When Squantum was made
acquainted with the circumstance, he told the English
that it was a challenge for war. Governor Bradford
took the rattlesnake's skin, and filled it with powder
and shot and returned it to Canonicus ; at the same
time instructing the messenger to bid him defiance,
and invite him to a trial of strength. The messenger,
and his insulting carriage, had the desired effect
upon Canonicus, for he would not receive the
skin, and it was cast out of every community of them,
until it at last was returned to Plimouth, and all its
contents. This was a demonstration that he was
awed into silence and respect of the English."
In a grave assembly, upon a certain occasion, Ca-
'nonicus thus addressed Roger Williams, " I have never
suffered any wrong to be offered to the English since
they landed, nor never will ;" and often repeated the
word Wunnaumwaycan, which signified faithfulness.
" If the Englishman speak true, if he mean truly, then
* Col. R. I. Hist. Soc. Vol. I. t Col. Mas. His. Soc. VIIL
78
CANONICUS.
shall I go to my grave in peace, and hope that the En
glish and my posterity shall live in love and peace
together."
In 1635, Rev. Roger Williams found Canonicus and
Miantunnomoh carrying on a bloody war against the
Wampanoags. By his intercession an end was put to
it, and all the Sachems grew much into his favor ; es
pecially Canonicus, whose " heart he says, was stirred
up to love me as his son to his last gasp." He sold the
island of Rhode Island to William Coddington, Roger
Williams, and others. A son of Canonicus, named
Mriksah is named by Williams, as inheriting his father's
spirit.*
There was another chief of the same name, in Phil
ip's war, which Mr. Hubbard denominates " the great
Sachem of the Narragansets," and who, " distrusting
the proffers of the English, was slain in the woods by
the Mohawks, his squaw surrendering herself: by this
means her life was spared."
In 1632, a war broke out between the Narragansets
and the Pequots, on account of disputed right to the
lands between Paucatuck river and Wecapang brook.f
It was a tract of considerable consequence, being about
ten miles wide, and fifteen or twenty long. Canonicus
drew along with him, besides his own men, several of
the Massachusetts Sagamores. This was maintained
with ferocity and various success, until 1635, when
the Pequots were driven from it, but who, it would
seem, considered themselves but little worsted ; for
* Manuscript letter.
t " The natives are very exact and punctual in the bounds
of their lands, belonging to this or that prince or people, even
to a river, brook, &c. And I have known them make bargain
and sale amongst themselves, for a small piece, or quantity of
ground ; notwithstanding a sinful opinion amongst many,
that Christians have right to heathen's lands." R. Williams.
CASSASSINAMON. 79
Canonicus doubting his ability to hold possession long,
and ashamed to have it retaken from him, made a
present of it to one of his captains, who had fought
heroically in conquering it ; but he never held posses
sion. This captain, Sochoso, was a Pequot, but desert
ing from them, espoused the cause of Canonicus, and
was made a chief.
Cassassinnamon , a noted Narraganset chief,
of whom we have some account as early as 1659.
In that year a difficulty arose about the limits of
Southerton, since called Stonington, in Connecticut,
and several English were sent to settle the difficulty,
which was concerning the location of Wekapauge.
" For to help us (they say) to understand where We
kapauge is, we desired some Poquatucke Indians to go
with us." Cassassinnamon was one who assisted.
They told the English that " Cashawasset, (the governor
of Wekapauge) did charge them that they should not
go any further than the east side of a little swamp,
near the east end of the first great pond, where they
did pitch down a stake, and told us [the English] that
Cashaivasset said that that very place was Wekapauge ;
said that he said it and not them ; and if they should
say that Wekapauge did go any further, Cashawasset
would be angry." Cashawasset was a Pequot, and after
this had confirmed to him and those under him, 8000
acres of land in the Pequot country, with the provision
that they continued subjects of Massachusetts, and
" shall not sell or alienate the said lands or any part
thereof, to any English man or men, without this
courts approbation."
The neck of land called Quinicuntauge was claim
ed by both parties, but Cassassinnamon said that when a
whale was sometime before cast ashore there, no one
disputed Cashawassets claim to it, which it is believed
80 CAUNBITANT.
settled the question: Cashawasset was known gener-
erally by the name of Harmon Garret. *
We next meet with Cassassinnamon in Philip's war,
in which he commanded a company of Pequots, and
accompanied capt. 'Denison in his successful career,
and aided much in the capture of Canonchet.}
CttMnbitMHt, or Corbitant, a distinguished chief
in the time of the settlement of Plimouth, whose resi
dence was at a place called Mettapoiset, in the present
town of Swansey. His character was much the same
as that of the famous Metacomet. The English were al
ways viewed by him as intruders and enemies of his
race, and there is little doubt but he intended to wrest
the country out of their hands on the first occasion.
When Mr. Edward Winslow and Mr. John Hamden went
to visit Massasoit in his sickness, in 1623, they heard by
some Indians, when near Corbitants residence, that
Massasoit was really dearl, they therefore, though with
much hesitation, ventured to his house, hoping they
might treat with him, he being then thought the suc
cessor of Massasoit. But he was not at his place.
The squaw Sachem, his wife, treated them with great
kindness, and learning here that Massasoit was still
alive, they made all haste to Pokanoket. When they
returned, they stayed all night with Corbitant, at his
house, who accompanied them there from Massasoifs.
" By the way (says Mr. Winslow) I had much confer
ence with him, so likewise at his house, he being a
notable politician, yet full of merry jests and squibs,
and never better pleased than when the like are re
turned again upon him. Amongst other things he
asked me, if in case Tie were thus dangerously sick, as
Massasoit had been, and should send word thereof to
* Several manuscript documents. t Hubbard.
CAONBITANT. 81
Patuxet (their name of Plimouth) for maskiest, [that is
physic,] whether their master governor would send it ?
and if he would whether I would come therewith to
him ? To both which I answered, yea ; whereat he
gave me many joyful thanks." He then expressed his
surprise that two Englishmen should adventure so far
alone into their country, and asked them if they were
not afraid. Mr. Winsloiv said, " where was true love,
there was no fear." " But," said Corbitant, " if your love
be such, and it bring forth such fruits, how cometh it
to pass, that when we come to Patuxet, you stand up
on your guard, with the mouth of your pieces present
ed towards us ?" Mr. Winslow told him that was a
mark of respect, and that they received their best
friends in that manner ; but to this he shook his head,
and answered, that he did not like such salutations.*
Previous to what has just been related, in the year
1621, the English heard that Massasoit had been taken
by the Narragansets, and wishing to learn the truth of
the report, sent Squanto and Hobbomok to Namasket,
where they understood Corbitant was trying to influ
ence the people against the English ; "storming at the
peace between Nauset, Cummaquid and us, and Tis-
quantum [the same as Squanto] the worker of it." At
Namasket, as they were in a house, they were sudden
ly set upon by Corbitant who seized them, but Hobbo
mok being a stout man, broke from them a while Cor
bitant held a knife at the breast of Squanto, and brought
news to Plimouth that Squanto was dead. Immedi
ately upon this, capt. Standish, with ten men, proceed
ed with warlike parade to Namasket, beset a house m
which they expected to find Corbitant, but he had made
his escape. As some were flying from the house the
English fired upon them and wounded several, but by
* Good News from N. England. Col. Mas. Hist. Soc.
82 CHIKATAUBUT.
the help of Hobbomok they conciliated many, though
they could learn nothing of Corbitant, only that he was
fled with many others whom he had made believe that
the English would murder them. Hobbomok got up
on the top of the house and called for Squanto and
Tokamahamon, who soon came with a company of
others. The English now returned to Plimouth, taking
along with them two of those they had wounded, to
heal them ; at the same time leaving such threats
against Corbitant, which together with their conduct,
struck them with such fear and dread of them, that he
interceded with Massasoit and became friendly again,
in appearance, but was always suspected by the En
glish.
Chikataubut* or Chikkatabak, a Sachem of
considerable note, and generally supposed to have had
dominion over the Massachusetts Indians. Thomas
Morton mentions him in his New Canaan, as Sachem
of Passonagesit (about Weymouth,) and says his moth
er was buried there. I need make no comments upon
the authority, or warn the reader concerning the
stories of Morton, as this is done in almost every book,
early and late, about New England ; but shall relate
the following from him.
In the first settling of Plimouth, some of the company
in wandering about upon discovery, came upon an
Indian grave, which was that of the mother of Chik-
ataubut. Over the body a stake was set in the ground,
and two huge bear skins sewed together, spread over
it ; these the English took away. When this came to
the knowledge of Chikataubut he complained to his
people, and demanded immediate vengeance. When
they were assembled, he thus harangued them : " When
last the glorious light of all the sky was underneath
this globe, and birds grew silent, I began to settle,
CHIKATAUBUT. 83
as my custom is, to take repose ; before mine eyes
were fast closed, me tho't I saw a vision, at which my
spirit was much troubled, and trembling at that dole
ful sight, a spirit cried aloud, Behold ! my son, whom
I have cherished, see the paps that gave thee suck, the
hands that clasped thee warm, and fed thee oft, canst
thou forget to take revenge of those wild people, that
hath my monument defaced in a despiteful manner ;
disdaining our ancient antiquities, and honorable cus
toms : See now the Sachem's grave lies like unto the
common people, of ignoble race defaced : Thy mother
doth complain, implores thy aid against this thievish
people new come hither ; if this be suffered, I shall
not rest in quiet within my everlasting habitation.'" f
Battle was the unanimous resolve, and the English
were watched, and followed from place to place, until
at length as some were going ashore in a boat, they fell
upon them, but gained no advantage. After maintaining
the fight for some time, and being driven from tree to
tree, the chief captain was wounded in the arm, and
the whole took to flight. This action caused the na
tives about Plimouth to look upon the English as in
vincible, and was the reason peace so long after was
maintained.
Mourt's Relation goes far to establish the main facts
in the above account. " We brought sundry of the
prettiest things away with us, and covered the corpse
up again," says Mourt, and, " there was variety of
opinions amongst us about the embalmed person," but
no mention of the bear skins.
From the agreement of the different accounts, there
is but little doubt that the English were attacked at
f If this be fiction, a modern compiler may have deceived
some of his readers. The article in the Analectic Magazine
may have been his source of information, but the whole may
be seen in Morton's New Canaan, 106 and 107.
84 CHIKATAUBUT.
Narnskekit, in consequence of their depredations upon
the graves, corn, &c. of the Indians.
In 1621, Chikataubut, with eight other Sachems,
acknowledged, by a written instrument, themselves the
subjects of King James. About ten years after tkis,
when Boston was settled, he visited gov. Winthrop,
and presented him with a hogshead of corn. Many
of "his samops and squaws" came with him, but
were most of them sent away after they had all
dined;" Chikataubut, probably fearing they v would
be burdensome, although it thundered and rained, and
the governor urged their stay. At this time he wore
English clothes, and sat at the governor's table, " where
he behaved himself as soberly, &c. as an Englishman."
Not long after he called on gov. Winthrop and desired
to buy clothes for himself, the governor informed him
that " English Sagamores did not use to truck ;* but
he called his tailor and gave him order to make him a
suit of clothes ; whereupon he gave the governor two
large skins of coat beaver." In a few days his clothes
were ready, and the gov. " put him into a very good
new suit from head to foot, and after, he set meat be
fore them ; but he would not eat till the gov. had
given thanks, and after meat he desired him to do .the
like, and so departed."
June 14, 1631, at a court, Chikataubut was ordered
to pay a small skin of beaver, to satisfy for one of his
men's having killed a pig, which he complied with..
A man by the name of Plastowe, and some others,
having stolen corn from him, the court, Sept. 27,
'31. ordered that Plastowe should restore "two fold"
and loose his title of gentleman, and pay 5. This I
suppose they deemed equivalent to four fold. His
* However true this might have been of the governor, at
lest, we think, he should not have used the pluraL
CONSCIENCE. 85
accomplices were whipped, to the same amount ? The
next year we find him engaged with other Sachems in
an expedition against the Pequots, but the particulars
are not recorded. The same year two of his men
were convicted of assaulting some persons of Dorches
ter in their houses. " They were put in the bilboes,"
and himself required to beat them, which he did.
The Small Pox was very prevalent among the In
dians in 1 633, in which year, sometime in November,
Chikataubut died.
There is a quit claim deed from Josias Wampatuck^
grandson of Chikataubut, dated in 1695, of Boston and
the adjacent country and f the islands in the harbor, to
the " proprietated inhabitants of the town of Boston,"
to be seen among the Suffolk records. Wampatuck
says, or some one for him, " Forasmuch as I am in
formed, and well assured from several ancient Indians,
as well those of my council as others, that upon the
first coming of the English to sit down and settle in
those parts of New England, my above named grand
father Chikataubut, by and with the advice of his
council, for encouragement thereof moving, did give,
grant, sell, alienate, and confirm unto the English
planters," the lands above named.
Conscience, a native of Swansey in Massachu
setts, was one of the last of the Warnpanoags. In Janu
ary, 1677, as capt. Church was ranging the woods in the
northwest of Plimouth colony, a party of the enemy
fell into his hands. One among them, an old man,
particularly attracted his notice, and on being asked his
name, said it was Conscience. "Conscience!" ex
claimed Church, " then the war is o^er, for that is the
very thing I am in search of." Conscience was sold to
a pei-son of his native place, agreeably to his desire,
and this was, we believe, the last expedition of Church
in Philip's war.
86 CORN-PLANT.
^ signifying in Ifoquois, Obeil, wasf
one of the principal Senecas, in 1821. * The most of
our knowledge of him, is derived from himself, and is
contained in a letter sent from him to the governor of
Pennsylvania. And although written by an interpre
ter, is believed to be the real production of Obeil. It
was dated "Allegheny river, 2d mo. 3d, 3822," and is
as follows :
" I feel it my duty to send a speech to the governor
of Pennsylvania at this time, and inform him the place
where I was from which was at Conewaugus,f on
the Genesee river.
"When I was a child, I pfctyed with the butterfly,
the grasshopper and the frogs ; and as I grew up, I
began to pay some attention and play with the Indian
boys in the neighbourhood, and they took notice of my
skin being a different color from theirs, and spoke about
it. I enquired of my mother the cause, and she told me
that my father was a residenter in Albany. I still eat my
victuals out of a bark dish I grew up to be a young
man, and married me a wife, and I had no kettle or gun.
I then knew where my father lived, and went to see
him, and found he was a white man, and spoke the
English language. He gave me victuals whilst I
was at his house, but when I started to return home,
he gave me no provision to eat on the way. He gave
me neither kettle nor gun, neither did he tell me that
the United States were about to . rebel against the
government of England.
" I will now tell you, brothers, who are in session
of the legislature of Pennsylvania, that the Great Spirit
* Stansbury.
t This was the Iroquois term to designate a place of Chris
tian Indians, hence many plaees bear it. It is the same as
Caughnewaga.
87
hag made known to me that I have been wicked ; and
the cause thereof was the revolutionary war in Ameri
ca. The cause of Indians having been led into sin,
at that time, was that many of them were in the prac
tice of drinking and getting intoxicated. Great Britian
requested us to join with them in the conflict against
the Americans, and promised the Indians land and
liquor. I, myself was opposed to joining in the con
flict, as I had nothing to do with the difficulty that
existed between the two parties. I have now inform
ed you how it happened that the Indians took a part
in the Revolution, and will relate to you some circum
stances that occurred after the close of the war. Gen.
Putnam, who was then at Philadelphia, told me there
was to be a council at fort Stanwix ; and the Indians
requested me to attend on behalf of the Six Nations ;
which I did, and there met with three commissioners,
who had been appointed to hold the council. They
told me they would inform me of the cause of the Rev
olution, which I requested them to do minutely, they
then said that it had originated on account of the heavy
taxes that had been imposed upon them by the British
government, which had been for fifty years increas
ing upon them ; that the Americans had grown weary
thereof, and refused to pay, which affronted the king.
There had likewise a difficulty taken place about
some tea, which they wished me not to use, as it had
been one of the causes that many people had lost their
lives. And the British government now being af
fronted, the war commenced, and the cannons began
to roar in our country. General Putnam then told me
at the council at fort Stanwix, that by the late war, the
Americans had gained two objects : they had estab
lished themselves an independent nation, and had ob
tained some land to live upon ; the division line of
88 CORN-PLAN*.
which from Great Britian, run through the lakes. I
then spoke, and said that I wanted some land for the
Indians to live on, and general Putnam said that it
should be granted, and I should have land in the state
of New York, for the Indians. Gen. Putnam then
encouraged me to use my endeavors to pacify the In
dians generally ; and as he considered it an arduous
task to perform, wished to know what I wanted for
pay therefor ? I replied to him, that I would use my
endeavors to do as he had requested, with the Indians,
and for pay thereof, I would take land. I told him
not to pay me money or dry goods, but land. And for
having attended thereto I received the tract of land on
which I now live, which was presented to me by
governor Miftin. I told general Putnam, that I wish
ed the Indians to have the exclusive privilege of the
deer and wild game, which he assented to. I also
wished the Indians to have the privilege of hunting in
the woods, and making fires, which he likewise as
sented to.
" The treaty that was made at the aforementioned
council, has been broken by some of the white people,
which I now intend acquainting the governor with.
Some white people are not willing that Indians should
hunt any more, whilst others are satisfied therewith ;
and those white people who reside near our reserva
tion, tell us that the woods are theirs, and they have
obtained them from the governor. The treaty has
been also broken by the white people using their en
deavours to destroy all the wolves, which was not
spoken about in the council at fort Stanwix, by general
Putnam, but has originated lately.
" It has been broken again, which is of recent origin.
White people wish to get credit from Indians, and do
not pay them honestly, according to their agreement.
CORN PLANT. 89
In another respect it has also been broken by white
people, who reside near my dwelling ; for when I
plant melons and vines in my field, they take them a
their own. It has been broken again by white people,
using their endeavors to obtain our pine trees from us.
We have very few pine trees on our land, in the state
of New York ; and white people and Indians often
get into dispute respecting them. There is also a great
quantity of whiskey brought near our reservation by
white people, and the Indians obtain it and become
drunken. Another circumstance has taken place
which is very trying to me, and I wish the interference
of the governor.
" The white people, who live at Warren, called
upon me some time ago, to pay taxes for my land ;
which I objected to, as I had never been called upon
for that purpose before ; and having refused to pay,
the white people; became irritated, called upon me fre
quently, and at length brought four guns with them
and seized bur cattle. I still refused to pay, and was
not willing to let the cattle go, after a time of dispute,
they returned home, and I understood the militia was
ordered out to enforce the collection of the tax. I
went to Warren, and, to avert the impending difficulty,
was obliged to give my note for the tax, the amount of
which was 43 dollars and 79 cents. It is my desire
that the governor will exempt me from paying taxes
for my land to white people ; and also cause that the
money I arn now obliged to pay, may be refunded to
me, as I am very poor. The governor is the person
who attends to the situation of the people, and I wish
him to send a person to Alleghany, that I may inform
him of the particulars of our situation, and he be au
thorized to instruct the white people, in what manner
to conduct themselves towards the Indians.
90 CORN- PLANT.
" The government has told us that when any diffi
culties arose between the Indians and white people,
they would attend to having them removed. We are
now in a trying situation, and I wish the governor to
send a person, authorised to attend thereto, the fore
part of next summer, about the time that grass has
grown big enough for pasture.
" The governor formerly requested me to pay at-'
tention to the Indians, and take care of them. We
are now arrived at a situation that I believe Indians
cannot exist, unless the governor should comply with
my request and send a person authorised to treat
between us and the white people, the approaching
summer. I have now no more to speak."*
Whether the government of Pennsylvania acted at
all, or if at all, what order they took, upon this pathet
ic appeal, our author does not state. But, that an in
dependent tribe of Indians should be taxed by a
neighboring people, is absurd in the extreme ; and we
hope we shall learn that not only the tax was remitted,
but a remuneration granted for the vexation and
damage.
Corn-plant was very early distinguished for his wis
dom in council, notwithstanding he confirmed the
treaty of fort Stanwix of 1784, five years after, at the
treaty of fort Harmer, giving up an immense tract
of their country, and for which his nation very
much reproached him, and even threatened his life.
Himself and other chiefs committed this act for the best
of reasons. The Six Nations having taken part with
England in the Revolution, when the king's power fell
in America, the Indian nations were reduced to the
miserable alternative of giving up so much of their
country as the Americans required, or the whole of it.
* Buchanan's Sketches.
CORN-PLANT. 91
In 1770, Corn-plant, Half-town and Big-tree, made a
most pathetic appeal to Congress for an amelioration
of their condition, and a reconsideration of former
treaties, in which the following memorable passage
occurs :
" Father ; we will not conceal from you that the
great God and not men has preserved the Corn-plant
from the hands of his own nation. For they ask con
tinually * where is the land on which our children, and
their children after them, are to lie down upon ? You
told us that the line drawn from Pennsylvania to lake
Ontario, would mark it forever on the east, and the
line running from Beaver creek to Pennsylvania, would
mark it on the west, and we see that it is not so :
For, first one, and then another, come and take it away
by order of that people which you tell us promised to
secure it to us.' He is silent, for he has nothing to
answer. When the sun goes down he opens his heart
before God, and earlier than the sun appears, again
upon the hills he gives thanks for his protection during
the night. For he feels that among men become des
perate by the injuries they sustain, it is God only that
can preserve him. He loves peace, and all he had in
store he has given to those who have been robbed by
your people, lest they should plunder the innocent to
repay themselves. The whole season which others
have employed in providing for their families, he has
spent in endeavors to preserve peace ; and this moment
his wife and children are lying on the ground, and in
want of food."
In president Washington's answer, we are gratified
by his particular notice of this chief. He says, " The
merits of the Corn-plant, and his friendship for the
United States, are well known to me, and shall not be
forgotten ; and as a mark of esteem of the United
99 DAVID.
\
States, I have directed the Secretary of War to make
him a present of two hundred and fifty dollars, either
in money or goods, as the Corn-plant shall like best."
See article Big-tree.
We find this notice of Corn-plant in the Pennsylva
nia Gazette, of 1791. "The Indians in this quarter
[fort Pitt] have been very peaceable for some time,
but down the Ohio they are continually doing mischief.
There are many conjectures in this country, about col.
Proctor's business in^the Indian country, as it is known
he has left fort Franklin, at French creek, in company
with the Corn-planter and many of his people."
jf>/ft/I ? a Christian Indian of Marlborough ; was
one of those unfortunate people, who in the beginning
of Philip's war was suspected of disaffection to the
English, and who shot at a boy keeping sheep at that
place. He was from some cause, now unknown,
singled out by the commanding officer to be used as
an accuser of his fellows, of the Lancaster murder.
He was bound to a tree to be shot, and guns levelled
at his breast. The soldiers were ordered not to fire
if he would confess, which he promised to do; and
which it will be inferred, that he must do to the liking
of his inquisitors. For he accused eleven of them,
then within the fort at Marlborough, of being the
murderers of the people of Lancaster, but did not go so
far as to say that he saw them do it. Himself with
the others, fifteen in number, were all sent down pris
oners to Boston, to take their trial. David, now relieved
of the fear of immediate death, acknowledged that he
had accused them wrongfully, and they were cleared,
after a protracted trial. But David, for his false ae-
cusation, and shooting at the boy, was condemned to
be sold.* See Ari. Monaco.
* Manuscript of Hon. Daniel Gookin.
DONEY. 93
) a preacher to his countrymen at a place
called Ohkonkemme, in Tisbury, upon Marthas Vine
yard, in 1698. At which time there was a congrega
tion of 72 persons. He had a brother Stephen who
was united with him in the ministry. Daniel is mention
ed as " praying and preaching not only affectionately,
but understandingly."
IJelifimtlff* a native of New England, whose
name is associated with the first colony who settled in
it. He was one of those taken from Pemmaquid by
capt. Weymouth in his voyage for the discovery of a
Northwest passage. On Weymouitfs return to England,
he put into the harbor of Plimouth, where sir Ferdin-
ando Gorges was governor* of the castle. Gorges
<' seized " upon some of the natives, among whom was
Dehamda. " This accident he says, must be acknowl
edged the means, under God, of putting on foot, and
giving life to all our plantations."f Accordingly, in
1607, two ships were sent over with Dehamda and
another native, and 100 men, who arrived at the mouth
of the Sagadahock, since called Kennebeck, in August.
They made a settlement on an island and built a fort
which they named fort St. George. What became of
those two natives after this we have no account, but
the winter was so severe that many of the settlers
died ; among whom was their governor. The rest, in
the following spring returned to England.
DiOgenCSC) a Sachem who lived upon Sheep-
scot river, in Maine, in 1663, and one among others
who deeded the land there, which is all we learn of
him. From his having a name given by the English,
no doubt he was particularly friendly, and perhaps re
sided among them.
The theatre of the actions of this chief
* His description of New England, p 3. t Ibid.
8
94 DONEY.
were between the Pascataqua and Kennebeck rivers,
The first notice we have of him is in the expedition of
col. Church to those shores in 161)0. He was known by
the name of Old Doney, and was very active and con
spicuous in the eastern wars. His residence, in Sep
tember this year, was upon the Saco river, but a short
distance from its mouth. It was probably temporary,
and at this time he was preparing fish for winter, with
about forty of his people.
Church landed at Maquait, September 12th, before
day, and after a wet, fatiguing march into the woods
of about two days, on the southwest side of the An-
droscoggin, came into the neighbourhood of an Indian
fort. They came upon an Indian and his wife who
were leading two captives ; and immediately pursuing
and firing upon them, killed the Indian woman, who
proved to be the wife of Young Doney , which I sup
pose to be a son of Old Doney.* From the known
humanity of Church, we hope it was not his design to
have thus killed an innocent woman. Which party it
was that fired upon them, (for they divided themselves
into three,) is unknown, and we in charity must sup
pose that at considerable distance, and in much con
fusion, it was difficult to know a man from a woman.
As Church expected, Doney ran into one gate of
the fort and out at the other, giving the alarm so ef
fectually, that nearly all within it escaped. They
found and took prisoners " but two men and a lad of
about eighteen, with some women and children. Five
ran into the river, three or four of which were killed.
The lad of eighteen made his escape up the river."
The whole number killed in this action was " six or sev
en." The English had but one wounded. They took
* And the same called in the Magnalia Robin Doney.
DONET. 95
hre at this time,* a considerable quantity of corn, guns
and ammunition, and liberated Mrs. Huckings, taken at
Oyster river, Mrs. Barnard of Salmon falls, Anne Heard
of Cocheco, a young woman, daughter of one Wittis
of Oyster ri\fer, and a boy belonging to Exeter. These
captives, says Church, " were in a miserable condi
tion." They learned here that most of their men
were gone to Winter harbor to get provisions for the
Bay of Funday Indians. This information was given,
by a prisoner taken in the fort, who also said that the
Bay of Funday Indians were to join them against the
English. The soldiers being very rude would hard
ly spare the Indian's life, while in examination ; in
tending when he had done, that he should be exe
cuted. But capt. Hucking's wife, and another woman,
down on their knees and begged for him, saying, that
he had been a means of saving their lives, and a great
many more; and had helped several to opportunities to
run away and make their escape ; and that never,
since he came amongst them, had fought against the
English, but being related to Hakiri's\ wife, kept at
the fort with them, having been there two years; but
his living was to the westward of Boston. So upon
their request his life was spared."
Two old squaws were left in the fort, provided with
provisions, and instructed to tell those who returned
who they were, and what they were determined to do.
They then put four or five to death, and decamped.
Those, we must suppose, were chiefly women and
children ! Knocked on the head for an example" Wretch
ed is the state of man, when his mind is not above
thinking that he can prevent barbarities by being
wretchedly barbarous himself.
Old Doney was next to be hunted. As they were
* Says my record, which is a manuscript letter from
Church written at that time.
t The same called Hankamagus, which see.
DONEY.
embarking at Maquait, Mr. Anthony Bracket came to
the shore and called to them to take him on board, which
they did. He learning that an English army was there
about, made his escape from the Indians, with whom he
had been some time a prisoner. The fleet nt>w proceed
ed to Winter harbor, from whence they despatched a
detachment of sixty men to Saco falls. When they
came near they discovered Doney's company on the
opposite side of the river, who chiefly made their es
cape. A canoe with three Indians were observed
coming over the river, who did not see the English,
and were fired upon, and all three perished." This
gave the first alarm to Doney's company. They did
not however leave their ground without returning the
fire of the English, by which lieut. Hunnewett was shot
through the thigh.* When the parties fired upon
each other, Old Doney with an English captive waa
up the river above, who hearing the firing, came down
to see what it meant, and discovered the English time
enough to escape. Doney fled from the canoe, leaving
his captive, who came to the English. His name was
Thomas Baker, who had lived before at Scarborough.
There was many other movements of the English
after this, in which they got much plunder, and which
tended to cause an uneasiness among the troops, and
their determination to return home ; which, notwith
standing Church urged a longer continuance, but
was out voted in a council of officers, and thus end
ed the expedition. Many in the country reproached
Church with cowardice, and almost every thingbut what
we should have looked for. If putting to death captives
had been the charge, many might have accorded Amen!
But we do not find that urged against him.
Two years after this, in 1693, Robin Doney became
* Manuscript Documents.
DBCOIGNE. 97
reconciled to the English, and signed a treaty at Pem-
tnaquid. But within a year afterward he became sus
pected, whether with or without reason, we know not,
and coming to the fort at Saco, probably in a friendly
way, was seized by the English. What his fate was,
is rather uncertain, but the days of forgiveness and
mercy were not yet.
DTWWlWieiT) *** noted Indian that lived near
Taunton," taken at the same time with CoZeft, (which
see) and doubtless shared the same fate.
JDublet, (Tom) the same as Napanet, (which see.)
He was one of 26, who, in 1684, deeded the tract of
country, now called Marlborough, in Massachusetts, to
the English.*
M)ncoig'n>) chief of the Kaskaskias ; adopted as
early as 1803, the Roman Catholic religion, and was
very much praised for his friendship to the Americans.
By a treaty he made with them in that year, the United
States agreed to build him a house and enclose him a
field of 100 acres. He is represented as a " gentleman
ly man, by no means addicted to drink, and possess
ing a very strong inclination to live like a white man ;
indeed he has done so as far as his means would al
low." f Governor Harrison, writing to the Secretary of
War says of him, <' Ducoigntfs long and well proved
friendship for the United States, of which the presi
dent is well informed, has gained him the hatred of all
the other chiefs, and ought to be an inducement with
us to provide, as well for his happiness, as his safety.
He wishes to have some coffee, sugar, and chocolate,
sent to him, and is also desirous to have a ten gallon
keg of wine, to show, as he says, the other Indians
how well he is treated by the United States, and how
much like a gentleman he lives."f
* Worcester's Hist. Journal. t Mem. Harrison.
EGEREMET.
) an eastern Sachem, who with five
others of like quality, were seized by the English
when they came into Pemmaquid fort to treat with
them. Egeremet and another was killed. This was
February 16, 1696.* Their seizure cannot be out
done by the greatest barbarian, for faithlessness ; and
we shall learn that its author paid for it in due time
with his life. We are not disposed to add to trans
actions which are in themselves sufficiently horrid, but
we will venture to give the account as we find it in
Dr. C. Mather's decennium luctuosum.\
" Let us before the year be quite gone see some
vengeance taken upon the heads in the house of the
wicked. Know then, reader, that capt. March peti
tioning to be dismissed from his command of the fort
at Pemmaquid, one Chub succeeded him. This Chub
found an opportunity, in a pretty chubbed manner to
kill the famous Edgeremett and Jlbenquid, a couple of
principal Sagamores, with one or two other Indians,
on a Lord's day. Some that well enough liked the
thing which was now done, did not altogether like the
manner of doing it, because there was a pretence of
treaty between Chub and the Sagamores, whereof he
took his advantage to lay violent hands on them."
Thus the manner is seen in which this horrid and
cold blooded act is related ! ! Few are the instances
that we meet with in history, where Indian treachery,
as it is termed, can go before this. The rev. author
adds, " If there were any unfair dealing (which I
know not) in this action of Chub, there will be another
February not far off, wherein the avengers of blood will
take their satisfaction" By "another February" he
means to intimate the fate of capt. Chub in that
month.
* Manuscript of Rev. John Pike, t Magnalia B. VII.
EOEREMET.
The point of land called Trotts Neck, in Woolwich,
in the state of Maine, was sold, in 1685, by Egeremet
and several other Sachems. In 1693, he with twelve
other chiefs treated with sir William Phips, at Pem-
inaquid, and a long treaty was signed by them.*
Before this, in 1691, "New England being quite
out of breath," says C. Mather, a treaty, or truce was
entered into between the eastern Sachems, and Messrs.
Huchinson and Townsend of Boston, and others of the
eastern coast, at Sagadahock. Here ten captives were
given up by them. One was a woman by the name
of Hull, who had been of great service to them, having
written letters on various occasions, such as their af
fairs required, and with whom they regretted much
to part. Another was Nathaniel White, who had been
bound and tortured in a wretched manner. His ears
were cut off, and instead of food he was forced to eat
them, after which, but for this timely treaty, the sen
tence of burning would have been executed upon him.
This truce stipulated that no hurt should be done the
English until May 1692, and that on the first of that
month they would deliver, at Wells, all English captives
in their hands, and in the mean time would inform of
any plots that they might know of the French against
the English. Egeremet being the chief Sachem, and
most forward in this business, Dr. Mather utters his
contempt for him by saying, " To this instrument
were set the paws of Egeremet, and five more of their
Sagamores and noblemen." t The next year he was
with Madokawando, Moxus and a body of French un
der Labrocre, and made the notable attack upon the
garrison at Wells, which will be found related under
the head Madokawando.
* It may be seen in the Magnolia.
t Magnalia Christ. Americana, Book VII. Art. VIII.
100 EGEREMET.
We must now inform the reader of the wretched
fate of capt. Pasco Chub. It was not long after he
committed the bloody deed of killing the Indian Sa
gamores, before he and the fort were taken by the
French and Indians. He was exchanged and return
ed to Boston, where he suffered much disgrace for his
treachery with the Indians.* He lived at Andover in
Massachusetts, where the Indians made an attack in
February 1698, in which he was killed. It was not
thought they knew of finding him there, but when
they knew they had killed him, it gave them as much joy,
says Huchinson, " as the destruction of a whole town,
because they had taken their beloved vengeance of him
for his perfidy and barbarity to their countrymen."
They shot him through several times, after he was
dead.
The most favorable account given of the conduct of
C7iu&, and indeed the only one, follows; "an Indian
Sagamore's son appeared with a flag of truce, and
capt. Chub went out to them without arms, man for
man. An Indian asked for rum and tobacco, the
capt. said no. It is Sabbath day. They said, We will
have rum, or we will have rum and you too. Two Indi-
dians laid hold on the captain. Then he called to his
men, to fall on, for God's sake. Then he made signs to
his men, to come from the fort. One of the En
glish had a hatchet under his coat, took it out and
killed an Indian ; and then ours killed two more In
dians, and took another alive, and wounded another,
supposed mortally. Then many of the enemy came
* Harris' Voyages, II, 305, (ed. t !764.) says Chub was ar
rested by col. Gedney who was sent east with three ships of
war on hearing of the surrender of the fort, and that no
French or Indians could be found. That after he strength
ened the garrison he returned home.
ENSENORE. 101
near to the English, who retreated all safe to the fort."*
There was another Sagamore of the same name,
noticed in the following wars with the eastern Indi
ans, who was friendly to the whites.
EHSenor) son of the famous Wingina orPemis-
sapan, a Sachem of Virginia. He was known to capt.
Ralph Lane and his company during their short stay
in that country, of about one year and two months,
and was to them what Hobomok was to the people of
Plimouth. Lane and some of his companions made a
journey into the country of about 160 miles. They
suffered greatly for want of provisions, and from con
tinual watching, being much annoyed by the various
tribes of the country. Wingina pretended to be their
friend, but deceived them on every opportunity, by
giving notice to his countrymen of their course and
purpose, and urging them to cut them off. He thought
at one time that the English were destroyed, and
thereupon scoffed and mocked at such a God as theirs,
who would suffer it. This caused his son Ensenore to
join their enemies, but on their return he was their
friend again. He and many of his people now be
lieved that " we could do them more hurt being dead,
than liuing, and that being an hundred myles from
them, shot, and struck them sick to death, and that
when we die it is but for a time, then we return again."
Many of the chiefs now came and submitted them
selves to the English, and among others, Ensenore
persuaded his father to become their friend, who, when
they were in great straits for provisions, came and
planted their fields, and made wears in the streams to
* Manuscript letter in Lib. Mas. Hist. Soc., written in the
following month.* As it was written at a great distance from
the place, and from a report of the day, little reliance can be
placed upon it. It may have been Chub's report of tb,e case.
102 ENSENORE.
catch fish, which were of infinite benefit to them.
This was in the spring of 1586, and says Lane, "we
not having one corn till the next harvest to sustain us."
What added greatly to their distresses was the death
of their excellent friend Ensenore, who died 20th of
April, following. The Indians began anew their con
spiracies, and the colony availed themselves of the first
opportunity of returning to England, which was in the
fleet of sir Francis Drake, which touched there in its
way from an expedition against the Spaniards in the
West Indies.*
The conduct of Lane and his company in this fruit
less attempt to establish themselves in Virginia, was
in the highest degree reprehensible. They put to
death some of the natives on the most frivolous charges,
and no wonder they were driven out of the country,
as they ought to have been.f While they were there
they became acquainted with the use of tobacco, and
taking it to England, its introduction into general use
soon rendered it a great article of commerce. And
here it will not be improper to notice how many different
persons have had the credit, or perhaps J should say
discredit, of introducing it into England; as sir Francis
Drake, sir Walter Ralegh,! Ralph Lane, and some
others. Now, as some writer observes, the reader may
father it upon whom he pleases, as it is evident sir
Francis Drake took Ralph Lane and tobacco both to
gether into England, and no one will dispute the
agency of the gallant knight, sir Walter Ralegh, for
he sent out Lane in his employ.
* Relation of Lane, printed in Smith's Virginia
t Hetriot's Observations, (one of Lane's company) printed
in Smith.
t So Prince spells his name, in his Worthies oj Devonshire,
and he wrote from MSS.
EPANOW. 103
one of those taken from an island
near Cape Cod, in 16J1, by capt. Harlow, and carried
to England. Here he learned the English language,
and was afterwards sent in a ship with capt. Hobson to
the same coast, with the hope that by his means, the
friendship of the natives might be regained, which capt.
Hunt and others had so wantonly broken. Epanow ap
pears to have been an arch and cunning fellow, and
had made sir Ferdinando Gorges and others believe that
he knew of the existence of a gold mine in his own
country. It was chiefly on his information that capt.
Hobson was sent over in hopes of finding it. When
they arrived at the island called Capawak they were
welcomed by many of the natives, among whom were
some of Epanow's friends, who were kindly enter
tained on board the ship by capt. Hobson. This gave
Epanow a favorable opportunity, of not only making
arrangements to escape from the ship, but to finish his
obligation of pointing out the gold mine. According
ly the next day, twenty canoes approached the ship,
full of Indians with their arms concealed, Epanow
jumped overboard, which was the signal for his friends
injtiie boats to pour in their arrows upon the ship,
which they did, until Epanow had got on board among
them, when they paddled off. The. English fired upon
the canoes and killed and wounded some of the Indi
ans ; several of the English were also wounded by
them. The design of the voyage being now frus
trated they returned to England.
