Dr. Sun Yat-Sen : his life and achievements

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Dr. Sun Yat-sen

—HIS LIFE-
AMD

ACHIEVEMENTS

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PUBLISHED UNDER THE AUSPICES OF

THE PUBLICITY DEPARTMENT OF THE CENTRAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE

Shanghai Mercury

CONTENTS

Dr. Hun's Will

Chronicle of Dr. Sun's Life ...
Dr. Sun Yat-sen

His Revolutionary Activities

China Proclaimed a Republic
San Min Chu I

Nationalism for the People

Democracy for the People

Political Power of the People

Administrative Power of the Government

Livelihood for the People

Principle of Livelihood ...
The Fivefold Constitution * ...
Programme of National Reconstruction

^Manifesto of First National Congress

A Plan for the Development of Chinese Industi
China's International Development

1
3

7
9
1-2
14
1.^)
17
18
18
19
•21
22
88
88
45
51

FRENCH

Le Dr. Sun Yat-sen 57

Ses Activites Revolution naires 59

La Chine Proclamee Republique 60

Preface aux Principes Fondamentaux de la Recon-
struction Nationale 63

Principes Fondamentaux pour la Reconstruction
Nationale 67

Dr. Sun Yat-sen,

Father of the Chinese Republic.

DR. SUN'S WILL,

For forty years I liave devoted myself to the cause of
the people's revolution with but one aim in view — tlie
elevation of China to a position of freedom and equality
among the nations. My experiences during these forty
years have fully convinced me that to attain this goal we
must bring about a thorough awakening of our own people
and ally ourselves in a common struggle with those peoples
of the world who treat u,s on an equal basis so that they
may cooperate with us in our struggles.

The work of the Revolution is not yet over. All my
comrades must continue to exert their efforts according
to my "Programme of National Reconstruction," "Outline
of Reconstruction," the "Three Principles of the People,"
and the "Manifesto" issued by the First National Congress
vof our Party, and strive on earnestly for the consummation
of the end we have in view\ Above all, our recent
declarations in favour of the convocation of a People's
Convention and the abolition of unequal treaties should
be carried into effect with the least possible delay. This
is my heartfelt charge to you.

(Signed) SUN WEN.
February -JOth, 19-25.

Dr. Sun's Latest Picture.

Taken at Tientsin on December 5, 1924.

€

DR. SUN YAT SEN.

To say that Dr. Sun Yat Sen, Father of the Chinese
Repubhc and popularly known as the Washington of China,
led a life of hardship is to put it mildly, for he was always
exposed to danger during his revolutionary aotivities, Dr.
Sun has been known the world over as the most effective
and practical revolutionary leader China has ever produced,
and his life was devoted to hberating China from the
sliackles of superstition and economic backwardness and
hastening China" rise to the position of a modern world
power.

The great revolutionary leader was born in a small vil-
lage near Hsiangshan in the Province of Kwangtung on
November 12, 1866. At an early age he went to Honolulu
where he attended the Honolulu English Bishop School.
Upon graduation he attended a high school known as the
St. Louis School, and then studied for a term at the St.
Louis College. His return to Hongkong and his enrollment
at Queen's College marked the beginning of his career as a
revolutionist, for early in life he became convinced that
China's weakness was due to the inefficiency and corruption
of the Manchus and he felt that the only solution was to
work for their downfall. Upon his return from Honolulu
he evolved at platform so that he may preach revolution to
his countrymen, and his slogan at that time was "Divine
Right Does Not Last Forever," which is in the nature of a
])rotest as^ainst reverence for the throne. Although he felt
that his life work lay in the salvation of China, he realized
that he must choose a profession in order that he may have
a cloak to cover his activities, and he regarded the medical
profession as the kindly aunt w^ho could direct him to the
political arena, for the Chinese looked upon medical men as
being immune from politics and he could carry on his pro-
paganda without arousing too much attention from the
authorities.

8 Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements

It was while studying at Po Hsi Medical School that
he met Cheng Sze-liang, who was destined to play an
important part in his early revolutionary activities, and the
two discussed revolutionary topics v\ith considerable zest.
After staying for a year in the Canton Medical School, he
discovered that Hongkong Medical College had a wider
medical programme, and during his stay in Hongkong he
also received the enthusiastic support of Chen Shao-bo, Yu
Shao-chi and Yang Ho-lin, and another man at Shanghai,
Lu Ho-tung. Whenever they came together they did not
feel happy unless they discussed revolution, and they were
nicknamed "the four great and inseparable scoundrels."
Their firm conviction that China can only be saved by
revolution inspired them to form the Hing Chung Hwei.

HIS REVOLUTIONARY ACTIVITIES.

China's defeat at the hands of Japan dining 1894 fully
convinced him that a revohition was .the only means of saving
his country from destr action. ThereuiX)n he organised an
attack against the Yamen at Canton in the ninth moon of
1895, but this attack proved unsuccessful. Six hundred
pistols were seized on board a ship by the Manchu
authorities, and Comrades Lu Ho-tung and Chu Kwei-chen
were executed, while 70 persons were imprisoned.

The Manclius ordered the anest of Br. Sun and he fled
to Hawaii, then to America, and from thence to England.
While abroad he began preaching to his countrymen about
the necessity for a revolution. The idea of a nationalism
had not completely died out among the Chinese, even though
they were ruled by their Manchu conquerers for more than
two centuries. After China was conquered by the M*anchus,
the scholars of the Ming Dynasty handed down their ideas,
of nationalism to a secret order. This secret order existed
among the Chinese emigrants abroad, so the revolutionary
leader was able to get their moral and financial support
in the great task of overthrowing the Manchus.

His narrowest escape from death occurred when he was
.kidnapped during October 11, 1896 while passing the Chinese
Legation at London. Here he was confined until he
managed to communicate to his old friend. Sir James
Cantlie, who secured his release. His life was constantly
exposed to danger, for a sleuth followed him wherever he
went and he was compelled to travel in all sorts of disguises.
Tleturning to Japan in 1899 he leased a house about an
arm's throw from the Chinese Consulate at Y^okohama at
a place known as Number -21 Yamashita Cho. There he
carried on his activities until he organised the second
revolution shortly after the outbreak of the Boxer Rebellion.
His schoolmate, Cheng Sze-liang was actively aiding him

10 De. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements

in his revolutionary work at the time. The second revolution
was successful at the very beginning, but further
advancement was checked by an unexpected source, for the
second attempt failed owing to the lack of supplies.

After this unsuccessful attempt he returned to Japan.
In 1903 he went to x\nnam at the invitation of the Governor
of Annam. The revolutionary forces advanced toward Chao
Chow, under the leadership of General Hwang Hsing but
were defeated. Another attempt was made to overwhelm the
Imperial Army at Wei Chow but this also ended! in failure.
Not to be daunted by these reverses, Dr. Sun went to
Europe where he carried on revolutionary propaganda among
the students. Returning in 1906, Dr. Sun managed to
secure the allegiance of Kuo Jen-chow and Chao Pai-shen,
two commanders in the Imperial Army. Two comrades
were sent to Japan for the purpose of buying ammunition
and isupplies, but owing to a dispute at the Tokyo
Hea/dquarters, the arms failed to arrive on time, and the
revolutionary forces were compelled to retreat.

In 1907, Dr. Sun personally led his comrades in an
attack upon Jen Nan Kwan and captured three forts, but
as reinforcements failed to arrive on time. Dr. Sun was
foroeid to retreat back to x\nnam. General Hwang Hsing
was then ordered to proceed to the Lien and Tien districts
and attempt their seizure, but owing to the lack of
ammunition. General Hwang's forces were forced to
withdraw after a campaign of several months. In the
meantime, the Manchu authorities exerted pressure upon
the French Government to drive Dr. Sun out of Annam,
so he went to Singapore. In the meantime, Huang Ming-
tang led a successful campaign in Hokow and captured
more than 1,000 soldiers of the Imperial Army. As an I'ble
leader was needed at that time. Dr. Sun telegraphed to
General Hwang Hsing asking him to proceed immediately
to the scene. But unfortunately. General Hwang was
detained by the French authorties, so the eighth attempt
ended in failure.

His Revolutionaey Activities U

In 1909 the great revolationary leader went to America
to enlist the support of his countrymen there. During his
sojourn abroad, his comrades at home attempted to storm
the city of Canton, but they were routed. Dr. Sun was in
the United States at that time, and upon receipt of the
news, he hurried, back to China and found his followers
entirely discouraged by the series of failures ; so he called
a meeting together at Penang to discuss future revolutionary
tactics and instil new courage into their hearts. After the
meeting, he again returned to America for the purpose of
raising funds. During his absence another attempt was
made to capture Kwangtung Province and this incident,
which later became known as the Huang Hua Kang
Martyrdom, again failed but it gave the Manchu rulers
many sleepless nights.

12 Dr. Sun Y at sen, His Life and Achievements
CHINA PROCLAIMED A REPUBLIC.

The eleventh attempt was idestined to change the coiu-se
of events in China, for Wuhan was captured without any
difficulty on October 10, 1911, and province after province
rallied to the support of the revolutionary cause. The
Manchus were at last driven from the throne and China was
proclaimed a Eepublic. Hurrying back from America, the
"Father of the Chinese Republic" was unanimously elected
First President of China.

Dr. Sun resigned in favour of Yuan Shih-kai, but it
later proved to be a mistake, for Yuan Shih-kai secretly
coveted the throne. Shortly after assuming office, Yuan
caused the assassination of Sung Chao-jen, the Kuomintang
candidate for Prime Minister. The next step was to outlaw
the Kuomintang and dissolve Parliament. \Vhen Yuan
Shih-kai proclaimed himself Emperor, a fresh uprising took
place and he was driven from the throne.

As a result of Yuan Shih-kai s suppression of the
Kuomintang, Dr. Sun was driven to take refuge in Japan.
With the assistance of Dr. Wu Ting-fang, however. Dr.
Sun Yat-sen succeedied in establishing a Government at
Canton in opposition to the former Peking Government
during the latter part of the year 1917. Dr. Sun was then
Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, but in 19*21
he was elected President of the Constitutional Government
of Canton by an overwhelming majority. After his
inauguration, he organised an Expedition against the
northern militarists, but while his army was entering
Kwangsi his erstwhile trusted subordinate, Chen Chiung-
ming, revolted against him during 1922. But in 1923 Dr.
Sun drove out these hostile forces and re-established the
Canton Government.

During the latter part of 1924 hostilities broke out
between the Fengtien and Chihli parties, so Dr. Sun lost

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A Portrait in Memory of Dr. Sun

China Proclaimed a Republic Hi

no time in mobilising his forces for another Northern
Expedition. After Tsao Kun was overthrown, the
Kuominchun leader invited Dr. Sun to proceed north to
holdi a round-table conference. The "Father of the Chinese
Eepublic" reached Tientsin on December 4th, and although
he contracted illness, he arrived at the former Northern
Capital on New Year's Eve. He was then removed to
Peking Union Hospital, where he was operated upon but
after attempts to save his life were of no avail, he passed
away on March 12, 1925. The parting words at his
Jeath-bed were "Peace — Struggle — Save China."

Although he did not live to see the realisation of the
aims for which he had struggled during the last forty years
of his life, his spirit and enthusiasm are rtill alive among
his followers, who are doing their utmost to carry out his
aims and aspirations. To-day many people who were
formerly his bitterest opponents are staunch supporters of
his cause and are endeavouring to carry out his Three
Principles of Nationalism, Democracy and Livelihood for
the people. The National Government is conscientiously
following the wishes of Dr. Sun by establishing the
Five-Yuan system of government with its five powers of
the executive, the judiciary, the legislature, the censorate
and the civil service examinations. During the period from
Political Tutelage to Constitutionism, the masses will be
taught the four powers of the people, namely: — suffrage,
recall, initiative and referendum.

14 Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements

THE SAN MIN CHU I.

The Three Principles of the Kuomintang as enunciated
by the late Dr. Sun Yat Sen, are Nationalism, Democracy
and Livelihood. In other words, the San Min Chu I, or
the Three Principles, stand for racial democracy, political
democracy and economic democracy, which coincide with
the principles of Abraham Lincoln of "a government of
the people, by the people and for the people."

J 5

NATIONALISM FOR THE PEOPLE.