As capt. Dermer was passing from Monahigon to
Virginia in the year 1619, having put in to a place near
Cape Cod, was fired upon and badly wounded by a
party of Indians, led by Epanow, who also took him
prisoner, but from whom he by some means made his
escape, and got to Virginia, where he died of his
104 FIFE.
wounds. While he was with the Indians, Epanow
to!4 him of his stratagem and escape from capt. Hob-
sotfs ship, and at which he laughed merrily.*
HphrilMn) (Peter) a Natick, who fought for,
and rendered much valuable service to the English in
Philip's war. He went out with Andrew Pityme in
January, 1676, and brought in many of the Nipnets,
who had endeavored to shelter themselves under Un-
cas. He commanded an Indian company, and had a
commission from government. The news that many
of the enemy were doing mischief about Rehoboth,
caused a party of English of Medfield to march out
to their relief; Ephraim went with them with his com
pany, which consisted of twenty-nine. The snow
being deep, the English soon grew discouraged and re
turned, but capt. Ephraim continued the march, and
came upon a body of them, encamped, in the night.
Early the next morning he successfully surrounded
them, and offered them quarter. " Eight resolute fel
lows refused, who were presently shot," the others
yielded and were brought in, being in number forty-
two.f Other minor exploits of this Indian captain
are recorded.
FdiX) one of those Christian Indians who went out
to Mount Hope in the beginning of Philip's war, and
was very serviceable in those expeditions. When he
returned, himself and two others presented to gov.
Leverett four of the enemies scalps. \ He was a
Nipnet and had lived at Maryborough.
JFtfC) (Jim,) a famous Creek warrior and chief of
that nation, who in the war of 1812, joined the Amer-
* Relations of Sir F. Gorges, and Dr. I. Mather, Prince's
Chronology, and Harris' Voyages, II.
t Hubbard. J Manuscript of Hon. D. Gookin.
FIFE. 105
leans against his countrymen, and others in the Creek
country. When gen. Jackson marched to attack the
Indians upon the Tallapoosie, in 1814, and was en
camped at Talledega, Fife and several other chiefs
joined him, whose names are not mentioned, at the
head, of 200 Creek warriors. They marched with him
to the bend of the Tallapoosie, where a hard battle
was fought, and in which Fife and his warriors acted
a conspicuous part. Having arrived within a short
distance of the great bend, where the Indians were en
camped, spies brought information that they were
whooping and dancing, as if aware of the approach of
the Americans. The night before the battle, Jackson
with his 200 confederate Creeks, and about 65 Chero-
kees, encamped in a hollow square, and hourly expect
ed an attack ; and they were not disappointed, for be
fore it was light, the enemy fell upon their left flank,
and fought with a determined bravery, that would not
discredit veterans. And it is no disparagement to the
men under the American general, to say, that they
were not able to repel fhem for more than half an
hour, and until many valuable men were slain. And
not until it was light, and the artillery was brought to
bear upon them, and repeated charges from the caval
ry, did they leave the ground ; and even then they re
tired slowly, as men driven from their country, will
always do. After they were routed on the left, Fife at
the head of 100 of his warriors was ordered to hasten
to the relief of gen. Coffee, whose division was con
tending at fearful odds with a brave band of their en
emies. Fife's arrival at a seasonable juncture decided
the battle, and the enemy commenced a retreat. Gen.
Coffee was badly wounded in the body, and his aid-de
camp killed, and but for the promptness of Fife and
his warriors, doubtless the Americans must have re-
9
106 FRANCIS.
treated.* There were some other engagements in the
expedition, in all of which 28 Americans were killed
and 75 wounded. Of the Indians, 189 were found
dead.f
FlHCllcn^ or as he was sometimes called, Fluel-
len Sumptimus, a Sachem of Maine in the first settle
ment of that country, and lived between Saco river,
and Cape Porpoise, which tract of country he sold to
William Philips.!
FfimctSm Sachem of Nauset, upon Cape Cod.
He was suspected of being engaged in a treacherous
design against the English, with Philip, in 1662, and
in August that year, he appeared at Plimouth with
him, and subscribed articles, which allayed their fears.
JPt*HttCt* ? (the Prophet) or Francis Hillishago,
was a very noted leader among the Seminole Indians
in the war of their extermination, carried on by gen.
Jackson, in 1817. He was the instigator and immedi
ate cause, it is said, of that war; and had been to En
gland to get assistance of that government to repossess
the Creeks of the lands taken from them by the United
States. The belief was imposed upon him by some
abandoned English traders, that there was a provision
in the treaty of Ghent for the restoration of their coun
try. He received much attention while in England,
and some encouragement, but nothing absolute. An
English journal thus announces his arrival. "The
sound of trumpets announced the approach of the pat
riot Francis, who fought so gloriously in our cause in
America during the late war. Being drest in a most
splendid suit of red and gold, and wearing a tomahawk
set with gold, gave him a highly imposing appearance."
* Deduced from gen. Jackson's official account, in which
the number of his killed is left blank.
t Niles' Register, t Sullivan's Hist. District of Maine.
GARANGULA. 107
About the end of November, or beginning of De
cember, 1817, a war party of Seminoles captured an
American, and conveyed him immediately to their prin
cipal village, called Mickasauky. This place is de
scribed in the account of the chief Hornotlined. Here
it appears dwelt Francis and his family. The Amer
ican, whose name was JVTKrimmon, was ordered to
be immediately burnt to death. The stake was set,
JWKrimmon, with his head shaved, was bound to it,
and wood was piled up about him. When they had
finished their dance, and the fire was about to be
kindled, a daughter of the chief, who had been wit
nessing the preparations with a sad countenance, flew
to her father, and upon her knees, begged that he
would spare the prisoner's life, and it was not until,
like the celebrated Pqcahontas, she showed a determi
nation to perish with him, that her father consented to
prolong his life for the present. It was still his inten
tion, that if he could not sell the victim for a certain
sum, to have carried his former purpose into effect,
but on offering him to the Spaniards, the demanded
sum was paid for him, and thus his liberation was
effected.
After Francis fell into the hands of the Americans
and was hanged, as related in the account of Hornot
lined, his family, consisting of a wife and several daugh
ters, surrendered themselves to the Americans at St.
Mark's. The youngest daughter, about fourteen years
of age, was treated with great attention by all the offi
cers for having saved the life of M> Krimmon. She
was said to have been very handsome.
CrtirangU la , a famous Onondaga chief among
the Five Nations. In the year 1684, De la Barre,
gov. of Canada, complained to the English at Albany,
1 08 GARANGULA.
that the Senecas were infringing upon their rights of
trade with some of the other more remote nations.
Governor Dongan acquainted the Senecas with the
charge made by the French governor. Theyadmit-
ed the. fact, but justified their course, alleging that
the French supplied their enemies with arms and
ammunition, with whom they were then at "war. About
the same time the French governor raised an army
of seventeen hundred men, and made other " mighty
preparations" for the final destruction of the Five Na
tions. But before he had progressed far in his great
undertaking, a mortal sickness broke out in his army,
which finally caused him to give over the expedition.
In the mean time the governor of New York was or
dered to lay no obstacles in the way of the French ex
pedition. Instead of regarding this order, which was
from his master, the duke of York, he sent interpreters
to the Five Nations to encourage them, with offers to
assist them.
De la Barre, in hopes to effect something by this
expensive undertaking, crossed lake Ontario and held
a treaty with such of the Five Nations as would meet
him. To keep up the appearance of power, he made
a high toned speech to Garangula, in which he ob
served, that the nations had often infringed upon the
pe'ace ; that he wished now for peace ; but on the con
dition that they should make full satisfaction for all
the injuries they had done the French, and for the
future never to disturb them. That they, the Senecas,
Cayugas, Onondagas, Oneidas, and Mohawks had
abused and robbed all their traders, and unless they
gave satisfaction he should declare war. That they
had conducted the English into their country to get
away their trade heretofore, but the past he would
overlook, if they would offer no more ; yet if ever the
GARANGtLA. 109
like should happen again, he had express orders from
the king, his master, to declare war.
Garangula listened to these words, and many more
in the like strain, with that contempt, which a real
knowledge of the situation of the French army, and
the rectitude of his own course were calculated to in
spire. And after walking several times round the
circle, formed by his people and the French, ad
dressing himself to the governor, seated in his elbow
chair, he begem as follows : *
"Yonnondio;* I honor you, and the warriors that
are with me likewise honor you. Your interpreter has
finished your speech. I now begin mine. My words
make haste to reach your ears. Harken to them.
Yonnorutio ; You must have believed when you
left Quebeck, that the sun had burnt up all the forests,
which render our country inaccessible to the French,
or that the lakes had so far overflown the banks, that
they had surrounded our castles, and that it was im
possible for us to get out of them. Yes, surely, you must
have dreamt so, and the curiosity of seeing so great
a wonder, has brought you so far. Now you are un
deceived, since that I and the warriors here present,
are come to assure you, that the Senecas, Cayugas,
Onondagas, Oneidas, and Mohawks are yet alive. I
thank you in their name, for bringing back into their
country the calumet, which your predecessor received
from their hands. It was happy for you, that you left
under ground that murdering hatchet that has been so
often dyed in the blood of the French,
" Hear, Yonnonctio ; I do not sleep ; I have my eyes
open ; and the sun, which enlightens me, discovers to
me a great captain at the head of a company of sol-
* The name they gave the governors of Canada.
110 GARANGULA.
diers, who speaks as if he were dreaming- He says,
that he only came to the lake to smoke on the great
calumet with the Onondagas. But Garangula says,
that he sees the contrary ; that it was to knock them
on the head, if sickness had not weakened the arms
of the French. I see Yonnondio raving in a camp of
sick men, whose lives the Great Spirit has saved, by
inflicting this sickness on them.
" /fear, Yonnondio ; our women had taken their
clubs, our children and old men had carried their bows
and arrows into the heart of your camp, if our warriors
had not disarmed them, and kept them back, when
your messenger came to our castles. It is done, and I
have said it.
" Hear, Yonnondio ; we plundered none of the
French, but those that carried guns, powder and balls
to the Twightwies, and Chictaghicks, because those
arms might have cost us our lives. Herein we follow
the example of the Jesuits, who break all the kegs of
rum brought to our castles, lest the drunken Indians
should knock them on the head. Our warriors have
not beaver enough to pay for all those arms that they
have tal^en, and our old men are not afraid of the war,
This belt preserves my words.
" We carried the English into our lakes, to trade
there with the Utawawas and Quatoghies, as the Ad-
irondaks brought the French to .our castles, to carry
on a trade, which the English say is theirs. We are
born free. We neither depend on Yonnondio nor
Corlear* We may go where we please, and carry
with us whom we please, and buy and sell what we
please. If your allies be your slaves, use them as-
such, command them to receive no other but your
people. This belt preserves my words.
* The name they gave the governors of New York.
GAftAfffctTLA. Ill
** We knock the Twightwies and Chictaghicks on
the head, because they had cut down the trees of
peace, which were the limits of our country. They
have hunted beaver on our lands. They have acted
contrary to the customs of all Indians, for they left
none of the beavers alive, they killed both male and
female. They brought the Satanas into their .country,
to take part with them, after they had concerted ill
designs against us. We ha^e done less than either
the English or French, that have usurped the lands of
so many Indian nations, and chased them from their
own country. This belt preserves my words.
'* Hear, Yonnondio ; what I say is the voice of all
the Five Nations. Hear what they answer. Open
your ears to what they speak. The Senecas, Cayu-
gas, Onondagas, Oneidas, and Mohawks say, that
when they buried the hatchet at Cadarackui, in the
presence of your predecessor, in the middle of the fort,
they planted the tree of peace in the same place ; to
be there carefully preserved : That in the place of a
retreat for soldiers, that fort might be a rendezvous for
merchants : that in place of arms and ammunition of
war, beavers and merchandize -should only enter there.
* Hear, Yonnondio ; take care for the future, that so
great a number of soldiers as appear there do not
choke the tree of peace planted in so small a fort. It
will be a great loss, if, after it had so easily taken root,
you should stop its growth, and prevent its covering
your country and ours with its branches. I assure
you, in the name of the Five Nations, that our war
riors shall dance to the calumet of peace under its
leaves ; and shall remain quiet on their mats, and shall
never dig up the hatchet, till their brother Yonnondio,
or Corlear shall either jointly or separately endeavor
to attack the country, which the Great Spirit has given
to our ancestors. This belt preserves my words, and
this other, the authority which the Five Nations have
given me,"
Then addressing himself to the interpreter, said,
"Take courage, you have spirit, speak, explain my
words, forget nothing, tell all that your brethren and
friends say to Yonnondio, your governor, by the mouth
of Garangula, who loves you, and desires you to ac
cept of this present of beaver, and take part with me
in my feast, to which I invite you. This present of
beaver is sent to Yonnondio, on the part of the Five
Nations."
De la Barre was struck with surprise at the wisdom
of this chief, and equal chagrin at the plain refuta
tion of his own. He immediately returned to Mon
treal, and thus finished this inglorious expedition of
the French against the Five Nations.f
Garangula was at this time a very old man, and
from this valuable speech we became acquainted with
him; a very Nestor of his nation, whose powers of
mind would not suffer in comparison with those of
a Roman, or a more modern Senator.
rlikhictl-n ) a chief who in the year 1754 join
ed the French forces in an expedition against the En
glish settlements. At Conegocheague he took prisoner,
among others, a female with a young babe. The child
cried so incessantly as to cause such perplexity in the
hurry of their flight, that to prevent falling into the hands
of his pursuers, and at the request of some of his white
companions, Glikhican put it to death. He afterwards
became a convert to the Moravian Christians, and
joined their congregation in 1770. He never forgave
himself the crime of killing the child, although he re
peatedly received the mother's forgiveness. From the
t Colden's Hist, of the Five Nations, 5971. ed. 1747.
GRANGANEMEO. 113
time of his conversion his life was the most unexcep
tionable, and he died happy. He had been conspicu
ous as a warrior and counsellor, and in oratory, it is
said he never was surpassed.*
GrrMHganemeO) a brother of the well known
Winginia, Sachem of Wingandacoa, in Virginia. He
was known to Amidas and Barlow in their discovery
in 1585, which also was the year of his death. As
soon as the arrival of the English was made known
to him, he visited them with about forty of his men,
who were very civil and of a remarkably robust and
fine appearance. When they had left their boat and
came upon the shore near the ship, Granganemeo
spread a mat and sat down upon it. The English
went to him armed, but he discovered no fear, and in-
vited them to sit down ; after which he performed
some tokens of friendship ; then making a speech to
them they presented him with some toys. None but
four of his people spoke a word, or sat down, but
maintained the most perfect silencfe. On being shown
a pewter dish was much pleased with it, and pur
chased it with twenty deer skins, which were worth
in England one hundred shillings sterling!! . The
dish he used as an ornament, making a hole through
it, wore it about his neck. While here the English
treated him, with hig wife and children, on board thir
ship. His wife had in her ears bracelets of pearl
which reached to her middle. Shortly after many of
the people came out of the country to trade, " but
when Granganemeo was present, none durst trade but
himself, and them that wore red copper on their hejids
as he did." He was remarkably exact in keeping his
promise, " for oft we trusted him, and he would come
within his day to keep his word." And these voyagers
* Heckawald's Hist. Account of Indian Nations,
GRAND-SUIT.
further report, that commonly he sent them every
day a brace of bucks, conies, hares, and fish, and
sometimes melons, walnuts, cucumbers, pease and
divers roots." This must close our account of the ex
cellent Granganemeo, and would that the account of
the English would balance as well, but they exhibit
their own, and one item more from it, and we close
the comparison. For a small kettle they took fifty
skins, worth in England 12. 10s. sterling.*
Crrand-SUn^ chief of the Natchez. Although
Sun was a common name for all chiefs of that nation,
this chief was particularly distinguished in the first
war with the French, which exhibits the compass of
our information concerning him, and which we pur
pose here to sketch.
He was brother to the great warrior, known to the
French by the name of Stung-serpent, and like him
was a friend to the whites, until the haughty overbear
ing disposition of one man brought destruction and
ruin on their whole colony. This affair took place in
the year 1729. The residence of the Grand-sun was
near the French Post of Nachez, where he had a beau
tiful village called the White Apple. M. de Chopart
had been reinstated in the command of the Post,
whence he was for a time removed by reason of mis
conduct, and his abominable injustice to the Indians
became more conspicuous than ever. To gratify his
pride and avarice, he had projected the building of an
elegant village, and none appeared to suit his purpose
so well as the White Apple of the Grand-sun. Him
he gent for to his fort, and unhesitatingly told him that
his village must be immediately given up to him, for
he had resolved to erect one a league square upon the
same ground, and that he must remove elsewhere,
* Smith's Hist. Virginia.
GRAND-SUN. 115
The great chief stifled his surprise, and modestly
plied " that his ancestors had lived in that village for
as many years as there were hairs in his double cue,
and therefore it was good that they should continue
there still." When this was interpreted to the com
mandant, he showed himself in a rage, and threatened
the chief, that unless he moved from his village spedi-
ly, he would have cause of repentance. Grand-sun
left the fort and said he would assemble his counsel
lors, and hold a talk upon it.
In this council, which actually assembled, it was
proposed to lay before the commandant their hard
situation, if they should be obliged to abandon their
corn, which then was just beginning to shoot from
the ground, and many other articles on which they
were to depend for subsistence. But on urging these
strong reasons, they met only with abuse, and a more
peremptory order to remove immediately. This the
Grand-sun reported to the council, and they saw all
was lost, unless by some stratagem they should rid
themselves of the tyrant Chopart, which was their final
decision. The secret was confided to none but the
old men. To gain time, an offer was to be made to
the avaricious commandant, of tribute, in case he
would permit them to remain on their land until their
harvest. The offer was accepted, and the Indians set
about maturing their plan with the greatest avidity.
Bundles of sticks were sent to the Suns of the neigh
boring tribes, and their import explained to them by
the faithful messengers. Each bundle Contained as
many sticks as days which were to pass before the
massacre of all the French in the Natchez. And that
no mistake should arise in regard to the fixed day,
every morning a stick was drawn from the bundle and
broken in pieces, and the day of the last stick was that
of the execution.
'
116 GRAND-SUN.
The security of the wicked, in the midst of their
wickedness, and their deafness to repeated warnings,
though a standing example before them upon the
pages of all history, yet we know of but few instances
where they have profited by it. I need cite no exam
ples, our pages are full of them.
The breast of women, whether civilized or unciv
ilized, cannot bear the thoughts of revenge and death,
to prey upon them, for so great a length of time as
men. And, as in the last case, I need [not produce
examples, on our pages will be found many.
A female Sun, having by accident understood the
secret design of her people, partly out of resentment
for their keeping it from her, and partly from her at
tachment to the French, resolved to make it known to
them. But so fatally secure was the commandant,
that he would not hearken to her messengers, and
threatened others of his own people with chastisement,
if they continued such intimations. But the great
council of so many Suns, and other motions of their
wise men, justly alarmed many, and their complaints
to the commandant were urged, until seven of his own
people were put in irons, to dispel their fears. And
that he might the more vaunt himself upon their fears,
sent his interpreter to demand of the Grand-sun, wheth
er he was about to fall upon the French with his war
riors. To dissemble in such a case, was only to be
expected from the chief, and the interpreter reported
to the commandant, as he desired, which caused him
to value himself upon his former contempt of his peo
ples fears.
The 30th of November, 1729, at length came, and
with it the massacre of near 700 people, being all the
French of Natchez. Not a man escaped. It being
upon the eve of St. Andrew's day, facilitated the exe
cution of the horrid design. In such contempt was
GRAND-SUN. 117
M. Chopart held, that the Suns would allow no warrior
to kill him, but one whom they considered a mean
person. He was armed only with a wooden toma
hawk, and with such a contemptible weapon, wielded
by as contemptible a person, was M. Chopart pursued
from his house, into his garden, and there met his
death.
The design of the Grand-sun and his allies, was to
have followed up their success until all the French were
driven out of Louisiana. But some tribes would not
aid in it, and the governor of Louisiana, promptly sec
onded by the people of New Orleans, shortly after,
nearly annihilated the whole tribe of the Natchez.
The Choctaws offered themselves, to the number of
15 or 1600 men, and in the following February, ad
vanced into the country of the Natchez, and were
shortly after joined by the French, and encamped near
the old fort, then in possession of the Grand-sun. Here
flags passed between them, and terms of peace were
agreed upon, which were very honorable to the In
dians ; but in the following night, they decamped,
taking all their prisoners and baggage, leaving nothing
but the cannons of the fort, and bells behind them.
Some time now passed before the French could ascer
tain the retreat of the Natchez. At length they learn
ed that they had crossed the Mississippi, and settled
upon the west side, near 180 miles above the rnouth
of Red river. Here they built a fort, and remained
quietly until the next year.
The weakness of the colony caused the inhabitants
to resign themselves into the hands of the king, who
spon sent over a sufficient force, added to those^ still in
the country, to humble the Natchez. They were ac
cordingly invested in their fort, and struck with con
sternation at the sudden approach of the French, seem
10
118 GREAT-MORTAR.
to have lost their former prudence. They made a de&-
perate sally upon the camp of the enerny, but were re
pulsed with great loss. They then attempted to gain
time by negociation, as they had the year before, but
could not escape from the vigilance of the French of
ficer ; yet the attempt was made and many were kill
ed, very few escaped, and the greater number driven
within their fort. Mortars were used by their enemies
in this siege, and the third bomb, falling in the centre
of the fort, made great hovoc, but still greater conster
nation. Drowned by the cries of the women and
children, Grand-sun caused the sign of capitulation to
be given. Himself, with the rest of his company were
carried prisoners to New Orleans, and thrown into
prison. An increasing infection caused the women
and children to be taken out and employed as slaves
on the king's plantations ; among whom was the wo
man who had used every endeavor to notify the com
mandant, Chopart, of the intended massacre, and from
whom the particulars of the affair were learned. Her
name was Stung-arm. These slaves were shortly af
ter embarked for St. Domingo, entirely to rid the
country of the Natchez.* The men, it is probable,
were all put to death.
Great-mortar ? or Yah-yah-tustanage, a very
celebrated Muskogee chief, who before the revolution
ary war, was in the French interest, and received his
supplies from their garrison at Alabama, which was
not far distant from his place of abode, called Okchai.
There was a time when he inclined to the English,
and but for the very haughty and imprudent conduct
of the superintendant of Indian affairs, among them,
might have been reclaimed, and the dismal period of
* Mons. du Pratz, Hist, de Louisiana, Tome I, chap. XII.
GREAT-MORTAR. 119
massacres which ensued,-averted. At a great council,
appointed by the superintendant, for the object of re
gaining their favor, the pipe of peace, when passing
around, was refused to Great-mortar, because he had
favored the French. This, with much other ungener
ous treatment, caused him ever after to hate the En
glish name. As the superintendant was making a
speech, which doubtless contained severe and hard
sayings against his red hearers, another chief sprung
upon his feet, and darting his tomahawk at him, it
fortunately missed him, but stuck in a plank just above
his head. Yet he would have been immediately kill
ed, but for the interposition of a friendly warrior.
Had this first blow been effectual, every Englishman
present would have been immediately put to death.
Soon after, Great-mortar caused his people to fall upon
the English traders, and they murdered ten. Fourteen
of the inhabitants of Longcane, a settlement near
Ninety-six, next were his victims. He now received
a commission from the French, and the better to en
list the Cherokees and others in his cause, removed
with his family far into the heart of the country, upon a
river, by which he could receive supplies, from the
fort at Alabama. Neither the French nor Great-mor
tar were deceived in the advantage of their newly
chosen position ; for young warriors joined him therein
great numbers, and it was fast becoming a general ren
dezvous for all the Mississippi Indians. Fortunately,
however, for the English, the Chickasaws in their in
terest, plucked up this Bohon upas, before its branches
were yet extended. They fell upon them by surprise,
killed the brother of Great-mortar, and completely de
stroyed their design. He fled, not to his native place,
but to one from whence he could best annoy the En
glish settlements, and commenced anew the work of
120
HANKAMAGUS.
death. Augusta, in Georgia, and many scattering set
tiers were destroyed.* Those ravages were con
tinued until their united forces were defeated by the
Americans under gen. Grant, in I761.f The fate of
Great-mortar, like many others, is hidden from us.
HankamagUS, commonly in the histories
called Hogkins, Hawkins, or Hakins. He was a Pen-
nakook Sachem, and an artful, persevering, faithful
man, as long as he could depend upon the English for
protection. But when governor Cranfield, of New
Hampshire used his endeavors to bring down the Mo
hawks to destroy the Eastern Indians, in 1684, who
were constantly stirred up by the French to commit
depredations upon the English, Hankamagus, knowing
they made no distinction where they came, fled to the
eastward and joined the Androscoggins. He had a
fort upon that river, where his family and that of
another Sachem, called Worombos, lived. But before
he fled his country, he addressed several letters to
the governor, which discover his fidelity as well as his
fears ; and from which there is no doubt but he would
always gladly have lived in his own country, and on
the most intimate and friendly terms with the English,
to whom he had become attached, and had adopted
much of their manner, and could read and write. The
following letter fully explains the situation of his mind
and his feeling, at the time he expected the Mohawks
would ravage his country.
" May 1 5th, 1 685. Honor governor my friend. You
my friend I" desire your worship and your power, be
cause I hope you can do som great matters this one.
I am poor and naked and have no men at my place
because I afraid allways Mohogs he will kill me every
* Adair's Hist. N. American Indians.!254>
t Wynne's Brit. Empire, II, 283.
HANKAMAGUS* 121
day and night. If your worship when please pray
help me you no let Mohogs kill me at my place at
Malamake river called Panukkog and Nattukkog, I
will submit your worship and your power. And now
I want pouder and such alminishon, shatt and guns,
because I have forth at rny horn and I plant theare."
The above letter is signed by himself and fourteen
of his principal men. Whether he were among the
Pennakooks seized by major Waldron about ten years
before, is not certain, or if he were it is not probable
any resentment remained in his breast against him on
that account, as the Pennakooks were all permitted to
return home ; but it is certain that he was the director
and leader in the dreadful calamity which fell upon
Waldron not long afterward, and which is as much
chargeable upon the maltreatment they received from
the English, at least, as upon any agency of the French.
It may be true that many belonging to the eastward,
who were seized with the Pennakooks, and sold or
left in foreign countries, had found their way back
among their friends again, and were glad of the first
opportunity of revenging themselves \ipon the author
of their unjust expatriation.
Major Waldron lived at Dover,* New Hampshire, in
a strongly garrisoned house, where were also four
more. Hankamagus had artfully contrived a stratagem
to effect the surprise of the place, and had others be
side the Pennakooks from different places ready in
great numbers, to prosecute the undertaking. The
plan was this. Two squaws were sent to each gar
rison house to get liberty to stay all night, and when
all should be asleep, they were to open the gates to
the warriors. Masandowet, who was next to Hankam
agus, went to major Waldron's, and informed him that
* Then called by its Indian name Quochecho.
122 HANKAMAGUS.
the Indians would come the next day and trade with
him. While at supper with the major, Masandowtt
said to him, with an air of familiarity, "Brother Wed-
dron, what would you do if the strange Indians should
come?" To which he Tauntingly replied, "that he
could assemble an hundred men by lifting up his fin
ger." In this security the gates were opened at mid
night, and the Avork of death raged in all its fury.
One garrison only escaped, who would not admit the
squaws. They rushed into Waldron's house in great
numbers, and while some guarded the door, others
commenced the slaughter of all who resisted. W(d-
dron was now eighty years of age, yet seizing his
sword, defended himself with great resolution, and at
first drove the Indians before him from room to room,
until one getting behind him, knocked him down with
his hatchet. They now seized upon, and dragged him
into the great room, and placed him in an armed chair
upon a table. While they were thus dealing with the
master of the house they obliged the family to provide
them a supper, which when they had eaten, they took
off his clothes, and proceeded to torture him in the
most dreadful manner. Some gashed his breast with
knives, saying " I cross out my account," others cut
off joints of his fingers, and said to him "Now will
your fist weigh a pound ?" After cutting off his nose
and ears, and forcing them into his mouth, he became
faint from loss of blood ; and some holding his own
sword on end upon the floor, let him fall upon it, and
thus ended his misery.
The Indians had been greatly abused and wronged
in their trading with the whites, and it is a tradition
to this day all over that part of the country, that major
Waldron took great advantage of them in trade, and
did not cross out their accounts when they had paid
HAWKINS. 123
him ; and that in buying beaver, his fist was accounted
to weigh a pound. Although he may have taken no
more advantage of the Indians than the majority of
Indian traders, yet at this distant day, extenuation will
not be looked -for in impartial accounts of the transac
tions of our ancestors with the Indians.
Several were killed at each of the garrison houses
that fell into their hands. They kept the place until
the next morning, when, after collecting all the plun
der they could carry, took up their march with twenty-
nine captives, into the wilderness towards Canada j
where the chief of them were bought by the French,
and in time got home to their country again. Twenty-
three were killed before they left the place. This af
fair took place on the night of the 27th of June, 1689,
Several friendly Indians informed capt. Henchman at
Chelmsford, of the certainty of an attack upon Dover,
and he despatched a letter in season to have notified
the people, but on account of some delay at Newbury
ferry, the benefit was lost.
Four years after, col. Church took Hankamagus' fort,
which was upon the Androscoggin, about twenty or
thirty miles from its mouth, but he was then absent.
His]wife fell into Church's hands, who left word with
some which he set at liberty, that if Hakins, as he was
then called, wished to see her he must come to the
garrison at Wells ; but whether he did, or what was
his end we do not learn.
liar fling) (Josiah) one of the principal men of
those confined on Deer Island, and suffered greatly
from sickness, in Philip's war.
Hawkins (Will) by birth a Narraganset, wag
employed by the English, in some ordinary capacity,
as many of the natives were. He was living near
Salem before the time of Philip's war, but about the
124 HEGOST.
close of it, seems to have 'attached himself to the Wa^
mesits. At this time there was a stack of hay burnt
at that place by some of the enemy, but as the enemy
offered no chance to gratify the ire of the English,
they sought revenge upon those Christian Indians re
siding there. Consequently thirty-three of them were
sent prisoners to Charlestown ; and, after some exami
nation, three of them, of whom Hawkins was one,
were ordered to be sold into slavery.
As a singularity in legislative proceedings, it may
be mentioned, that a vote passed the house of deputies,
finding all the Wamesits guilty of burning the hay,
but that the magistrates did not see fit to consent to it.
And thus, after being imprisoned some time, all ex
cept thirteen, including the three before named, were
permitted to return home to their wives and children.
More particulars will be found under the head Namp-
how.
WfcgOH* an eastern chief. There is a tradition
among many of the inhabitants of Maine, of the sin
gular fate of an Indian, which they say was tied upon
a horse with spurs upon his heels, which from the
manner he was lashed to the animal, continually goaded
him. When the horse was set at liberty, he ran furi
ously through an orchard, and the craggy limb& of the
trees tore him to pieces. Mather, in his Decennium
Luctuosum,* seems to confirm something of the kind,
which took place at Casco, in 1794, where the Indians
having taken some horses, made a bridle of the main
and tail of one, on which, "a son of the famous Hegon
was ambitious to mount." " But being a pitiful horse
man, he ordered them,~ for fear of his falling, to tie his
legs fast under the horses belly. No sooner was this
beggar set on horse back, and the spark, in his own
* Magnalia, II, 546.
HENDRICK. 125
opinion, thoroughly equipt, but the nettlesome horse
furiously and presently ran with him out of sight.
Neither horse nor man were ever seen any more. The
astonished tawnies howled after one of their nobility,
disappearing by such an unexpected accident. A few
days after they found one of his legs, (and that was
all,) which they buried in capt. Bracket's cellar, with
abundance of lamentation."
ItcigOH (Mogg,) Sagamore of Saco river, was
son of Walter Hiegon. He sold to William Philips, of
Saco, in 1664, " a tract of land, being bounded with
Saco river on the N. E. side, and Kennebunk river on
the S. W. side." To extend from the sea up Saco
river to Salmon Falls, and the Kennebunk to a point
opposite the former. No amount is mentioned as a
consideration, but merely " a certain sum in goods."*
IlCUflrich'j a gallant Mohawk chief, who took
part with many of his men, against the French, in the
war of 1755. The French were encouraged by the
defeat of gen. Braddock, and were in high expectation
of carrying all before them. Hendrick joined the En
glish army at the request of gen. Johnson, and met the
French, consisting of 200 men under gen. Dieskau, at
lake George. While the English and Indians were
encamped in a slight work, their scouts brought news
of the approach of the French, with a great body of
Indians upon their 'flanks. Gen. Johnson despatched
col. Williams of Massachusetts, with 1000 men, and
Hendrick with 200 of his warriors to give them battle ;
but falling in with them about 4 miles from camp, and
unexpectedly, col. Williams and Hendrick were killed,
with many other officers and privates of the detach
ment, and the rest fled to the main body with great
precipitation, infusing consternation into the whole
* Manuscript documents.
126
HENDRICK.
army.* The French followed closely and poured in
tremendous fire, which did very little execution, from
the precaution of the English in falling flat upon their
faces. They were now recovered from their surprise,
and fought with bravery, having advantage not only
in numbers, but artillery, of which the French had
none.f At length the brave Dieskau was wounded in
the thigh, and his Indians being terrified at the havoc
made by the cannon of the English, fled to the woods,
and the regulars were ordered to retreat by their gen
eral, which they did in great disorder. Gen. Dieskau
was found in the pursuit, supporting himself by the
stump of a tree. Supposing plunder to be the first
object of his captors, as he was attempting to draw
his watch to present to them, some one supposing him
to be searching for his pistol, discharged his gun into
bis hips. Notwithstanding he was thus twice wound
ed, he lived to reach England, but he died soon after.
The French lost 800 men in the attack.
When gen. Johnson was about to detach col. Wil
liams, he asked Hendi'ick's opinion, whether the
force was sufficient. To which he replied, "if they
are to fight, they are too few. If they are to be killed,
they are too many." And when it was proposed to
divide the detachment into three parts, Hendrick ob
jected, and to forcibly express the impracticability of the
plan, picked up three sticks, and putting them together,
said to the general, " You see now that these cannot be
easily broken ; but take them one by one, and you may
break them at once." But from this valuable coun
cil very little advantage seems to have been derived.
John Konkapot a Stockbridge Indian, was grandson
* The English lost about 200 in this ambush. Guthrie's
Universal history, X. 94.
r Guthries U. Hist. Vol. X. 94.
HOBOMOK. 127
to Hendrick. And he informs us that his grandfather
was son of the Wolf, a Mohegan chief, and that his
mother was a Mohawk.*
IHaCOOmeS) a native of Edgartown, was the
first Christian among the Indians of Martha's Vine
yard. He became a noted preacher among them. He
soon became familiar with the English, on their first
settling upon his island, in 1642, and embraced their
religion with ardour. In 1646 he preached publicly,
and continued to instruct his countrymen for about
40 years. He is supposed to have died about 1690,
at a great age, not having been able to preach for
some time previous.! - Mr. Gookin says, | he was " a
grave and serious Christian, and hath had a great bles
sing since upon his posterity ; for his sons and hie
daughters are pious, and one if no more of his sons, a
teacher." His eldest son's name was Joel, who was
educated at Cambridge, but died young.
MSobOMlofc^ a Warnpanoag, became known to the
Pilgrims soon after Mr. Winslow and Hopkin's visit to
Massasoil, as will be found in the life of that chief, for
the purpose of securing more firmly his friendship,
" which was much furthered, says Morton, by an In
dian named Hobomok, who came to Jive among the
English, he being a proper lusty young man, and one
that was in account among the Indians in. those parts
for his valor." He lived with them, and was of the
greatest service in learning them how to cultivate
such fruits as were peculiar to the country, such
as corn, beans, &c. The account of his mission to
Massasoit, to learn the truth of a report that the Narra-
gansets had made war upon him, and his interruption
and trouble from Corbitant are related under that head.
* Col. Mas. Hist. Soc.
t Mayhew's Indian Converts, 1-12.
\ In his Hist. Col. concerning the Indians.
'
128 HOBOMOK.
Being a favorite of Massasoit, the Pilgrims found
that they need not apprehend any treachery on his
part, as Hobomok was so completely in their interest,
and also in that of the great sachems, that he would
advise them if anything evil were on foot against
thenu What strengthened them in this opinion was
the following circumstance. In the spring of the year
1622, Hobomok set out with a company of English to
conduct them in a trading expedition to the Massachu
setts ; going by water, as soon as they were out of
sight, a false messenger came running into Plirnouth
town, apparently in a great fright, out of breath, and
bleeding from a wound in his face. He told them
that Corbitant with many of the Narragansets, and he
believed that Massasoit with them, were coming to
destroy the English. No one doubted of his sincerity,
and the first thought of the people was to bring back
their military trader, who had just gone in the boat
with Hobomok. A piece of cannon was immediately
discharged, which, to their great joy soon caused the
boat to return, not having got out of hearing. They
had no sooner arrived, than Hobomok told them there
was no truth in the report, and said it was a plot of
Squanto, who was then with them, and even one of
those in the boat ; that he knew Massasoit would not
undertake such an enterprise without consulting him.
Hobomok was confident because he was himself a great
chief, and one of Massasoits. counsellors. Squanto de
nied all knowledge of any plot, and thus ended the
affair. But to entirely satisfy the English, Hobomok
sent his wife to Pokanoket privately to gain exact in
telligence, and her return only verified what her hus
band had said. There is but little doubt, that Squanto
was in the interest of Corbitant, and lived among the
English as a spie, while Hobomok was honestly, as he
pretended, a strong friend to them ; but for some time
HOPEHOOD. 129
it was nearly impossible for them to know which was
their best friend, as each seemed emulous to outvie
the other in good offices. They were, however, at
this time satisfied ; for Hobomok's wife having told
Massasoit what had happened, and that it was one of
Squanto's men that gave the alarm, satisfied him that
that Sagamore had caused it, and therefore demanded
him of the English, that he might put him to death, ac
cording to their law. But the English regarding the
benefit resulting to them from saving his life, more
than keeping inviolate the treaty, evaded the demand,
and Squanto was preserved.
Hobomok was greatly beloved by Massasoit, notwith
standing he became a professed Christian, and Massa
soit was always opposed to the English religion him
self. It will be told in the life of the great Massasoit,
how valuable was the agency of Hobomok, in faithfully
revealing the mischievious plot of Corbitant, which
terminated in the death of Wittuwamet and Peksnot.
He was the pilot of the English when they visited
Massasoit in his sickness, whom before their arrival
they considered dead, which caused great manifesta
tions of grief in Hobomok. He often exclaimed as they
were on their way, <' Neen womasu Sagimus, neen wo-
masu Sagimus, &fc" which is " My loving Sachem, my
loving Sachem ! many have I known, but never any
like thee."
In the division of the land at Pli mouth among the
inhabitants, Hobomok, received a lot as his share, on
which he resided after the English manner, and died
a Christian among them. The year of his death does
not appear, but was previous to 1642.
StojtCllOOil^ a chief of the Nerigwoks, son of
a chief of the name of Robinhood, his native name
11
130 HOPEHOOD.
appears to have been Wohawa.* The career of his
warlike exploits was long and bloody. Our first no
tice of him is in Philip's war, at the attack of a house
at Newichewannok, since Berwick, in Maine. Fifteen
persons, all women and children, were in the house,
and Hopehood, with one only beside himself, thought
to surprise them, and but for the timely discovery of
their approach by a young woman within, would have
effected their purpose. She fastened and held the
door, while all the others escaped unobserved. Hope-
hood and his companion hewed down the door, and
knocked the girl on the head, and otherwise wounding
her, left her for dead. They took two children, which
a fence had kept from escaping. One they killed, the
other they carried off alive. The young woman re
covered, and was entirely well afterwards.
On the 18th of March, 1690, was the horrid massa
cre at Salmon falls. Hopehood had joined 22 French
men, under Hertel, with 25 of his warriors. They at
tacked the place as soon as it was day, in three places.
The people defended themselves as well as they were
able, in their consternation, until about 30 of their
best men were slain, when they gave themselves up to
the mercy of the besiegers ; 64 men were carried
away captive, and much plunder. They burned all
the houses, and the barns with the cattle in them. The
number of buildings thus destroyed is unknown, but
was perhaps about 30, and perhaps 200 head of cattle.
In the same year Hopehood appears again upon our
records. In May, of that year, at the head of a party,
he fell upon Fox point, in New Hampshire, killed about
* Harris, in his voyages, II, 302, says he was a Huron, but
as he cites no authorities, we know not how he came by his
information.
HORNOTLIMED. 131
fourteen persons, and carried away six, after burning
several houses. This was as easily done, says Mather,*
" as to have spoiled an ordinary hen roost." Two com
panies of English soon collected and pursued them ;
came up with them, killed some and recovered consid
erable plunder. In this action Hopehood was wound
ed, and lost his gun.
Many were the horrid acts of barbarity inflicted on
the prisoners taken at this time, but which our limits
will not admit us to record. Not long after this, Hope-
hood went to the westward "with a design, says Ma
ther, to bewitch another crew at Aquadocta, into his
assistance." The Indians of Canada, and the Five Na
tions, were then at war, and he being in their country,
was met by some of the Canada Indians, who taking
him to be of the Iroquois nation, slew him and many
of his companions. He had been once a captive to
the English, and served a time in Boston as a slave.
There appears to have been another Nerigwok chief
of the same name, who treated with gov. Dudley at
Casco, in 1703.*
iltn'notluticd^ a chief of a clan of Creeks,
commonly called Red-sticks. This name was given
them, in the late Seminole campaigns, from the singu
lar manner of their expressing themselves enemies to
the United States. They were driven out from the
rest of the Creek nation during the war of 1813, and
established themselves at a village called Mickasauky.
Here they erected poles, which they painted red, in
mockery of the American liberty poles, and hence the
name of Red-sticks. Their poles were ornamented
with the scalps which they had taken from the Amer
icans. This village of the Red-sticks was upon the
* Magnalia Christ. Americana, B. VII. Art. ix.
132 HORNOTLIMED.
shore of a lake of the same name as their village, near
the northern bounds of East Florida.
General Gaines had orders to drive the Creeks from
the lands ceded to the United States by the council of
their nation, and accordingly proceeded to Flint river,
where, near its junction with the Catahoochie, he
erected a fort which he named for Scott. Three ves
sels having arrived at the mouth of the Apalachicola
on the 30th November, 1817, with military stores for
the supply of the garrison, but from contrary winds
was unable to ascend. Lieut. Scott was dispatched
for his assistance, in a boat with forty men. The old
Chief Hornotlimedj who had just before been driven
from Foul-town, by a detachment of gem Game's
army, with a band of his warriors, had concealed them
selves in the bank of the river, and when lieut. Scott
and his men returned, were fired upon, and all ex
cept six soldiers, who jumped overboard and swam
to the opposite shore, were killed. Twenty of the
soldiers had been left for the aid of the ascending ves
sels, and about the same number of women and sick
were in their place. These fell into the hands of Hor-
notlimed and his warriors, who dashed out their brains
upon the side of the boat, took off their scalps r and
carried them to Mickasauky, where they exhibited them
upon their red poles, in memory of their victory.
This chief was doomed shortly to expiate with his life
for this massacre.
The Mickasauky town was soon after visited by the
army, but the Indians had all fled, their red pole was
left standing, and the scalps upon it ; many of which
were recognised as having been taken from lieut.
Scott's men. A vessel cruising near the mouth of Apa
lachicola river to prevent the escape of the Indians in
See Penhallows Ind. Wars, 2.
1YANOUGH. 133
that direction, With English colors displayed, decoyed
on board the famous chiefs, Hornotlimed, and the
prophet Francis. These the Americans hanged with
out trial or delay.
Homybrookj an interpreter at the treaty made
at Pemmaquid in 1693, between the English and Eg-
ermet, Madokawando, Bomazeen, and ten other eastern
chiefs.*
Ift9 ntC^i (John) one of the Christian Indians who
went against Philip in the beginning of the war and
performed signal services. He is one of the three
meant, in speaking before of Felix, which see.
MtCWHSiSy a Sachem of the Penobscot tribe in
Maine, in 1713. We meet with his name only to the
treaty concluded by the English with them in that
year, as mentioned under Bomazeen. His mark or
signature to that instrument is a rude representation of
a face.f
ffOjKtfiilj a Sachem of Virginia, a second broth
er of Powhatan, whom he succeeded, on the death of
that chief in April, 1618. He was a friend to the En
glish, and on his coming into power, carne with Ope-
kankanough and renewed the former league.^ His first
name was Opitchepan.
iijlinowgh, Sachem of Cummaquid and Matak-
iest, (a tract of country between Barnstable and Yar
mouth, upon Cape Cod.) Noted for his friendship to
the Pilgrims on their $rst coming to Plimouth, and
one of those whose country was passed through by
them when in search of one of their number which
had been lost in the woods, as related under the head
Jlspinet.
* Magnalia, II. 543. t Penhallow's Indian Wars.
J Smith's Virginia, II. 37.
134 ItANOUGH.
In the work called Mourt's Journal, we read as fol*
lows concerning him : "They brought us to their Sa->
chern, or governor, whom they call lyanough, a man
not exceeding twenty-six years of age, but very person
able, and gentle, courtious, and fair conditioned, in
deed not like a savage, save for his attire. His enter
tainment was answerable to his parts, and his cheer
plentiful and various. One thing was very grievous
unto us at this place. There was an old women,
whom we judged to be no less than an hundred years
old, which came to see us, because she never saw
English ; yet could not behold us without breaking
forth into great passion ; weeping and crying exces
sively. We demanding the reason of it, they told us,
she had three sons, who, when Master Hunt was in these
parts, went aboard his ship to trade with him, and he
carried them captives into Spain, by which means she
was deprived of the comfort of her children in her
old age." They expressed sorrow for her, and gave
her to understand that she need apprehend nothing
from them, at the same time giving her a few trifles
which seemed to soothe her.
lyanough conveyed the English to and from the
country of Jlspinet, and assisted them much in the ex
pedition. His early and untimely death was brought
about by the same melancholy circumstance as Jls-
pinet.
We are inclined to believe that capt. Harlow, instead
of Hunt, took away the three sons of this woman ; for
capt. Smith, in his account of New England, mentions
particularly that Harlow took three natives from Cape
Cod, whose names were " Pechmo, Monopet, and Peke*
nimne." And adds, "but Pechmo leaped overboard,
and got away ; and not long after, with his consorts,
cut their boat from their stern, got her on shore, and so
JAMES-PRINTER. 135
filled her with sand, and guarded her with bows and ar
rows, the English lost her." In his account of Hunt's
taking away the " twenty-four Savages," Smith does
not mention from what part of the coast he took them.
Jack-Straw* a native, who lived some time in
England with Sir Walter Ralegh,* and afterwards upon
Connecticut river, with a Sagamore called Wdhguma*
cut, whom, I suppose he accompanied as an interpret
er. Wahgumacut having come to Boston* to request
the governor " to have some English to plant in his
country, and offers to find them corn, and give them,
yearly, eighty skins of beaver." f But the governor
distrusting his honesty did not comply. The fear
Wahgumacut was in of the Pequots caused him to
make these overtures. This was in 1631.}
FrtCkoi/l) a Penobscot chief, in J 7 13. We hear
nothing of him in the eastern wars, and hence con
clude that he was not conspicuous in them.
James-printer , a Christian Indian of Hassan-
amesit, so called, from the circumstance of his having
worked at the printing business. He was one of the
eleven given an account of under Monaco. He was a
brother to Tukapewillin and Araweakin. He was
brought up among the English, and was employed as
a pressman in printing the celebrated Elliot's Indian
bible.
* " The imputation of the first bringing in of tobacco into
England lies on this heroic knight." JVinstanley' s Worthies,
259. " Besides the consumption of the purse, and impairing
of our inward parts, the immoderate, vain and phantastical
abuse of the hellish weed, corrupteth the natural sweetness
of the breath, stupifieththe brain ; and indeed is so prejudicial to
the general esteem of our country." Ibid. 211. What think
ye of this verdict ? tobacco eaters ! If you are not satisfied,
look into King James's book, which he calls, "a counterblast
of tobacco."
t Princes Chronology, II, 25. t Backers' New England, 34.
136 JANEHOH,
j Sagamore of Saugus, now Linn, whose
native name was Moutoivampate,* was brother of Jo/m,
Sagamore of Winisimet. He died in 1633, of the
small pox, " with most of his people. It is said that
these two promised, if ever they recovered, to live
with the English, and serve their God."f The histo
ries of those times give a melancholy picture of the
distresses caused by the small pox among the " wretch
ed natives."* " There are," says Mather, " some old
planters surviving to this day, who helped to bury the
dead Indians ; even whole families of them all dead
at once. In one of the wigwams they found a poor
infant sucking at the breast of the dead mother."!
The same author observes that before the disease be
gan, the Indians had begun to quarrel with the English
about the bounds of their lands, " but God ended the
controversy by sending the small pox among the In
dians at Saugus, who were before that time exceed
ingly numerous."
tffinWHOh^ an independent Narraganset chief,
who if subject to the "great Sachem" Miantunnomoh^
seems to have been nearly independent. In 1637, the
" great Sachem" complained to the government of Mas
sachusetts that+Janemoh and Wequash had done him
injury, who "gave him leave to right himself," but
whether anything further were done we do not hear.
The next year he was complained of for robberies up
on the Long-islanders. On being threatened with
war by the Massachusetts he made restitution for the
injuries. We meet with him no more until 1640,
when it was rumored that Miantunnomoh was trying
to unite his neighboring countrymen and also the -Mo
hawks against the English. Governor Dudley of Mas-
* Lewis' Hist. Lynn, 48. t Hist, of New England, 195.
* Relation, &c. 23. Winthrop, Journal,!. 243.
JETHRO. 137
sachusetts sent messengers to him, but nothing but
friendship was evinced. Only Janemoh, the Nian-
tick Sachem, carried himself proudly, and refused to
come to us, or to yield to anything, only he said he
would not harm us, except we invaded him."* This
was no less noble than the answer of the emperor of
China to Earl Macartney, when he solicited favors
that that monarch considered as belonging to all na
tions, and none in particular, to the exclusion of
others, f
fetHrO) (Old,) or as he was called by some, John
Jethro,i a person of considerable note, whose resi
dence was at a place called Nobscot-hill, near Sud-
bury. He was not a Christian Indian, although when
those were ordered to Deer Island, Old Jethro, with
his family of about twelve persons, was found among
them. He would doubtless have continued with them
but for the threatening aspect of the English ; and in
the night, as an opportunity offered, the whole family
secretly deserted. He was considered a great Powow,
and being found among those who delivered them
selves up at Cocheco, after the war was ended, was
hanged at Boston.
Mr Hubbard adds,|| in the triumphant style of those
days, that Monaco, " with a few more braggadocios
like himself, Sagamore-sam, Old Jethro, and the Sa
gamore of Quabaog, were taken by the English, and
were seen- marching towards the gallows with halters
about their necks, with which they were hanged, at
the town's end, 36th September, 1676."
FethrO) (Peter,) son of the preceding, was one
* Ibidum, II, 8. t Stanton's Embassy.
t Cobbets Manuscript Narrative.
Manuscript of Hon. D. Gookin.
8 Narrative, 75, 4to edition.
138
JOHN.
of the Sagamores who subscribed the letter brought to
the English by Tom Nepand, which see. In that let
ter he is styled scribe ; hence we presume that he had
learned the English language, and writing.* Dr L
Mather says, " That abominable Indian, Peter Jethro,
betrayed his own father, and other Indians of
his special acquaintance, unto death." f He was
a son of the preceding, and is the same mentioned by
Mr. Hubbard as bringing in forty of his countrymen
at one time."J To this, I suppose, Mr. Mather refers.
JFohH-iVtih-OnC-eyCj the same ag Monaco,
and often called one-eyed-John. Monoco was his In
dian name,.under which his history will be found.
*Fohll) (Sagamore) of Winisimet, now Chelsea.
As early as 1631, he had cause to complain that some
of the settlers had burnt two of his wigwams.
"Which wigwams," says gov. Dudley, " were not
inhabited, but stood in a place convenient for their
shelter, when upon occasion, they should travel that
way." The court, upon examination, found that a
servant of sir R. Saltonstall, had been the means of
the mischief, whose master was ordered to make satis
faction, " which he did by seven yards of cloth,
and that his servant pay him at the end of his
time, fifty shillings sterling." || Sagamore John died
at Wamesit, in 1633, of the small pox.H He desired
to become acquainted with the Englishman's God, in
his sickness, and requested them to take his two sons
and instruct them in Christianity, which they did.**
* Manuscript of Hon. Daniel Gookin.
t Prevalency of Prayer, page 6.
% Indian Wars 28, 4to edition.
Letter to theCountess of Lincoln, in Col. Mas. His. Soc.
JI Prince's Chronology.
1f History of New England, 195. 650.
** Wonder working Providence.
KATTSNANIT. 139
, (Sagamore) a Nipmuk Sachem, and a
traitor to his country. On the 27th of July, 1676,
doubtless from a conviction of the hopelessness of his
cause, came to Boston, and threw himself on the mercy
of the English ; whom they pardoned, as he enticed
along with him, about 180 others. And that he might
have a stronger claim on their clemency, he seized
Matoonas, and his son, against whom he knew the En
glish to be greatly enraged, and delivered them up at
the same time. On death's being immediately assign
ed as the lot of Matoonas, Sagamore-john requested
that he might execute him with his own hands. To
keep up the horrid story of blood, his request was
granted ; and he took Matoonas into the common,
bound him to a tree, and there " shot him to death."
To the above Dr. Mather adds,* thus did the Lord
retaliate upon him the innocent blood which he had
shed ; as he had done, so God requited him."
Although much had been alledged against John, be
fore he came in, but afterwards the most favorable
construction was put upon his couduct. Mr. Hub-
bard says, he " affirmed that he had never intended
any mischief to the English at Brookfield, the last year
(near which village it seems his place was) but that
Philip coining over night amongst them he was forced,
for fear of his own life, to join with them against the
English." f
Kattenanit, (Job) a Christian Natick, who had
been a preacher at Magunkog, Hopkinton, and be
longed, we believe, to Massananesit ; however that
may be, it is certain he lived there in the beginning of
Philip's war, when Philip's men made a descent upon
the place, with the intention of carrying away those
* Brief History of the war, 43.
t Narrative, J01,4to edition.
140 KATTENANIT.
Christian Indians, prisoners. Job made his escape
from them at this time, and came in to the English at
Mendon. He had still three children in the enemy's
hands, and he was willing to run any venture to release
them. He therefore applied for, and obtained a pass,
assuring him safety, provided that in his return he
should fall into the hands of the English scouts. Be
sides liberating his children, considerable hopes were
entertained, that he would be enabled to furnish infor
mation of the enemy. It unfortunately happened, that
before he had passed the frontier, he fell in with some
English soldiers, who treated him as a prisoner, and
an enemy, even taking from him his clothes and gun,
sent him to the governor at Boston ; " who more to
satisfy the clamors of the people than for any offence
committed," he was assigned to the common jail,
where he suffered exceedingly ,- himself and many
others being crowded into a narrow and filthy placed
After about three weeks he was taken out and sent to
Deer island.
The clamors of the people were so great at this
time, that many railed at major Gookin, who gave him
the pass, as guilty of furnishing the enemy with intel
ligence.
After the Narraganset fight, 19th of December,
1675, the English were very anxious to gain informa
tion relative to their position, and accordingly in
structed major Gookin to use his endeavors to employ
some friendly Indian spies, who, after considerable ne-
gociation among them at Deer island, engaged Job
again, and James Quannapohit, alias Quanapaug. Their
reward was to be/ve pounds a piece ! They departed
upon this service before day, the 30th of December,
and during their mission, behaved with great pru-
dence, and brought valuable information to the En-
*
KATTENANIT. 141
glish on their return ; but which, from intestine bick
erings, turned to small account.
James Quannapohit returned 24th of Jan. following,
nearly worn out and famished ; having travelled about
eighty miles in that cold season, upon snow shoes, the
snow being very deep. The information which he
gave, was written down by major Gookin* Among
other matters he stated that the enemy had taken up
their quarters in different places, probably near Scatta-
cook, many others, including the Nipmuks, about
Menumesse. The Nartgansets had not yet joined
Philip openly, but while James and Job were among
the Nipmuks, messengers arrived from Narraganset
which gave them much joy, for they expressed an ar
dent desire to join them and Philip in prosecuting the
war. They said their loss in the great swamp fight
was small. In three weeks, James learned, they would
assault Lancaster, which accordingly came to pass,
upon the very day, which he said they intended it. He
learned and thus divulged their plans to a great extent.
A circumstance now occurred, which obliged him to
make his escape, which was this : He found a friend
and protector in Mautamp, one of the Niprnuk chiefs,
who, it seems, intended shortly to visit Philip; and in
sisted that Quannapohit should accompany him, and it
was with no small difficulty he was able to elude the
vigilant eye of Mautamp and make his escape, which
however, was effected, only by a cunning stratagem, as
follows. He told Mautamp that he had fought against
Philip in the commencement of the war, and that
Philip knew him, and that unless he could go to him
with some important trophy, Philip would not believe
him, and would immediately kill him. And moreover
Tukapawillin had privately told him that Philip had
* The same published in Col. Mas. His. Soc. 1. vi. 205^208.
12
142 KATTENANIT.
given out word that certain praying Indians should be
sought after, and if possible, seized and brought to
him : for he wanted to put them to death in a cruel
manner, with his own hands, and that he was one of
them. He therefore told Mautamp that he would go,
in the first place and kill some English, and take their
heads along with him, and then he should consider
himself safe. This being consented to, he lost no
time iri retracing his steps to the frontiers of the En
glish.
He mentions Monaco, or <One-eyed-john as a great
captain among the enemy, who also treated him kind
ly, and entertained him in his wigwam during his stay
there ; he being an old acquaintance. They had
served together in their wars against the Mohawks,
ten years before.
Job was requested to come away with Quannapohit,
but saw no way of getting away his children, which
was a main object with him. He knew too that
James could give all the information they both possess
ed at that period, and not considering himself in im-
inent danger, preferred to tarry longer.
He returned to the English in the night of the 9th
of February and said, as James had before, that on
the next day Lancaster would be attacked, for he knew
about four hundred of the enemy were already on
their march. The result has already been told.
He further informed the English, that the enemy
would shortly attack Medfield, Groton, Marlboro', and
other places, and that the Narragansets had joined
Philip and the Nipmuks.
Before he left the enemy he appointed a place of
safety for his children, and sundry others of his friends,
captured at Hassanamesit, where he would afterwards
meet and conduct them to the English. He there-
KATTENANIT. 143
fore petitioned the council for liberty to meet them,
which was granted. But he now had new difficulties
to encounter, owing to "the rude temper of those
times," as one of the wise men of that age expressed
it.* Although both these men had acquitted them
selves to the entire satisfaction of the authorities who
sent them forth, yet the populace accused them of
giving information to the enemy, and that they were
secretly their advisers, or else they had not returned
in safety ; to appease which they were confined again
to the Island. This so interfered with the time set
by Job to meet his children *nd friends, that great suf
ferings ensued to them, as well as to himself; and he
knew not that ever he should have an opportunity to
see his children again. But it much sooner happened,
no doubt, than he expected, although in an indirect
way. About the time he was sent to the island, a
vote passed in the general court of Massachusetts, to
raise an army of six hundred men, and major Thomas
Savage was applied to, to conduct them in the war.
He refused, unless he could have some of the friendly
Indians from the island for assistants. On a messen
ger being sent among them, six of their principal and
bravest men volunteered in that service, among whom
was Job Kattenanit. The army marched about the first
of March, 1675, O. S. But when at Maryborough,
Job got liberty of major Savage and major gen. Denni-
son, to attempt the finding of his friends and children,
whom he had appointed to meet near Hassanamesit.
When it was known to [capt. Mosely,] f he behaved
* Major Daniel Gookin, who was at least an hundred years
in advance of that age.
t It may he a question with some whether the captain
meant, in the original documents, were Mosely, but I think
I conjecture rightly.
144 KATTENANIT.
himself very unbecoming towards the commanding
officer, and nothing but his popularity with the army
saved his reputation. Indeed his conduct seems quite
as reprehensible as that of a more modern Indian hunt
er in the Floridas, which all friends of humanity joined
to condemn. Mosdy, it appears would place no con
fidence in any Indian, and doubtless thought he was
acting for the best interests of the country. He urged
that it was a most impolitic measure to suffer any In
dian to go away at this time, knowing their natural
treacherousness ; and he doubted not but Job, (although
a tried friend,) would inform the enemy of the ap
proach of the army, 'which would frustrate all their
designs. The great ascendency which this officer
held in the army can best be understood by a simple
statement of the fact, that major Savage arid gen. Den-
nison, were obliged to send after Job before the soldiery
would cease their clamours. Capt. Wadsworth and
capt. Syll, accompanied by James Quannapohit, went
in pursuit with the utmost speed. But they did not
overtake him, and he soon returned to the army with
out finding his friends ; they, from fear of discovery,
having changed their place, the time having been
much longer than was set, and their sufferings were
indiscribable.
JWe shall only add here concerning them, that they
afterwards fell into the hands of a party of English,
who treated them very ill, taking every thing from
them. But when they were brought to major Savage,
he treated them kindly, and had them sent to Boston,
all except four, who ran away from Maryborough,
where they stopped for the night, from the fear of
being murdered ; some of the people* so abused them.
And it was about two months after, that they were
found and brought in by Nepanet. Finally, Job recov-
KEEWAYGOOSHKUM. 145
ered all his children, and marrying again, lived very
happily. His wife was one of those which he had
managed to deliver out of the hands of the enemy at
such hazard and pains. She had, during their wan
derings nursed' and kept alive his children, one es
pecially which was very young.
When the Hassanamesits went off with the enemy,
James Quannapohit was in the neighborhood with the
English forces. Capt. Syll sent out a scout, and
James and Elizer Pegin accompanied. Seven of the
enemy were soon discovered, one of whom was lead
ing an English prisoner. They discovered the English
scout and fled. James and Elizer pursued them and
recovered the prisoner, whose name was Christopher
Muchin, who had been taken from Marlborough. James
also took one of the enemies guns.*
KeewaygOOShkwnij a chief of the first au
thority among the Ottoways in 1821, when governor
Cass entered into a treaty with him and the chiefs of
several other tribes, at Chicago, on lake Michigan, and
bought a large tract of country of them. In a speech
which Keewaygooshkum made at the time, his remark
able knowledge of the historical events relating to the
intercourse of the red and white men, is very striking.
"A series of misfortunes," says Mr. Schoolcraft, has
since overtaken this friendly, modest, and sensible
chief. On returning from the treaty of Chicago, while
off the mouth of grand river, in lake Michigan, his ca
noe was struck by a flaw of wind and upset. After
making every exertion, he saw his wife and all his
children, except one son, perish. With his son he
reached the shore ; but as if to crown his misfortunes,
this only surviving child has since been poisoned for
the part he took in the treaty."
* Gookins MS. Hist. Christian Indians
146 KEEWAYGOOSHKtTM.
The result of this treaty was the relinquishment by
the Ottaways, Chippeways, and Pottowattomys, of a
tract of country in the southern part of the peninsula
of Michigan, containing upwards of 5000,000 acres^
and for which they received of the United States, in
goods,, 35000 dollars, and several other sums to the
separate tribes, to some yearly forever, and to others
for a limited term of years. Some of the chiefs who
attened to the treaty were opposed to this sale, and
hence the reason that Kcewaygooshkum's son was pois
oned.
Koange in the following speech opposed it in a
manly style. He was a chief of mature age, and of a
venerable aspect.
" My Father ; since you heard from our brothers,
the Chippewas and Ottawas, we have counselled to
gether. It is now your wish to hear the sentiments
of the Three Nations. I shall deliver them. Some
times the Indians have acted like children. When
requested they have signed away their lands without
consideration. This has always made trouble in
the nation, and blood has been spilt in consequence.
We wish to avoid such foolish and bad conduct. The
last time we sat down in council together, we had not
fully consulted tach other ; and perhaps you drew a
wrong conclusion from what we said. We did not
consent to your request. In times past, when you
have asked us for lands, we have freely sold them.
At present there are a number of our people opposed to
selling, and we have found it very difficult to agree
in mind. One point in particular, we differ much
upon ; it is the extent of the grant you request, W r e
give you one more proof of our friendship, by meet
ing you in this council. You know our minds we
now take you by the hand. Look down upon u*
KENEBIS, 147
with compassion, and wish us well." This, Mr.
Schoolcraft says, was rather more favorably rendered
by the interpreter, than it should have been, in regard
to the disposal of the land. We think it speaks in de
cided terms against it, but we find his name to the
treaty.
JK(0f9tffS 9 a subject of Powhatan^ Sachem of Vir
ginia. He was a great enemy to the English, and
was taken prisoner by capt. Smith, with another call
ed Tassore. He says* they were "the two most
exact villaines in all the country," and who " would
have betrayed both king and kindred for a peece
of copper." The English kept them a consider
able time, *' fettered prisoners, and did double task,
and 4fcught vs how to order and plant our fields :
whom now for want of victuals we set at liberty, but
so well they liked our companies* they did not desire
to goe from vs." Afterwards when some discontented
Englishmen deserted their company and went to these
men, they made themselves*sport with them, showing
them how they had been treated while prisoners, and
fed them according to the work they did, saying,
" those who will not work shall have nothing to eat,"
and then sent them by force, back to Jamestown.
KCHCbtSj a Sachem who conferred a name on a
country or a country a name upon him. When Maine
became known to the Europeans, a sagamore of this
name resided upon the Sagadahok, and they after
wards, like the Virginians in the case of Powhatan
called the river by the name of the chief Sachem up
on it, and hence comes to us the name of Kennebeck.
Sullivan f tells us that a Sachem of this name, who
was contemporary with Jlbigadeset, granted nearly all
* Hist. Virginia, I, 224.
t Hist. District of Maine.
148 KUTQUEN,
the land upon Kenriebeck river, and much of it sever
al times over, to their English neighbors. In 1649,
Kenebis sold the land, up as high as Taconnet falls, to
Christopher Lawson, and about the same time the same
tract to Spencer and Clark, comprehending ten miles
on each side of the river.
KettCraWlOg'iS) was one of the Nerigwok
chiefs in 1693.
, a Penobscot Sachem, in 1713.
At which time with seven others, he subscribed arti
cles of submission to queen Anne, at Portsmouth in
New Hampshire. His mark is the first subscribed,
and was made to represent a bird.
Kokopotanauh) one of the last Sachems of
Connecticut. His dominions included Derby, ]\4ilford
and Stamford. He lived at the first mentioned town,
where he died in 1731, at which time he had under
him about sixty men.*
KtltqMCH- a sagamore, one of those who signed
the letter about the release of captives, brought from
the enemy by Tom Nepanet, in April, 1676.f (See
Nepanet.) A Narraganset of this name, in 1649, who,
meeting with Uncos in an English vessel in Connecti
cut river, ran a sword into his breast, which wound, it
was thought for some time would prove mortal; " which
murderous act, the assailant then confessed, he was
for a considerable sum of wampum, by the Narragan
set and Niantick Sachems, hired to attempt. Ninigret,
when examined, utterly denied his having a hand in
that act, but affirmed that Cuttaquin, who accused
himself, and the other Sachems, was drawn thereunto,
by torture from the Mohawks." |
Kutshamtsquin^ Kutchmakin, Cutshamoquen,
* Col. Mas. Hist. Soc. t Manuscript Documents.
J Mather's Relation.
LIGHTFOOT.
149
mean the same. He was one of the five Sachems
who in 1643-4 signed articles of submission to the
English, with the understanding that they should pro
tect him. In 1636, he sold to Dorchester, the part of
that town since called Milton, and is named as the Sa
chem of Massachusetts, but subject to Massasoit. He
was at first opposed to the settling of the English in
his country, but afterward became a Christian. When
the English of Massachusetts sent to Canonicus to en
quire into the cause of the murder of John Oldham,
Katshamaquin went with them as interpreter. In this
expedition A*e waylaid a Pequot and shot him, took
off his scalp and sent it to Canonicus, who sent it about
among his Sachem friends, and gave the English
many thanks, and Kutshamaquin four fathom of warn
purn.f He seems to have been entirely devoted to the
English, leagued with them against the Pequots, gave
up his ammunition he had bought of them, by their
promising to restore it, opposed the claims of Miantun-
nomoh ; in fine, he appears to have done in all things
as they listed, without using his own judgment on any
occasion.
He told Mr. Elliot, that the reason he was opposed
to his people becoming Christians, was, that they
would then pay him no tribute. A weighty matter,
to be sure, thus to have his laws destroyed.
jf/tg'htfbot) a Sogkonate, so named by the En
glish. He was one of Awashonks tribe, who volun
teered to fight with capt. Church against his country
men, at the time the great dance was held by that
tribe as mentioned in the life of AwasTionks. When
the chief, called Little-eyes, was taken at Cushnet in
1676, Lightfoot was sent with him, to what is now
called Palmer's island, near the mouth of that river, as
t Winthrop's Journal.
150 LIGHTFOOT.
a place of safety. He soon after joined the English
captain and they succeeded in capturing the Indians in
multitudes.
Animated by the success some Bridgewater men
had in killing Philip's uncle, Jlkkompoin^ and taking
Philip's wife and son, on the 30th of July, as they were
attempting to cross Tehticut, now Taunton river, Light-
foot requested capt. Church to permit him to make an
expedition with a company of his countrymen. Wil
ling to encourage him, Church now gave him a cap
tains commission, and he set out. He was gone but
one day, and returned with thirteen prisoners, besides
having killed several. His exploits were doubtless
very numerous in most of Church's expeditions, in
and about Plimouth Colony, but we meet with nothing
more recorded of him, until we come to the expedi
tions among the eastern Indians.
When Church landed at Casco, in 1689, and had a
considerable fight with the Indians, Lightfoot is men
tioned for a remarkable feat of dexterity. The Indi
ans began the attack, before the English had got much
of their ammunition on shore. The soldiers were to
be supplied from the fort, where the bullets were first
to be hammered before they would go into their guns.
The tide being up, made an estuary, which separated
the battle ground from the town. As soon as a quan
tity of ball was prepared, Church ran with it to supply
his men. On coming to the arm of the sea, he called
to his men for some one to adventure across, to take it
to the army. None appeared ready but Lightfoot. He
immediately came, "taking the powder upon his head,
and a kettle of bullets in each hand and got safe to his
fellow soldiers."
The English forces were by this means able to con
tinue the fight, and after some time, put the enemy to
LITTLE-CARPENTER. 151
flight. And but for this timely arrival of Church at
Casco, it must inevitably have fallen into the hands of
the Indians. Twelve of the English forces were killed,
and many wounded in this battle. Of the Indians no
account could be given as they had time to take away
their dead and wounded with them.,
Little-Carpenter^ a Cherokee chief, of great
note in his time, especially as he acted a very con
spicuous part in the horrid wars those tribes were in
volved in with the English, shortly after Braddock's
defeat. His real name was Attakidlakulla, and that by
which he ought properly to appear in history.
He had been in England, and had spent some time
there previous to col. Montgomery's and gen. Grant's
exterminating wars, in 1761.* In 1756, embassadors
were sent to the Cherokees, to bind them more strong
ly in the English interest, and to secure their aid
against the French. While a council was convened
and in favorable progress, messengers arrived, bringing
information that the English had murdered a war par
ty of Cherokees, while returning from an expedition
against the French, and in the cause of the English*
A captain of militia, in Augusta county, Virginia, a
back-settler, having entertained said party as friends, in
the mean time stationed a band of ruffians in the way
they were to pass, who fell upon and murdered them.
Their scalps were doubtless the object, as a premium,
was then paid for them by the government, but the
monster made another pretence, which was that they
had stolen his poultry. The messengers who carried
the tidings to the council, were some who escaped the
ambush, and their information threw the whole into
tumult, and a great number of the council, and others
present, were for taking revenge by murdering all the
* British Empire in America.
152 LITTLE-CARPENTER.
English embassadors present ; but they were saved by
the wisdom and magnanimity of Attakullakulla.
The brave chief hastened to inform the ernbassadors
of the iminent danger that awaited them, and advised
them to conceal themselves in a strong place, and not
to be seen abroad, which they speedily attended to.
He then summoned his people from all directions to ap
pear in council. When they were convened, he laid
all circumstances before them, and recommended
striking a deadly blow upon the English. But in regard
to the embassadors he spoke as follows : " Let us not
violate our faith, or the laws of hospitality, by imbru
ing our hands in the blood of those who are now in
our power. They came to us in the confidence of
friendship, with belts of wampum to cement a perpet
ual alliance with us. Let us carry them back to their
own settlements, conduct them safely within their con
fines, and then take up the hatchet, and endeavour to
exterminate the whole race of them." This council
was adopted, the embassadors were conducted home,
and the murderer of their friends demanded, which
was not granted, and thus commenced that desolating
war, to which we have just referred.*
At the commencement of their irruptions, gov.
Lyttleton, of South Carolina, hastily marched into their
country at the head of a strong force, and caused them
to sue for peace, and a treaty was accordingly conclu
ded, agreeably to the dictation of the English. Twen
ty-one hostages were taken, and held at fort Prince
George, where the treaty was made, for its. due obser
vance. But no sooner had the governor left the coun
try, than the Cherokees attempted to surprise it; liber
ate their friends and put the garrison to death. They
failed in .their attempt, but during the attack, some
* Burnaby, Travels in N. America, 4to. London, 1798,
LITTLE-TURTLE. 153
were killed and others wounded on both sides. The
hostages were ordered to be put in irons, in the exe
cution of which, a soldier was killed by them, and
another wounded. This so enraged the English, that
they fell upon the hostages and put them to death.
Ravages were again commenced upon the frontiers,
and continued until the expeditions of gen. Grant, not
withstanding col. Montgomery destroyed many of their
towns and killed a great many of their warriors.
It was known that little-carpenter was opposed to
his nation's breaking the late treaty, and he was there
fore informed by captives, set at liberty for the pur
pose, that he might come in with others of his chiefs
and make peace , but none would hear to him, and
col. Montgomery resolved on another expedition. He
went out in June, 1760, and returned to fort Prince
George, in July, with the loss of seventy men. Al
though he killed many, and done the Cherokees great
damage, yet it only irritated them, and they immedi
ately blockaded fort Loudon, near the line of Virginia,
and all chance of succour being cut off, the garrison
was obliged to capitulate. It was agreed that they
should march to their homes with their guns and neces
sary ammunition. They had not marched far, when
they were surrounded by their enemies, twenty-five
men and every officer killed, except capt. Stewart,
whose life was saved by the exertion of Little-carpen
ter. This is the last act we are able to record of him.
In July of the next year, the Cherokees were en
tirely subdued by gen. Grant, at the head of about
2600 men*
JLitt le-t Urt le^ the English of Mishikinakwa,
the name of a great chief of the Miamis, distinguished
.as a great warrior, and wise counsellor. He led the
* British Empire in America. Oct. London. 1770.
13
154 LITTLE-TURTLE.
united tribes which so successfully fought the Ameri
can army under gen. St. Clair ; therefore it will be
proper to narrate that event in this article.
The western nations of Indians were only embold
ened by the battles between them and detachments of
gen. Harmer's army, in 1790, and under such a leader
as Mishikinakwa, entertained sanguine hopes of bring
ing the Americans to their own terms. One murder
followed another, in rapid succession, attended by all
the horrors peculiar to their warfare.
President Washington took the earliest opportunity
of recommending Congress to adopt prompt and effi
cient measures for checking those calamities, and 2000
men were immediately raised and put under the com
mand of gen. St. Clair, then governor of the North
West Territory. He received his appointment the
4th of March, 1791 ; and proceeded to Fort Wash
ington, by way of Kentucky, with all possible dis
patch, where he arrived May 15th.* There was
much time lost in getting the troops embodied at this
place. Gen. Butler, with the residue, not arriving un
til the middle of September. There were various cir
cumstances to account for the delays which it is un
necessary to recount here.
Col. Darke proceeded immediately on his arrival,
which was about the end of August, and built fort
Hamilton, on the Miami, in the country of Little-tur
tle, and soon after fort Jefferson was built forty miles
farther onward. These two forts being left manned,
about the end of October the army advanced, being
about 2000 strong, militia included, whose numbers
were not inconsiderable, as will appear by the misera
ble manner in which they not only confused them
selves, but the regular soldiers also.
* St. Clair's Narrative, p. 4.
LITTLE-TURTLE. 155
Gen. St. Clair had advanced but about six miles in
front of fort Jefferson, when sixty of his militia, from
pretended disaffection, commenced a retreat, and it
was discovered that the evil had spread considerably
among the rest of the army. Being fearful they
would seize upon the convoy'' of provisions, the. gen.
ordered col. Hamtramk to pursue them with his regi
ment, and force them to return. The army now con
sisted of but 1400 effective men, and this was the
number attacked by Little-turtle and his warriors, fif
teen miles from the Miami villages.
Gen. Butler commanded the right wing, arid col.
Darke the left. The militia were posted a quarter of a
mile in advance, and were encamped in two lines.
They had not finished securing their baggage when
they were attacked in their camp. It was their in
tention to have marched immediately to the destruction
of the Miami villages. Of this their movements ap
prised the Indians, who acted with great wisdom and
firmness. They fell upon the miljtia before sunrise,
4th of November, who at once fled into the main camp,
in the most disorderly and tumultuous manner ; many
of them having thrown away their guns, were pursued
and slaughtered. At the main camp the fight was
sustained some time, by the great exertions of the of
ficers, but with great inequality; the Indians under
Little-turtle amounting to about 1500 warriors. Cols.
Darke and Butler, and major Clark made several suc
cessful charges, which enabled them to save some of.
their numbers by checking the enemy while flight was
more practicable.
Five hundred and ninety-three were killed and
missing, beside thirty-eight officers, and 242 soldiers
and twenty-one officers wounded ; many of whom
died. Col, Butler was among the slain.
1 56 LrTTLE-TURTLEY
Gen. St. Clair was called to an account for the dis
astrous issue of this campaign, and was honorably
acquitted. He published a particular narrative of the
whole transaction from beginning to end, from which
we collect the chief of our information. And we will
add in his own words * what he says to the Secretary
of war, of his retreat. " The retreat was, you may be
sure, a precipitate one ; it was in fact a flight. The
camp and the artillery were abandoned, but that was
unavoidable, for not a horse was left alive to have
drawn it off, had it otherwise been practicable. But
the most disgraceful part of the business is, that the
greatest part of the men threw away their arms and
.accoutrements, even after the pursuit, which con
tinued about four miles, had ceased. I found the
road strewed with them for many miles, but was not
able to remedy it ; for having had all my horses killed,
and being mounted upon one that could not be pricked
out of a walk, I could not get forward myself, and the
orders I sent forward, either to halt the front, or pre
vent the men from parting with their arms, were un
attended to."