The Chinese nation is composed of five racial stocks : —
Hans, Manchus, Mongols, Tartars and Tibetans.
Compared to the four hundred milUon Chinese, there are
several million Tibetans, less than a million Mongols,
about ten million Tartars and the most insignificant number
of Manchus. Mongolia, Manchuria and Tibet are in
constant danger of foreign invasion, for the people living
in those territories do not have sufficient strength for self-
protection, but a united Republic composed of Chinese,
Manchus, Mongols, Tartars and Tibetans constitutes a
powerful combination. A certain racial distinction still
exists which distorts the real meaning of a Republic, so
steps must be taken to cement the unity of the individual
peoples inhabiting China. In the words of Dr. Sun, we
must "satisfy the demands and requirements of all peoples
and unite them in a single cultural and political whole,
to constitute a single nation with such a name, for example,
as 'Chunghua' — or China, in the widest application of
the name."

Political and economic forces have a greater influence
upon the rise and fall of nations than natural forces, and
China is now being caught in the current of modern world
movements. The nineteenth century witnessed the climax
to the struggle among the Powers for territorial
aggrandizement, and China was subject to the iron heel
of foreign aggression. The loss of dependencies was
followed by the partition of China into "spheres of
influence" wherein the Powers possessing those regions
gathered into their hands basic industries, railway
concessions, mining concessions and other exclusive rights.
When Germany forcibly occupied Kiaochow during 1898,
the Powers began to vie with each other for the seizure
of Dairen, Kwangchowan, Kowloon, Wei-hai-wei and other

16 Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements

stragetic points. Dr. Sun was of the opinion that:
"China is the colony of eveiy nation that has made treaties
with her, and the treaty-making nations are her masters.
China is not the colony of one nation , but of all ; she is
not a semi-colony, but a hypo-colony."

It is imperative that the four hundred million people
in China should be aw^akened and the perilous situation
impressed upon them. China formerly declined becau.se
she did not know that she was declining, so to revive the
lost spirit of nationalism is a matter of life and death to her.
The only nation that can save China is China herself,
and the first step towards securing real independence is
to abolish the unequal treaties which have contributed in
no small measure to the economic and political enslavement
of China. Nationalist China is now determined to get
rid of the unequal treaties in order that she may deal with
the Powers on terms of equality and reciprocity.

It is essential, however, that China should endeavour
to preserve her ancient morality. The Great Powers have
always attempted to destroy other nations, and China should
not copy the imperialism of the rapacious Powers and
attempt to crush the smaller nations by force, but should
follow the ancient morality and teachings of the sages
in her international dealings. When China becomes a
powerful nation, she shou.ld endeavour to lift up the weak
and rescue the fallen.

m #1'

17

DEMOCRACY FOR THE PEOPLE

Considering tiie great advance in science and industry,
the West has made very slow progress in the field of
government and there is not much difference between the
<lemocracy of to-day and the democracy of a century ago.
Despite all its advantages, Western democracy has not yet
reached true democracy because the political machinery
of the West (according to Dr. Sun) is just like a
single-acting engine, whose piston can move forward but
not backward. With the power of election the people
may place the officials in power, but without the right of
recall the people cannot control the officials after they are
elected. An all-powerful government is desirable, but an
all-powerful government which the people cannot control
is to be feared.

Dr. Sun did not want to copy the West and adopt
machinery which will soon be out of date, so he advocated
bestowing u,pon the people the four rights of suffrage,
recall, initiative and referendum. The powers of the
government and the powders of the people are to be clearly
divided. For many years Dr. Sun has proposed the
adoption of the Fivefold Constitution, and the National
Oovernment is conscientiously carrying out his wishes by
•establishing the five "yuans" for administering the affairs
of the country, the order being as follows: (a) Executive
Yuan, (b) Legislative Yuan, (c) Judicial Yuan, (d)
Examination Yuan, and (e) Control Y^uan.

The late Dr. Sun compared a government to a piece
of machinery. When engines were first constructed in the
AYest the piston was single-acting and incapable of
reversing, and it was only later on that the piston w^as
made double-acting by means of a reverse gear. Dr. Sun
pointed out that when the people have only the right of
voting, it may be compared to a single-acting piston ; but

18 De. Sun Yat-sen, His Life ajsD Achievements

when the right of recall is added, it is analogous to a
double-acting machine because the officials may be recalled
after they are elected if they do not prove worthy of their
charge. When the four powers of the people and the five
powers of the government are put into operation, there
will be no fear of an all-powerful uncontrollable government ,
for the people will be in the position of an engineer who
can control the machinery of the government at will.

The following is a diagram of the system proposed
by the late Dr. Sun Yat-sen : —

POLITICAL POWER OF THE PEOPLE.

Suffrage- Recall -Initiative Referendum

ADMINISTRATIVE POWER OF THE
GOVERNMENT.

Legislature — Judiciary — Executive — Civil Service —

Censorship (Examinations)

When the three W^estern powers of the executive,
legislature and ju,diciary are combined with the Chinese
powers of censorship and examination, and when the four
powers of suffrage, recall, initiative and referendum are
enjoyed by the people, then the Chinese Republic may
really be called a government of the people, by the people,
and for the people.

19

LIVELIHOOD FOR THE PEOPLE

The Min Sheng Chu I or the Principle of the People's
Livehhood as enunciated by the late Dr. Sun Yat-sen is
a scientific attempt to enable the people of China to elevate
their standards of living so that they may be better fed
and better clothed.

The policy of the Kuomintang is to limit the power of
capitalism and prevent the monopoly of land and capital,
by a few individuals ; and Dr. Sun proposed that enterprises
which are monopolistic in character, such as banks and.
railways, should be regulated by the State. Government,
control is nothing new in the West because Germany,.
Great Britain, the United States, Canada and Qther^
Countries have experienced state control of Communications
and other large enterprises. The principle of nationalization,
was interpreted by the First Ku,omintang National Congress
as follows: "By equalization of the right to hold land is
meant the abolition of monopoly of land by a few, and by
regujation of capital is the taking over by the state of-
such monopolies as the banking and shipping industries. ' '

The greater part of the misfortunes of Europe and
America arise from a disproportionate distribution of wealth
and products of industry. But the capitalists in China are
poor in comparison with the foreign capitalists, so everyone
is comparatively poor and extreme poverty exists among
the masses. The absence of large capitalists does not
mean that a method for equalizing the distribution of wealth
should not be found, but in direct contrast to the forcible
revolutionary methods of Soviet Eussia, Dr. Sun proposes
to solve the problem by evolutionary methods. These
methods are : — social and economic reform, nationalization
of transportation and communications, direct taxation on
incomes, and socialized distribution through co-operative-
societies.

20 Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements

As the greater part of China's population is
agricultural, the land question is very important. In
England the feudal system of land-holding has survived
up till the present day, and in the United States all the
land is private property, but in China the distribution of
land partially conforms to the principle of
proportionalization. Dr. Sun, however, has evolved a plan
which wdll provide against future evils, and he called
attention to the fact that : "In China up till this day the
so-called three-grade system of collection of land taxes
has been preserved, but, owing to the slow development
of transport and industry, land valu,es were not so higli
in the past as they were to-day. Well-developed means
of communication and industry have led, owing to the
maintenance of the old system, to an extremely unequal

rise in the value of the land we must

collect one per cent of the value of the land. For example,
if a given piece of land is worth $2,000, its owmer pays
$20." The fear that the landowner will attempt to cheat
the government was dispelled by Dr. Sun, w^ho declared
that "if the landow^ner makes a low assessment he will
be afraid that the government will buy back his land at
that value and make him lose his property ; if he makes
too high an assessment he will be afraid of losing money
through the government taxing him according to this value.
-Comparing these two serious possibilities, he will not want
to report the value of his land too high or too low, and
will report the true value to the government."

Another important problem is the question of food
supply and distribution, for in China there is not enough
food for the masses. This deplorable condition is due to
the lack of scientific agricultural methods and to foreign
economic imperialism. The seven methods of increasing
food production may be summarized as follows: (a)
utilization of agricultural machinery, (b) the use of
fertilizers, (c) rotation of crops, (d) eradication of pests,
(e) manufacture of food products, (f) improvement of
transportation facilities, and (g) prevention of natural
disasters throu.di river conservancv and reforestation.

21

PRINCIPLE OF UVELIHOOD.

The people must be well-clothed as well as being
well-fed. At a time when the West was still in a primitive
stage, China had exported large quantities of silk abroad.
But to-day Chinese silk is gradually being driven from
the world market and it is imperative that she must improve
the silkworm eggs and mulbeny leaves and utilize the
latest scientific methods of manufacturing. As the majority
of the people wear clothing made of cotton it is necessary
to make a scientific study of the cultivation of hemp and
the production of fine linen thread by machinery.

In order to fully carry out the Principle of Livelihood
it is necessary to eliminate foreign economic oppression
by abolishing the unequal treaties which have prevented
her from making that advancement which is desired by all
well-wishei-s of China. Railways, canals, motor roads and
other means of communication must be developed to allow
people and merchandise to travel quickly and freely
throughout the country. The vast spaces of Mongolia,
Tibet and Sinkiang must be irrigated and immigration
encouraged into those regions. The tremendous wealth
lying underground in the form of minerals should be tapped
to supply the needs of the nation. Every encouragement
should be given to allow factories and manufacturing
plants of all descriptions to spring up so that commercially
and industrially China may rank with any other Power.
When all the projects as planned by the late Dr. Sun in
his "Outline of Reconstruction" and the "Programme of
Nationa] Reconstruction" are carried out, the people of
China will be better fed, better clothed, and will be able
to enjoy many of the things which are now regarded as
luxuries.

22 Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements

**THE FIVEFOLD CONSTITUTION."

(A Speech by Dr. Sun Yat sen).

Comrades,

The subject of this speech will be the "Fivefold
Gonstitution," which is the fruit exclusively of my own
initiative and hitherto has been unknown. You know that
the w^iole world strives for the establishment of a
constitutional system. But what is constitu,tion ? A
constitutional order is a system in which all political
authority is divided into several component parts,
independent of one another in their work. The constitutions
of other countries are divided only into three component
parts, but not into five. The constitution of five component
parts is the fruit of my labours alone. From the moment
of its appearance, very few have understood its purpose. I
shall try to explain it.

Ten years ago I spoke on this subject, and apparently
my audience was very inattentive. In all other countries
there exists the so-called threefold constitution, and
therefore it w^as very strange for them to hear of a new
form, and they decided that it was purely the result of
my fantasy. But I based the idea of my work on a very
solid foundation. I studied the history of revolutions for
over thirty years. After an unsuccessful revolt in
Kwantung, I went abroad, and seriously began the study
of the problem of government with a view to create the
foundation for the future system of government of China.

After the successful conclusion of the revolt of the
United States of America, the colonists who had secured
complete independence of Great Britain laid at the
foundation of their system of government a threefold
constitution, the clauses and articles of which are
distinguished by their exactness and clearness. This

** The Fivefold Constitution " 23

constitution is called in the political world a "written
Constitution." Many countries followed the example of the
U.S.A., and laid this constitution at the foundation of the
law of their country. I studied the American constitution,
which from the moment of its appearance was recognised
as a model, not only by the American people itself, bu.t also
by the British statesmen, who saw in it something superior
to all other forms of constitution in other countries. 1 was
veiy careful and painstaking about the study of this
constitution, in order to secure a reply to the question : was
it perfect or not ? The result of my work was the conviction
that it suffers from many defects. Moreover, the opinion
of some European arid American scholars about the
American Constitution coincides with mine 7n many
respects. To-day very many feel the imperfectness of the
American Constitution. This is because all that was good
and correct a hundred or two hundred years ago is by no'
means suitable to-day. From this angle, and also thanks
to my intensive study of the question, I decided that these
imperfections must be eliminated. The American students
of political science are of the same opinion. Undoubtedly,
the perfection of a constitution is not an easy matter. How
is it to be done ? We have at our disposal neither materials
nor the necessary books.

I remember that a certain American professor wrote a
book, entitled. Liberty, in which he develops the idea that
the threefold constitution does not corres]X)nd to the spiri<^
of the times, and therefore he advises the introduction of
a fourth component part, the "power of punishment" of
members of Parliament, which, must be absolutely
independent in its actions. He thinks that if Parliament
possesses this power, cu,nning members of Parliament will
abuse it and will always place the Government in a veiy
difficult position. But his opinion also is not quite correct.
In America there are a fair number of people who feel the
imperfection of their Constitution, and seek a method of
improving it. But the method indicated is also imperfect.
Why ? Because in the United States all public servants are

24 De. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements

elected by the people, but, in view of the existence of
many difficulties in popular elections, and other grave
defects, the method of limiting elections of officials is
applied : the vote belongs only to people possessing certain
privileges. Such a privilege is the possession of ^ certain
amount of property, which gives its owner the right to vote.
Undoubtedly such a form of restriction in elections at the
present day is in contradiction to the spirit of equality,
and gives rise to the vast growth of corruption. Moreover,
in such a system we do not know^ who should be elected.
Undoubtedly, those who are elected should possess certain
qualities, but the right to vote should be extended to all
citizens of the Republic. Such a system is called "Universal
Suffrage."

It is not such a simple thing as to say that, once you
have property, you can vote and be elected. I think that
every worker in the public service, and every worker of the
legislative institutions, ought to have certain knowledge and
aptness for his work. Bu,t if he has neither knowledge nor
aptitude, but only property, this is in contradiction to the
requirements of the age. We must select those wiiom w*^
need. Previously, there existed in China the method of
examination for the Civil Service. But the old Chinese
method was useless during the time of the dynasty, because
the Emperor in those days w^as only concerned with finding
the people he required to rule the country. However,jbh].<
method is extremely useful and necessary for the Republic,
as the whole people is unable to assemble to manage tht-
affairs of the country. The examination section, therefore,
is the fifth component part of which I have spoken.^"

The "United Leagu.e," while it was still in Tokyo
accepted the scheme of the "Three Principles" and th.'>
"Fivefold Constitution" as its programme. We decided at
that time that, after the successful completion of the
revolutionary insurrection, the constitution must he apphect
in practice. We did not imagine that, after the overthrov
of the Manchu dynasty, anyone would take adviUitage of
the difficult circumstances. Everyone thought that the very

"The Fivefold Consiitution " 25

fact of the overthrow of the Manchu dynasty would be
a proof that all would be organised as the people desired.
The resujt is the existence of the so-called "Republican
system" in China, which has not only not applied *-he prin-
ciples for which the best sons of China struggled, but on the
whole has even made matters worse. The reason for this,
must be clear to you, even without my explanations.
We must immediately bend all our efforts to applying the
"Fivefold Constitution" which will lay the foundation for
a strong and healthy form of government. We must have
a good Constitution and then we shall be able to build up a
real Republic.

We^strive to make China a powerful and glorious coun-
try, but how can we bring this about? I think that the
path must not be very difficult. This path is the applica-
tron_qfthe_" Fivefold Constitution." Let iis "consider, at
any rate, why w^e require this Constitution. If we desire to
understand this, we must first make a review of political
history for the space of several thousand years past. In
political historv" there exist two tendencies; one, "Liberty,"
the other, "Order." TiTpotiticat'htstoiTTjust as in physics,
there are two forces, centrifugal and centripetal. The
tendency of the centrifugal force is extension without, the
tendency of the centripetal is collection around the centre.
If the centrifugal force is stronger than any object, the
latter will break up into dust ; bu.t if the centripetal force
is the stronger, the object will only become slightly smaller
and more compressed It is necesr>g:ry that these two forces
should be equal. The ^same applies to "Liberty" and
'"Urder." If jhe boundaries of ''Liberty" are widely ex-
tended, there is a possibility ..that anarchy will arise; but if
"order" takes first place,, there will be .the sway of
absolutism. Political change for the last_few tiiousand
yeaxs^_a£ejhe resliIfot'^tIie'coTrfltct"of these two forces.

The history of China begain 'with the dynasties of Tan
and Yu : this period is called the "Golden Age." The
history of China is the history of the movement from liberty
to absolutism, while the history of Europe is the'histoiy of

26 Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements

the movement from absolutism to liberty. Our people
enjoyed liberty too long, and began to grow tired of it, and
finally destroyed it. Then selfish emperors and kings took
advantage of the opportunity to assume the toga of
absolutism : the au,tocracy of the Tsing and Tang dynasties
began. The political history of other countries goes from
absolutism to liberty : in earlier times people suffered great
misery, and therefore in those countries the saying arose:
"Either liberty or death." Thus we can see the terrible
meaning of absolutism at that time.

T'he history of Chinese political life goes from liberty
to absolutism, the Chinese people in ancient times in-
dependently cultivated their fruit and dug well for their
water, and were completely free. This is what the
philosopher, Lao-tze said: "A country must be governed
without interference." This is the popular conception of
liberty, but did not know^ its value. This tradition has been
maintained u,d to the present day. The apathy of the
Chinese to liberty is a source of constant wonder to the
Europeans. The character of European history is quite the
reverse. From the moment of the fall of the Eoman
Empire, Europe was divided into a number of countries,
the nations of which were in the position of slaves. During
the last few centuries wars for liberty ^imve gone on.

Whenever I have spoken above revolution, I have never
confused this with the idea of winning liberty : the Chinese
people think only of a complete political change, but do not
connect this at all with the idea of liberty. The Chinese
Emperors only demanded that the people should pay taxes
and keep the peace. Hence it is clear why Europe criticises
the Chinese people for a complete failure to understand the
term "liberty." The Europeans do not enjoy complete
liberty, and therefore fight to win it. Bu,t the Chinese have
enjoyed unlimited liberty, and tJierefore do not know the
meaning of the word.

These two tendencies of political history, absolutism,
and liberty, are the distinguishing features separating China
from Europe. But in political history there are also two

"The Fivefold Constitution" 27

classes of people : those who govern and those who are
governed. Here is what one philosopher said on this
subject: "There are men occupied with gymnastics of the
mind, there are men occupied with gymnastics of the body.
The first will rule, the second will be ruled." Those who
will rule must have knowledge, while those wdio will be
ruled must not have knowledge. In Europe, the monarchi-
cal system and its Emperor were overthrow^n only during
recent centu,ries, and the people enjoy comparative liberty.
My "Fivefold Constitution" strives to destroy this dis-
tinction, tTierel)y serving as the true and real path to the
realisation of the principles of democi^acy!

Now let us speak of the place of origin of constitutions.
A constitution was first created in England. From the time
of the Great English Revolution, the power of the monarch
gradually declined, and finally became a pure political
tradition, like the "division of the three powers." But in
reality the English do not know that these "three powers"
were divided : they possess a natural feeling of love for
liberty, and act as seems best to them.

Three hundred years ago there was a famous French
scholar, Montesquieu, who published a book called The
Spirit of Laws, which set ou.t the theory of the division of
the three powers, aWci pointed out that the legislative,
executive and judicial powers should be completely inde-
pendent of one of the other. But thanks to the great develop-
ment of her political parties, England changed her forms
of government only gradually, and now her government is
not one of free, independent and separate powers, but a
single authority. The modern political system in England
is that of the complete dictatorship of Parliament, the com-
plete authority of a single party which governs the country.
The system of government of the United States of America,
on the other hand, is based on the theory of the division of
three powers formulated by Montesquieu, and is expressed
in the exact forms of a written constitution. Yet Montes-
quieu himself based his theory of the division of three
powers on the political traditions of England. Later, the

28

Dr. Sun Y at- sen, His Life and Achievements

reforms in Japan and the revolutions in other Countries took
as the basis of their constitution the Constitution of the
United States. The EngHsh Constitution is not formujated
in documents, whereas the American constitution is ex-
pressed in a formal way in documents. Therefore, the
English Constitution is still called ''elastic," while the
American is "strict" and "exact."

England is governed by individual persons, while the
U.S.A. are governed by laws, although England is the coun-
try where there first appeared a constitution, though not
drawn up in exact words. Our old Chinese system of
government is a system of three powers, just like the
En dish.

The Old Chinese System of
Government.

The Constitutions of other
countries.

Power of
Punish-
ment.

Power of Power of
the Exaraina-
Emperor. tion.

Judicial Administra-
Power. tive Power.
1

Legisla-
tive Power.
1

Power of
Examination.

Power of

Judicial.

Administra- Legisla-
tive, tive.

Punish-
ment.

According to the above diagram, the Chinese system
of government includes the power of examination, the
power of punishment and the power of the Emperor, which
includes legislative, judicial and administrative departments.
The sjstem of examinations is very valuable. It used to
be distinguished for its accuracy, absence of bribes and
freedom from personal influence : but later this strictness
gradually began to be relaxed. As for the power of punish-
ment, there were special officials in controT~oT it . In the
ev€Tit' of the Empei*or's actions Feing wrong, he too was
subjected to punishment by this power, which insisted on
punishment, even though this may be death. Thus this
system deserves approval.

There is an American professor. Burgess, who has
written a book entitled Liberty and Government, in which
he says that the power of punishment in China is the best

"The Fivefold Constitution" 29

example of a compromise between liberty and government.
The Chinese people have spoken little of liberty : the ex-
treme of liberty is anarchism. The reason for the constant
discussion of anarchism in Europe is its comparative new-
ness there. The first known anarchist was the French
thinker and philosopher, Proudhon, and then the Kussian,
Bakunin : the representative of anarchism at the present
day was the Russian philosopher, Kropotkin, who died
recently. Many have engaged in concentrated study of this
tendency in poUtical thought, simply because it was still
quite new. It is laughable when people speak of Chinese
students who study this theory and advocate it, trying not
to fall behind the fashion, without speaking of whether
they understand it or not. In essence, the theory of
anarchism was known in China several thousand years ago,
when many w^ere greatly interested in it. Is not the theory
of Hung and Lao anarchism ? I repeat that people have
talked of anarchism in China for several thousands of years :
and it is only because the Chinese youth do not understand
this that they fail to realise that such propaganda is quite
unnecessary at the present time.

I have already said that both political tendencies, liberty
and absolutism, must come to a compromise in order that
neither should go to an extreme, like the centrifugal and
centripetal forces. To speak only of the centrifugal or the
centripetal force is undoubtedly wrong. We must speak
of both. Any opinion of one side alone will never be
successful. The equality of both forces and the combina-
tion of both tendencies constitute the promise of a great
future for mankind. The w^ork of the Constitution is like
the work of a machine. Law is the mechanism of human
affairs. The Constitution is a great macliina— the anacBihe
of compromise between liberty and government.

At the beginning of our Revolution I put forward the
idea of the "three principles" i.e. nationalism, democracy
and socialism. These are the same words as were uttered
by the President of the United States, Lincoln : "Govern-
ment of the people, by the people, and for the people."

30

Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements

Men must govern themselves, and then they v^ill be com-
pletely satisfied. If they cannot govern themselves, they
cannot be satisfied. If we desire to overthrow the system
of government of those who have developed their minds
over those who nave been developed only physically, we
must bear in mind that the human will can deal even with
the heavens.

Let us go on the question of democracy, which for the
people is a machine wherewith to fly, run, swim, and do all
else that it pleases. But what kind of machine is it? This
machine is a constitution.

The Constitution of Five Grades (or Authorities).

Legislative.

Judicial. Executive.

I

Punishment, i Examining.

This five-grade or Fivefold Constitution is our auto-
mobile, our submarine and our aeroplane. It is divided into
the following authorities: legislative, judicial, administrative
or executive, punishment ancTexamining for^ivil servants —
aTTcompletely independent of one another. It deprives the
Emperor of his power and takes legislative, judicial and
administrative authority away from him, making them quite
independent. At the head of the administration stands the
President ; at the head of the legislative machine is
Parliament; at the head of the judiciary is a judge.

Every worker,, in ..State employment must first of all
pass certain examinations. I remember that, when I arrived
in Canton, many~people asked me to give them posts in the
Civil Service. The Government needed competent and
experienced workers. But I knew none. Perhaps there
were experienced old workers amongst these persons, but
without a certain test of their knowledge I could do nothin.gf.
Tn such a case this authority is very Uvseful. Many skilled
people have been unknown to a large section of society be-
cause they were never subjected to examination. And some-
times it happess._that ignorant and almost illiterate ^people

"The Fivefold Constitution"

31

achieve high |)£)!^ts, and thereby only awaken and develop
sullen hostility in the hearts of the people. Thus we see
that the examining power is a very essential and important
link in the State machinery. Withou,t this link it is as
though we were without a conductor. Only with this
system can we have experienced civil sei*vants.

This system was adopted in practice by England a
fairly long time ago, and by America about twenty or thirty
years ago. All this was borrowed from China. The Chinese
system of examination is the best in the world, and all
countries now use it.

Above I mentioned that the legislative authority is
headed by Parliament, the executive by the President, the
judicial by a judge ; the examining and punishing authorities
are also controlled by appropriate persons. When I w^as at
Nanking, I requested the Senate to adopt the Fivefold Con-
stitution. But they did not understand it, as it cut com-
pletely across their personal points of view. The Fivefold
Constitu,tion, the fruit of my own labours, is a vast machine.
If you wish to travel hundreds of miles in a day, you take
an automobile or an aeroplane ; if you wash to manage a
country, you must use a machine which you can control.

Q'he State Machine.

PEOPLE

•S COJ

NFERENCE.

GOVERNMENT.

I

Every district has one
delegate.

Punishing
Authority.

Judicial

Authority.

Executive
Authority.

Legislative
Authority.

Examinatory
Authority .

Minister of
Justice.

Minister of
Fii ance.

Minister of
Agriculture
aid Mines.

Minister of
War.