The remnant of the army arrived at fort Jefferson
the same day, just before sunset, the place from which
they fled being twenty-nine miles distant. Gen. St.
Clair did every thing that a brave general could do.
He exposed himself to every danger, having during
the action eight bullets shot through his clothes. In
no attack on our records, did the Indians discover
greater bravery and determination. After giving the
first fire they rushed forward with tomahawk in hand.
Their loss was inconsiderable, but the traders after
wards learned among them that Little-turtle had an
hundred and fifty killed and many wounded.* " They
* Penn. Gazette, of that year.
LITTLE-TURTLE. 157
rushed on the artillery heedless of their fire, and took
two pieces in an instant. They were again retaken
by our troops ; and whenever the army charged them,
they were seen to give way and advance again as
soon as they began to retreat, doing great execution,
both in the retreat and advance. They are very dex
trous in covering themselves with trees; many of
them however fell, both of the infantry and artillery."
" Six or eight pieces of artillery fell into their hands,
with about 400 horses, all the baggage, ammunition,
and provisions."*
It has been generally said that had the advice of
this chief been taken at the disastrous fight afterwards
with gen. Wayne, there is but little doubt but he had
met as ill success as gen. St. C/air.f He was not for
fighting gen. Wayne at Presque Isle, and inclined rath
er to peace than fighting him at all. In a council
held the night before the battle he argued as follows :
" We have beaten the enemy twice, under separate
commanders. We cannot expect the same good for
tune always to attend us. The Americans are now led
by a chief who never sleeps : the night and the day are
alike to him. And during all the time that he has
been marching upon our villages, notwithstanding the
watchfulness of our young men, we have never been
able to surprise him. Think well of it. There is
something whispers me, it would be prudent to listen
to his offers of peace." For holding this language he
was reproached by another chief with cowardice, which
put an end to all farther discourse. Nothing wounds
the feelings of a warrior like the reproach of coward
ice, but he stifled his resentment, did his duty in the
* Letter from fort Hamilton, dated 6 days after the battle.
\ Little-turtle told Mr. Volney circumstances, which gave
him that opinion. See his Travels in America, ed. Lond. 1804.
158 LITTLE-TURTLE.
battle, and its issue proved him a truer prophet than hirf
accuser believed.*
Little-turtle lived some years after the war, in great
esteem among many men of high standing. He was
alike courageous and humane, possessing great wisdom,
"And," says my author, there has been few individ
uals among Aborigines who have done so much to
abolish the rites of human sacrifice. The grave
of this noted warrior is shown to visitors, near fort
Wayne. It is frequently visited by the Indians in that
part of the country, by whom his memory is cherished
- with the greatest respect and veneration."*
When the philosopher and famous traveller Volney,
was in America, in the winter of 1797, Little-turtle
came to Philadelphia where he then was, and who
sought immediate acquaintance with the celebrated
chief, for highly valuable purposes, which in some
measure he effected. He made a vocabulary of his
language, which he printed in the appendix to his
travels. A copy in manuscript, more extensive than
the printed one, is in the library of the Philosophical
Society of Pennsylvania.
Having become convinced that all resistance to the
whites was vain, he brought his nation to consent to 1
peace, and to adopt agricultural pursuits. And it was
with the view of soliciting Congress, and the benevo
lent society of Friends for assistance to effect this lat
ter purpose, that he now visited Philadelphia. While
here he was inoculated for the small pox, and was
also afflicted with the gout and rheumatism.
At the time of Mr. Volnty's interview with him for
information, he took no notice of the conversation
while the interpreter was communicating with Mr.
Volney, for he did not understand English, but walked
about, plucking out his beard and eye brows. He
* Schoolcrafts Travels.
Was dressed now in English clothes. His skin, where
not exposed, ?Mr. Volney says, was as white as his ^
and on speaking upon the subject, Little-turtle said, " I
have seen Spaniards in Louisiana, and found no differ
ence of color between them and me. And why should
there be any ? In them, as in us, it is the work of
the Father of colors, the Sun that burns us. You white
people compare the color of your face with that of
your bodies." Mr. Volney explained to him the no
tion of many, that his race were descended from the
Tartars, and by a map showed him the supposed com
munication between Asia and America. To this, Lit
tle-turtle replied : " Why should not these Tartars, who
resemble us, have come from America ? Are there any
reasons to the contrary ? Or why should we not both
have been born in our own country ? " It is a fact
that the Indians give themselves a name which is
equivalent to our word indigine, that is, one sprung,
from the soil, or natural to it.*
When Mr. Volney asked Little-turtle what prevented
him from living among the whites, and if he were not
more comfortable in Philadelphia than upon the banks
of the Wabash, he said, " Taking all things together you
have the advantage over us ; but here I am deaf and
dumb. I do not talk your language ; I can neither
hear, nor make myself heard. When I walk through
the streets, I see every person in his shop employed
about something : one makes shoes, another hats, a
third sells cloth, and every one lives by his labor. I
say to myself, which of all these things can you do ?
Not one. I can make a bow or an arrow, catch fish,
kill game, and go to war : but none of these is of
any use here. To learn what is done here would re
quire a long time." " Old age comes on." I should
* See Volney 's Travels, ut Supra.
160
LOGAff.
be a piece of furniture useless to my nation, useless to
the whites, and useless to myself." I must return to
my own country."
J&OgYflt, a Mingo* chief, son of Shikdlemus, a
celebrated chief of the Cayuga nation. For Magna
nimity in war, and greatness of soul in peace, few, if
any, in any nation, ever surpassed him. He took no part
in the French wars which ended in 1760, except that
of a peace maker; was always acknowledged the
friend of the white people, until the year 1774, when
his brother, and several others of his family were
murdered. The particulars of which follow. In
the spring of 1774, some Indians robbed the people
upon the Ohio river, who were in that country ex
ploring the lands, and preparing for settlements. These
land jobbers were alarmed at this hostile carriage of
the Indians, as they considered it, and collected thern-
gelves at a place called Wheeling creek, the site on
which Wheeling is now built, and learning that there
were two Indians on the river a little above, one capt.
Michael Cresap, belonging to the exploring party, pro
posed to fall upon and kill them. His advice, although
opposed at first, was followed, and a party led by Cre
sap proceeded and killed the two Indians. The same
day, it being reported that some Indians were discov
ered below Wheeling upon the river, Cresap and his
party immediately marched to the place, and at first
appeared to show themselves friendly, and suffered the
Indians to pass by them unmolested, to seat themselves
still lower down, at the mouth of Grave creek. Cre
sap soon followed, attacked and killed several of them,
having one of his own men wounded by the fire of the
Indians. Here some of the family of Logan were
slain. The circumstance of the affair was exceeding
* Mengwe, Maquas, Maqua, or Iroquos, all mean the same.
LOGAN. 161
aggravating, inasmuch as the -whites pretended no provo
cation.
Soon after this, some other monsters in human
shape, at whose head were Daniel Greathouse, and one
Tomlinson, committed a horrid murder upon a com
pany of Indians about thirty miles above Wheeling.
Greathouse resided at the same place, but on the op
posite side of the river from the Indian encampment.
A party of thirty-two men were collected for this ob
ject, who secreted themselves, while Greathouse, under
a pretence of friendship, crossed the river and visited
them, to ascertain their strength ; which, on counting
them, he found too numerous for his force in an
open attack. These Indians having heard of the
late murder of their relations, had determined to be
avenged of the whites, and Greathouse, did not know
the danger he was in, until a squaw advised him of it,
in a friendly caution, "to go home." The sad re-
quittal this poor woman met with will presently ap
pear. This abominable fellow invited the Indians to
come over the river and drink rum with him. This
being a part of his plot to separate them, that they
might be the easier destroyed. The opportunity soon
offered ; a number being collected at a tavern in the
white settlement, and considerably intoxicated, were
fallen upon, and all murdered except - a little girl.
Among the murdered was a brother of Logan, and his
sister, whose delicate situation, greatly aggravated the
horrid crime.
The remaining Indians, upon the other side of the
river, on hearing the firing, set off two canoes with
armed warriors, who as they approached the shore,
were fired upon by the whites, who laid concealed
awaiting their approach. Nothing prevented their
taking deadly aim, and many were killed and wound-
i
162 LOGAN,
ed, and the rest were obliged to return. This affair
took place, May 24th, 1774.* These were the events
that led to a horrid Indian war, in which many inno
cent families were sacrificed to satisfy the vengeance
of an incensed, and injured people
The warriors now prepared themselves for open
conflict, and with Logan at their head, were deter
mined to meet the Big-knives, as the Virginians were
called, from their long swords, in their own way.
The Virginia legislature was in session when the
news of Logan's depredations was received at the
seat of government. Gov. Dunmore immediately or
dered out the militia, to the number of 3000 men,
half of whom, under col. Jlndrew Lewis, were ordered
towards the mouth of the Great Kanhawa, while the
governor himself with the other half marched to a
point on the Ohio, to fall upon the Indian towns in
the absence of the warriors, drawn off by the approach
of the arrny under col. Lewis.
The Indians met the division under Lewis at a
place called Point pleasant, on the great Kanhawa,
where a very bloody battle ensued. A detachment of
300 men first fell in with them, and were defeated,
with great slaughter; but the other divisions coming
up, the fight was maintained during the whole day.
Never was ground maintained with more obstinacy.
Every step was disputed, until the darkness of the
night closed the scene. The Indians slowly retreated,
and while the Americans were preparing to pursue
and take revenge for their severe loss, an express ar
rived from gov. Dunmore, that he had concluded a
treaty with the Indian chiefs. In this battle above
140 Americans were killed and wounded, nearly half
of which were of the former, among whom was col.
* From facts published in Jefferson's notes.
LOGAIT, 163
Charles Lewis, brother of Andrew, an d col. Field. These
officers led the first division. Of the number of the
Indians destroyed, we are ignorant ; though very pro
bably they were many, as their numbers engaged
were said to have been about 1500.*
It was at the treaty held by gov. Dunmore before
mentioned, with the principal men of the Mingoes,
Shawanese and Delawares, that the far famed speech
of Logan was delivered. Not by himself in person,
for, although desiring peace, he would not meet the
Americans in council, but remained in his cabin in
sullen silence, until a messenger was sent to him, to
know whether he would accede to the proposals. On
which occasion, Logan, after shedding many tears for
the loss of his friends, said to the messenger, who well
understood his language, in substance as follows :
I appeal to any white to say, if ever he entered
Logan's cabin hungry, and he gave him not meat : if
ever he came cold and naked and he clothed him not.
" During the course of the last long bloody war,
Logan, remained idle in his cabin, an advocate for
peace. Such was my love for the whites, that my
countrymen pointed as they passed, and said, ' Logan
is the friend of white men.'
" I had even thought to have lived with you, but
for the injuries of one man. Col. Cresap, the last
spring, in cold blood, and unprovoked, murdered all
the relations of Logan ; not even sparing my women
and children.
" There runs not a drop of my blood in the veins of
any living creature. This called on me for revenge.
I have sought it. I have killed many. I have fully
glutted my vengeance. For my country, I rejoice at
the beams of peace. But do not harbor a thought
* Campbell's Virginia.
164 MADOKAWANDO.
that mine is the joy of fear. Logan never felt fear.
He will not turn on his heel to save his life. Who is
there to mourn for Logan ? Not one !"
Thus ended those times of calamity, commonly call
ed Cresap's war. Not long after which, Logan was
cruelly murdered, as he was on his way home from
Detroit. For a time previous to his death, he gave
himself up to intoxication, which in a short time near
ly obliterated all marks of the great man !
rflllrtokaivando, a chief of the Penobscot
tribe, of whom a remnant still remain. He was the
adopted son of a chief by the name of Assaminasqua*
Some mischief had been done by the Androscoggin In
dians in Philip's war, and the English, following the
example of those whom they so much reprobated, re
taliated on any Indians that fell into their way. Mad-
okawando was not an enemy, nor do we learn that his
people had committed any depredations, until after
some English spoiled his corn, and otherwise did him
damage.
At the close of the war of 1675 and 6, this Sa
chem's people had among them about 60 English cap
tives. When it was known to him that the English
desired to treat about peace, he sent Mugg, one of
his chiefs, to Pascataqua, to receive proposals ; and
that he might meet with good acceptance, sent along
with him a captive to his home. Gen. Gendal, of
Massachusetts, being there, forced Mug on board
his vessel, and carried him to Boston, for which
treacherous act, an excuse was pleaded, that he was
not vested with sufficient authority to treat with him.
Madokawando's embassador being now in the power of
the English, was obliged to agree to such terms as the
* Sullivan's Hist. Maine, copied, I suppose, from Hub-
bard, to whom he gives no credit.
MADOKAWANDO. 165-
English dictated.* It is not to be wondered at there
fore, if the great chief soon appears again their enemy.
Still, when Mug was sent home, Madokawando agreed
to the treaty, more readily, perhaps, as two armed ves
sels of the English conveyed him.
A son of rev. Thomas Cobbet had been' taken, and
was among the Indians at Mount Desert. It so hap
pened that his master had at that time sent him down
to Casteeri's trading house, to buy powder for him.
Mug took him by the hand, and told him he had been
at his father's house, and had promised to send him
home. Madokawando demanded a ransom, probably
to satisfy the owner of the captive, " fearing to be
killed by him, if he yielded him up*without he were
there to consent ; for he was, he said, a desperate man,
if crossed, and had crambd\ two or three in that way."
Being on board one of the vessels, and treated to
some liquor, " he walked awhile to and again on the
deck, and on a sudden made a stand, and said to capt.
Moore, ' well captain, since it is so, take this man : I
freely give him up to you, carry him home to his
friends.' "J A red coat was given to Madokawando,
which gave him great satisfaction.
The historians of the war, have all observed that
the prisoners under Madokawan o were remarkably
well treated.
In February, 1677, major fFaldron, and capt. Frost,
with a body of men, were sent into the eastern coast
to observe the motions of the Indians, who still re
mained hostile. At Pemmaquid they were invited on
shore to hold a treaty, but the English finding some
* A treaty was signed 9th of Dec. 1676. Manuscript Nar.
of rev. T. Cobbet. It may be seen in Hubbard's Narrative,
4to edition.
t The Indian word for killed. Wood's JV. E. Prospect.
J Manuscript Narrative, before cited.
14
166 MADOKAWANDO.
weapons concealed among them, thought it a sufficient
umbrage to treat them as enemies, and a considerable
fight ensued, in which many of the Indians were
killed, and several taken prisoners ; among whom was
a sister of Madokawando. He had no knowledge of
the affair, having been gone for several months at a
great distance into the country, on a hunting voyage.
We hear no more of Madokawando, until 1691. It
has been mentioned in the account of Egeremet, that
in this year, a treaty was made with him and other
eastern chiefs. This was in November of that year,
and it was agreed by them, that on the first of May
following, they would deliver all the captives in their
possession at Weils. " But," says Dr. Mather,* " as it
was not upon thejirm land, but in their canoes upon
the water, that they signed and sealed this instrument ;
so, reader, we will be jealous that it will prove but a
fluctuating and unstable sort of business ; and that the
Indians will do a lie as they used to do."
The time for the delivery of the captives having ar
rived, the English met at Wells to receive them, and to
renew their treaty. They took care to be provided
with an armed force, and to have the place of meeting
at a strong place, which was Storer's garrison-house.
But, as the author just cited, observes, "The Indians
bejng poor musicians for keeping of time, came not ac
cording to their articles." The reason of this we
cannot explain, unless the warlike appearance of the
English deterred them. After waiting a while, capt.
Converse surprised some of them, and brought them in
by force, and having reason to believe the Indians pro
voked by this time, immediately added 35 men to their
force. These " were not come half an hour to Sto-
rtr*s house, on the 9th of June, 1691, nor had they
* Magnalia, II, 529.
MADOKAWANDO. 167
got their Indian weed fairly lighted, into their mouths,
before fierce Moxus, with 200 Indians, made an attack
upon the garrison,"* but were repulsed and soon drew
off. Madokawando was not here in person, but when
he knew of the disaster of his chief captain, he said,
"my brother Moxus has missed it now, but I will go
myself the next year, and have the dog Converse out
of his hole."
The old chief was as good as his word, and ap
peared before the garrison the 22d of June, 1692. He
was joined by Burniff and Labrocre, two French offi
cers, with a body of their soldiers, and their united
strength was estimated at about 500 men. They were
so confident of success, that they agreed before the
attack, how the prisoners and property should be divi
ded. Converse had but 15 men, but fortunately there
arrived two sloops with about as many more, and sup
plies, the day before the battle.
Madokawandtfs men had unwisely given notice of
their approach, by firing upon some cattle they met in
the woods, which running in wounded, gave the in
habitants time to fly to the garrison. Madokawando
was not only seconded by the two French officers and
a company of their men, as before observed, but Mox
us, Egeremet and Woromho, were also among them.
They began the attack before day, with great fierce
ness, but after continuing it for some time without suc
cess, they fell upon the vessels in the river ; and here,
although the river was not above twenty or thirty feet
broad, yet they met with no better success than at the
garrison. They tried many stratagems, and succeed
ed in setting fire to the sloops several times, by means
of fire arrows, but it was extinguished without great
damage. Tired of thus exposing themselves and
* Magnalia, II, 529.
168 MADOKAWANDO.
throwing away their ammunition, they returned again to
the garrison, resolving to practice a stratagem upon
that, and thus ended the first day of the attack. They
at first tried to persuade the English to surrender, but
finding they*could not prevail, made several desperate
charges, in which they lost many. Beginning now to
grow discouraged, they sent a flag to the garrison to
effect a capitulation, but Converse, being a man of great
resolution, replied, " that he wanted nothing but men
to come and fight him." To which the bearer of the
flag said, " being you are so stout, why dont you come
and fight in the open field like a man, and not fight in
a garrison like a squaw." This attempt proving inef
fectual, they cast out many threats, one of which was
" we will cut you as small as tobacco, before to-mor
row morning." The captain ordered them " to come
on, for he wanted work."
Having nearly spent their ammunition, and general
Labrocre being slain, they retired in the night, after two
days siege, leaving several of their deadj among whom
was the general just named, who was shot through
the head. They took one Englishman, named John
Diamond, whom they tortured in a most barbarous
manner. About the time of their retreating, they fired
upon the sloops and killed the only man, lost by the
vessels, during the assault.
During the attack upon the vessels, among other
stratagems they prepared a breast work upon wheels^
and endeavored to bring it close to the edge of the
river, which was within, perhaps, ten feet of them.
When they had got it pretty near, one wheel sunk in
the ground, and a French soldier endeavoring to lift
it out with his shoulder, was shot down;' a second
was also killed on the same attempt, and it was aban
doned. They also built a raft in the creek above them
MAGNUS. 169
and placed on it an immense pile of combustibles, and
setting them on fire, floated it down towards them.
But when within a few rods of the sloops, the wind
drove it on shore, and thus they were delivered from
the most dangerous artifice of the whole. For it was
said, that had it come down against them, they could
not have saved themselves from the fury of its flames.
Madokawando lived several years after this, and is
supposed to have died about 1698.
Some have endeavored to ground an argument upon
the singularity of the name of this chief, to that of
Madock the Welch man, that the eastern Indians are
descended from a Welch colony, who in 1170, left that
country, and were never heard of after. The story of
some white Indians speaking Welch, far up the Mis
souri river, is equal to this !
vffag'H'HS) called also Quaiapen, or Squaw-
sachem, was contemporary with Awashonks, and one
of the six present [1675] Sachems of the whole
Narraganset country. Canonicus, Ninigret, Mattatoag,
Canonchet and Pumham, were the others.
In the beginning of Philip's war, the English army,
to cause the Narragansets to fight for them, whom they
had always abused and treated with contempt, since
before the cutting off of Miantunnomoh's head, march
ed into their country, but could not meet with a single
Sachem of the nation. They fell in with a few of
their people who could not well secrete themselves,
and who concluded a long treaty of mere verbosity,
the import of which they could know but little, and
doubtless cared less ; for when the army left their
country, they joined again in the war. The English
caused four men to subscribe to their articles in the
name, or in behalf of Quaiopen, and the other chiefs,
and took four others as hostages for their due fulfil-
170 MAGNUS.
ment. Their names were Wobequob, Weowchim^ Pew*
kes, and Wenew, who are said to have been, " near
kinsmen and choice friends" to the Sachems.
We hear no more of her until the next year, when
herself and a large company of her men were dis
covered by major Talcot, on the 2d of July, in Narra-
ganset. The English scouts discovered them from a
hill, having pitched their tents in a valley in the vicin
ity of a swamp, as was usually their custom. About
300 of the English, mounted upon fleet horses, divided
into two squadrons and fell upon them before they
were aware of their approach, and made a great
slaughter. The Mohegans and Pequots, came upon
them in the center, while the horsemen beset them on
each side, and thus prevented many from escaping into
the swamp. When all were killed and taken within
the encampment, capt. Newbury, who commanded the
horsemen, dismounted, and with his men rushed into
the swamp, where, without resistance, they killed an
hundred, and made many prisoners. In all they killed
and took 171* in this swamp fight, or rather massacre.
Not an Englishman was hurt in the affair, and but one
Mohegan killed, and one wounded, which we can
hardly suppose was done by Magnus* people, as they
made no resistance, but rather by themselves, in their
fury mistaking one another. Ninety of the captives
were put to death ! among whom was Magnus, f Her
husband was a son of Canonicus, whose name was
Mriksah, Mexham or Meihammoh. He died some time
previous to 1668.} This swamp is near the present
town of Warwick, in Rhode Island.
* Trumbull. 200 says Gobbet's Manuscript; 240 Hubbard,
t Hubbard. Ind. Wars, i, 97-98. I. Mather's Brief Hist.
39. Trumbull's Hist. Connecticut, I. 347.
t Manuscript documents.
MASSASOIT. 171
, (John,) Sachem of a tract of country
in Massachusetts, a part of which he sold to sundry
inhabitants of Roxbury, in 1686, which now consti
tutes the town of Hard wick, in the county of Worces
ter.* There is an eminence in the town of Needham,
called Magus hill, from the circumstance of its having
been once owned by this chief.f His name is also to
the deed of Marlborougb, in 1684, as a witness. J He
was christianized, and could read and write. In Phi
lip's war he went out with the English, as has been
mentioned under Kattenanit.
JflaSSMSOit ) chief of the Wampanoags, re
sided at a place called Pokarioket, by the Indians,
which is now included in the town of Bristol, Rhode
Island. He was a chief renowned more in peace than
war, and was, as long as he lived, a friend to the En
glish, notwithstanding they committed repeated usur
pations upon his lands and liberties.
His name has been written with great variation, as
Woosamequin, dlsuhmequin, Oosamequen, Osamekin, Ow-
samequin, fyc., but the name by which he is generally
known in history, is that with which we commence
the article.* Mr. Prince, in his annals, says of that
name, "the printed accounts generally spell him Mas-
sasoit ; gov. Bradford writes him Massasoyt, and Mas-
sasoyet ; but I find the ancient people from their fath
ers in Plimouth colony, pronounced his name Ma-sas-
so-it." Still we find no inclination to change a letter
* Whitney's Hist. Worcester county.
t Col. Mas. Hist. Soc. t Worcester Hist. Journal.
Gookin's Manuscript Hist. Praying Indians. ,
* Some have derived the name of Massachusetts from this
Chief, but that conjecture is not to be heeded. If any man
knew, we may be allowed to suppose that Roger Williams
did. He learned from the Indians themselves, "that the
Massachusetts were called so from the Blue-hills"
172 MAS3A90IT. ,
in the name of an old friend, which has been so long
established, for if a writer suffer the spirit of innova
tion in himself, he knows not where to stop , and we
pronounce him no antiquary*
It has often been thought strange, that so mild a
Sachem as Massasoit should have possessed so great
a country, which has been increased when we con
sider, that Indian possessions are generally obtained
by prowess and great personal courage on the part
of a single individual. We know of none who could
boast of such extensive dominions, where all were
contented to consider themselves his friends and chil
dren ; Pontiac, Little-turtle, Tecumseh, and many more
that we could name, have swayed many tribes, but
theirs was a temporary union, in an emergency of
war. That Massasoit should be able to hold so many
tribes together, without constant war, required quali
ties, belonging only to few. That he was riot a war
rior no one will allow, when the testimony of Anna-
won is so distinct. For that great chief gave capt.
Church " an account of what mighty success he had
had formerly in the wars against many nations of In
dians, where he served Asuhmequin, Philip's father."
The limits of his country towards the Nipmuks or
inland Indians is rather uncertain, but upon the east
and west we are sure. The whole of Cape Cod, and
all that part bl Massachusetts and Rhode Island be
tween Narraganset and Massachusetts bays; extending
inland between Pawtucket and Charles rivers, a dis
tance, not satisfactorily ascertained, as was said before,
together with all the contiguous islands. It was filletl
with many tribes or nations, and all looking up to him,
to sanction all their expeditions, and settle all their
difficulties. And it is even said by some of good au
thority, that the Nipmuks were his tributaries. And
MASSASOIT. 173
this seems the more probable, for in Philip's war there
was a constant intercourse between them, and when
any of his men made an escape, their course was di
rectly into the country of the Nipmuks. No such in
tercourse subsisted between the Narragansets and either
of these. But on the contrary when a messenger
from the Narragansets arrived in the country of the
Nipmuks with the heads of some of the English, to
show that they had joined in the war, he was at first
fired upon, though afterwards, when two additional
heads were brought they were received.
He had several places of residence, but the princi
pal was Mount Hope or Pokanoket, the former name
is supposed to be a corruption of the Indian words
Mon-taup. There was a place in Middleborough, and
another in Raynham where he spent some part of par
ticular seasons, perhaps the summer. The place in
Raynham was near Fowling pond.
Whether any English landed upon the territories of
Massasoit previous to capt. Smith in 1614, we are unable
to say, but in that year he made a survey of the coast
of what is now New England, and because the coun
try was already named New England, or which is the
same, New Albion, upon its western coast, he thought
it most proper to stamp it anew upon the eastern.
Therefore capt. Smith neither takes to himself the
honor of naming New England, as some writers of
authority assert, nor does he give it to king Charles,
as Dr. Robertson and many others, copying him, have
stated.*
Smith landed in many places upon the shores of
Massasoit, one ojf which places he named Plimouth,
which happened to be the same which now bears that
name.
* Look at Smith, (Hist. Virginia) and no more blunders
need be made on this head.
174 MASSASOIT.
We can know nothing of the early times of Massa
soit. And our next visitor to his country was capt.
Thomas Dermer, in May, 1619. He sailed for Monhi-
gon, in that month for Virginia, in an open pinnace,
consequently was obliged to keep close in shore. He
found places which had been inhabited, but at that
time contained none ; and farther onward nearly all
were dead, of a great sickness, which was then pre
vailing, but nearly abated. When he came to Pli-
mouth, all were dead. From thence he travelled a
day's journey into the country westward, and arrived
at Namasket, now Middleborough. From this place
he sent a messenger to visit Massasoit. In this expe
dition he redeemed two Frenchmen from Massasoit's
people, who had been- cast away three years before
upon Cape Cod.
Dec. 11, O. S. 1620. The Pilgrims arrived at
Pliinouth, and possessed themselves of a .portion of
his country. With the nature of their proceedings he
was at first unacquainted, and sent occasionally some of
his men to observe their strange motions. Very few
of these however were seen by the Pilgrims. At
length he sent one of his men who had been some
time with the English fishing vessels about the coun
try of the Kennebeck, and had learned a little of their
language, to observe more strictly what was progress
ing among the intruders at his place of Patuxet, which
was now called Plimouth. This was in March 1621.
This man was a chief, and known by the name of
Samoset. He welcomed the English in their own lan
guage, at which they were greatly surprised. They
entertained him kindly, and then he returned to Mas
sasoit, with a promise to come again soon with oth
ers, which he did five days after. Massasoit now
came in person, accompanied with sixty men, but stop-
MASSASOIT. 175
ed upon a hill just out of the village, and could not be
prevailed upon to approach, until one of the English
went to them with presents. The English man then
made a speech to him, about his king's love and good
ness to him and his people, and that he accepted of
him as his friend and ally. After this he invited Mas-
sasoit to visit the English governor and trade with him,
which he consented to, by having Mr. Winsloiv left in
the custody of his brother, as a hostage, and the En
glish took six for one.
As Massasoit proceeded to meet the English, they
met him with six soldiers, who saluted each other.
Several of his men were with him, but all left their
bows and arrows behind. They were conducted to a
new house which was partly finished, and spread a
green rug upon the floor, and several cushions for
Massasoit and his chiefs to sit down upon. Then
came the English governor, followed by a drummer
arid trumpeter and a few soldiers, and after kissing one
another, all sat down. Some strong water being
brought, the governor drank to Massasoit^ who in his
turn " drank a great draught, which made him sweat
all the time after."
They now proceeded to make a treaty, which stip
ulated, that neither Massasoit nor any of his people
should do hurt to the English, and that if they did
they should be given up to be punished by them ; and
that if the English did any harm to him or any of his
people, they, the English, would do the like to them.
That if any did unjustly war against him, the English
were to aid him, and he was to do the same in hia
turn, and by so doing King James would esteem him
his friend and ally.
At this time he is described as " a very lusty man,
in his best years, an able body, grave of countenance,
176 MASSASOIT.
and spare of speech ; in his attire little or nothing dif
fering from the rest of his followers, only in a great
chain of white bone beads about his neck ; and at
it, behind his neck hangs a little bag of tobacco, which
he drank and gave us to drink. His face was painted
with a sad red like murrey, and oiled both head and
face, that he looked greasily. All his followers like
wise were in their faces, in part or in whole, painted,
some black, some red, some yellow, and some white ;
some with crosses and other antic works ; some had
skins on them, and some naked ; all strong, tall men
in appearance. The king had in his bosom, hanging
in a string, a great long knife." He retired into the
woods about half a mile from the English, and there
encamped at night with his men, women and children.
This was March 22d, 1621.
During his first visit to the English, he expressed
great signs of fear, and during the treaty could not re
frain from trembling. Thus it is easy to see how
much hand he had in making it, but would that there
had never been worse ones made since.
It was agreed that some of his people should come
and plant near by, in a few days, and live there all
summer. The next day, after an exchange of civili
ties, Massasoit returned to Pokanoket. We should
here note that he ever after treated the English with
kindness, and the peace now concluded was undis
turbed for nearly forty years. Not that any writing or
articles of a treaty, of which he never had any ade-.
quate idea, was the cause of his friendly behaviour,
but it was the natural goodness of his heart.
The Pilgrims report, that at this time he was at war
with the Narragansets. But if this were the case it
could have been nothing more than some small skir
mishing.
MASSASOIT. 177
The next summer, in June, or July, Massasoit was
visited by several of the English, among whom was
Mr. Edward Winslow, Mr. ZKephen Hopkins, and Squan-
to as their interpreter. Their object was to learn his
place of residence, in case they should have to call
upon him for assistance ; to keep good the friendly
correspondence commenced at Plimouth ; and especial
ly to cause him to prevent his men from hanging
about them, and living upon them, which was then
considered very burdensome, as they had begun to
grow short of provisions. That their visit might be
acceptable, they took along for a present, a trooper's
red coat, with some lace upon it, and a copper chain ;
with these Massasoit was exceedingly well pleased.
The chain, they told him, he must send as a signal,
when any of his men wished to visit them, so that
they might not be imposed upon by strangers.
When the English arrived at Pokanoket, Massasoit
was absent, but was immediately sent for. Being in
formed that he was coming, the English began to pre
pare to shoot off their guns ; this so frightened the
women and children, that they ran away, and would
not return until the interpreter assured them that they
need not fear, and when Massasoit arrived they saluted
him by a discharge, at which he was very much ela
ted ; and " who, after their manner, says one of the
company, kindly welcomed us, and took us into his
house, and set us down by him, where, having deliv
ered our message and presents, and having put the
coat on his back and the chain about his neck, he was
not a little proud to behold himself, and his men also
to see their*king so bravely attired."* A new treaty
was now held with him, and he very good natu redly
assented to all that was desired. He then made a
* Mourt's Relation.
15
178 MASSASOIT.
speech to his men, many of them being assembled to
see the English, which, as near as they could learn its
meaning, acquainted theiw with what course they
might pursue in regard to the English. Among other
things, he said, "Ami not Mbssasoit, commander of
the country about us ? Is not such and such places
mine, and the people of them? They shall take their skins
to the English" This his people applauded. In his
speech " he named at least thirty places," over which
he had control. "This being ended, he lighted tobacco
for us, and fell to discoursing of England and of the
king's majesty, marvelling that he should live without
a wife." He seems to have been embittered against
the French, and wished "us not to suffer them to come
to Narraganset, for it was king James's country, and he
was king James's man." He had no victuals at this
time to give to the English, and night coming on they
retired. He had but one bed, if so it might be called,
" being only planks laid a foot from the ground, and a
thin mat upon them." "He laid us on the bed with
himself, and his wife, they at the one end, and we at
the other. Two more of his men, for want of room,
pressed by and upon us ; so that we were worse weary
of our lodging than of our journey." The next day,
about one o'clock, Massasoit brought two large fishes
and boiled them ; but the Pilgrims still thought their
chance for refreshment very small, as " there were at
least forty looking for a share in them," but scanty as
it was, it came very timely, as they had fasted two
nights and a day. The English now left him, at which
he was very sorrowful.
In 1623, Massasoit sent to his friends in' Plimouth
to inform them that he was very dangerously sick.
Desiring to render him aid if possible, the governor
dispatched Mr. Winslow again, with some medicines
MASSASOIT. 179
and cordials, and Hobbomok as interpreter; "having
one Master John Hamden, a gentleman of London,
who then wintered with us, and desired much to see
the country, for my consort."* In their way they
found many of his subjects were gone to Pokanoket,
it being their custom for all friends to attend on such
occasions. "When we came thither, says Mr. Wins-
low, we found the house so full of men, as we could
scarce get in, though they used their best diligence to
make way for us. There were they in the midst of
their charms for him, making such a hellish noise, as
it distempered us that were well, and therefore unlike
to ease him that was sick. About him 'were six or
eight women, who chafed his arms, legs, and thighs,
to keep heat in him. When they had made an end
of their charming, one told him that his friends, the
English were come to see him. Having understand
ing left, but his sight was wholly gone, he asked, Who
was come ? They told him Winsnow, (for they cannot
pronounce the letter /, but ordinarily n in the place
thereof.) He desired to speak with me. When I
came to him , and they told him of it, he put forth his
hand to me, which I took. Then he said twice,
though very inwardly, Keen Winsnow^ which is to
say, Art ihou Winsnow ? I answered, Ahhe, that is,
Yes. Then he doubled these words : Malta neen
wonckanet namen, Winsnow ! That is to say, O Wins-
low, I shall never see thee again." But contrary to his
own expectations as well as all his friends, by the kind
* Winslow's Relation. The Mr. Hamden mentioned, is
supposed by some to be the celebrated John Hamden, famous
in the time of Charles I, and who died of a wound received
in an attempt to intercept Prince Rupert near Oxford, while
supporting the cause of the Parliament. See Rapin's Eng
land, II, 477, and Kennet, III, 137.
180 MASSASOIT.
exertions of Mr. Winslow, he in a short time entirely
recovered. For this attention of the English he was
very grateful, and always believed that his preserva
tion at this time was from the benefit received from
Mr. Winslow. In his way on his visit to Massasoit,
he broke a bottle containing some preparation, and
deeming it necessary to the Sachem's recovery, wrote
a letter to the governor of Plimomh for another, and
and some chickens, and giving him an account of his
success thus far. The intention was no sooner made
known to Massasoit, than one of his men was set off
at two o'clock at night for Plimouth, who returned
again with astonishing quickness. The chickens be
ing alive, Massasoit was so pleased with them, and
being better, would not suffer them to be killed, and
kept them, with the idea of raising more. While "at
Massasoifs residence, and just as they were about to
depart, the Sachem told Squanto of a plot laid by some
of his subordinate chiefs for the purpose of cutting off
the two English plantations, which he charged him
to acquaint the English with, which he did. Massa
soit stated that he had been urged to join in it, or give
his consent thereunto, but had always refused and
used his endeavors to prevent it. The particulars of
the evils which that plot brought upon its authors will
be found under the head Wittuwamtt.
In 1632, a short war was carried on between Massa
soit and Canonicus, tffe Sachem of the Narragansets, but
the English interfering with a force under the spirit
ed capt. Standish, ended it with very little bloodshed.
Massasoit expected a serious contest j and as usual
on such occasions, changed' his name, and was ever af
ter known by the name of Owsamequin or Ousamequin.
Our historical records furnish no particulars of his war
with the Narragansets, further than we have stated.
MASSASOIT. 181
We may infer from a letter written by Roger Wil
liams, that some of Pli mouth, instigated Massasoit or
Ousamequin, as we should now call him, to lay claim
to Providence, which gave that good man some trouble,
because, in that case his lands were considered as be
longing to Plimouth, in whose jurisdiction he was not
suffered to reside ; and moreover he had bought and
paid for 'all he possessed, of the Narraganset Sa
chems'. It was in 1635 that Mr. Williams fled to that
country, to avoid being seized and sent to England.
He found that Canonicus and Miantunnomoh were at
bitter enmity with Ousamequin, but by his great exer
tions he restored peace, without which he could not
have been secure, in a border of the dominion of
either. Ousamequin was well acquainted with Mr.
Williams, whom he had often seen during his two years
residence at Plimouth, and was a great friend to him,
and therefore he listened readily to his benevolent in
structions ; giving up the land in dispute between him
self and the Narraganset Sachems, which was the isl
and now called Rhode Island, Prudence Island, and
perhaps some others, together with Providence. " And,
says Mr. Williams, I never denied him, nor Meantino-
my whatever they desired of me." Hence their love
and attachment for him, for this is their own mode of
living.
In 1649, Ousamequin sold to Miles Standish, and the
other inhabitants of Duxbury " a tract of land usually
called Saughtucket," seven miles square. This was
Duxbury. It had been before granted to them, only
however, in preemption. They agreed to pay Ou
samequin seven coats, of a yard and a half each, nine
hatchets, eight hoes, twenty knives, four MOOSK skins,
and ten and a half yards of cotton cloth.
In 1656, the same writer says that Ousamequin by
182 MASSASOIT.
one of his Sachems " was at daily feud with Pumham
about the title and lordship of Warwick." And that
hostility was daily expected. But we are not inform
ed that any thing serious took place.
This is the year in which it has been generally sup
posed that Ousamequin died, but it is an error of
Hutchinson's transplanting from Mr. Hubbard^s work
into his own. That an error should flourish in so good
a soil as that of the " History of the Colony of Massa
chusetts Bay," it is no wonder, but it is a wonder that
the "accurate Hutchinson" should set down that date,
from that passage of the Indian wars, which was evi
dently made without reflection. It being at that
time thought a circumstance of no consequence. That
the Sachem of Pokanoket should be unknown "to our
records between 1656 f and 1661, a space of only five
years, is not very surprising, when we reflect that he
was entirely subservient to the English, and nearly or
quite all of his lands being before disposed of, or given
up to them, is a plain reason that we do not meet with
his name to deeds and other instruments. And be
sides this consideration, another Sachem was known
to be associated with him at the former period, who,
seems to have acted for the whole, or as Ousamequin's
representation.
He was alive in 1661, and as late in that year as
the 21st of May. Little more than a month previous
to this date, Oneko, with about seventy men fell upon
a defenceless towp within the dominions of Ousame
quin, killing three and carrying away six captives.
He complained to the general court of Massachusetts,
whick interfered in his behalf, and the matter was
soon Uttled.*
* Original manuscript documents.
MASSASOIT. 183
From the " Relation " of Dr. /. Mather, it is clear
that he lived until 1662. His words are, "Alexander
being dead [having died in 1662] his brother Philip,
of late cursed memory, rose up in his stead, and he
was no sooner styled Sachem, but immediately in the
year 1 662, there were vehement suspicions of his bloody
treachery against the English."* See head, Alexander.
Whether he had more than two sons is not certain,
although it is confidently believed that he had. " A
letter from Boston to London, dated Nov. 10th, 1675,
says that a brother of Philip's, a privy counsellor and
chief captain, who had been educated at Harvard col
lege " was killed in the Swamp fight at Pocasset.f *It
is probable that his family was large. A company of
soldiers 'from Bridgewater, in a skirmish with Philip
took his sister, and 'killed a brother of Ousamequin,
whose name was Unkompoen, } or Jlkkompoin. That
he had another brother called Quadequina, has been
mentioned.
Although this article be beyond the due proportion
for this work, yet we cannot close it without giving
the following anecdote of Ousamequin. As Mr. Ed"
ward Winslow was returning from a trading voyage
southward, having left his vessel, travelled home by
land, and in the way stopped with his old friend Mas-
sasoit, who agreed to acompany him the rest of the
way. In the mean time Ousamequin sent one of his
men forward to Plimouth, to surprise the people with
the .news of Mr. Winsloufs death. By his manner of
relating it, and the particular circumstances attending,
no one doubted of its truth, and every one was grieved
and mourned exceedingly at their great loss. But
* Relation, 72. t Hutchinson, I, 291, 1st edit
* I. Mather. 44. Church, 38, edit. 4to,
184
presently they were as much surprised at seeing him
coming in company with Ousamequin. When it was
known among the people that the Sachem had sent
this news to them, they demanded why he should thus
deceive them. He replied that it was to make him
the more welcome when he did return, and that this
was a custom of his people.
" Once Pawkanawkut's warriors stood,
Thick as the columns of the wood ;
On shores and isles, unconquered men
Called Massasoit father, then." Yamoyden.
JftatOOHMS, a Nipmuk chief, who joined with
alUiis force in Philip's war against the whites. A son of
his was said to have murdered an Englishman in 1671,
when "travelling along the road," which Mr. JJubbard
says was " out of mere malice and spite," because he
was " vexed in his mind that the design against the
English, intended to begin in that year, did not take
place." This son of Matoonas was hanged, and after
wards beheaded, and his head set upon a pole, where
it was to be seen about six years after. The name of
the murdered Englishman was Zachary Smith, a young
nian, who, as he was passing through Dedham, in the
month of April, put up at the house of Mr. Caleb
Church. About half an hour after he was gone, the
next morning three Indians passed the same way ; who,
as they passed by Church's house, behaved in a very in
solent manner. They had been employed as laborers
in Dorchester, and said they belonged to Philip; they
left their masters under a suspicious pretence. The
body of the murdered man was soon after found near the
Saw mill in Dedham, and these Indians were appre
hended, and one put to death as is stated above.*
* Manuscript Documents, in the office of the Secretary of
the State of Massachusetts.
MATTAHANDO, 185
Mr. Hubbard supposes that the father, " an old ma
licious villain," bore " an old grudge against them," on
the account of the execution of his son. And the first
mischief that was done in Massachusetts colony was
charged to him; which was the killing of four or five
persons at Mendon, a town upon Pawtucket river,
which says /. Mather " had we amended our ways as
we should have done, this misery would have been
prevented."*
When Matoonas was brought before, the council of
Massachusetts, as has been related under head Saga
more John, " confessed that he had rightly deserved
death, and could expect no other." " He had often
seemed to favor the praying Indians, and the Christian
religion, but like. Simon Magus, by his after practice,
discovered quickly that he had no part nor portion in
that matter." f
yf/ltttthftHfl-O) an eastern chief who came to
Pemmaquid with others to make a treaty with the
English in 1677, and was killed in the attack which the
English made upon them. The English were there
in their vessels, with maj. Waldron on behalf of the
government. Previous to going on shore, it was con
certed that if any thing like hostility should be observed
among the Indians, the soldiers were to follow immedi
ately upon a given signal, Waldron and his suite had
not been long ashore when the signal was given, and all
rushing on shore fell upon the Indians, killing seven,
among whom was Mattahando, and taking several
prisoners. Mr. Hubbard^. mentions an old powow
among those killed, "to" whom," he says "the devil
had revealed, as sometimes he did to Saul, that on the
same day he should be with him :' Fqr he had a little
* Brief Hist. 5. t Hubbard, JOL
t Indian Wars, P. II. p. 70.
186 MASCONOMO.
before told the Indians, that within two days, the En
glish would come to kill them all, which was at the
very same time verified upon himself." It was not the
fashion in those days for authors to cite their authori
ties, but if it had been we should call loud for them
in this case. Surely the historian of Hankamagus
might say that the devil was truer to this powow than
he was afterwards to maj. Waldron, for he would not
have it that the Indians were coming to kill him at
all.
*JffflSCOnomOi Sachem of Agawam, since call
ed Cape Ann. When the fleet which brought over
the colony that settled Boston, in 1630, anchored near
there, he welcomed them to his shores, and spent-some
time on board one of the ships.* W.e hear no more
of him until 1643, when, at a court held in Boston,
" Cutshamekin and Squaw-sachem, Masconomo; Nasha-
cowdm and Wassamagin, two sachems near the great
hill to the west, called Wachusett, came into the court,
and according to their former tender to the governor,
desired to be received under our protection f and
government, upon the same terms that Pumham and
Sacononoco were. So we causing them to understand
the articles, and all the ten commandments of God,
and they freely assenting to all, J they were solemnly
received, and then presented the court with twenty-six
fathom of wampum, and the court gave each of them
a coat of two yards of cloth, and their dinner ; and to
them and their men every one of them a cup of sac
* Hist. N. England.
t They desired this from their great fear of the Mohawks,
who were always a terror to them.
t The articles which they subscribed, will be seen at large
when the Manuscript Hist, of the Praying Indians, by Daniel
Gookin shall be published. They do not read precisely as
rendered by Winthrop.
MEMECHO. 187
at their departure, so they took leave and went away
very joyful."* Tradition says that Agawam, in Ips
wich, was his place of residence, and that his bones
were early found there. That his squaw for some
time survived him, and had a piece of land that she
could not dispose of, or that none were allowed to
purchase/)-
IfiCgUnnnway^ an eastern Sachem. The
visit of maj. Waldron to the eastern coast at the close
of Philip's war, has been related under Madokawando.
How much of treachery was manifested by the Indiana
at that time, which terminated in the massacre of
many of them, we cannot take upon us to declare, yet
this we cannot but bear in mind, that we have only
the account of those who performed the tragedy, and
not that of those on whom it fell.
Capt. Charles Frost, of Oyster river, since Durham,
was with Waldron upon that expedition, and next to
him a principal actor in it. And like him was killed
by the Indians afterwards. Mr. Hubbard gives this
account of his taking this chief. " Capt. Frost seized
an Indian called Megunneway, a notorious rogue, that
had been in arms at Connecticut last June, at the
Falls, and saw that brave and resolute capt. Turner,
when he was slain about Green river ; and helped to
kill Thomas Bracket at Casco, August last, [3676.]
And with the help of lieut. Nutter, according to the
major's order, carried him aboard" their vessel. We
are not told what became of him, but no one will be
at a loss to decide.
IffemechO) (George) one of the three Christian
Indians who were appointed to attend capts. Hutchin-
eon and Wheeler in their attempt to treat with the Nip-
* Winthrop's, Journal.
t MS. Hist, of Newbury, by J. Coffin.
188 MESANDOWIT.
muk Indians, July, 1675. He was taken by the enemy,
but afterward returned, and gave some important in
formation about the enemy, which, or a part of it may
be seen in Hutchinson's history of Massachusetts.
Had it not been for those three Indians, there is no
doubt but the whole party would have been cut off;
for none of the English knew any other way than that
by which they came, for their retreat.-* But these two
faithful guides, by an unfrequented path, led them
back to Brookfield ; the one by which they went being
ambushed at every strong place.
It was so unpopular at this time to lisp a word in
favor of an Indian, that capt. Wheeler gave no credit
in his narrative of this affair, to these instruments of
his and Brookfield's safety; yet he gave them a writing
acknowledging it, which follows: " These are to cer
tify that Joseph, and Sampson, Indians, that were o.ur
guides in the Nipmuk country, behaved themselves
courageously and faithfully, and conducted our dis
tressed company in the best way from the swamp
where we were wounded, and divers slain, unto the
town of Brookfield ; and all the time of our being with
them in the inn, at Brookfield when the enemy attack
ed us , those two Indians behaved themselves as hon
est and stout men. Witness my hand, the 20th of
August, 1675. Thomas Wheeler."
" This cirtificate those Indians had, and I saw it,
and took a copy of it, and spoke with capt. Wheeler
before his death, and he owned it."*
The end of these two valuable friends of the En
glish, it is melancholy to record, but it has been already
done under the head Sampson.
IflesandOWit) one of the principal chiefs who
destroyed Dover, in J 689. See Hankamagus.
* Gookin's Manuscript History of the Praying Indians.
METEA. 1 89
) a Potto wattomie chief, whose residence
Is upon the Wabash, or was, in 1821. It has been
mentioned under Keewaygooshkum, that commissioners
sent by the United States met several tribes of Indians
at Chicago, and treated with them for a tract of coun
try. Metea was present, and the most prominent ora
tor upon the occasion. After gov. Cass, had informed
the Indians what was the object of his mission, Metea
made the following speech :
" My Father, We have listened to what you have
said. We shall now retire to our camps and consult
upon it. You will hear nothing more from us at pre
sent. [This is a uniform custom of all the Indians.
When the council was again convened, Metea contin
ued,] *We meet you here to day, because we had
promised it, to tell you our rninds, and what we have
agreed upon among ourselves. You will listen to us
with a good mind, and believe what we say. You
know that we first came to this country, a long time
ago, and when we sat ourselves down upon it, we met
with a great many hardships and difficulties. Our
country was then very large, but it has dwindled
away to a small spot, and you wish to purchase that!
This has caused us to reflect much upon what you
have told us ; and we have, therefore, brought all the
chiefs and warriors, and the young men, and women
and children of our tribe, that one part may not do
what the others object to, and that all may be witness
of what is going forward. You know your children.
Since you first came among them, they have listened to
your words, with an attentive ear, and have always
hearkened to your counsels. Whenever you have had
a proposal to make to us, whenever you have had a
* The repetition of " My Father," at the beginning of
every sentence, we omit.
16
190 METEA
favor to ask of us, we have always lent a favorable ear,
and our invariable answer has been, yes.' This you
know ! A 'long time has passed since we first came
upon our lands, and our old people have all sunk into
their graves. They had sense. We are all young and
foolish, and do not wish to do any thing that they
would not approve, were they living. We are fearful
we shall offend their spirits, if we sell our lands ; and
we are fearful we shall offend you, if we do not sell
them. This has caused us great perplexity of thought
because we have counselled among ourselves, and do
not know how we can part with the land. Our coun
try was given to us by the Great Spirit, who gave it to
us to hunt upon, to make our cornfields upon, to live
upon, and to make down our beds upon when we die.
And he would never forgive us, should we bargain it
away. When you first spoke to us for lands at St.
Mary's, we said we had a little, and agreed to sell you
'a piece of it; but we told you we could spare no
more. Now you ask us again. You are never satis
fied ! We have sold you a great tract of land, al
ready ; but it is not enough ! We sold it to you for
the benefit of your children, to farm and to live upon.
We have now but little left. We shall want it all for
ourselves. We know not how long we may live, and
we wish to have some lands for our children to hunt
upon. You are gradually taking away our hunting
grounds. Your children are driving us before them.
We are growing uneasy. What lands you have,
you may retain forever ; but we shall sell no more. You
think, perhaps, that I speak in passion ; but my heart
is good towards you. I speak like one of your own
children. .1 am an Indian, a red-skin, and live by
hunting and fishing, but nay country is already too
small ; and I do not know how to bring up my chil-
METEA. 191
dren, if I give it all away. We sold you a fine tract
of land at St. Mary's. We said to you then it was
enough to satisfy your children, and the last we should
sell: and we thought it would be the last you would
ask for. We have now told you what* we had to say.
It is what was determined on, in a council among our
selves ; and what I have spoken, is the voice of my
nation. On this account, all our people have come
here to listen to me ; hut do not think we have a bad
opinion of you. Where should we get a bad opinion
of you ? We speak to you with a good heart, and the
feelings of a friend. You are acquainted with this
piece of land the country we live in. Shall we give
it p up ? Take notice, it is a small piece of land, and if
we give it away, what will become of us ? The Great
Spirit, who has provided it for our use, allows us to
keep it, to bring up our young men and support our
families. We should incur his anger, if we bartered
it away. If we had more land, you should get more,
but our land has been wasting away ever since the
white people became our neighbors, and we have now
hardly enough left to cover the bones of our tribe.
You are in the midst of your red children. What is
due to us in money, we wish, and will receive at this
place ; and we want nothing more. We all shake
hands with you. Behold our warriors, our' women,
and children. Take pity on us and on our wo^ds."
Notwithstanding the decisive language held by Me-
tea in this speech, against selling land, yet his name is
to the treaty of sale. And in another speech of about
equal length, delivered shortly after, upon the same
subject, the same determination is manifest throughout.
At this time he appeared to be about forty years of
age, and of a noble and dignified appearance. He is
allowed to be the most eloquent chief of his nation.
192 , MIANTUPfNOMOH.
In the last Var, he fought against the Americans, anf
in the attack on fort Wayne, was severely wounded;
on which account he draws a pension from the British
uncle of Canonicus, and
brother, or brother-in-law to Ninigret,^ and brother of
Otash. In 1632 he came with his wife to Boston,
being at this time known by the name of Mecumeh
where they stayed two nights. He went to church
with the English, and in the mean time some of his
men, twelve of whom were with him, broke into a
house and committed a theft. On complaint being
made to the governor, " he told the Sachem of it, and
with some difficulty caused him to make one of his
sannaps || to beat them." They were immediately sent
out of town, but Miantunnomoh, and the others he took
to his house "and made much of them." IT
The English seem always to have been more favor
ably inclined toward the other tribes than to the Nar-
ragansets, as appears firm the stand they took in the
wars of Ascassasotick and Nenekunat. And so long as
other tribes succeeded against them, the voice of the
English was silent, but when the scale turned in favor
of their enemies they were not slow to intercede.
In the life of Canonicus, the part Miantunnomoh ex
ercised in the government of the great nation of the
Narragansets is related. Beside the country upon
Narraganset bay, the Nipmuks,f Nianticks, Block-
islanders, and several places were subject to them.
* Schoolcraft's- Travels.
t Oflener written Myantonimo. This only shows another
pronunciation. The accent is usually upon the penultimate
syllable. Callender's Cent. Discourse, page 1.
J Manuscripts of Roger Williams. Mather's Relation^
| The chief attendants were so callecL
TC Winthrops JournaL
MIANTtfNNOMOH. - 193
In 1634, captains Stone and Norton were killed by
the Pequots, and in 1636, Mr. John Oldham, by the
Indians " near Block island." Miantunnomoh did all
in his power to assist in apprehending the murderers,
and Avas at much pains and trouble in furnishing the
English with facts relative thereto, from time to time.
And when it was told at Boston that there was a ces-
casion of hostilities between the Narragansets and Pe
quots, Miantunnomoh was immediately ordered to ap
pear there, which he did without delay, and agreed to
assist them in a war against the Pequots; without
whose aid and concurrence, the English would hardly
have dared to' engage in a war against them. For,
says Hiibbard " being a more fierce, cruel, and war
like people than the rest of the Indians, came down
from the more inland parts of the continent, and by
force seized upon one of the goodliest places near
the sea, and became a terror to all their neighbors."
Early in 1637, to show the governor of Massachu
setts that he kept his promise, of waring against the
Pequots, sent by some of his men a Pequot's hand.
The war with them now commenced, and though of
short duration, destroyed them to such a degree that
they appeared no more as a nation. One hundred of
the Narragansets joined themselves with the English
in its accomplishment, and received a part of the
prisoners as slaves for their services.* When the war
was over Miantunnomoh still adhered to the English,
and seized upon those of the Pequots who had made
their escape from bondage, and returned them to their
English masters ; gave up to them his claim to Block
island, and other places where the English had found
Pequots, and which they considered as belonging to
them by right of conquest.
* Miantunnomoh received eighty. Mather's Relation, 39.
MIANTUN1TOMOH,
Rev. Samuel Gorton and his associates purchasedSha'
omet, afterwards called Warwick, fitmi the Earl of War
wick, of Miantunnomoh, but as Gorton could do noth
ing right in the eyes of the Puritans of Massachusetts,
Pumham was instigated to claim said tract of country ;
and although a Sachem under Miantunnomoh* did not
hesitate when supported by the English, to assert his
claim as chief Sachem. And the government of Mas
sachusetts to make their interference appear spotless,
which it would seem from their own vindication,
there was a chance for doubts, Send for the foresaid
Sachems, [who had complained of Mr. Gorton and
others, through the English,] and upon examination
find, both by English and Indian testimony, that Mian-
tonomo was only a usurper, and had no title to the
foresaid lands."f This is against the testimony of
every record, and could no more have been believed
then, than that Philip was not Sachem of Pokanoket.
In all cases of purchase in tkose times, the chief Sa
chem's grant was valid, and maintained in almost
every instance by the purchaser or grantee. It was
customary generally to make the inferior Sachems,
and sometimes all their men presents, but it was by
no means a law. The chief Sachems often permitted
those under them to dispose of lands also, without be
ing called to account.
In March 1637, Miantunnomoh with four other Sa
chems sold to William Coddington and others, the isl
and now called Rhode Island, also most of the others
* " The law of the Indians in all America is that the in
ferior Sachems and subjects shall plant and remove at the
pleasure of the highest and supreme Sachems." Roger Wil
liams. This is authority, and we need no other commentary
en the arbitrary proceedings of the court of Massachusetts.
t In Manuscript on file, at the State House, Boston.
\ From the same Manuscript Document..
MIANTUNNOMOH. 195
in Narraganset bay " for the full payment of forty
fathom of white peag to be equally divided " between
them. Hence Miantunnomoh received eight fathom.
He was to " have ten coats and twenty hoes to give to
the present inhabitants, that they shall remove them
selves from the island before next winter."*
When it was reported in 1640, that Miantunnomoh
was plotting to cut off the English, as mentioned in
the account of Janemoh, and several English were
sent to him to know the truth of the matter, he would
not talk with them through a Pequot interpreter, be
cause he was then at war with that nation. In other
respects he complied with their wishes, and treated
them respectfully, agreeing to come to Boston, for the
gratification of the government, if they would allow
Mr. JPilliams to accompany him. This they would
not consent to and yet he came agreeably to their de
sires. We shall presently see^who acted best the
part of civilized men in this affair. He had refused
to use a Pequot interpreter for good reasons, but now
he was from home and surrounded by armed men, he
was obliged to submit. "The governor being as res
olute as he, refused to use any other interpreter, think
ing it a dishonor to us to give so much way to them."!!
The great wisdom of the government now displayed
itself in the person of gov. Thomas Dudley. It is not to
be expected but that Miantunnomoh, should resent their
proceedings ; for to the above insult they added others;
" would show him no countenance nor admit him to
dine at pur table, as formerly he had done, till he had
acknowledged his failing, &c., which he readily did."f
By their own folly, the English had made themselves
jealous of a powerful chief, and they appear ever
ready afterwards to credit evil reports of him.
* Manuscript Documents. t Winthrop's Journal.
196 MIANTUNNOMOH.
That an independent chief should be obliged to
conform to transitory notions upon such an occasion
is absolutely ridiculous ; and the justness of the fol
lowing remark from him was enough to shame good
men into their senses. He said, "When your people
come to me they are permitted to use their OAvn
fashions, and I expect the same liberty when I come
to you."
In 1642, Connecticut became very suspicious of
Miantunnomoh, and urged Massachusetts to join them
in a war against him. Their fears no doubt grew out
of the consideration of the probable issue of a war
with Uncas in his favor, which was now on the point
of breaking out. Even Massachusetts did not think
their suspicions well founded ; yet according to their
request they sent to Miantunnomoh, who as usual gave
them satisfactory answers, and agreeably to their re
quest came again to Boston. Two days were employ
ed by the court of Massachusetts in deliberating with
him, and we .are astonished at the wisdom of the
great chief, even as reported by his enemies.
That a simple man of nature, who never knew
courts or law, should cause such acknowledgments as
follow, from the civilized and wise, will always be con
templated with intense admiration, " When he came,"
says Winthrop, " the court was assembled, and before
his admission, we considered how to treat with him,
for we knew him to be a very subtle man." When
he was admitted, "he was set down at the lower end
of the table, over against the governor," but would
not at any time speak upon business unless some of
his counsellors were present ; saying " he would have
them present, that they might bear witness with him,
at his return home, of all his sayings." The same
author further says, " In all his answers he was very
MIANTUNNOMOH. 197
deliberate and showed good understanding in the
principles of justice and equity, and ingenuity withal."
He now asked for his accusers, urging, that if they
could not establish their allegations, they ought to
suffer what he expected to, if they did, meaning
death ; but the court said they knew of none, that is,
they knew not whom they were, and therefore gave
them no credit until they had advised him according
to a former agreement. He then said, " if you did not
give credit to it, why then did you disarm the In
dians?" Massachusetts having just then disarmed
some of the Merrimacks under some pretence. "He
gave divers reasons," says gov. Winthrop, " why we
should hold him free of any such conspiracy, and why
we should conceive it. was a report raised by Uncas y
&c., and therefore offered to meet Uncas, and would
prove to his face his treachery against the English,
&c., and told us he would corne to us at any time,"
although he said some had tried to dissuade him, say
ing that the English would put him to death, yet he
feared nothing, as he was innocent of the charges
against him.
The punishment, due to those who had raised the
accusations, bore heavily upon his breast, and "he
put it to our consideration what damage it had been to
him, in that he was forced to keep his men at home,
and not suffer them to go forth on hunting, &c. till he
had given the English satisfaction." After two days
spent in talk, the council issued to the satisfaction of
the English.
During the council a table was set by itself for the
Indians, which Miantunnomoh, appears not to have
liked, and at first would not eat, until some food had
been sent him from that of the governor's."
Tnat wisdom seems to have dictated to Massachu
setts, in her answer to Connecticut, must be acknow
198 MIANTUNNOMOH.
Hedged ; but as justice to Miantunnomoh abundantly
demanded such decision, credit in this case is due
only as to him w}io does a good act because it was
his interest so to do. They urged Connecticut not
to commence war alone, " alleging how dishonorable
it would be to us all, that, while we were upon treaty
with the Indians, they should make war upon them ;
for they would account their act as our own, seeing we
had formerly professed to the Indians, that we were all
as one ; and in our last message to Miantunnomoh, had
remembered him again of the same, and he had an
swered that he did so account us. Upon receipt of
this our answer, they forbare to enter into a war, but
(it seemed) unwillingly, and as not well pleased with
us." The main ground which -caused Massachusetts
to decide against war was, That all those informa
tions [furnished by Connecticut] might arise from
a false ground, and out of the enmity which was
between the Narraganset and Monhigen" Sachems.
This was no doubt the real cause, and had Miantun
nomoh overcame Uncas, the English would from poli
cy as gladly have leagued with him as with the latter.
For it was constantly pleaded in those days, that their
safety must depend on a union with some of the most
powerful tribes.
There can be no doubt on fairly examining the
case, that Uncas, used many ways to influence the
English in his favor and against his enemy. In the
progress of the war between the two great chiefs, the
English acted precisely, as the Indians have been al
ways said to do : stood aloof, and watched tlhe scale
of victory, determined to join the conquerors. From
the deliberations of the Massachusetts council, there
cannot a doubt remain, but that they were fully ^atis-
fied of the innocence of Miantunnomoh.
The war brought on between Uncas and Miantun-
MIANTUNNOMOH. 199
nomoh, was not within the jurisdiction of the English,
nor is it to be expected that they could with certainty,
determine the justice of the cause of either. The
broil had long existed, but the open rupture was
brought on by Uncas' making war upon Sequasson, one
of the Sachems under Miantunnomoh. The English
accounts say (and we have no other) that about a 1000
warriors were raised by Miantunnomoh, who came
upon Uncas unprepared, having only about 400 men ;
yet after an obstinate battle, in which many were kill
ed on both sides, the Narragonset's were put to flight,
and Miantunnomoh taken prisoner.* He endeavored
to save himself by flight, but having on a coat of mail,
was known from ttie rest, and seized by two of his
own rnen, who hoped by their treachery to save them->
selves, by delivering him to Uncas, but who were kill
ed by him as soon as they came into his presence.
Two of the sons of Canonicus fought with Miantunno
moh, and were wounded in this battle.
Being brought before Uncas, he remained without
speaking a word, until Uncas spoke to him, and said, " If
you had taken me I would have besought you for my
life." He then took his prisoner to Hartford, and at
his request left him a prisoner with the English, until
the mind of the united colonies should be known as to
what disposition should be made of him.
The sorrowful part of the tale is yet to be told. The
commissioners of the united colonies having convened
at Boston, " who taking into serious consideration what
was safest and best to be done, were all of opinion
that it would not be safe to set him at liberty, neither
had we sufficient ground for us to put him to death." f
* The place where this battle was fought was in the east
ern part of the town of Norwich, and the place to this day is
called the Sachems Plain.
K Winthrop, II, 131^
.
200 MtANTUNNOMOH.
The awful design of putting to death their friend, they
had not yet fixed upon, but calling to their aid in
council whom ? And must it be told ! ! It has been
told before "Jive of the most judicious elders" " They
all agreed that he ought to be put to death." This
was the final decision, and to complete the deed of
darkness, secrecy was enjoined upon all. And their
determination was to be made known to Uncos pri
vately, with direction that he should execute him
within his own jurisdiction and without torture.
When the determination of the commissioners and
elders was made known to Uncas, he " readily under
took the execution, and taking Miantunnomoh along
with him, in the way between Hartford and Windsor,
(where Uncas hath some men dwell,) tineas' brother,
following after Miantunnomoh clave his head with an
hatchet."* Mather says, they "very fairly cut off his
head."f Dr. Trumlull\ records an account of cannibal
ism, at this time, which we ought to caution the reader
against receiving as true history, as it no doubt rests
on the authority of tradition, which is wont to transfer
even the transactions of one continent to another. It
is this. " Uncas cut out a large piece of his shoulder,
and ate it in savage triumph;" saying, "'it was the
sweetest meat he ever ate, it made his heart strong.'"
* Winthrop's Journal, II, 134.
t Magnalia. \ History of Connecticut, 1, 135.
That this is tradition, may be inferred from the circum
stances of an eminently obscure writer's publishing nearly
the same story, which he says in his book, took place upon
the death of Philip. Oneko, he says, cut out a pound of Phil
ips' bleeding body and ate it. The book is by one Henry
TrumbuH, and purports to be a history of the discovery of
America, the Indian Wars, &c. The reader will find it about
stalls by the street side, but rarely in a respectable book
store. It has been forced through many editions, but there
is scarce a word of true history in it.
M'INTOSH. 201
The same author says, " the Mohegans, by the order
of Uncas, buried him at the place of his execution,
and erected a great heap, or pillar, upon his grave."
In the proceedings of the commissioners of the
United Colonies,* it is said, that Uftcas before the bat
tle, told Miantunnomoh that, having many ways sought
his life, he would now, if he durst, decide their differ
ence by single combat, but that Miantunnomoh " pre
suming upon his number of men, would have nothing
but a battle."
It does not appear from the records last cited, that
Uncas at first had any idea of putting Miantunnomoh to
death, but to extort a great price for his ransom, of
his countrymen ; that a large amount in wampum was
collected for this purpose, appears certain, but before
it was paid, Uncas received the decision of the En
glish, and then pretended that he had made no such
agreement, or that the quantity or quality was not as
agreed upon.
Jff^fntOSh) a southern chief, who fought with
the Americans in several battles against his country
men in the war of 1812-33 and 14. He is first men
tioned by general Jackson,] in his account of the battle,
as he called it, of Autossee, where he assisted in the
brutal destruction of 200 of his nation. There was
nothing like fighting on the part of the people of the
place, as we can learn, being surprised in their wig
wams, and hewn to pieces. " The Cowetaws," says
the general, " under M'Intosh, and Zookaubatchians
under Mad-dog's son, fell in on our flanks, and fought
with an intrepidity worthy of any troops." And after
relating the burning of the place, he thus proceeds : "It
is difficult to determine the strength of the enemy, but
* See Hazard's Historical Collections, II, 7-10.
t Brannan'e official Letters.
17
202 M'INTOSH.
from the information of some of the chiefs, which k
is said can be relied on, there were assembled at Au-
tosse, warriors from eight towns, for its defence ; it be
ing their beloved ground, on which they proclaimed no
white man could abroach without inevitable destruc
tion. It is difficult to give a precise account of the
loss of the enemy, but from the number which were
lying scattered over the field, together with those de
stroyed in the towns, and the many slain on the bank
of the river, which respectable officers affirm that they
saw lying in heaps at the waters' edge, where they had
been precipitated by their surviving friends,[!!] their
loss in killed, independent of their wounded, must
have been at least 200, (among whom were the Au-
tossee and Tallassee kings,) and from the circumstance
of their making no efforts to molest our return, proba
bly greater. The number of buildings burnt, some of a
superior order for the dwellings of savages, and filled
with valuable articles, is supposed to be 400." This
was on the 20th .of November, 1813.
M'Intosh was also very conspicuous in the memora
ble battle of the Horse-shoe-bend, in the Tallapoosie
river. At this place the disconsolate tribes of the
south had made a last great stand, and had a tolerably
regular fortified camp. It was said that they were
1000 strong. They fiad constructed their works with
such ingenuity, that little could be effected against
them but by storm. "Determined to exterminate
them," says the general, "I detached general Coffee.
with the mounted, and nearly the whole of the Indian
force, early on the morning of yesterday, [March 27th,
1814,] to cross the river about two miles below their
encampment, and to surround the bend, in such a
manner, as that none of them should escape by at
tempting to cross the river." " Bean's company of spies,
M'INTOSH. 203
who had accompanied gen. Coffee, crossed over in ca
noes to the extremity of the bend, and set fire to a
few of the buildings which were there situated ; they
then advanced with great gallantry towards the breast
work, and commenced a spirited fire upon the enemy
behind it." This force not being able to effect their
object, many others of the army showed great ardor to
participate in the assault. " The spirit which animat
ed them was -a sure augury of the success which was
to follow." The regulars, led on by their intrepid
and skilful commander, col. Williams, and by the gal
lant maj. Montgomery, soon gained possession of the
works in the midst of a most tremendous fire from be
hind them, and the militia of the venerable gen. Doher-
ty's brigade accompanied them in the charge with a
vivacity and firmness which would have done honor
to regulars. The enemy was completely routed. Five
hundred and fifty seven* were left dead on the peninsu
la, and a great number were killed by the horsemen in
attempting to cross the river. It is believed that not
more than twenty have escaped.
"The fighting continued with some severity about
five hours ; but we continued to destroy many of them,
who had concealed themselves under the banks of the
river, until we were prevented by the night. This
morning we killed 16 who had been concealed. We
took about 250 prisoners, all women and children, ex
cept two or three. Our loss is 106 wounded, and 25
killed. Major M'Intosh, the Cowetau, who joined my
army with a part of his tribe, greatly distinguished
himself."f Truly this was a war of extermination ! !
The philanthropist may enquire whether all those poor
* These are the general's italics ; at least Brannan so prints
his official letter,
t Brannan, ut supra.
204 MIOXEO.
wretches who had secreted themselves here and there
in the " caves and reeds " had deserved death ? They
were first taken prisoners, then murdered !
JftiOXeO) one of the chiefs of Martha's Vineyard,
His place of residence was at a place called Numpang,
within the limits of Edgarton. Mr. Mayhew writes his
name Miohqsoo.* He was converted to Christianity
through the endeavors of the celebrated Hiacoomes, in
1646. $When in a time of great sickness among the
Indian/of that place, Hiacoomes and his family were
observed by those who had opposed his doctrine to
have entirely escaped the calamity ; they were ready to
attribute it to his being a Christian. Among others
Mioxeo sent for him, to learn something about his God.
Glad of the opportunity to disseminate religion, Hia-
foomes repaired immediately to Mioxeo's residence,
where he found not only a great many of the common
people, but Towanquatitk, a chief Sagamore. Mioxeo
asked Hincoomes how many Gods the English did wor
ship? he answered "one." Then Mioxeo enumerated
thirty-seven of his, and said "shall I throw away these
thirty-seven for one ?" Hiacoomes replied, " I have
thrown away all these, and a great many more, some
years ago, yet am I preserved, you see, this day." This
was argument enough with Mioxeo, and he said " you
speak true, therefore I will throw away all my Gods
too." From that time forward he engaged zealously
in the cause of Hiacoomes. Towanquatick became al
so engaged in the same cause, f and was the first Sag
amore that became a Christian upon the island. He
died about 1670. The time of the death of Mioxeo is
unknown, but he lived to a great age. A son and
daughter of his were put under the instruction of Mr,
* Indian Converts, 76, t History of N. England,
MOG. 205
Maykew. The daughter became a pious woman, and
the son was sent for England, but was lost at sea with
the rest of the ship's crew.*
JffisMfcinakwa, the same as Little-turtle,
which see. The similarity of his name to Michilima-
kinak is apparent. That place was so called from its
resemblance to a turtle's back, at a distance.
Jffog, an old chief of the Norridgewoks, or more
properly, Nerigwoks, in 1724. In the French and
Indian wars of that period, the Nerigwoks were con
sidered as the chief source of the depredations upon the
frontiers, and nothing short of their extermination, it
was thought, could relieve them. Ralle, a Roman
Catholic missionary, who had been thirty-seven years
among the Indians, lived there, and was supposed to
have encouraged their depredations.
In August 1724, a force was dispatched, consisting
of 208 men, and three Mohawk Indians, under capts.
Moulton, Harman and Bourne, to humble the Nerig
woks. They came upon the village, while there was
not a man in arms to oppose them. They had left
forty of their men at Teconet falls, which is now with
in the town of Winslow, upon the Kennebeck, and
about two miles below Waterville college, upon the
opposite side of the river. The English had divided
themselves into three squadrons, eighty under Harman
proceeded by a circuitous route, thinking to surprise
some in their corn fields, while Moulton with eighty
more proceeded directly for the village, which being
surrounded by trees, could not be seen until they
were close upon it. All were in their wigwams, and
the English advanced slowly and in perfect silence.
When pretty near, an Indian came out of his wigwam,
and accidentally discovering the English, ran in and
* Mayhew's Indian Converts, 79. 82.
"^^-
206
seized his gun, and giving the war whoop, in a few
minutes the warriors were all in arms, and advancing
to meet them. Moulton ordered his men not to fire
until the Indians had made the first discharge. This
order was obeyed, and as he expected, they overshot
them. His men then fired upon them in their turn,
and did great execution. When the Indians had given
another volley, they fled with great precipitation to
the river, whither the chief of their women and chil
dren had also fled during the fight. Some of the
English pursued and killed many of them in the river,
and others fell to pillaging and burning the village.
Mog disdained to fly with the rest, but kept possession
of a wigwam, from which he fired upon the pillagers.
In one of his discharges he killed a Mohawk, whose
brother observing it, rushed upon Mog and killed him ;
and thus ended the strife. There were about sixty
warriors in the place, about one half of whom were
killed.
The famous Rolls shut himself up in his house,
from which he fired upon the English, and wounding
one. Lieut. Jaques? of Newbury,f burst open the door
and shot him through the head, although Moulton had
given orders that none should kill him. He had an
English boy with him, about fourteen years old, who
had been taken sometime before from the frontiers,
and whom the English reported RalU was about to
kill. Great brutality and ferocity are chargeable to
the English in this affair, according to their own ac-
* Who I conclude was a volunteer, as I do not find his
name upon the return made by Moulton, which is uppn file
in the garret/ west wing of our State House.
t Manuscript History of Newbury, by Joshua Coffin, S. H.
S., which should the world ever be so fortunate as to see in
print, we will ensure them not only great gratification, but a
fund of amusement.
MONAHOOE. 207
count. Such as killing women and children, and
scalping and mangling the body of father Raltt.*
They had here a handsome church, with a bell, on
which they committed a double sacrilege, first robbing
it, then setting it on fire. Herein surpassing the act
of the first great English circumnavigator, in his de
predations upon the Spaniards in South America ; for
he only took away the gold and silver vessels of a
church, and its crucifix, because it was of massy gold,
set about with diamonds, and that too, upon the ad
vice of his chaplain. " This might pass," says a rev
erend author, f for sea divinity, but justice is quite
another thing."
Harman was the general in the expedition, and for a
time had the honor of it ; but Moulton, according to gov.
Hutchinson, achieved the victory, and it was afterward
acknowledged by the country. He was a prisoner
when a small boy among the eastern Indians, being
among those taken at the destruction of York, in 1692.
He died about 1759. The township of Moultonbor-
ough, in New Hampshire, was named from him, and
many of his posterity reside there at the present day.
tJtfonahooe) a distinguished chief of the Creek
nation, who in 1814, made a last stand against the
Americans, at the great bend of the Tallapoosie, call
ed by the Indians, Tohopeka, and by the whites the
Horse-shoe.
In a letter, after the battle of the Great Bend, gen.
Jackson writes,! tl Among the dead was found their fa
mous prophet Monahooe, shot in the mouth by a grape
shot, as if heaven designed to chastise his impostures by
* I follow Hutchinson chiefly in this account,
t Prince, in his Worthies of Devonshire .
J Brannan's Official Letters, 322.
208 MONOCO.
an appropriate punishment."* In the article JWIntosh
we give a history of that battle.
JffotlOCOj (John) commonly known by the name
of One-eyed-john ; " a notable fellow," who when
Philip's war began, lived near Lancaster, and conse
quently was acquainted with every part of the town,
which knowledge he improved to his advantage, on
two occasions, in that war. On Sunday, 22d August,
1675, a man, his wife and two children were killed at
that place.f At this time the Hassanamesit praying
Indians were placed at Marlborough by authority. No
sooner was it known that a murder was committed at
Lancaster, than not a few were wanting to charge it
upon the Hassanamesits. Capt. Mosely, who it seems
was in the neighborhood, sent to their quarters, and
found " much suspicion against eleven of them, for
singing and dancing, and having bullets and slugs, and
much powder hid in their baskets." For this offence,
these eleven were sent to Boston, on suspicion, and
there to be tried. " But upon trial, the said prisoners
were all of them acquitted from the fact, and were
either released, or else were, with others of that fort,
sent for better security, and for preventing future
trouble in the like kind, to some of the islands below
Boston, towards Nantasket."|
It appears that there were eleven Indians and a
squaw, that were tried for their lives," on account of
the Lancaster murder. And it also seems that some
* Such language might lead one to suppose that the gen
eral had just been reading a portion of the Magnolia.
t The above is Mr. Hubbard's account. Mr. Willard, in
his excellent liistory of Lancaster, gives us the names of six,
and says eight were killed. But in his enumeration I count
nine. \ Gookin's MS. Hist. Praying Indians.