Minister of | Minister of Minister of
Interior. i Foreign Affairs. Education.

PROVINCIAL Minister cf Minister of

AUTHORITY. Labour and Communica-

I Commerce. tions.

District authority. Direct right of citizens.

Initiative.

Right of Recall.

Referendum.

Direct electoral rights.

This is the machinery for governing the country.
Beside the Fivefold Constitution, a very important part is
the direct right of citizens in local government. Direct

32 Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements

right is the true "rights of man." It has four forms:
electoral, the right of recall, the initative and the re-
ferendum. If the Fivefold Constitution can be compared
to a vast machine, the direct right of citizens is the key to
the machine. If citizens have the right of election, they
should also have the right of dismissing the officials whom
they elect. If citizens know of the existence of u,seful laws,
which for some reason cannot pass the legislature, they
should be able as a community to adopt them. Such a right
is called the riorht of referendum.

33

PROGRAMME OF NATIONAL RECONSTRUCTION
(AS DRAFTED OUT BY THE LATE DR. SUN).

1. The National Government's programme for the recon-
struction of China is hased on the revolutionary prin-
ciples known as the **San Min Chu T' and the **Five=
power Constitution.''

2. The first and foremost element of reconstruction is
livelihood. In order to meet the pressing needs of the
people for food, clothing, shelter, and roads, the
government should co-operate v^ith ' the people to
improve agriculture in order to provide them with
sufficient food, to develope the cotton industry in order
that they may have abundant material for clothing, to
build houses on a large scale in order that they may
procure comfortable shelter, and to construct new roads
and canals and repair the existing systems so as to
facilitate traffic.

3. The next element of reconstruction is democracy. To
enable the people to be competent in their knowledge
of politics, the government should undertake to train
and guide them so that they may know how to exercise
their rights of election, recall, initiative, and re-
ferendum.

4. The third element of reconstruction is nationalism.
The government should undertake to render assistance
and, protection to the racial minorities in the country
(Manchus, Mongols, Tibetans, etc.) so that they may
be able to exercise their right of self-determination and
self-government, while resisting oppression a-nd in-
vasion from foreign countries. The government should,
at the same time, revise the treaties with foreign
countries in order to secure national independence and
international equ,ality.

34 Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements

5. The order of reconstruction is divided into three
periods, viz :

(a) Period of Mihtary Operation ;

(b) Period of Pohtical Tutelage;

(c) Period of Constitutional Government

6. During the period of military occupation the entire
country should be subject to military rule. To hasten
the unification of the country, the Government should
employ military force to conquer all opposition in the
country and propagate the principles of the Party so
that the people may be enlightened.

7. The period of political tutelage in a province should
begin and military rule shou.ld cease as soon as order
within the province is completely restored.

8. During the period of political tutelage the government
should despatch trained officers who have passed the
examinations to the different districts to assist the
people in making preparations for local self-govern-
ment. The attainment of local self-government depends
on the completion of the census, the survey of the
district, the organisation of an efficient police force,
and the construction of roads throughout the district.
Moreover, the people of the district must be able to
fulfil their duties as citizens by exercising the four
rights mentioned above, and must pledge themselves
to carry out the principles of the revolution, before
they are entitled to elect the officer of a "hsien" for
the administration of its affairs and representatives of
the "hsien" for the formulation of its laws. By that
time, the "hsien" will then be considered as fully self-
governing.

9. The citizens of a fully self-governing "hsien" have the
right of direct voting for the election of officers, the
right of direct recall, the right of direct initiative, and
the right of direct referendum.

10. At the beginning of self-government it is imperative
that a declaration be made of the value of private-
owned land of the district, the procedure being to
require the owners to make their own declaration at

Programme of National Eeconstruction 35

the local administration so that the tax will be imposed
according to the declared value, but the local govern-
ment is entitled at any time to purchase the property
at the declared value. Any increase in value ' as a
result of improvement in the administration and pro-
gress of the community shall be set aside for the
benefit of the whole community, and the original
owners are not allowed to reserve it for themselves.

11. The annual revenue from land, the increase in land
value, the production from pu.blic land, the income
from forestry, rivers, mines, and waterfalls shall be
reserved for the local government and shall be devoted
to the development, of industries, the taking care of
the young, aged and poor, the relief of public
calamities, the care of the sick, and other public
needs.

12. If a district does not possess sufficient capital to develop
its natural resources or industries and commerce on a
large scale and must seek the aid of outside capital,
the Central Government should give the necessary
financial assistance and the profits accruing therefrom
shall be equally divided between the Central and the
Locial governments.

13. The contribution of the districts toward the expenditure
of the Central Government shall be a certain per-
centage on their revenu,e. The percentage shall be
fixed annually by the People's Representatives, and
shall not exceed 50 per cent., nor be less than 10 per
cent, of the total receipts.

14. After self government has been established, the people
in each district shall be entitled to elect a representa-
tive for the formation of an assembly to participate in
the political affairs of the nation.

15. All officials, to be elected or appointed locally or by
the Central Government shall be required to pass an
examination to be held by the Central Government
before they are qualified for their positions.

16. As soon as all the districts within a province are fully
self-governing, constitutional government in that pro-

36 De. SUxV Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements

; vince shall begin and the assembly of the People's
, , Representatives may elect a provincial chief officer to
supervise the administration of the self-government of
the province. As regards the national affairs of the
province, the provincial chief officer shall be subject to
the guidance of the Central Government.
17. During the period of constitutional government, the
powers of the Central Government and those of the
provinces shall be evenly distributed. Affairs of a
national character shall be reserved for the Central
Government and those of a local character shall be
reserved for the districts. The system is neither a
centralization nor a decentralization.

18/ The "hsien" is the unit of self-government. The
province links up and provides means of co-operation
between the Central Government and the Local
Governments of the districts.

19. At the beginning of constitutional government, the
Central Go /eminent should complete tiie establishment
of five "yuans" for the exercise of the five-powers, the
order being as follows : (1) Executive Yuan, (2)
Legislative Y'uan, (3) Judicial Yuan, (4) Examination
Yuan and (5) Control Y^uan.

20. The Executive Yuan shall at the outset consist of the
following ministries : (1) Ministry of the Interior,
(2) Ministry of Foreign i\ffairs, (3) Ministry of
Military Affairs, (4) Ministry of Finance, (5) Ministry
of Agriculture and Mines, (6) Ministry of Industry,
Commerce and Labour, (7) Ministry of Education,
and (8) Ministry of Communications.

21. Before the promulgation of the constitution, the pre-
sidents of all the "yu,ans" shall be appointed or dis-
missed by the President, who shall supervise them.

22. The draft constitution shall be based on the Programme
of National Reconstruction as well as the experiences
gained during the periods of Political Tutelage and
Constitutional Government, and shall be drawn up by
the Legislative Yuan through wdiich it shall be made

Programme of National Reconstruction 87

known to the people in order that when the time
arrives it will be deliberated and adopted.
23. When more than half of the provinces in the country
have reached the Constitutional Government stage, i.e.
more than half of the provinces have local self govern-
ments fully established in all the districts there shall
be a National Congress to decide on the adoption and
promulgation of the Constitution.

"24. As soon as the constitution is promulgated, the ad-
ministration of the Central Government shall be vested
in the National Congress. In other words, the National
Congress has the power to elect and recall officials of
the Central Government and to initiate laws and veto
laws promujgated by the Central Government.

25. On the day of the promulgation of the Constitution,
con^ititutional government shall be considered as
having been fully established and the people
throughout the country shall hold a national election
according to the constitution. Three months after the
election, the National Government shall resign and
hand over its functions to a government elected by the
people, and the programme of national reconstruction
w^ill thus be accomplished.

(Signed) SUN WEN.
12th day of 4th month of 13th year of the Republic.

38 Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achi cvements

MANIFESTO OF THE FIRST NATIONAL

CONGRESS OF THE KUOMINTANG

(PASSED DURING 1924).

The Present Condition of China.

The Chinese Revolution had its inception after the
Sino- Japanese War was brought to a head in 1900, and
achieved its success in 1911, by which the Monarchical
Government was eventually over-thrown. But a revolution
cannot arise all of a sudden. Since the occupation of China
by the Manchus there reigned in the hearts of the Chinese
race the feeling of injustice for a long time. After the
country was thrown open to international commerce, foreign
imperialism came like an angry tide. Armed plundering
and economic pressure reduced the country to a semi-colonial
status, and caused her to lose her independence. The
Manchu Government not only possessed no ability to repulse
foreign invasion, but also persisted in an increasing degree
in the policy of subjugating the "slaves" at home, thereby
courting favour with the foreign Powers. Under the leader-
ship of Dr. Sun Yat-sen, the founder of the Kuomintang,
the comrades of our party have realized that unless the
Manchu Government was overthrown there would be no
hope for the reconstruction of China. Therefore they rose
valiantly to be the vanguard of the people and proceeded
with great rapidity until 1911, when the task of overthrow-
ing the Manchu Government was at last achieved. But it
is clear that the aim of the Revolution was not confined to
the overthrow of the Manchus, but that with their over-
throw we shall be able to undertake the work of reconstruc-
tion. According to the circumstances then obtaining we
ought to be able : — in the racial aspect to proceed from the
dictatorship to the system of popular sovereignty ; and in
the economic aspect, to proceed from handicraft production

Manifesto of the First National Congress 39

to capitalistic production. Proceeding in this way it can-
not fail to change the semi-colonial China into an in-
dependent China, standing proudly in the world.

But the realities of that time were indeed contrary to
our expectations. Although it was said that the Revolution
had succeeded, what the revolutionary Government was
able to effectively express was only the principle of racial
emancipation. And in what a short time it was compelled
by circumstances to compromise with the reactionary class
of absolutism ! Such compromise is indirectly a concession
to imperialism, and was the basic reason for the first defeat
of the Revolution. The representative of the reactionary
class of absolutism at that time was Yuan Shih-kai. The
Power that he possessed was not strong. But the fact that
the revolutionary comrades were not able to crush him was
due to their earnest desire to avoid a prolongation of the
civil war in the country as well as to the lack of a party
that possessed organization and discipline and understood
its own mission and aims. Were such a party in existence,
it would be able to defeat the plot of Yuan Shih-kai and
achieve success. The leaders of the northern militarists
were always conspiring with the imperialists, and all the
reactionary classes of absolutism, su,ch as the militarists and
the politicians, depended upon them for their livelihood."
Since the revolutionary comrades had consigned the political
power to them, it was small wonder that defeat was the
outcome.

The death of l^uan Shih-kai did not change the fortune
of the Revolution — in fact, it went from one defeat to
another. The result was that the militarists of the country
were able to play the part of executioners and the people
the victims. Any political reconstruction based on the
principle of popular sovereignty was out of the question.
Furthermore, the fact that the militarists were not able to
live independently drove them to establish connections with
the imperialists, one and all. Even the so-called Govern-
ment of the Republic was under the thumb of the militarists,
and they utilized it to court favour with the imperialists so
as to strengthen their own positions. The imperialists in

40 Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements

their turn utilized them, furnishing them with loans to fill
their war chests so that the civil war is prolonged, and the
imperialists were able tO' fish in the troubled w^aters and
carve out the country's vital interests into spheres of in-
fluence. From this point of view, it is clear that the
internal warfare of China is conferring advantages on the
imperialists. The imperialists in their conflicts of interests
again sought the support of the militarists, to kill the people
for their own interests. In addition, the chaotic condition
of the country acted as a check on the development of the
internal industries of the country, giving the foreign goods
added opportunities to reign supreme in the market. So the
Chinese industries cannot even compete with foreign
capitalists on the home market. The cruelty of such a
catastrophe is that not only our political life but also our
economic life will be exterminated. Glancing around the
country, it will be seen that the middle class, after the re-
peated reverses of the Revolution, is suffering increasing
hardships. The small merchants are becoming bankrupt ;
the small handicraft workers are losing their work,
degenerating intO' vagrants and bandits; and then farmers,
unable to till their own land, are selling out at cheap prices,
as the cost of living is becoming dearer and the taxes are
becoming heavier. Such conditions of desolation are found
on every hand. What can be said of these conditions except
that they are signs of desperation ?

From this point of view, the condition of the country
since the Revolution of 1911 had not only not progressed,
but, on the contrary, it has retrogressed. The reign of
arbitrary power of the militarists and the invasions of the
imperialists are getting worse every day, causing her to
siiik deeper into the hell of a semi-colonial status. This
condition is what makes the people of the whole country
indignant and the thinking men of the country restless until
a way out is found.

What is, then, the way out? Regarding this, every
party in the country and every man, and even foreign
residents, entertained different opinions. They may be

Manifesto of the First National Congress 41!

grouped in the following categories, with our criticism
attaclied.

First, there is the constitutional school of opinion.
According to this group of men, China s trou.ble lies in the
lack of law. If the country can be united under a con-
stitution, then the chaotic condition will be remedied. The
trouble with this school is that they forget that the effective-
ness of a constitution is conditioned on the support of the
people. Without such support, a constitution alone in black
and white will not be able to guarantee the sovereignty of
the people against the attacks of the militarists. We had
indeed the Provisional Constitution since the first year of
the Republic, bu.t even then the militarists and the politi-
cians representing the remnants of absolutism usurped power
and were able to institute a reign of crime. So long as
these people are in existence, there will be no use for the
constitution. In that case the constitution is but waste
paper, and what good will it do to the sovereignty of the
people ? One has not forgotten that Tsao Kuan was able to
bribe himself into power only under the shadow of a con-
stitution ; but what he did was entirely contrary to the
constitution. Therefore the pre-requisite question of the
establishment of a constitution was whether the people were
able to guard it. There is no use putting the cart before
the horse. What is more, if the people are not organized,
the presence of a constitution will not mean that they will
be able to use it ; and in such a case , even if there is na
militarist to attack it, it will remain a dead letter only. So
the fault with this school is that they only know that a
constitution is what is wanted without thinking what is the
means of supporting and putting it into practice. This
school is therefore without the organization, the means,
and the courage to fight for a constitution. In conclusion,
it is certain that the establishment of a constitution will
not come until the power of the militarists and imperialists
is overthrown.

Secondly, there is the federal school of opinion.
x\ccording to this school, the chaotic phenomenon of the

42 Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements

country is due to the over-centralization of power in the
hands of the central government, and therefore, it must
■divide the power among the provincial governments. When
local self-government is established, the central government
will be powerless to do wrong. This school forgets that
the power of Peking to-day is not conferred by the people
under any law, but is snatched by the big militarists. The
big militarists used their armed power to capture the
central government, and in turn utilized it to expand their
armed power. The suggestion of this school amou.nts to
this much, that the power of the small militarists
of the provinces shall be utilized to curtail the
power of the central government, leaving the big
militarists in control of it to perpetrate crimes. Where
is the logic in this reasoning ? The inevitable result will be
that the small militarists will be enabled to establish their
governments in the provinces side by side with the big
militarists, each for his own benefit, and the country will
thus be in a partitioned state. This state of affairs is not
characterized by any order or government. It is true that
real self-government is the highest good and answers the
demands and the spirit of our people. But such real self-
government cannot be achieved until the country as a
whole has achieved its independence. Now% China as
a whole has not secured its independence, and it would be
impossible to secure first the independence of any of its
parts. Therefore, struggle for self-government cannot
proceed independently from the struggle of the movement
for national independence. Only w^ithin a free China can
there be free provinces. The political, economic, and
social problems within a province are only soluble within
the scope of the whole country. Therefore, the realization
of real self-government of the provinces will only be
possible after the success of the interests of the revolution
of the whole country. We recommend this analysis to the
consideration of the whole country.

Thirdly, there is the school of opinion favouring
peace conferences. The country has suffered long from

Manifesto of The First National Congress 43

the civil war, and suggestions of holding peace conferences
came as a natural result. These suggestions are not
confined to the Chinese, but there are foreigners also. If
we can achieve peace in this way, nothing can be better.
But the trouble is that these suggestions defeat their own
purposes. Let us see why. The civil war is created
directly by the competing militarists. In seeking their
own interests these militarists stand in absolute opposition
to one another, and there was no ground for any com-
promise. Even if there were, it would not amount to
more than the compromise between the interests of the
militarists, and it had nothing to do with the interests of
the people. It would be a union of the militarists and not
the union of the country, and what will it bring to the
people ? The result of such peace conferences will in no
way be different from the results of the peace conferences
of Europe, where the peace of the small nation is sacrificed
to the competing interests of the big Powers. The fact
that China was not able to get unity was due to the
interests of these Powers. If one knows the impossibility
of peace, but entertains the illusion that the parties to this
struggle will seek a sort of equilibrium and avoid conflict,
thereby securing a temporary truce, it would be entirely a
dream. The reason is that in fact there is no power to
prevent one militarists attacking another; and since all
militarists possess mercenary troops, the inevitable result
is plundering and war. It is, of course, easier to plunder
other provinces than to plunder one's own province.

Fourthly, there is the school of opinion advocating
government by the merchant class. The originator of this
opinion viewed the trouble as arising from the militarists
and politicians, and therefore, the capitalists ought to rise
to take their place. But if militarists and politicians
incurred the hatred of the people, due do the fact that
they do not represent the people, we must ask in the first
place, can the merchants represent the interests of the
masses of the people? In the second place, we must know
that the militarist government incurred the increasing

44: Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements

hatred of the people because it depended on the protection
of the foreign Powers. The merchant government will
also be under the protection of the foreign Powers, and
in that case it is nothing different from the militarist
government. iVlthough one cannot be opposed to a
merchant government as such, our demand is that the
masses of the people will organize the government them-
selves, to represent the interests of the whole people, and
not confine it to those of the merchant class. And that
government must be one w^hich is independent and does
not seek the help of others. It must depend on the will of
the whole of the masses of the people.

A brief survey of the above currents of thought has
shown that some of them proceeded from a sincere desire
to save the countr}\ but result only in chimeras, while
others are the outcome of malicious criticism lacking in all
sincerity.

The Kuomintang is always of the opinion that the only
way out for China is to realize the Three Principles through
the Nationalist Revolution. Reviewing the present situation
of China, we are more confirmed in our view that the
Nationalist Revolution cannot be delayed. We therefore
submit to the people of the whole country a detailed
presentation of the principles and the politicial platform of
the Kuomintang.

45

A PLAN FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF
CHINESE INDUSTRY.

(By Dr. Sun Yatsen).

It is calculated that in the last year of the world war
the daily expenditure of the Viarious warring peoples
amounted roughly to 240 millions of dollars (gold;. Let
us assume that, with the exercise of the greatest care, only
half this sum was spent on military fortifications and other
military requirements. This will mean an expenditure of
about 120 million gold dollars. If we look at these military
expenses from the commercial standpoint, we see tlie
following picture. The battlefields were the markets for
war industry, and the soldiers were the consumers. The
war swallowed up everything. Nearly the whole of world
industry was militarised. In order to increase the produc-
tion of munitions, the people of the warring and even of
neutral countries were forced to content themselves with
the most limited necessaries of life, and to give up, not only
articles of luxury, but also their everyday comforts.

Now the war is over, and the market for war industry
has closed — let us hope, for ever. To-day the world is
facec" with the problem of how to organise the post-war
economy of Europe. Above we noted that 120 million dol-
lars daily were spent on military supplies. Let us assunie
that the restoration of European economy will require half
tliis sum, i.e. 60 million dollars: this still leaves us the
balance of 60 nillion dollars daily, which might be utilised
for other requirements.

Furthermore, millions of soldiers, who during the war
were only consumers, will now once again become a pro-
ductive force. There has also taken place a concentration
and nationalisation of industry w^hich I would call the

46 Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements

second industrial revolution, and the magnitude of which
is much greater than that of the first industrial
revohition, in which handcrafts were replaced by
machine production. The second industrial revolution

will increase the productivity of the worker many
times more than the first. Consequently, the concentra-
tion and nationalisation of indtistry on account of the world
war will in the future complicate the restoration of post-
war industry. Image : a new commerce, created by the
war and amounting to 60 million dollars a day or 21 mil-
liard, 900 million dollars a year, must stop as soon as peace
is signed. Where in the world can Europe and America
find a market to dispose of these enormous supplies remain-
ing after the war ? If these milliards of dollars invested in
war industries find no outlet in peace conditions, the world
will be faced with an economic crisis. This will not only
disturb economic conditions in Europe and America, bufc
will inflict grave damage on world economy.

The commercial countries of the whole world look on
China as a "dumping ground" for their surplus production.
Pre-war trade conditions were unfavourable for China.
The excess of imports over exports amounted to about 100
million dollars (gold) yearly. The Chinese market could
not extend very much in these conditions, since this would
have led to the pumping of gold out of China, and would
have been profitable only for the foreign countries trading
with China. Fortunately, the natural wealth of China is
very great, its opening up would create an unlimited market
for the whole world, and it could usefully absorb a great
part, if not all, of the milliards of dollars remaining in war-
time industry.

China is a country in which hand labour still prevails,
and which has not yet entered the first stage of industrial
evolution, while Europe anid. America have already reached
the second. Therefore China has to begin both periods of
industrial evolution at the same time, applying machinery
simultaneously with the principle of the nationalisation of
industry. In this event China will require machinery for

The Development of Chinese Industry 47

her widespread agriculture; technical equipment for her
rich mines, machinery for her innumerable und'ertakings of
all kinds, for her extensive transport systems, and for all
her social needs. How can this new demand for modem
machinery affect the reorganisation of war-time industry in
Europe and America? The factories which turned out
guns can easily be transformed into factories manufactur-
ing steamrollers for bujlding roads in China. Shops which
produced tanks can now make rolling platforms for trans-
porting raw material® from every part of China. All forms
of war machinery can be turned into peace-time imple-
ments for the general development of the natural wealth of
China. The Chinese people will welcome the opening-up
of the riches of our country, providing China is protected
againsf the corrupting influence of the mandarins and will
have a guarantee of normal intercourse with foreign states.

Some nations of Europe and America may fear that
the development of military technique, military organisa-
tion, and industrialisation generally will create undesirable
competition for foreign industry. I therefore propose a plan
for the organisation of a new market in China, sufficiently
extensive both to develop China's productive forces and to
absorb the industrial capacity of the foreign Powers. The
plan I propose is as follows :

1. The development of systems of communication :

(a) 100,000 miles of railways.

(b) 1,000,000 miles of roads.

(c) Improvement of existing canals :

(i) Hangchow- Tientsin,
(ii) Sinkiang-Yangtse.

(d) Construction of new canals :

(i) Liaoyang-Shanghai-kwan.
(ii) Canals to be planned.

(e) Organisation of China's river system :

(i) Clearing and deepening the bed of
the river Yangtse, from Hankow to
the sea, in order to permit of ocean-
going vessels reaching Hankow.

48 De. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements

(ii) Clearing and deepening the bed of the
river Hwangho, to prevent flooding,
(iii) Clearing the Hsikiang.
(iv) Clearing the Hwaiho.
(v) Clearing other rivers,
(f) Construction of long-distance telegraph and
telephone lines, and also .organisation of
wireless telegraph stations.

2. The organisation and development of conimercial

harbours :

(a) The organisation of three large-scale ocean
ports, capable of equalling New York in the
future, in the north, centre and south of
China.

(b) Construction of commercial and fishing
harbours along the entire coast.

(c) Construction of commercial docks alono all
navigable rivers.

3. The building of modern cities, with social con-
veniences of all kimdls, near all railway centres,
principal statioius, and harbours.

4. Utilisation of China's waterways.

5. Erection of iron and steel works on the largest
scale, and also of cement works to meet building
requirements.

6. Development of China's mineral wealth.

7. Development of agriculture.

8. Irrigation work in Mongolia and Chinese ^Tur-
kestan.

9. Forestry work in central and northern China.

10. The colonisation of Manchuria, Mongolia, Sin-
kiang, Koko-nor and Tibet.

If the above programme is gradually carried out, China
wdll become, not a mere "dumping-ground" for foreign
goods, but a real "economic ocean," capable of absoHjing
all the surplus capital of the world as rapidly as the indus-
trial countries can produce, in the coming era of the second

The Development of Chinese Industry 49

industrial revolution based on nationalised machine indus-
try. This will eliminate the struggle of commercial com-
X^etition, not only in China, but throughout the world.

The world war showed mankind that war is destructive
both for the victor and for the vanquished, but it is most
harmful of all for the attacker. This applies to economic
warfare as well as war by force of arms. The American
President, Wilson, has proposed the formation of a League
of Nations to prevent future wars ; I want to propose the
cessation of commercial war by co-operation and mutual aid
in the development of China. This will eliminate the chief
cause of all future wars.

If my proposal is acceptable to the Powers possessing
capital, 1 shall present further details.

The development of America as an industrial and com-
iiiercial nation has conferred many benefits on the v^hole
world. The development of China with its 400 million people
will create another New World in the economic sense. The
nations who take part in the development of China will reap
vast benefits. Moreover, international economic co-opera-
tion can only assist the strengthening of the ties of friend-
ship between the peoples. Finally, I am certain that in the
loiig run, China will be a foundation stone of the League of
Nations.