.III'
MONOCO. 209
time elapsed after the murder was committed, before
the " eleven" were sent down for trial, or that they
had returned back to their-hornes again ; for Ephraim
Turner and William Kent were not sent up to find out
where " they all were," and what answers they could
get from those they met with, until the beginning of
October ; at which time, these eleven Indians were
scattered in every direction, about their daily con
cerns ; and all the information they appear to have
handed into court, was, that they were thus scattered.
Waban and Mr. John Watson seem to have been the
only persons questioned. Watson was appointed by
authority, to reside there, to look after them, and his
voice was always in their favor.
After a trial of much vexation, to these innocent
natives, in which David, the main witness against
them, acknowledged his perfidy, one of the enemy was
brought in a prisoner, who avowed that it was One-
eyed-john, and that he had boasted much of the ex
ploit ; and after a short time another was taken who
confirmed it.*
Notwithstanding the English had notice of the in
tent of the enemy, to fall upon Lancaster, yet it was
so little heeded, that on the 10th February, 1676, it
was almost entirely destroyed. The onset was made
by a great body, of perhaps 5 or 600 Indians, who
divided themselves into several strong companies, and
made the attack in different places. Monaco led one
of these bodies.
On the 13th March, following, Groton was surpris
ed. In this affair, too, John Monoco was principal ;
and, on his own word, we set him down as the de
stroyer of Medfield.
When James Quannapohit was out as a spy, Monoco
* Gookin's MS. History.
210
MONOCO.
kindly entertained him, on account of former acquain
tance, not knowing his character. Even this, in a less
barbarous war, would have saved him from the gal
lows. Whatever were his intentions, the deed was
good, but met with a sad requital. He was pleased
to see his old friend again, with whom he had served
in their wars against the Mohawks. He was one of
those who delivered themselves up at Cocheco, and
was executed at Boston.
After he had burned Groton, .except one garrison
house, he called to the captain in it, and told him he
would burn in succession, Chelmsford, Concord, Water-
town, Cambridge, Charlestown, Roxbury, and Boston ;
and added, " What me will, me do." He boasted he
had 480 warriors.*
WfOMOHOttO) a famous Pequot chief in the war
which terminated in their destruction, in 1637. Hub-
bard calls him a "noted Indian," whose wife and
children fell into the hands of the English, and as " it
was known to be by her mediation that two English
maids (that were taken away from Weathersfield, up
on Connecticut river) were saved from death, in re-
quittal of whose pity and humanity, the life of herself
and children was not only granted her, but she was in
special recommended to the care of gov. Wintlirop, of
Massachusetts." Mononotto fled with Sassacus to the
Mohawks, for protection, with several more chiefs. He
was not killed by them as Sassacus was, but escaped
from them wounded, and probably died by the hands
of his English enemies. He is thus mentioned by
Gov. Wolcott, in his poem upon Winthrop's agency, &c.
" ' Prince Mononotto sees his squadrons fly,
And on our general having fixed his eye,
Rage and revenge his spirits quickening,
He set a mortal arrow in the string.' "
* Hubbard's Narrative, 75, 4to. edition.
MUG. 211
or > as ne was sometimes called, Jlgama-
gus, a noted Penobscot chief, and one of Madoka-
wando's principal Sagamores. We can, add little con
cerning him, to what has already been said in the life
of that chief. After that great Sachem was dead,' and
the war between the French and English nations
ceased, the eastern chiefs were ready to submit to
terms.
. Moxus seems the successor of Madokawando, and
when delegates were sent into the eastern country to
make peace with the Indians, in 1699, his name stood
first among the signers of the treaty.* He concluded
another treaty with gov. Dudley, in 1702. The next
year, in company with Wdnungonet, Jlssacombuit, and
a number of French, he invested capt. March in the
fort at Casco, now Portland. After using every en
deavor to take it by assault, they had recourse to the fol
lowing stratagem. They began at the water's edge to
undermine it by digging, but were prevented by the
timely arrival of an armed vessel under capt. Southack.
They had taken a vessel and a great quantity of plun
der. About 200 canoes were destroyed, and the ves
sel retaken. From which circumstance it may be in
ferred that their number was great.
We last shall notice Moxus in 1713, in which year
he is again making peace with the English, at Casco.f
JtfUg") a chief among the Androscoggins, and
very conspicuous in the eastern war of 1676-7, into
which he seems to have been brought by the same
cause as Madokawando^ already stated. He had been
very friendly to the English, and had lived some time
with them.
On the 12th Oct. 1676, he made an assault upon
* Magnalia, II. 543. 't Penhallow.
212 NAHATON.
Black Point, now in Scarborough, with about 100
warriors. " All the inhabitants being gathered into
one fortified place upon that point, which a few hands
might have defended against all the Indians on that
side of the country."* While the captain of the gar
rison was gone out to hold a talk with Mug, the peo
ple fled from the garrison, and took all their effects
along with them. A few of his own servants, however,
remained, who fell into the hands of the chief, who
treated them kindly.
His being seized and sent to Boston, when attempt
ing to effect a treaty, has been related in the life of
the chief before named. When Francis Card was a
prisoner among his men, he told him " that he had
found out the way to burn Boston," and laughed
much about the English, saying he would have all
their vessels, fishing islands, and whole country, and
bragged much about his great numbers. He was kill
ed at Black Point, the same place, where the year be
fore he had had such good success, on May 16th.
He had besieged the garrison three days, killed three
men and took one captive. The celebrated Symon,
who had done so much mischief in many places, was
with him here. Lieutenant Tippin, who commanded
the garrison, "made a successful shot upon an Indian,
that was observed to be very busy and bold in the as
sault, who at that time was deemed to be Symon, the
arch villain and incendiary of all the eastward Indians,
but proved to be one almost as good as himself, who
was called Mog"\
J^TaHfitOH^ (William) a Christian of Massachu
setts, was the first who gave information to the En
glish, that John Sassamon had been murdered by order
* Hubbard, Ind. Wars, ii, 46. t History New England.
V.
NATHANIEL. 213
of Philip.* Early in 1676, the general court voted
to raise an arrny of 600 men, to be sent forth against
Philip, and requested major Savage to take the com
mand of them. He objected, unless some of the
Christian Indians upon Deer Island should accompa
ny him as guides. The court being well aware of the
sound judgment of major Savage, granted his request.
Accordingly, six, " all principal men," volunteered
and set forth with the army. William Nahaton was
one of them.f No more particulars are found of him,
but Savage's successes must be shared with Nahaton
and his companions. I conclude this person to be
the same as Ahaton, which see.
JVaHHWtCHOO' See Canonchet, which was the
last name he bore.
JV*aoaSj one of those Christian Indians who
were forcibly taken away from Hassanamesit, as will
be mentioned in an account of Tmkappawillin, who
was his son. Naoas was at this time about eighty
years old, and somewhat accustomed to a stationary
life, which made his situation among the enemy very
distressing. He was deacon of the church, and in
cluded in the number which Job Kattenanit made such
extraordinary exertions to deliver from bondage, which
has already been mentioned under that head. The
party of English who took him, with the rest of Job's
friends, robbed them of every thing, even of a pewter
cup which they used at their sacraments. Nothing
was ever returned to them again.
WathMHtel) a Sagamore who lived about Gi-
ton. He was the leader in the mischief when the
hay was burned at Chehnsford, as related under Hawk
ins.. His end was in a measure answered by this n-
* Mather's Brief History Philip's War, 2.
t Manuscript History Christian Indians.
18
214 NEPANET.
terprise, which was to effect a breach between the
Christian Indians and the English. He was among
those executed at Boston, after delivering himself up
at Cocheco, at the close of Philip's war. One of this
name attended capt. Church in his successful enter
prise in Philip's war.
JYawashtlWSWcU) a Wampanoag, and a chief
under Massasoit. His name appears in the Warwick
controversy as disputing the claims of Pumham to that
place. And is mentioned by Roger Williams as one
of the Sachems who must be brought out, for that he
was at daily feud with Pumham, and the quiet of the
inhabitants was much disturbed by a constant fear of
war between the two Sachems.*
JVenekWVlMt ^ a principal chief among the Narra-
gansets, a contemporary with Massasoit. The amount
of our information concerning him is included under
Potok. We are of opinion that he is the same as JVin-
igret, which, see.
Mepttnct) (Tom) a faithful and valuable man to
the English in Philip's war. Although unjustly suffer
ing with many of his brethren upon a bleak island in
Boston harbor, consented to go into the enemy's
country, for the benefit of the English, whose sad
condition at this period .of the great Indian war, is we
should apprehend, known to every one. That they
might gain Jime during the winter this expedition of
Nepanet was set on foot. Scarcely anything of im
portance hd as yet been done against the enemy, and
the council, after repeated solicitations from captain
Henchman, who had charge of them upon the island,
and many others, consented that some of thenTshould
be employed. The hatred of the populace was so ex
cited against all Indians, that the enlightened few
* Hazard.
NEPANET. 215
who composed the government were often over awed
into a compliance with their views.
Nepanet set out, April |he ]2th, 1676, to make over
tures to the enemy for the release of prisoners, espe
cially the family of Mr. Rowlandson, which was taken
at Lancaster. He soon returned with a written an
swer from the enemy saying, " We no give answer by
this one man, but if you like my answer sent one
more man besides this one Tom Nepanet, and send with
all true heart and with all your mind by two men ;
because you know and we know your heart great sor
rowful with crying for your lost many many hundred
man and all your house and all your land and woman
child and cattle as all your thing that you have lost."
At the same time, and I conclude in the same letter,
they wrote a few words to others as follows : " Mr.
Rowlandson ycxur wife and all your child is well "but
one dye. Your sister is well and her 3 child. John
Kittell your wife and all your child is all well and
all them prisoners taken at Nashua is all well.
Mr. Rowlandson, se your loving sister his hand Hanah."
And old Kettel wif bis hand ^
Brother Rowlandson pray send thre pound ,of Tobacco
for me, if you can my loving husband pray send thre
pound of tobacco for me.
" This writing by your enemies Samuel Uskattuh-
gun, and Gunrashit, two Indian Sagamores."
Nepanet learned by the enemy that they lost in the
fight when capt. Pierce was killed, "scores of their
men that Sabbath day."*
As they refused to treat with Tom Nepanet alone,
Peter Conway was joined with him on a second expe
dition, which led to several others, to which some
* Manuscripts of Rev. J. Cotton.
I
216 NIMROD.
English ventured to add themselves, which resulted
in the redemption of Mrs. Rowlandson and several
others.
It is now certain that this negociation was the im
mediate cause of their final overthrow. For before
this time the Pokanokets and Narragansets went hand
in hand against their common enemy, and they were
the most powerful tribes. This parleying with the
English was so detestable to Philip, that a separation
took place among these tribes, and he and the Narra
gansets separated themselves from the Nipmuks and
other inland tribes and went off to their own country.
Hence the reason that they were so easily subdued
after this took place.
It was through Nepanet's means that a party of En
glish, under capt. Henchman, were enabled to surprise
a body of his countrymen at Weshakom ponds near
Lancaster, in May, 1676. Following in a track point
ed out by Nepanet, the Indians were fallen upon while
fishing, and being entirely unprepared, seven were
killed and twenty -nine taken, chiefly women and chil
dren.
WeSMtMH) (Job) a Christian, killed in the first
expedition to Mount Hope, in Philip's war. He was a
valiant soldier, understood well the English language,
and was of great assistance to Rev. John Eliott in mak
ing his version of the Bible into Indian.
JYickotawance, a Sachem of Virginia. See
the last paragraph of the life of Opekankanough.
Wimrod,, a Pokanokit. When Philip fled out
of the swamp at Pocasset, August 1675, he was pur
sued by several companies of English, a company of
Mohegans and a company of Naticks. They overtook
him, and a smart fight ensuecl, in which fourteen of
his chiefs were slain. One of these was Nimrod, See
NINIGRET. 217
Oneko. He was with Philip at Taunton, in 1671, and
with him signed articles of submission to the English,
as will be found mentioned under that article.
JVinigret) often called Ninicrqft, and sometimes
Nenekunat* and Niniglud; was generally styled Sach
em of the Nianticks, a tribe of the Narragarlsets ; whose
principal residence was at Wekapaug, now Westerly, in
Rhode Island. He was a brother, or brother-in-law, to
Miantunnomoh^ and contemporary with Janemoh, whom
he succeeded. He is Commonly mentioned in history
as the chief Sachem of the Nianticks. which always
made a part of the great nation of the Narragansets.
The relation in which the Nianticks stood to them is
plain, from the representation given by Miontunnomoh
to the government of Massachusetts, in 1642. In
treating with that chief at that time, gov. Winthrop
says, " Some difficulty we had, to bring him to desert
the Nianticks, if we had just cause of war with them.
They were," he said, " as his own flesh, being allied
by continual intermarriages, &c. But at last he conde
scended, that if they should do us wrong, as he could
not draw them to give us satisfaction for, nor himself
could satisfy, as if it were for blood, &c. then he would
leave them to us."
We hear little of Ninigret, until after the death of
Miantunnomoh. In 1644, the Narragansets and Nian
ticks united against the Mohegans, and for some time
obliged Uncos to confin'e himself and men to his fort.
" The English thought it their concern," says Dr. /.
Mather,l " not to suffer him to be swallowed up by
those adversaries, since he had, '(though for his own
* So writen, by Roger Williams. See Jlscassassotick.
t Prince says he was uncle to Miantunnomoh, but that coald
not have been. Chronology, II. 59.
t Relation, 58.
18*
218 NINIGRET.
ends,) approved himself faithful to the English from
time to time." An army was accordingly raised for
the relief of Uncas. "But as they were just marching
out of Boston, many of the principal Narraganset Indi
ans, viz. Pessecus, Mexano,* and Wiiawash, Sagamores,
and Awasequin, deputy for the Nianticks ; these with
a large train, came to Boston, suing for peace, being
willing to submit to what terms the English should
see cause to impose upon them. It was demanded of
them that they should defray the charges they had put
the English to,f and that the Sachems should send
their sons to be kept as hostages in the hands of the
English, until such time as the money should be paid."
After remarking that from this time the Narragansets
harbored venom in their hearts against the English,
Mr. Mather proceeds : " In the first place they endeav
ored to play legerdemain in their sending hostages ; for
instead of Sachem's children, they thought to send
some other, and to make the English believe that those
base papooses, were of a royal progeny ; but they had
those to deal with, who were too wise to be so eluded.
After the expected hostages were in the hands of the
English, the Narragansets, notwithstanding that, were
slow in the performance of what they stood engaged
for. And when 'upon an impartial discharge of the
debt, their hostages were restored to them, they be
came more backward than formerly, until they were
by hostile preparations again and again terrified into
better obedience. At last capt. Mherton of Dorches-
* The editor of Johnson's Wonder-working Providence, in
Col. Mass. His. Soc. makes a great mistake in noting this
chief as Miantunnomoh.
\ A yearly tribute in wampum was agreed upon. Manu
script Narrative of the Rev. T. Cobbet, which places the affair
in 1645.
NINIGRET. 219
ter, waa sent with a small party* of English soldiers
to demand what was due. He at first entered into
the wigwam, where old Ninigret resided, with only
two or three soldiers, appointing the rest by degrees
to follow him, two or three dropping in at once ; when
his small company were come about him, the Indiana
in the mean time supposing that there had been many
more behind, he caught the Sachem by the hair of his
head, and setting a pistol to his breast, protesting who- 1
eyer escaped he should surely die, if he did not forth
with comply with what was required. Hereupon a
great trembling and consternation surprised the In
dians ; albeit, multitudes of them were then present,
with spiked arrows at their bow-strings ready to let
fly. The event was, the Indians submitted, and not
one drop of blood was shed."f This, it must be con
fessed, was a high handed proceeding. The poor na
tives were in the first place overawed to promise what
they were not able to perform. How was it to be ex
pected that those people, who lived one day upon what
they procured the preceding, should be able to pay a
yearly tribute ?
** Some space after that, Ninigret was raising new
trouble against us, amongst his Nianticks and other
Indians ; but upon the speedy sending up of capt.
Davis, with a party of horse to reduce him to the
former peace, who upon the news of the captain's
approach, was put into such a panic fear, that he durst
not come out of his wigwam to treat with the captain,
till secured of his life by him, which he was, if ho
quietly yielded to his message, about which he was
sent from the Bay. To which he freely consenting,
that storm was graciously blown over."*
* Twenty, says a MS. document among our State Papers,
t Relation of the Troubles, &c. 4to, 1677.
\ Cobbet's MS. Narrative.
220 NINIGRET.
Like Miantunnomoh, Ninigrct was often ordered tor
appear at Boston, the occasion of which was nearly
as often, no doubt, upon some false rumor of his evil
designs against the English. Being there in 1647,
according to a summons, one charge laid against him
and his people, was, that they had said that " nothing
but the head of Uncas should satisfy them ; and that
if the English did not withdraw their garrison from
the defence of Uncas, they would heap up their cattle
as high as their wigwams ; and that he was the man
that had given out that an Englishman should not
step out of his doors, [ ] lest they would kill him.*
Ninigret not being able to deny these charges, and
somewhat appalled thereat, began to comply with the
reasonable demands of the English. A day's time was
allowed to him for consideration and advice with the
rest of the Indian deputies that were then at Boston."
When the time was expired, he reported, that if he
might return home, the tribute which he had formerly
agreed to pay, should be paid the next spring, and he
was permitted to return to his country.
In 1653, he passed the winter among the Dutch of
New York. This caused the English great suspicion,
especially as they were enemies to them at that time ;
and several Sagamores who resided near the Dutch,
had reported that the Dutch governor was trying to
hire them to cut off the English. Nothing of the kind,
however, transpired to corroborate the rumor.
In 1654, the government of Rhode Island, commu
nicated to Massachusetts, that the last summer Aijw-
gret, without any cause, " that he doth so much as
allege, fell upon the Long Island Indians, our friends
* This Ninigret had said to the English messengers wbo
were sent to him. The reason which he gave for saying it,
was, that they " provoked him." Hazard's Hist. Col. II, 79.
NIN1GRET.
221
and tributaries," and killed many of them, and took
others prisoners, and will not restore them. " This
summer he hath made two assaults upon them ; in one
whereof he killed a man and woman that lived upon
the land of the English, and within one of their town
ships ; and another Indian that kept the cows of the
English." He had drawn many of the foreign Indians
down from Connecticut and Hudson rivers, who ren
dezvoused upon Winthrop's Island, where they killed
some of his cattle.* This war began in 1653, and
continued "several years."!
The commissioners of the United Colonies seemed
blind to all complaints against Uncos ; but the Narra-
gansets were watched and harrassed without ceasing.
Wherever we meet with an unpublished document of
those times, the fact is very apparent. The chief of
the writers of the history of that period, copy from the
records of the United Colonies, which accounts for
their making out a good case for the English and Mo-
hegans. The spirit which actuated the grave com
missioners is easily discovered, and I need only refer
my readers to the case of Miantunnomoh. Desperate
errors require others, often times, still more desperate,
until the first appear small compared with the magni
tude of the last ! It is all along discoverable that those
venerable records are made up from one kind of evi
dence, and that when a Narraganset appeared in his
own defence, so many of his enemies stood ready to
give him the lie, that his indignant spirit could not
stoop to contradict, or parley with them ; and thus his
assumed guilt passed on for history. The long silen
ced and borne down friend of the Indians, of Moose-
hausic,| no longer sleeps. Amidst his toils and perils,
* Manuscript documents, t Wood's Hist. Long Island,
t Providence.
222 NINIGRET.
he found time to raise his pen in their defence ; and
though his letters for a season slept with him, they
are now daily awaking at the voice of day.
The great Indian apostle looked not so much into
these particulars, being entirely engaged in the cause
of the praying Indians ; but yet we occasionally meet
with him, and will here introduce him, as an evidence
against the proceeding of Uncas, and his friends the
commissioners.
" The case of the Nipmuk Indians, so far as by the
best and most credible intelligence, I have understood,
presented to the honored general court [of Massachu
setts]. 1. Uncas his men, at unawares, set upon an
unarmed poor people, and slew eight persons', and
carried captive twenty-four, women and children. 2.
Some of these were subjects to Massachusetts govern
ment, by being the subjects of Josias* 3. They sued
for relief to the worshipful governor and magistrates.
4. They were pleased to send, (by some Indians,) a
commission to capt. Denison, [of Stonington,] to de
mand these captives. 5. Uncas, his answer was (as I
heard,) insolent. 6. They did not only abuse the wo
men by filthiness, but have since this demand, sold
away (as I hear) some or all of those captives. 7. The
poor bereaved Indians wait to see what you please to
do. 8. You were pleased to tell them, you would
present it to the free court, and they should expect
their answer from them which they now wait for. 9.
Nenecroft, yea, all the Indians of the country wait to
see the issue of this matter."f
This memorial is dated 12th May, 1659, and signed
by John Eliot. From which it is evident there had
been great delay in relieving those distressed by the
* Grandson of Chickataubut. t Manuscript State Paper.
NINIGRET. 223
haughty Uncas. And yet, whether he was caused to
make remuneration in any way we do not find.
In 1660, "the general court of Connecticut, did by
their letters directed to the commissioners of the other
colonies, this last summer, represent an intolerable
affront done by the Narraganset Indians, and the same
was now complained cf by the English living at a
new plantation at Mohegan, viz : that some Indians
did in the dead time of the night, shoot eight bullets
into an English house, and fired the same ; wherein
five Englishmen were asleep. Of which insolency the
Narraganset Sachems have so far taken notice, as to
send a slight excuse by maj. Jltherton that they did
neither consent to nor allow of such practices, but
make no tender of satisfaction."* But they asked the
privilege to meet the commissioners at their next ses
sion, at which time they gave them to understand
that satisfaction should be made. This could not have
been other than a reasonable request, but it was not
granted ; and messengers were forthwith ordered to
" repair to Ninigret, PessicuSj Woquacanoose, and the
rest of the Narraganset Sachems," to demand " at least
four of the chief of them that shot into the English
house." And in case they should not be delivered, to
demand five hundred fathoms of wampum. They'
were directed in particular, to " charge Ninigret with
breach of covenant, and high neglect of their order,
sent them by maj. Willard, six years since, not to
invade the Long Island Indians ; and [that they] do
account the surprising the Long Island Indians at Gull
Island, and murdering of them to be an insolent car
riage to the English, and a barbarous and inhuman
Act." These are only a few of the most prominent
* Record of the United Colonies, in Hazard.
224
NINIGRET.
charges, and five hundred and ninety-five* fathoms
of wampum was the price demanded for them ; and
" the general court of Connecticut, is desired and em
powered to send a convenient company of men, under
some discreet leader, to force satisfaction of the same
above said, and the charges of recovering the same ;
and in case the persons be delivered, they shall be sent
to Barbadoes,"f and sold for slaves.
It appears that the force sent by Connecticut, could
not collect the wampum, nor secure the offenders ;
but for the payment, condescended to take a mortgage of
all the Narraganset country, with the provision that it
should be void, if it were paid in four months. Qwis-
soquus^ Neneglud, and Scuttup, signed the deed.
Nlnigret did not engage with the other Narraganset
chiefs, in Philip's war. Dr. Mather^ calls him an " old
crafty Sachem, who had with some of his men with
drawn himself from the rest." He must at this time
have been an "an old Sachem," for we meet with him
as a chief, as early as 1632. He was opposed to
Christianity ; not perhaps so much from a disbelief of
it, as from a dislike of the practices of those who
professed it. When Mr. Mayhew desired Ninigret to
allow him to preach to his people, the sagacious chief
"bid him go and make the English good first, and
chid Mr. Maijhew for hindering him from his busi
ness and labor." || There must have been another
Nifcntick Sachem of this name, who succeeded him,
if the anecdote be true, related by the author of the
" Memoir of the Mohegans," published in the collec
tions of the Massachusetts Historical Society ; for he
* The additional ninety-five was for another offence.
t Records of the United Colonies, in Hazard.
t Passacus. It maybe seen on file among our State Papers.
Brief History, 20.
|j Douglas' Summary, II, 118.
NOUEL. 225
wan hardly be supposed to have been alive in 1716.
He is mentioned by Mason in his history of the Pequot
war, as having received a part of the goods taken from
capt. Stone, at the time he was killed by the Pequots,
in 1634. The time of his death has not been ascer
tained.
On a division of the captive Pequots, in 1637, JVY'ra-
gret was to have twenty, "when he should satisfy for
a mare of Edward Pomroye's, killed by his men." This
remained unsettled in 1659, a space of twenty-two
years. This debt certainly was outlawed ! Poquin was
the name of the man who killed the mare.*
J\*O(llh- a distinguished preacher at Nantucket, in
1698, mentioned here to show that Indians, as well
as white people, are capable of abstaining from ardent
spirits. In this year a general " visitation" of the pray
ing Indians took place, by persons appointed by the
government. In their report it is mentioned that Noah
is a person never known to be overtaken with drink,
but a zealous preacher against it."
/Votfdj (Josiah,) a Christian Indian, murdered by
the Maquas, in the summer of 1677. He was brother-
in-law to James Speen, with whom he was in company
in or near Sudbury. They had been separated about
half an hour, but under an appointment to meet again
at a certain place. James came according to appoint
ment, but could find nothing of his friend. Immedi
ately aftef? a Mohawk or Maquas passed through Had-
ley, where he showed the scalp of this man. He had
with him some prisoners, squaws and children, which
the people of Hadley tried to ransom, but could not.
They sent an armed force after him, but it was too late.
This murdered man left a wife and four small child
ren. Several parties of the Mohawks, about this time,
* Hazard.
19
226 NUMPHOW.
caused great trouble and consternation to the Christian
Indians.*
WMmpIlOW^ a Wamesit, and one of their
principal men, and " one of the blood of their chief
Sachems," Some account of the burning of a barn
or stack of hay at Chelmsford is given under the head
Hawkin's. This was a cause of great sufferings to
them and doubtless contributed to further them in the
present case. Many of the Wamesits having been
sent down to Boston on suspicion of being the per
petrators of that act, and acquitted, perhaps added to
the rage of the English living at Chelmsford, and fixed
their resolution for taking revenge for a barn also
which appears to have been burnt by some of the en
emy about Groton. To this end about twelve or fif
teen armed men under pretence of scouting for the
enemy, went to the wigwams of the Wamesits for the
purpose of killing them all. Having paraded them
selves before the wigwams, ordered out all within
them. They immediately obeyed, men women and
children, without apprehending what was their real
design. Two of the English, whose guns were load
ed with pistol shot, fired upon them ; severely wound
ing five women and children, and killing a boy of
about twelve years old. Whether the horror of the
spectacle now before them, caused them to stay the
work, or whether the leaders in it dreaded condign
punishment, which they knew if justice took place
they must suffer, cannot be told, but no more violence
was at this time offered. When the authorities of
Massachusetts heard of the murder, they issued war-
* MS. of Hon. Daniel Gookin.
t The same perhaps called Nob Hoic, in History Chelms
ford, who, June 8th, 1656, with John Lme,and George Mistic,
on the part of the " Indian court " were employed to run the
line from Chelmsford to Wamesit.
NUMPHOW. \ 227
rants for the apprehension of Lorgin and Robins, the
two who fired, who were forthwith secured ; but who
upon trial were cleared, to the amazement of all judi
cious persons. The jury pretended want of clear evi
dence, but it is presumed that no one even then doubt
ed as to their guilt, any more than of the juror's fear to
pronounce them guilty.
Immediately after this massacre they fled from their
place of residence into the woods towards Pennakook.
They took nothing with them for a journey, and con
sequently their sufferings in that cold season must
have been distressingly severe. No sooner was it
known to the authorities, than messengers were dis
patched to overtake them and urge their return, but they .
could not be prevailed upon. And in the following
letter gave their reasons. " I Numphow and John Line
we send the messenger to you again (Mecoposit) with
this answer. We cannot come again we go towards
the French we go where Wonnalansit is, the reason
is we went away from our home we had help from
the council but that did not do us good, . but we had
wrong by the English. Secondly, the reason is we
went away from the English for when there was any
harm done in Chelmsford they laid it to us and said
we did it but we know ourselves we never did harm
to the English but we go away peaceably, and quietly.
Thirdly, as for the island we say there is no safety for
us because many English be not good and may be
they come to us and kill us as in the other case, we
are not sorry for -what we leave behind, but we are
sorry the English have driven us from our pray
ing to God, and from our teacher, we did begin to un
derstand a little of praying to God, we thank humbly -
the council, remember our love to Mr. Henchman and
James Richardson"
228
OJVKAS.
Notwithstanding their determination to go out of
hearing of the English, yet about the 10th of Decent
ber the most of them ventured to return to their wig
wams again at Wamesit. The council now took
measures to make their situation more easy, and things
for some time wore a more favorable aspect. Clam
ors at length began to be raised against them, and they
were all sent to Deer Island.*
There was a Sam Numphow, a Natick Christian,
brother to Jonathan George, who barely escaped the
gallows at Boston, being among those who came in to
Cocheco.
ObtatciCSt) one of the Sachems of the Massa
chusetts when the Pilgrims came to Plimouth, and
brother of Wassapinewat. Some account of him will
be given under Wittuwamet.
OcCMtn,} (Sampson,) a famous and celebrated
Mohegan preacher, was of the family of Benoni Ocum,
near New London, in Connecticut. He was educated
by Rev. Mr. Whetlock, "and the first Indian preacher
of the gospel in Great Britain," which was about
1765. He went there for the purpose of soliciting
aid in support of a school among his brethren at Leb
anon. He kept school for a time on Long Island,
and preached to the Montauks. Many flocked to
hear him preach in Boston and New York. The
Oneida tribe having given these Indians a tract of
land, he emigrated with many others to that country
in or about 1686. The place where they settled was
called New Stockbridge, and was in the state of New
York. Here the rev. Mr. Occum died in July, 1792,
and rev. Mr. Kirkland preached his funeral sermon.
see Uncos. Sometimes written Okase.
Gookin's Manuscript History of the Praying Indians,
ONEKO. , 259
son of Uncas, chief of the Mohegans.
Although the Mohegans were opposed to having any
thing to do with Christianity, yet they were the friends
of the English, and rendered important services in
Philip's war.
Sometime in July, 1675, Oneko, with two other
brothers, ahd about fifty men, came to Boston, by
direction of Uncas, and declared their desire to assist
the English against the Warn pan oogs. A few English
and three Naticks were added to their .company, and
immediately dispatched, by way of Plimouth to the
enemy's country. This circuitous route was taken,
perhaps, that they might have their instructions imme
diately from the governor of that colony ; Massachu
setts at that time, probably supposing the war might be
ended without their direct interference. This measure,
as it proved, was very detrimental to the end in view ;
for if they had proceeded directly to Seekonk, they
would have been there in season to have met Philip
and his warriors in their flight from Pocasset. And
this force being joined with the other English forces,
then in the vicinity, in all probability might have finish
ed the war by a single fight with him. At least, his
chance of escape would hav r e been small, as he hnd to
cross a large extent of clear and open country, where
they must have been cut down in flight, or fought man
to man. Whereas Oneko was encamped at some dis
tance, having arrived late the night before, and some
time was lost in rallying.*
They overtook them about 10 o'clock in the morn
ing, of the 1st of August, and a smart fight ensued.
Philip having brought his best men into the rear,
many of them were slain ; among these, was Nimrod,
* Gookin's MS. Hist. Praying Indians.
230 OPEKANKANOUGH.
a great captain and counsellor, who had signed the
treaty at Taunton, four years before.
From what cause the fight was suspended, is un
known, though it would seem from some relations that
it was owing to Oneko's men, who seeing themselves
in possession of considerable plunder, fell to loading
themselve*s with it, and thus gave Philip time to-
escape. From this view of the- case, it would appear
that the Mohegans were the chief actors in the offen
sive. It is said that the Naticks urged immediate and
further pursuit, which did not take place, in conse
quence of the extreme heat of the weather j and thus
the main body were permitted to escape. He had a
son called Mahomet.
OontMHOgm one f tne principal Sagamores of
Wamesit, who died before 1675. His widow occupies
a considerable space on the page of suffering, being
among the wounded, when the Christian Indians were
fired upon, as has been told under the account of
Numphow.
OpcJCfltlkfMlOMg'h* a distinguished chief in
Virginia, who flourished during the first years of its
settlement by the whites. He was brother of the great
Powhatan ; and to the account of that chief, we will
refer the reader for much concerning him, which we
must defer, as intimately connected with his history.
He was not the immediate successor of Powhatan, al
though in some passages in capt. Smith's history, Jie
is so called. Opitchepan came first in the order of
succession. Opekankanough was Sachem of the Pa-
munkies, and it was by his men that capt. Smith was-
taken, as related in the account of Powhatan.
In 1608, the Indians had become universally at
variance with the English, and insulted them when
ever they appeared abroad ; knowing their miserable,
OPEKANKANOtfGH,
half*starved condition. Insult followed insult, upon
both sides, and but for the never-tiring perseverance
of Smithy this colony, like the first, would have been
soon destroyed. The Indians would promise to trade
with them, but when they went to them for that pur
pose, they only " laughed at their calamities ;" some
times putting jokes upon them, at others, running
away into the woods.
In this extremity of their circumstances, though in
the depth of winter, Smith resolved to make himself
master of some of the Indians' store of provisions, by
some means or other. He therefore proceeded to Pa-
munkey, the residence of Opekankanough, with fifteen
men, where he tried to trade with him for corn ; but
not succeeding, he in a desperate manner, siezed upon
the chief by his hair, in the midst of his men, " with
his pistoll readie bent against his breast. Thus he led
the trembling king, neare dead with fear, amongst all
his people."* Smith told him that he had attempted
to murder him, which was the cause of his treating
him thus. No one can doubt, on reading the history
of those affairs, that the Indians all wished Smith dead,
but whether they all wanted to kill him, is not quite
so plain.
One great end of Smith's design was now answer
ed ; for Opekankanough's people came in loaded with
presents to ransom their chief, until his boats were
loaded. News being brought, of a disaster at James
town, he was set at liberty.
This chief was never well pleased with the English
settling in his country, and their frequent turmoils
would fill a volume.
How long Opekankanough had been secretly plotting
* Perhaps the New Englanders followed Smith's example
afterwards, in the case of Alexander, Ninigret, and others.
232 OPEKANKANOUGH.
to cut off the intruders of his soil, cannot be known ;
but in 1644, all the Indians, over a space of country
of 600 miles in extent, were leagued in the enterprise.
The old chief at this time was supposed to be near
one hundred years of age, and though unable to walk,
would be present in the execution of his beloved pro
ject. It was upon the 18th of April, borne in a litter,
that he led his warriors forward, and commenced the
bloody work. They began at the frontiers, with a de
termination to slay all before them, to the sea. After
continuing the massacre two days, in which time
about five hundred persons were murdered, Sir Wil
liam Berkeley, at the head of an armed force, checked
their progress. The destruction of the inhabitants was
the greatest upon York and Pamuriky rivers, where
Opekankanough commanded in person. The Indians
now in their turn, were driven to great extremity, and
their old chief was taken prisoner, and carried in
triumph to Jamestown. How long after the massacre
this happened, we are not informed; but it is said
that the fatigues he had previously undergone, had
wasted away his flesh, and destroyed the elasticity of
his muscles, to that degree, that he was no longer able
to raise the eye-lids from his eyes ; and it was in this
forlorn condition, that he fell into the hands of his
enemies. A soldier who had been appointed to guard
him, barbarously fired upon him, and inflicted a mor
tal wound. He was supposed to have been prompted
to the bloody deed, from a recollection of the old
chief's agency in the massacre. Just before he ex
pired, hearing a great bustle and crowd about him, he
ordered an attendant to lift up his eye-lids, when he
discovered a multitude pressing around, to gratify the
untimely curiosity of beholding a dying Sachem. Un
daunted in death, and roused as it were, from sleep,
OTASH. 233
at the conduct of the confused multitude, he deigned
not to observe them ; and raising himself from the
ground, with the expiring breath of authority, com
manded that the governor should be called to him.
When the governor came, OpekanJcanough said, with
indignation, "Had it been my fortune to have taken
Sir Wm. Berkeley prisoner, I would not meanly have
exposed him as a show to my people ;" and soon after,
expired.
Nickotawance succeeded Opekankanough, as a tribu
tary to the English. In 1648, he came to Jamestown,
with five other chiefs, and brought twenty beaver skins
to be sent to king Charles. He made a long oration,
which he concluded with the protestation, " that the
sun and moon should first loose their glorious lights,
and shining, before he, or his people should evermore
hereafter wrong the English."
Offish^ a Narraganset chief, and brother to Mian-
tunnomoh, whose name is conspicuous from his taking
part with the English in the Pequot war ; and his
humanity in preventing a massacre of that unhappy
people'. After their great disaster, the Pequots, many
of them, erected wigwams and dwelt in remote places
in their former country, which was not allowed by the
English. Capt. Mason, with forty men, and Uncas,
with a hundred and twenty Mohegans, were sent to
" supplant them, by burning their wigwams, and bring
away their corn." Though on the approach of the
English the Pequots fled, but as an opportunity pre
sented, they sallied from their hiding-places, about
sixty in number, and fell upon the Mohegans, who
"ran and met them, and fell on, pell-mell, striking and
cutting, with bows, hatchets, knives, &c., after their
feeble manner ; indeed it did hardly deserve the name
of fighting." When the Pequots discovered that th*
234 PASSACONAWAY.
English were manoeuvring to cut off their retreat,
made their escape, except seven of them, who were
Ninigret's men; "whom we intended to have made
shorter by the head and being about to put it into ex
ecution, one Otash, a Sachern of Narraganset, brother
to Myantonimo, stepping forth, told the captain they
were his brother's men, and that he was a friend
to the English ; and if he Would spare their lives, we
should have as many murtherer's heads in lieu of
them, which should be delivered to the English. We
considering that there was no blood shed as yet,
and that it tended to peace and mercy, granted his
desire." *
PtMloquiHj a Narraganset Sachem, called some
times by the early writers^ Quenopin. His place of
residence was said to have been near Philip. In the
winter of 1676, when the Narragansets were at such
" great straits," from the loss of their provisions, in
the great swamp fight, ("corn being two shillings a
pint with them,") the English tried to bring about a
peace with them ; but their terms were too hard, or
some other cause prevented. " Canonchet and Pano-
quin said they would fight it out, to the last man, rath
er than they would become servants to the English."f
A truly noble resolution, and well worthy of the char
acter we have of Canonchet.
PaSSaconaway^ the great Sachem of the
country upon the Merrimack river, to the extent of
whose dominions it is impossible, at this distant day,
to fix bounds. Nashua and Pennakook were included
in them ; although there might have been many sub
ordinate Sagamores within the same limits. There
was, in Philip's war, a Sagamore Sam, of Nashua, and
many others might be named, in different parts.
* Col. Mas. Hist. Soc. t Hubbard.
PASSACOtfAWAY. 235
Wonnalansit was his eldest son, who "succeeded
him about the year 1660. Passaconaway " lived to a
very great age ; for," says my manuscript, "I saw him
alive at Pawtucket, when he was about a hundred and
twenty years old."* Before his death, he delivered
the following speech to his children and friends : " I
am now going the way of all flesh, or ready to die,
and not likely to see you ever meet together any more.
I will now leave this word of counsel with you, that
you may take heed how you quarrel with the English,
for though you may do them much mischief, yet as
suredly you will all be destroyed, and rooted off the
earth if you do ; for, said he, I was as much an enemy
to the English, at their first coming into these parts,
as any one whatsoever, and did try all ways and means
possible, to have destroyed them, at least to have pre
vented them settling down here, but I could no way
effect it ; therefore, I advise you never to contend with
the English, nor make war with them." And Mr.