For the successful fulfilment of this plan, I propose the
following three essential steps. First, that a Board of the
Powers supplying capital be organised by agreement, in order
to act together and to create an international organisation
with its military organisers, its administrators and its ex-
perts in various spheres, to work out plans and standardise
materials, thus avoiding trouble and facilitating the works
proposed. Secondly, it is essential that the confidence of
the Chinese people be secured, in order to serve as a basis
for co-operation and for popular support in every way. If
these two steps are taken, the third step will be the open-
ing of official negotiations for the conclusion of a final agree-
ment with the Chinese Government relative to the plan put
forward.

50 Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements

Finally, the last but most important condition is to
prevent the repetition of former mistakes. In 1913 the for-
eign bankers treated the wishes of the Chinese jDeople with
contempt : they thoHght that they could settle everything
with the Chinese Government alone. But it turned out
that the treaties which they concluded with the Govern-
ment, with the help of great bribes, were later refused re-
cognition by the Chinese people. If the foreign banks had
chosen a safer road, and had first of all secured the con-
fidence of the Chinese people, and then had begun to nego-
tiate treaties, they would have been more successful.

51

CHINA'S INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT.

(By Dr. Sun Yatsen).

Jji_my Tni^rnational Development Scheme, I venture
to^present a pr;ictical sol u lion t'of the three great world
questions, which aie : the international War, the
Commercial \\ ar and the Class War. As it has been
discovered by post-Darwin philosophers that the primary
force of human evolution is co-operation and not struggle
as that of the animal world, so the fighting nature, a
residue of the animal instinct in man, must be eliminated
from man, the sooner the better.

International war is nothing more than pure and
simple organized robbery on a grand scale, which all
right-minded people deplore. W'hen the United States of
America turned the recent European conflict into a world
war by taking part in it, the American people to a man
determined to make this war end war forever. And the
hope of the peace-loving nations in the world was raised
so high that we Chinese thought that the "Tatung" or the
Great Harmony Age was at hand. But unfortunately, the
United States has completely failed in peace, in spite of
her great success in war. Thus, the world has been
thrown back to the pre-war condition again. The
scrambling for territories, the struggle for food, and the
fighting for raw materials will begin anew\ So instead of
disarmament there is going to be a greater increase in the
armies and navies of the once allied powers for the next
war. China, the most rich and populous country in the
world, will be the prize. Some years ago there was great
inclination among the'^owers to divide China and Impeiial
Russia actually took-steps to colonize Manchuria. But the
then chivalrous Japan went to war with Russia and thus

52 Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements

saved Ciiina from partition. Now tiie militaristic policy
of Japan is to swallow China alone. So long as China i-
leftJo the^t£iider„mfaii}^._of the militaristic powers she must
eithiej;„, succumb to partition by several powders or be
sw^ljowed up bx.^nfi_-P.ower .

However, the tide of the w^orld seems to be turning.
After centuries of sou,nd shmiber, the Chinese people at
last are waking up and realizing that we must get up and
follow in the world's progress. Now we are at the parting
of the ways. Shall we__ organize for war or shall we
organize forjpeace ? Our militarists and reactionaries Hesire
the forrner, and they are going to Japanize China, so that
when the time comes they will start another Boxer
Movement once more to defy the civilized w^orld. But as
the founder of the Chung Hwa Min Kuo — the Chinese
Republic — I_desire to have China organized for peace. I
therefore, begin to utilize my pen, which I hope will prove
even mightier than the sword that I used to destroy
the Mancliu Dynasty, to w^rite out these programs for
organizing China for peace.

During the course of my writings these programs have
been pu,blished in various magazines and newspapers time
after time and are being spread all over China. They are
welcomed everywhere and by everyone in the country. So
far there is not a word expressed in disfavour of my
proposition. The only anxiety ever expressed regarding
my scheme is w^here can we obtain such huge sums of
mojiev to carry out even a small part of this comprehensive
project. Fortunately, however; soon after the preliminary
part of my programs has been sent out to the different
governments and the Peace Conference, a new^ Consortium
was fonned in Paris for the purpose of assisting China in
developing her natural resources. This w^as initiated by
the American Government. Thus we need not fear the
laclwQf capital to start work in our industrial development.
If the Powers are sincere in their motive to co-operate for
mutual benefit, then the military struggle for material

China's International Development 53

gain in China could eventually be averted. For through
co-operation, they can secure more benefits and advantages
than through struggle. The Japanese militarists still tiiink
that war is the most profitable national pursuit, and their
General Staff keeps on planning a war once in a decade.
This Japanese illusion was encouraged and strengthened
by the campaign of 1894 against China, a cheap and short
one but rich in remuneration for Japan ; also by the
campaign of 1904 against Russia which was a great success
to the Japanese, and the fruit of its victory was not \em in
value ; finally by the campaign of 1914 against Germany
which formed Japan's part in the world war.
Although Japan took the smallest part in the world war
and expended the least in men and money, yet the fruit of
her victory was.„Shantung, a territory as large as Roumania
before the war, with a population as numerous as that of
Fn\nce. \Yith such crowning results in every war during
the last thirty years no wonder the Japanese militarists
tiiink that the most profitable business in this world is
War:'^^""^'

The effect of the last war in Europe proves, however,
just the contrary. An aggresive Germany lost entirely her
capital and interests, plus something more, while victorious
France gained practically nothing. Since China is awake
now, the next aggression from Japan will surely be met
by a resolute resistance from the Chinese peoj^le. Even
granted that Japan could conquer China, it would be an
impossibility for Japan to govern China profitably for any
period of time. The Japanese financiers possess better
foresight than their militarists as was proved during the
dispute of the Manchurian and the Mongolian reservations
when the former prevailed over the latter thus causing the
Japanese Government to give up her monopoly of these
territories to the new Consortium, in order to co-operate
with the other powers. We, the Chinese people, who
desire to organize China for peace will welcome heartily
this new Consortium provided it will carry out the
principles which are outlined in these programs. Thus,

54 Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements

co-operation of various nations can be secured and the
military struggle for individual and national gain will cease
forever.

^^ommercial war, or competition, i§_a struggle betw^een
the capitalists 'themselves. This war has no national
distinction. It is fought just as furiously and mercilessly
between countries as well as within the country. The
method of fighting is to undersell each other, in. order to
exhaust the weaker rfva's so that the victor may control
the markel alo^e and dictate terms to the consuming
public as long as possible. The result of the commercial
w3rn:s' no^less'^armful and cruel to the vanquished foes
than an armed conflict. This war has become more and
more furious every day since the adoption of machinery for
production. It was once thought by the economists of the
Adam Smith school that competition was a beneficent
factor and a sound economic system, but modern economists
discovered that it is a very wastefuPand ruinous system.
As a matter of fact, modern economic tendencies work in
a contrary direction, that is, towards concentration instead
of competition. That is the reason why the trusts in
America flourish " in spite of the anti-trust law and the
public opinion which aim at suppressing them. For trusts,
by eliminating waste and cutting down expenses can
produce much cheaper than individual producers. When-
ever a trust enters into a certain field of industry, it always
sweeps that field clean of rivals, by supplying cheap articles
to the public. This woujd prove a blessing to the public
but for the unfortunate fact that the trust is a private
concern, and its object is to make as much profit as
possible. As soon as all rivals are swept clean from the
field of competition, the trust would raise the price of its
articles as high as possible. Thus the public is oppressed
by it. The trust is a result of economic evolution, therefore
it is out of human power to suppress it. The proper
remedy is to have it owned by all the people of the
country. In my International Development Scheme, I
intend to turn all the national industries of China into a

China's International Development 55

Great Trust owned by the Cliinese people, and financed
witii interna tionar capifaT tor iiiutual benefii: — %lfe once
for all, commercial war wilt be done away in the largest
market of the world.

Class war is a struggle between hbor and capital. The
war is at present raging at its full height in all the highly
developed industrial countries. Labour feels sure of its final
victory wliile capitalists are determined to resist to the
bitter end. When will it end and what will be the
decision no one dares to predict. China, however, owing
to Jlie backwardness of her industrial development, which
is a blessing in disguise, in this respect, has not yet entered
into the class war. Our labouring class, commonly known
as coolies, are living from hand to mouth and will therefore
only be too glad to w^elcome any capitalist who would even
put u,p a sweat shop to exploit them. The capitalist is a
rare specimen in China and is only beginning to make his
appearance in the treaty ports.

However, China must develop her industries by all
means. Shall we follow the old path of western
civilization ? This old path resembles the sea route of
Columbus' first trip to America. He set out from Europe
by a southw^esterly direction through the Canary Islands to
San Salvador, in the Bahama Group. But nowadays
navigators take a different direction to America and find
that the destination can be reached by a distance many
times shorter. The path of western civilization was an
unknown one and those who went before gro}>ed in the
dark as Columbus did on his first voyage to America. As
a late comer, China can greatly profit in covering the ^pace
by ' following the direction already charted by western
pioneers. Thus we can foresee that the final goal of the
w^estward-ho in the Atlantic is not India but the New
World. So is the case in the economic ocean. The goal
of material civilization is no private profit but public
profit. And the shortest route to it is not competition but
co-operation. In my International Development Scheme,
I propose that the profits of this industrial development

66 Dk. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements

should go first to pay the interest and principal of foreign
capital invested in it ; second to give high wages to
labour ; and third to improve or extend the machinery of
production." Besides these provisions the rest of the profit
should go to the public in the form of reduced prices in all
commodities and public services. Thus, all will enjoy, in
the same degree, the fruits of modern civilization. This
industrial development scheme is a part of my general plan
for constructing a New China. In a nut-shell, it is my
idea to make capitalism create socialism in Ghiea so that
these two ecpnomic forces of human evolution will work
side bv side in civilisation of the future.

The Magnificent Mausoleum where the late Dr. Sun Yat-sen
will be laid to rest.

'"'

•

. •-^VfXf ""■■> -

■■ik^

H^H^^^'jfe

pMH

^^S

mm

w- "^JH^H

1

n

Back view of Dr. Sun's Mausoleum.

57

LE DR. SUN YATSEN,

Le Dr. Sun Yat-sen, Pere de la Republique chiuoise
populairement connii sous 1q nom du Washington de Chine,
a mene une vie de labeur penible, car il a toujours
ete expose au.x dangers a cause de ses activites revolution-
naires. Le Dr. Sun eet reconnu par le monde entier com-
me le chef de la Revolution le plus effectif et le plus actif
que la Chine ait jamais produit. Sa. vie a ete entierement
consacree a liberer la Chine des chaines des superstitions et
de la stagnation economique et a hater eon rel^vement au
niveau d'une puissance moderne.

Le grand chef de la revolution est ne dans la province
de Kwangtoung le 12 Novembre, 1866. A quatorze ans, il
alia a Honolulu, ou, il etudia a I'ecole des pasteurs anglais.
Diplome a cette ecole, il suivit le cours preparatoire de
rUniversite de St. Louis. Son retour a Hongkong et son
entree au Queen's College niarquerent le commencemeiit
de sa carriere revolutionnaire ; durant sa jeunesse, il etait
convaincu que la faiblesse de la Chine etait due a I'incapacitQ
et a la corruption des Mandchoux et il croyait que le
ineilleur moyen d'y remedier etait de travailler a leur «hute.
Apres son retour de Honolulu,, il evolua beaucoup, aussi
precha-t-il les principes de la revolution a ses compatriotes,
et sa devise en ce temps fut : "'La monarchic absolue ne
pent pas durer longtem])s." Ce principe est une sorte
de protestation contre le gouvernement arbitrair© du trone.
Bien que persuade que toute sa vie devait etre consacree
au salut de la Chine, il pensa qu'il fallait choisir une
profession, pou,r mieux cacher ses activites: il considera
alore la medecine comme un moyen capable de le diriger
vers I'arene politique; et cela parce que les Chinois
regardent tout raedecin comme indifferent a la politique.

58 Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements

il put ainsi faire de la propagande revolutionnaire sans trop
eveiller Tattention des autorites.

Au temps qu'il etudiait a I'ecole de medecine de Po-tsi
a Canton, il rencontra Tchen Sze-liang, qui plus tard devait
prendre une part preponderante dans ses activites
revolutionnaires ; entre eux ils iddscutaient les principes
revolutionnaires avec une passion incroyable. Apres une
annee d 'etudes a I'ecole de medecine de Canton, il trouva
que le college de medecine de Hongkong avait un plus large
programme, et ce fut pendant son sejour a Hongkong qu'il
reyut I'aide enthousiaste de Tchen Shoa-b.o, Yu Shao~vin et
Yang Ho-lin, et d'une autre personnalite de Shanghai, Liou
Hoa-toung. Ensemble, ils ne se plaisaient qu'a s'entretenir
sur les principes de la revolution. Aussi regurent-ils le
sobriquet de "Les quatre grands et inseparables compagnons
d'infortune." Leur ferme conviction que la Chine ne pent
etre sauvee que par la revolution, leur inspira de former
r Association Shing-Dchoung-Hwei.