Hubbard adds, ' it is to be noted that this Passaconawa
was the most mated powow and sorcerer of all the
country."
A story of the marriage of a daughter of Passacona-
icay, in 1662, is thus related. Manataqua, Sachem of
Saugus, made known his wishes to the chief of Panna-
kook, that he desired to marry his daughter, which
being agreeable to all parties, was soon consummated,
at the residence of Passaconaway, and the hilarity was
closed with a great feast. According to the usages of
the chiefs, Passaconaway ordered a select number of
his men to accompany the new married couple to the
dwelling of the husband. When they had arrived
there, several days of feasting followed, for the enter
tainment of his friends, who could not be present at
t Gookin's Hist. Praying Indians.
236 PAUGUS.
the consummation at the bride's father's, as well as for
the escort; who, when this was ended returned to
Pennakook.
Some time after, the wife of Manataqua expressed
a desire to visit her father's house and friends, was
permitted to go, and a choice company conducted
her. When she wished to return to her husband, her
father, instead of conveying her as before, sent to the
young Sachem to come and take her away. He took
this in high dudgeon, and sent his father-in-law this
answer: " When she departed from me, I caused my
men to escort her to your dwelling, as became a chief.
She now having an intention to return to me, I did
expect the same." The elder Sachem was now in
his turn angry, and returned an answer, which only
increased the difference ; and it is believed that thus
terminated the connection of the new husband and
wife."*
PaSSfiqUO) Sachem of Pentucket, now Haver-
hill, in Massachusetts, was a subject of Passaconaway.
He and Saggahew, sold to the English a tract of land,
containing about forty-eight square miles, in 1642, for
3^0$. This was Haverhill.
PdtWCfcSOI/l) a principal evidence, when those
suspected of murdering John Sassamon were tried and
executed. What we know of him is related in the
account of Philip.
PttWgUS) chief of the Pequawkets, slain in the
celebrated battle with the English, under capt. Love-
well^ MI 1725. Fryeburg, in Maine, now includes the
principal place of their former residence, and the place
where the battle was fought. It was near a consider
able body of water, called Saco pond, which is a
source of that river. The cruel and barbarous mur-
* Manuscript documents.
PAUGUS. 237
ders, almost daily committed by the Indians upon the de
fenceless frontier inhabitants, caused the general court
of Massachusetts to offer a bounty of 100 for every In
dian's scalp. Among the various excursions perform
ed by Lovewell, previous to that in which he was kill
ed, the most important was that to the head of Salmon-
fall river, now Wakefield,in New Hampshire. With 40
men, he came upon a small company of ten Indians,
who were asleep by their fires, and by stationing his
men advantageously, killed all of them. This bloody
deed was performed near the shore of a pond, which
has ever since borne the name of LovewelPs pond.
After taking off their scalps, these forty warriors march
ed to Boston in great triumph, with the ten scalps ex
tended upon hoops, displayed in a formal manner, and
for which they received 1000. This exploit was the
more lauded, as it was supposed that these ten Indians
were upon an expedition against the English upon the
frontiers; having new guns, much ammunition, and
spare blankets, and moccasons, to accommodate cap
tives. This however, was mere conjecture, and wheth
er they had killed friends or enemies was not quite so
certain as that they had killed Indians.
It is said that Paugus was well known to many of
the English, and personally to many of LovewelVs men;
and that his name was a terror to the frontiers. In a
song, composed after the Pequawket fight, he is thus
mentioned, as appearing in that battle :
" 'Twas Paugus led the Pequ'k't tribe;
As runs the tox would Paugus run ;
As howls the wild wolf, would he howl,
A huge bear-skin had Paugus on."
Capt. Lovewell marched upon this expedition against
Paugus, with forty-six men, from Dunstable, about the
20
238
""
PATJGUS.
middle of April, 1725. Their setting out is thus poet
ically set forth in meter :
" What time the noble Lovcwdl came,
With fifty men from Dunstable,
The cruel Pequ'k't tribe to tame,
With arms and blood-shed terrible."
They arrived near the place where they expected to
find Indians, on the 7th of May ; and early the next
morning, while at prayers, heard a gun, which they
rightly suspected to be fired by some of Paugus' men,
and immediately prepared for an encounter. Divesting
themselves of their packs, marched forward to discov
er the enemy. But not knowing in what direction to
proceed, they marched in an opposite direction from
the Indians. This gave Paugus great advantage ; who
following their tracks, soon fell in with their packs,
from which he learned their strength. Being encour
aged by his superior numbers, Paugus courted the con
flict, and pursued the English with ardor. His num
ber of men was said to have been eighty, while that
of the English consisted of no more than thirty-four,
having left ten in a fort at Ossapee ; and one, an In
dian, had before returned home, on account of sick
ness. The fort at Ossapee was for a retreat in case of
emergency, and to serve as a deposite of part of their
provisions, of which they disencumbered themselves
before leaving it.
After marching a considerable distance from the
place of their encampment, on the morning of the 8th
of May, ensign Wyman discovered an Indian, who was
out hunting; having in one hand, some fowls he had
just killed, and in the other, two guns. There can be
no probability that he thought of meeting an enemy,
but no sooner was he discovered by the English, than
PAUGUS.
239
several guns were fired at him, but missed him. See
ing that sure death was his lot, this valiant Indian re
solved to defend himself to his last breath ; and the
action was as speedy as the thought, his gun was
levelled at the English, and LoveweU was mortally
wounded by the fire. Ensign Wyman, taking deliber
ate aim, killed the poor hunter ; which action our poet
describes in glowing terms
" Seth Wyman, who in Woburn lived,
A marksman he of courage true,
Shot the first Indian whom they saw ;
Sheer through his heart the bullet flew.
The savage had been seeking game,
Two guns, and eke, a knife he bore,
And two black ducks were in his hand ;
He shrieked, and fell to rise no more."
He was scalped by the chaplain and another; and
then they marched again by the way they came, for
their packs. This was expected by the wary Paugus,
and he lay in.ambush to cut them off. When they
had got completely within the ambush,
" Anon, their eighty Indians rose,
Who'd hid themselves in ambush dread ;
Their knives they shook, their guns they aimed,
The famous Paugus at their head."
When the Indians rose from their coverts, they near
ly encircled the English, but seemed loth to begin the
fight ; and were, no doubt, in hopes, that the English,
seeing their numbers, would yield without a battle ;
and therefore made towards them with their guns pre
sented, and threw away their first fire. This only
encouraged the English, and they rushed toward the
Indians, fired as they pressed on, and killing many,
240 PAUGT7S.
drove the Indians for several rods. But they soon
rallied and fired vigorously in their turn, and obliged
the English to retreat, leaving nine dead and three
wounded, where the battle began. Lovewcll, though
mortally wounded before, had led his men until this
time, but fell before the retreat.
" John Lomwell, captain of the band,
His sword he wav'd, that glitter'd bright,
For the last time he cheer'd his men,
And led them onward to the fight.
' Fight on, fight on,' brave Lovewell said ;
* Fight on, while heaven shall give you breath ! T
An Indian ball then pierc'd him through,
And Loveicell clos'd his eyes in death."
Being near the shore of Saco pond, the English
made good their retreat to it, which prevented their
being surrounded ; and but for this motion, none could
possibly have escaped. The bank of the pond afford
ed a kind of breast-work,* behind which the English
maintained the fight until night. The Indians drew
off about dark, and they saw no more of them. Nine
only of the English escaped unhurt, though several
that were wounded lived to return home. Paugus
was killed by one John Chamberlain, and is thus men
tioned by the poet :
" But Chamberlain, of Dunstable,
One whom a savage ne'er shall slay,
Met Paugus by the water-side,
And shot him dead upon that day."
A son of Paugus, after peace was restored, came to
Dunstable to revenge his father's death by killing
* Penhallow's Indian Wars, 113.
PAUGUS. 241
Chamberlain ; but not going directly to him, his design
was mistrusted and communicated to him, and he kept
himself upon guard, and had a hole cut through the
door of his house, from which early one morning he
discovered an Indian behind a pile of wood, with his
gun pointed towards the door, to shoot Chamberlain, it
was supposed, as he came out ; but making use of his
advantage, fired upon and killed this son of Paugus.
The English chaplain, Jonathan Frye, was mortally
wounded during the battle.
" A man was he of comely form,
Polish'd and brave, well learnt and kind.
Old Harvard's learned halls he left,
Far in the wilds a grave to find."
He Was of Andover, in Massachusetts, and had bt
a short time before, graduated at Harvard College.
" Lieutenant Farwell took his hand,
His arm around his neck he threw,
And said, ' brave chaplain, I could wish
That heaven had made me die for you.'
The chaplain on kind FarweWs breast,
Bloody, and languishing, he fell ;
Nor after that, said more but this,
'I love thee, soldier, fare thee well !' "
If miracles had not then ceased in the land, we
should be induced to pass to their credit the extraor
dinary escape of several of the wounded Englishmen.
Solomon Keyes, having received three wounds, said he
would hide himself, and die in a secret place, where
the Indians could not find him to get his scalp. As
he crawled upon the shore of the pond, at some dis
tance from the scene of action, he found a canoe, into
which he rolled himself, and was drifted away by the
242
PAUGUS.
-wind. To his great astonishment, he was cast ashore
at no great distance from the fort at Ossapee, to which
he crawled, and there met several of his companions ;
and gaining strength, returned home with them..
Those who escaped did not leave the battle ground
until near midnight. When they arrived at the fort,
they expected to have found refreshment, and those
they had left as a reserve ; but a fellow whose name
is not mentioned, who deserted the rest when the bat
tle began, so frightened them that they fled in great
confusion and dismay, to their homes.
The place where this fight took place, was fifty
miles from any white inhabitants ; and that any should
have survived the famine which now stared them in
the face, is almost as miraculous, as that they should
have escaped death at the hands of the courageous
warriors of Paugus ; yet fourteen lived to return to
their friends.
Fifty men from New Hampshire, afterwards march
ed to the scene of action, where they found and buried
the dead. They found but three Indians, one of whom
was Paugus. The rest were supposed to have been
taken away when they retreated from the battle.* We
will let the poet close the account.
" Ah ! many a wife shall rend her hair,
And many a child cry, ' woe is me,'
When messengers, the news shall bear,
Of LovcweWs dear bought victory.
With footsteps slow shall travellers go,
Where LovewelVs pond shines clear and bright,
* For the principal facts in this account, we are indebted to
Symmes' narrative of the fight, published the same year in
which it happened, and lately republished in Farmer and
Moore s Historical Collections, Vol. I. The poetry is from
Vol. Ill, of the same work.
PESSACUS. 243
And mark the place, where those are laid,
Who fell in LovewelVs bloody fight.
Old men shall shake their heads, and say,
Sad was the hour, and terrible,
When Lovcwell) brave, 'gainst Paugus went,
With fifty men from Dunstable."
t) a chief who dwelt near Plimouth, in
1620 ; conspicuous for his connection in the conspi
racy, as the English termed it, against them. And
mentioned in the account of Massasoit, who discover
ed it to Hobomok, whom he instructed to communicate
it to the English. If he were a "barbarian," he was
certainly barbarously murdered by captain Standish,
in 1623, as we shall show in the life of WittuwamKt^
which see.
PCSSGLCUS) a chief of the Narragansets* after
the death of his brother, Miantunnomoh. He was born
about 1623, and consequently was about twenty years
old when his brother was killed, f The same arbitra
ry course was pursued towards him by the English, as
had been towards the unfortunate Miantunnomoh. The
same year, 1643, to secure peace, he sent valuable
presents to Boston, but the government treated him
with haughtiness, and distrusted all his pacific preten
sions ; especially as he requested that they would not
interfere between him and Uncas, with whom he was
determined to make war, in revenge of his brother's
death.
The turmoils involving the Narragansets, Mohegans
and English, are related under Miantunnomoh, Nini-
* He was called Sachem of the Nianticks before the Pe-
quot war, and from a love of the English, told his people he
was resolved to give his country to the son of gov. Winthrop,
of Connecticut. Hazard.
t MS. Letter, subscribed with the mark of Pumham.
m
244 PESSACUS.
gret, Janemoh, and others, in which Pessacus was often
a prominent character. Mr. Cobbet* makes this record
of him : " In the year 1645, proud Pessacus with his
Narragansets, with whom Ninigret and his Niantigs
join ; so as to provoke the English to a just war against
them. And accordingly forces were sent from all the
towns to meet at Boston, and did so, and had a party
of fifty horse to go with them under Mr. Leveret, as the
captain of the horse." Edward Gibbons was command
er in chief, and Mr. Thompson, pastor of the church
in Brantree, " was to sound the silver trumpet along
with his army."f But they were met by deputies from
Pessacus and the other chiefs, and an accommodation
took place, as mentioned in the account of JVinigret.
In 1 647, the commissioners of the United Colonies
were called together before their usual time, occasion
ed by a report that the Narragansets were about to be
gin hostilities. They dispatched messengers to him
" and other Sachems there, that the English commis
sioners expected their appearance at Boston, and that
if they did refuse or delay, they should no more be
sent unto." Pessacus excused himself for not meeting
them the year before, from mistaking the time, and
that he could not go to Boston now, as he was sick ;
yet the messengers could not discover " any such dis
ablement." He however gave JVinigret power to act
for him.
To avoid hostilities from his English enemies in
1645, before remarked, he had agreed to pay a large
amount in wampum, which had not been paid. He
urged in extenuation of this neglect, that he was awed
into a compliance of their demand by the presence of
the army " which was then ready to invade the Narra-
ganset country, and he thought they \tould follow him
* MS. Narrative. \ Mather's Relation, and Hazard.
PHILIP. 245
home, and there kill him if he did not promise to do
as the English would have him."* These are among
the last notices we find of " Proud Pessacus." His
time for the payment of the tribute was extended, and
the next year he is mentioned as being " behind near
a 1000 fathom of wampum." There were some mil
itary movements of the English this year, 1648, to
wards his country, occasioned b the nonpayment of
the tribute, and some other less important matters.
Pessacus having knowledge of their approach fled to
R. Island. "Ninicraft entertained them courteously,
(there they staid the Lord's day,) and came back with
them to Mr. Williams^ and then Pessacus and Canon-
icus* son, being delivered of their fear, came to them ;
and being demanded about hiring the Mohawks
against Uncas, they solemnly denied it ; only they con
fessed, that the Mohawks, being a great Sachem, and
their ancient friend, and being come so near them,
they sent some 20 fathom of wampum for him to tread
upon, as the manner of Indians is."f The matter
seems to have Vested here ; Pessacus having as usual
promised what was desired. His mortgaging his coun
try, as related in the account of Ninigret, in 1660, is
our last notice of him. He seems to have possessed a
character much like that of Ninigret, and greatly in
ferior to that of Miantunnomoh, Canonchet and Pumham.
Philip^ alias Metacomet, of Pokanoket, chief of
the Wampanoags, was second son of Massasoit, and
the immediate successor of Alexander, in 1662, as has
been already mentioned. Whether the conduct of the
people of Plimouth towards Alexander made them sus
picious of Philip, as it had befqre of Miantunnomoh,
or whether he were in reality " contriving mischief,"
the same year of his coming in chief Sachem, remains
* Ibid. t Winthrop's Journal.
246
PHILIP.
a problem. But the year 1662 is the first in which
we find him mentioned as chief, and what were his
acts previous to that period, must, in all probability, re
main forever unknown. " He was no sooner styled
Sachem," says Dr. /. Mather,* " but immediately in the
year 1662, there were vehement suspicions of his
bloody treachery against the English." This author
wrote at the close offhilip's war, when very few could
speak of Indians, but with bitterness. Mr. Morton^ is
the first who mentions Mdacomet, (for this was his In
dian name,) which being before any difficulty with him,
is noticed in a more becoming way. " This year," he
observes, " upon occasion of some suspicion of some
plot intended by the Indians against the English, Phil
ip, the Sachem of Pokanoket, otherwise called Metacom,
made his appearance at the court held at Plimouth,
August 6, did earnestly desire the continuance of that
amity and friendship that hath formerly been between
the governor of Plimouth and his deceased father and
brother."
The court expressing their willingness to remain his
friends, he signed articles, subjecting himself to the
King of England. To that instrument Francis, of Nau-
set, was also a subscriber, and John Sassamon a witness.
For about nine years, succeeding 1662, very little is
recorded concerning Philip. During this time he be
came more intimately acquainted with his English
neighbors, learned their weakness and his own
strength, which rather increased than diminished, un
til his fatal war of 1675. For during this period, not
only their additional numbers gained them strength,
but their arms were greatly strengthened by the En
glish instruments of war put into their hands. Roger
Williams had early brought the Narragansets into
* Relation, 72. t In his N. England's Memorial,
PHILIP. 247
friendship with Massasoit, which alliance gained ad
ditional strength on the accession of the young Meta-
comtt. And here we may look for a main cause of
that war, although the death of Alexander is generally
looked upon by the early historians, as almost the only
one. The continual broils between the English and
Narftgansets, (we name the English first, as they were
generally the aggressors,) could not be unknown to
Philip ; and if his countrymen were abused he knew
it. And, what friend will see another abused, without
feeling a glow of resentment in his breast ? And who
will wonder, if when these abuses had followed each
other, repetition upon repetition, for a series of years,
that they should at last break out into open war. The
Narraganset chiefs were not conspicuous at the period
of which we speak ; there were several of them, but
none appears to have had a general command or as
cendency over the rest ; and there can be little doubt
but that they unanimously reposed their cause in the
hands of Philip. Ninigret was at this time grown
old, and though for a series of years after the murder
of Miantunnomoh, he seems to have had the chief as
cendency, yet pusilanimity, was always rather a pre
dominant trait in his character. His age had probably
caused his withdrawal from the others, on their resolu
tion to second Philip. Canonchet was at this period
the most conspicuous, Pumham next, Potok, Magnus,
the squaw Sachem, whose husband* had been dead
several years, and lastly Matttfoag.
What grounds the English had in the spring of the
year 1671, for suspecting that a plot was going for
ward for their destruction, cannot satisfactorily be as-
* Mexam, the son of Canonicus. In several manuscripts in
my possession, written by Roger Williams, his name is verj
variously spelt. See Art. Magnus.
248 PHILIP.
certained ; but there can be no doubt that there were
some warlike preparations made by the great chief,
which very much alarmed the English. Their sus
picions were farther confirmed when they sent to him to
come to Taunton and make known his causes for his
operations ; as he discovered " shyness," and a reluct
ance to comply. At length on the ] Oth of April, this
year, he came to a place about four miles from Taun
ton, accompanied with a band of his warriors, attired,
armed and painted as for a warlike expedition. From
this place he sent messengers to Taunton to invite the
English to corne and treat with him. The governor
either was afraid to meet 'the chief, or thought it be
neath his dignity to comply with his request, and there
fore sent several person^, among whom was Roger
Williams, to inform him of their determination, and
their good disposition towards him, and to urge his at
tendance at Taunton. He agreed to go, and hostages
were left in the hands of his warriors to warrant his
safe return. On coming near the village with a few of
his warriors, he made a stop, which appears to have
been occasioned by the warlike parade of the English,
many of whom were for immediately attacking him.
These were the Plimouth people that recommended
this rashness, and were prevented by the commission
ers from Massachusetts, who met here with the gover
nor of Plimouth to confer with Philip.
In the end it was agreed that a council should be
held in the meeting hou|e, one side of which should
be occupied by the Indians and the other by the En
glish. Philip had alledged that the English injured
the planted lands of his people, but which, the En
glish say, was in no wise sustained. He said his war
like preparations were not. against the English, but the
Narragansets, which the English also say was proved
PHILIP. 249
to his face to be false ; and that this so confounded him
that he confessed the whole plot, and " that it was the
naughtiness of his own heart that put him upon that
rebellion, and nothing of any provocation from the
English."* Therefore, with four of his counsellors,
whose names were Tavoser, capt. Wispoke, Woorikap-
onehunt, and Nimrod, he signed a submission, and act
engagement of friendship, which also stipulated that he
should give up all the arms among his people, into the
hands of the governor of Plimouth, to be kept as long
as the government should " see reason."
The English of Massachusetts having acted as um
pires in this affair, were looked to by both parties, on
the next cause of complaint. Philip having delivered
the arms which himself and men had with them at
Taunton,f promised to deliver the rest at Plimouth by
a certain time. They not being delivered according to
agreement, and some other differences occurring, both
parties sent messengers to Boston, who met there at
the same time,! to make their complaints. It was
agreed that commissioners from all the United Colo
nies should meet Philip at Plimouth, where all difficul
ties were expected to be settled. What time this
meeting took place, whether the same year or not, we
are .unable to state, though probably about September,
1671, but the parties met according to agreement,
where the issue of the meeting was very nearly the
same as that at Taunton. "The conclusion was,"
says Mr. Mather,:): Philip acknowledged his offence,
and was appointed to give a sum of money to defray
the charges which his insolent clamors had put the col
ony unto."
* Hubbard, Indian Wars, 11, 1st edition.
f Mather's Relation, 73.
\ Baylies' N. Plimouth, iii, 22,
21
250 PHILIP.
*
As usual, several articles were drawn up by the En
glish, of what Philip was to submit to, to which we
find the names of three only of his captains or coun
sellors, Uncompaen, who was his uncle,* Wotokom, and
Samkama.
A general disarming of the neighboring Indians was
undertaken during the spring and summer of 1671, as
has been mentioned in our history of Awashonks, and
nothing but trouble could have been expected to fol
low. The English had, by nearly forty years inter
course, rendered their arms far more necessary to the
existence of the Indians than to their own, and many
depended upon nothing else whereby to gain a suste
nance ; hence their unwillingness to part with them.
We meet with nothing of importance until the death
of Sassamon, in 1674, the occasion of which was
charged upon Philip, and waff the cause of bringing
about the war with him a year sooner than he had ex
pected. This event prematurely discovered his inten
tions, which occasioned the partial recantation of the
Narragansets, who, it is reported, were to furnish
4000 men, to be ready to fall upon the English in
1676. Concert therefore was wanting, and although
nearly all the Narragansets ultimately joined against
the English, yet the powerful effect of a general simul
taneous movement was lost to the Indians. Philip's
own people, many of them were so disconcerted at
the unexpected beginning of the war, that they continu
ed some time to waver, doubting which side to show
themselves in favor of, and it was only from their be
ing without the vicinity of the English, or unprotected
by them, that determined their course, which was in
almost all cases in favor of Philip. Even the Praying
Indians, had they been left x to themselves, would no
* Called by Church, Mkompoin.
PHILIP.
251
doubt, many of them have declared in his favor also,
as some of them did.
John Sassamon was a subject of Philip, an unstable
minded fellow ; and living in the neighborhood* of the
English, became a convert to Christianity, learned their
language, and was able to read and write, and had
translated some of the bible into Indian. Being rath
er insinuating and artful, was employed to teach his
countrymen at Natick, in the capacity of a schoolmas
ter. How long before the war this was, is not men
tioned, but must have been about 1660, as he was
Philip's secretary, or interpreter, in 1662, and this was
after he had became a Christian. He left the English
from some dislike, and went to reside with Alexander,
and afterwards with Philip, who it appears improved
him on account of his learning. Always restless, Sas
samon did not remain long with Philip, before he re
turned again to the English ; " and he manifested such
evident signs of repentance, as that he was, after his
return from Pagan Philip, reconciled to the Praying
Indians and baptized, and received as a member into
one of the Indian churches ; yea, and employed as an
instructor amongst them every Lord's day."f
Just before the war, we presume in the summer of
1674, Sassamon was sent to preach to the Nemaskets,j
a small community of Philip's people upon Tehticut
river, which is now included in Middleborough, Mas
sachusetts. While here he learned that the Wampa-
noags, Narragansets, and some others were conspiring
to destroy the English, and immediately communicat
ed his discovery to the governor of Plimouth. "Nev-
* -' ; This Sassamon was by birth a Massachusett, his father
and mother living in Dorchester, and they both died Chris-
tians." I. Mather.
t Mather's Relation, 74.
t The inhabitants of the place call it Namashet.
252 PHILIP.
ertheless, his information, (because it had an Indian
original, and one can hardly believe them when they
do speak the truth,) was not at first much regarded."*
In the mean time some circumstances happened that
gave further grounds of suspicion, and it was intended
that messengers should be sent to Philip, to gain, if
possible, the real state of the case. But before this
was effected, much of the winter of 1674 had passed
away, and the rev. Sassamon still resided with the Na-
maskets, and others of his countrymen in that neigh
borhood. And notwithstanding he had enjoined the
strictest secrecy upon his English friends at Plimouth,
of what he had revealed, assuring them that if it came
to Philip's knowledge he should be immediately mur
dered by him, yet, it by some means got to the chief's
knowledge, and Sassamon was considered a traitor and
an outlaw ; and by the laws of the Indians, he had
forfeited his life, and was doomed to suffer death. The
manner of effecting it was of no consequence with
them so long as it was brought about, and it is proba
ble that Philip had ordered any of his subjects who
might meet with him, to kill him.
Early in the spring of 1675, Sassamon was missing,
and on search being made, his body was found in As-
sawomset pond, in Middleborough. Those that killed
him not caring to be known to the English, left his hat
and gun upon the ice, that it might be supposed that
he had drowned himself; but from several marks upon
his body, and the fact that his neck was broken, it was
evident he had been murdered.f Several persons
* Mather's Relation, 74.
t Gookin's MS. Hist, of Christian Indians. This author
says " Sasamon was the first Christian Martyr," and that " it
is evident he suffered death upon the account of his Christian
profession, and fidelity to the English.''
PHILIP. 253
were suspected, and upon the information of one called
Patuckson, Tobias, one of Philip's counsellors, his son,
and Mattashinnamy were apprehended, tried by a jury,
consisting of half Indians,* and in June, 1675, were
all executed at Plimouth. " One of them before his
execution confessing the .murder," but the other two
denied all knowledge of the act, to their last breath.
The truth of their guilt may reasonably be called in
question, if the circumstance of the bleeding of the
dead body at the approach of the murderer, had any
influence upon the jury. And we are fearful it was
the case, for if the most learned were misled by such
hallucinations in those days, we are not to suppose
that the more ignorant were free from it. Dr. Increase
Mather wrote within two years of the affair, and he has
this passage. " When Tobias (the suspected murder
er) came near the dead body, it fell a bleeding on fresh,
as if it had been newly slain ; albeit, it was buried a
considerable time before that."f
Until the execution of the three Indians, supposed
to be the murderers of Sassamon, no hostility was
committed by Philip or his warriors. About the time
of their trial, he was said to be marching his men "up
and down the country in arms," but when it was
known that they were executed, he could no longer re
strain his young men, who upon the 24th of June,
provoked the people of Swanzey by killing their cat
tle and other injuries, until they were fired upon, which
was a signal to commence the war, and what they had
desired. For the superstitious notion prevailed among
the Indians, that the party who fired the first gun
would be conquered.]: They had probably been made
to believe this by the English.
* Mather's Relation, 74. t Ibid. 75.
t Callendar.
254 PHILIP.
It was upon a fast day that this great drama was
opened. As the people were returning from meeting,
&ey were fired upon, by the Indians, one was killed
and two wounded. Two others going for a surgeon,
were killed on their way. In another part of the town
six others were killed the same day. Swanzey was
the next town to Philip's country, and his men were
as well acquainted with all the walks of the English as
they were themselves. '
It is not supposed that Philip directed this attack,
but on the other hand it has been said that it was
against his wishes. But there can be no doubt of his
hostility and great desire to rid his country of the white
intruders ; for had he not reason to say ?
' Exarsere ignes animo;^ubit ira, cadentem
Ulcisci patriam, etsceleratas sumere poenas."
The die was cast. No other alternative appeared,
but to ravage, burn and destroy as fast as was in his
power. There had been no war for a long time, either
among themselves or with the English, and therefore,
numerous young warriors from the neighboring tribes,
entered into his cause with great ardor ; eager to per
form exploits, such as had been recounted to them by
their sires, and such as they had long waited an oppor
tunity to engage in. The time they conceived had
now arrived, and their souls expanded in proportion to
the greatness of the undertaking. To conquer the
English! to lead captive their haughty lords! must
have been thoughts to them of vast magnitude, and
exhilarating to a great degree.
Town after town fell before them, and when the En
glish forces marched in one direction, they were burn
ing and laying waste in another. A part of Taunton,
Middleborough and Dartmouth, in the vicinity of Po-
PHILIP. 255
casset, upon Narraganset bay, soon followed the de
struction of Swanzey, which was burnt immediately
after the 24th of June, on being abandoned by the
inhabitants.
Philip commanded in person upon Pocasset, where
upon the 18th of July, he was discovered in a "dismal
swamp." He had retired to this place, which is adja
cent to Taunton river, with the most of his Wampano-
ags, and such others as had joined him, to avoid fall
ing in with the English army, which was now pursu
ing him. From their numbers, the English were near
ly able to encompass the swamp, and the fate of Phil
ip they now thought sealed. On arriving at the edge
of the swamp, a few of Philip's warriors shoWed
themselves, and the English soldiers rushed upon them
with ardor, and by this feint were drawn far into an
ambush, and " about fifteen were slain." The leaves
upon the trees were so thick, and the hour of the day
so late, that a friend could not be distinguished from a
foe, " whereby 'tis verily feared, that [the English
themselves] did sometimes unhappily shoot English
men instead of Indians."* A retreat now was order
ed, and considering Philip's escape impossible, the
most of the forces left the place, a few only remaining,
" to starve out the enemy." That Philip's force was
great at this time is certain, from the fact that a hun
dred wigwams were found near the edge of the
swamp newly constructed of green bark. In one of
those the English found an old man who informed
them that Philip was there. He lost but few men in
the encounter, though it is said, that he had a brother
killed at this time, "a privy counsellor and chief cap
tain, who had been educated at Harvard College."!
* Mather's Brief Hist. War. 5.
t In a Note to Hutchinson's Hist. I, 291.
256 PHILIP.
The idle notion of building a fort here to starve out
Philip, was sufficiently censured by the historians of
that day. For as capt. Church expresses it, to build a
fort for nothing to cover the people from nobody* was
rather a ridiculous idea. This observation he made
upon a fort's being built upon Mount Hope neck, some
time after every Indian had left that side of the coun
try, and who in fact were laying waste the towns be
fore mentioned.
The swamp where Philip was now confined was
upon a piece of country which projected into Taunton
river, and was nearly seven miles in extent. After
being guarded here thirteen days, which in the end
was greatly to his advantage, and afforded him suffi
cient time, to provide canoes in which to make his
escape ; he passed the river with most of his men, and
made good his retreat into the country upon Connec
ticut river, as will be found mentioned in our account
of Oneko.
Having now taken a position to annoy the back set
tlements of Massachusetts, his warriors fell vigorously
to the work ; one town after another, and one compa
ny of soldiers after another were swept off by them.
A garrison being established at Northfield, capt. Rich
ard Beers, of Watertown,* with 36 men, were attacked
while on their way to reinforce them, and 20 of the
36 were killed. Robert Pepper, of Roxbury, was taken
captive, and the others effected their escape. Philip's
men had the advantage of attacking them in a place
of their own choosing, and their first fire was very
destructive. Beers retreated to a small eminence,
and maintained the unequal fight until their ammu
nition was spent, at which time a cart containing am-
* Hist. Philip's War, p. 6, ed. 4to.
t Manuscript Documents.
PHILIP. 257
munition fell into the hands of the Indians, and the
captain being killed, all who were able took to flight.
The hill to which the English retreated at the begin
ning of the fight, was known afterwards by the name
of Beers mountain.
About this time some English found a single Indian,
an old man, near Quabaog, whom they captured. As
he would not give them any information respecting his
countrymen, or perhaps such as they desired, they
pronounced him worthy of death ,- so " they laid him
down, Cornelius, the Dutchman lifting up his sword to
cut off his head, the Indian lifted up his hand between,
so that his hand was first cut off, and partly his head,
and the second blow finished the execution."*
On the 18th of Sept., captain Lothrop of Salem, was
sent from Hadley with about eighty-eight men, to
bring away the corn, grain, and other valuable articles,
from Deerfield. Having loaded their teams, and com
menced their march homeward, they were attacked
at a place called Sugarloaf-hill, where almost every
man was slain. This company consisted of choice
young men, the flower of Essex county. Eighteen of
the men belonged to Deerfield.t Capt. Mosely being
not far off, upon a scout, was drawn to the scene of
action by the report of the guns, and having with
him seventy men, charged the Indians with great re
solution, although he computed their numbers at 1000.
He had two of his men killed and eleven wounded.
The Indians dared him to begin the fight, and exult-
ingly said to him, " Come, Mosely, come, you seek In
dians, you want Indiana, here is Indians enough for you"
After continuing a fight with them, from eleven o'clock
* Manuscript in Library of Mas. Hist. Soc.
t Hubbard's Narratives.
I These were the teamsters.
258 PHILIP.
until almost night, he was obliged to retreat. The
Indians cut open the bags of wheat and feather-beds,
and scattered their contents to the winds.* After
Mostly had commenced a retreat, major Treat with
one hundred English, arid sixty Mohegans, came to
his assistance. Their united forces obliged the In
dians to retreat in their turn.f The Indians were said
to have lost in the various encounters, ninety-six men.
It was a great oversight, that captain Lothrop should
have suffered his men to stroll about, while passing a
dangerous defile. " Many of the soldiers having been
so foolish and secure, as to put their arms in the carts,
and step aside to gather grapes, which proved dear
and deadly grapes to them:"J The same author ob
serves, "this was a black and fatal day, wherein there
were eight persons made widows, and six and twenty
children made fatherless, all in one little plantation and
in one day ; and above sixty persons buried in one
dreadful grave ! "
The Narragansets had not yet heartily engaged in
the war, though there is no doubt that they stood
pledged so to do. Therefore, having done all that
could be expected upon the western frontier of Massa
chusetts, and concluding that his presence among his
allies, the Narragansets, was necessary, to keep them
from abandoning his cause, Philip was next known
to be in their country.
An army of 1500 English, was raised by the three
colonies, Massachusetts, Plimouth and Connecticut, for
the purpose of breaking down the power of Philip
among the Narragansets. They determined upon this
course, as they had been assured that in the spring
they would come with all their force upon them. It
* Manuscript Letter, written at the time.
t 7. Mather's History of the War. t Ibid. 12,
PHILIP. 259
was not known that Philip was amongst them when
this resolution was taken, and it was but a rumor
that they had taken part with him. It was true, that
they had promised to deliver up all the Wampanoags,
who should flee to them, either alive or dead ; but it is
also true, that those who made this promise, had it not
in their power ; being persons, chiefly in subordinate
circumstances, who had no right or authority to bind
any but themselves. And, therefore, as doubtless was
foreseen by many, none of Philip's people were deliv-
ed, although many were known to have been among
them. Thus in few words have we exhibited the
main grounds of the mighty expedition against the
Narragansets in the winter of 1675.
Upon a small island, in an immense swamp, in South
Kingston, Rhode Island, Pliilip had fortified himself,
in a manner superior to what was common among his
countrymen. Here he intended to pass the winter,
with the chief of his friends. They had erected about
five hundred wigwams of a superior construction, in
which was deposited a great store of provisions. Bas
kets and tubs of corn, were piled one upon another,
about the inside of them, which rendered them bullet
proof. It was supposed that about three thousand
persons had here taken up their residence.
After nearly a month from their setting out, the
English army arrived in the Narraganset country, and
made their head quarters about eighteen miles from
Philip's fort. They had been so long upon their
march, that the Indians were long enough apprized of
their approach, and had made the best arrangements
in their power to withstand them. They had already
suffered much from the severity of the season, being'
obliged to encamp in the open field, and without tent*
to cover them !
260 PHILIP.
The 19th of December, 1675, is a memorable day
in the annals of New England. Cold, in the extreme
the air filled with snow the army were obliged, from
the low state of their provisions, to march to attack
Philip in his fort. And but for the treachery of one
of his men, who, from his having an English name, is
supposed to have lived among the English and by
hope of reward, betrayed his countrymen into their
hands. His name was Peter, and it was by accident
that himself, with thirty-five others, had just before
fallen into the hands of the fortunate captain Mosely.
No Englishman was acquainted with the situation of
Philip's fort ; and but for their pilot, Peter, there is
very little probability that they could have effected
anything against it. For it was one o'clock on that
short day of the year, before they arrived within the
vicinity of the swamp. There was but one point
where it could be assailed with the least probability of
success ; and this was fortified by a kind of block
house, directly in front, and having flankers to cover
a cross fire. Besides high palisades, an immense
hedge of fallen trees, of nearly a rod in thickness, sur
rounded it upon the outside, encompassing an area of
about five acres. Between the fort and the main land,
was a body of water, over which a great tree had been
felled, on which all must pass and repass, to and from
it. On coming to this place, the English soldiers, as
many as could pass upon the tree, which would not
admit two abreast, rushed forward, but were swept
from it in a moment, by the fire of Philip's men.
Still, the English soldiers, led by their captains, sup
plied the places of the slain. But again and again,
were they swept from the fatal avenue. Six captains
and a great many men had fallen, and a partial, but
momentary recoil from the face of death took place ;
PHILIP. 261
and but a handful had got within the fort. These
were contending hand to hand with the Indians, and
at fearful odds, when the cry of "they run ! they run !"
brought to their assistance a considerable body of their
fellow-soldiers. They were now enabled to drive the
Indians from their main breast-work, and their slaugh
ter became immense. Flying from wigwam to wig-
warn men, women, and children, indiscriminately,
were hewn down and lay in heaps upon the ground.
Being no.w masters of the fort, at the recommendation
of Mr. Church,* general Winslow was about to quarter
the army in it for the present, which offered comfort
able habitations to the sick and wounded, besides a
plentiful supply of provisions. But one of the captains
and a surgeon opposed the measure ; probably from
the apprehension that the woods was full of Indians*
who would continue their attacks upon them, and
drive them out in their turn. There was, doubtless,
some reason for this, which was strengthened from the
fact that many English were killed after they had pos
sessed themselves of the fort, by those whom they had
just dispossessed of it. Still, had Cnurch's advice been
followed, perhaps many of the lives of the wounded
would have been saved ; for he was seldom out in
his judgment, as his long successes proved afterwards.
After fighting three hours, they were to march eigh
teen miles, before the wounded could be dressed, and
iri a most horrid and boisterous night. Eighty English
were killed in the fight, and one hundred and fifty
wounded ; many of whom died afterwards. The Eng
lish left the ground in considerable haste, leaving eight
of their dead in the fort. Philip, and such of his war-
* Afterwards the famous colonel Church. He led the se
cond party that entered the fort, and was badly wounded,
after fighting some time.
262
riors as escaped unhurt, fled into a place of safety,
until the enemy had retired ; when they returned
again to the fort. The English, no doubt, apprehend
ed a pursuit, but Philip not knowing their distressed
situation, and perhaps judging of their loss from the
few dead which they left, made no attempt to harrass
them. Before the fight was over, many of the wig
wams were set on fire. Into these, hundreds of inno
cent women and children had crowded, and perished
in the general conflagration ! and as a writer of that
day expresses himself, " no man knoweth -how many."