SES ACTIVITES REVOLUTIONNAIRES

Apres la defaite de la Chine par les Japonais en 1894
il etait convaincu que la revolution etait le seul moyen de
sauver sa patrie de la destruction. La-dessus, il organisa
une attaque contre le Y^amen de Canton au mois d'Octobre
de 1895, mais cette attaque demeuja sans succes. Plus de
six cents pistolets furent saisis a bord d'un vaisseau par les
autorites, les camarades Lioi; Hoa-toung, Tchoeau Sze et
Tchu Kwei-chen furent executes, et 70 personnes furent
emprisonnees.

Les Mandchoux ordonnerent Tarrestation du Dr. Sun
qui s'enfuit a Hawaii puis en Amerique et de la en
Angleterre. Durant son sejour a I'etranger, il commen(^a
deja a precher a ses compatriotes la necessite de la revolution.
Le nationalisme n 'avait pas completement disparu parmi
les Chinois, bien qu'ils aient ete gou,vernes par les
Mandchoux vainqueurs pendant plus de deux siecles.
Cependant les lettres de la Dynastie des Ming propagerent

Ses Activites Revolutiunnaires 59

les idees nationalistes et formerent une societe secrete
appelees le Tong-Men-Hwei, Un grand nombre des
emigrants chinois en faisaient partie, c'est ainsi que le chef
revolutionnaire put trouver chez eux le soutien moral et
financier dont il avait besoin pour realiser la grande tache
et renverser les Mandchoux.

Le moment le plus dangereux pou,r lui fut celui ou il
s'echappa a la legation chinoise a Londres. II y fut garde
jusqu'a ce que son ancien ami, Sir James Cantlie, le libera.
Sa vie fut constamment exposee au danger. Un detective
le suivait partout ou il allait et il fut oblige de prendre toutes
sortes de deguisements.

Retourne au Japon en 1899 , il y loua u,ne maison aupres
du consulat chinois a Yamashita Cho. La il continua ses
activites jusqu'a la seconde revolution qu'il organisa aussitot
apres la destruction des rebelles "Boxers." II fit tout son
possible pour assurer le succes du, general Houang Shing et
de son ancien Camarade de olasse, Tcheng Sze-Iiang. Le
debut du mouvement fut heureux, mais il fut arrete un peu
plus tard par une cause imprevue, et ainsi la seconde
entreprise echoua par manque de provisions.

Apres cet essai sans succes, il retourna au
Japon. En 1903 il alia en Annam. Sous la
direction du general Houang Shing, les revolutionnaires
commencerent a dirioer leurs effectifs vers Tchao-Tcheou
mais ils furent defaits. Une autre entreprise fut dirigee
contre I'armee imperiale a Hwei-Tcheou, mais elle se
termina aussi par u,ne defaite. Nullement decourage par ces
revers du sort, le Dr. Sun se rendit en Europe ou il continua
sa propagande revolutionnaire parmi les etudiants. Revenu
en son pays en 1906, il s'efFor^a de s'assurer la fidelite de Ko
Jen-tchang et de Tchao Pai-shen, panegyristes de I'armee
imperiale. Un Japonais fut envoye au Japon dans le but
d'acheter des munitions et des provisions, mais par suite
d'une dispute au Qu,artier-General de Tokyo, les armees
n'arrivaient pas a temps, et les forces revolutionnaires furent
obligees de se retirer.

60 Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements

En 1907, le Dr. Sun dirigea personnellement ses
camarades dans une attaque centre Tchen-Nan-Kwan et le
captura. Le general Houang Shing reyut alors I'ordre
d'alier s'emparer des districts de Lien et de Tchien ; mais
fante de munitions, les forces du general Houang furent
obligees de se retirer. A la requete de Pekin, le Dr. Sun
fut chasse d'Annam par le gouvernement fran^ais et il alia
alors a Singapore. Pendant ce temps, Houang Ming-tang
dirigea avec succes une campagne a Ho-keou et put saisir
plus de 1,000 soldats de I'armee imperiale. Comme il.
fallait un chef capable, le Dr. Sun telegraphia au general
Houang Shing de se rendre immediatement sur les lieux.
Malheureusement, le general Hou.ang fut arrete par les
autorites francaises, et les huit entreprises se terminerent
par une defaite.

En 1909, le grand chef revolutionnaire alia en Amerique
pour y soUiciter le concours de ses compatriotes. Pendant
son sejour a I'etranger, ses camarades en Chine tenterent
de prendre d'assaut la ville de Canton, mais ils furent mis
en deroute. Le Dr. Sun se trouvait a San Francisco en ce
moment la. A cette nouvello il s'empressa de retourner en
Chine ou il convoqu,e une assemblee a Penang pour y
discuter les futures tactiques revolutionnaires. II retourna
ensuite en Amerique pour se procurer des fonds. Pendant
son absence, il y eut une autre tentative en vu,e de prendre
la province de Kwangtoung et cette entreprise echoua aussi.
Alors se place I'evenement connu sous le nom *de "martyrs
de Houang-Hoa-I\ang."

LA CHINE PROCLAMEE REPUBLIQUE

La deuxieme entreprise fut destinee a changer le cours
des evenements en Chine, car Wou-Han fut capture sans
aucune difficulte le 10 Octobre, 1911, et toutes les provinces,
les unes apres les autres se rallierent a la cause
revolutionnaire. Les Mandchoux furent enfin chasses du
trone et la Chine fut proclamee Republique. Aussitot
rentre d'Amerique le Dr. Sun fit elu ]^^ President de h,
Chine.

La Chine Proclamee Republique 61

Le Dr. Sun abdiqua en faveivf de Yuan Shih-kai, mais
ce geste fut une faute de sa part, car Yuan Shih-kai aspirait
secretement au trone. Aussitot apres sa nommination,
Yuen employa son influence pour faire assassiner Song
Tchao-jen, candidal du Kuomintang au poste de premier
ministre. Le second pas fut de detruire le Kuomintang
et de dissoudi*e le Parlement. Quand Yuan Shih-kai se fit
proclamer I'empereur, une nouvelle revolution !e chassa du
trone.

Par suite de la suppression du Kuomintang par Yuan
Shih-kai, le Dr. Sun fu,t oblige de se refugier au Japon.
Avec 1 'assistance du Dr. Wou Ting-fang, le Dr. Sun
recommenga son travail en etablissant un gouvernement a
Canton pour I'opposer au gouvernement de Pekin en 1917.
Le Dr. Sun fut nomme Commandant en chef de Tarmee
et de la marine, puis en 1921 il fut elu president du
gouvernement constitu.tionnel de Canton par une majorite
accablante. Apres son installation, il organisa une
expedition contre les militaristes du, nord, mais quand son
armee fut entree au Kwangsi, son homme de confiance
Tchen Tchiong-min, se revolta contre lui en 1922. !^^ais
en 1923 le Dr. Sun repoussa les forces ennemies et retablit
le gouvernement de Canton.

Pendant la seconde partie de I'annee 1924, les hostilites
recommencerent entre le Fengtien et le Tchili, le Dr. Sun
ne perdit pas un instant et se hata de mobiliser ses forces
pour une expedition contre le nord. Apres le renversement
de Tsao Knn, les chefs du Kuomintang inviterent le Dr.
Sun a se rendre dans le Nord pour y tenir une conference.
Le "Pere de la Eepublique chinoise" arriva a Tientsin le
4 Decembre, et y tomba malade, mais il s'efforga d'arriver
a Pekin la veille du nouvel an. II fut transporte a
rhopital "Union de Pekin" ou il fut opere, malgre les
efforts tentes pour sauver sa vie, mais ce fut
malheureusement en vain, il mourut le 12 Mars, 1925
Les demieres paroles prononcees sur son lit de mort furent
"Paix-Lutte-Sauver la Chine."

62 Dii. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements

Bien qu'il ne soit pas vivant poiu" assister au triomphe
de son ideal pour lequel il a lutte pendant les derniers
qiiarante ans de sa vie, son esprit et son enthousiasme
restent toujours parmi ses partisans, qui ont fait de leur
mieux pour atteindre son but et realiser ses aspirations.
x\ujourd'hui, la grande majorite de ceux qu,i furent jadis
ses adversaires les plus recalcitrants deviennent les
protecteurs de son ideal et s'appliquent ainsi a observer
ses trois principes qui sont le Nationalisme, la Democratie
et la Subsistance du peuple. Le Gouvernement National
agit consciencieusement suivant les conseils du Dr. Sun
pour etablir le systeme des cinq pouvoirs: execu,tif,
judiciaire, legislatif, controle et examinatif. Depuis la
periode de la tutelle politique jusqu'a celle de la
Constitution on doit apprendre a la masse les quatre droits
essentiels du peuple; le suffrage, le rappel, I'initiative et
la referendum.

63

PREFACE.

AUX PRINCIPES FONDAMENTAUX DE LA
RECONSTRUCTION NATIONALE.

Depuis la Eevolution de 1911 jusqu'a present, la
Republique chinoise n'existe que de nom. Les produits
nationaux n'ont pas encore pu mettre la China au rang
des Grandes Puissances mondiales. Le peuple n'a
reellement avance ni en politique ni en economiqu,e. Le
malheur que cause le demembrement devient de jour en
jour plus grave. Aussi, chercher la cause de tout cela et
en trouver le remede est tache la plus urgente de I'heure.

Le but de la Revolution est de mettre en pratique
les *Trois Principes du Peuple." Mais cette mise en
application des **Trois Principes de Peuple" doit etre
executee avec niethode et selon programme. Ces principes
peuvent influencer le peuple, mais ce dernier en saura-t-il
profiter? Tout depend de la fagon dont on applique la
methode et le programme. Je me suis aper^u de cette
necessite d 'avoir un programme conforme, aussi deja avant
la Revolution de 1911, d'un cote je mettais en application
les principes et de 1 'autre cote j'etudiais et reglementais le
programme ainsi que la methode d 'application. Le
programme de reconstruction se divise en trois etapes qui
sont: r- LA PERIODE DES OPERATIONS
MILITAIRES; 'I"" LA PERIODE DE LA TUTELLE
POLITIQUE et 3^ LA PERIODE DE LA
CONSTITUTION. Le programme doit etre execute
selon cet ordre afin de bien remplir la tache revolutionnaire.

Avant 1911, a chaque mouvement revolutionnaire, nous
declarions et expliquions au monde les principes "SAN

6i Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life akd Achievements

MIN" et le programme de reconstruction nationale et cela
dans le but de realiser une entente entre les partisans de la
Kevolution et le peuple.

Lorsqu'arriva I'annee 1911, la Eevo}u,tion, apres
quelques mois de combat, renversa la monarchie absolue
etablie depuis plus de quatre mille ans ainsi que le
Gouvernement arbitraire Mandchoux installe depuis plus
de deux cent soixante ans. La force destructive de la
Revolution de 1911 n'etait done pas des moins pu,issantevs.
Mais comment se fait-il que jusqua'a present les **Trois
Principles du Peuple" ne soient pas encore reellement
appliques? C'est parce que on n'a pas suivi le programme
anterieurement dresse' pour la reconstruction apres la
destruction. Car on ne pourrait pas aneantir les forces
ennemies de la Revolution, ni propager a la fou,le les
principes revolutionnaires pour obtenir sa sympathie et sa
croyance sans passer par la periode des operations militaires.
II en est de meme pour la periode de la tutelle politique.
Car la majorite du peuple, opprime depuis trop longtemps
et subitement arrache a I'oppression, ne sait pas encore
comment se mobiliser. S'il gardait son habitude de ne pas
remplir iso.i devoir il serait encore exploite et par la
se tournerait sans le savoir contre la Revolution. Le
premier tort est qu'on n'est pas alle jusqu'au fond de la
reconstruction revolutionnaire ; le second est qii.'on n'a pas
su faire progresser la reconstruction. Au temps de la
Revolution de 1911 on se pressait de reglementer la
Constitution provisoire, croyant avoir ainsi etabli la base
de la Eepublique ; mais le resultat obtenu etait justement le
contraire.

Apres 1 'application de la constitution provisoire, on
s'apercevait qu'elle fut sans resultat : I'existence d'une
constitution n'avait done plus de raison d'etre. On se
plaignait que celle-la n'etait pas parfaite et on se hatait
de reglementer une nouvelle pour remplacer la provisoire.
Le mal consiste en ce que le programme n'a pas ete
applique a la lettre; au lieu de commencer par la periode
des operations militaires puis celle de la tutelle politique

Preface Aux Principes Fondamentaux 65

et celle de la constitution, on commen^ait par la fin, c'est-a-
dire, par la periode constitutive.

Apres la promulgation de la constitution provisoire de
1911, les forces anti-revolutionnaires au lieu, d'etre aneanties
se trouvaient par contre agrandies avec I'appui de la
constitution elle-meme ; et, s'appuyant sur la constitution
elles Taneantissent. S'apercevant de la non importance et
de I'inopportunite de la constitution, la majorite du peuple
se montrait indifferente a sa destruction et, a plus forte
raison, a sa protection. C'etait parce qu'on ne suivait pas
le programme c'est pourquoi la constitution provisoire ne
prodaisait pas le resultat voulu. Apres 1911, il n'y avait
que la constitution provisoire qui soutenait la Republique.
Son resultat fut si mauvais, connnent voulez-vous quo la
discipline existe et les desordres ne s'en su,ivent ?

L 'opinion de noire (louvernement actuel est que la
Revolution ulterieure a ete faite non seulement pour la
destruction mais encore pour la reconstruction, pjir la
reglementation d'un programme determine. Et c'est cette
idee directrice qui dicte les 25 articles concernant les
principes fondamentaux de la reconstruction nationale. Ces
articles constituent desormais ]es directives de la Revolution.

Les articles 1 a 4 des principes fondamentaux de la
reconstruction nationale proclament les principes et la
substance de la Revolution elle-meme. Les articles qui
suivent 1 'article 5 servent a montrer la tactique et le
programme de la Revolution. Les articles 6 et 7 indiquent
que le but de la periode des operations militaires est de
supprimer toutes les forces anti-revolutionnaires et de
propager les principes de la Revolution. Les articles 8 a 18
indiquent que le but de la periode de la tutelle politique est
de diriger le peuple en entreprenant la reconstruction
revolutionnaire, prenant d'abord, pour cela, la prefecture
comme unite administrative autonome. Durant cette
periode on s'efforcera de supprimer I'ancien regime et
d'initier le nouveau, pour etablir la base des ix)uvoirs du
peuple. Et, de la prefecture on atteindra la province.
Ainsi autonomic administrative deviendra reellement

66 Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements

autonomie popiilaire, toiite differente (le celle qui en avait
pris le nom et qui n'etait qu'iine exploitation du peuple.
Apres la realisation de Tautonomie locale I'organisation
nationale s'en suivra elle-meme et sera perfectionnee. Le
peuple ponrrra alors participer a 1 'administration locale selon
la tntelle politique du pays. Les articles venant apres le 19^
indiquent dans quelles conditions et comment on devra
passer de la periode de la tutelle politique a la periode de
la constitution.

Pour conclure, disons que les principes fondamentaux
de la reconstruction nationale consistent a supprimer les
obstacles et a finir la reconstruction selon un programme
nettement defini sans au,cune modification.

Quand la Revolution est une destruction extraordinaire
elle doit etre suivie par une reconstruction extraordinaire.
Apres 12 ans de souffrance et d 'experiences, le peuple
pourra comprendre ce qu'est son droit et son bonheur. Hi
Ton pouvait agir selon les principes fondamentaux de la
reconstruction nationale, la periode des operations militaires
pourrait facilement supprimer tou,tes les forces opposees et
la periode de la tutelle politique pourrait realiser et souteair
le bonheur du peuple, bien qu'il ne soit pas encore en
periode d 'administration constitutive. Mais le droit et le
bonheur que le peuple pourrait ainsi obtenir vaudraient
beaucoup plus qu'une administration constitutive de nom
qui agirait, en arbitraire. ])e la periode de la tutelle
politique a la periode constitutive les chemins a suivre sont
tout a fait droits; il n'y aura aucune crainte d'echec.

Pour la Republique chinoise et pour le peuple chinois
rien n'est plus beau que rapplication des principes
fondamentaux de la reconstruction nationale. Notre
Gouvernement proclame solennellement qu'a partir
d'aujourd'hui la ou la force revolutionnaire est parvenue
et qui obeit a I'ordre gouvernemental doit considerer
rapplication des principes fondamentaux de la reconstruction
'nationale comme I'unique devoir.

Les articles ci-dessou,s constituent le programme de la
reconstruction nationale.

67

PRINCIPES FONDAMENTAUX POUR LA
RECONSTRUCTION NATIONALE.

1. Le programme du Gouvernement National pour la
reconstruction de la Chine est basee sur les "Trois Princii)es
du Peiiple" et "La Constitution" des cinq pouvoirs de la
revolution.

2. La subsistance du peuple est le probleme le plus
important de tous ceux qu,i regardent la reconstruction. En
prenant en consideration les questions de nourriture,
d'habillement, de logement, et les moyens de
communications et qui sont les quatre grandes necessites
du peuple, le gouvernement doit done cooperer avec ce
dernier pour developper 1 'agriculture et I'industrie textile
afin que le peui)le pu,isse se nourrir et s'habiler suffisament,
l)our batir en grande echelle les habitations de toutes sortes
afin qu'il ait le plaisir de se loger; et pour construire et
reparer les routes et les grands canaux afin qu'il ait la
facilite de circuler.

3. Le second probleme est le probleme de la
democratic. Le gouvernement doit instruire, guider le
|)euple et lui faire comprendre ce qui c'est que la politique
de fac^on qu'il puiese exercer son droit de vote, son droit de
revocation des fonctionnaires , son droit d 'initiative et son
droit de referendum.

4. Le troisieme probleme de la reconstruction est le
probleme du Nationalisme. A I'interieur, le gouvernement
doit done proteger et aider les petites minorites a prendre
conscience d'elles-memes et a se gouverner ; a I'exterieur, le
gouvernement se doit le devoir de se defendre contre les
agressions imperialistes. En meme temps, i1 doit reviser
tous les traites dcja conclus avec les divers etats etrangers
dans le bu.t d'arriver' a de justes ti'aites el d'obtenir
rindependence de notre pays selon I'equiHbre international.

68 Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements

5. La reconstruction comprend trois etapes :

(a) La Periode des Operations Militaires ;

(b) La Periode de la Tu^telle Politique ;

(c) La Periode Constitutionnelle,

6. Pendant la periode des operations militaires, toutes
les organisations sont entre les mains de 1 'administration
militaire. Le gouvernement supprime wfl;m mz/Z/anVz d'un
cote tons les obstacles a I'interieur et de 1 'autre cote le
gouvernement enonce les principes pour 1 'instruction
popujaire et 1' unification du pays.

7. Le jour de la stabilite complete d'une province,
c'est aussi le jour de commencement .de la periode de la
tutelle politique et celui de la fin de la periode des operations
militaires.

8. . Pendant la periode de la tutelle politique, le
gouvernement doit envoyer des personnes ayant regu de
I'instruction et passe des examens avec succes dans toutes
les prefectures pour aider le peu,ple a preparer son autonomic.
Le jour ou dans la prefecture I'enquete sur le chiffre de la
lx)pulation terminee, I'arpentage de terrains fini, la police
Men organisee, les routes toutes construit^s, le peuple ayant
rempli ses devoirs de citoyen et qui a jure d'appliquer les
principes revolutionnaires, pent elire le prefet pour
administrer la prefecture et les deputes pour legiferer, et
cette prefecture deviendra alors completement autonome.

9. Le citoyen de la prefecture completement
autonome, a droit d 'elire et de revoquer directement les
fonctionnaires, ainsi que le droit de legiferer et le droit de
referendum .

10. Chaque ])refecture, au commencement de son ere
au,tonome, doit reglementer au prealable la valeur de la
propriete fonci^re privee de toute la prefecture.
Le moyen consiste a ce que le proprietaire fasse
Ini-meme une declaration aux autorites locales. Le
gouvernement local taxe aloi's la propriete d'apres cette
declaiation et peut a tout moment faire son acquisition
suivant la valeur declaree. Si apres la declaration, l;i
valeur de la propriete augmente soit a cause de

La Reconsthuction Nationale 69

raiueJiomtion de la politique, eoit a cause de progres de
la societe, le surplus reviendra alors a la coinmunaute de
la population de toute la prefecture et non au proprietaire.

11. Le revenu annuel des terres, I'augmentation de
la valeur des proprietes, la production des terrains publics,
les produits des montagries, des forets, des lacs, des mines,
et des forces hydrauliques appartiennent au gouvernement
local qui en prolite pour entreprendre des travaiix publics
locaux ; elever les enfants pauvres, entretenir les vieillards,
aider les pauvres, secourir les calamites, guerir les malades
et pourvoir a tons les autres besoins publics.

12. Si les budgets locaux ne sont pas suffisants pour
developper les richesses naturelles et entreprendre des
travaux indu,striels et commerciaux de grande envergute,
le gouvernement central vieridra alors en aide. Les
revenns seront partages en parties egales entre le
gouvernement central et le gouvernement local.

13. Cliaque prefecture doit participer a la charge
financiere du gouvernement central et lui envoyer la
tantieme annuel pour ses depenses. Le montant ne
pou,vant etre inferieur au 10 per cent, et superieur a la moitie
du revenu annuel de la prefecture, sera fixe par les

.representants du peuple.

14. Chaque prefecture ou le gouvernement local
autonome une fois a ete etabli, a le droit d'elire un repre-
sentant du peuple pour organiser I'assemblee des repre-
sentants du peuple afin de participer a la politique du
governement central.

15. Tons les fonctionnaires et les candidats, soit du
gouvernement central, soit du gouvernement local, doivent
subir des examens et doivent etre controles par le gouverne-
ment central.

16. La periode de la constitution connnence le jour
ou tou,tes les })refectures de la province sont devennues
autonomes. L'assemblee des representants du peuple
pent alors elire un gouverneur civil ix>ur diriger Tautonomie
de la province. Quant aux affaires dependant de

70 Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life and Achievements

1 'administration nationale, le gouverneur de la province
doit obeir a I'ordre du gouvernement central.

17. Pendant cette periode, en ce qui concerne la
liniite entre le pou,voir central et le pouvoir local, il faut
adopter le systeme de I'equilibre des pouvoirs. Toutes les
affaires ayant le caractere national appartiennent an
gouvernement central, celles ayant le caractere local
appartiennent au gouvernement local. Ainsi, il n'y aura
ni exces de centralisation ni exces de decentralisation.

18. L 'unite de Tadministration autonome est la
prefecture. La province se place entre celle-ci et le
gouvernement central pour servir de liaison.

19. Au debut de la periode de la constitution, le
gouvernement central doit achever d'etablir les cinq Yuans
pour tacher d'exercer les cinq pouvoirs, a savoir : le Yuan
legislatif, le Yuan administratif, le Y^uan d'examen, le
Yuan judiciaire et le Y^uan de controle.

20. Le Yuan administratif etablit provisoirement
les ministeres suivants : 1^ le ministere de I'interieur, 2^
le ministere des affaires militaires, 3° le ministere des aff'aires
etrangeres, 4P le ministere de ragriculture et des mines.
6*^ le ministere du travail et du commerce, 7*-^ le ministere
de 1 'instruction publique, 8*^ le ministere de la-
communication.

21. Avant la promulgation de la Constitution, les
Presidents de Y^uans sont nommes et revoques par le
President de la Republique sous les ordres duquel ils sont.

22. Le i>rojet de la Constitution doit etre base sur le^
principes fondamentaux de la reconstrnction et les
resultats acquis pendant la periode de la tutelle politique
et celle de la Constitution et redige par le Yuan legislatif
qui a tout moment la porte a la connaissance du peuple
de fa9on qu'on puisse I'adopter et I'appliquer a temps
voulu.

23. Ijc jour oil plii,s de la moitie des provinces du
pays commencent la periode de la Constitution, ce qui
veut dire que chacune des provinces en question, est

La Eeconstruction Nationale 71

(levenniie aiitonome, alors on convoqiiera I'assemhlee
ties repieBentants dii penp)<? pour deciiler la promii,lgation
de la Constitution.

24. Apres la promulgation de la Constitution, la rene
du gouvernement central appartient a I'assemblee des
representants du peuple. Celle-ci a le droit d'elire et de
I'evoquer les fonctionnaires du gouvernement central, de
legiferer et de referendum.

25. Le jour de la promulgation de la Constitution
est au,ssi le jour du parachevement de la periode de la
Constitution. Selon la Constitution, tons les citoyens du
pays participent a la grand'e election. Le gouvernement
national se demettra de ses fonctions trois mois apres
I'elec'tion et passera la rene du gouvernement au gouverne-
ment elu par le peuple. L'oeuvre de la Reconstruction
doit etre ainsi accomplie.

(Sign^) SUN WEN.

12-ieme jour de 4-ieme mois de IS-ieme annee de
la Republique.