The English learned afterwards from some that fell
into their hands, that in all about 700 perished.*
Soon after this, Philip, with many of his followers,
left that part of the country, and resided in different
places upon Connecticut river. Some report that he
took up his residence near Albany, and that he solicit
ed the Mohawks to aid him against the English, but
without success. The various attacks and encounters
* There is printed in Hutchinsons Hist. Mass. I, 300, a
letter which gives the particulars of the Narraganset fight.
I have compared it with the original, and find it correct in
the main particulars. He mistakes in ascribing it to major
Bradford, for it is signed by James Oliver, one of the Pli-
mouth captains Hutchinson copied from a copy, which was
without signature. He omits a passage concerning Tift or
Tiffe who, Oliver says, confirmed his narrative. That he had
" married an Indian, a Wompanoag he shot twenty times
at us in the swamp was taken at Providence [by captain
Fenner,] Jan. 14th, brought to us the ]6th executed the 18th ;
a sad wretch. He never heard a sermon ,but once this four
teen years; he never heard of the name of Jesus Christ. His
father going to recall him, lost his head, and lies unburied."
Hubbard i^ays, Narrative 59, that " he was condemned to die
the death of a traitor, and traitors of those days were quarter
ed. As to his religion, he was found as ignorant as an hea
then, which no doubt caused the fewer tears to be shed at
his funeral." A sorrowful record this !!!
PHILIP. 263
he had with the English, from February to August,
1676, are so minutely recorded, and in so many works,
that we will not enlarge upon them in this place.
When success no longer attended him. in the west
ern parts of Massachusetts, those of his allies whom he
had seduced iuto the war, upbraided, and accused
him of bringing all their misfortunes upon them ; that
they had no cause of war against the English, and had
not engaged in it but for his solicitations ; and many
of the tribes scattered themselves in different direc
tions. With all that would follow him, as a last re
treat, Philip returned to Pokanoket.
On the llth of July, he. attempted to surprise Taun-
ton, but was repulsed. His camp was now at Mata-
poiset ; and the English came upon him under captain
Church, who captured many of his people, but he
escaped over Taunton river, as he had done a year
before, but in the opposite direction, and secreted him
self once more upon Pocasset. He used many strata
gems to cut off capt. Church, and seems to have watch
ed and followed him from place to place, until the end
of this month ; but continually loosing one company
after another. Some scouts ascertained that he, with
many of his men, were at a place upon Taunton river,
and from appearances were about to repass it. His
camp was now at this place, and the chief of his war
riors with him. Some soldiers from Bridgewater fell
upon them here, July 31st, killed ten warriors ; but
Philip having disguised himself, escaped. His uncle,
Akkompoin, was among the slain, and his own sister
taken prisoner.
The next day, August 1st, the intrepid Church came
upon his head-quarters, killed and took about one hun
dred and thirty of his people, and himself very nar
rowly escaping. Such was his precipitation that he
264 PHILIP.
left all his warnpum behind, and his wife and son fell
into the hands of Church. Some of Philip's Indians,
who now served under Church, said to him, "You
have now made Philip ready to die ; for you have
made him as poor and miserable as he used to
make the English. You have now killed or taken
all his relations that they believed he would soon
have his head, and that this bout had almost broken
his heart."
Philip having now but few followers left, was driv
en from, place to place, and lastly to hrs ancient seat,
near Pokanoket. The English for a long time had
endeavored to kill him, but gould not find him off his
guard ; for he was always the first who was apprized
of their approach. Having put to death one of his
men for advising him to make peace with them, his
brother deserted him, and gave captain Church an ac
count of his situation, and offered to lead him to the
place. Early on Saturday morning, Aug. 12th, Church
came to the swamp where Philip was encamped. And
before he was discovered, had placed a guard about it,
so as to encompass it, except a small place. He then
ordered captain Golding to rush into the swamp, and fall
upon Philip in his camp ; which he immediately did
but was discovered as he approached, and as usual,
Philip was the first to fly. Having but just awaked
from sleep, had on but a part of his clothes, he fled with
all his might. Coming directly upon an Englishman
and an Indian, who composed a part of the ambush
at the edge of the swamp, the Englishman's gun miss
ed fire, but Alderman, the Indian, whose gun was
loaded with two balls, " sent one through his heart,
and another not above two inches from it. He fell
upon his face in the mud and water, with his gun
under him."
PHILIP. 265
' Cold with the beast he slew, he sleeps,
O'er him no filial spirit weeps ;
*****
Even that he liv'd, is for his conqueror's tongue,
By foes alone his death-song miut be sung ;
No chronicles but theirs shall tell
His mournful doom, to frture times;
May these upon his virtues dwell,
And in his fate forget his crimes."
With the great chief, fell five of his most trusty foU
lowers, one of whom was his chief captain's son ; and
the very Indian who fired the first gun at the com
mencement of the war.
The harbarous usage of beheading and quartering
traitors, was now executed upon the fallen Philip. His
head was sent to Plimouth, where it was exposed upon
a gibbet for twenty years, and his hands to Boston,
where they were exhibited in savage triumph, and his
mangled body was denied the right of sepulture.*
During the bloody contest, the pious fathers wrest
led long and often with their God, in prayer, that he
would prosper their arms and deliver their enemies
into their hands ; and when upon stated days of prayer
the Indians gained advantage, it was looked upon as a
rebuke of Providence, and animated them to greater
sincerity and fervor ; and on the contrary, when their
arms prevailed upon such days, it was viewed as an
immediate interposition in their favor. The philoso
phic mind will be shocked at the expressions of some,
very eminent in that day, for piety and excellence of
moral life. Dr. Increase Mather^ in speaking of the
efficacy of prayer, in bringing about the destruction of
the Indians, says, " Nor could they cease crying to the
* Authorities as heretofore.
t In his "Prevalence of Prayer," page 10.
..
266 PHILIP.
Lord against Philip, until they had prayed the bullet
into his heart." And in speaking of the slaughter of
Philip's people, at Narraganset, he says, "We have
heard of two and twenty Indian captains, slain all of
them, and brought down to hell in one day."* Again,
in speaking of a chief who had sneered at the English
religion, and who had, " withal, added a most hideous
blasphemy, immediately upon which a bullet took him
in the head, and dashed out his brains, sending his
cursed soul in a moment amongst the devils, an,d blas
phemers in hell for ever."f
These extracts are made for no other purpose than
to show the habits of thinking, in those times.
Like Massasoit, Philip always opposed the introduc
tion of Christianity among his people. When Mr.
Eliot urged upon him its great importance, he said he
cared no m^re for the gospel than he did for a button
upon his coat.| And Dr. Mather adds, "It was not
long, before the hand which now writes, [1700] upon
a certain occasion took off the jaw from the exposed
skull of that blasphemous leviathan; and the renowned
Samuel Lee hath since been a pastor to an English
congregation, sounding and showing the praises of
heaven, upon that very spot of ground, where Philip
and his Indians were lately worshiping of the devil."
The error that Philip was grand-son to Massasoit, is
so well known to be such, that it would hardly seem
to have required notice, but to inform the reader of
* /. Mather's Prevalence of Prayer. f Ibid. 7.
J Magnalia.
Mr. Lee was taken by the French in a voyage to Eng
land, and carried into that country where he died, in 1691.
This event, it was thought, hastened his end. Perhaps the
surviving natives did not attribute the disaster, to his usurp
ing their territory, and teaching a religion they could not
believe ; but might they not with equal propriety ?
PUILIP.
267
its origin. The following passage from Mr. Jossetyri's
work,* will, besides proving him to be the author of
the error, at least the first writer that so denominates
him, furnish some valuable information. Speaking of
the Indians in general, he says, " Their beads are their
money ; of these, there are two sorts, blue beads and
white beads ; the first is their gold, the last their silver.
These they work out of certain shells, so cunningly,
that neither Jew nor devil can counterfeit. They drill
them and string them, and make many curious works
with them, to adorn the persons of their Sagamores
and principal men, and young women, as belts, girdles,
tablets, borders for their women's hair, bracelets, neck
laces, and links to hang in their ears. Prince Philip,
a little before I came for England, [1671,] coming to
Boston, had a coat on and buskins set thick with these
beads, in pleasant wild works, and a broad belt of the
same ; his accoutrements were valued at 20. The
English merchant giveth them 105. a fathom for their
white, and as much more, or near upon, for their
blue beads." " The roy telet now of the Pocanakets is
prince Philip, alias Metacon, the grand-son of Massa-
soit:^
In November, 1669, Philip sold to the selectmen of
Dedham, the tract of land called Woollommonuppogue
"within the town bounds, [of Dedham,] not yet pur
chased." What the full consideration paid to him
was, we do not learn. In an order which he sent to
them afterwards, he requests them " to pay to this
bearer, for the use of king Philip, 5 5s. money and
5 in trucking cloth, at money price." In a receipt
* Account of two Voyages to New England, 142-3.
t Ibid, 146. He is also called grand-son of Massasoit in
the work entitled Present State of New England, in respect to
the Indian War. Fol. Fondon : 1676.
268
signed by Peter, the following amount is warned : " In
reference to the payment of king Philip of Mount Hope,
the full and just sum of 5 5s. in money, and twelve
yards of trucking cloth three pounds of powder, and
as much lead as to make it up ; which is in full satis
faction with 10 that he is to receive of Nathaniel
If Indian tradition do not err, some of the blood of
the immortal Philip, now circulates in this city. The
Rev. Wm. Apes, of the Independent Methodist order,
a Pequot, is preaching occasionally among us. He
has seen a chequered and various life, as appears by
a book which he has published, entitled, "A Son of
the Forest." He contemplates giving the traditionary,
as well as the real history and antiquities, of the Pe-
quots ; which must be a work desired by every one.
Mr. Apes is thirty-four years of age, very active and
intelligent. He makes a wide mistake in his life, by
calling Philip king of the Pequots ; for Philip was not
born when that tribe was destroyed. And there is
no tradition that the Warnpanoag chiefs ever claimed
dominion over the Pequots, but on the contrary the
latter were "a terror to all their neighbors."
We will close this life with a few additions from a
curious work.f Philip having resolved to war against
the English, "in order thereunto, his first errand is to
Squaw Sachem, [Awashonks ?] who is the widow of a
brother, [Alexander,] to king Philip, deceased ; he pro
mising her great rewards if she would join with him
in his conspiracy, (for she is as potent a prince as any
round about her, and hath as much corn, land, and
men, at her command,) she willingly consented, and
* MS. Documents among our State Papers.
t Present State of New England, by a Merchant of Bofton.
Fol. London : 1676.
PITIMEE.
269
was much more forward in the design, and had greater
success than king Philip himself."* "Thus after king
Philip had secured his interest in Squaw Sachem,
(whom he perswaded that the English had poysoned
her husband, and thereupon she was the more willing
to join with him,) he privately sent messengers," to the
other Sachems.f The same author in relating the
commencement of the war, says, " About the 20th of
June last, [1675,] seven or eight of king Philip's men
came to Swanzey, on the 'Lord's day, and would grind
a hatchet at an inhabitant's house there. The master
told them it was the Sabbath day, and their God
would be very angry if he should let them do it.
They returned this answer; "They knew not who his
God was, and that they would do it for all him or his
God either." They then went to .another house, and
after taking some victuals, went away peaceably ; but
meeting a man in the road, .took him and kept him a
short time, telling him he should not work on his God's
day, and when they dismissed him charged him i^ot
to tell lies.
PtambOW) a Natick, next to Waban, in the
government and religious affairs of that tribe. When
a church was established at Natick, in 1071, he was
made ruling elder. He was the father of Tuckapewil-
lin, who at this time was the minister. " He brought
many Indians with him, to the second meeting, at Wa-
bari*s house, on Nonantum," since Newton.
PttimCC) (Andrew,) one of the six Christian In
dians who volunteered to go out with the English
army, under major Savage, in March, 1676, and was
their captain. He is chiefly to be remembered, from
that horrid affair, the murder of his wife and another
woman, and three children, at a place called Whortle-
* Present State of New England, p. 3. t Ibid, p. 4.
270 POCAJIONTAS. x
berry-hill, in Watertown, by some Englishmen.* The
particulars of which will be found under the account
of Thomas Speen. He is mentioned but once by our
best historian of those times, who in a single line suras
up the whole business. After mentioning that those
of the enemy who had thought to have shelterd them
selves under Uncas, were "stabbed," off by him ; and
that " they were in the beginning of the winter [of
1676,] brought into Boston, many of them, by Peter
Ephraim and Andrew Pityme, with their fellows."!
PoC&liQHtaS) daugther of one of the most cel
ebrated chiefs recorded in history ; whose name will
always occupy one of the most conspicuous places in
the annals of Virginia. It is impossible to say, what
would have been the conduct of the great Powhatan,
her father, towards the English, if he had been treated
by the first English as he ought to have been. The
uncommonly amiable, virtuous, and feeling disposition
of his daughter, will always be brought to mind in
reading his history ; and notwithstanding he is describ
ed by the historians as possessing a sour, morose, and
savage disposition, full of treachery, deceit, and cun
ning and whose word was never to be depended
upon, yet on the very page that thus represents
him, we shall find the very example set hhii by the
English.
The first and most memorable events in the life of
Pocahontas, must necessarily be detailed in the ac
count of her father ; therefore, we shall, under her
own name, give those which are more disconnected
with his.
Pocahontas was born about the year 1594 or 5, and
hence was no more than twelve or thirteen years old,
* Gookin's MS. Hist. Praying Indians,
r Hubbard's History of the War.
POCAHONTA3. 271
when she saved the life of the celehrated capt. Smith,
in 1607. Every particular of that most extraordinary
scene will be exhibited, when we come tb the life of
Powhatan, where it more properly belongs. It will
also be mentioned under that head, that at the sugges
tion of caj t. Neivport, Smith went with a few men to
Werowocomoco, to invite Powhatan to Jamestown to
receive presents, hoping thereby to influence him to
trade his corn with him.
When he arrived at that place, Powhalan was not
at home, out was at the distance of thirty miles off.
Pocahontas and her women received him, and while
he waited for her father, they thus entertained him ;
which we will give in his own words. " In a fayre
plaine field they made a fire, before which, he sitting
upon a mat, suddainly amongst the woods was heard
such a hydeous noise and shrecking, that the English
betooke themselves to their arms, and siezed on two
or three old men by them, supposing Powhatan with
all his power, was come to surprise them. But pre
sently Pocahontas cr.me, willing him to kill her if any
hurt were intended ; and the beholders, which were
men, women, and children, satisfied the captain there
was no such matter. Then presently they were pre
sented with this anticke ; thirty young women came
naked out of the woods, onely covered behind and
before with a few greene leaues, their bodies al! paint
ed, some of one color, some of another, but all differ
ing. Their leader had a fayre payre of bucks homes
on her head,*and an otter-skinne at her girdle, and
another at her arme, d quiver of arrowes at her backe,
a bow and arrows in her hand. The next had in her
hand a sword, and another a club, another a pot-sticke.
all horned alike ; the rest every one with their seuerall
devises. These fiends, with most hellish shouts and
272 POCAHONTAS.
cryed, rushing from among the trees, cast themselves
in a ring about the fire, singing and dancing with most
excellent ill varietie, oft falling into their infernall pas
sions, and solemnly again to sing and daunce. Hav
ing spent neare an houre in this mascarado, as they
entred, in like manner they departed." .After a short
time they came and took the English to their wig^
warns. Here they were more tormented than hefore,
" with crowding, pressing, hanging about them, most
tediously crying, Love you not me ? love you not?'"
When they had finished their caresses, they set before
them the best victuals their country afforded, and then
showed them to their lodgings.
-In captain Smith's excursion into the country to sur
prise Powhatan, a melancholy accident happened to a
boat's crew, which had been sent out in very severe
weather, by one who was impatient to have the direc
tion of matters. In the boat were captain Waldo, mas
ter Scrivener, the projector of the expedition, Mr. Antho
ny Gosnold, brother of the well known Bartholomew
Gosnold, and eight others. By the sinking of the boat
these all perished, and none knew what had become
of them, until their bodies were found by the Indians.
The very men on whom Smith depended to remain at
the fort for his succor, if in case he sent for them,
were among the number. Therefore, to prevent the
failure of his project, some must be sent tp apprise him
of the catastrophy. None volunteered for the hazard
ous service, but Mr. Richard Wy/ffin, who was obliged
to undertake it alone. This being a time when Pow-
hatan was very insolent, and urged the killing of Smith.
Nevertheless, after many difficulties, he arrived at We-
rowocomoco. Here he found himself amidst prepar
ations for war, and in still greater danger than he
bad yet been. But Pocahontas appeared as his savior.
POCAHONTAS. 273
Knowing the intention of the warriors to kill him, she
first secreted him in the woods, and then directed
those who sought him. in an opposite direction ; and
by this means he escaped, and got safe to Smith at Pa-
munkey. This was in the winter of 1609.
We next hear of her saving the life of Henry Spil-
fwm, who being one of thirty that went to trade, upon
the confidence of Powhatan, and who were, all except
Spilman, killed by his people.
From 1609, the time Smith left the country, until
1611, Pocahontas was not seen at Jamestown. At this
time she was treacherously taken prisoner by captain
Argal, and kept by the English to prevent Powhatan
from doing them injury, and to extort a great ransom
from him, and such terms of peace as they should
dictate. At the time she was betrayed into the hands
of captain *Argal, she was in the neighborhood of the
chief of Potomack, whose name was Japazaws, a par
ticular friend of the English, and an old acquaintance
of captain Smith. Whether she had taken up her re
sidence here, or whether she was here only upon a
visit, we are not informed. But some have conjec
tured, that she retired here soon after Smith's depar
ture, that she might not witness the frequent murders
of the ill-governed English, at Jamestown. Captain
Jlrgal was in the Potomack river, for the purpose of
trade, with his ship, when he learned .that Pocahontas
was in the neighborhood. Whether'' Japazaws had
acquired his treachery from his intercourse among the
English, or whether it were natural to Jiis disposition,
we will not undertake to decide here ; but certain it is,
that he was ready to practice it, at the instigation of
Argal. And for a copper kettle for himself and a few
toys for his squaw, did he deliver the innocent girl on
board ArgaTs ship. It was effected, however, without
23
274 POCAHONTAS.
compulsion, by the aid of his squaw. The captain
had previously promised that no hurt should befall
her, and that she should be treated with all tender
ness ; which should go as far as it may, to excuse Ja-
pazaws. The plot to get her on board, was well con
trived. Knowing that she had no curiosity to see a
ship, having before seen many, Japazaws wife pretend
ed great anxiety to see one, but would not go unless
Pocahontas would go on board with her. To this she
consented after some hesitation. The attention with
which they were received on board, soon dissipated
all fears, and Pocahontas soon strayed from her be
trayers into the gun-room. The captain, watching
his opportunity, told her she was a prisoner. When
it was known to Japazaws and his wife, they feigned
more lamentation than she did, to keep her in ignor
ance of the plot ; and after receiving the price of their
perfidy, were s*ent ashore, and Jirgal with his pearl of
great price, to Jamestown. On being informed of the
reason why she was thus captivated, her grief, by de
grees, subsided.
The first step of the English was to inform Poivha-
tan of the captivity of his daughter, and to demand of
him their men, guns and tools, which he and his peo
ple had from time to time taken and stolen from them.
This unexpected news threw the old stern, calculating
chief into a great dilemma, and what course to take he
knew not ; and it was three months before he return
ed any answer. At the end of this time, by the ad
vice of his council, he sent back seven Englishmen,
with each a gun which had been spoiled, and this
answer : that when they should return his daughter,
he would make full satisfaction, and give them five
hundred bushels of corn, and be their friend forever ;
that he had no more guns to return, the rest being
POCAHONTAS. 275
lost. They sent him word, that they would not re
store her, until he had complied with their demand ;
and that as for the guns, they did not believe .they
were lost. Seeing the determination of the English,
or his inability to satisfy them, was, we apprehend,
why they " heard no more from him for a long time
after."
In the spring of the year, 1613, Sir Thomas Dale
took Pocahontas, and went with a ship, up Powhatarfs
river, to Werowocomoco, the residence of her father,
in hopes to effect an exchange, and bring about a
peace. Powhatan was not at home, and they met with
nothing but bravadoes and a disposition to fight, from
all the Indians they met with. After burning many
of their habitations, and giving out threats, some of
them came and made peace, as they called it, which
opened the way for two of Pocahontas* brothers to
come on board the .ship, where they expressed great
joy at seeing their sister.
A particular friendship had sometime existed be
tween Pocahontas and a worthy young Englishman, by
the name of John Rolfe ; which at length growing into
a sincere attachment, and being mutual between them,
he made known his desire to take her for his com
panion. This being highly approved of by Sir Thomas
Dale, and other gentlemen of high standing and autho
rity, was soon to take place. Acquainting her brother
with her determination, it soon came to the knowledge
of her father also ; who as highly approving of it as
the English, immediately sent Opachisco, her uncle,
and two of his sons, to witness the performance, and
to act as her servants upon the occasion : and in the
beginning of April, 1613, the marriage was solemnized
according to appointment. Powhatan was now their
friend in reality ; and a friendly intercourse commeru
276
POCAHONTA3.
ced, which was without much interruption, continued
until his death.
Pocahontas lived happily with her husband, and be
came a believer in the English religion, and expressed
no desire to live again among those of her own nation.
When Sir Thomas Dale returned to England, in 1616,
Pocahontas accompanied him, with her husband, and
several other young natives. They arrived at Plimouth
on the 12th of June of that year. She met with much
attention in that country, being taken to court by the
lord and lady Delaware, and others of distinction. She
was at this time called the lady Rebecca. Her meeting
with captain Smith, was affecting ; and at which time
she thought herself, and very justly no doubt, too
slightly noticed by him, which caused her much grief.
Owing to the barbarous nonsense of the times, Smith
did not wish her to call him father, as it would affect
his standing among his countrymen ; being afraid
of giving offence to royalty, by assuming to be the
father of a king's daughter. Yet he did not intend
any cause of offence, and did all in his power to make
her happy. At their first interview, after remain
ing silent some time, she said to him, "You promis
ed my father, that what was yours should be his ;
and that you and he would be all one. Being a stran
ger in our country, you called Powhatan father ; and I
for the same reason, will now call you so. You were
not afraid to come into my father's country, and strike
fear into every body, but myself; and are you here
afraid, to let me call you father? I tell you then, I
will call you father, and you shall call me child ; and
so I will for ever be of your kindred and country.
They always told us, that you were dead, and I knew
not otherwise till I came to Plimouth. But Powhatan
commanded Tomocomo to seek you out, and know the
POCAHONTAS. 277
truth, because your countrymen are much given to
lying."
Tomocomo is the same person mentioned by Smith,
but he called him Uttamaccomack. He had married a
sister of Pocahontas, and was one of Powhatarfs princi
pal counsellors. And as will be mentioned in the life
of that chief, was sent to England as a spy, with orders
to number the people, &c.; and who, when he return
ed, it is said, was asked by his chief how many people
there were ? and that he replied, " Count the stars in
cthe sky, the leaves on the trees, and the sand upon the sea
shore -for such is the number of the people of England"
The useful and worthy young Pocahontas, being about
to embark for her native country, in the beginning
of the year 1617, fell sick at Gravesend, and died ;
having attained only the age of twenty-two years.
She left one son, whose name was Thomas Rolfe, very
young ; and whom sir Lewis Stf.vkly, of Plimouth, de
sired to be left with him, to get his education. But
from the unmanly part this gentleman took against
the unfortunate Ralegh, he was brought into such
merited disrepute, that he found himself obliged to
turn all his attention to his own preservation ; and the
son of Pocahontas was taken to London, and there edu
cated by his uncle, Mr. Henry Rolfe. He afterwards
came to America, to the native country of his mother,
where he was a gentleman of great distinction, pos
sessing an ample fortune. He left an only daughter,
who married colonel Robert Boiling, and died, leaving
an only son, major John Boiling, who was the father
of colonel John Boiling, and several daughters. One
of whom married col. Richard Randolph, from whom
are descended those bearing that name, in Virginia, at
this day.*
* Smith's Virginia, with additions from Stith.
S78
POTOK.
Barlow thus notices Pocahontas :
" Blest Pocahontas ! fear no lurking guile ;
Thy hero's love shall well reward thy smile.
Ah, sooth the wanderer in his desperate plight,
Hide him by day, and calm his cares by night ;
, Tho' savage nations with thy vengeful sire,
Pursue their victim with unceasing ire
And tho' their threats, thy startled ear assail,
Let virtue's voice o'er filial fears prevail." Columl.
^ a famous Narraganset chief, notorious for
the stand he took against the promulgation of religion
among that nation. When the war began with Philip,
the Narragansets were thought to be inclining to him,
and the army was ordered to Pettyquamscot to fight
or treat with them according as they were disposed.
After some parleying, a treaty was concluded, at great
length ; to which no attention seems to have been
paid, and as we may suppose, no great sagacity was re
quired to foresee. At this negociaticn, Potok was a
conspicuous chief, although little or nothing is said of
him in the printed accounts ; nor does it appear that
he acquiesced in it, from the fact that his name is not
to the treaty. Indeed, we now find the best authority
for such conclusion. It has been said, that at this
treaty, Potok " urged that the English should not send
any among them to preach the gospel, or call upon
them to pray to God, But the English refusing to
concede to such an article, it was withdrawn." Yet
no such article is printed in said treaty. If it really
were the case, that the English refused to treat with
out such an article, even in this enlightened day, we
need no better comment upon it than we find in a
manuscript letter of Roger Williams* as follows: "At
* Dated Providence, 5 : 8: 1654. It was written to the
governor of Massachusetts, urging a spirit of forbearance to
wards the offending Nianticks.
ly last departure for England, I was importuned by
y 9 Narraganset Sachems, and especially by JVenecwnaf,
to present their petition to the high Sachems of Eng
land, that they might not be forced from their religion ;
and for not changing their religion be invaded by war.
For they said they were daily visited with threatenings
by Indians, that came from about the Massachusetts ;
that if they would not pray, they should be destroyed
by war." And again, in the same letter: "Are not all
the English of this land, (generally) a persecuted peo
ple from their native soil ? and hath not the God of
peace and father of mercies made the natives more
friendly in this than [in] our native countrymen in our
own land to us ? have they not entred leagues of love,
and to this day continued peaceable commerce with
us ? are riot our families grown up in peace amongst
them ? Upon which I humbly ask how it can suit
with Christian ingenuity, tcutake hold of some seeming
occasions for their destruction."
We are able to fix the place of his residence in the
vicinity of Point Judith. Our earliest notice of him is
in 1661. In this year Potok with several other chiefs,
complained to the court of Massachusetts, that " Sam
uel Wildbow and others of his companie," claimed juris
diction at Point Judith, in their country, and lands
adjacent. They came on and possessed themselves
forcibly, bringing their cattle and other effects with
them. What order the court took upon it does not
appear. About the close of Philip's war, Potok came
voluntarily to Rhode Island, no doubt with the view
of making friends again with his enemies ; but was
sent to Boston, where, after answering all their inquir
ies, he was put to death without ceremony.
PontiaC) a chief of the Ottawa nation, as noted
in his time, as either Philip or Tecumseh. The princi-
$80
PONTIAC,
pal scenes of his prowess, were at Michilimakinak and
Detroit. The French finally gave up possession in
Canada, in 1760; but many of the Indian nations who
had become attached to them, were taught at the same
time to hate the English. Ponliac was most conspi
cuous in his enmity, although, until he had united the
strength of many tribes to his, he showed great kind
ness and friendship towards them. The Miamis, Ot-
tawas, Chippewas, Wyandots, Pottawatomies, Missis-
sagas, Shawanese, Ottagamies, and Winnebagos, con
stituted his power, as in after time they did that of
Tecumseh.
Major Gladwin held possession of Detroit, in 17(13,
having been dispatched thither by general Amkerst, he
had been informed by commissioners who had been ex
ploring the country, that hostile feelings were manifest
ed among the Indians, and he sent men on purpose to
ascertain the fact, who on their return dissipated all
fears.
Major Roberts was a messenger to him, and took
with him for a present, what he thought would be
most agreeable to him, which was a quantity of Vcau-
de-vie. When it was presented^ his men thinking it to
be a stratagem to poison him, entreated him not to
taste of it. But that the English should not in the
least apprehend fear or disaffection in him, he said to
his people present, It is not possible that this man,
who knows my love for him, who is also sensible of
the great favors I have done him, can think of taking
away my life." And taking the spirit, drank it with
as much confidence of its purity and good effect, as
did Socrates his fatal cup. And adds the historian,
" Cent traits (Tune elevation pctrielle avoient fixe sur Pon-
theack Us yeux de$ nations sauvages. 11 vouloit les reunir
toutes sous les memes drapeaux, pour faire respecter leur
PONTIAC. 281
territoire et leur independence. Des circonstances malheu-
reusesjirent avorter ce grand project."*
In the mean time several traders brought news to the
fort at Micbilimakinak, that the Indians were hostile
to the English. Major Etherington commanded the
garrison, and would believe nothing of it. A Mr.
Ducharme communicated the information to the major,
who was much displeased at it, " and threatened to
send the next person who should bring a story of the
same kind, a prisoner to Detroit."!
The garrison at this time, consisted of 90 men, be
sides two subalterns and the commander in chief.
There were also at the fort four English merchants.
Little regard was paid to the assembling of sundry
bands of Indians as they appeared friendly ; but when
nearly 400 of them were scattered up and down
throughout the place, " I took the liberty," says Mr.
Henry, " of observing to major Etherington^ that in my
judgment, no confidence ought to be placed in them ;
in return the major only rallied rne, on my timidity.'*
On the fourth of June, the king's birth day, the In
dians began as if to amuse themselves to play at a fa
vorite game of ball, which they called baggatiway,
which is thus described by Mr. Henry. " It is played
with a bat and ball, the bat being about four feet in
length, curved and terminated in a sort of racket.
Two posts are placed in the ground, at a considerable
distance from each other, as a mile or more. Each
party has its post, and the game .consists in throwing
the ball up to the post of the adversary. The ball, at
the beginning, is placed in the middle of the course, and
each party endeavors as well to throw the ball out of
* Raynal, Hist. Philos. et. Politique, &c. ix. 89. ed. Gene-
va, 1781.
t Travels in Canada by Alexander Henry, Esq. from which
this account of the destruction of Michilimakinak is taken,
282 PONTIAC.
the direction of its own post, as into that of the adver-
sarys." This farce drew many off their guard, and
some of the garrison went out to witness the sport.
"The game of baggatiway, (he continues,) as from
the description above will have been perceived, is ne
cessarily attended with much noise and violence. In
the ardor of contest, the ball, as has been suggested, if
it cannot be thrown to the goal desired, is struck in
any direction by which it can be diverted from that de
signed by the adversary. At such a moment, there
fore, nothing could be less liable to excite premature
alarm, than that the ' ball should be tossed over the
pickets of the fort, nor that having fallen there, it
should be followed, on the instant, by all engaged in
the game, as well the one party as the other, all eager,
all striving, all shouting, all in the unrestrained pursuit
of a rude athletic exercise." And this was their plan,
while in the height of their game v> throw their ball
within the pickets of the fort, and then all to rush in,
'and in the midst of their hubbub, to murder the gar
rison, and the stratagem succeeded to their wishes.
They struck the ball over the stockade, as if by acci
dent, and repeating it several times, running in and out
of the fort with all freedom, " to make the deception
more complete,"* and then rushing in in every direc
tion, took possession of the place without the least
resistance. They murdered the soldiers until their
numbers were so diminished that they apprehended
nothing from their, resistance. Many of whom were
ransomed at Montreal afterwards, at a great price.
Seventy were put to death, and the other twenty
reserved for slaves. A few days after a boat from
Montreal, without knowing what had happened, came
ashore with English passengers, who all fell into the
* Carver's Travels, 19, 20; edit. 8 vo, Lond. 1784.
PONTIAC. 283
hands of the Indians. Pontiac was not personally
concerned in this affair, but it was a part of his design,
and therefore is very properly here related.
A chief named Menehwehna, was the commander in
chief.* When Pontiac was obliged to make peace
afterwards at Detroit, he surrendered Michilimakinak
again into the hands of the English.
The garrison at Detroit was closely besieged by
Pontiac in person, before the news of the massacre of
fort Michilimakinak arrived there. It was garrisoned
by about 300 men, and when Pontiac came with his
warriors, although in great numbers, they were so
intermixed with women and children, and brought so
many commodities for trade, that no suspicion was
excited, either in the jmind of major Gladwin, or the
inhabitants. He encamped a little distance from the
fort, and sent to the major to inform him that he was
come to trade, and preparatory thereto, wished to hold
a council with him for the .purpose of " brightening
the chain of peace" between the English and his
people. No suspicion was yet entertained, and the
major readily consented, and the next morning was
fixed upon for the council.
The same evening a circumstance transpired which
saved the garrison from a dreadful massacre. An In
dian woman who had made a pair of moccasins for
major Gladwin, out of a curious Elk skin, brought
them home, and returned the remainder of the skin.
Being much pleased with them, the major wished her
to take the skin and make another pair, as he had con
cluded to give the thers to a friend, and what was
left to make into shoes for herself. She was then paid
for her work and dismissed. But when those whose
duty it was to see that the fort was clear of strangers,"
* Henry's Travels.
284 PONTIAC.
and to close the gates for the night, went upon their
duty, this woman was found loitering in the area, and
being asked what she wanted, made no reply. The
major being informed of her singular demeanor, direct
ed her to be conducted into his presence, which being
done, he asked her why she did not depart before the
gates were shut. She replied, with some hesitation, that
she did not wish to take away the skin, as he set so
great a value upon it. This answer was delivered in
such a manner, that the major was rather dissatisfied
with it, and asked her why she had not made the same
objection on taking it in the first place. This rather
confused her, and she said that if she took it away
now, she never should be able to return it.
It was now evident that she withheld something
which she wished to communicate, but was restrained
through fear. But on being assured by major Gladwin
that she should not be betrayed, but should be protect
ed and rewarded, if the information was valuable.
She then said that the chiefs who were to meet him in
council the next day, had contrived to murder him and
take the garrison and put all the inhabitants to death.
Each chief she said would come to the council, with
so much cut off of his gun, that he could conceal it
under his blanket. That Pontiac was to give the sig
nal, while delivering his speech, which was, when he
should draw his peace belt of wompum, and present
it to him in a certain manner. And that while the
council was sitting, as many of the warriors as could,
should assemble within the fort armed in the same
manner, under the pretence oT trading with the
garrison.
Having got all the information necessary, the woman
was discharged, and major Gladwin had every precau-
l^on taken to put the garrison into the best possible
PONTIAC. 285
*w.
state for defence. He imparted it to his men, and
instructed them how to act, at the, approaching coun
cil ; at the same time sending to all the traders in
different directions to be upon their guard.
The next morning having arrived, every counte
nance wore a different aspect, the hour of the council
was fast approaching, and the quick step and nervous
exercise in every evolution of the soldiers, was expres
sive of an approaching event, big with their destiny.
It was heightened in the past night, when a cry was
heard in the Indian encampment, different from what
was usual on peace occasions. The garrison fires
were extinguished and every man repaired to his post.
But the cry being heard no more, the remainder of the
night was passed in silence.
The appointed hour of ten o'clock arrived, and also
as punctual arrived Pontiac and his thirty-six chiefs,
followed by a train of warriors, which when the stipu
lated number had entered the garrison, the gates were
closed. The chiefs observed attentively the troops
under arms, and marching from place to place ; two
columns nearly enclosing the council house, and both
facing towards it. On Pontiac's entering the council
house, he demanded of major Gladwin the cause of
so much parade, and why his men were under arms ;
said it was an odd manner of holding a council. The
major told him it was onJy to exercise them. Being
seated upon the skins prepared for them, Pontiac com
menced his speech, and when he came to the signal
of presenting the belt, the governor and his attendants
drawing their swords half out of their scabbards, and
the soldiers clenching their guns with firmness, dis
covered to the chiefs by their peculiar attitudes, that
their plot was discovered. Pontiac, with all his bravery,
turned pale, and every chief showed signs of astonish-
24
^00 PONTIAC.
ment. To avoid an open detection, the signal in
passing the belt was not given, and Pontiac closed his
speech, which contained many professions of respect
and affection to the English. But when major Glad-
ivin commenced his, he did not fail directly to reproach
Pontiac with treacheiy ; told him he could not do any
thing to ensnare the English, and that he knew his
whole diabolical plan. Pontiac tried to excuse him
self, and to make major Gladivin believe that he had
laid no plot ; upon which the major stepped to the
chief nearest him, and drawing aside his blanket, ex
posed his short gun, which completed their confusion.
The governor, for such was major Gladwin, ordered
Pontiac to leave the fort immediately, for it would be
with difficulty he could restrain his men from cutting
him in pieces, should they know the circumstances.
The governor was afterwards blamed for thus suffer
ing them to withdraw, without retaining several of
them hostages for the quiet behaviour of the rest, but
he having passed his word that they should come and
go without hindrance or restraint, perhaps merited
less censure for keeping and respecting his own honor,
than his reproachers for their censures.
A furious attack was the next day made upon the
fort. Every stratagem was resorted to. At one time
filling a cart with combustibles, and running it against
the pickets to set them on fir^ At another, he was
about to set fire to the church, by shooting fiery arrows
into it ; but religious scruples averted its execution :
the priest telling him that it would call down the anger
of God upon him. They had frequently during the
siege, endeavored to cut down the pickets so as to
make a breach. Major Gladwin ordered his men, at
last, to cut on the inside at the same time, and assist
them. This was done, and when a breach was made
PONTIAC, 287
there was a rush upon the outside towards the breach,
and at the same instant, a brass four pounder, which
had been levelled for the purpose, was shot off, which
made a dreadful slaughter among them. After this
they merely blockaded the fort, and cut off its supplies,
and the English were reduced to the greatest distress,
and for some time subsisted upon half rations.
A bloody scene was now to follow. Capt. Delzel
with 200 men, went out of the fort before break of
day, on the 9th of August, 1763, to fight Pontiac in
his carnp ; but the wary chief had runners out, who
gave him timely notice, and be met them in an advan
tageous place, and being vastly superior in numbers,
and concealed behind a picket fence, near a bridge
where the English were to pass, poured in upon them
a dreadful fire. Many fell at the first onset, but they
kept their order, and exerted themselves to regain the
bridge they had just passed. They effected their pur
pose, but many fell in the attempt, among whom was
capt. Delzel. The famous major Rogers, the second
in command, and lieut. Breham with about 200 others
recovered the fort. This bridge, where so many brave
men were slain, is called to this day bloody bridge.
Pontiac ordered the head of capt. Delzel to be cut off
and set upon a post. Between eighty and a hundred
dead bodies were counted upon the bridge the next
morning, which entirely blocked up its passage.
About this time several small vessels fell into the
hands of Pontiac, which were destined to supply the
garrison, and the men were cruelly treated. The gar
rison was in great straits both from the heavy loss of
men, as well as from want of provisions and continual
watching. In this time of despondency, there now
arrived near the fort a schooner, which brought them
supplies of provisions, but nothing of this kind could
288 PONTIAC.
be landed without Pontiac's knowledge, and he deter
mined, if possible, to seize the schooner ; a detachment
made the attempt, and to save herself, the vessel was
obliged to tack short about and proceed in an oppo
site direction. The Indians followed her, and by
* continually firing into her, killed almost every man,
and at length boarded her. As they were climbing
up the sides and shrouds in every quarter, the captain,
determined not to fall into their hands alive, ordered the
gunner to set fire to the magazine, and blow all up to
gether. This was heard by a Huron chief, who un
derstood enough of English to know what was going
forward, and instantly communicating it to his follow
ers, they disengaged themselves from 
